> A, c COMPLETE WORKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN ABRAHAM LINCOLN COMPLETE WORKS COMPRISING HIS SPEECHES, LETTERS, STATE PAPERS, AND MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS EDITED BY JOHN G. NICOLAY AND JOHN HAY VOLUME TWO fe a gw^ ji ^^^ * * NEW YORK THE CENTURY CO. 1902 • 9/ 1o Z- Copyright, 1894, by John G. Nicolat and John Hat. THE DEVINNB PRESS. COMPLETE WORKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN VOLUME TWO LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LIXCOLX March 4, 1861. — First Inaugural Address. Felloiv-citkens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as oki as the government itself, I appear before yon to address you l)rietly, and to take in your presence the oath preseril)ed l)y tlie Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President ''before he enters on the execution of his office." I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Repu))lican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endan- gered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such appre- hension. Indeed, the most ample e\T.dence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I belie^•e I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: Eesolrcd, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our politi- cal fabric depend, and we deuoimce the lawless invasion by anned force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most (conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered bv the now incoming Vol. IL— 1. Z LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consif tently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will h cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, fo whatever cause — as cheerfully to one section as to another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitive.-- from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly writte; . in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereol escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulatio. therein be discharged from such service or labor, but sliall be deliverei ' up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be duel . It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitivi slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to thi.^ provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, tha slaves whose cases come "wathin the terms of this clause "shall b( delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they woulc" make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath ? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surren- dered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be intro- duced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave ? And might it not be well at the same time to i)i'ovide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that " the citizen of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"? I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no piirpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hyper- critical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to con- form to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy- two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen differ- ent and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, admin- istered the executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally Avith great suc- cess. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under I LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 3 great and peculiar (lifficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now fonnidal)ly attempted. I liold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Consti- tution, the Union of these States is i)er})('tual. Perpetuity is im- plied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all ujitional governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a. provision in its organic law for its own termination. C-on- tiniu^ to execute all the <^xpress provisions of our National Consti- tution, and the Union will endure forever — it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. ... Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contrac^t, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it f One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak ; l)ut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it f Desceiuling from these general principles, we find the proposition that, in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 177(3. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should l)e perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And, finallv, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining and estal)lishing the Constituti(Ui was "to form a more perfect Union." But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawf ull.v get out of the Union ; that resolves and or- dinances to that effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, are insiu-rectionary or revolutionary, according to circum- stances. I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken ; and to the extent of my al)ility I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressl.y enjoins u])on me, that the laws of the Union be faithfidly executed in all the States. Do- ing this I deem to be oidy a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite nutans, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. In doing this there needs to l)e no bloodshed or "sdolence ; and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupv, aiul possess the pr<)i)ert.v and places belonging to the government, and to col- lect the duties and imjxjsts; but beyond what mav l)e necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against 4 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there mil be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. Wliile the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the at- tempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favoral)le to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best dis- cretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually exist- ing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak ? Before entering upon so grave a matter as the desti'uction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it ? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from — Avill you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied '? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the auda- city of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly wi-itten provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a mi- jiority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution — certainly would if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights ,of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by :affirmatious and negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the Con- ;stitutiou, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically appli- ,cal3le to every question which may occur in practical administra- ttion. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State au- thority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories 1 The Constitution does not ex- LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 5 pressly say. Must Congress protect slavery iu the Territories ? The Constitution does not expressly say. From (piestions of this class spring all our constitutional contro- versies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the niin(n*ity will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the govern- ment must cease. There is no other altei-native ; for continuing the government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such cast; will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will di\'ide and ruin them ; for a minority of their own will secede from them wlienover a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbi- trarity secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is tliere such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limita- tions, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossil^le ; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible ; so that, re- jecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court ; nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never l)ecome a pre- cedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the e^dls of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon \dtal questions affecting the whole people, is to be iirevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instiuit they are made, in ordinary liti- gation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases prop- erly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial disi>utc. The fugitive- 6 liETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN slave clause of tlie Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slavQ-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured ; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other ; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possil)le, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separa- tion than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and wiieu, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercom'se are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who in- habit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing govern- ment, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightfvd authority of the people over the whole sul)ject, to be exer- cised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than op- pose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems prefer- able, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting tliem to take or reject prop- ositions originated by others not especially chosen for the pur- pose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution — which amendment, however, I have not seen — has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruc- tion of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the sep- LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 7 aration of the States. The people themselves can do this also if tliey ehoose ; but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor. . Wliy should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people "i Is there any better or equal hop(^ in the world f In our present differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice mil surely i)revail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have Avisely given their public servants but little power for mischief ; and have, with equal wdsdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that ol)ject will be frustrated by taking time ; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution un- impaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriot- ism, Christianity, and a fii'ni reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difftculty. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to de- stroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to " preserve, protect, and defend it." I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. Tlie mystic chords of memory, stretchino; from every battle-field and patriot grave to every li\'ing heart and hearthstone all over tliis broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of oiu* natm-e. March 4, 1861. — Letter to Wm. H. Seward. Executive Mansion, March 4, 18G1. My dear Sir : Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your acceptance of my invitation to take charge of the State De- 8 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN partment, was duly received. It is the subject of tlie most pain- ful solicitude with me, and I feel constrained to beg that you will countermand the withdrawal. The public interest, I think, de- mands that you should; and my personal feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and answer by 9 A. M. to-morrow. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. Hon. William H. Seward. March 7, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. Executive Chajniber, March 7, 1861. 3Iy dear Sir : Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To whom the reply should be addressed — that is, by what title or style — 1 do not quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank. Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War Department, with General Scott's note upon it, which we had here yesterday ? I msh to examine the general's opinion, which I have not yet done. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. Hon. W. H. Seward. March 7, 1861. — Reply to the Diplomatic Corps. Mr. Figaniere and G-entlemen of the Diplomatic Body.- Please accept my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure to confii'm the confidence you so generously express in the friendly disposition of the United States, through me, toward the sovereigns and governments you respectively rep- resent. With equal satisfaction I accept the assurance you are pleased to give, that the same disposition is reciprocated by jouv sovereigns, yom* governments, and yourselves. Allow me to express the hope that these friendh' relations may remain undisturbed, and also my fervent wishes for the health and happiness of yourselves personally. March 8, 1861. — Letter to Schuyler Colfax. Executive Mansion, March 8, 1861. Hon. Schuyler Colfax. My dear Sir : Your letter of the 6tli has just been handed me by Mr. Baker, of Minnesota. When I said to you the other day that I \\dshed to write you a letter, I had reference, of course, to my not ha^'ing offered you a calnnet appointment. I meant to say, and now do say, you were most honorabty and amply recommended, and a tender of the appointment was not withheld, in any part, LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 9 because of anytliiiiji: liappeinii<>- in 18r)S.i Indeed, I sliould have decided as I did easier tliaii I did, liad that matter never existed. I had partly made np my mind in favor of Mr. Smith — not con- clusively, of course — before your name was mentioned in that connection. When you were brought forward I said, " Colfax is a young man, is already in position, is running a l)rilliant career, and is sure of a bright future in any event ; with Smith, it is now or never." I considered either abundantly competent, and decided on the ground I have stated. I now have to beg that you will not do me the injustice to suppose for a moment that I remember anything against you in malice. Yoiu's very truly, A. Lincoln. March 9, 1861. — Order to General Scott. Drafted by Presi- dent Lincoln and signed by the Secretary of War. War Department, March 9, 1861. Lieutexant-Gteneral Scott. 2Iy dear Sir : I am directed bj^ the President to say he desires you to exercise all jmssible vigilance for the maintenance of all the places within the military department of the United States, and to promptly call upon all the departments of the government for the means necessary to that end. [Simon Cajieron.] March 9, 1861. — Letter to General Scott. Executive Mansion, March 9, 1861. Lieutenant-General Scott. ]][}/ dear Sir : On the 5th instant I received from the Hon. Joseph Holt, the then faithful and \dgilant Secretary of War, a letter of that date, inclosing a letter and accompanying documents received by him on the 4th instant from Major Rol)ert Anderson, command- ing Fort Sumter, South Carolina; and copies of all which I now transmit. Immediately on receipt of them by me, I transmitted the whole to you for your consideration ; and the same day you returned the package to me with your opinion indorsed upon it, a copy of which opinion I now also transmit to you. Learning from you verbally that since then you have given the suliject a more full and thorough consideration, you will much oblige me b}' giving answers, in writing, to the folloAving interrogatories : (1) To what point of time can Major Anderson maintain his position at Fort Sumter, without fresh supplies or reinforcement f (2) Can you, with all the means now in your control, supply or reinforce Fort Sumter within that time ? ' The allusion here is to tlie fact that in the senatorial campaifrn of 1S58 in Illinois, betwei'u Lincoln and Douglas, Mr. Colfax was understood to favor the reelection of Doufflas. 10 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN (3) If uot, what amount of means, and of what description, in addition to that ah'eady at your control, would enable you to supply and reinforce that fortress within the time "? Please answer these, adding such statements, information, and counsel as your great skill and experience may suggest. Yoiu- obedient servant, A. Lincoln. March 11, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. ExECUTR^ Mansion, March 11, 1861. Hon. Secretary of State. My dear Sir: What think you of sending ministers at once as follows : Dayton to England ; Fremont to France ; Clay to Spain ; Corwin to Mexico 1 We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as possible. This is suggestion merely, and not dictation. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. March 13, 1861.— Letter to Esq. Executive Mansion, March 13, 1861. Ml/ dear Sir : You will start for Kansas before I see you again ; and when I saw you a moment this morning I forgot to ask you about some of the Kansas appointments, which I intended to do. If you care much about them, you can write, as I think I shall not make the appointments just yet. Yours in haste, A. Lincoln. March 13, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, March 13, 1861. Hon. W. H. Seward. Dear Sir : General Cameron desires that Jacob S. Haldeman may be appointed Minister Resident at Sweden and Norway ; and I am willing to oblige him, if you see no objection. Yom* obedient servant, A. Lincoln. March 14, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, March 14, 1861. Hon. W. H. Seward. Mif dear Sir: Allow me to introduce Mr. F. Hassaurek, one of our best German Republican workers in America, residing at Cin- cinnati, and of whose character you cannot be ignorant. Please give him an interview. Yoirrs truly, A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 11 March 15, 18G1. — Note asking Cabinet Opinions on Fort Sumter. Executive Mansion, March 15, 1861. The Honorable Secretary of War. Ml/ dear Sir : Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it ? Please give me your opinion in writing on this question. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. [Same to other members of the Cabinet.] Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Secretary of State. Department of State, Washington, 15th March, ISGl. The President submits to me the following question — namely : " Assum- ing it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circum- stances is it wise to attempt it *? " If it were possible to peacefully pro\'ision Fort Sumter, of course I shoiild answer that it woidd bo both unwise and inhuman not to attempt it. But the facts of the case are known to be that the attempt must be made with the employment of military and marine force, which would provoke combat, and probably initiate a civil war, which the govern- ment of the United States would be committed to maintain through aU changes to some definite conclusion. History must record that a sectional party practically constituting a ma- jority of the people of the fifteen slave States, excited to a high state of jealous apprehension for the safety of life and property, by impassioned, though groundless, appeals went into the late election with a predetermined purpose, if unsuccessful at the polls, to raise the standard of secession im- mediately afterward, and to separate the slave States, or so many of them as could be detached from the Union, and to organize them in a new, distinct, and independent Confederacy. That party was unsuccessful at the polls. In the frenzy which followed the announcement of their defeat, they put the machinery of the State legislatures and conventions into motion, and within the period of three months they have succeeded in obtaining ordinances of secession by which seven of the slave States have seceded and organized a new Confederacy under the name of the Confed- erate States of America. These States, finding a large number of the mints, custom-houses, forts, and arsenals of the United States situate within their limits, unoccupied, undefended, and virtually abandoned by the late administration, have seized and appropriated them to their own use, and under the same circumstances have seized and approjiriated to their own use large amounts of money and other public property of the United States, found within their hmits. The people of the other slave States, divided and balancing between sympathy with the seceding slave States and loyalty to the Union, have been intensely excited, but, at the present moment, indicate a disposition to adhere to the Union, if nothing extraordinary shall occur to renew excitement and produce ])opular exas- peration. This is the stage in this premeditated revolution at which we now stand. The opening of this painful controvei'sy at once raised the question whether it would be for the interest of the country to admit the projected dismemberment, with its consequent evils, or whether patriotism and hu- 12 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN manity require tliat it shall be prevented. As a citizen, my own decision on this subject was promptly made — namely, that the Union is inestimable and even indispensable to the welfare and liaj)piness of the whole coun- try, and to the best interests of mankind. As a statesman in the public service, I have not hesitated to assume that the Federal Government is committed to maintain, preserve, and defend the Union — peaceably if it can, forcibly if it must — to every extremity. Next to disunion itself, I regard civil war as the most disastrous and deplorable of national calami- ties, and as the most uncertain and fearful of all remedies for political disorders. I have, therefore, made it the study and labor of the hour, how to save the tJnion from dismemberment by peaceful policy and without civil war. Influenced by these sentiments, I have felt that it is exceedingly fortu- nate that, to a great extent, the Federal Government occupies, thus far, not an aggressive attitude, but practically a defensive one, while the necessity for action, if civil war is to be initiated, falls on those who seek to dismember and subvert this Union. It has seemed to me equally fortunate that the disunionists are abso- lutely without any justification for their rash and desperate designs. The administration of the government had been for a long time virtually in their own hands, and controlled and du'ected by themselves, when they began the work of revolution. They had, therefore, no other excuse than apprehensions of oppression from the new and adverse administration which was about to come into power. It seems to me, further, to be a matter of good fortune that the new and adverse administration must come in with both Houses of Congress con- taining majorities opposite to its policy, so that, even if it would, it could commit no wrong or injustice against the States which were being madly goaded into revolution. Under these circumstances, disunion could have no better basis to stand upon than a blind, unreasoning popular excite- ment, arising out of a simple and harmless disappointment in a Presiden- tial election. That excitement, if it should find no new aliment, must soon subside and leave disunion without any real support. On the other hand, I have believed firmly that evervAvhere, even in South Carolina, devotion to the Union is a profound and permanent national sentiment, which, although it may be su^Dpressed and silenced by terror for a time, could, if encouraged, be ultimately relied iipon to rally the people of the seceding States to reverse, upon due deliberation, aU the popular acts of legislatures and conventions by which they were hastily and violently committed to disunion. The policy of the time, therefore, has seemed to me to consist in con- ciliation, which should deny to disunionists any new provocation or ap- parent offense, Avliile it would enable the unionists in the slave States to maintain, with truth and with effect, that the claims and apprehensions put forth by the disunionists are groundless and false. I have not been ignoi-ant of the objection that the administration was elected through the activity of the Republican party, that it must con- tinue to deserve and retain the confidence of that party, while conciliation toward the slave States tends to demorahze the Republican party itself, on which party the main responsi">jility of maintaining the Union must rest. But it has seemed to me a sufficient answer, first, that the administration could not demoralize the Republican party without making some sacrifice of its essential principles when no such sacrifice is necessary or is anywhere authoritatively proposed ; and, secondly, if it be indeed true that pacifica- tion is necessary to prevent dismemberment of the Union and civil war, or either of them, no patriot and lover of humanity could hesitate to sur- render party for the higher interests of country and humanity. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 19 would of itself be of no practical value, as it is quite clear that Major Andt'rson, with his present inadequate force, could not long maintain the fort aaf.-iiiist the means of attack now concentrated there. As the attempt to supply the fort with provisions without the consent of the authorities of South Carolina would doul)tless induce an attack by them, the effect of such an attempt, whether successful or not, would be the early loss of the fort and the destruction or capture of jMajor Ander- son's command. It woukl therefore, in my judgment, be unwise to at- tempt to supply the fort with provisions, unless they were sent with such a force as would place beyond all doubt or contingency the success of the en- terprise, and also with such reinforcements of men as would insure a suc- cessful defense of tlie fort against any attack which could be made upon it. The occupation of Fort Sumter is not essential to the performance of any of the duties imposed upon the government. It cannot be used as a means of enforcing the laws, or of compelling the people of South Carolina to per- form the duties they owe to the Federal Government. Viewing the ques- tion only as a military one, I cannot doubt that it would be expedient to abandon a position which can only be held at a great expense of life and money, and which, when held, cannot be used as a means of aiding the government in the performance of its duties. But the most important question connected with this subject is one of a political character. The State of South Carolina is in open rebellion against the government. Her authorities have seized the public property, have wholly disregarded the laws of the United States, and have openly defied the government. If the evacuation of Fort Sumter could be justly regarded as a measure which would even by impHcation sanction the lawless acts of the author- ities of that State, or indicate an intention on the part of the govei'nment to surrender its constitutional authority over them, or if it could be re- garded as an acknowledgment by the government of its inability to enforce the laws, I should without hesitation advise that it should be held without regard to the sacrifices which its retention might impose. I do not be- lieve, however, that the abandomnent of the fort would imply such an acknowledgment on the part of the government. There are other means by which the power and the honor of the government may he vindicated, and which would, in my judgment, be much more effective to compel the people of South Carolina to render obedience to the laws, and which would at the same time avoid the sacrifice of life which must result iVom a conflict under the walls of the fort. The comniencement of a civil war would be a calamity greatly to be de- plored, and should be avoided if the just authority of the government may be maintained without it. If such a conflict should become inevitable, it is much better that it should commence by the resistance of the author- ities or the people of South Carolina to the legal action of the govern- ment in enforcing the laws of the United States. The public sentiment of the North would then be imited in the suppoi't of the government, and the whole power of the coimtry would be brought to its aid. If a conflict should be provoked by the attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter, a divided sentiment in the North would paralyze the arm of the govern- ment, while treason in the Southern States would be openly encouraged in the North. It is well known that this question has already l)een nnich discussed throughout the country, and that even among the friends of the administration, many of tliose Avho demand that the laws shall be enforced urge the propriety of the withdrawal of our troops froni Fort Sumter, be- lieving tliat the retention of that fort is not essential to the honor of the government, or its power to enforce the laws. 20 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN While the abandonment of the fort would doubtless to some extent create surprise and complaint, T believe that public sentiment would fully justify the action of the government when the reasons which prompt it shall be explained and understood. I therefore respectfully answer the inquiry of the President by saying that, in my opinion, it would not be wise under all the circumstances to attempt to provision Fort Sumter. I am, with respect, Your obedient servant, Caleb B. Smith. Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Postmaster- General. Post-Office Department, Washington, March 15, 1861. Sir: In reply to your interrogatory, whether in my opinion it is wise to provision Fort Sumter under present circumstances, I submit the follow- ing considerations in favor of provisioning that fort. The ambitious leaders of the late Democratic party have availed them- selves of the disappointment attendant upon defeat in the late presi- dential election to found a military government in the seceding States. To the connivance of the late administration it is due alone that this rebeUion has been enabled to attain its present proportions. It has grown by this complicity into the form ot an organized government in seven States, and up to this moment nothuig has been done to check its progress or prevent its being regarded either at home or abroad as a successful revolution. Every hour of acquiescence in this condition of things, and especially every new conquest made by the rebels, strengthens their hands at home and then- claims to recognition as an independent people abroad. It has been from the beginning, and still is, treated practically as a lawful proceeding, and the honest and Union-loving people in those States must by a continuance of this policy become reconciled to the new government, and, though founded in wrong, come to regard it as a rightful government. I, in common with all my associates in yoiu' council, agree that we must look to the people in these States for the overthrow of this rebellion, and that it is proper to exercise the powers of the Federal Government only so far as to maintain its authority to collect the revenue and maintain pos- session of the public property in the States, and that this should be done Avith as little bloodshed as possible. How is this to be carried into effect? That it is by measui'es that will inspire respect for the power of the gov- ernment, and the firmness of those who administer it, does not admit of debate. It is obvious that rebellion was checked in 1833 by the promptitude of the President in taking measures which made it manifest that it could not be attempted with impunity, and that it has grown to its present formida- ble proportions only because similar measures were not taken. The action of the President in 1833 inspired respect, whilst in 1860 the rebels were encoiu'aged by the contempt they felt for the incumbent of the presidency. But it was not alone upon Mr. Buchanan's weakness the rebels relied for success. They for the most part believe that tlie Northern men are deficient in the courage necessary to maintain the government. It is this prevalent error in the South which induces so large a portion of the peo- ple there to suspect the good faith of the people of the North, and enables the demagogues so successfully to inculcate the notion that the object of the Northern people is to abolish slavery, and make the negroes the equals of the whites. Doubting the manhood of Northern men, they discredit their disclaimers of this purpose to humiliate and injure them. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 21 Nothing would so surely gain credit for such disclaimers as the mani- festation of resolution on the part of the President to maintain the lawful authority of the nation. No men or people have so many difficulties as those whose firnmess is doubted. The evacuation of Fort Sumter, when it is known that it can be pro- \dsioned and manned, will convince the rebels that the administration lacks firmness, and will, therefore, tend more than any event that has happened to embolden them ; and so far from tending to prevent collision, will insure it imless all the other forts are evacuated, and all attempts ai*e given up to maintain the authority of tlie United States. Mr. Buchanan's policy has, I think, rendered coUision almost ine\T.tablc, and a continuance of that policy will not only bring it about, but will go far to produce a permanent division of the Union. This is manifestly the public judgment, which is much more to be relied on than that of any individual. I believe Fort Sumter may be pi'ovisioned and relieved by Captain Fox with little risk ; and General Scott's opinion, that with its war complement there is no force in South Carolina which can take it, renders it almost certain that it will not then be attempted. This would completely demoralize the rebellion. The impotent rage of the rebels, and the outburst of patriotic feehng which woidd foUow this achievement, would initiate a reactionary movement thi'oughout the South which would speedily overwhelm the traitors. No expense or care should, therefore, be spared to achieve this success. The appreciation of our stocks will pay for the most la%nsh outlay to make it one. Nor will the result be materially different to the nation if the attempt fails, and its gallant leader and followers are lost. It will in any event vindicate the hardy courage of the North, and the determination of the people and their President to maintain the authority of the government ; and this is all that is wanting, in my judgment, to restore it. You should give no thought for the commander and his comrades in this enterprise. They willingly take the hazard for the sake of the coun- try and the honor which, successful or not, they will receive from you and the lovers of free government in all lands. I am, sir, very respectfully, Youi" obedient servant. To THE President. M. Blair. Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Attorney -General. The President of the United States has i*equested my opinion, in writ- ing, upon the following question : "Assuming it to be possible to now pro\'ision Fort Sumter, under all the cii'cumstances is it wise to attempt it ? " This is not a question of lawful right or physical power, but of pru- dence and patriotism only. The i-ight is, in my mind, unquestionable, and I have no doubt at all that the government has the power and the means not only to provision the fort, but also, if the exigency required, to man it with its war complement of 050 men, so as to make it im- pregnable to any local force that could be brought against it. Assuming all this, we come back to the question, " Under all the circumstances, is it wise " now to provision the fort ? The wisdom of the act must be tested by the value of the object to be gained, and l)y the hazards to be encountered in the entei-prise. The ob- ject to be gained by the supply of provisiotis is not to strengihen the fortress so as to command the harbor and enforce the laws, but only to 22 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN prolong tlie labors and privations of the brave little garrison that has so long held it with patient courage. The possession of the fort, as we now hold it, does not enable us to col- lect the revenue or enforce the laws of commercial navigation. It may indeed involve a point of honor or a point of pride, but I do not see any great national interest involved in the bare fact of holding the fort as we now hold it — and to hold it at all we must supply it with provisions — and it seems to me that we may, in humanity and patriotism, safely waive the point of ijride in the consciousness that we have the power, and lack noth- ing but the will, to hold Fort Sumter in such condition as to command the harbor of Charleston, cut off all its commerce, and even lay the city in ashes. The hazards to be met are many and obvious. If the attempt be made in rapid boats, hght enough to pass the bar in safetj^, still they must pass under the fire of Fort Moultrie and the batteries on Morris Island. They might possibly escape that danger, but they cannot hope to escape the armed guard-boats which ply aU night from the fort to the outer edge of the bar. These armed guard-boats would be sure to take or destroy our unarmed tugs, unless repelled by force, either from our ships outside the bar or from Fort Sumter within — -and that is war. True, war already exists by the act of South Carolina ; but this government has thus far magnanimously forborne to retort the outrage. And I am willing to for- bear yet longer, in the hope of a peaceful solution of oiu" present difficul- ties. I am most unwilling to strike — I wiU not say the first blow, for South Carolina has already struck that — but I am unwiUiug, ''under all the circumstances," at this moment to do any act which may have the sem- blance before the world of beginning a civil war, the terrible conse- quences of which would, I think, find no parallel in modern times ; for I am convinced that flagrant civil war in the Southern States would soon become a social war, and that could hardly fail to bring on a servile war, the horrors of which need not be dwelt upon. To avoid these evils I would make great sacrifices, and Fort Sumter is one ; but if war be forced upon us by causeless and pertinacious rebellion, I am for resisting it with all the might of the nation. I am persuaded, moreover, that in several of the misguided States a large proportion of the people are really lovers of the Union, and anxious to be safely back under the protection of its flag. A reaction has already begun, and if encouraged by wise, moderate, and firm measures on the part of this government, I persuade myself that the nation will be restored to its integrity without the effusion of blood. For these reasons I am wilhng to evacuate Fort Sumter, rather than be an active party in the beginning of civil war. The port of Charleston is, comparatively, a small thing. If the present difficulties should continue and grow, I am convinced that the real struggle will be at the Mississippi ; for it is not politically possible for any foreign power to hold the mouth of that river against the people of the middle and upper valley. If Fort Sumter must be evacuated, then it is my decided opinion that the more southern forts, Pickens, Key West, etc., should, without delay, be put in condition of easy defense against all assailants j and that the whole coast, from South Carolina to Texas, should be as well guarded as the power of the navy will enable us. Upon the whole, I do not think it wise now to attempt to provision Fort Sumter. Most respectfully submitted. Your obedient servant, Ed WD. Bates, Attorney- General. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 23 March IG, 1861. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : Tlie Senate has transmitted to nie a copy of the message sent by my predecessor to that body on the 21st of February hist, proposing to take its advic-e on the subject of a proposition made l)y the British government thi-ough its min- ister here to refer the matter in controversy between that govern- ment and the government of the United States to the aiOiitrament of the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, or the Republic of the Swiss Confederation. In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to the Senate the precise questions following, namely : " Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the sovereign ])owers above named the dispute now existing between the governments of the United States and Great Britain concerning the boundary line between Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case the referee shall find himself unable to decide where the line is by the description of it in the treaty of June 15, 184G, shall he be authorized to establish a line according to the treaty as nearly as possible f Which of the three powers named by Great Britain as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United States'?" I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in this important matter ; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive the advice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I respect- fully ask the Senate for theii* advice on the three questions before recited. Abraham Lmcoijsr. Washington, March IG, 1861. March 16, 1861. — Reply to the Minister from Nicaragua. Mr. Molina: I am happy to receive the letters you present, and to recognize you, sir, as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Nicaragua near the United States. In conferring a higher rank upon you as a token of regard, on the part of the government and the people of Nicaragua, toward this countr,y, they have done our government and people an honor for which we are truly grateful ; wdiile they have also manifested an increased confidence in you, which we can attest is deserved; and thereby have done 5H)u a distinguished honor upon which we congratulate you. On behalf of the United States I fidly reciprocate, toward your government and people, the kind wishes and friendly purposes you so generously express toward ours. Please conmiunicate to His Excellency the President of Nica- ragua my high esteem and consideration, and my earnest wish for his health, happiness, and long life. Be assured, sir, I do not allow myself to doubt that your public duties and social intercourse here will be so conducted as to be 24 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN entirely acceptable to the government and people of the United States. March 18, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. Hon. Secretary of State. My dear Sir : I believe it is a necessity with us to make the ap- pointments I mentioned last night — that is, Charles F. Adams to England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sar- dinia, and Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest esteem, but no one of them is originally suggested by me except Mr. Da^^on. Mr. Adams I take because you sug- gested him, coupled with his eminent fitness for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Burlingame I take because of the intense pressure of their respective States, and their fitness also. The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up — three being in New England and two from a single State. I have considered this, and will not shrink from the responsiliility. This, being done, leaves but five full missions undisposed of — Rome, China, Brazil, Peru, and Chili. And then what about Carl Schurz ; or, in other words, what about our German friends ? Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What say you ? Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. March 18, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. Sir : I shall be oliliged if you will inform me whether any goods, wares, and merchandrse subject by law to the payment of duties, are now being imported into the United States without such duties being paid or secured according to law. And if yea, at what place or places, and for what cause, do such duties remain unpaid or unsecured ? I will also thank you for your opinion whether, as a matter of fact, vessels off shore coukf be effectively used to prevent such importations, or to enforce the payment or securing of the duties. If yea, what number and description of vessels in addition to those already in the revenue service would be requisite "? Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln, The Honorable Secretary of the Treasury, March 18, 1861.— Letter to Secretary Welles, Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. Sir: I shall be obliged if you will inform me what amount of naval force you could "at once place at the control of the revenue LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 25 service, and also whether at some distance of time you could so place an additional force, and how much i? and at what time? Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. The Honorable Secretary of the Navy. March 18, 1861. — Letter to Attorney-General Bates. Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. Sir: I shall be obliged if you will give me your opinion in writing whether, under the Constitution and existing laws, the executive has power to collect duties on shipboard off shore in cases where tlu^r collection in the ordinary way is l)y any cause rendered impractical)le. This would include the question of law- ful power to prevent the lauding of dutiable goods unless the duties "svere paid. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. The Honorable Attorney-General. March 26, 1861. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States: I have received a copy of the resolution of the Senate, passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, if in my opinion not incompatible with the pul)lic interest, to communicate to the Senate the despatches of Major Robert An- derson to the War Department during the time he has been in command of Fort Sumter. On examination of the correspondence thus called for, I have, with the highest respect for the Senate, come to the conclusion that at the present moment the publication of it would be inexpedient. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, March 26, 1861. March 29, 1861. — Order to the Secretary of War. ExECUTR-E Mansion, March 29, 1861. Honorable Secretary of War. Sir : I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memorandum attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for that ol)ject. Yom- obedient servant, A. Lincoln. [Inclostire.] Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Pawnee at Washington, Harriet Lane at New York, to be under sailing orders for seaj with stores, etc., for one month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on board the receiviug-ships at New York. 26 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Two hundred men to be ready to leave Grovernor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for one hundred men to be put in portable shape, ready for instant shipping. A large steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged. March 29, 1861. — Opinions Written by Members of the Cabinet AT the Verbal Request of the President, at a Cabinet Meet- ing HELD to Determine the Question of Sending an Expedi- tion to Relieve Fort Sumter. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, wrote : First The despatch of an expedition to supply or reinforce Sumter would provoke an attack, and so involve a war at that point. The fact of preparation for such an expedition would inevitably tran- spire, and would therefore precipitate the war, and probably defeat the object. I do not think it wise to provoke a civil war beginning at Charles- ton, and in rescue of an untenable position. Therefore I advise against the expedition in every view. Second. I woidd call in Captain M. C. Meigs forthwith. Aided by his counsel, I would at once, and at every cost, prepare for a war at Pensa- cola and Texas: to be taken, however, only as a consequence of maintain- ing the possessions and authority of the United States. Third. I would instruct Major Anderson to retire from Sumter forth- with. Mr. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, wrote : If war is to be the consequence of an attempt to provision Fort Sumter, war will just as certainly result from the attempt to maintain possession of Fort Pickens. I am clearly in favor of maintaining Fort Pickens, and just as clearly in favor of provisioning Fort Sumter. If that attempt be resisted by military force. Fort Sumter should, in my judgment, be reinforced. If war is to be the result, I perceive no reason why it may not be best begun in consequence of military resistance to the eiforts of the adminis- tration to sustain troops of the Union, stationed under the authority of the government, in a fort of the Union, in the ordinary course of service. Mr. "Welles, Secretary of the Navy, wrote : I concur in the proposition to send an armed force off Charleston with supplies of provisions and reinforcements for the garrison at Fort Sum- ter, and of communicating at the proper time the intentions of the gov- ernment to provision the fort peaceably if unmolested. There is little probability that this will be permitted if the opposing forces can prevent it. An attempt to force in provisions without reinforcing the garrison at the same time might not be advisable ; but armed resistance to a peace- able attempt to send provisions to one of our own forts will justify the government in using all the power at its command to reinforce the garrison and furnish the necessary supplies. Fort Pickens and other places retained should be strengthened by additional troops, and, if possible, made impregnable. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 27 The naval foi-ce in the gulf and on the southern coast should be in- creased. Accounts are published that vessels having on board mai'ket- able products for the ci-ews of the squadron at Pensacola are seized — the inhabitants we know are prohibited from furnishing the shii)s with pi*o- visions or water; and the time has arrived when it is the duty of the government to assert and maintain its authoi-ity. Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, wrote : Viewing the question whether Fort Sumter shall be evacuated as a political one, I remark that the effect of its evacuation upon th(; public mind will depend upon the concurrent and subseqiient action of the government. If it shall be understood that by its evacuation we intend to acknowledge our inability to enforce the laws, and our intention to allow treason and rebellion to run their course, the measure will be ex- tremely disastrous and the administration will become very unpopular. If, however, the country can be made to understand that the fort is aban- doned from necessity, and at the same time Fort Pickens and other forts in our possession shall be defended, and the power of the government vindicated, the measure will be popular and the country will sustain the administration. Believing that Fort Sumter cannot be successfully defended, I regard its evacuation as a necessity, and I advise that Major Anderson's com- mand shall be unconditionally withdi-awn. At the same time I would adopt the most vigorous measures for the defense of the other forts, and if we have the power I would blockade the Southern ports, and enforce the collection of the revenue with all the power of the government. Mr. Blair, Postmaster-General, wrote : First. As regards General Scott, I have no confidence in his judgment on tlie questions of the day. His political views control his judgment, and his course as remarked on by the President shows that whilst no one will question his patriotism, the results are the same as if he was in fact traitorous. Second. It is acknowledged to be possible to relieve Fort Sumter. It ought to be relieved without reference to Pickens or any other possession. South Carolina is the head and front of this rebellion, and when that State is safely delivered from the authority of the United States it will strike a blow against our authority from which it will take us years of bloody strife to recover. Third. For my own part, I am unwilling to share in the responsibilit; of such a policy. Mr. Bates, Attorney-General, wi'ote : It is my decided opinion that Fort Pickens and Key West ought to be reinforced and supplied, so as to look down opposition at all hazards — and this whether Fort Sumter bo or be not evacuated. It is also my opinion that there ought to be a naval force kept upon the southern coast sufficient to command it and, if need be, actually close any port that practically ought to be closed, whatever other station is left unoccupied. It is also my opinion that there ought to be immediately established a line of light, fast-running vessels, to pass as rapidly as possible between 28 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN New York or Norfolk at the North and Key West or other point in the gulf at the South. As to Fort Sumter, I think the time is come either to evacuate or relieve it. April 1, 1861. — Order to Lieutenant D. D. Porter. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 1, 1861. Lieutenant D. D. Porter will take command of the Steamer Pow- hatan, or any other United States steamer ready for sea which he may deem most fit for the service to which he has been assigned by confidential instructions of this date. All officers are commanded to afford him all such facilities as he may deem necessary for getting to sea as soon as possible. He will select the officers to accompany him. Abraham Lincoln. Recommended, William H. Seward. April 1, 1861. — Instructions to Lieutenant D. D. Porter. Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861. Lieutenant D. D. Porter, United States Navy. Sir : You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible delay, assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to Pensacola Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from the mainland reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island. You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you deem it necessary, after you have established j^ourself within the harbor, and will request cooperation by the entrance of at least one other steamer. This order, its object, and your destination wiU be communicated to no person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola. Abraham Lincoln. Recommended, William H. Seward. April 1, 1861. — Order to Commandant Andrew H. Foote. Navy Department, Washington, April 1, 1861. To THE Commandant of the Navy- Yard, Brooklyn, N. Y. Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earliest possible moment under sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go for- ward to-morrow. Abraham Lincoln. April 1, 1861. — Order to Officers of the Army and Navy. Washington, Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861. All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be ex- hibited will aid by every means in their power the expedition under LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 29 the command of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, and cooperating with him as he may desire. Abraham Lincoln. April 1, 1861. — Memorandum from Secretary Seward. Some Tlioughts for the President'' s Consideration, April 1, 1861. First. We are at the end of a month's admiuistration, and yet without a policy either domestic or foreign. Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoid- able. The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for i:)atronag'e, have prevented attention to other and more gi'ave matters. Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for both domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the adminis- tration, but danger upon the country. Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how '? I suggest that we make the local apj)ointments foi'thwith, lea^^ng foreign or general ones for ulterior and occasional action. Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this idea as a ruling one, namely, that we must Change the question before the public from one upon slavery, OR about slavery, for a question upon union or disunion : In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, to one of patriotism or union. The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper mani- fested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the Union men in the South. 1 would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. I deem it fortimate that the last administration created the necessity. For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all tlie ports in the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be pre- pared for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law. This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I would maintain every fort and possession in the South. FOR FOREIGN NATIONS. I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once. I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention. And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France, Would convene Congress and declare war against them. But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it. For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it incessantly. Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide. It is not in my especial province ; But I neither seek to evade nor assume responsibility. 30 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN April 1, 1861. — Reply to Secretary Seward's Memorandum. Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861. Hon. W. H. Seward. My dear Sir : Since parting with you I have been considering your paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the Presi- dent's Consideration." The fii'st proposition in it is, ^^ First, We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either'domestic or foreign." At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said : " The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and phices belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in connection with the order I immediately gave Greneral Scott, directing him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single exception that it does not pro- pose to abandon Fort Sumter. Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be on a more national and patriotic one. The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a new item within the range of our foreign policy ; but up to that time we have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like, all in perfect harmony, without even a sug- gestion that we had no foreign policy. Upon your closing propositions — that ''whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it. " For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it incessantly. "Either the President must do it himseK, and be all the while active in it, or " Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide" — I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate ; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and sup- pose I am entitled to have, the advice of all the cabinet. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. April 1, 1861. — Letter to General Scott. Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861. Lieuten ant-General Scott. Would it impose too much labor on General Scott to make short comprehensive daily reports to me of what occurs in his depart- ment, including movements by himseK, and under his orders, and the receipt of intelligence I If not, I wUl thank him to do so. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 31 April 2, 18G1. — Order to Captain Samuel Mercer. _, {Confidential.) Washington City, April 2, 1861. Sir: Circumstances render it uecessai-y to place in eoniinand of your ship (and for a special purpose) an oliicer who is fully informed and instructed iu relation to the wishes of the j^overnment, and you will therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your ability to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able to give you a better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting that you will have full confidence in the disj)osition of the government toward you, I remain, etc., Abrahajm Lincoln. Captain S. Mercer, United States Navy. April 3, 1861. — Order to Lieutenant-Colonel Keyes. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 3, 1861. Lieutenant-Colonel E, D. Keyes, U. S. A., Military Secretary. You will proceed forthwith to the city of New York, to carry out the instructions which you have received here. All requisitions made upon officers of the staif by your authority, and all orders given by you to any officer of the army in my name, will be instantly obeyed. Abraham Lincoln. April 4, 1861. — Instructions to Major Robert Anderson, Drafted by President Lincoln and Signed by the Secretary OF War. War Department, Washington, April 4, 1861. Sir : Your letter of the 1st instant occasions some anxiety to the President. On the information of Captain Fox, he had supposed you could hold out till the 15th instant without any great inconvenience, and had prepared an expedition to relieve you before that period. Hoping still that you will be able to sustain yourself till the 11th or 12th instant, the expedition will go forward, and, finding your flag flying, will attempt to provision you, and in case the effort is resisted, will endeavor also to reinforce you. You will therefore hold out, if possible, till the arrival of the expedition. It is not, however, the intention of the President to subject your command to any danger or hardship beyond what, in your judg- ment, would be usual iu military life ; and he has entire confidence 32 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN that you will act as becomes a patriot and a soldier under all circumstances. Whenever, if at all, in your judgment, to save yourself and command, a capitulation becomes a necessity, you are authorized to make it. Respectfully, Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. To Major Robert Anderson, United States Army. [Indorsement in Lincoln's JiancUvriting.] This was sent by Captain Talbot on April 6, 1861, to be delivered to Major Anderson, if permitted. On reaching Charleston, he was refused permission to deliver it to Major Anderson. April 6, 1861. — Instructions to R. S. Chev7. Drafted by President Lincoln and Signed by the Secretary of War. Washington, April 6, 1861. Sir: You will proceed directly to Charleston, South Carolina; and if, on your arrival there, the flag of the United States shall be flying over Fort Sumter, and the fort shall not have been attacked, you will procure an interview with Governor Pickens, and read to him as follows : " I am directed by the President of the United States to notify you to expect an attempt •will be made to supply Fort Sumter with provisions only ; and that, if such attempt be not resisted, no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition will be made without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort." After you shall have read this to Governor Pickens, deliver to him the copy of it herein inclosed, and retain this letter yourself. But if, on your arrival at Charleston, you shall ascertain that Fort Sumter shall have been already evacuated, or surrendered by the United States force, or shall have been attacked by an opposing force, you will seek no interview with Governor Pickens, but return here forthwith. April 13, 1861. — Reply to a Committee from the Virginia Convention. Hon. William Ballard Preston, Alexander H. H. Stuart, George W. Randolph, Esq. Gentlemen : As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in session, you present me a preamble and resolution in these words: Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which pre- vails in the pubhc mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive in- tends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 33 excitement wliicli is iiiif;ivorfi1)le to the adjustment of pending difficulties, and threatens a (listiirl)ance of the public peace: therefore Besolceil, that a committee of three deleti'ates be appointed Ijy this Conven- tion to wait upon the President of the United States, pi'esent to him this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States. Adopted l)v the Convention of the State of Virginia, Richmond, April 8, 18GL In answer I have to say that, having at the beginninc: of my official term expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and some mortittcation I now learn that there is great and injnrions nncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give of my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat : " The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what is necessarv for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the jjeople anywhere." By the words " property and places belonging to the government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the i;>ossession of the government w^hen it came to my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized be- fore the government was devolved upon me. And in every event I shall, to the extent of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, belie\ang that the com- mencement of actual war against the government justifies and possibly demands this. I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and prop- erty situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging to the government of the United States as much as they did before the supposed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country ; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon a border of the country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what 1 now say of the mails may be regarded as a modification. Vol. II.— 3. 34 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN April 15, 1861.— Proclamation calling 75,000 Militia, and Convening Congress in Extra Session, By THE President of the United States op America: A Proclamation. Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Missis- sippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by comlDinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law : Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed. The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government; and to redress wrongs already long enough endured. I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union ; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes within twenty days from date. Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. Senators and Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and deter- mine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this 15th day of April, in [l. s.] the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. LETTERS AND STATE PArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 35 April 19, 18G1. — Proclamation of Blockade. By the President of the United States of America : A Proclamation. Whereas an insurrection against the government of the United States has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requii'es duties to be uniform throughout the United States: And whereas a combination of persons engaged in such insur- rection have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good citizens of the country lawfully en- gaged in commerce on the high seas, and in waters of the United States: And whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued requiring the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of re- pressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary ses- sion to deliberate and determine thereon : Now, therefore, 1, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, with a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protection of the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have assembled and deliberated on the said unlaw- ful proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United States, and of the law of nations in such case provided. For this pur- pose a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall at- tempt to leave either of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and date of such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize, as may be deemed advisable. And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the pretended authority of the said States, or under any other pre- tense, shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the prevention and }>unishment of piracy. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 36 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN Done at the city of "Washington, this nineteenth day of r ' 1 April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred ^ ' ■■' and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : Willmjm H. Seward, Secretary of State. April 20, 1861. — Reply to Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown. Washington, April 20, 1861. OoYEENOR Hicks and Mayor Brown. Gentlemen : Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military know- ledge myself, of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning in the presence of these gentlemen, " March them around Baltimore, and not through it." I sincerely hope the general, on fuller reflection, will consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to it. By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will exert your influence to prevent this. Now and ever 1 shall do all in my power for peace consistently with the maintenance of the government. Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. April 20, 1861. — Telegrajvi to Governor Hicks. Washington, April 20, 1861. Governor Hicks : I desire to consult with you and the mayor of Baltimore relative to preserving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special train, which you can take at Baltimore ; or, if necessary, one can be sent from here. Answer forthwith. Lincoln. April 22, 1861. — Letter from the Secretary of State to the Governor of Maryland. Department of State, April 22, 1861. His Excellency Thomas H. Hicks, Governor of Maryland. Sir: I have the honor to receive your communication of this morning, in which you inform me that you had felt it to be your duty to advise the President of the LTnited States to order elsewhere the troops then off Annapolis, and also that no more may be sent (through Maryland ; and that you have further suggested that Lord LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 3/ L3'ons be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties in onr country, to prevent the effusion of blood. The President directs me to aeknowkKl<2:e the receipt of that communication, and to assure you that lie has weighed the counsels it contains with the respect which he habitually cherishes for the chief magistrates of the several States, and especially for yourself. He regrets, as deeply as any magistrate or citizen of this country can, that demonstrations against the safety of the United States, with very extensive preparations for the effusion of blood, have nuxde it his duty to call out the forces to which you allude. The force now sought to be brought through Maryland is in- tended for nothing but the defense of the capital. The President has necessai-ily confided the choice of the national highway which that force shall take in coming to this city to the lieutenant-general commanding the army of the Uuited States, who, like his only pre- decessor, isnot less distinguished for his humanity than for his loyalty, patriotism, and distinguished public services. The' President instructs me to add that the national high- way thus selected by the lieutenant-general has been chosen by him, upon consultation with prominent magistrates and citizens of Maryland, as the one which, while a route is absolutely neces- sary, is farthest removed from the populous cities of the State, and with the expectation that it would therefore be the least objection- able one. He cannot but remember that there has been a time in the history of our country when a general of the American Union, with forces designed for the defense of its capital, was not unwelcome any- where in the State of Maryland, and certainly not at Annapolis, then, as now, the capital of that patriotic State, and then also one of the capitals of the Union. If eighty years could have obliterated all the other noble senti- ments of that age in Maryland, the President would be hopeful, nevertheless, that there is one that would forever remain there and everywhere. That sentiment is, that no domestic contention what- ever' that may arise among the parties of this republic ought in any case to be referred to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the arbitrament of a European monarchy. I have the honor to be, with distinguished consideration, your Excellency's most obedient servant, William H. Seward. April 24, 1861.— Letter to Keverdy Johnson. {CouJidentiaJ.) Executive Mansion, April 24, 1861. Hon. Re^^erdy Johnson. Ml/ dear Sir: Your note of this morning is just received. I for- bore to answer yours of the 22d because of my aversion (which I thought you understood) to getting on paper and fm-nishing new groun'ds for misunderstanding. I do say the sole purpose 38 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN of bringing troops here is to defend this capital. I do say I have no purpose to invade Virginia with them or any other troops, as I understand the word invasion. But, suppose Virginia sends her troops, or admits others through her borders, to assail this capital, am I not to repel them even to the crossing of the Potomac, if I can ? Suppose Virginia erects, or permits to be erected, batteries on the opposite shore to bombard the city, are we to stand still and see it done ? In a word, if Virginia strikes us, are we not to strike back, and as effectively as we can ? Again, are we not to hold Fort Monroe (for instance) if we can? I have no objection to de- clare a thousand times that I have no purpose to invade Virginia or any other State, but I do not mean to let them invade us with- out striking back. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. April 25, 1861. — Order to General Scott. Washington, April 25, 1861. Lieutenant-General Scott. My dear Sir : The Maryland legislature assembles to-morrow at Annapolis, and not improbably will take action to arm the peo- ple of that State against the United States. The question has been submitted to and considered by me, whether it would not be justi- fiable, upon the ground of necessary defense, for you, as general-in- chief of the United States army, to arrest or disperse the members of that body. I think it would not be justifiable nor efficient for the desired object. First, they have a clearly legal right to assemble ; and we cannot know in advance that theu' action will not be lawful and peaceful. And if we wait until they shall have acted, their arrest or dispersion will not lessen the effect of their action. Secondly, we cannot permanently prevent theii' action. If we arrest them, we cannot long hold them as prisoners ; and, when liberated, they will immediately reassemble and take their action ; and precisely the same if we simply disperse them — they will im- mediately reassemble in some other place. I therefore conclude that it is only left to the commanding gen- eral to watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efftcient means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment of their cities, and, in the extremest necessity, the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. April 27, 1861. — Proclamation of Blockade. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the nineteenth instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 39 Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas was ordered to be established : And whereas, sin(!e that date, public property of the United States has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly commissioned officers of the United States, while enj^aovd in executing- the orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharji'e of their official duties, without due lepxl process, by persons claim- ing to act under authorities of the States of Virginia and North Carolina : An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be established. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-seventh day [l S 1 ^^^ -^W^^7 ill tti6 year of oiu- Lord one thousand eight hundred '- ' "J and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. ABRAHA3I Lincoln. By the President : Willlui H. Seward, Secretary of State. April 27, 18G1. — Order to General Scott. To THE Commanding General, Arjmy op the United States. You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line which is now or which shall be used between the city of Philadelphia and the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, or through the officer in com- mand at the point at which resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that writ. AbrahajM Lincoln. Washington, April 27, 1861. May [If] 1861. — Unsigned Draft of Letter to the Governor of Tennessee. Executive Department, Washington, D. C, May [1 ?] 1861. To his Excellency the Governor of the State of Tennessee, Nashville, Tenn. Sir : Yours of the 29tli ultimo, calling my attention to the sup- posed seizure near Cairo, Illinois, of the steamboat C. E. Hill man, and claiming that the said lioat and its cargo are the property of the State of Tennessee and her citizens, and demanding to kiiow whether the seizure was made by the authority of this govennnent, or is approved by it, is duly received. In answer I have to say : this government has no official information of such seiznre; but, assum- ing that such seizure was made, and that the cargo consisted 40 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN cliiefly of munitions of war owned by the State of Tennessee, and passing into the control of its governor, this government avows the seizui-e for the following reasons : A legal call was recently made upon the said governor of Ten- nessee to furnish a quota of militia to suppress an insurrection against the United States, which call said governor responded to by a refusal couched in disrespectfid. and malicious language. This government therefore infers that munitions of war passing into the hands of said governor are intended to be used against the United States, and the government will not indulge the weakness of allowing it so long a"s it is in its power to prevent. This gov- ernment will not at present question but that the State of Tennes- see, by a large majority of its citizens, is loyal to the Federal Union, and the government holds itself responsible, in damages, for all injuries it may do to any one who may prove to be such. May 1, 1861. — Letter to Major Anderson. Washington, D. C, May 1, 1861. Ma.jor Robert Anderson. My dear Sir: A few days ago I caused an official letter to be written to you, through the War Department, expressive of the approbation and gratitude I considered due you and your com- mand from this government. I now wi'ite this as a purely private and social letter to say I shall be much gratified to see you here at your earliest convenience, when and where I can personally testify my appreciation of your services and fidelity, and perhaps explain some things on my part which you may not have understood. I shall also be very glad to see any of the officers who served with you at Fort Sumter, and whom* it might be convenient and agreeable for you to invite to accompany you here. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. May 1, 1861.— Letter from the President's Private Secretary TO George W. Caldwell. {Private.) Washington, May 1, 1861. George W. Caldwell, Esq. Dear Sir : Your letter of the 25th ult., addressed to the President, was duly received and considered. Will you please to write to me where and how soon (and let the day be an early one) the leading and responsible men engaged in your movement can meet together, to receive and consult with such gentlemen as the government may send to represent its views about the matter. Yom-s truly, Jno. G. Nicolay. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 41 May 1, 1861. — Letter to Gustavus V. Fox. Washington, D. C, May 1, 1861. Captain G. V. Fox. 31]/ dear Sir : I sincerely regret that the faihire of the late attempt to provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to you. The practieal)ility of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. By reason of a gale, well known in advance to l)e possil)le and not inipr()])al)le, the tugs, an essential part of the i)lan, never reached the ground ; while, by an accident for which you were in no wise responsible, and possibly I to some extent was, you were deprived of a war vessel, with her men, which you deemed of great impor- tance to the enterprise. I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the under- taking has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you de- veloped in the effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation. For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you would to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. You and I both anticipated that the cause of the country would be advanced by making the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail; and it is no small ccmsohition now to feel that om* anticipation is justified by the result. Very truly your friend, A. Lincoln. May 3, 1861. — Proclajmation calling 42,034 Volunteers, etc. By the President op the United States op Ajierica: A Proclamation. ^Vllereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measui-es for the protection of the National Constitution and the preservation of the National Union by the suppression of the insur- rectionary combinations now existing in several States for opposing the laws of the Union and obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a military force, in addition to that called forth by my proclamation of the fifteenth day of April in the present year, appears to be indispensably necessary: Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of the Militia of the several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the service of the United States forty- two thousand and thirty-four volunteers, to serve for the period of three years unless sooner discluirged, and to be mustered into ser- vice as infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the detads of enrolment and organization will be made known through the Department of War. And I also direct that the regular armv of the United States be 42 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regi- ment of cavalr}^, and one regiment of artillery, making altogether a maximnm aggregate increase of twenty-two thousand seven hun- dred and fourteen officers and enlisted men, the details of which increase will also be made known through the Department of War. And I fiu-ther direct the enlistment for not less than one nor more than three years, of eighteen thousand seamen, in addition to the present force, for the naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment and organization will be made known through the Department of the Navy. The call for volunteers hereby made, and the direction for the in- crease of the regular army, and for the enlistment of seamen, hereby given, together with the plan of organization adopted for the volun- teers and for the regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to Congress as soon as assembled. In the mean time I earnestly invoke the cooperation of all good citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppres- sion of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement of consti- tutional laws, and for the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, and, with these, of happiness and prosperity, throughout the country. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this thii'd day of May, [l. s.] in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. May 6, 1861. — Letter to Vice-President Hamlin. Washington, D. C, May 6, 1861. Hon. H. Hamlin, New York. 3Iy dear Sir : Please advise me at the close of each day what troops left during the day, where going, and by what route ; what remaining at New York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as near as convenient, and what corps they are. This information, reaching us daily, will be very useful as well as satisfactory. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. May 6, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, May 6, 1861. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. My dear Sir: Mr. French S. Evans, the bearer of this, thinks there is an appraisership still vacant at Baltimore, and if so, I very sincerely wish you would give it to him. I have been greatly — I LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 43 may say grievously — disappointed and disobliged by Mr. Cork- rau's refusal to make Mr. Evans deputy naval officer, as I requested him to do. A point must be strained to give Mr. Evans a situation. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. May 6, 1861. — Letter from John Hay to Johnson, State Senator of Kentucky. The President directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th ultimo, protesting against the stationing of United States troops at Cairo. He directs me to say that the views so ably stated by you shall have due consideration, and to assure you tiiat he would never have ordered the movement of troops complained of had he known that Cairo was in your senatorial district. May 6, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, May 6, 1861. Hon. Secretary op State. My dear Sir : General Cameron is anxious that E. Joy Morris shall be minister to Constantinople ; and if General Webb has definitely declined it, why might not Mr. Morris be appointed? Pennsylvania is well entitled to the place, and General C. thinks there is political reason for the appointment being made at once. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. May 7, 1861. — Order to Colonel Anderson. To all tvlio shall see these presents, greeting : Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, U. S. Army, I have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to receive into the army of the United States as many regiments of volunteer troops from the State of Kentucky and from the west- ern part of the State of Virginia as shall be willing to engage in the service of the United States for the term of three years, upon the terms and according to the plan proposed by the proclama- tion of May 3, 1861, and General Orders No. 15 from the War Department, of May 4, 1861. The troops whom he receives shall be on the same footing in every respect as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation above cited, except that the officers shall be commissioned by the United States. He is therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty hereby devolved upon him by doing and performing all man- ner of things thereunto belonging. Given under my hand at the city of Washington, this seventh day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 44 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN sixty-one, and in the eighty-fiftli year of tlie independence of the United States. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : Simon Cajmeron, Secretary of War. May 8, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion^ May 8, 1861. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. ALy dear Sir : I am told there is an office in your department called " The Superintending Architect of the Treasury Department, connected with the Bureau of Construction," which is now held by a man of the name of Young, and wanted by a gentleman of the name of Christopher Adams. Ought Mr. Young to be removed, and if yea, ought Mr. Adams to be appointed f Mr. Adams is magnificently recommended ; but the great point in his favor is that Thurlow Weed and Horace Greeley join in recommending him. I suppose the like never happened before, and never will again ; so that it is now or never. What say you ! Yours truly, A. Lincoln. May 9, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, May 9, 1861. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. My dear Sir : Mr. James N. Muller wishes to be supervising in- spector of steamboats for the district of Baltimore. I am some- what interested for him, and as the place is in your department, if you will look into the question of his qualification for the place, and shall be satisfied with him, I will appoint him, — no matter how soon. Yours truly, • A. Lincoln. May 10, 1861.— Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, May 10, 1861. Hon. Secretary op the Treasury. 3Iy dear Sir : I have felt myself obliged to refuse the post-office at this place to my old friend Nathan Sargent, which wounds him, and consequently me, very deeply. He now says there is an office in your department, called the "Commissioner of Customs," which the" incumbent, a Mr. Ingham, wishes to vacate. I will l^e much obliged if you agree for me to appoint Mr. Sargent to this place. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE TAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 45 May 10, 18G1. — Unsigned Letter to Governor Sprague. Executive Mansion, May 10, 1861. His Excellency Governor William Sprague. My dear Sir: I think I had a letter from you some time ago naming a person whom you would like to have appointed post- master at Providence, Rhode Island; and day before yesterday a gentleman urged the name of Thomas A. Doyle as being the man whom you would like to have appointed. I write this now to assure you tliat while your wishes in this respect are entitled to and have received the highest consideration, there is a difficulty such as I have not surmounted in any other case. It is that a different man, Walter C. Simmons, is recommended by both the senators and both the old representatives of the State, and also by one of the new representatives. In these cases the executive is obliged to be gi'eatly dependent upon members of Congress, and while, under peculiar circum- stances, a single member or two may be occasionally overruled, I believe as strong a combination as the present never has been. I therefore beg you to be assured that if I follow the rnle in this case, as it appears to me I must, it will be with pain, and not with pleasure, that you are not obliged. May 10, 1861. — Proclamation Suspending the Writ of Habeas Corpus in Florida. By the President of the United States of Aivierica: A Proclamation. Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the* United States are endangered : And whereas it is deemed proper that all needful measures should be taken for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the United States in the discharge of their public duties in the State aforesaid : Now therefore be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the United States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any office or authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, w^hich may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United States, authorizing him at the same time, if he shall find it necessary, to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected persons. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 46 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEHS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN [L. S.] Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. Abrahaim Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. May 11, 1861. — Order to Secretary Welles. Executive Mansion, May 11, 1861. To THE Secretary of the Navy. Sir: Lieut. D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer Powhatan, and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached therefrom, by my special order, and neither of them is responsible for any ap- parent or real irregularity on their part or in connection with that vessel. Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and placed under the direction of the Navy Department, from which he will receive instructions and to which he will report. Very respectfully, Abraham Lincoln. May 13, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cameron. Executive Mansion, May 13, 1861. Hon. Secretary of War. Dear Sir : You see on the other side of this sheet that four Ger- man regiments already raised in New York wish to form a bri- gade and have Carl Schurz for their brigadier-general. Why should it not be done at once? By the plan of organization, I see I am to appoint the generals. Schurz says he would, if allowed, go immediately to Fortress Monroe ; and if it would be an objection that, by rank, he would command the garrison there, he would, of choice, waive that. I am for it, unless there be some valid reason against it. Answer soon. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. May 16, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, May 16, 1861. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 3[t/ dear Sir : I have not at all considered the qualifications of applicants for appraiserships at New York. Mr. David Webb seems to understand that he has no opposition for one of the places. If this is so, or, in any event, if you wish to appoint him, send me the commission. Also send me a commission for Mr. George Dennison as naval ofiicer. This last I shall have to do, and I may as well do it at once. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 47 May 18, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. ExECUTi\^E Mansion, May 18, 1861. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. Mif dear Sir : The suggestions of your note accompanying the eonunission for Mr. Denuisou as naval officer at New York have been considered in the same spirit of kindness in which I know they were offered. They present the very difficulty which has embarrassed me from the first in the case : that Mr. Dennison has not the posi- tion in the pnl)lic e3'e which would lead to the expectation of his receiving so high an office. I believe I have told you fully what it was, and is, that pressed me to appoint him: the urgent solicitation of an old friend who has served me all my life, and who has never before received or asked anything in return. His (Mr. Dennison's) good character was vouched for from the start by many at New Yoi'k, including Mr. Opdyke. At length, when I was, as it were, in the very act of appointing him, Mr. made a general charge of dishonesty against him. I pressed him for particulars, and it turned out that Mr. Dennison in his business as a lawyer had got some printing done for his clients, becoming personally responsible for the work, and had not paid for it when dunned. While this, if true, is certainly not to be com- mended, I believe the like might, in some cases, be proven upon me. They are a class of debts which our clients ought to pay, and when we are personally dunned for them we sometimes hang fire. Be- sides, Mr. Dennison went far toward a satisfactory explanation of one case ; and while Mr. intimated that there were other cases, he did not specify them. I consider that the charge of dishonesty has failed ; and it now seems to me more difficult to change my purpose than if the charge had never been made. Yours as ever, A. Len'COLn. May 18, 1861. — Letter to Colonel F. P. Blair, Washington, D. C, May 18, 1861. Hon. F. p. Blair. Ml/ dear Sir : We have a good deal of anxiety here about St. Louis. I understand an order has gone from the War De])artment to you, to be delivered or withheld in your discretion, relieving General Harney from his command. I was not quite satisfied with the order when it was made, though on the whole I thought it best to make it ; but since then I have become more doubtful of its propriety. I do not write now to countermand it, but to say I wish you would withhold it, unless in your judgment the necessity to the contrary is very urgent. There are several reasons for this. We had better have him a friend than an enemy. It mil dissatisfy a good many who otherwise would be quiet. More than all, we first relieve him, 48 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN then restore him, and now if we relieve him again the public will ask, " Why all this vacillation "? " Still, if in your judgment it is indispensable, let it be so. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. May 21, 1861.— President Lincoln's Corrections of a Diplomatic Despatch written by the Secretary of State to Minister Adams. Note. — It is quite impossible to reproduce in type the exact form of the manuscript of the despatch with all its interUueations and corrections ; but the following shows those made by Mr. Lincoln. Such additional verbal alterations of Mr. Seward's as merely corrected ordinary slips of the pen or errors of the copyist are not noted. When the President retui'ned the manuscript to his hands, Mr. Seward somewhat changed the form of the despatch by prefixing to it two short introductory paragi'aphs in which he embodied in his own phi-aseology the President's chrection that the paper was to be merely a confidential instruction, not to be read or shown to any one, and that he should not in advance say anything inconsistent with its spirit. This also rendered unnecessary the President's direction to omit the last two paragraphs, and accordingly they remained in the despatch as finally sent. All words by Mr. Lincoln in notes or in text are in italics. All matter between brackets was marked out. » No. 10. Department of State, Washington, May 21, 1861. Sir : Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us that Lord John Russell recently requested an interview with him on account of the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the effect of certain measures represented as likely to be adopted by the President. In that conversation the British secretary told Mr. Dal- las that the three representatives of the Southern Confederacy were then in London, that Lord John Russell had not yet seen them, but that he was not unwilling to see them unofficially. He further in- formed Mr. Dallas that an understanding exists between the British and French governments which would lead both to take one and the same course as to recognition. His lordship then referred to the rumor of a meditated blockade by us of Southern ports, and a discontinuance of them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that he knew nothing on those topics, and therefore could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two weeks. Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the expediency of waiting for the full knowledge you were expected to bring. Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial explanations made in Parliament. You will base no proceedings on parliamentary debates further than to seek explanations when necessary and communicate them LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 49 to this department. [We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever issue may arise l)etween us and Great Britain.] ' The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did not protest against the proposed unofficial intercourse between the British government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as against the demand for exphmations made by the British government].- It is due, however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our in- structions had been given only to you and not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, too rare in these times [among our late repre- sentatives abroad, are confessed andj^, are ap[)reciated. Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to be construed as a recognition of the authority whicli a])[)ointed them. Such intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] liiirfful to us for being called unofficial, and it might be even more injuri- ous, because we should have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by it. Moreover, unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if it is not expected to ripen into official intercourse and direct recognition. It is left doubtful here whether the pro- posed unofficial intercourse has yet actually begun. Your own [present] antecedent instructions are deemed explicit enough, and it is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. You will in any event desist from all intercourse whatever, unofficial as well as offi- cial, with the British government, so lorig as it shall continue in- tercourse of either kind with the domestic enemies of this country [confining yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Sec- retary of State. After doing this]^ When intercourse shall have been arrested for this cause, you will communicate with this depart- ment and receive further directions. Lord John Russell has informed us of an understanding between the British and French governments that they will act together in regard to our affairs. This communication, however, loses some- thing of its value from the circumstance that the communication was withheld until after knowledge of the fact had been acquired by us from other sources. We know also another fact that has not yet been officially communicated to us — namely, that other European States are apprised by France and England of their agreement, and are expected to concur with or follow them in whatever measures they adopt on the subject of recognition. The United States have been impartial and just in all their conduct toward the several na- tions of Europe. They will not complain, however, of the combina- tion now announced by the two leading powers, although they think they had a right to expect a more independent, if not a more friendly, course from each of them. You will take no notice of that or any other alliance. Whenever the European governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us, we shall be, as heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply. As to the blockade, you wiU say that by [the] our own laws [of na- 1 Leave out. 2 Leave out, because it does not appear that such explanations were demanded. 3 Leave out. 4 Leave out. Vol. IL— 4. 50 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN ture] and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this government has a clear right to suppress insurrection. An exclusion of commerce from national ports which have been seized by the insurgents, in the equitable form of blockade, is the proper means to that end. You will [admit] not insist that our blockade is [not] to be respected if it be not maintained by a competent force ; l3ut passing by that question as not now a practical, or at least an urgent, one, you will add that [it] the blockade is now, and it will continue to be so main- tained, and therefore we expect it to be respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have already revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the military service of the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand the recall of every foreign agent, consular or diplomatic, who shall either disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority. As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is not to be made a subject of technical definition. It is, of course, [quasi] direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the sov- ereignty and independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct recognition to receive its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or com- missioners officially. A concession of belligerent rights is liable to be construed as a recognition of them. No one of these proceedings will [be borne] pass [unnoticed] unquestioned by the United States in this case. Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. Now, after long forbearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert the need of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States have been put in motion to repress the insurrection. The true character of the pretended new State is at once revealed. It is seen to be a power existing in pronunciamento only. It has never won a field. It has obtained no forts that were not virtually be- trayed into its hands or seized in breach of trust. It commands not a single port on the coast nor any highway out from its pre- tended capital by laud. Under these circumstances Great Britain is called upon to intervene and give it body and independence by ■ resisting our measures of suppression. British recognition would be British intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by overthrowing this republic itself. [When this act of in- tervention is distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to be friends, and become once more, as we have twice before been forced to be, enemies of Great Britain.] ^ As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will say that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as pirates. They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our citizens, preying on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents, and give them shelter from our pursuit and punishment, the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper remedy [and we shall avail ourselves of it. And 7vMle you need not say this in advance, he sure that you say nothing inconsistent with it.] Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid 1 Leave out. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 51 all these difificulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the declara- tion of the CougiHJss of Paris, of which body Great Britain was her- self a menilier, abolisliing privateering everywhere in all cases and forever. You alremhj have our authority to propose to her our ac- cession to that declaration. If she refuse to receive it, it can only be because she is willing to become the patron of privateering when aimed at our devastation. These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to vin- dicate them would imply a possibility of oiu* waiving them. iWe are not insensible of the grave importance of this occasion. We see how, upon tlie result of the debate in which we are engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, or even more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable from the habits as it is revolting from the sentiments of the American people. But if it come, it will be fully seen that it results from the action of Great Britain, not our own ; that Great Britain will have decided to fraternize with our domestic enemy, either without wait- ing to hear from you our remonstrances and our warnings, or after having heard them. War in defense of national life is not immoral, and war in defense of independence is an inevitable part of the dis- cipUne of nations. The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of the British race. AU who belong to that race will especially deprecate it, as they ought. It may well be believed that men of every race and kindred will deplore it. A war not unlike it between the same parties occurred at the close of the last century. Europe atoned by forty years of suffering for the error that Great Britain committed in provoking that contest. If that nation shall now repeat the same great error, the social convulsions which will follow may not be so long, but they will be more general. When they shall have ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have been the fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that will have come out of them with its precious Constitu- tion altered or its honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has but to wait a few months and aU her present inconveniences will cease with all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she will calculate for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate consequences, and will consider what position she will hold when she shall have forever lost the sympathies and the affections of the only nation on whose sympathies and affections she has a natural claim. In making that calculation she wall do well to remember that in the controversy she proposes to open we shall l>e actuated by neither pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition ; but we shall stand simply on the principle of self- preservation, and that our cause will involve the independence of nations and the rights of human nature. I am, sir, respectfully your obedient servant, W. H. S. Charles Francis Adams, Esq., etc. 1 Drop all from this U)ie to the end, and in lieu of it write, " Tliin paper is for your own guidance only, ami iwt [sic} to he read or shown to any one." 52 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN May 25, 1861. — Letter to Colonel Ellsworth's Parents. Washington, D. C, May 25, 1861. To THE Father and Mother of Colonel Elmer E. Ellsworth. My dear Sir and Madam : In the untimely loss of your noble son, our affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and friends, have rarely been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, in years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command men was surpassingly great. This power, combined with a fine intellect, an indomitable energy, and a taste altogether military, constituted in him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that department I ever knew. And yet he was singularly modest and deferential in social inter- course. My acquaintance with him began less than two years ago ; yet through the latter half of the interveuing period it was as inti- mate as the disparity of our ages and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared to have no indulgences or pastimes; and I never heard him utter a profane or an intem- perate word. What was conclusive of his good heart, he never forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so laudably, and for which in the sad end he so gallantly gave his life, he meant for them no less than for himself. In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my young friend and your brave and early fallen chUd. May God give you that consolation which is beyond all earthly power. Sincerely your friend in a common affliction, A. Lincoln. May 27, 1861. — Letter from the Adjutant-General to General Harney. Washington, D. C, May 27, 1861. Brigadier-General W. S. Harney, Commanding Department of the West, St. Louis, Mo. Sir : The President observes with concern that, notwithstanding the pledge of the State authorities to cooperate in preserving peace in Missouri, loyal citizens in great numbers continue to be driven from their homes. It is immaterial whether these outrages continue from inability or indisposition on the part of the State authorities to prevent them. It is enough that they continue to devolve on you the duty of putting a stop to them summarily by the force under your command, to be aided by such troops as you may require from Kansas, Iowa, and Illinois. The professions of loyalty to the Union by the State authorities of Missouri are not to be relied upon. They have already falsified their professions too often, and are too far LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 53 committed to secession to be entitled to your confidence, and you can only be sure of their desisting from their wicked purposes when it is out of their power to prosecute them. You will therefore be unceasingly watchful of their movements, and not permit the clamors of their partizans and opponents of the wise measures already taken to prevent you from checking every movement against the govern- ment, however disguised under the pretended State authority. The authority of the United States is paramount, and whenever it is ap- parent that a movement, whether by color of State authority or not, is hostile, you will not hesitate to put it down. I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant, L. Thomas, Adjutant-General. June 5, 1861. — Letter to General Scott. {Private.) Executive Mansion, June 5, 1861. Lieutenant- General Scott. Mjf dear Sir : Doubtless you begin to understand how disagree- able it is for me to do a thing arbitrarily when it is unsatisfactory to others associated with me. I very much wish to appoint Colonel Meigs quartermaster-gen- eral, and yet General Cameron does not quite consent. I have come to know Colonel Meigs quite well for a short acquaintance, and, so far as I am capable of judging, I do not know one who combines the qualities of masculine intellect, learning, and experience of the right sort, and physical power of labor and endurance, so well as he. I know he has great confidence in you, always sustaining, so far as I have observed, your opinions against any differing ones. You will lay me under one more obligation if you can and will use your influence to remove General Cameron's objection. I scarcely need tell you I have nothing personal in this, having never seen or heard of Colonel Meigs until about the end of last March. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. June 19, 1861. — Letter to General J. K. F. Mansfield. Executive Mansion, June 19, 1861. General Mansfield. Ml/ dear Sir : The inclosed papers of Colonel Joseph Hooker speak for themselves. He desires to have the command of a regiment. Ought he to have it, and can it l)e done, and how? Please consult General Scott, and say if he and you would like Colonel Hooker to have a command. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 54 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN June 20, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cajmeron. Executive Mansion, June 20, 1861. My dear Sir : Since you spoke to me yesterday about General J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have conchided that we need the service of such a man out there at once ; that we had better appoint him a brigadier-general of volun- teers to-day, and send him off with such authority to raise a force (I think two regiments better than three, but as to this I am not par- ticular) as you think will get him into actual work quickest. Tell him, when he starts, to put it through — not to be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. Hon. Secretary of War. [Indorsement.] General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regi- ments of volunteers. ^ ^ o x i. -nr Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. July 2, 1861. — Order authorizing General Scott to Suspend THE Writ of Haheas Corpus. To THE Commanding General, Army of the United States. You are engaged in suppressing an insurrection against the laws of the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line which is now or which shall be used between the city of New York and the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you personally, or through the officer in command at the point where resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that writ. Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the city of Washington, this second day of July, a. d. 1861, and of the inde- pendence of the United States the eighty-fifth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. July 3, 1861.— Letter to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, July 3, 1861. Hon. Secretary of State. 3fy dear Sir: General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of which you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please assemble the cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and reports. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 55 And now, suppose you step over at once and let us see General Scott [and] Greneral Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. July 4, 1861. — Message to Congress in Special Session. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation. At the beginning of the present presidential term, four months ago, tlie functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the Post-office Department. Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom- houses, and the like, including the movable and stationary property in and about them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jeffer- son, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been put in improved condition, new ones had been built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose. The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in and near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly sur- rounded by well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as per- haps ten to one. A disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized to be used against the government. Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been seized for the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the government. Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great numbers ; and of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms against the government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union was opeidy avowed. In ac- cordance with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring the States respectively to be separated from the National Union. A formula for instituting a combined government of these States had been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character of confederate States, was already invoking recognition, aid, and intervention from foreign powers. Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imper- ative duty upon the incoming executive to prevent, if possible, the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was made 56 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN and was declared in the inangiiral address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and property not already wrested from the government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the ballot- box. It promised acontinuance of the mails, at government expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might constitu- tionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the government on foot. On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in office), a letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28tli of February and received at the War Depart- ment on the 4th of March, was by that department placed in his hands. This letter expi-essed the professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary by the limited supply of pro- visions, and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieuten- ant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting with other officers, both of the army and the navy, and at the end of four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as before. * He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time when the provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the duty of the administration in the case to the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity un- der which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad ; that, in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garri- son, and ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military necessity." An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pick- ens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was re- ceived just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news it- self was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 57 troops had been transferred from the BrooJih/n, acting upon some qa((sl armistice of the late administration (and of the existence of which the present administration, up to the time the order was de- spatched, had only too vag-ue and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter was impossible — rendered so by the near exhaustion of provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, commenced preparing an expedition as well adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended in this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the governor of South Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to pro- vision the fort ; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, with- out further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given ; whereupon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sum- ter was in no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assail- ants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit aggression upon them. They knew — they were expressly notified — that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this government desired to keep the garri- son in the fort, not to assail them; but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immedi- ate dissolution — trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment ; and they assailed and re- duced the fort for precisely the reverse object — to drive out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immedi- ate dissolution. That this was their object the executive well un- derstood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, '' You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sum- ter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the government began the con- flict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, ^^ immediate dissolution or blood." And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a consti- 58 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN tutional republic or democracy — a government of the people by the same people — can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discon- tented individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretenses made in this case, or on any other pretenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces us to ask: *' Is there, in all republics, this inherent and fatal weakness ? " " Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence ? " So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of the government; and so to resist force employed for its destruction, by force for its preservation. The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. Yet none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organiza- tion. A few regiments have been organized within some others of those States by individual enterprise, and received into the govern- ment service. Of course the seceded States, so called (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some of them being almost for the Union, while in others — as Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas — the Union sentiment was nearly repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most remarkable — perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the peo- ple of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and with them adopted an ordinance for with- drawing the State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at the government's resistance to that as- sault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordi- nance for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month distant, the convention and the legislature (which was also in session at the same time and place), with leading men of the State not members of either, immediately com- menced acting as if the State were already out of the Union. They pushed military pre])arations vigoronsly forward all over the State. They seized the United States armory at Harper's Ferr}^, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received — perhaps invited — into their State large bodies of troops, with their war- like appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They form- ally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and cooperation with the so-called ''Confederate States," and sent members to their congress at Montgomery. And, finally, they permitted the LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 59 insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capital at Richmond. The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice left l)nt to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens this government is bound to recognize and pro- tect, as being Virginia. In the border States, so called, — in fact, the Middle States, — there are those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces pass- ing one way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable wall along the line of separation — and yet not quite an impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality it would tie the hands of Union men and freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open euem5% At a stroke it would take all the trouble oif the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which, of all things, they most de- sire — feed them well, and give them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obliga- tion to maintain the Union ; and while very many who have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect. Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at first a call was made for 75,000 militia ; and, rapidly following this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insur- rectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrec- tionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of pri- vateering. Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the reg-ular army and nav}^ These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity ; trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is believed that nothing has been done be- yond the constitutional competency of Congress. Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, in other words, to arrest and detain, witliout resort to the ordinary processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to the public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done under it are questioned, and the attention of the country has been called to the proposition that one who has sworn to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed" should not himself violate them. Of course some consideration was given to the questions of power and propriety before this matter 60 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to be faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the means necessary to their execution some single law, made in such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be violated! To state the question more directly, are all the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces lest that one be violated ? Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken if the government should be over- thrown, when it was believed that disregarding the single law would tend to preserve it f But it was not believed that this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The pro- vision of the Constitution that '^ the privilege of the writ of liaheas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is equivalent to a provi- sion — is a provision — that such privilege may be suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this power. But the Consti- tution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the power ; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the framers of the instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its course until Congress coidd be called together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion. No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some length will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress. The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so long continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they supposed the early destruction of our National Union was probable. While this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world. The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy will give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient for your deliberation and action ; while the executive and all the departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communi- ^ cat e new facts considered important for you to know. ^ It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short and decisive one : that you place at the control of the government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and $400,000,000. That number of men is about one tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all are LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ^UJRAHAM LINCOLN 61 willing to engage ; and the sum is less than a twenty -third part of the money value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $000,000,000 now is a less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolutiim when we came out of tliat struggle; and the money value in the einiutry now bears even a greater pro- portion to what it was then than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had then to establish them. A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand of the executive to give it prac- tical shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will save their government if the government itself will do its part only indifferently well. It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebel- lion." The movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much pride in and reverence for the history and government of their common country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these- strong and noble senti- ments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious debauching of the public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that any State of the Union may consistently with the Na- tional Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully, with- di'aw from the Union without the consent of the Union or of any other State. The little disguise that the supposed right is to be ex- ercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical pretense of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been brought to no such thing the day before. This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred su- premacy pertaining to a State — to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution — no one of them ever hav- ing been a State out of the Union. The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their British colonial depen- 62 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN dence ; and the new ones each came into the Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas, in its temporary independence, was never designated a State. The new ones only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be ''free and independent States"; but even then the ob- ject plainly was not to declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the time, and afterward, abund- antly show. The express plighting of faith by each and all of the ori- ginal thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. Having never been States either in substance or in name outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of '' State Rights," asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself °? Much is said about the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the National Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. What is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be far wrong to define it " a political community without apolitical superior " ? Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on com- ing into the Union; by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme y law of the land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of independence or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as States. Originally some dependent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for them, and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution indepen- dent of the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new States framed their constitutions before they entered the Union — nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the Union. Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in and by the National Constitution ; but among these surely are not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or de- structive, but, at most, such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers ; and certainly a power to destroy the government itself had never been known as a governmental, as a merely administrative power. This relative matter of national power and State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be confided to the whole — to the General Government ; while whatever concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the National LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 63 Constitution in defiiiinof bouiularies between the two lias applied the i)i'in('iplt> with exact aecui'aey, is not to be questioned. We are all bound by that definins^, without ciuestion. What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent with the Constitution — is lawful and peaceful. It is not conteiuled that there is any express law for it ; and nothing should ever be im- plied as law which leads to unjust or absurd coMse({uences. The nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without leave and without refunding ? The nation paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Fh)rida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she sliall now be off with- out consent or without making anj^ return '? The nation is now in debt for money ap})lied to the benefit of these so-called seceding States in common with the rest. Is it just either that creditors shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole f A part of the present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall liave seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditors'? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go or to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain. The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained it by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no government can possibly endure. If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder poli- ticians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as*the greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called " driving the one out," shoiild be called " the seceding of the others from that one," it would be ex- actly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of minori- ties. They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution and sj)eaks from th<; preamble calling itself '^We, the People." It may well ])e ((uestioned whether there is to-day a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, except perhaps South Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are the majority in many, if not in every other 64 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN one, of the so-called seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee; for the resnlt of an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side of the ques- tion voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popu- lar sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who are at once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union. It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institu- tions we enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condi- tion of our whole people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has now on foot was never before known, without a soldier in it but who has taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there are many single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world ; and there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a President, a cabinet, a congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to administer the govern- ment itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much better the reason why the government which has con- ferred such benefits on both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he does it — what better he is likely to get in its stead — whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so much of good to the people ? There are some foreshado wings on this subject. Our ad- versaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words " all men are created equal." Why? They have adopted a tempo- rary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the People," and substitute, " We, the deputies of the sovereign and indepen- dent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people ? This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men — to lift artificial weights from all shoulders ; to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all; to afford aU. an unfettered start, and a fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the govern- ment for whose existence we contend. I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while in this, the govern- ment's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved false to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 65 Great honor is due to those Oilficers who remained true, despite the example of their treacherous dissociates ; ^ut the greatest honor, and most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers and coniinou sailors.^ To the last man, so far as known, they have successfully resisted ihe traitorous efforts of those wliose commands, but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct of the plain people.) They understand, with- out an argument, that the destroying of the government which was made by Washington means no good to them. Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in it our people have already settled — the successful establishing and the successful administering of it. One still re- mains — its successful maintenance against a formidal^le internal attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a rebellion ; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bul- lets; and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets ; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace : teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take it by a war ; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war. Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is to be the course of the government toward the Southern States after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems it proper to say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and the laws ; and that he probably will have no different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal Grovernment relatively to the rights of the States and the people, under the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address. He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for all as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citi- zens everywhere have the right to claim this of their government, and the government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provision, that " the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government." But if a State may lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may also discard the republican form of government ; so that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indis- pensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory. It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. He could but perform this duty or surrender the ex- istence of the government. No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be a cure ; not that compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long survive a marked prece- VoL. II.— 5. 66 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN dent that those who carry an election can only save the government from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that these institutions shall perish; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as the free people have confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own life in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and your actions may so accord with his, as to assure all faithful citizens who have been dis- turbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them, under the Constitution and the laws. And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts. Abraham Lincoln. July 4, 1861. July 10, 1861. — Memorandum to General S. B. Buckner. It is my duty, as I conceive, to suppress an insurrection existing within the United States. I wish to do this with the least possible disturbance or annoyance to well-disposed people anywhere. So far I have not sent an armed force into Kentucky, nor have I any present purpose to do so. I sincerely desii"e that no necessity for it may be presented ; but I mean to say nothing which shall hereafter embarrass me in the performance of what may seem to be my duty. (Copy of this delivered to General Buckner, this 10th day of July, 1861.) July 11, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of BepresentaUves : In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th instant, requesting a copy of correspondence upon the subject of the incorporation of the Do- minican republic with the Spanish monarchy, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred. Washington, July 11, 1861. July 15, 1861. — Memorandum about the Defeat at Vienna, Va. A day or two before the disaster at Vienna General Tyler had, by orders, with a force gone on the same road three miles beyond that point, and returned past it, seeing neither battery nor troops — of which General Schenck had been notified. The morning of the dis- aster General Schenck received the order under which he acted, which is in words and figures following: LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 67 Headquarters Department N. E. Virgestia, Arlington, June 17, 1861. Brigadier-General Schenck, Commanding Oliio Brij^ade. Sir: The general commanding directs that you send one of the regiments of your command on a train of cars up the London and Hampshire Railroad to the point where it crosses the wagon-road running from Fort Corcoran (opposite Georgetown) southerly into Virginia. The regiment, being established at that point, will by suitable patrols feel the way along the road to Falls Church and Vienna, moving, however, with caution, and making it a special duty to guard effectually the railroad bridges and look to the track. The regiment will go supplied for a tour of duty of twenty -four hours, and will move on the arrival at your camp of a train of cars ordered for that purpose, and will relieve all the troops of Colonel Hunter's brigade now guarding the line. I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant, James B. Fry, A. A. G. As appears by the order, General Schenck was not ordered to go- himself, but merely to send a regiment ; and he went himself be- cause the colonels of both his regiments happened to be absent ; but he took Colonel McCook's regiment, and Colonel McCook over- took and joined him before the disaster occurred ; and to whom (he being a regularly educated military man) the order was at once shown, and General Schenck did nothing afterward but upon his full concurrence. It is not true, as has been stated, that any notice was given General Schenck of a battery being at Vienna. It is true that a countryman told General Schenck he had heard there were troops at Vienna. He was asked if he had seen them, and he said not ; he was asked if he had seen any one who had seen them, and he said not ; but he had seen a man who had heard there were troops there. This was heard by Colonel McCook as well as General Schenck ; and on consultation they agreed that it was but a vague rumor. It is a fact that not an officer or private who was present at the disaster has ever cast a word of blame upon either General Schenck or Colonel McCook; but, on the contrary, they are all anxious to have another trial under the same officers. July 16, 1861. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary of State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten- tiary accredited to this government, relative to the exhibition of the products of industry of all nations, which is to take place at London in the course of the next year. As citizens of the United States may justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in industrial arts, it 68 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN is desii'able that they should have proper facilities toward taking part in the exhibition. With this view I recommend such legisla- tion by Congress at this session as maybe necessary for that purpose. Abraham Lincoln. WASHINGTO.N, July 16, 1861. July 18, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Chase. {Private.) Executive Mansion, July 18, 1861. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. My dear Sir : I can scarcely avoid an " unpleasantness," not to say a difficulty, or rupture, respectively with Mr. Senator King and Mr. Speaker Grow, unless I can find a place for each a man. Mr. Grow, knowing I have Mr. King on hand, as well as himseK, was here this morning, insisting that the second and fifth authorships are still open, and that I might give them to Mr. King's man and to his. Is the fact so 1 Are those places open ! If they are, you would both oblige and relieve me by letting them go as indicated. Grow's man is Joseph E. Streeter, really of Illinois (no acquaintance of mine), but, as Grows says, to be charged to Pennsylvania. King's man is Smith, of Minnesota. I neither know him nor remember his Christian name as given by Mr. King. Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. July 19, 1861. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives: As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a deep interest in the preservation and development of the fisheries adjacent to the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it seems proper that we should concert with the governments of those countries such measui'es as may be conducive to those important objects. With this view I transmit to Congress a copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and the British minister here, in which the latter proposes, on behalf of his government, the appoint- ment of a joint commission to inquire into the matter, in order that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be advisable for the objects proposed. Such legislation is recommended as may be necessary to enable the executive to provide for a commissioner jon behaK of the United States. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, July 19, 1861. .July .23, 1861. — Memoranda of Military Policy Suggested BY the Bull Run Defeat. (July 23, 1861.) 1. Let 'the plan for making the blockade effective be pushed for- eword with. all possible despatch. J LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN G9 2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under General Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed without more for the present. 3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and cer- tain hand. 4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made secure in its position. 5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders ac- cording to instructions or orders from General McClellan. 6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and op- erations in the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special at- tention to Missouri. 7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, be reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about Arlington. 8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service bo discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit. 9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as possible, and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river here. (July 27, 1861.) When the foregoing shall have been substantially attended to : 1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the railroads near it) and Strasburg be seized and permanently held, with an open line from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from Harper's Ferry to Strasburg — the military men to find the way of doing these. 2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis, and from Cincinnati on East Tennessee. July 25, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Bepresentatlves : In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th instant requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government and foreign powers on the subject of the existing insurrection in the United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State. Abrahajm Lincoln. Washington, July 25, 1861. July 25, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the Home of Representatives : In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d instant requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government and foreign powers with reference to maritime rights, I transmit a copy from the Secre- tary of State. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, July 25, 1861. 70 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN July 27, 1861. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate : In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 25th instant relative to the instructions to the ministers of the United States abroad, in reference to the rebellion now existing in the southern portion of the Union, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, July 27, 18G1. July 27, 1861.— Message to the House of Representatives. To the Rouse of Representatives : In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 24th instant asking the grounds, reasou, and evidence iipon which the police commissioners of Balti- more were arrested and are now detained as prisoners at Fort McHenry, I have to state that it is judged to be incompatible with the public interest at this time to furnish the information called for by the resolution. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, July 27, 1861. July 30, 1861. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States: In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant requesting information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in my message of the 4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. Abraham Lincoln. July 30, 1861. July 30, 1861. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant requesting information concerning the imprisonment of Lieutenant John J. Worden [John L. Worden] of the United States navy, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. Abraham Lincoln. July 30, 1861. August 1, 1861. — Reply to the Tycoon of Japan. A. Lincoln, President of the United States of America: To His Majesty the Tycoon of Japan. Gi'eat and good Friend : I have received the letter which you have addressed to me on the subject of a desired extension of the time stipulated by treaty for the opening of certain ports and cities in LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 71 Japan. The question is surrounded with many difficulties. While it is my earnest desire to consult the convenience of your Majesty, and to accede, so far as I can, to your reasonable wishes, so kindly expressed, the interests of the United States must, nevertheless, have due consideration. Towusend Harris, minister resident near your Majesty, will be fully instructed as to the views of tliis govern- ment, and will make them known to you at large. I do not permit myself to doubt that these views will meet with your Majesty's ap- proval, for they proceed not less from a just regard for the interest and prosperity of your empire than from considerations affecting our own welfare and honor. Wishing abundant prosperity and length of years to the great state over which j^ou preside, I pray God to have your Majesty always in his safe and holy keeping. Written at the city of Washington, this 1st day of August, 1861. Your good friend, A. Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. August 1, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cameron. Executive Mansion, August 1, 1861, 3£)j dear Sir : Herewith I inclose you a resolution of the Senate inquiring whether Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, has been ap- pointed a general in the army of the United States ; and if yea, whether he has accepted the appointment. Will you i)lease fur- nish me, as soon as possible, copies of all record entries and corre- spondence upon the subject which are in your department, together with a brief statement of your personal knowledge of whatever may contribute to a full and fair statement of the case. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 2, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the Rouse of Representatives : In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal citizens of the United States by the forces now in rebellion against this government, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the copy of a telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, August 2, 1861. August 3, 1861. — Letter from Secretary Cameron to the Governor of Missouri. War Department, Washington, August 3, 1861. His Excellency H. R. Gamble, Governor of Missouri, Jefferson City; In reply to your message directed to the President, I am directed to say that if by proclamation you promise security to citizens in 72 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN arms who voluntarily return to their allegiance and become peace- able and loyal, this government will cause the promise to be respected. I have tlie honor to be, very respectfully, Semon Cameron, Secretary of War. August 5, 1861. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, 1861, requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. James H. Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been appointed a brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, whether he has accepted such appointment, I have the honor to transmit herewith certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, which, taken together, ex- plain themselves, and which contain all the information I possess upon the questions propounded. It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to appoint Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United States volunteers in anticipation of the act of Congress, since passed, for raising such volunteers ; and I have no further know- ledge upon the subject, except as derived from the papers herewith inclosed. Abraham Lincoln. Executive Mansion, August 5, 1861. Auffust 5, 1861. — Telegram from the President's Private Secretary to General Fremont. Washington, August 5, 1861. To Major-General Fremont : The President desires to know briefly the situation of affairs in the region of Cairo. Please answer. Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. August 7, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cameron. Executive Mansion, August 7, 1861. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir: The within paper, as you see, is by Hon. John S. Phelps and Hon. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Congress from Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of Missourians in the southwestern part of the State. It ought to be done, and Mr. Phelps ought to have general superintendence of it. I see by a private report to me from the department that eighteen regiments are already accepted from Missouri. Can it not be ar- ranged that part of tliem (not yet organized, as I understand) may be taken from the locality mentioned and put under the control of Mr. Phelps, and let him have discretion to accept them for a shorter term than thi*ee vears or the war — imderstanding, however, that he LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 73 will get thein for the full term if he can ? I hope this can be done, because Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his ground too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for arming, equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and wishes to carry home with him authority for this matter. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 8, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, August 8, 1861. Hon. Secretary op War. Ml/ dear Sir: Edward Ellsworth, first cousin to Colonel Ellsworth who fell at Alexandria, a non-commissioned officer in the fourth regiment of Michigan Volunteers, now stationed at the Relay House, wishes to be a second lieutenant in the army. He is present while I write this, and he is an intelligent and an exceedingly wary-appear- ing \'oung man of twenty years of age. I shall be glad if a place can be found for him. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 12, 1861. — Proclamation of a National Fast-day. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on the President of the United States and requested him to " recom- mend a day of public prayer, humiliation, and fasting, to be observed by the people of the United States with religious solemnities, and the offering of fervent supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, his blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace " : And whereas it is fit and becoming in all people, at all times, to acknowledge and revere the supreme government of God ; to bow in humble submission to his chastisements ; to confess and deplore their sins and transgressions, in the full conviction that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom ; and to pray with all fervency and conti'ition for the pardon of tlynr past offenses, and for a bless- ing upon their present and prospective action : And whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and civil war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God in this terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own faults and crimes as a nation and as individuals, to humble our- selves before him and to pray for his Tuercy — to pray that we may be spared further punishment, though most justly deserved; that our arms may be blessed and made effectual for the reestablish- ment of law, order, and peace throughout the wide extent of our country ; and that the inestimable boon of civil and religious liberty, 74 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN earned under his guidance and blessing by the labors and sufferings of our fathers, may be restored in all its original excellence : Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do appoint the last Thursday in September next as a day of humili- ation, prayer, and fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recommend to all the people, and especially to all ministers and teachers of religion, of all denominations, and to all heads of families, to observe and keep that day, according to their several creeds and modes of worship, in all humility and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grrace, and bring down plentiful bless- ings upon our country. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, this twelfth [l. s.] day of August, a, d. eighteen hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty- sixth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. ' August 15, 18G1.— Telegram to Governor O. P. Morton. Washington, D. C, August 15, 1861. Governor Morton, Indiana: Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the earliest moment possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your rifled guns. Do not delay a single regiment, but hasten everything forward as soon as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional regiments organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this week. A. Lincoln. August 15, 1861.— Telegram to General Fremont. Washington, August 15, 1861. To Major- General Fremont: Been answering your messages since day before yesterday. Do you receive the answers ? The War De- partment has notified all the governors you designate to forward aU available force. So telegraphed you. Have you received these messages ? Answer immediately. A. Lincoln. August 15, 1861. — Telegram to John A. Gurley. Washington, D. C, August 15, 1861. John A. Gurley, Cincinnati, Ohio: The Grosbeck regiment is ordered to join Fremont at once. Has it gone? Answer immediately. A.Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 75 August 16, 1861.— Proclamation Forbidding Intercourse with Rebel States. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas on the fifteenth dav of April, eighteen hundred and sixty- one, the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection against the laws, Constitution, and government of the United States which had broken out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and m pursu- ance of the provisions of the act entitled " An act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose," approved February twenty-eighth, seventeen hun- dred and uinetv-flve, did call forth the militia to suppress said insur- rection, and to cause the laws of the Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to disperse by the time directed by the President; and whereas, such insurrection has since broken out and yet exists within the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Ten- nessee, and Arkansas ; and whereas, the insurgents in all the said States claim to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of government in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof in which such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed by said States: tt -x -■ o^ ^ Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States of Georgia, South Carohna, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida (except the inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia lying west of the Alleghauv Mountains, and of such other parts of that State, and the other States hereinbefore named, as may main- tain a loyal adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be from time to time occupied and controlled by forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents), are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all coin- mercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts of the United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlaw- ful until such insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed ; that all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the special license and permission of the President, through the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same, or convoy- ing persons to or from said States, with said exceptions, will be for- feited to the United States ; and that from and after fifteen days 76 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN from the issuing of this proclamation all ships and vessels belonging in whole or in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any of said States, with said exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the United States, will be forfeited to the United States ; and I hereby enjoin upon all district attorneys, marshals, and ofl&oers of the revenue and of the military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in the execution of said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and forfeitures imposed or declared by it ; leaving any party who may think himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secre- tary of the Treasury for the remission of any penalt^^ or forfeiture, which the said secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judgment, the special circumstances of any case shall require such remission. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this sixteenth day of r 1 August, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty- '■^* -■ one, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-sixth, Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. August 17, 1861. — Letter to Secretary Cameron. Executive Mansion, August 17, 1861. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir: Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to me, make out a commission for Simon [B.] Buckner, of Kentucky, as a brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of General Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the discretion of General Anderson. Of course it is to remain a secret unless and until the commission is delivered. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. [Indorsement] Same day made. August 24, 1861.— Letter to Governor Magoffin. Washington, D. C, August 24, 1861. To His Excellency B. Magoffin, Governor of the State of Kentucky. Sir : Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you '' urge the re- moval from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organ- ized and in camp within said State," is received. I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this subject, but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp within Kentucky acting by authority of the United States, which force is not very large, and is not now being augmented. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN i I I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by the United States. I also believe that this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, havinjy^ their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not assailing or menacing any of the good peo{)le of Kentucky. In all I have done in the premises, I have acted upon the urgent solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed, and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union-loving people of Kentucky. While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of Kentucky, including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember that any one of them, or any other person, ex- cept your Excellency and the bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for a time. Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be removed beyond her limits, and, with this impression, I must re- spectfully decline to so remove it I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve the peace of my own native State, Kentucky; but it is with regret I search [for], and cannot find, in your not very short letter any declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the Federal Union. Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. September 2, 1861. — Letter to General Fremont. Washington, D. C, September 2, 1861. Major-General Fremont. My dear Sir: Two points in your proclamation of August 30 give me some anxiety : First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in retaliation ; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation "without first having my approbation or consent. Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberating slaves of traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the act of Congress entitled, *' An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I herewith send you. This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I send it by special messenger, in order that it may certainly and speedily reach you. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 78 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN September 9, 1861. — Letter to General Hunter. WASHEsrGTON, D. C, September 9, 1861. Major- General David Hunter. 3Iij dear Sir : General Fremont needs assistance which it is diffi- cult to give him. He is losing the confidence of men near him, whose support any man in his position must have to be successful. His cardinal mistake is that he isolates himself and allows nobody to see him, and by which he does not know what is going on in the very matter he is dealing with. He needs to have by his side a man of large experience. Will you not, for me, take that place? Your rank is one grade too high to be ordered to it, but will you not serve the country and oblige me by taking it voluntarily? A. Lincoln. September 11, 1861. — Telegram to Governors Washburn of Maine, Fairbanks of Vermont, Berry of New Hampshire, Andrew op Massachusetts, Buckingham of Connecticut, AND Sprague of Rhode Island. War Department, September 11, 1861. General Butler proposes raising in New England six regiments, to be recruited and commanded by himself, and to go on special service. I shall be glad if you, as governor of , will answer by telegraph if you consent. A, Lincoln. September 11, 1861.— Order to General Fremont. W^ashington, September 11, 1861. Major-General John C. Fremont. Sir : Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objec- tion to it. The particular clause, however, in relation to the confis- cation of property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its nonconformity to the act of Congress passed the 6th of last August upon the same subjects ; and hence I wrote you, expressing mywish that that clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for the modification, wliich I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said clause of said pro- clamation be so modified, held, and construed as to conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject contained in the act of Congress entitled, "An act to confiscate property used for LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 79 insurrectionary purposes/' approved August G, 1861, and that said act bo published at length with this oi-der. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. September 12, 1861. — Letter to Mrs. Fr]6mont. Washington, D. C, September 12, 1861. Mrs. General Fremont. Ml/ dear Madam : Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered the letter you bore me from General Fremont on yester- day, and not hearing from you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. It is not exactly correct, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. Blair, to say that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to examine into that department and report. Postmaster- General Blair did go, with my approbation, to see and converse with General Fremont as a friend. I do not feel authorized to furnish you with copies of letters in my possession without the consent of the writers. No impression has been made on my mind against the honor or integrity of General Fremont, and I now enter my pro- test against being understood as acting in any hostility toward him. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. September 12, 1861. — Letter to Joseph Holt. Executive Mansion, September 12, 1861. Hon. Joseph Holt. Dear Sir : Yours of this day, in relation to the late proclamation of General Fremont, is received. Yesterday I addressed a letter to him by mail on the same subject, and which is intended to be made public when he receives it. I herewith send you a copy of that let- ter, which, perhaps, shows my position as distinctly as any new one I could write. I will thank you to not make it public until General Fremont shall have had time to receive the original. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. [September 15 ?] 1861. — Indorsement on Letter of John W. Davis. The President has read this letter, and he deeply commiserates the condition of any one so distressed as the writer seems to be. He does not know Mr. Davis — only knows him to be one of the arrested police commissioners of Baltimore because he says so in this letter. Assuming him to be one of those commissioners, the President understands Mr. Davis could at the time of his arrest, could at any time since, and can now, be released by taking a full oath of alle- giance to the government of the United States, and that Mr. Davis has not been kept in ignorance of this condition of release. If Mr. Davis is still so hostile to the government, and so determined to aid its enemies in destroying it, he makes his own choice. 80 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN September 16, 1861. — Letter to General Scott. Washington, D. C, September 16, 1861. 3fy dear Sir : Since conversing with you I have concluded to re- quest you to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hatteras. I suggest it to be so framed as for vis to accept a smaller force — even a company — if we cannot get a regiment or more. "What is necessary to now say about officers you will judge. Gov- ernor Seward says he has a nephew (Clarence A. Seward, I believe) who would be willing to go and play colonel and assist in raising the force. Still it is to be considered whether the North Carolinians will not prefer officers of their own. I should expect they would. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. Lieutenant-General Scott. September 18, 1861. — Order to Secretary Cameron. Executive Mansion, September 18, 1861. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir : To guard against misunderstanding, I think fit to say that the joint expedition of the army and navy agreed upon some time since, and in which General T. W. Sherman was and is to bear a conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must be ready to move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all preparations go forward accordingly. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 22, 1861. — Order to General Fremont. Washington, September 22, 1861. Major-General Fremont: Governor Morton telegraphs as follows : " Colonel Lane, just ar- rived by special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, in possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. Owensborough must be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Paducah for that purpose," Send up the gunboat if, in your discre- tion, you think it right. Perhaps you had better order those in charge of the Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at all points. A. Lincoln. September 22, 1861. — Letter to O. H. Browning. {Private and Confidential.) Executive Mansion, Washington, September 22, 1861. Hon. 0. H. Browning. My dear Sir : Yours of the 17th is just received ; and coming from you, I confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my ad- LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 81 hering to a law which you had assisted in making and presenting to me less than a month before is odd enough. But this is a very- small part. General Fremont's proclamation as to confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves is purely political and not within the range of military law or necessity. If a commanding general finds a necessity to seize the farm of a private owner for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has the right to do so, and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts ; and this is within military law, because within military necessity. But to say the farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and this as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as when it is, is purely political, without the savor of military law about it. And the same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can seize them and use them ; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their permanent futiu*e condition. That must be settled according to laws made by law-makers, and not by military procla- mations. Tlie proclamation in the point in question is simply " dic- tatorship." It assumes that the general may do anything he pleases — confiscate the lands and free the slaves of loyal people, as well as of disloyal ones. And going the whole figure, I have no doubt, would be more popular with some thoughtless people than that which has been done ! But I cannot assume this reckless position, nor allow others to assume it on my responsibility. You speak of it as being the only means of saving the govern- ment. On the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it be pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United States — any government of constitution and laws — wherein a general or a president may make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I do not say Congress might not with propriety pass a law on the point, just such as General Fremont proclaimed. I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. "What I object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or im- pliedly seize and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the government. So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was popular in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been a general declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky legislature would not budge till that proclamation was modified; and General Anderson telegraphed me that on the news of General Fremont having actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole com- pany of our volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded. I was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to separation at once, including the surrender of this capital. On the contrary, if you \vill give up your restlessness for new positions, and back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends gave me the election and have approved in my public documents, we shall go through triumphantly. You Vol. II.— 6. OJ LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN must not understand I took my course on the proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private letter to Greueral Fremont before I heard from Kentucky. You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part to be within military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adver- saries have the power, and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of theirs. I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies. There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for his removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can probably tell you what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground. Your friend, as ever, A. Lincoln. September 24, 1861. — Memorandum about Guns. Washington, September 24, 1861. If twenty guns, and a carriage and appointments to each, shall be made, equal or superior to the Ellsworth gun and carriage exhibited some time since to Captain Kingsbury, and more recently to me, the quality to be judged of by Captain Kingsbury, and shall be delivered to the Government of the United States at this city within sixty days from this date, I will advise that they be paid for at the price of three hundred and fifty dollars for each gun with its carriage and appointments, and in addition will advise that reasonable charges for transportation from Worcester in Massachusetts to this city be paid. Will also advise that forty cents per round be paid for all good ammunition suitable for said guns, which shall be furnished with said guns, provided the amount does not exceed two hundred rounds to each gun. A. Lincoln. September 29, 1861. — Letter to Governor Morton. Washington, D. C, September 29, 1861. His Excellency, Governor O. P. Morton: Your letter by the hand of Mr. Prunk was received yesterday. I write this letter because I wish you to believe of us (as we certainly believe of you) that we are doing the very best we can. You do not receive arms from us as fast as you need them ; but it is because we have not near enough to meet all the pressing demands, and we are obliged to share around what we have, sending the larger share to the points which appear to need them most. We have great hope that our own supply will be ample before long, so that you and all others can have as many as you need. I see an article in an Indian- apolis newspaper denouncing me for not answering your letter sent LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 83 by special messenger two or three weeks ago. I did make what I thought the best ausWer to that letter. As I remember, it asked for ten heavy guns to be distributed, with some troops, at Lawrence- burg, Madison, New Albany, and Evansville; and I ordered the guns and directed you to send the troops, if you had them. As to Kentucky, you do not estimate that State as more important than I do, but I am compelled to watch all points. While I write this I am, if not in range, at least in hearing of cannon-shot from an array of enemies more than 100,000 strong. I do not expect them to capture this city ; but I know they would if I were to send the men and arms from here to defend Louisville, of which there is not a single hostile armed soldier within forty miles, nor any force known to be moving upon it from any distance. It is true the army in our front may make a half-circle around southward and move on Louisville, but when they do we will make a half-circle around northward and meet them ; and in the mean time we will get up what forces we can from other sources to also meet them. I hope ZoUicoffer has left Cumberland Gap (though I fear he has not)^ because, if he has, I rather infer he did it because of his dread of Camp Dick Robinson, reinforced from Cincinnati, moving on him, than because of his intention to move on Louisville. But if he does go round and reinforce Buckner, let Dick Robinson come round and reinforce Sherman, and the thing is substantially as it was when ZoUicoffer left Cumberland Gap. I state this as an illustration ; for, in fact, I think if the Gap is left open to us Dick Robinson should take it and hold it; while Indiana and the vicinity of Louis- ville in Kentucky can reinforce Sherman faster than ZoUicoffer can Buckner. You requested that Lieutenant-Colonel Wood of the army should be appointed a brigadier-general. I will only say that very formid- able objection has been made to this from Indiana. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. [October 1 ?] 1861, — Memorandum for a Plan of Campaign. On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined hereafter) I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass called Cumberland Gap. That point is now guai-ded against us by Zol- licoffer, with 6000 or 8000 rebels at Barboursville, Ky., — say twenty- five miles from the Gap, toward Lexington. We have a force of 5000 or 6000 under General Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about twenty- five miles from Lexington and seventy-five from Zollicoffer's camp, on the road between the two. There is not a railroad anywhere be- tween Lexington and the point to be seized, and along the whole length of which the Union sentiment among the people largely predominates. We have military possession of the railroad from Cincinnati to Lex- ington, and from Louisville to Lexington, and some home guards, under General Crittenden, are on the latter line. We have posses- 84 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN sion of the railroad from Louisville to Nashville, Tenn., so far as Muldraugh's Hill, about forty miles, and the rebels have possession of that road all south of there. At the Hill we have a force of 8000, under General Sherman, and about an equal force of rebels is a very short distance south, under General Buckner. We have a large force at Paducah, and a smaller at Fort Holt, both on the Kentucky side, with some at Bird's Point, Cairo, Mound City, Evansville, and New Albany, all on the other side, and all which, with the gun-boats on the river, are perhaps sufficient to guard the Ohio from Louisville to its mouth. About supplies of troops, my general idea is that all from Wis- consin, Minnesota, Iowa, Illinois, Missouri, and Kansas, not now elsewhere, be left to Fremont. All from Indiana and Michigan, not now elsewhere, be sent to Anderson at Louisville. All from Ohio needed in western Virginia be sent there, and any remainder be sent to Mitchel at Cincinnati, for Anderson, All east of the moun- tains be appropriated to McClellan and to the coast. As to movements, my idea is that the one for the coast and that on Cumberland Gap be simultaneous, and that in the mean time preparation, vigilant watching, and the defensive only be acted upon ; this, however, not to apply to Fremont's operations in northern and middle Missouri. That before these movements Thomas and Sher- man shall respectively watch but not attack Zollicoffer and Buck- ner. That when the coast and Gap movements shall be ready Sherman is merely to stand fast, while all at Cincinnati and all at Louisville, with all on the line, concentrate rapidly at Lexington, and thence to Thomas's camp, joining him, and the whole thence upon the Gap. It is for the military men to decide whether they can find a pass through the mountains at or near the Gap which cannot be defended by the enemy with a greatly inferior force, and what is to be done in regard to this. The coast and Gap movements made. Generals McClellan and Fre- mont, in their respective departments, will avail themselves of any advantages the diversions may present, • October 11, 1861, — Letter to the Viceroy of Egypt, Washington, October 11, 1861. Great and good Friend : I have received from Mr. Thayer, consul- general of the United States at Alexandria, a full account of the liberal, enlightened, and energetic proceedings which, on his com- plaint, you have adopted in bringing to speedy and condign punish- ment the parties, subjects of your highness in Upper Egypt, who were concerned in an act of criminal persecution against Faris, an agent of certain Christian missionaries in Upper Egypt. I pray your highness to be assured that these proceedings, at once so prompt and so just, will be regarded as a new and unmistakable proof equally of your highness's friendship for the United States and of the firmness, integrity, and wisdom with which the government of LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 85 your highness is conducted. Wishing you great prosperity and success, I am your friend, Abraham Lincoln. His Highness Mohammed Said Pacha, Viceroy of Egypt and its Dependencies, etc. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State, October 14, 1861.— Order authorizing Suspension of the Writ OF Habeas Corpus. Washington, October 14, 1861. Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott : The military Ime of the United States for the suppression of the insurrection may be extended so far as Bangor, Maine. You and any officer acting under your authority are hereby authorized to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in any place between that place and the city of Washington. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. October 21, 1861. — Letter to Archbishop Hughes. Washington, D. C, October 21, 1861. Archbishop Hughes. Rujlit reverend Sir: I am sure you will pardon me if in my igno- rance I do not address you with technical correctness. I find no law authorizing the appointment of chaplains for our hospitals ; and yet the services of chaplains are more needed, perhaps, in the hospitals than with the healthy soldiers in the field. With this view, I have given a sort of quasi appointment (a copy of which I inclose) to each of three Protestant ministers, who have accepted and entered upon the duties. If you perceive no objection, I will thank you to give me the name or names of one or more suitable persons of the Catholic Church, to whom I may with propriety tender the same service. Many thanks for your kind and judicious letters to Governor Seward, and which he regularly allows me both the pleasure and the profit of perusing. With the highest respect, Yom* obedient servant, A. Lincoln. October 24, 1861. — Letters to General Curtis, with Inclosures. Washington, October 24, 1861. Brigadier-General S. R. Curtis. JIA// dear Sir : Herewith is a document — half letter, half order — which, wishing you to see, but not to make public, I send unsealed. Please read it and then inclose it to the officer who tnay be in com- 86 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN mand of the Department of the West at the time it reaches him. I cannot now know whether Fremont or Hunter will then be in command. Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. Washington, October 24, 1861, Brigadier-General S. R. Curtis. Dear Sir: On receipt of this, with the accompanying inclosures, you will take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosure addressed to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all reasonable despatch, subject to these conditions only: that if, when General Fremont shall be reached by the messenger — yourself or any one sent by you — he shall then have, in personal command, fought and won a battle, or shall then be actually in a battle, or shall then be in the immediate presence of the enemy in expectation of a battle, it is not to be delivered, but held for further orders. After, and not till after, the delivery to General Fremont, let the inclosure addressed to General Hunter be delivered to him. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. (General Orders No. 18.) Headquarters of the Army, Washington, October 24, 1861. Major-General Fremont, of the United States Army, the present commander of the Western Department of the same, will, on the re- ceipt of this order, call Major-General Hunter, of the United States Volunteers, to relieve him temporarily in that command, when he (Major-General Fremont) will report to general headquarters by letter for further orders. Winpield Scott. By command : E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General. Washington, October 24, 1861. To the Cojimander of the Department of the West. Sir : The command of the Department of the West having de- volved upon you, I propose to offer you a few suggestions. Know- ing how hazardous it is to bind down a distant commander in the field to specific lines and operations, as so much always depends on a knowledge of localities and passing events, it is intended, there- fore, to leave a considerable margin for the exercise of your judgment and discretion. The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Mississippi is believed to have passed Dade County in full retreat upon northwestern Arkan- sas, leaving Missouri almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the southeast of the State. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems desir- able, as you are not likely to overtake Price, and are in danger of making too long a line from your own base of supplies and rein- forcements, that you should give up the pursuit, halt your main LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 87 army, divide it into two corps of observation, one occupying Sedalia and the other Rolhi, the present termini of raih-oads ; then recruit the condition of both corps by reestablishing and improving their discipUne and instructions, perfecting their ch)thing and equip- ments, and providing less uncomfortable quarters. Of course iDoth railroads must be guarded and kept open, judiciously employing just so much force as is necessary for this. From these two points, SedaUa and RoUa, and especially in judicious cooperation with Lane on the Kansas border, it would be so easy to concentrate and re- pel any army of the enemy returning on Missouri from the south- west, that it is not probable any such attempt will be made before or during the approaching cold weather. Before spring the people of Missouri will probably be in no favorable mood to renew for next year the troubles which have so much afflicted and impoverished them during this. If you adopt this line of policy, and if, as I anticipate, you will see no enemy in great force approaching, you will have a surplus of force which you can withdraw from these points and direct to others as may be needed, the railroads furnish- ing ready means of reinforcing these main points if occasion re- quires. Doubtless local uprisings will for a time continue to occur, but these can be met by detachments and local forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of themselves. While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a large discretion must be and is left with yourself, I feel sure that an indefinite pur- suit of Price or an attempt by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in the loss of the whole force engaged in it. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. November 1, 1861.— Order retiring General Scott and APPOINTING General McClellan his Successor. (General Orders No. 94.) War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, November 1, 1861. The following order from the President of the United States an- nouncing the retirement from active command of the honored vet- eran Lieuteuant-General Winfield Scott will be read by the army with profound regret : " Executive Mansion, Washington, November 1, 1861. " On the 1st day of November, a. d. 1861, upon his own application to the President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired officers of the army of the United States, without reduction in his current pay, subsistence, or allowances. " The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that General Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, while the President and a unanimous cabinet express their 88 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN own and the nation's sympathy in his personal affliction, and their profound sense of the important public services rendered by him to his country during* his long and brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully distinguished his faithful devotion to the Consti- tution, the Union, and the flag when assailed by parricidal rebellion. '^ Abraham Lincoln." The President is pleased to direct that Major-General George B. MeClellan assume the command of the army of the United States. The headquarters of the array will be established in the city of Washington. All communications intended for the commanding general will hereafter be addressed direct to the adjutant-general. The duplicate returns, orders, and other papers heretofore sent to the assistant adjutant-general, headquarters of the army, will be discontinued. By order of the Secretary of War : L. Thomas, Adjutant-General. November 6, 1861. — Order approving the Plan of Governor Gamble of Missouri. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 5, 1861. The Governor of the State of Missouri, acting under the direction of the convention of that State, propr es to the Government of the United States that he will raise a miUtary force, to serve within the State as State militia during the war there, to cooperate with the troops in the service of the United States in repelling the invasion of the State and suppressing rebel- lion therein ; the said State militia to be embodied and to be held in the camj) and in the field, drilled, disciplined, and governed according to the army regulations and subject to the articles of war ; the said State militia not to be ordered out of the State except for the immediate defense of the State of Missouri, but to cooperate with the troops in the service of the United States in military operations within the State or necessary to its defense, and when ofl&cers of the State militia act with officers in the service of the United States of the same grade, the ofiicers of the United States service shall connnand the eombuied force ; the State militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, subsisted, transported, and paid by the United States dining such time as they shaU be actually engaged as an embodied military force in service in accordance with i-egulations of the United States Army or general orders as issued from time to time. In order that the treasury of the United States may not be burdened with the pay of unnecessary officers, the governor proposes that, although the State law requires him to appoint upon the general staff an adjutant-gen- eral, a commissary-general, an inspector-general, a quartermaster-general, a paymaster-general, and a surgeon-general, each Avith the I'ank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the Government of the United States pay only the adjutant-general, the quartermaster-general, and inspector-gen - ei-ai, their services being necessary in the relations which would exist be- tween the State militia and the United States. The governor further proposes that, while he is allowed by the State law to appoint aides-de- camp to the governor at his discretion, with the rank of colonel, three only shall be reported to the United States for payment. He also proposes that LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 89 the State militia shall be commanded by a single major-general and by such number of Ijrigadier-generals as shall allow ojie for a bi'igade of not less than four regiments, and that no greater number of staff-officers shall be appointed for regimental, brigade, and division duties than is provided for in the act of C'ongi'ess of the 22d July, 1861; and that whatever be the rank of such oificers as ffxed by the law of the State, the compensation that they shall receive from the United States shall only be that which belongs to the rank given by said act of Congress to officers in the United States service pei'forming the same duties. The field-officers of a regiment in the State militia are one colonel, one Ueutenant-colonel, and one major, and the company officers are a captain, a first lieutenant, and a second lieutenant. The governor proposes that, as the money to be disbursed is the money of the United States, such staff" officers in the ser\dce of the United States as may be necessary to act as disbursing officers for the State militia shall be assigned by the War Department for that duty ; or, if such cannot be spared from their present duty, he will appoint such persons disbursing officers for the State militia as the President of the United States may designate. Such regulations as may be required, in the judgment of the President, to insui'e regularity of retiirns aTid to protect the United States from any fraudulent practices, shall be observed and obeyed by aU. in office in the State militia. The above propositions are accepted on the part of the United States, and the Secretary of War is directed to make the necessary orders upon the Ordnance, Quartermaster, Commissary, Pay, and Medical departments to carry this agreement into effect. He will cause the necessary staff-officers in the United States service to be detailed for duty in connection with the Missouri State militia, and will order them to make the necessary provision in their respective offices for fulfilling tli?'^ agreement. All requisitions upon the different officers of the United States under this agreement to be made in substance in the same mode for the Missouri State militia as sim- ilar requisitions are made for troops in the service of the United States, and the Secretary of War Avill cause any additional regulations that may be necessary to insure regularity and economy in caiTying this agreement into effect to be adopted and communicated to the Governor of Missouri for the government of the Missoui'i State mditia. November 6, 1861. This plan approved, with the modification that the governor stipu- lates that when he commissions a major-general of militia it shall be the same person at the time in command of the United States De- partment of the West ; and in case the United States shall change such commander of the department, he (the governor) will revoke the Sta1;e commission given to the person relieved, and give one to the person substituted to the United States command of said department. ^^ Lincoln. November 10, 1861. — Letter to General McClernand. Washington, November 10, 1861. Brigadier-General McClernand. 3Iy dear Sir : This is not an official, but a social letter. You have had a battle, and without being able to judge as to the precise mea- 90 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN sure of its value, I think it is safe to say that you and all with you have done honor to yourselves aud the flag, and service to the coun- try. Most gratefully do I thank you and them. In my present position I must care for the whole nation ; but I hope it will be no injustice to any other State for me to indulge a little home pride that Illinois does not disappoint us. I have just closed a long in- terview with Mr. Washburne, in which he has detailed the many diflflculties you and those with you labor under. Be assured we do not forget or neglect you. Much, very much, goes undone ; but it is because we have not the power to do it faster than we do. Some of your forces are without arms, but the same is true here and at every other place where we have considerable bodies of troops. The plain matter of fact is, our good people have rushed to the rescue of the government faster than the government can find arms to put into their hands. It would be agreeable to each division of the army to know its own precise destination ; but the government can- not immediately, nor inflexibly at any time, determine as to all ; nor, if determined, can it tell its friends without at the same time telling its enemies. We know you do all as wisely and well as you can ; and you will not be deceived if you conclude the same is true of us. Please give my respects and thanks to all. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. November 18, 1861. — Letter to George Bancroft. New York, November 15, 1861. My dear Sir : Following out yoar suggestion, a very numerous meeting of New-Yorkers assembled last week to take measures for relieving the loyal sufferers of Hatteras. I take the liberty to inclose to you some re- marks wliicli I made on the occasion. You will find in them a copy of an unpublished letter of one of your most honored predecessors, with which you cannot fail to be pleased. Your administration has fallen upon times which will be remembered as long as human events find a record. I sincerely wish to you the glory of perfect success. Civdl war is the instrument of Divine Providence to root out social slavery. Posterity will not be satisfied with the result unless the consequences of the war shall effect an increase of free States. This is the universal expectation and hope of men of all parties. Very respectfully yours, Geo. Bancroft. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 18, 1861. My dear Sir : I esteem it a high honor to have received a note from Mr. Bancroft, inclosing the report of proceedings of a New York meeting taking measures for the relief of Union people of North Carolina. I thank you and all others participating for this benevolent and patriotic movement. The main thought in the closing paragraph of your letter is one which does not escape my attention, and with which I must deal in all due caution, and with the best judgment I can bring to it. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. Hon. Geo. Bancroft. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 91 [November 26 ?] 1861.— Draft of a Proposed Bill for Compensated Abolishment in Delaware. Be it enacted by the State of Delawai-e that on condition the United States of America will, at the present session of Congress, engage by law to pay, and thereafter faithfully pay, to the said State of Delaware, in the six per cent, bonds of said United States, the sum of seven hundred and nineteen thousand and two hundred doHars in thirty-one equal annual instalments, there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude at any time after the first day of January in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-three, within the said State of Delaware, except in the punish- ment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted ; nor, except in the punishment of crime as aforesaid, shall any per- son who shall be born after the passage of this act, nor any person above the age of thirty-five years, be held in slavery or to invol- untary servitude within said State of Delaware at any time after the passage of this act. And be it further enacted that said State shall in good faith pre- vent, as far as possible, the carrying of any person out of said State into involuntary servitude beyond the limits of said State at any time after the passage of this act. And be it further enacted that said State may make provision of apprenticeship, not to extend beyond the age of twenty-one years for males nor eighteen for females, for all minors whose mothers were not free at the respective births of such minors. On reflection I like No. 2 the better. By it the nation would pay the State $23,200 per annum for thirty-one years, and All born after the passage of the act would be born free, and 'All slaves above the age of thirty-five years would become free on the passage of the act, and All others would become free on arriving at the age of thirty-five years, until January, 1893, when All remaining of all ages would become free, subject to appren- ticeship for minors born of slave mothers up to the respective ages of twenty-one and eighteen. If the State would desire to have the money sooner, let the bill be altered only in fixing the time of final emancipation earlier and making the annual instalments correspondingly fewer in number, by which they would also be correspondingly larger in amount. For instance, strike out " 1893 " and insert " 1872," and strike out " thirt3''-one " annual instalments and insert ''ten" annual instal- ments. The instalments would then be $71,920 instead of $23,200 as now. In all other particulars let the bill stand precisely as it is. November 27, 1861. — Memorandum op Advice to Mrs. Douglas. Executive Mansion, November 27, 1861. Yesterday Mrs. Douglas called, saying she is guardian of the minor children of her late husband; that she is being urged, against 92 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN her inclination, to send them South on the plea of avoiding the confiscation of their property there, and asking my counsel in the case. I expect the United States will overcome the attempt to confiscate property because of loyalty to the government ; but if not, I still do not expect the property of absent minor children will be confis- cated. I therefore think Mrs. Douglas may safely act her pleasure in the premises. But it is especially dangerous for my name to be connected with the matter, for nothing would more certainly excite the secessionists to do the worst they can against the children. [December 1 ? ] 1861. — Inquiries from the President about THE Potomac Campaign. Washington, December 10, 1861, Your Excellency : I inclose the paper you left with me, filled as requested. In arriving at the numbers given, I have left the mini- mum number in garrison and observation. Information received recently leads me to believe that the enemy could meet us in front with equal forces nearly, and I have now my mind actively turned toward another plan of campaign that I do not think at all anticipated by the enemy nor by many of our own people. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Geo. B. McClellan, Major-General. [Inclosure.] [The roman type indicates President Lincoln's handwriting in ink ; the italics General McClellan's in pencU.] If it were determined to make a forward movement of the Army of the Potomac without awaiting further increase of numbers or better drill and discipline, how long would it require to actually get in motion f If hrkhje trains readt/ hy December 15, prohahly 2ot/i. After leaving all that would be necessary, how many troops could join the movement from southwest of the river ? Seventy-one thousand. How many from northeast of it? Thirty -three thousand. Suppose, then, that of those southwest of the river fifty thousand move forward and menace the enemy at Centreville; the remainder of the movable force on that side move rapidly to the crossing of the Occoquan by the road from Alexandria to Richmond, there to be joined by the whole movable force from northeast of the river, hav- ing landed from the Potomac, just below the mouth of the Occo- quan, moved by land up the south side of that stream to the crossing point named, then the whole move together by the road thence to Breutsville and beyond to the railroad just south of its crossing of LETTEKS AND STATE TAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 93 Broad Ruu, a strong detachment of cavalry having gone rapidly ahead to destroy the railroad bridges south and north of the point. If the crossing of the Oceoquan by those from above be resisted, those landing from the Potomac below to take the resisting force of the enemy in rear; or, if the landing from the Potomac be resisted, those crossing the Occcxpian from above to take that resisting force in the rear. Both points will probably not be successfully resisted at the same time. The force in front of Centreville, if pressed too hardly, should fight back slowly into the intrenchments behind them. Ai'ined vessels and transportation should remain at the Potomac landing to cover a possible retreat. December 2, 1861. — Order authorizing General Halleck to Suspend the Writ of Habeas Corpus. Major-General H. W. Halleck, Commanding in the Department of Missouri. General : As an insurrection exists in the United States, and is in arms in the State of Missouri, you are hereby authorized and em- powered to suspend the writ of liaheas corpus within the limits of the military division under your command, and to exercise martial law as you find it necessary in your discretion to secure the public safety and the authority of the United States. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, at Washington, this second day of December, a. d. 1861. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. December 3, 1861. — Annual Message to Congress. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : In the midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests. You will not be surprised to learn that, in the peculiar exigencies of the times, our intercourse with foreign nations has been at- tended with profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. A disloyal portion of the American people have, during the whole year, been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad ; and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke foreign intervention. Nations thus tempted to in- terfere are not always able to resist the counsels of seeming expe- diency and ungenerous ambition, although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those adopting them. 94 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked abroad, have received less patronage and encourage- ment than they probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including, especially, the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving encouragement to it. The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the embar- rassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw from the fii-st that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing diffi- culty; and that one strong nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce than can the same nation broken in hostile fragments. It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states, because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integ- rity of our country and the stability of our government mainly de- pend, not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, is herewith submitted. I venture to hope it will appear that we have practised prudence and liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation, and with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor. Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recom- mend that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintain- ing the public defenses on every side. While under this general recommendation provision for defending our sea-coast line readily occurs to the mind, I also in the same connection ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well-selected points upon these, would be of great importance to the national defense and preserva- tion. I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, ex- pressed in his report upon the same general subject. I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of East Tennessee and western North Carolina should' be connected with Kentucky and other faithful parts of the Union by railroad. I therefore recommend as a military measure that Congress provide for the construction of such road as speedily as possible. Kentucky, no doubt, will cooperate, and, through her legislature, make the most LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 95 judicious selection of a line. The nortlieru terminus must connect with some existing raih-oad; and whether the route shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxvalle, or on some still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the Gen- eral Government cooperating, the work can be completed in a very short time ; and when done it will be not only of vast present use- fulness, but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future. Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be submitted to tlie Senate for their consideration. Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers to adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all obstructions from the way of this humane reform, except such as are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence. I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britan- nic Majesty's minister accredited to this government, and the Secre- tary of State, relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire, in June last, by the United States steamer Massachusetts, for a sup- posed breach of the blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right, as sanctioned by public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention. I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor, in his annual message to Congress in December last, in regard to the disposition of the surplus which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American citizens against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under the act of the 3d of March, 1859. If, however, it should not be deemed advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that authority be given for investing the principal, over the proceeds of the surplus referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction of such other just claims of our citizens against China as are not unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with that empire. By the act of the 5tli of August last, Congi'ess authorized the President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against, and to capture, pirates. This authority has been exercised in a single instance only. For the more effectual protec- tion of our extensive and valuable commerce, in the eastern seas es- pecially, it seems to me that it would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to recapture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, and the consular courts, now established by law in eastern countries, to adjudicate the cases, in the event that this should not be objected to by the local authorities. If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in with- holding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, 96 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN to inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without the approba- tion of Congress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining a charge d'affaires near each of those new states. It does not admit of doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable treaties with them. The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed since your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the gov- ernment the large means demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial classes whose confidence in their country's faith, and zeal for their country's deliverance from present peril, have induced them to con- tribute to the support of the government the whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action. The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year ending on the 30th June, 1861, was $86,835,900.27, and the ex- penditures for the same period, including payments on account of the public debt, were $84,578,834.-47 ; leaving a balance in the trea- sury, on the 1st July, of $2,257,06.3.80. For the first quarter of the financial year ending on the 30th September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including the balance of 1st of July, were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses $98,239,733.09 ; leaving a balance on the 1st Octo- ber, 1861, of $4,292,776.18. Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year, and for the financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means for meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far sustained the government will continue to sustain it till peace and union shall again bless the land. I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for in- formation respecting the numerical strength of the army, and for recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well-being of the various branches of the service intrusted to his care. It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops ten- dered greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into the field. I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops, and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. The recommendation of the secretary for an organization of the militia upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious atten- tion of Congress. The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for in- LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 97 creasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy. By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chap- lains for hospitals occupied by volunteers. Tliis subject was brought to my notice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the dates respectively named and stated, in a schedule, containing also the form of the letter, marked A, and herewith trans- mitted. These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties desig- nated at the times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals as well as with regiments. The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase its efficiency and power. Such have been the additions, by construction and purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and brought into service since our difficul- ties commenced. Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before assembled under our flag have been put afloat and per- formed deeds which have increased our naval renown. I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the secretary for a more perfect organization of the navy by introdu- cing additional grades in the service. The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the suggestions subnutted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the efficiency of the navy. There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court — two by the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean, and one by the resignation of Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing Judges resided within the States now overrun by revolt; so that if successors were appointed in the same locali- ties they could not now serve upon their circuits; and many of the most competent men there probably would not take the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the supreme bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments northward, thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the return of peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the North one which has heretofore been in the South, would not, with reference to territory and population, be unjust. During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean his circuit grew into an empire, — altogether too large for any one judge to give the courts therein more than a nominal attendance, — rising in population from 1,470,018 in 1830, to 6,151,405 in 1860. Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present Vol. IL— 7. 98 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN judicial system. If uniformity was at all intended, tlie system requires that all the States shall be accommodated with circuit courts, attended by supreme judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Min- nesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, Texas, California, and Oregon have never had any such courts. Nor can this well be remedied without a change of the system; because the adding of judges to the Su- preme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts of the country, with circuit courts, would create a court altogether too numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit courts are useful, or they are not useful. If useful, no State should be denied them; if not useful, no State should have them. Let them , be provided for all, or abolished as to all. v/ Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an improvement npon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of convenient number in every event. Then, first, let the whole country be divided into circuits of convenient size, the su- preme judges to serve in a number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent circuit judges to be provided for the rest. Or, secondly, let the supreme judges be relieved from circuit duties, and circuit judges provided for all the circTiits. Or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly to the district courts and an independent Supreme Court. I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of them. Since the organization of the government. Congress has enacted some 5000 acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than 6000 closely printed pages, and are scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts have been drawn in haste and without sufflcient caution, so that their provisions are often obscure in themselves, or in conflict with each other, or at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the best-informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law really is. It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass as may consist with the fullness and precision of the will of the legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This, well done, would, I think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the people by placing before them, in a more accessible and intelligible form, the laws whicb so deeply concern their interests and their duties. I am informed by some whose opinions I respect that all the acts of Congress now in force, and of a permanent and general nature, might be revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume (or, at most, two volumes) of ordinary and convenient size; and I respectfully recommend to Congress to consider of the subject, and, if my suggestion be approved, to devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper for the attainment of the end proposed. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 99 One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the entire suppression, in many phices, of all the ordinary means of administering civil justice by the officers, and in the forms of ex- isting- law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States ; and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those States, the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts nor officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent States ; and there is a vast amount of debt constitut- ing such claims. Some have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, due, in large part, from insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens who are, even now, making great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the government. Under these circumstances, I have been urgently solicited to es- tablish, by military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end proposed — the collection of the debts — was just and right in itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the hope that a plan may be devised for the administration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be under the control of this government, whether by a voluntary return to allegiance and order, or by the power of our arms ; this, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be reestablished in peace. It is important that some more convenient means should be pro- vided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the govern- ment, especially in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the duty of government to render prompt justice against itself, in favor of citizens, as it is to administer the same be- tween private individuals. The investigation and adjudication of claims in their nature belong to the judicial department ; besides, it is apparent that the attention of Congress will be more than usually engaged, for some time to come, with great national qnestions. It was intended, by the organization of the Court of Claims, mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls of Congress; but while the court has proved to be an effective and valuable means of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect the object of its crea- tion for want of power to make its judgments final. Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger, of the sub- ject, I commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making judgments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary. I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster-General, the following being a summary statement of the condition of the department : The revenue from all sources during the fiscal yeav ending June L.ofC. 100 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 30, 1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the transportation of " free mail matter," was $9,049,296.40, being about two per cent, less than the revenue for 1860. The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than eight per cent, as compared with those of the previous year, and leaving an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal year of $4,557,462.71. The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an increase of four per cent, on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which should be added the earnings of the department in carry- ing free matter, viz., $700,000, making $9,383,000. The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leav- ing an estimated deficiency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the treasury in addition to the permanent appropriation. The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this District across the Potomac River, at the time of establishing the capital here, was eminently wise, and consequently that the relin- quishment of that portion of it which lies within the State of Vir- ginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining that part of the District and the restora- tion of the original boundaries thereof, through negotiations with the State of Virginia. The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompany- ing documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public business pertainiug to that department. The depressing in- fluences of the insurrection have been especially felt m the opera- tions of the Patent and General Land Ofiices. The cash receipts from the sales of public lands during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in the Southern States, while the interrup- tions to the business of the country, and the diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service, have obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the Northwest. The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about $100,000, rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary to make it self-sustaining. The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the casualties of the existing war, have ah'eady been made. There is reason to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of the bounty of the government are in the ranks of the insurgent army, or giving them aid and comfort. The Secre- tary of the Interior has directed a suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof of their disloyalty, I recom- mend that Congress authorize that officer to cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls. The relations of the government with the Indian tribes have been §reatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the Southern uperintendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the United States appointed since the 4th LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 101 of March for this superin tendency have been unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in office before that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from tlie insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion of those Indians have been organized as a military force, and are attached to the army of the insurgents. Although the government has no official infoi-mation upon this subject, letters have been written to the Com- missioner of Indian Affairs by sevend prominent chiefs, giving assurance of their loyalty to the United States, and expressing a wish for the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is be- lieved that upon the repossession of the country by the Federal forces the Indians will readily cease all hostile demonstrations and resume their former relations to the government. Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a department, nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the government. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so independent in its nature as to not have demanded and extorted more from the government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage. Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, com- merce, and manufactures would present a fund of information of great practical value to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably be organized. The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave- trade has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a subject of gratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with unusual success. Five vessels being fitted out for the slave- trade have been seized and condemned. Two mates of vessels en^ gaged in the trade, and one person in equipping a vessel as a slaver, have been convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine and impris- onment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of offense under our laws, the punishment of which is death. The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the last Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the se- curity and protection afforded by organized government, will doubt- less invite to them a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the country to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the legislature of Colorado, which evidence the pa- triotic spirit of the people of the Territory. So far, the authority of the United States has l)een upheld in all the Tei-ritories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend their interests and defense to the enlightened and generous care of Congress. 102 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the inter- ests of the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants ; and as they have no representative in Congress, that body should not overlook their just claims upon the government. At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing the President to take measures for facilitating a proper representa- tion of the industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the industry of all nations to be holden at Loudon in the year 1862. I regret to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject — a subject at once so interesting in itself, and so ex- tensively and intimately connected with the material prosperity of the world. Through the Secretaries of State and of the Interior a plan, or system, has been devised and partly matured, and which will be laid before you. Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other persons have become forfeited ; and numbers of the latter, thus liberated, are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on with such States resi)ectively ; that such persons, on such acceptance by the Greneral Government, be at once deemed free ; and that, in any event, steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned, if the other shall not be brought into existence) at some place or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in such colonization. To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acqui- sition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men, this measure effects that object; for the emigration of colored men leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and commercial grounds than on providing room for population. On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute necessity — that without which the government itself can- not be perpetuated ? LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 103 The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for suppressing the insurrection, I have been anxious and caretul that the inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. 1 liave, theretore, in every case thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Ijnion prominent as the pnmary object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the legislature. -, . +t, 1.1 ^^v In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the block- ade of the ports held l)y the insurgents, instead of putting in force, by proclamation, the law of Congress enacted at the last session tor closing those ports. „ ,. .,. So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence as well as the obliga- tions of law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act ot Congress to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly considered. The Union must be preserved ; and hence ^ all indispensable means must be employed. We should not be m haste to determine that radical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable. The inaugural address at the beginning of the administration, and the messagS to Congress at the late special session, were both mainly devoted to the domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract, to or from, the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those documents. . ^^ __ . , , ^^..;,.^a The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expiied at the assault upon Fort Sumter; and a general review of what has occurred since may not be unprofitable. What was painfully un- certain then is much better defined and more distinct now; and the progress of events is plainly in the right direction The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's line; and the friends of the Union were not free/i-om ap- prehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled definitely, and on the right side. South of the line, noble little Delaware led off rio-ht from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Uniofi Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and rail- roads torn up within her limits, and we were many days at one time, without the ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the government ; she already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union and none to the enemy; and her people, at a regular election, have sustained the Union by a larger majoritv and a larger aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now de- cidedly, and, I think, unchangeably, ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, and, I believe, cannot again be over- run by the insurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Ken- tucky and Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soitlier at first, have now an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in the field for the Union, while of their citizens certainly not more than 104 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN a third of that number, and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in arms against it. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the Union people of western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own country. An insurgent force of about 1500, for months dominating the narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and Northampton, and known as the eastern shore of Virginia, together with some contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the people there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the protection of the old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the Potomac or east of the Chesapeake. Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points, on the southern coast, of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Sa- vannah, and Ship Island ; and we likewise have some general ac- counts of popular movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee. These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advan- cing steadily and certainly southward. Since your last adjournment Lieuteuant-General Scott has retii*ed from the head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been unmindful of his merit ; yet, on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, and brilliant^ he has served the country from a time far back in our history when few of the now living had been born, and thenceforward continually, I cannot but think we are still his debt- ors. I submit, therefore, for your consideration what further mark of recognition is due to him and to ourselves as a grateful people. With the retirement of General Scott came the executive duty of appointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a for- tunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General McClellan for the position, and in this the na- tion seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is. therefore, in considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given him the confidence and cordial support thus by fair implication promised, and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones ; and the saying is true, if taken to mean no more than that an army is better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at variance and cross-purposes with each other. And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can have none but a common end in view, and can differ only as to the choice of means. In a storm at sea no one on board can wish the ship to sink ; and yet not infrequently all go down together because too many will direct, and no single mind can be allowed to control. It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not ex- clusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government — the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely considered public documents as well as in LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 105 the j]^eneral tone of the iusurgfents. In tliose documents we find the abridi^nieut of th«! existing: rij^ht of suffrage and the denial to the people of all riglit to participate in the selection of public officers except the legishitive, l)()ldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of the people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despo tism. _^ ^ It Is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of popidar institutions; but there is one point, with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor, in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital ; that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next con- sidered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and drive them to it without their consent. Having jjroceeded thus far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or what we call slaves. And, further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as as- sumed, nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are groundless. Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital pro- ducing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of the community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their capital hu-e or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to neither class — neither work for others nor have others working for them. In most of the Southern States a majority' of the Avhole people, of all colors, are neither slaves nor masters; while in the Northern a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men Avith their families — wives, sons, and daughters — work for themselves, on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and asking no favors of caj^ital on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgot- ten that a considerable number of persons mingle their own labor with capital — that is, they labor with their own hands and also buy or hire others to labor for them ; but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class. 106 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own ac- count another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all — gives hope to all, and consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty — none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost. From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy years ; and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things which men deem desirable has been even greater. "We thus have, at one view, what the popular principle, applied to gov- ernment, through the machinery of the States and the Union, has produced in a given time ; and also what, if firmly maintained, it promises for the future. There are already among us those who, if the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain 250,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day — it is for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence all the more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 3, 1861. .^, j Schedule A. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, 1861. Rev. . Sir : Having been solicited by Christian ministers and other pious people to appoint suitable persons to act as chaplains at the hospitals for our sick and wounded soldiers, and feeling the mtrinsic propriety of having such per- sons to so act, and yet believing there is no law confeiTing the power upon me to appoint them, I think fit to say that if you will voluntarily enter upon and perform the appropriate duties of such position, I will recommend that Congress make compensation therefor at the same rate as chaplains in the army are compensated. The following are the names and dates, respectively, of the persons and times to whom and when such letters were delivered : Eev. G. G. Goss September 25, 1861. Rev. John G. Butler September 25, 1861. Rev. Henry Hopkins September 25, 186b Rev. F. M. Magrath October 30, 1861. Rev. F. E. Boyle October 30, 1861. Rev. John C. Smith November 7, 1861. Rev. Wm. Y. Brown November 7, 1861. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 107 December 4, 1861.- Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives: I transmit herewith a report ^ fi > ZZoi'Avi of State in reply to the resolution of the House o'Sep ese^^^^^^^^^^ July last, in relation to the eorre- ^pom^^ between this ,.>vernment -"V;^:^ ^eolSr^Trhfso' the riu-hts of blockade, privateering, and the recognition ot the so calledl^onfederate States. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 4, 1861. December 4, 1861.- Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives: I transmit herewith a report from th Secretar^ of State, in reply to the resolution o the House of Representatives of the 31st July last, upon the «;^^]ect of increas ing and extending the trade and commerce of the United States with foreign countries. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 4, 1861. December 6, 1861.— Letter to General McClellan. Executive Mansion, December 6, 1861. Major-General McClellan. . . Mu clear Sir : Captain Francis G. Young, of the California regiment rColonel Baker's), is in some difficulty -I do not precisely undei - lV«n d what I be ieve you know I was unfavorably impressed toward Mm beTau ; of apparency contradictory accounts he gave me of some a te"s aUhe bat^tle of Bali;s. Bluff. At length he ^as -,ou|ht m ^^^^ muer which accompanies this, showing, I think, that he i^ eii itlta ?o?'eLectful consideration. As you see, it is signed by several sen- atoi?S 4yei^^^^^^ as well as other well-known and respectable Semen. ^ I attach considerable consequence ^ /he name of L e - fenant C^^^ Shaler, late Major Shaler, o the Nevv ^^^^ Seven 1^ These things and his late connection with Colonel Bakei, induce me to ask /on if, consistentl v with the public service, the past what- Tvei it is,lannot be waived, and he placed in service and given another chance? Yours truly, ^ ^^^^^^^ December 9, 1861.- Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives: I transmit herewith a report from /he Secre'tW of State, in reply to the resoluUon of the^^^^^^ of the 4th instant, relative to the intervention of certain European powers in the affairs of Mexico. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 9, 1861. 108 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN [December 10 ? ] 1861. — Draft of a Despatch proposing Arbitra- tion IN the ''Trent" Affair — not used or sent. The despatch of her Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, dated the 30th of November, 1861, and of which your Lordship kindly furnished me a copy, has been carefully considered by the President ; and he directs me to say that if there existed no fact or facts pertinent to the case beyond those stated in said despatch, the reparation sought by Great Britain from the United States would be justly due and should be promptly made. The President is un- willing to believe that her Majesty's government will press for a categorical answer upon what appears to him to be only a partial record, in the making up of which he has been allowed no part. He is reluctant to volunteer his view of the case with no assurance that her Majesty's government will consent to hear him ; yet this much he directs me to say, that this government has intended no affront to the British flag or to the British nation ; nor has it intended to force into discussion an embarrassing question, all of which is evi- dent by the fact hereby asserted, that the act complained of was done by the officer without orders from or expectation of the government. But being done, it was no longer left to us to consider whether we might not, to avoid a controversy, waive an unimportant though a strict right ; because we, too, as well as Great Britain, have a people justly jealous of their rights, and in whose presence our govern- ment could undo the acL complained of only upon a fair showing that it was wrong, or at least very questionable. The United States Government and people are still willing to make reparation upon such showing. Accordingly I am instructed by the President to inquire whether her Majesty's government will hear the United States upon the matter in question. The President desires, among other things, to bring into view and have considered the existing rebellion in the United States; the position Great Britain has assumed, including her Majesty's proclamation in relation thereto ; the relation the per- sons whose seizure is the subject of complaint bore to the United States, and the object of their voyage at the time they were seized; the knowledge which the master of the Trent had of their relation to the United States, and of the object of their voyage at the time he received them on board for the voyage ; the place of the seizure ; and the precedents and respective positions assumed in analogous cases between Great Britain and the United States. Upon a submission containing the foregoing facts, with those set forth in the before-mentioned despatch to your lordship, together with all other facts which either party may deem material, I am in- structed to say the Government of the United States will, if agreed to by her Majesty's government, go to such friendly arbitration as is usual among nations, and will abide the award. Or, in the alternative, her Majesty's government may, upon the same record, determine whether any — and, if any, what — reparation is due from the United States; provided no such reparation shall be LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 109 different in character from nor transcend that proposed by your lordship as instructed in and by the despatch aforesaid ; and pro- vided further, that the determination thus made shall be the law for all future analogous cases between Great Britain and the United States. December 14, 18G1. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : In compliance with the resolu- tion of your honorable body "that the President be requested to fnrnish to the Senate copies of the charges, testimony, and finding of the recent court of inquiry in the case of Colonel Dixon S. Miles, of the United States Army," I have the honor to transmit here- with the copies desired, which have been procured from the War Department. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 14, 1861. December 17, 1861. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to the Senate and House of Representatives copies of the correspondence between the Secretary of State, the Secretary of War, and the governor of the State of Maine, on the subject of the fortification of the sea-coast and lakes. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 17, 1861. December 20, 1861. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress a letter from the secretary of the executive committee of the com- mission appointed to represent the interests of those American citizens who may desire to become exhibitors at the industrial ex- hibition to be held in London in 1862, and a memorial of that com- mission, with a report of the executive committee thereof, and copies of circulars announcing the decisions of her Majesty's commissioners in London, giving directions to be observed in regard to articles intended for exhibition, and also of circular forms of application, demands for space, approvals, etc., according to the rules prescribed by the British commissioners. As these papers fully set forth the requirements necessary to enable those citizens of the United States who may wish to become exhi})itors to avail themselves of the privileges of the exhibition, I commend them to vonr early consideration, especially in view of the near approach of tne time when the exhibition will i)egin. Abrahajm Lincoln. Washington, December 20, 1861. 110 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN December 23, 1861. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives : In compliance with the resolu- tion of the House of Representatives of the 13th July last, requesting information resiiecting the Asiatic coolie-trade, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State,with the documents which accompanied it. Washington, December 23, 1861. Abraha^i Lincoln. December 30, 1861. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and Rouse of Uepresentatives : I transmit to Congress a correspondence which has taken place between the Secretary of State and authorities of Great Britain and France on the subject of the recent removal of certain citizens of the United States from the British mail-steamer Trent, hj order of Captain Wilkes, in command of the United States war-steamer San Jacinto. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 30, 1861. December 31, 1861. — Telegram to General Halleck. Washington, D. C, December 31, 1861. General H. W. Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri: General McClellan is sick. Are General Buell and yourself in concert f When he moves on Bowling Green, what hinders it being reinforced from Columbus ? A simultaneous movement by you on Columbus might prevent it. ^ Lincoln [Similar despatch to Buell same date.] January 1, 1862. — Telegram to General D. C. Buell. Washington City, January 1, 1862. Brigadier- General Buell, Louisville : General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think you better get in concert with General Halleck at once. I write you to-night. I also telegraph and write Halleck. ^ Lincoln January 1, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. Washington City, January 1, 1862. Major-General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri: General McClellan should not yet be disturbed with business. I think General Buell and yourself should be in communication and concert at once. I write you to-night and also telegraph and write ^^^- A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 111 January 1, 1862. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 1, 1862. Mij dear General HalJeck : General McClellan is not dangerously ill, as I hope, but would better not be disturbed with lousiness. I am very anxious that, in case of General Buell's moving toward Nashville, the enemy shall not be greatly reinforced, and I think there is danger he will be from Columbus. It seems to me that a real or feigned attack on Columbus from up-river at the same time would either prevent this or compensate for it by throwing Columbus into our hands. I wrote General Buell a letter similar to this, meaning that he and you shall communicate and act in concert, unless it be your judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. You and he will understand much l)etter than I how to do it. Please do not lose time in this matter. Yours verv trulv, a -r •^ "^ A. Lincoln. January 2, 1862, — Note to Secretary Chase. I have just been with General McClellan; and he is very much better. , _ A. Lincoln. January 2, 1862. January 2, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives ; I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter to the Secretary of State from James R. Partridge, secretary to the executive committee of the industrial exhibition to be held in London in the course of the present year, and a copy of the correspondence to which it refers relative to a vessel for the pur- pose of taking such articles as persons in this country may wish to exliibit on that occasion. As it appears that no naval vessel can be spared for the purpose, I recommend that authority be given to charter a suitable merchant vessel, in order that facilities similar to those afforded by the government for the exhibition of 1851 may also be extended to those citizens of the United States who may desire to contribute to the exhibition of this year. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, January 2, 1862. January 4, 1862. — Telegram to General D. C. Buell. Washington, January 4, 1862. General Buell : Have arms gone forward for East Tennessee f Please tell me the progress and condition of the movement in that direction. Answer. A. Lincoln. 112 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN January 6, 1862.— Letter to General D. C. Buell. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 6, 1862. Brigadier-General Buell. Mij dear Sir: Your despatch of yesterday has been received, and it disappoints and distresses me. I have shown it to General Mc- Clellan, who says he will write you to-day. I am not competent to criticize your views, and therefore what I offer is in justification of myself. Of the two, I would rather have a point on the railroad south of Cumberland Gap than Nashville. First, because it cuts a great artery of the enemy's communication, which Nashville does not ; and secondly, because it is in the midst of loyal people who would rally around it, while Nashville is not. Again, I cannot see why the movement on East Tennessee would not be a diversion in your favor rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a movement toward Nashville is the main object. But my distress is that our friends in East Tennessee are being hanged and driven to despair, and even now, I fear, are thinking of taking rebel arms for the sake of personal protection. In this we lose the most valuable stake we have in the South. My despatch, to which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowledge of Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard of East Tennessee, and they will be upon me to know the answer, which I cannot safely show them. They would despair, possibly resign to go and save their families somehow, or die with them. I do not intend this to be an order in any sense, but merely, as intimated before, to show you the grounds of my anxiety. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. January 7, 1862. — Telegram to General Buell. Washington, January 7, 1862. Brigadier-General D. C. Buell, Louisville: Please name as early a day as you safely can on or before which you can be ready to move southward in concert with Major-General Halleck. Delay is ruining us, and it is indispensable for me to have something definite. I send a like despatch to Major-General Halleck. A. Lincoln. January 9, 1862.— Indorsement about Allotment Commissioners FOR Iowa. It would afford me great pleasure to oblige Mr. Vandever in the within matter, if I knew it would not be disagreeable to the other Iowa members. Will he please procure their names with his own and send them to me ? January 9, 1862. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 113 January 10, 18G2. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- gress a translation of an instruction to the minister of his Majesty the Emperor of Austria accredited to this government, and a copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State rehitive to the questions involved in the taking from the British steamer Trent of certain citizens of the United States by order of Captain Wilkes of the United States Navy. This correspondence may be considered as a sequel to that previously communicated to Congress relating to the same subject. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, January 10, 1862. January 10, 1862. — Indorsement on Letter from General Halleck. Headquarters Department of the Missouri, St. Louis, January 6, 1861. To His Excellency the President. In reply to your Excellency's letter of the 1st instant, I have to state that on receiving your telegram I immediately communicated with General Buell, and have since sent him all the information I could obtain of the enemy's movements about Columbus and Camp Beauregard. No considerable force has been sent from those places to Bowling Green. They have about 22,000 men at Columbus, and the place is strongly fortified. I have at Cau'o, Fort Holt, and Paducali only about 15,000, which, after leaving guards at these places, would give me but little over 10,000 men with which to assist Gen- eral Buell. It would be madness to attempt anj-thing serious with such a force, and I cannot at the pi-esent time withdi'aw any from Missouri with- out risking the loss of tliis State. The troops recently raised in other States of this department have, without my knowlege, been sent to Kentucky and Kansas. I am satisfied that the authorities at Washington do not appreciate the difficulties with which we have to contend here. The operations of Lane, Jennison, and others have so enraged the people of Missonri that it is estimated that there is a majority of 80,000 against the government. We are virtually in an enemy's country. Price and others have a considerable array in the southwest, against which I am operating with all my available force. This city and most of the middle and northern counties are insurrection- ary, — burning bridges, destroying telegraph lines, etc., — and can be kept down only by the presence of troops. A large portion of the foreign troops organized by General Fremont are imrehable ; indeed, many of them are ah'eady mutinous. They have been tampered with by politicians, and made to beUeve that if they get up a mutiny and demand Fremont's retux'n the gov- ernment AviU be forced to restore him to duty here. It is believed that some high officers are in the plot. I have already been obliged to disarm several of these organizations, and I am daily expecting more serious outbreaks. Another grave cUfficulty is the want of proper general officers to command the troops and enforce oi'der and discipline, and especially to protect public property from robbery and plunder. Some of the brigadier-generals as- signed to this department are entirely ignorant of their duties and unfit for any command. I assure you, Mr. President, it is very diificidt to accompUsh Vol. II.— 8. 114 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN much with such means. I am in the condition of a carpenter who is re- quired to build a bridge with a dull ax, a broken saw, and rotten timber. It is true that I have some very good green timber, which will answer the purpose as soon as I can get it into shape and season it a little. I know nothing of General Bu.ell's intended opei'ations, never having re- ceived any information in regard to the general plan of campaign. If it be intended that his column shall move on Bowling Green while another moves from Cairo or Paducah on Columbus or Camp Beauregard, it will be a repe- tition of the same strategic error which produced the disaster of Bull Run. To operate on exterior hues against an enemy occupying a central position will fail, as it always has failed, in ninety-nine cases out a hundred. It is condemned by every military authority I have ever read. General Buell's army and the forces at Paducah occupy precisely the same position in relation to each other and to the enemy as did the armies of McDowell and Patterson before the battle of BuU Run. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. HAiiLECK, Major-General. [Indorsement.] The within is a copy of a letter just received from General Halleck. It is exceedingly discouraging. As everywhere else, nothing can be ^^"^- A. Lincoln. January 10, 1862. January 11, 1862. — Correspondence relating to the Resigna- tion OF Secretary Cameron. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 11, 1862. Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. My dear Sir : As you have more than once expressed a desire for a change of position, I can now gratify you consistently with my view of the public interest. I therefore propose nominating you to the Senate next Monday as minister to Russia. Very sincerely, your friend, A. Lincoln. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, January 11, 1862. Dear Sir: Though I have said nothing hitherto in response to your wish, expressed long since, to resign your seat in the Cabinet, I have not been unmindful of it. I have been only unwilling to consent to a change at a time and under circumstances which might give occasion to misconstruction, and unable till now to see how such misconstruction could be avoided. But the desire of Mr. Clay to return home and to offer his services to his country in the field enables me now to gratify your wish, and at the same time evince my personal regard for you, and my con- fidence in your ability, patriotism, and fidelity to public trust. I therefore tender to your acceptance, if you still desire to resign your present position, the post of minister to Russia. Should you LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 115 accept it, you will bear with you the assurance of my undiminished confidence, of my affectionate esteem, and of ray sure expectation that, near the ^reat sovereign whose personal and hereditary friend- ship for the United States so much endears him to Americans, you will be able to render services to your country not less important than those you could render at home. Very sincerely, your friend, A. Lincoln. Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. War Department, Washington, January 11, 1862. 3Iy dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge your favor of this date, and to thank you, with profound respect, for its kind and g-enerous tone. When you were elected President, a result to which I contributed my best exertions, I had no thought of leaving the Senate of the United States or of accepting any position within yoiu- gift. But when you invited me to Springfield, Illinois, and presented me the choice of one of two named places in tlie list of your constitutional advisers, I could not, for grave public reasons and after great reflection, refuse a trust so trjdng and laborious. My hfe had been one of constant labor and excitement. I looked to the Senate as the best field, after such a life, in which to serve my country and my State. It was only when I realized that I might be of ser\dce to the genei'al cause in the darkly foreshadowed future that I ventured to un- dertake the manifold and various responsibihties of the War Department. I felt when I saw the traitors leaving their seats in Congress, and when the Star of [the] West was fired upon in Charleston harbor, that a bloody conflict was inevitable. I have devoted myself without interruption to my ofiicial duties, and have given to them all my energies. I have done my best. It was impossible, in the direction of operations so extensive, but that some mistakes should have happened and some complications and complaints should have arisen. In view of such considerations, I thank you for the expression of yoiu* con- fidence in my ability, patriotism, and fidelity to public trust. Thus my own conscientious sense of doing my duty by the executive and by my country is approved by the acknowledged head of the government himself. When I became a member of yovu' administration I avowed my purpose to retire from the cabinet as soon as my duty to my country would allow me to do so. In your letter of this day's date, so iUustrativ^e of your just and upright character, you revive the fact that I some time ago expressed the same purpose to you, and in reminding me of tliis you proffer for my acceptance one of the highest diplomatic positions at your bestowal as an additional mark of your confidence and esteem. In retiring from the War Department I feel that the mighty army of the United States is ready to do battle for the Constitution ; that it is mar- shaled by gallant and experienced leaders; that it is animated with the greatest enthusiasm for the good cause, and also that my successor in this department is my personal friend, who unites to wonderful intellect and vigor the gi'and essential of being in earnest in the present struggle, and of being resolved upon a speedy and ovei'whelming triumph of our ai-ms. I therefore frankly accept the new distinction you have tendered me, and as soon as im- portant and long-neglected private business can be aiTanged I will enter upon the important duties of the mission which you have assigned me. I have the honor to be, my dear sir. Your obedient and humble servant, SiMON Cameron. Abraham Lincoln, President. 116 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN January 13, 1862. — Letter to General D. C. Buell. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 13, 1862. Brigadier-Gteneral Buell. My dear Sir : Your despatch of yesterday is received, in which you say : " I have received your letter and General McClellan's, and will at once devote all my efforts to your views and his." In the midst of my many cares, I have not seen nor asked to see General McClellan's letter to you. For my own views, I have not offered and do not now offer them as orders ; and while I am glad to have them respectfully considered, I would blame you to follow them contrary to your own clear judgment, unless I should put them in the form of orders. As to General McClellan's views, you under- stand your duty in regard to them better than I do. With this preliminary, I state my general idea of this war to be that we have the greater numbers, and the enemy has the greater facility of con- centrating forces upon points of collision ; that we must fail unless we can find some way of making our advantage an overmatch for his ; and that this can only be done by menacing him with superior forces at different points at the same time, so that we can safely at- tack one or both if he makes no change ; and if he weakens one to strengthen the other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but seize and hold the weakened one, gaining so much. To illustrate : Suppose, last summer, when Winchester ran away to reinforce Manassas, we had forborne to attack Manassas, but had seized and held Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to criticize. I did not lose confidence in McDowell, and I think less harshly of Patterson than some others seem to. In application of the general rule I am suggesting, every particular case will have its modifying circumstances, among which the most constantly present and most difficult to meet will be the want of perfect knowledge of the enemy's movements. This had its part in the Bull Run case ; but worse in that case was the expiration of the terms of the three months' men. Applying the principle to your case, my idea is that Halleck shall menace Columbus and " down river " generally, while you menace Bowling Green and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate at Bowling Green, do not retire from his front, yet do not fight him there either, but seize Columbus and East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed by the concentration at Bowling Green. It is a matter of no small anxiety to me, and one which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East Tennessee line is so long and over so bad a road. Yours very truly, A, Lincoln. [Indorsement.] January 13, 1862. Having to-day written General Buell a letter, it occurs to me to send General Halleck a copy of it. A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 117 January 15, 18G2. — Letters to General H. W. Halleck. Washington, D. C, January 15, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Mij dear Sir: TJiis will introduce Governor G. Koerner, of Illinois, who is my personal friend, and .who calls on you at my particular request. Please open the sealed letter he will hand you before he leaves you and confer with him as to its contents. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. [Indosure.] Executive Mansion, Washington, January 15, 1862. Ma.jor-General Halleck. 3Ii/ dear Sir: The Germans are true and patriotic, and so far as they have got cross in Missouri it is upon mistake and misunder- standing. Without a knowledge of its contents. Governor Koerner, of Illinois, will hand you this letter. He is an educated and talented German gentleman, as true a man as lives. With his assistance you can set everything right with the Germans. I write this without his knowledge, asking him at the same time, by letter, to deliver it. My clear judgment is that, with reference to the German element in your command, you should have Governor Koerner with you ; and if agreeable to you and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that he can afford to so give his time. He does not wish to com- mand in the field, though he has more military knowledge than many who do. If he goes into the place he will simply be an ef- ficient, zealous, and unselfish assistant to you. I say all this upon intimate personal acquaintance with Governor Koerner. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. January 17, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- gress a translation of an instruction to the minister of his Majesty the King of Prussia accredited to this government, and a copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State relating to the capture and detention of certain citizens of the United States, pas- sengers on board the British steamer Trent, by order of Captain Wilkes of the United States Navy. Abrahai^i Lincoln. Washington, January 17, 1862. January 22, 1862.— Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 22, 1862. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir : On reflection I think it will not do, as a rule, for the adjutant-general to attend me wherever I go : not that I have 118 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN any objection to his presence, but tliat it would be an uncompensat- ing encumbrance both to him and me. When it shall occur to me to go anywhere, I wish to be free to go at once, and not to have to notify the adjutant-general and wait till he can get ready. It is better, too, for the public service that he shall give his time to the business of his office, and not to personal attendance on me. While I thank you for the kindness of the suggestion, my view of the matter is as I have stated. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. January 24, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Eepresentatives : I submit to Congress the accompanying copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State, the Spanish minister, and the Secretary of the Navy, con- cerning the bark Providencia, a Spanish vessel seized on her voy- age from Havana to New York by a steamer of the United States blockading squadron, and subsequently released. I recommend the appropriation of the amount of the award of the referee. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, January 24, 1862. January- 24, 1862. — Indorsement on Letter from Secretary Stanton. War Department, Washington, January 24, 1862. Mr. President: In my opinion the success of military operations and the safety of the country require some changes to be made in the Bureau of Ordnance, and perhaps some others, in order to secure more vigor and activity; and I desire to have your sanction for making them. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Edwin M. Stanton. [Indorsement.] The Secretary of War has my authority to exercise his discretion in the matter within mentioned. A. Lincoln. January 24, 1862. January 24, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, January 24, 1862. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir: On reflection, I think you better make a peremptory order on the ordnance officer at Pittsburg to ship the ten mortars and two beds to Cairo instantly, and all others as fast as finished, till ordered to stop, reporting each shipment to the department here. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 119 January 27, 1862. — President's General War Order No. 1. Executive Mansion, "Washington, January 27, 1862. Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a general movement of all the land and naval forces of the United States against the insurgent forces. That especially the army at and about Fortress Monroe ; the Army of the Potomac ; the Army of Western Virginia ; the armj;^ near Munfordville, Kentucky ; the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in tlie Gulf of Mexico, be ready to move on that day. That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey additional orders when duly given. That the heads of departments, and especially the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the general- in-chief, with all other commanders and subordinates of land and naval forces, will severally be held to their strict and full responsi- bilities for prompt execution of this order. Abraham Lincoln. January 31, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1862. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir: It is my wish that the expedition commonly called the " Lane Expedition " shall be, as much as has been promised at the adjutant-general's office, under the supervision of General Mc- Clellan, and not any more. I have not intended, and do not now intend, that it shall be a great, exhausting affair, but a snug, sober column of 10,000 or 15,000. General Lane has been told by me many times that he is under the command of General Hunter, and assented to it as often as told. It was the distinct agreement between him and me, when I appointed him, that he was to be under Hunter. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. January 31, 1862. — President's Special War Order No. 1. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1862. Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, after providing safely for the defense of Washington, be formed into an expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupy- ing a point upon the railroad southwestward of Avhat is known as Manassas Junction, all details to be in the discretion of the com- mander-in-chief, and the expedition to move before or on the 22d day of February next. Abraham Lincoln. 120 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN January 31, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : As a sequel to the correspondence on the subject, previously communicated, I transmit to Congress extracts from a despatch of the 20th ultimo from Mr. Adams, United States minister at London, to the Secretary of State, and a copy of an instruction from Earl Russell to Lord Lyons, of the 10th instant, relative to the removal of certain citizens of the United States from the British mail-steamer Trent by order of the commander of the United States war-steamer San Jacinto. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, January 31, 1862. February 3, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 3, 1862. Major-General McClellan. My dear Sir : You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement of the Army of the Potomac — yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the railroad on the York River ; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad southwest of Manassas. If 3'ou will give me satisfactory answers to the following ques- tions, I shall gladly yield my plan to yours. First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time and money than mine ? Second. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine 1 Third. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine °? Fourth. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would break no great line of the enemy's communications, wliile mine would 1 Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by your plan than mine ? Yours truly, * Major-general McClellan. Abraham Lincoln. Memorandum accompanying Letter of President Lincoln to General McClellan, dated February 3, 1862. First. Suppose the enemy should attack us in force before we reach the Occoquan, what? Second. Suppose the enemy in force shall dispute the crossing of the Occoquan, what? In view of this, might it not be safest for us to cross the Occoquan at Colchester, rather than at the village of Occoquan ? This would cost the enemy two miles more of travel to meet us, but would, on the contrary, leave us two miles farther from our ultimate destination. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 121 Third. Suppose we reach Maple Valley without an attack, will we not be attacked there iu force by the enemy marching by the several roads from Manassas ; and if so, what ? February 3, 1862. — Letter to Wm. H. Hekndon. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 3, 1862. Dear William : Yours of January 30tli just received. Do just as you say about the money matter. As you well know, I have not time to write a letter of respectable length. God bless you, says Your friend, A. Lincoln. February 4, 1862. — Letter to L. W. Powell. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 4, 1862. 3[y dear Sir : I herewith return the letters and printed paper sub- mitted by you in behalf of Mr. Samuel B. Churchill. While I would be glad to oblige you, I cannot now interfere with the case. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. February 4, 1862. — Respite for Nathaniel Gordon. Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, To all to ivJiom these presents shall come, greeting : Whereas it appears that at a term of the Circuit Court of the United States of America for the southern district of New York, held in the mouth of November, a. d. 1861, Nathaniel Gordon was indicted and convicted for being engaged in the slave-trade, and was by the said court sentenced to be put to death by hanging by the neck on Friday the 7th day of February, a. d. 1862 ; And whereas a large number of respectable citizens have ear- nestly besought me to commute the said sentence of the said Nathaniel Gordon to a term of imprisonment for life, which application I have felt it to be my duty to refuse ; And whereas it has seemed to me probable that the unsuccessful application made for the commutation of his sentence may have prevented the said Nathaniel Gordon from making the necessary preparation for the awful change which awaits him: Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, have granted and do hereby grant unto him, the said Nathaniel Gordon, a respite of the above-recited sentence until Friday, the 21st day of February, a. d. 1862, between the hours of twelve o'clock at noon and three o'clock in the after- noon of the said day, when the said sentence shall be executed. In granting this respite it becomes my painful dut}^ to admonish the prisoner that, relinquishing all expectation of pardon by human 122 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN authority, he refer himself alone to the mercy of the common God and Father of all men. In testimony whereof I have hereunto sig^ned my name and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this 4th day of February, r -] A. D. 1862, and of the independence of the United States '- ' '-' the eighty-sixth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. February 4, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : The third section of the " Act further to promote the efficiency of the navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides : That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired list of the navy, for the command of squadrons and single ships, such officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be thus placed in command ; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks of Congress for then* services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not otherwise. In conformity with this law. Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of the squadron which recently rendered such impor- tant service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of South Carolina. Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his ser- vices and gallantry displayed in the capture of Forts Walker and Beauregard, commanding the entrance of Port Royal harbor, on the 7th of November, 1861. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, February 4, 1862. February 7, 1862. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 5th instant, requesting a communication of any recent correspondence relating to the presentation of American citi- zens to the court of France, I transmit a copy of a despatch of the 14th ultimo from the United States minister at Paris to the Secre- tary of State, and of an instruction of Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton of the 3d instant. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, February 7, 1862. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 123 February 9, 18G2. — Directions to General Buell. Washington, February 9, 18G2. Major-General D. C. Buell, Louisville : The President directs me to say that he has read your communica- tion to Major-General G. B. McClellan, dated the 1st and mailed the 6th of this month, and that he approves the operations you pro})()se therein, and believes, if vigorously prosecuted, they cannot fail. He desires you and Major-General Halleck to cooperate as far as pos- sible, and says that your two heads together will succeed. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. February 10, 1862. — Letter to Generals D. Hunter and J. H. Lane. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 10, 1862. Major-General Hunter and Brigadier-General Lane, Leavenworth, Kansas: My wish has been and is to avail the government of the services of both General Hunter and General Lane, and, so far as possible, to personally oblige both. General Hunter is the senior officer, and must command when they serve together ; though in so far as he can consistently with the public service and his own honor oblige General Lane, he will also oblige me. If they cannot come to an amicable understanding, General Lane must report to General Hunter for duty, according to the rules, or decline the service. A. Lincoln. February 12, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : I transmit to Con- gress a copy of a special treaty between the United States and his Majesty the King of Hanover for the abolition of the state dues, which was signed at Berlin on the 6th of November last. In this treaty, already approved by the Senate and ratified on the part of the United States, it is stipulated that the sums specified in Articles III and IV to be paid to the Hanoverian government shall be paid at Berlin on the day of the exchange of ratifications. I therefore recommend that seasonable provision be made to en- able the executive to carry this stipulation into effect. Washington, February 12, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. February 14, 1862. — Amnesty to Political or State Prisoners. War Department, Washington, February 14, 1862, The breaking: out of a formidable insurrection, based on a conflict of political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States, was 124 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public mind. Disloyalty, before unsuspected, suddenly became bold, and treason as- tonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces sviperior in numbers to the standing army of the United States. Every department of the goverument was paralyzed by treason. De- fection appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the cabinet, in the Federal courts ; ministers and consuls returned from foreign countries to enter the insurrectionary councils, or land or naval forces ; commanding and other officers of the army and in the navy be- trayed the councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces. Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves. Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the States, but even whole States, rushed, one after another, with apparent unanimity, into rebellion. The capital was besieged, and its connection with all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the country which were most loyal, political combinations and secret societies were formed, fm'theriug the work of disunion ; while, from raotives of disloyalty or cupidity, or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishing men, money, and materials of war and supplies to the insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy-yards, arsenals, military posts and garrisons, one after another were betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents. Congress had not anticipated and so had not provided for the emergency. The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial ma- chinery seemed as if it had been designed not to sustain the government, but to embarrass and betray it. Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been pre- vented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect moderation, in our intercourse with nations. The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal Government, which one year befoi-e had been thought a model worthy of universal acceptance, had indeed the abihty to defend and maintain itself. Some reverses, which perhaps were unavoidable, suffered by newly levied and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal, and gave new hopes to the insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease, and desertions commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether conscription had not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United States. In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy the extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases of insurrection. ' He called into the field such military and naval forces, unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed measirres to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable correspon- dence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign coimtries to new passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the writ of habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were represented to him as being or about to engage in disloyal or treasonable practices to be arrested by special civil as weU as military agencies, and detained in mihtary custody, when necessary, to prevent them and deter others from such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, and some of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time, under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, with the public safety. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 125 Meantime a favorable cliang'e of public opinion has occurred. The line between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined ; the whole structm-e of the government is firm and stable ; api)rehensions of jmblic danger and facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions which prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is believed to have culminated and to be declining. The President, in Aiew of these facts, and anxious to favor a retmTi to the normal course of the administration, as far as regard for the public welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state i)risoners now held in military custody be released on their subscribing to a parole en- gaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in hostility to the United States. The Secretary of War will, however, at his discretion, except from the effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the in- surgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed incompatible with the public safety. To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their parole, the President gi-ants an amnesty for any past offenses of treason or dis- loyalty which they may have committed. Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the military authorities alone. By order of the President : Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. February 15, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States : The third section of the " Act further to promote the efficiency of the navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides : That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and con- sent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired list of the navy, for the command of squadrons and single ships, such officers as he may believe that the good of the serv-ice requu*es to be thus placed in command ; and sacli officers may, if upon the recommendation of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks of Con- gress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be restored to the active hst, and not otherwise. In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the navy, was nominated to the Senate for continuance as flag'-offi- cer in command of the North Atlantic blockading squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union in the ex- pedition to the coast of North Carolina. Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fuUy correspond with the intention of tlie law, or be more pregnant with happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Louis M. Goldsborough receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his ser- vices and gallantry displayed in the combined attack of the forces commanded by him and Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of Roanoke Island and the destruction of rebel gunboats on the 7th, 8th, and 10th of February, 1862. Abrahaji Llxcoln. Washington, February 15, 1862. 126 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN February 15, 1862, — Note concerning " Contrabands." I shall be obliged if the Secretary of the Treasury will in his dis- cretion give Mr. Pierce such instructions in regard to Port Royal contrabands as may seem judicious, a Lincoln February 15, 1862. February 16, 1862. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 16, 1862. Major-General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri : You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from outside ; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the vigilance, energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full cooperation. Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from Bowling Green will. They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to within a few miles of Fort Donelson, with the bridge at Clarks- ville undisturbed. It is unsafe to rely that they will not dare to ex- pose Nashville to Buell. A small part of their force can retire slowly toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad as they go, and keep Buell out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile "Nashville will be abundantly defended by forces from all South and perhaps from here at Manassas. Could not a cavalry force from Gen- eral Thomas on the Upper Cumberland dash across, almost unre- sisted, and cut the railroad at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a bombardment at Fort Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at Clarksville 1 Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly important, and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a copy of this to Buell. A. Lincoln. February 19, 1862. — Proclamation concerning Washington's Birthday. By the President of the United States op America: A Proclamation. It is recommended to the people of the United States that they assemble in their customary places of meeting for public solemnities on the 22d day of February instant, and celebrate the anniversary of the birth of the Father of his Country, by causing to be read to them his immortal farewell address. Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at Washington, the 19th day of February, in the year of our [l. S.J Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-sixth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 127 February 25, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress a copy of an instruction from Prince Gortchacow to Mr. de Stoeekl, the minister of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia ac- credited to this government, and of a note of the Secretary of State to the latter, relative to the adjustment of the question between the United States and Great Britain, growing out of the removal of cer- tain of our citizens froin the British mail-steamer Trent by order of the commander of the United States war-steamer San Jacinto. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, February 25, 1862. February 26, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : In transmitting to Congress the accompanying copy of two letters, bearing date the 14th of February, 1861, "from his Majesty the Major King of Siam to the President of the United States, and of the President's answer thereto, I submit for their consideration the question as to the proper place of deposit of the gifts received with the royal letters referred to. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, February 26, 1862. February 27, 1862. — Executive Order No. 2. — In Relation to State Prisoners. War Department, Washington City, February 27, 1862. It is ordered : First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military' rank and the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases of the state prisoners remainins: in the military custody of the United States, and to de- termine whether in view of the public safety and the existing rebelUon they should be discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted to the civil tribunals for trial. Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and the Hon. Edwards Pien-epont, of New York, be, and they are hereby appointed, commissioners for the purposes above mentioned ; and they are authoi'ized to examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex parte and in a summary manner, at such times and places as in their discretion they may appoint, and make full report to the War Department. By order of the President : Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. February 28,1862. — Order relating to Commercial Intercourse. Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a partial restoration of commercial intercourse between the inliabi- 128 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN tants of those parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in insurrection and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the act of Congress, approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to pro- vide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," I hereby license and permit such commercial intercourse in all cases within the rules and regulations which have been or may be pre- scribed by the Secretary of the Treasury for conducting and car- rying on the same on the inland waters and ways of the United States. Abrahaivi Lincoln. Washington, February 28, 1862. March 3, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- gress a copy of a despatch to the Secretary of State from the minister resident of the United States at Lisbon concerning recent measures which have been adopted by the government of Portugal intended to encourage the growth and to enlarge the area of the culture of cotton in its African possessions. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, March 3, 1862. March 3, 1862.— Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives of the United States: I transmit herewith a communication of the Secretary of War, inclosing a re- port of the adjutant-general, in answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d of January, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, March 3, 1862. March 3, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- gress a translation of an instruction to the minister of his Majesty the King of Italy accredited to this government, and a copy of a note to that minister from the Secretary of State, relating to the settlement of the question arising out of the capture and detention of certain citizens of the United States, passengers on board the British steamer Trent, by order of Captain Wilkes of the United States navy. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, March 3, 1862. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 129 March 6, 1862. — Message to Congress recommending Compen- sated Emancipation. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : I rec- ommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies, which shall be substantially as follows : Resolved, That the United States ought to cooperate with any State wliich may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system. If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the approval of Congress and the country, there is the end ; but if it does command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal Government would find its highest interest in such a measure, as one of the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of the existing insurrection entertain the hope that this government will ultimately be forced to acknow- ledge the independence of some part of the disaffected region, and that all the slave States north of such part will then say, '* The Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now choose to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope substantially ends the rebellion ; and the initiation of emanci- pation completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. The point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate emancipation ; but that while the offer is equally made to all, the more Northern shall, by such initiation, make it certain to the more Soutliern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in their proposed confederacy. I say ** initiation " because, in my judgment, gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with the census tables and treasury reports tjefore him, can readily see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State, Such a proposition on the part of the General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them. In the annual message, last December, I thought fit to say, " The Union must be preserved, and hence alj indispensable means must be employed." I said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made, and continues to be, an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment of the national authority Avould ren- der the war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also continue ; and it is impos- VoL. II.— 9. 130 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN sible to foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable, or may obviously promise great efficiency, toward ending the struggle, must and will come. The proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope it may be esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered would not be of more value to the States and private per- sons concerned than are the institution and property in it, in the present aspect of affairs? While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical mea- sure, it is recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to im- portant practical results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my country, I earnestly beg the attention of Con- gress and the people to the subject. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, March 6, 1862. March 7, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 7, 1862. Hon. Secretary of State. My dear Sir : Mr. James F. B. Marshall, of Massachusetts, is now with me on the question of the Honolulu commissioner. It pains me some that this tilt for the place of Colonel Baker's friend grows so fierce now the colonel is no longer alive to defend him. I pre- sume, however, we shall have no rest from it. Mr. Marshall appears to be a very intelligent gentleman, and well acquainted with the affairs of the Sandwich Islands. The California delegation also ex- pect the place for some one of their citizens. In self-defense I am disposed to say, " Make a selection and send it to me." Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 8, 1862. — President's General War Order No. 2. Executr^ Mansion, Washington, March 8, 1862. Ordered, 1, That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac proceed forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to enter upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the troops to be left in the fortifications about Washing- ton) into four army corps, to be commanded, according to seniority of rank, as follows : First corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by Major-General I. McDowell. Second coi^js to consist of three di- visions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. Third corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General S. P. Heintzelman. Fourth corps to consist of three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 131 2. That tlie divisions now commanded by the officers above as- signed to the eomiiiands of anny corps shall bo embraced in and form part of their respective corps. 3. The forces left for the defense of Wasliiiigton will be placed in command of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be military governor of the District of Columbia. 4. That this order be executed with such promptness and despatch as not to delay the commencement of the operations already directed to be undertaken by the Army of the Potomac. 5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major-General N. P. Banks, will be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General Lander's) divisions. Abrah^vji Lincoln. March 8, 1862. — President's General War Order No. 3. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 8, 1862. Ordered, That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washing- ton such a force as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of all the army corps shall leave said city entirely secure. That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army of the Potomac shall be moved en route for. a new base of operations until the navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake Bay shall be freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or until the President shall hereafter give express permission. That any movement as aforesaid en route for a new base of opera- tions which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as early as the 18th day of March instant, and the gen- eral-in-chief shall he responsible that it so move as early as that day. Ordered, That the army and navy cooperate in an immediate effort to capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and the Chesapeake Bay. A. Lincoln. Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General. March 8, 1862. — Instructions to General Buell concerning Commercial Intercourse. AVar Department, March 8, 1862. Ma.jor-General D. C. Buell, Louisville : The President directs me to inform you that the act of Congress of July 13, 1861, proliibits commercial intercourse with States pro- claimed to be in rebellion (wliich includes all south of Kentucky and Missouri), except under license of the President and under rules and 132 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury. By the President's directions the secretary has lately made rules and regu- lations, copies of which are this day sent by mail. The President desires you to enforce no rules inconsistent with them, and if any such have been made, that you will rescind them. Please acknowledge receipt of this instruction. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. [Same to General H. W. Halleck.] March 9, 1862. — Letter to Henry J. Raymond. (Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, March 9, 1862. Hon. Henry J. Raymond. Mij dear Sir : I am grateful to the New York journals, and not less so to the " Times" than to others, for their kind notices of the late special message to Congress. Your paper, however, intimates that the proposition, though well intentioned, must fail on the score of expense. I do hope you will reconsider this. Have you noticed the facts that less than one half day's cost of this war would pay for all the slaves in Delaware at $400 per head — that eighty-seven days' cost of this war would pay for all in Delaware, Maryland, District of Columbia, Kentucky, and Missouri at the same price ? Were those States to take the step, do you doubt that it would shorten the war more than eighty-seven days, and thus be an actual saving of expense? Please look at these things and consider whether there should not be another article in the " Times." Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. March 10, 1862. — Memorandum of an Interview between the President and some Border Slave State Representatives, BY Hon. J. W. Crisfield. Bear Sir : I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to come to the White House to-morrow morning', at nine o'clock, and bring such of yoiu" colleagues as are in town. Washington, March 10, 1862. Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster- (General Blair in my room, writing the above note, which he imme- 'diately suspended, and verbally communicated the President's in- vitation, and stated that the President's purpose was to have some 'Conversation with the delegations of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation of his message of the 6th instant. This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, .assembled at the Wliite House at the appointed time, and after some LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 133 little deluy were admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were tlie only members from Maryland i)resent, and, I think, were the only members of the' delegation at that time in the city. I know that Mr, Pearce, of the Senate, and Messrs. Webster and Calvert, of the House, were absent. After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, in substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some con- versation with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that since he had sent it in several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had avoided any allusion to the message, and he therefore inferred that the import of the message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as inimical to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would talk with us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion. Tlie President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or wound the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his purpose was to protect tlie one and respect the other; that we were engaj^ed in a terrible, wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were in the field, and must continue in the field as long as the war lasts; that these armies must, of necessity, be brought into contact with slaves in the States we represented and in other States as they advanced; that slaves would come to the camps, and continual irrita- tion was kept up; that he was constantly annoyed by confiicting and antagonistic complaints: on the one side a certain class complained if the slave was not protected by the army; persons were frequently found who, participating in these views, acted in a way unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders complained that their rights were interfered with, their slaves induced to abscond and protected within the lines; these complaints were numerous, loud, and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and einbarrassing to the progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the government in the States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates that at some day the border States would unite with them, and thus tend to prolong the war; and he was of opinion, if this resolution should be adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of irritation and these hopes would be removed, and more would be accomplished toward shortening the war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved by Union armies; tliat he made this proposition in good faith, and desired it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same patriotic spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a subject exclusively under the control of the States, and must be adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim nor had this government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that such was no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished it to be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be prepared to give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the subject into serious consideration, confer with one another, and then take such course as we felt our duty and the interests of our constituents required of us. Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not con 134 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN sidered a permanent institution ; that natural causes were there in operation which would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not think that this proposition was necessary for that ; and, besides that, he and his friends felt solicitous as to the message on account of the different constructions which the resolution and message had received. The New York " Tribune " was for it, and understood it to mean that we must accept gradual emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get something worse. The President replied that he must not be expected to quarrel with the New York '' Tribune " before the right time ; he hoped never to have to do it ; he would not anticipate events. In respect to emancipa- tion in Missouri, he said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but the operation of these natural causes had not pre- vented the irritating conduct to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the Confederates that Missouri would at some time range herself alongside of them, which, in his judgment, the pas- sage of this resolution by Congi'ess and its acceptance by Missouri would accomplish. Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the refusal of the State to accept this proposal, and desired to know if the President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of this scheme. The President replied that he had no designs beyond the action of the States on this particular subject. He should lament their re- fusal to accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it. Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was any power except in the States themselves to carry out his scheme of emancipation. The President replied that he thought there could not be. He then went off into a course of remarks not qualifying the foregoing dec- laration nor material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning. Mr. Cr'isfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon slavery as a permanent institution ; and he did not know that they would be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss and they could be rid of the race ; but they did not like to be coerced into emancipation, either by the direct action of the government or by indirection, as through the emancipation of slaves in this District, or the confiscation of Southern property as now threatened ; and he thought before they would consent to con- sider this proposition they would require to be informed on these points. The President replied that, unless he was expelled by the act of God or the Confederate armies, he should occupy that house for three years; and as long as he remained there Maryland had noth- ing to fear either for her institutions or her interests on the points referred to. Mr. Crisfield immediately added : Mr. President, if what you now say could be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your proposition with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will be inclined to do. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 135 The President: That (meaning a publication of what he said) will not do; it would force nie into a quarrel before the proper time ; and, again intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the ''Greeley faction" was impending, he said he did not wish to encounter it before the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided. Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the constitutionality of his scheme. The President replied : As you may suppose, I have considered that; and the proposition now submitted does not encounter any constitutional difficulty. It proposes simply to cooperate with any State by giving such State pecuniary aid ; and he thought that the resolution, as proposed by him, would be considered rather as the expression of a sentiment than as involving any constitutional question. Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at all, it should be by the votes of the free States, and come as a proposition from them to the slave States, affording them an induce- ment to put aside this subject of discord ; that it ought not to be expected that members representing slaveholding constituencies should declare at once, and in advance of any proposition to them, for the emancipation of slavery. The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection ; it was a fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best ; that he did not know how this scheme was received by the members from the free States ; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly; but for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been, and he could not tell how they would vote. And in reply to some expression of Mr. Hall as to his own opinion regarding slavery, he said he did not pretend to disguise his antislavery feeling ; that he thought it was wrong, and should con- tinue to think so ; but that was not the question we had to deal with now. Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North as of the South ; and in any scheme to get rid of it, the North as well as the South was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He thought the institution wrong and ought never to have existed; but yet he recognized the rights of property which had grown out of it, and would respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any other property; that property can exist, and does legally exist. He thought such a law wrong, but the rights of prop- erty resulting must be respected; he would get rid of the odious law, not by violating the right, but by encouraging the proposition and offering inducements to give it up. Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that, whatever might be our final action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriot- ism and sincere devotion to the happiness and glory of his coun- try; and with that conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he had made. After some conversation on the current war news, we retired, and I immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. J. W. Crisfield. 136 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the occasion is in this paper faithfully and fully given. J. W. Menzies, J. J. Crittenden, R. Mallory. March 10, 1862. March 10, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 10, 1862. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. My dear Sir: Thomas H. Campbell, bearer of this, has several times been our auditor of State, and I personally know him to be an honest man, of thorough business capacity. He is here now to do something in adjusting the accounts of the State and the United States growing out of the war. He is thoroughly disinterested, not even receiving pay for what he does. No man can be more safely trusted. I beg you to afford him all proper facilities, with perfect assurance that n6 confidence reposed in him will be abused. Yours truly, a. Lincoln. March 10, 1862. — Telegram to General Buell. Washington, March 10, 1862. General D. C. Buell : The evidence is very strong that the enemy in front of us here is breaking up and moving off. General McClellan is after him. Some part of the force may be destined to meet you. Look out and be prepared. I telegraphed Halleck, asking him to assist you if needed. A. Lincoln. March 10, 1862. — Instructions to Assistant Secretary Fox. Navy Department, March 10, 1862. 10.27 a. m. Captain G. V. Fox, Assistant Secretary of Navy, Fort Monroe: It is directed by the President that the Monitor be not too much exposed, and that in no event shall any attempt be made to proceed with her unattended to Norfolk. If vessels can be procured and loaded with stone and sunk in the channel, it is important that it should be done. San Jacinto and Dacofah have sailed from Boston for Hampton Roads, and the Sabine in tow of Baltic, and a tug from New York. Gunboats will be ordered forthwith. Would it not be well to detain the Minnesota until other vessels arrive ? Gideon Welles. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 137 March 11, 1862.— President's Special War Order No. 3. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 11, 1862. Major-General McClellau having personally taken the field as the head of the Army of the Potomac, until otherwise ordered he is re- lieved from the command of the other military departments, he retaining command of the Department of the Potomac. Ordered further, that the two departments now under the respec- tive commands of Generals Halleck and Hunter, together with so much of that under General Buell as lies west of a north and south line indefinitely drawn through Knoxville, Tenn., be consoli- dated and designated the Department of the Mississippi, and that until otherwise ordered Major-General Halleck have command of said department. Ordered also, that the country west of the Department of the Potomac and east of the Department of the Mississippi be a mili- tary department to be called the Mountain Department, and that the same be commanded by Major-General Fremont. That all the commanders of departments, after the receipt of this order by them respectively, report severally and directly to the Sec- retary of War, and that prompt, full, and frequent reports will be expected of aU and each of them. Abraham Lincoln. March 12, 1862. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States: In compliance with the reso- lution of the Senate of the 11th instant, requesting a "copy of any correspondence on the records or files of the Department of State in regard to railway systems in Europe," I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the papers by which it was accompanied. Washington, March 12, 1862. Abrah.\3i Lincoln. March 14, 1862. — Letter to J. A. McDougall. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 14, 1862. Hon. James A. McDougall, United States Senate. Ml/ dear Sir: As to the expensiveness of the plan of gradual eman- cipation with compensation, proposed in the late message, please allow me one or two brief suggestions. Less than one half day's cost of this war would pay for aU the slaves in Delaware at four hundred dollars per head. Thus, all the slaves in Delaware by the census of 1860, are 1,798 400 Cost of the slaves $719,200 One day's cost of the war 2,000,000 138 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Again, less than eighty-seven days' cost of this war would, at the same price, pay for all in Delaware, Maryland, District of Columbia, Kentucky, and Missouri. Thus, slaves in Delaware 1.798 " " Marvland 87,188 " " District of Columbia .... 3,181 Kentucky 225,490 ii " " Missouri 114,965 432,622 400 Cost of slaves $173,048,800 Eighty-seven days' cost of the war 174,000,000 Do you doubt that taking the initiatory steps on the part of those States and this District would shorten the war more than eighty- seven days, and thus be an actual saving of expense ? A word as to the time and manner of incurring the expense. Suppose, for instance, a State devises and adopts a system by which the institution absolutely ceases therein by a named day — say Jan- uary 1, 1882. Then let the sum to be paid to such a State hj the United States be ascertained by taking from the census 6f 1860 the number of slaves within the State, and multiplying that number by four hundred — the United States to pay such sums to the State in twenty equal annual instalments, in six per cent, bonds of the United States. The sum thus given, as to time and manner, I think, would not be half as onerous as would be an equal sum raised now for the in- definite prosecution of the war; but of this you can judge as well as I. I inclose a census table for your convenience. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. March 14, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I submit to Congress the accompanying copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State, the Danish charge d'affaires, and the Secretary of the Navy, concerning the case of the bark Jargen Lorentzen, a Danish vessel seized on her voyage from Rio de Janeiro to Havana by the United States ship Morning Light, and subsequently released. I recommend the appropriation of the award of the referees. Washington, March 14, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. March 15, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 15, 1862. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir : It is represented to me that Messrs. Hedden and Hoey had a contract with the government, closed on the 26th of LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 139 October last, to deliver fifty thousand arms by the 15th of the then next January — that within the time they delivered twenty-eight thousand, wliich were accepted and paid for; that not on time, but ten days after time, they were ready and offered to deliver the re- maining twenty-two thousand, which were refused simply on the question of time. If this statement be true and these men acted in good faith, I think they should not be ruined by the transaction, but that the guns should be accepted and paid for. Of course, I understand the principle of strict law would not oblige the government to take them, even if it were an individual. Yours truly, A, Lincoln. March 15, 1862.— Letter to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, March 15, 18G2. Hon. Secretary of State. My dear Sir: 1 am very glad of your note saying "recent de- spatches from him" [Dryer at Honoluluj ''are able, judicious, and loyal," and that if I agree we will leave him there. I am glad to agree so long as the public interest does not seem to require his removal. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 19, 1862.— Letter to Dr. S. B. Tobey. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 19, 1862. Dr. Samuel Boyd Tobey. Mi/ dear Sir : A domestic affliction, of which doubtless you are informed, has delayed me so long in making acknowledgment of the very kind and appropriate letter signed on behalf and by direc- tion of a meeting of the representatives of the Society of Friends for New England, held at Providence, Rhode Island, the 8tli of second month, 1862, by Samuel Boyce, clerk, and presented to me by your- self and associates. Engaged as I am in a great war, I fear it will be difficult for the world to understand how fully I appreciate the principles of peace inculcated in this letter and everywhere by the Society of Friends. Grateful to the good people you represent for the prayers in be- haK of our common country, I look forward hopefully to an early end of war and return to peace. Your obliged friend, A. Lincoln. March 20, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides : That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to det^i' * m the retired 140 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such officers as he may beUeve that the good of the service requires to be thus placed in command ; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation of the Pres- ident of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not otherwise. In conformity with this law, Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, of the navy, was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of the squadron which recently rendered such impor- tant service to the Union in the expedition to the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Samuel F. Du Pont receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry displayed in the capture, since the 21st of December, 1861, of various points on the coasts of Georgia and Florida, particularly Brunswick, Cumberland Island and Sound, Amelia Island, the towns of St. Mary's, St. Augustine, Jacksonville, and Fernandina. Abrahajvi Lincoln. "Washington, March 20, 1862. March 21, 1862. — Despatch to General H. W. Halleck. Washington, March 21, 1862. Major-General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri : Please suspend the order sending General Denver to Kansas until you hear from the Secretary of War or myself. A. Lincoln. March 26, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit a copy of a communication of the 21st of December last, addressed to the Secretary of State by the governor of the Territory of Nevada, and commend to the particular attention of Congress those parts of it which show that further legislation is desirable for the public wel- fare in that quarter. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, March 26, 1862. March 31, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 31, 1862. Major-General McClellan. My dear Sir : This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's division to Fremont, and I write this to assure you I did so with LETTEES AND STATE TAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 141 great pain, uuderstanding that you would wish it otherwise. If you could know the full pressure of the case, I am confident that you would justify it, even beyond a mere acknowledgment that the commander-in-chief may order what he pleases. Youi-s very truly, Abrahaji Lincoln. April 3, 1862. — Instruction to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, April 3, 1862, The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of the corps of General McDowell and General Sumner remain in front of Wash- ington until farther orders from the department, to operate at or in the direction of Manassas Junction, or otherwise, as occasion may require; that the other corps not so ordered to remain go forward to General McClellan as speedily as possible; that General McClellan commence his forward movements from his new base at once, and that such incidental modifications as the foregoing may render proper be also made. A. Lincoln. April 3, 1862. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 3, 1862. Major- General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri: Colonel James A. Barrett, with a cavalry regiment now at St. Louis, wishes to be ordered to New Mexico. Let him go if, in your discretion, you think it not inconsistent with the public interest. A. Lincoln. April 4, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1862. Major-General Halleck, St. Louis, Missouri: I am sorry to learn that, after all, General Denver has gone to Kansas. Cannot General Davis go there ? There is a hard pressure on me in this matter. A. Lincoln. April 5, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives : In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, requesting any infor- mation which may have been received at the Department of State showing the system of revenue and finance now existing in any foreign country, I transmit a copy of a recent despatch from Mr. Pike, the United States minister at The Hague. This is understood 142 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN to be the only information on the subject of the resolution recently received which has not been made public. Washington, April 5, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. April 6, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. Washington, April 6, 1862. 8 p. m. General G. B. McClellan: Yours of 11 A. M. to-day received. Secretary of War informs me that the forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and Woodbury's brigade, under your orders, is not, and will not be, interfered with. You now have over one hundred thousand troops with you, inde- pendent of General Wool's command. I think j-ou better break the enemy's line from Yorktown to Warwick River at once. This will probably use time as advantageously as you can. A. Lincoln, President. April 9, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, April 9, 1862. Major-General McClellan. 3[y dear Sir: Your despatches, complaining that you are not properly sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much. Blenker s division was withdrawn from you before you left here, and you knew the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in it — certainly not without reluctance. After you left I ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, without a single field-battery, were all you designed to be left for the defense of Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this even was to go to General Hooker's old position ; General Banks's corps, once designed for Manassas Junction, was divided and tied up on the line of Winchester and Strasburg, and could not leave it without again exposing the upper Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- road. This presented (or would present, when McDowell and Sum- ner should be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to turn back from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My explicit order that Washington should, by the judgment of all the commanders of corps, be left entirely secure, had been neglected. It was pre- cisely this that drove me to detain McDowell. I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks at Manassas Junction ; but when that arrangement was broken up and nothing w^as substituted for it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to substitute something for it myself. And now allow me to ask, do yoii really think I should permit the line from Richmond via Manassas Junction to this city to be en- tirely open, except what resistance could be presented by less than 20,000 unorganized troops? This is a question which the country will not allow me to evade. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 143 There is a curious mystery about the nuinl)er of tlie troops now with you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying- you had over 100,000 witli you, 1 had just obtained from the Secretary of War a statement, taken as he said from your own returns, making 108,000 then with you and oi route to you. You now say you will have but 85,000 when all en route to you shall have reached you. How can this discrepancy of 23,000 be accounted for"? As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing for you precisely what a like number of your own would have to do if that command was away. I suppose the whole force which has gone for- ward to you is with you by this time ; and if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a blow. By delay the enemy will rela- tively gain upon you — that is, he will gain faster by fortifications and reinforcements than you can by reinforcements alone. And once more let me tell you it is indispensable to you that you strike a blow. I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to remeinber I always insisted that going down the bay in search of a field, instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting and not surmounting a difficulty ; that we would find the same enemy and the same or equal intrenchments at either place. The country will not fail to note — is noting now — that the present hesitation to move upon an intrenched enemy is but the story of Manassas repeated. I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to you in greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain you, so far as in my most anxious judgment I consistently can ; but you must act. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. • April 10, 1862. — Proclamation reco:viiviending Thanksgiving FOR Victories. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the land and naval forces engaged in suppressing an internal rebellion, and at the same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention and invasion : It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States that, at their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public worship which shall occur after notice of this proclamation shall have been received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings ; that they then and there implore spiritual consolation in behalf of all who have been brought into affliction by the casualties and calamities of sediti(m and civil war; and that they reverently invoke the divine guidance for om* national counsels, to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity throughout 144 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN our borders, and hasten the establishment of fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be af&xed. Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of April, [-1 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and '■ ' '-' sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. April 10, 1862. — Telegram to R. Yates and Wm. Butler. Washington, April 10, 1862. Hon. R. Yates and William Butler, Springfield, Illinois: I fully appreciate General Pope's splendid achievements, with their invaluable results; but you must know that major-generalships in the regular army are not as plenty as blackberries. A. Lincoln. April 14, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Bepresentatives: In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 3d ultimo, requesting in- formation in regard to the present condition of Mexico, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the documents by which it was accompanied. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, April 14, 1862. April 16, 1862. — Message to Congress. Felloiv-citizens of the Senate and House of Represontatives : The act entitled "An act for the release of certain persons held to service or labor in the District of Columbia " has this day been approved and signed. I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress to abolish slavery in this District ; and I have ever desired to see the national capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence there has never been in my mind any question upon the sub- ject except the one of expediency, arising in view of all the circum- stances. If there be matters within and about this act which might have taken a course or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am gratified that the two prin- ciples of compensation and colonization are both recognized and practically applied in the act. In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be presented within ninety days from the passage of the act, **but not LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABPtAHAM LINCOLN 145 thereafter " ; and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane or absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere over- sight, and I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or supplemental act. Abraham Lincoln. April IG, 1862. . April 18, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and Mouse of Representatives : I transmit to Con- gress a copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and Benjamin E. Brewster, of Philadelphia, relative to the arrest in that city of Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, at the suit of Pierce Butler, for trespass vi et armis, assault and battery, and false im- prisonment. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, D. C, April 18, 1862. April 21, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Wasiiington, April 21, 1862. Major-General McClellan : Your despatch of the 19th was received that day. Fredericksbiu'g is evacuated and the bridges destroyed, by the enemy, and a small part of McDowell's command occupies this side of the Rappahan- nock, opposite the town. He purposes moving his whole force to that point. A. Lincoln. April 22, 1862. — Unsigned Draft of Letter to J. G. Berrett. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 22, 1862, Hon. James G. Berrett. My dear Sir : With some reluctance and in accordance with the request made in your letter of the 17tli, I have withdrawn the nomi- nation of yourself to the Senate to be one of the commissioners under the act of Congress abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. In so far as your letter assumes that the tendering you the office without your solicitation or knowledge attests my confi- dence in your loyalty to the United States, now and heretofore, you are entirely right. So far, however, as it assumes that, in my judg- ment, your imprisonment mentioned was wholly undeserved, an ex- planatory word from me is due. I think you made a mistake which justified men having less evidence to the contrary than I have to suspect your loyalty, and to act accordingly. The arrest, though made by my general authority, was in fact made without my know- ledge at the time; but being done, the fiuestion of undoing it was a little different from that of the original making, and required a little time to solve it satisfactorily. Vol.. II.— 10. 146 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN April 23, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General H. W. Halleck. War Department, April 23, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Pittsburg Landing : The President desires to know why you have made no official re- port to this department respecting the late battle at Pittsburg Land- ing, and whether any neglect or misconduct of General Grant or any other officer contributed to the sad casualties that befell our forces on Sunday. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. April 24, 1862. — Message to the Senate. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 24, 1862. To the Senate of the United States : In obedience to your resolution of the 17th instant, I herewith communicate the testimony and judg- ment of the recent naval court of inquiry in the case of Lieutenant Charles E. Fleming, of the United States navy; also the testimony and finding of the naval retiring board in the case of said Lieutenant Fleming. I have the honor to state that the judgment and finding aforesaid have not been approved by me. Abraham Lincoln. April 26, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives : In compliance with the resolu- tion of the House of Representatives of the 24th of February last, requesting information in regard to insurgent privateers in foreign ports, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the doc- uments by which it was accompanied. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, April 26, 1862. April 27, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. War Department, April 27, 1862. Governor Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee: Your despatch of yesterday just received, as also, in due course, was your former one. The former one was sent to General Halleck, and we have his answer, by which I have no doubt he (General Hal- leck) is in communication with you before this. General Halleck understands better than we can here, and he must be allowed to control in that quarter. If you are not in communication with Halleck, telegraph him at once, freely and frankly. A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 147 May 1, 1862. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of the Senate [of April 22] in relation to Brifyadier-General Stone, I have the honor to state that he was arrested and iniprisoued under my general authority, and upon evidence which, whether he be guilty or innocent, required, as appears to me, such proceedings to be had against him for the public safety. I deem it incompatible with the public interest, as also, perhaps, unjust to General Stone, to make a more particular statement of the evidence. He has not been tried because, in the state of military operations at the time of his arrest and since, the officers to constitute a court martial and for witnesses could not be withdrawn from duty with- out serious injury to the service. He will be allowed a trial without any unnecessary delay; the charges and specifications will be fur- nished him in due season, and every facility for his defense will be afleorded him by the War Department. Abraham Llncoln. Washington, May 1, 1862. May 1, 1862. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : In accordance with the sug- gestion of the Secretary of the Treasury, contained in the accom- panying letter, I have the honor to transmit the inclosed petition and report thereon of the Third Auditor for the consideration of Congress. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, May 1, 1862. May 1, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Executive Mansion, Washington, May 1, 1862. Major-General McClellan : Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because it argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done I A. Lincoln. May 1, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. War Department, May 1, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee: I am pressed by the Missouri members of Congress to give General Schofield independent command in Missouri. They insist that for want of this tlieir local troubles gradually grow worse. I have for- borne, so far, for fear of interfering with and embarrassing your operations. Please answer, telling me wliether anything, and what, I can do for them without injuriously interfering with you. A. Lincoln. 148 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN May 4, 1862.^ Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General J. E. Wool. {Cipher.) War Department, May 4, 1862. Major-General Wool, Fortress Monroe: The President desires to know whether your force is in condi- tion for a sudden movement, if one should be ordered under your command. Please have it in readiness. Edwin M. Stanton. [May 6 ?] 1862. — Response to Evangelical Lutherans. Gentlemen : I welcome here the representatives of the Evangelical Lutherans of the United States. I accept with gratitude their assur- ances of the sympathy and support of that enlightened, influential, and loyal class of my fellow-citizens in an important crisis which involves, in my judgment, not only the civil and religious liberties of our own dear land, but in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of mankind in many countries and through many ages. You well know, gentlemen, and the world knows, how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced upon me on my advent to this place by the internal enemies of our country. You all know, the world knows, the forces and the resources the public agents have brought into employment to sustain a government against which there has been brought not one complaint of real injury committed against society at home or abroad. You all may recollect that in taking up the sword thus forced into our hands, this government appealed to the prayers of the pious and the good, and declared that it placed its whole dependence upon the favor of God. I now humbly and reverently, in your presence, reiterate the acknowledgment of that dependence, not doubting that, if it shall please the Divine Being who determines the destinies of nations, this shall remain a united people, and that they will, humbly seeking the Divine guid- ance, make their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits to themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of mankind. May 7, 1862. — Telegram to Flag-officer L. M. Golds- borough. Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 7, 1862. Flag-officer Goldsborough : Sir : Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he has ascertained by a reconnaissance that the battery at Jamestown has been aban- doned, and he again requests that gunboats may be sent up the James River. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 149 If you have tolerable confidence that you can successfully contend with the Merrimdc without the help of the (Jdleua and two accom- panying gunboats, send the Galena and two gunboats up the James River at once. Please report your action on this to me at onee, I shall be found either at (jrcneral Wool's headquarters or on boai\l the Miami. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. May 9, 1862.— Letter to General Gr. B. McClellan. Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 9, 1862. Major-General McClellan. Mi/ dear Sir: I have just assisted the Secretary of "War in fram- ing part of a despatch to j^ou relating to army corps, which des- patch of course will have reached you long before this will, I wish to say a few words to you privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps organization not only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals whom you had selected and assigned as generals of division, but also on the unanimous opinion of every military man I could get an opinion from (and every modern mili- tary book), yourself only excepted. Of course I did not on my own judgment pretend to understand the subject. I now think it indis- pensable for you to know how your struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one or two pets and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have had no word from Sumner, Heintzelman, or Keyes. The commanders of these corps are of course the three highest officers with you, but I am constantly told that you have no consultation or communication with them; that you consult and communicate with nobody but General Fitz- John Porter and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these complaints are true or just, but at all events it is proper you should know of their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your orders in anything ? When you relieved General Hamilton of his command the other day, you thereby lost the confidence of at least one of your best friends in the Senate. And here let me say, not as applicable to you personally, that senators and representatives speak of me in their places as they please without question, and that officers of the army must cease addressing insulting letters to them for taking no greater liberty with them. But to return. Are you strong enough — are you strong enough, even with my help — to set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes all at once ? This is a practical and very serious question for you. The success of your army and the cause of the country are the same, and of course I only desire the good of the cause. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 150 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN May 10, 1862, — Letter to Flag-officer L. M. Goldsborough Fort Monroe, Virginia, May 10, 1862. Flag-officer Goldsborough. 3fy dear Sir : I send you this copy of your report of yesterday for the purpose of saying to you in writing that you are quite right in supposing the movement made by you and therein reported was made in accordance with my wishes verbally expressed to you in advance. I avail myself of the occasion to thank you for your cour- tesy and all your conduct, so far as known to me, during my brief visit here. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. May 12, 1862. — Proclamation raising the Blockade op Certain Ports. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. "Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain States, including those of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, Port Royal, in the State of South Carolina, and New Orleans, in the State of Louisiana, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed under blockade ; and whereas the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans have since been blockaded; but as the block- ade of the same ports may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of commerce : Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July last, entitled " An act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans shall so far cease and determine, from and after the first day of June next, that commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to persons, things, and information contraband of war, may from that time be carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, and to the limi- tations and in pursuance of the regulations which are prescribed • by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order of this date, which is appended to this proclamation. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this 12th day of May, in the r 1 year of our Lord" one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, I- * J and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 151 May 14, 18G2. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : The third section of the ''Act further to promote the efficiency of the navy," approved 21st of December, 1861, provides : That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and con- sent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from tlie retired list of the navy for the command of squadi'ons and single sliips such officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to l)e thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation of the Presi- dent of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks of Congress for tlieir services and gallantry in action against an enemy, be restored to the active list, and not otherwise. In conformity with this law, Captain David G. Farragut was nom- inated to the Senate for continnance as flag-officer in command of the squadron which recently rendered such important service to the Union by his successful operations on the lower Mississippi and cap- ture of New Orleans. Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond with the intention of the law, or be more pregnant with happy influence as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain D. G. Farragut receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry displayed in the capture, since the 21st of December, 1861, of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, city of New Orleans, and the destruction of various rebel gunboats, rams, etc. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, D. C, May 14, 1862. May 14, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I submit herewith a list of naval officers who commanded vessels engaged in the re- cent brilliant operations of the squadron commanded by Flag-officer Farragut, whicli led to the capture of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, city of New Orleans, and the destruction of rebel gunboats, rams, etc., in April, 1862. For their services and gallantry on those occa- sions I cordially recommend that they should, by name, receive a vote of thanks of Congress : LIST. Captain Theodoras Bailey. Captain Henry W. Mon-is. Captain Thomas T. Craven. Commander Henry H. Bell, Commander Samuel Phillips Lee. Commander Samuel Swartwout. Commander Melancton Smith. Commander Charles Stewart Boggs. Commander John De Camp. 152 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Commander James Alden. , Commander David D. Porter. Commander Richard Wainwright. Commander William B. Rensbaw. Lieutenant Commanding Abram D. Harrell. Lieutenant Commanding Edward Donaldson. Lieutenant Commanding George H. Preble. Lievitenant Commanding Edward T. Nichols. Lieutenant Commanding Jonathan M. Wainwright. Lieutenant Commanding John Guest. Lieutenant Commanding Charles H. B. Caldwell. Lieutenant Commanding Napoleon B. Harrison. Lieutenant Commanding Albert N. Smith. Lieutenant Commanding Pierce Crosby. Lieutenant Commanding George M. Ransom. Lieutenant Commanding Watson Smith. Lieutenant Commanding John H, Russell. Lieutenant Commanding Walter W. Queen. Lieutenant Commanding K. Randolph Breese. Acting Lieutenant Commanding Sehm E. Woolworth. Acting Lieutenant Commanding Charles H. Baldwin. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, D. C, May 14, 1862. May 15, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington City, May 15, 1862. Major-General McClellan, Cumberland, Virginia : Your long despatcli of yesterday is just received. I will answer more fully soon. Will say now that all your despatches to the Sec- retary of War have been promptly shown to me. Have done and shall do all I could and can to sustain you. Hoped that the open- ing of James River and putting Wool and Burnside in communica- tion, with an open road to Richmond, or to you, had effected something in that direction. I am still unwilling to take all our force off the direct line between Richmond and here. A. Lincoln. [May 15?] 1862.— Reply of the President to Resolutions of THE East Baltimore Methodist Conference. Revs. I. A. Gere, A. A. Reese, D. D., G. D, Chenoweth. Oenflemen : Allow me to tender to you, and through you to the East Baltimore Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, my grateful thanks for the preamble and resolutions of that body, copies of which you did me the honor to present yesterday. These kind words of approval, coming from so numerous a body of intelligent Christian people, and so free from all suspicion of sinister motives, are indeed encouraging to me. By the help of an all-wise Provi- LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 153 dence, I shall endeavor to do my duty, and I shall expect the con- tinuance of youi' prayers for a right solution of our national difii- culties and the restoration of our country to peace and prosperity. Your obliged and humble servant, A. Lincoln. May 16, 18G2. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General J. C. Fremont. / Washington, May 16, 1862. Major-General Fremont, Franklin: The President desires to know whether you design to move on to the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad and break it between Newbern and Salem, according to the plau you proposed and he approved ; and also whether, having reached and broken that road, you cannot move forward rapidly upon Richmond by that route; and by what time you can reach the railroad, and how long it will take you from there to reach Richmond. Please answer immediately. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. May 16, 1862.— Telegram to General I. McDowell. Washington, May 16, 1862. Major-General McDowell: What is the strength of your force now actually with you ? A. Lincoln. May 17, 1862. — Memorandum, in the Handwriting of President Lincoln, of his Proposed Additions to Instructions of ABOVE DATE TO GENERAL McDoWELL, AND GENERAL MeIGS'S Indorsement thereon. You will retain the separate command of the forces taken with ou; but while cooperating with General McClellan you will obey is orders, except that you are to judge, and are not to allow your force to be disposed otherwise than so as to give the greatest pro- tection to this capital which may be possible from that distance. I [Indorsement] To THE Secretary of War. The President having- shown this to me, I suggested that it is dangerous to direct a subordinate not to obey the orders of his superior in any ease, and that to give instructions to General McClellan to this same end and furnish General McDowell with a co^jy thereof would effect the object desu-ed by the President. He desired me to say that the sketch of instruc- tions to General McClellan herewith he thought made this addition un- necessary. Respectfully, M. C. M. 154 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN May 17, 1862. — Indorsement relating to G-eneral David Hun- ter's Order of Military Emancipation. No commanding general shall do such a thing upon my responsi- bility without consulting me. ^, Lincoln. May 18, 1862. — Letter prom Secretary Stanton to General McClellan. Washington, May 18, 1862, 2 p. m. General: Your despatch to the President, asking reinforcements, has been received and carefully considered. The President is not willing to uncover the capital entirely ; and it is believed that even if this were prudent, it would require more time to effect a junction between your army and that of the Rappa- hannock by the way of the Potomac and York rivers than by a land march. In order, therefore, to increase the strength of the attack upon Richmond at the earliest moment, General McDowell has been ordered to march upon that city by the shortest route. He is ordered, keeping himself always in position to save the capital from all possible attack, so to operate as to put his left wing in com- munication with your right wing, and you are instructed to co- operate so as to establish this communication as soon as possible by extending your right wing to the north of Richmond. It is believed that this communication can be safely established either north or south of the Pamunkey River. In any event, you will be able to prevent the main body of the enemy's forces from leaving Richmond and falling in overwhelming force upon General McDowell. He will move with between thirty- five and forty thousand men. A copy of the instructions to General McDowell are with this. The specific task assigned to his command has been to provide against any danger to the capital of the nation. At your earnest call for reinforcements, he is sent forward to cooperate in the reduction of Richmond, but charged, in attempt- ing this, not to uncover the city of Washington ; and you will give no order, either before or after your junction, which can put him out of position to cover this city. You and he will communicate with each other by telegraph or otherwise as frequently as may be neces- sary for efficient cooperation. When General McDowell is in posi- tion on your right, his supplies must be drawn from West Point, and you will instruct your staff-officers to be prepared to supply him by that route. The President desires that General McDowell retain the command of the Department of the Rappahannock and of the forces with which he moves forward. By order of the President : Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Major-General George B. McClellan, Commanding Army of the Potomac, before Richmond. LETTERS AND STATE PArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 155 May 19, 1802. — Proclamation revoking General Hunter's Order of Military Emancipation. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas there appears in the public prints what purports to be a proclamation of Major-General Huuter, in the words and figures following, to wit : (General Orders No. 11.) Headquarters Department op the South, Hilton Head, Port Royal, S. C, May 9, 1862. The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising the military department of the South, having deliberately declared them- selves no longer under the protection of the United States of America, and having taken up arms against the said United States, it became a military necessity to declare martial law. This was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1802. Slavery and martial law in a free country are altogether incompatible; the persons in these three States — Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina — heretofore held as slaves, are therefore declared for- ever free. By command of Major-General D. Hunter: (Official.) Ed. W. Smith, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General. And whereas the same is producing some excitement and mis- understanding : therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, proclaim and declare that the Government of the United States had no knowledge, information, or belief of an intention on the part of General Hunter to issue such a proclamation ; nor has it yet any authentic information that the document is genuine. And further, that neither General Hunter, nor any other commander or person, has been authorized by the Govei'nment of the United States to make a proclamation declaring the slaves of any State free; and that the supposed proclamation now in question, whether genuine or false, is altogether void so far as respects such a declaration. I further make known that, whether it be competent for me, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, to declare the slaves of any State or States free, and whether, at any time, in any case, it shall have become a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the government to exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified in leaving to the decision of commanders in the field. These are totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies and camps. On the sixth day of March last, by special message, I recom- mended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution, to be sub- stantially as follows : Resolved, That the United States ought to cooperate with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State 156 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for tlie inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of system. The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by- large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people most immediately interested in the subject-matter. To the people of those States I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue — I beseech you to make arguments for yourselves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partizan politics. This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done, by one effort, in all past time, as in the providence of Grod it is now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred [l. s.] and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. May 21, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan, Washington, May 21, 1862. Major General McClellan : I have just been waited on by a large committee who present a petition signed by twenty-three senators and eighty-four represen- tatives asking me to restore General Hamilton to his division. I wish to do this, and yet I do not wish to be understood as rebuking you. Please answer at once. A. Lincoln. May 22, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington City, May 22, 1862. Major-General McClellan : Your long despatch of yesterday just received. You will have just such control of General McDowell and his forces as you therein indicate. McDowell can reach you by land sooner than he could get aboard of boats, if the boats were ready at Fredericksburg, un- less his march shall be resisted, in which case the force resisting him will certainly not be confronting you at Richmond. By land he LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 157 can reach you in five days after starting, whereas by water he would not reach you in two weeks, judging by past experience. Franklin's single division did not reach you in ten days after I ordered it. A. Lincoln, President United States. May 22, 1862. — Indorsement on Letter op G. Montague Hicks. This note, as Colonel Hicks did verbally yesterday, attempts to excite me against the Secretary of War, and therein is offensive to me. My " order," as he is pleased to call it, is plainly no order at all. A. Lincoln. May 22, 1862. May 22, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives : In compliance with the resolu- tion of the House of Representatives of the 20th instant, requesting information in regard to the indemnity obtained by the consul- general of the United States at Alexandria, Egypt, for the maltreat- ment of Faris-El-Hakim, an agent in the employ of the American missionaries in that country, I transmit a report from the Secre- tary of State, and the documents by which it was accompanied. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, May 22, 1862. May 23, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatrt:s. To the House of Representatives : I transmit a report from the Sec- retary of State, in answer to the resolution of the House of Repre- sentatives of the 22d instant, calling for further correspondence relative to Mexican affairs. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, May 23, 1862. May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. Washington, May 24, 1862. 4 p. m. Major-General George B. McClellan : In consequence of General Banks's critical position, I have been compelled to suspend General McDowell's movements to join yon. The enemy are making a desperate push upon Harpei-'s Ferry,'and we are trying to throw General Fremont's force and part of General McDowell's in their rear. A. Lincoln, President. 158 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. Washington, May 24, 1862. Major-General George B. McClellan : I left General McDowell's camp at dark last evening;. Shields's command is there, but it is so worn that he cannot move before Monday morning, the 26th. We have so thinned our line to get troops for other places that it was broken yesterday at Front Royal, with a probable loss to us of one regiment infantry, two companies cavalry, putting General Banks in some peril. The enemy's forces under General Anderson now opposing Gen- eral McDowell's advance have as their line of supply and retreat the road to Richmond. If, in conjunction with McDowell's movement against Anderson, you could send a force from your right to cut off the enemy's sup- plies from Richmond, preserve the railroad bridges across the two forks of the Pamunkey, and intercept the enemy's retreat, you will prevent the army now opposed to you from receiving an accession of numbers of nearly 15,000 men ; and if you succeed in saving the bridges you will secure a line of railroad for supplies in addition to the one you now have. Can you not do this almost as well as not while you are building the Chickahominy bridges? McDowell and Shields both say they can, and positively will, move Monday morn- ing. I wish you to move cautiously and safely. You will have command of McDowell, after he joins you, precisely as you indicated in your long despatch to us of the 21st. A. Lincoln. May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General Rufus Saxton. War Department, May 24, 1862. 1 p. m. General Saxton : Geary reports Jackson with 20,000 moving from Ashby's Gap by the Little River turnpike, through Aldie, toward Centreville. This, he says, is reliable. He is also informed of large forces south of him. We know a force of some 15,000 broke up Saturday night from in front of Fredericksburg and went we know not where. Please inform us, if possible, what has become of the force which pursued Banks yesterday ; also any other information you have. A. Lincoln. May 24, 1862. — Telegram to Colonel D. S. Miles. War Department, May 24, 1862. 1.30 p. m. Colonel Miles, Harper's Ferry, Virginia : Could you not send scouts from Winchester who would tell whether enemy are north of Banks, moving on Winchester I What is the latest you have? A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 159 May 24, 18G2. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. War Department, May 24, 1862. 4. p. m. Major-General Fremont, Franklin : You are authorized to purchase the 400 horses, or take them wlierever or however you can ^at them. The exposed condition of General Banks makes his immediate re- lief a point of paramount importance. You are therefore directed by the President to move against Jackson at Harrisonburg and operate against the enemy in such way as to relieve Banks. This movement must be made immediately. You will acknowledge the receipt of this order, and specify the hour it is received by you. A. Lincoln. May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. War Department, May 24, 1862. 7.15 p. m. Major-General Fremont, Franklin, Virginia : Many thanks for the promptness with which you have answered that you will execute the order. Much — perhaps all — depends upon the celerity with which you can execute it. Put the utmost speed into it. Do not lose a minute. ^^ Llntcoln May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W, Halleck. War Department, May 24, 1862. Major-General Halleck, near Corinth, Mississippi : Several despatches from Assistant Secretary Scott and one from Governor Morton asking reinforcements for you have been received. I beg you to be assured we do the best we can. I mean to cast no blame when I tell you each of our commanders along our line from Richmond to Corinth supposes himself to be confronted by numbers superior to his own. Under this pressure we thinned the line on the upper Potomac, until yesterday it was broken at heavy loss to us, and General Banks put in great peril, out of which he is not yet ex- tricated, and may be actually captured. We need men to repair this breach, and have them not at hand. My dear general, I feel justified to rely very much on you. I believe you and the brave officers and men with you can and will get the victory at Corinth. A. Lincoln. May 24, 1862. — Telegraim to General I. McDowell. War Department, May 24, 1862. 5 p. m. Major-General McDowell, Fredericksburg : General Fremont has been ordered by telegraph to move from Franklin on Harrisonburu; to relieve General Banks, and capture or destrov Jackson's and Ewell's forces. 160 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN You are instructed, laying aside for the present the movement on Richmond, to put 20,000 men in motion at once for the Shenandoah, moving on the line or in advance of the line of the Manassas Gap RaUroad. Your object will be to capture the forces of Jackson and Ewell, either in cooperation with General Fremont, or, in case want of supplies or of transportation interferes with his movements, it is believed that the force which you move will be sufficient to accom- plish this object alone. The information thus far received here makes it probable that if the enemy operate actively against General Banks, you will not be able to count upon much assistance from him, but may even have to release him. Reports received this moment are that Banks is fighting with Ewell eight miles from Winchester. A. Lincoln. May 24, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. War Department, Washington City, D. C, May 24, 1862. 8 p. m. Major-General McDowell: I am higlily gratified by your alacrity in obeying my order. The change was as painful to me as it can possibly be to you or to any one. Everything now depends upon the celerity and vigor of yom* movement. A. Lincoln. May 24, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General I. McDowell. War Department, May 24, 1862. Major-General McDowell, Falmouth : In view of the operations of the enemy on the line of General Banks, the President thinks the whole force you designed to move from Fredericksburg should not be taken away, and he therefore directs that one brigade in addition to what you designed to leave at Fredericksburg should be left there : this brigade to be the least effective of your command. Edwin M. Stanton. May 24, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General N. P. Banks. War Department, May 24, 1862. Major-General Banks, Winchester: In your despatch of this evening to the President, you say tha you intend to return with your command to Strasburg. The question is suggested whether you will not by that movement expose your LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 161 stores and trains at Winchester. The President desires, therefore, more detailed information than you have yet furnished respecting the force and position of the enemy in your neighborhood before you make a movement that will subject Winchester or Harper's Ferry to danger fi*om sudden attack. You will please report fully before moving. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. May 24, 1862.— Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : I transmit a report from the Secretary of State in answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 22d instant, calling for further correspondence relative to Mexican ^^^"■^- Abraham Lincoln. Washington, May 24, 1862. May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General J. W. Geary. War Department, May 25, 1862. 1.45 p. m. General Geary, White Plains: Please give us your best present impression as to the number of the enemy's forces north of Strasburg and Front Royal. Are the forces still moving north through the gap at Front Royal and between you and there I a Lincoln May 25, 1862. — Telegraivi to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, May 25, 1862. 2 p. m. JMajor-General McClellan : The enemy is moving north in suflScient force to drive General Banks before him — precisely in what force we cannot tell. He is also threatening Leesburg and Geary, on the Manassas Gap Rail- road, from both north and south — in precisely what force we can- not tell. I think the movement is a general and concerted one, such as would not be if he was acting upon the purpose of a very desperate defense of Richmond. I think the time is near when you must either attack Richmond or give up the job and come to the defense of Washington. Let me hear from you instantly. A. Lincoln, President. May 25, 1862. — Order taking Military Possession of Railroads. War Departjient, May 25, 1862. Ordered : By virtue of the authority vested by act of Congress, the President takes military possession of all the railroads in the Vol. II.— 11. 162 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN United States, from and after this date until further order, and directs that the respective railroad companies, their officers and servants, shall hold themselves in readiness for the transportation of such troops and munitions of war as may be ordered by the military authorities, to the exclusion of all other business. By order of the Secretary of War: M. C. Meigs, Quartermaster-General. May 25, 1862. — Telegram to Secretary Chase. War Department, May 25, 1862. Secretary Chase, Fredericksburg, Virginia: It now appears that Banks got safely into Winchester last night, and is this morning retreating on Harpei^s Ferry. This justifies the inference that he is pressed by numbers superior to his own. I think it not improbable that Ewell, Jackson, and Johnson are pour- ing through the gap they made day before yesterday at Front Royal, making a dash northward. It will be a very valuable and very honor- able service for General McDowell to cut them off. I hope he will put all possible energy and speed into the effort. A. Lincoln. May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General R. Saxton. War Department, May 25, 1862. 4.15 p. m. General Saxton, Harper's Ferry : If Banks reaches Martinsburg, is he any the better for it ? Will not the enemy cut him from thence to Harper's Ferry ? Have you sent anything to meet him and assist him at Martinsburg ? This is an inquiry, not an order. A. Lincoln. May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General R. Saxton. War Department, May 25, 1862. 6.50 p. m. General Saxton, Harper's Ferry : One good six-gun battery, complete in its men and appointments, is now on its way to you from Baltimore. Eleven other guns, of different sorts, are on their way to you from here. Hope they will all reach you before morning. As you have but 2500 men at Har- per's Ferry, where are the rest which were in that vicinity and which we have sent forward ? Have any of them been cut off f A. Lincoln. May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General R. Saxton. War Department, May 25, 1862. General Saxton, Harpei-'s Ferry : I fear you have mistaken me. I did not mean to question the cor- rectness of your conduct ; on the contrary, I approve what you have LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 163 done. As the 2500 reported by you seemed small to me, I feared some had got to Banks and been cut off with him. Please tell me the exact number you now have in hand. A. Lincoln. . May 25, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. {Sent in cipher.) War Department, Washington City, D. C, May 25, 18G2. 8.30 p. m. Major-General McClellan : Your despatch received. General Banks was at Strasburg, with about 6000 men, Shields having been taken from him to swell a col- umn for McDowell to aid you at Richmond, and the rest of his force scattered at various places. On the 23d a rebel force of 7000 to 10,000 fell upon one regiment and two companies guarding the bridge at Front Royal, destroying it entirely ; crossed the Shenan- doah, and on the 24th (yesterday) pushed to get north of Banks, on the road to Winchester. Banks ran a race with them, beating them into Winchester yesterday evening. This morning a battle ensued between the two forces, in which Banks was beaten back into full retreat toward Martinsburg, and probably is broken up into a total rout. Geary, on the Manassas Gap Railroad, just now reports that Jackson is now near Front Royal, with 10,000, following up and sup- porting, as I understand, the force now pursuing Banks ; also that another force of 10,000 is near Orleans, following on in the same direc- tion. Stripped bare, as we are here, it will be all we can do to prevent them crossing the Potomac at Harpei-'s Ferry or above. We have about 20,000 of McDowell's force moving back to the vicinity of Front Royal, and General Fremont, who was at Franklin, is moving to Harrisonburg; both these movements intended to get in the enemy's rear. One more of McDowell's brigades is ordered through here to Har- per's Ferry ; the rest of his force remains for the present at Freder- icksburg. We are sending such regiments and dribs from here and Baltimore as we can spare to Harper's Ferry, supplying their places in some sort by calling in militia from the adjacent States. We also have eighteen cannon on the road to Harpei*'s Ferry, of which arm there is not a single one yet at that point. This is now our situation. If McDowell's force was now beyond our reach, we should be utterly helpless. Apprehension of something like this, and no un- willingness to sustain you, has always been my reason for with- holding McDowell's force from you. Please understand this, and do the best you can with the force you have. A. Lincoln. May 26, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : The insurrection which is yet existing in the United States and aims at the overthrow 164 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN of the Federal Constitution and the Union, was clandestinely pre- pared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and assumed an open or- ganization in the form of a treasonable provisional government at Montgomery, in Alabama, on the 18th day of February, 1861. On the 12th day of April, 1861, the insurgents committed the flagrant act of civil war by the bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter, which cut off the hope of immediate conciliation. Immediately afterward all the roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, and the capital was put into the condition of a siege. The mails in every direction were stopped and the lines of telegraph cut off by the insurgents, and military and naval forces which had been called out by the government for the defense of Washington were pre- vented from reaching the city by organized and combined treason- able resistance in the State of Maryland. There was no adequate and effective organization for the public defense. Congress had in- definitely adjourned. There was no time to convene them. It be- came necessary for me to choose whether, using only the existing means, agencies, and processes which Congress had provided, I should let the government fall at once into ruin, or whether, avail- ing myself of the broader powers conferred by the Constitution in cases of insurrection, I would make an effort to save it with all its blessings for the present age and for posterity. I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, the heads of aU the departments, to meet on Sunday, the 21st day of April, 1861, at the of&ce of the Navy Department; and then and there, with their unanimous concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cut- ter should proceed to sea, to afford protection to the commercial marine and especially the California treasure-ships then on their way to this coast. I also directed the commandant of the navy-yard at Boston to purchase, or charter, and arm as quickly as possible, five steamships for purposes of public defense. I directed the com- mandant of the navy-yard at Philadelphia to purchase, or charter, and arm an equal number for the same purpose. I directed the commandant at New York to purchase, or charter, and arm an equal number. I directed Commander Gillis to purchase, or charter, and arm and put to sea two other vessels. Similar directions were given to Commodore Du Pont, with a view to the opening of passages by water to and from the capital. I directed the several officers to take the advice and obtain the aid and efficient services in the mat- ter of his Excellency Edwin D. Morgan, the Governor of New York, or, in his absence, George D. Morgan, William M. Evarts, R. M. Blatchford, and Moses H. Grinnell, who were, by my direction, es- pecially empowered by the Secretary of the Navy to act for his de- partment in that crisis, in matters pertaining to the forwarding of troops and supplies for the public defense. On the same occasion I directed that Governor Morgan and Alex- ander Cummings, of the city of New York, should be authorized by the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary ar- rangements for the transportation of troops and munitions of war, in aid and assistance of the oflEicers of the army of the United States, until communication by mails and telegraph should be completely LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 165 reestablished between the cities of "Washington and New York. No security was required to bo given by them, and either of them was authorized to act in case of inability to consult with the other. On the same occasion I authorized and directed the Secretaiy of the Treasury to advance, without requiring security, two millions of dollars of public money to John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Rich- ard M. Blatchford, of New York, to be used by them in meeting such requisitions as should be directly consequent upon the military and naval measures necessary for the defense and support of the government, requiring them only to act without compensation, and to report their transactions when duly called upon. The several departments of the government at that time contained so large a number of disloyal persons that it would have been im- possible to provide safely through official agents only for the per- formance of the duties thus confided to citizens favorably known for their ability, loyalty, and patriotism. The several orders issued upon these occurrences were transmitted by private messengers, who pursued a circuitous way to the sea- board cities, inland, across the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio and the northern lakes. I believe that by these and other similar measures taken in that crisis, some of which were without any au- thority of law, the government was saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar of the public funds thus confided without authority of law to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted, although apprehensions of such misdirection occurred to me as ob- jections to those extraordinary proceedings, and were necessarily overruled. I recall these transactions now because my attention has been directed to a resolution which was passed by the House of Repre- sentatives on the 30th day of last month, which is in these words : Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, by investing Alexander Cumminys with the control of large sums of the public money, and authority to purchase military supplies without restriction, without requir- ing from him any guarantee for the faithful performance of his duties, when the services of competent public officers were available, and by involving the government in a vast number of contracts with persons not legitimately engaged in the business pertaining to the subject-matter of such contracts, especially in the pm-chase of arms for future deUvery, has adopted a policy highly injurious to the pubhc service, and deserves the censui-e of the House. Congress will see that I should be wanting equally in candor and in justice if I should leave the censure expressed in this resolution to rest exclusively or chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same senti- ment is unanimously entertained by the heads of departments who participated in the proceedings which the House of Representatives has censured. It is due to Mr. Cameron to say that, although he fully approved the proceedings, they were not moved nor suggested by himself, and that not only the President but all the other heads of departments were at least equally responsible with him for what- ever error, wrong, or fault was committed in the premises. Washington, May 26, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. 166 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN May 26,. 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, May 26, 1862. 12.40 a. m. Major-General McClellan : We have General Banks's official report. He has saved his army and baggage, and has made a safe retreat to the river, and is prob- ably safe at Williamsport. He reports the attacking force at 15,000. A. Lincoln, President. May 26, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. War Department, May 26, 1862. 1 p. m. Major-General McDowell, Falmouth, Virginia : Despatches from Geary just received have been sent you. Should not the remainder of your forces, except sufficient to hold the point at Fredericksburg, move this way — to Manassas Junction or Alex- andria ? As commander of this department, should you not be here? I ask these questions. ^ Lincoln May 26, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. Washington, May 26, 1862. Major-General George B. McClellan: Can you not cut the Aquia Creek Railroad ! Also, what impres- sion have you as to intrenched works for you to contend with in front of Richmond ? Can you get near enough to throw shells into the city "? j>^ Lincoln, President. May 26, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General J. B. Ricketts. War Department, May 26, 1862. General Ricketts, Alexandria: The President wishes your brigade to move at once to Manassas by railroad. General Wadsworth has gone to Alexandria to assist in forwarding. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. May 27, 1862.— Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. May 27, 1862. 9.58 p. m. Major-General Fremont : I see that you are at Moorefield. You were expressly ordered to march to Harrisonburg. What does this mean ? A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 167 May 27, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to Governor Andrew. Washington, May 27, 1862. Governor Andrew, Boston: The Presideut directs that the militia be relieved, and the enlist- ments made for three years, or during the war. This, I think, will practically not be longer than for a year. The latest intelligence from General Banks states that he has saved nearly his whole com- mand with small loss. Concentrations of our force have been made, which it is hoped will capture the enemy. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. May 28, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General J. C. Fremont. Washington, May 28, 1862. Major-General Fremont, Moorefield: The President directs you to halt at Moorefield and await orders, unless you hear of the enemy being in the general direction of Rom- ney, in which case you will move upon him. Acknowledge the receipt of this order, and the hour it is received. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. May 28, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. Washington, May 28, 1862. 1 p. m. General McDowell, Manassas Junction: General McClellau at 6.30 P. m. yesterday telegraphed that Fitz- John Porter's division had fought and driven 13,000 of the enemy, under General Branch, from Hanover Court House, and was driving them from a stand they had made on the railroad at the time the messenger left. Two hours later he telegraphed that Stoneman had captured an engine and six cars on the Virginia Central, which he at once sent to communicate with F. J. Porter. Nothing further from McClellan. If Porter effects a lodgment on both railroads near Hanover Court House, consider whether your forces in fi'out of Fredericks- burg should not push through and join him. \ Lincot n May 28, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, May 28, 1862. Major-General McClellan : What of F. J. Porter's expedition ? Please answer. A. Lincoln. 168 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN" May 28, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. Washington, May 28, 1862. 4 p. m. General McDowell, Manassas Junction : You say General Geary's scouts report that they find no enemy this side of the Blue Ridge. Neither do I. Have they been to the Blue Ridge looking for them ? j^ Lincoln. May 28, 1862.— Telegram to General I. McDowell. Washington, May 28, 1862. 5.40 p. m. General McDowell, Manassas Junction : I think the evidence now preponderates that Ewell and Jackson are still about Winchester. Assuming this, it is for you a question of legs. Put in all the speed you can. I have told Fremont as much, and directed him to drive at them as fast as possible. By the way, I suppose you know Fremont has got up to Moorefield, instead of going to Harrisonburg. ^ Lincoln May 28, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, May 28, 1862. 8.40 p. m. Major-General McClellan : I am very glad of General F. J. Porter's victory. Still, if it was a total rout of the enemy, I am puzzled to know why the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad was not seized again, as you say you have all the railroads but the Richmond and Fredericksburg. I am puzzled to see how, lacking that, you can have any, except the scrap from Richmond to West Point. The scrap of the Virginia Central from Richmond to Hanover Junction, without more, is simply nothing. That the whole of the enemy is concentrating on Rich- mond, I think cannot be certainly known to you or me. Saxton, at Harper's Ferry, informs us that large forces, supposed to be Jack- son's and Ewell's, forced his advance from Charlestown to-day. General King telegraphs us from Fredericksburg that contrabands give certain information that 15,000 left Hanover Junction Monday morning to reinforce Jackson. I am painfully impressed with the importance of the struggle before you, and shall aid you all I can consistently with my view of due regard to all points. A. Lincoln. May 28, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General J. C. Fremont. Washington, May 28, 1862. Major-General Fremont, Moorefield: The following despatch has just been received from General Hamilton, at Harper's Ferry: LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 169 Harper's Ferry, May 28. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : There is very little doubt that Jackson's force is between Winchester and Charlestown. His troops were too much fatigued to pursue Banks. A large body of rebel cavalry is near Charlestown now. Jackson and Ewell were near Bunker Hill yesterday at noon. Of this last there is no doubt. C. S. Hamilton, Brigadier-General. The above probably indicates the true position of the enemy at this time. The President directs you to move upon him by* the best route you can. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. May 28, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General Fr:&mont. Washington, May 28, 1862. 11 p. m. Major-General John C. Fremont, Moorefield : The order to remain at Moorefield was based on the supposition that it would find you there. Upon subsequent information that the enemy were still operating in the vicinity of Winchester and Martinsburg, you were directed to mov^e against tho enemy. The President now again directs you to move against the enemy without delay. Please acknowledge the receipt of this, and the time received. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. May 29, 1862. — Telegram to General Marcy. Washington, May 29, 1862. 10 a. m. General R. B. Marcy, McClellan's Headquarters : Yours just received. I think it cannot be certainly known whether the force which fought General Porter is the same which recently confronted McDowell. Another item of evidence bearing on it is that General Branch commanded against Porter, while it was Gen- eral Anderson who was in front of McDowell. He and McDowell were in correspondence about prisoners. A. Lincoln. May 29, 1862. — Telegra]\i to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington City, D. C. May 29, 1862. 10.30 a. m. Major-General McClellan : I think we shall be able within three days to tell you certainly whether any considerable force of the enemy — Jackson or any 170 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN one else — is moving on to Harper's Ferry or vicinity. Take this expected development into your calculations. A. Lincoln. May 29, 1862. — Telegram to General N. P. Banks. Washington, May 29, 1862. 12 m. Major-General Banks, William sport, Maryland : General McDowell's advance should, and probably will, be at or near Front Royal at twelve (noon) to-morrow. General Fremont will be at or near Strasburg as soon. Please watch the enemy closely, and follow and harass and detain him if he attempts to retire. I mean this for General Saxton's force as well as that immediately with you. A. Lincoln. May 29, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. Washington, May 29, 1862. 12 m. Major-General Fremont, Moorefield, Virginia : General McDowell's advance, if not checked by the enemy, should, and probably will, be at Front Royal by twelve (noon) to-morrow. His force, when up, will be about 20,000. Please have your force at Strasburg, or, if the route you are moving on does not lead to that point, as near Strasburg as the enemy may be by the same time. Your despatch No. 30 received and satisfactory. A. Lincoln. May 29, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. Washington, May 29, 1862. 12 m. Major-General McDowell, Manassas Junction : General Fremont's force should, and probably will, be at or near Strasburg by twelve (noon) to-morrow. Try to have your force, or the advance of it, at Front Royal as soon. A. Lincoln. May 29, 1862.— Telegram to General Marcy. Washington, May 29, 1862. 1.20 p. m. General R. B. Marcy : Your despatch as to the South Anna and Ashland being seized by our forces this morning is received. Understanding these points to be on the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad, I heartily con- gratulate the country, and thank General McClellan and his army for their seizure. A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 171 May 30, 18C2. — Telegrajm to General I. McDowell. Washington, May 30, 18G2. 10 a. m. Major-General McDowell, Manassas Junction : I somewhat apprehend that Fremont's force, in its present con- dition, may not be quite strong enough in case it comes in collision with the enemy. For this additional reason I wish you to push for- ward your column as rapidly as possible. Tell me what number your force reaching Front Royal will amount to. A. LmcoLN. May 30, 1862. — Telegram to General N. P. Banks. Washington, May 30, 1862. 10.15 a. m. Major-General Banks, Williamsport, Maryland, via Harper's Ferry : If the enemy in force is in or about Martinsburg, Charlestown, and Winchester, or any or all of them, he may come in collision with Fremont, in which case I am anxious that your force, with you and at Harper's Ferry, should so operate as to assist Fremont if possi- ble; the same if the enemy should engage McDowell. This was the meaning of my despatch yesterday. A. Lincoln. May 30, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. Washington, May 30, 1862. 11.30 a. m. Major-General Fremont, Moorefield, Virginia : Yours of this morning from Moorefield just received. There cannot be more than 20,000, probably not more than 15,000, of the enemy at or about Winchester. Where is your force 1 It ought this minute to be near Strasburg. Answer at once. A. Lincoln. May 30, 1862. — Telegraim to General I. McDowell. Washington, May 30, 1862. 12.40. Major-General McDowell, Rectortown : Your despatch of to-day received and is satisfactory. Fremont has nominally 22,000, really about 17,000. Blenker's division is part of it. I have a despatch from Fremont this morning, not telling me where he is ; but he says : Scouts and men from Winchester represent Jackson's force variously at 30,000 to 60,000. With him Generals EweU and Longstreet. The high figures erroneous, of course. Do you know where Long- street is ? Corinth is evacuated and occupied by us. A. Lincoln. 172 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN May 30, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C. Fremont. Washington, May 30, 1862. 2.30 p. m. Major-General Fremont, Moorefield, Virginia: Yours, saying you will reach Strasbm'g or vicinity at 5 p. m. Satur- day, has been received and sent to General McDowell, and he di- rected to act in view of it. You must be up to time you promised, if possible, Corinth was evacuated last night, and is occupied by our troops to-day; the enemy gone south to Okolona, on the railroad to Mobile. A. Lincoln. May 30, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. Washington, May 30, 1862. 2.30 p. m. Major-General McDowell : Herewith I send a telegram just received from General Fremont. The despatch is dated of last night, and the point he says he will be at five o'clock Saturday afternoon is " Strasburg, or as near it as it may be to the enemy at that time," I direct Fremont to come to time as fixed by himself, and you will act your discretion, taking this information into your calculation. A. Lincoln. May 30, 1862, — Telegram to General I. McDowell. War Department, Washington City, May 30, 1862, 9,30 p. m. Major-General McDowell, Rectortown, Virginia : I send you a despatch just received from Saxton at Harper's Ferry : The rebels are in line of battle in front of our lines. They have nine pieces of artillery, and in position, and cavalry. I shelled the woods in which they were, and they in return threw a large number of shells into the lines and tents from which I moved last night to take up a stronger position, I expect a great deal from the battery on the mountain, having there 9-inch Dahlgren bearing directly on the enemy's approaches. The enemy appeared this morning and then retired, with the intention of drawing us on, I shall act on the defensive, as my position is a strong one. In a skirmish which took place this afternoon I took one horse. The enemy lost two men killed and seven wounded. R. Saxton, Brigadier- General. It seems the game is before you. Have sent a copy to General Fremont. A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 173 May 31, 1862.— Telegram to General G. A. McCall. Washington, May 31, 1862. 3.35. Brigadier- General McCall, Commanding, Fredericksburg: Are you al)out to withdraw from Fredericksburg; and if so, why, and by whose orders ? j^ Lincoln. May 31, 1862. — Telegra]vi to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, May 31, 1862. 10.20 p. m. Major-General McClellan : A circle whose circumference shall pass through Harper's Ferry, Front Royal, and Strasburg, and whose center shall be a little northeast of Wiuchester, almost certainly has within it this morn- ing the forces of Jackson, Ewell, and Edward Johnson. Quite certainly they were within it two days ago. Some part of their forces attacked Harpei*'s Ferry at dark last evening, and are still in sight this morning. Shields, with McDowell's advance, retook Front Eoyal at 11 a. m. yesterday, with a dozen of our own prisoners taken there a week ago, 150 of the enemy, two locomotives, and eleven cars, some other property and stores, and saved the bridge. General Fremont, from the direction of Moorefield, promises to be at or near Strasburg at 5 p. m. to-day. General Banks at Williamsport, with his old force and his new force at Harper's Ferry, is directed to cooperate. Shields at Front Royal reports a rumor of still an additional force of the enemy, supposed to be Anderson's, having entered the valley of Virginia. This last may or may not be true. Corinth is certainly in the hands of General Halleck. A. Lincoln. May 31, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General G. A. McCall. Washington, May 31, 1862. General McCall : The President directs me to say to you that there can be nothing to justify a panic at Fredericksburg. He expects you to maintain your position there as becomes a soldier and a general. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. June 1, 1862. — Telegraim to General G. B. McClellan. Washington City, D. C, June 1, 1862. 9.30. Major-General McClellan: You are probably engaged with the enemy. I suppose he made the attack. Stand well on your guard, hold all your ground, or 174 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN yield any only inch by inch and in good order. This morning we merge General Wool's department into yours, giving you command of the whole, and sending General Dix to Fort Monroe and General Wool to Fort McHenry. We also send General Sigel to report to you for duty. A. Lincoln. June 1, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington City, D. C, June 1, 1862. 1.15 p. m. Major-General McClellan : You are already notified that General Sigel is to report to you for duty. I suggest (do not order) that he have command of such of the forces about Fort Monroe, Norfolk, Newport News, etc., as you may see fit to put into active service, or such other command as may be suitable to his rank. A. Lincoln. June 1, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington City, D. C, June 1, 1862. 5 p. m. Major-General McClellan : Thanks for what you could and did say in your despatch of noon to-day to the Secretary of War. If the enemy shall not have renewed the attack this afternoon, I think the hardest of your work is done. Shields's advance came in collision with part of the enemy yes- terday evening, six miles from Front Royal, in a direction between Winchester and Strasburg, driving them back, capturing a few prisoners and one rifled cannon. Firing in that direction to-day, heard both from Hai-per's Ferry and Front Royal, indicates a proba- bility that Fremont has met the enemy. We have concluded to send General Sigel to Harper's Ferry, so that what I telegraphed you about him this morning is revoked. Dix goes to Fort Monroe to-night. A. Lincoln. June 1, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General N. P. Banks. Washington, June 1, 1862. Major-General Banks, Williamsport : Major-General Sigel has been assigned to command of the troops at Harper's Ferry, numbering about 10,000, and directed to report to you. That force has been added to your command, and it will receive further additions. Immediately on his arrival at Harper's Ferry — for which place he will start this evening — the President desires you to assume LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 175 actively tlie offensive against the retreating enemy without the loss of an hour. You will please communicate with General Sigel as speedily as possible. You will, of course, see that Harpei"'s JFerry is left secure. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. June 3, 18G2. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, June 3, 1862. Major-General McClellan : With these continuous rains I am very anxious about the Chicka- homiu}' — so close in your rear and crossing your line of communi- cation. Please look to it. A. Lincoln, President. June 3, 1862. — Telegram to General I. McDowell. Washington, June 3, 1862. 6.15 p. m. Major-General McDowell, Front Royal, Virginia: Anxious to know whether Shields can head or flank Jackson. Please tell about where Shields and Jackson, respectively, are at the time this reaches you. A. Lincoln. June 4, 1862. — Letter from the President's Private Secretary TO Judge-Advocate Lee. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 4, 1862. Major J. F. Lee, Judge-Advocate. Bear Sir: The President directs me to say that the rules of law stated in your within letter are correct and approved by him, and that he desires them to be followed. The order in Captain Coth- ran's case, mentioned in your letter, was evidently an oversight, and is not to be regarded as a precedent. Yours truly, Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. June 4, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the Rouse of Representatives : I transmit herewith a report of the Secretary of War in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 2d of June, in relation to the authority and action of the Hon. Edward Stanley, military governor of North Carolina. Abrahajm Lincoln. Washington, June 4, 1862. 176 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN June 4, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. Washington, June 4, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Corinth : Your despatch of to-day to Secretary of War received. Thanks for the good news it brings. Have you anything from Memphis or other parts of the Missis- sippi River °? Please answer. A. Lincoln. June 4, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. {Cipher.) Washington, June 4, 1862. Hon. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee: Do yon really wish to have control of the question of releasing rebel prisoners so far as they may be Tennesseeans ? If you do, please tell us so. Your answer not to be made public. A. Lincoln. June 6, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General I. McDowell. {Cipher.) Washington, June 6, 1862. Major-General McDowell : The President directs that McCall's division be sent by water to General McClellan immediately, and that you place such force at Fredericksburg by the time McCall leaves there as may, in your judgment, be necessary to hold that place. In respect to the opera- tions of the residue of your force, the President reserves directions, to be given as soon as he determines. Transportation has been ordered up the Rappahannock from here and from Fortress Monroe. Adjutant-General shall issue the order. Edwin M. Stanton. June 7, 1862.— Telegram from Secretary Stanton to Governor Johnson. Washington, June 7, 1862. Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : The President has received your two despatches of the 5th instant. He approves your proceedings of reprisal against the secessionists. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 177 In regard to the release of the rebel prisoners, he holds the ques- tion as to the time when executive clemency shall be exercised under consideration. It has always been the design of the gov- ernment to leave the exercise of that clemency to your judgment and discretion whenever the period arrives that it can properly be exercised. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. June 8, 1862. — Telegram to General H, W. Halleck. Washington, June 8, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi : We are changing one of the departmental lines, so as to give you all of Kentucky and Tennessee. In your movement upon Chatta- nooga I think it probable that you include some combination of the force near Cumberland Gap under General Morgan. Do you ? A. Lincoln. June 9, 1862. — Telegram to General N. P. Banks. Washington, June 9, 1862. Major-General Banks, Winchester : We are arranging a general plan for the valley of the Shenan- doah, and in accordance with this you will move your main force to the Shenandoah at or opposite Front Royal as soon as possible. A. Lincoln. June 9, 1862. — Telegram to General J. C, Fremont. Washington, June 9, 1862. Major-General Fremont : Halt at Harrisonburg, pursuing Jackson no farther. Get your force well in hand and stand on the defensive, guarding against a movement of the enemy either back toward Strasburg or toward Franklin, and await further orders, which will soon be sent you. A. Lincoln. June 9, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. (Cipher.) Washington, June 9, 1862. Hon. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : Your despatch about seizing seventy rebels to exchange for a like number of Union men was duly received. I certainly do not disap- prove the proposition. A. Lincoln. Vol. II.— 12. 178 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN June 9, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General A. E. Burnside. Washington, June 9, 1862. Major-General Burnside, Fortress Monroe: Your despatch in relation to the gunboats has been laid before the President. He has directed the Hunclibach and Perry to remain where they are, and that Goldsborough's order for their removal be countermanded. This I understand to be satisfactory to you. I should be glad to have a detailed statement of your force and its position. Edwin M, Stanton, Secretary of War. June 10, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress a copy of a treaty for the suppression of the African slave-trade, between the United States and her Britannic Majesty, signed in this city on the 7th of April last, and the ratifications of which were exchanged at London on the 20th ultimo. A copy of the correspondence which preceded the conclusion of the instrument, between the Secretary of State and Lord Lyons, her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten- tiary, is also herewith transmitted. It is desirable that such legislation as may be necessary to carry the treaty into effect should be enacted as soon as may comport with the convenience of Congress. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, June 10, 1862. June 12, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General J. C. Fremont. Washington, June 12, 1862. 11 a. m. Major-General Fremont: Your despatch of yesterday to the President has just been re- ceived. He directs me to say that Mount Jackson will serve the purpose he had in view as well as Harrisonburg, except that it does not so well guard against the enemy's operations toward western Virginia. But if, in view of all the circumstances, you prefer the position of Mount Jackson, you will occupy it instead of Harrisonburg. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. June 12, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives: In obedience to the resolution of your honorable body of the 9th instant, requesting certain in- LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 179 formation in regard to the circuit court of the United States for the State of California, and the judge of said court, I have the honor to transmit a letter of the Attorney-General, with copies of two other letters, and of an indorsement of my own upon one of them, all which, taken together, contain all the information within niy power to give upon the subject. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, June 12, 1862. June 12, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General F. Sigel. Washington, June 12, 1862. Major-General Sigel, Winchester : Your despatches of yesterday and to-day were received. It cannot be possible that Jackson has any such reinforcement as thirty or thirty-five thousand. McCiellan telegraphs that two regiments of reinforcements were sent from Richmond to Jackson. What necessity can there be for General Banks to fall back from Front Royal and his positions until Fremont comes up f Does it not leave a gap for Jackson to pass through Front Royal as before f The President directs that your forces and Banks's shall not fall back from Front Royal and their present positions until further developments. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. June 12, 1862. — Letter to General J. C. Fremont. Washington, June 12, 1862. Major-General Fremont : Accounts, which we do not credit, represent that Jackson is largely reinforced and turning upon you. Get your forces well in hand and keep us well and frequently advised; and if you find yourself really pressed by a superior force of the enemy, fall back cautiously toward or to Winchester, and we will have in due time Banks in position to sustain you. Do not fall back upon Harrisonburg unless upon tolerably clear necessity. We understand Jackson is on the other side of the Shenandoah from you, and hence cannot in any event press you into any necessity of a precipitate withdrawal. A. Lincoln. P. S. Yours, preferring Mount Jackson to Harrisonburg, is just received. On this point use your discretion, reraeml)ering that our object is to give such protection as you can to western Virginia. Many thanks to yourself, officers, and men for the gallant battle of last Sunday. A. L. 180 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN June 13, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. Fellow-citizens of the Souse of Representatives : I herewith transmit a memorial addressed and presented to me in behalf of the State of New York, in favor of enlarging the locks of the Erie and Oswego canals. While I have not given, nor have leisure to give, the sub- ject a careful examination, its great importance is obvious and unquestionable. The large amount of valuable statistical informa- tion which is collated and presented in the memorial will greatly facilitate the mature consideration of the subject, which I respect- fully ask for it at your hands. Abraham Lencoln. Washington, June 13, 1862. June 13, 1862. — Letter to General J. C. Fremont. Washington, June 13, 1862. Major-General Fremont : We cannot afford to keep your force and Banks's and McDowell's engaged in keeping Jackson south of Strasburg and Front Royal. You fought Jackson alone and worsted him. He can have no sub- stantial reinforcements so long as a battle is pending at Richmond. Surely you and Banks in supporting distance are capable of keeping him from returning to Winchester. But if Sigel be sent forward to you, and McDowell (as he must) be put to other work, Jackson will break through at Front Royal again. He is already on the right side of the Shenandoah to do it, and on the wrong side of it to attack you. The orders already sent you and Banks place you and him in the proper positions for the work assigned you. Jackson cannot move his whole force on either of you before the other can learn of it and go to his assistance. He cannot divide his force, sending part against each of you, because he will be too weak for either. Please do as I directed in the order of the 8th and my despatch of yesterday, the 12th, and neither you nor Banks will be overwhelmed by Jackson. By proper scout lookouts, and beacons of smoke by day and fires by night, you can always have timely notice of the enemy's approach. I know not as to you, but by some this has been too much neglected. A. Lincoln. June 15, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington City, D. C, June 15, 1862. Major-General McClellan. My dear Sir : The night between your two late battles of Satur- day and Sunday I went earnestly to work to find a way of putting General Wool's force under your control without wounding any one's feelings. But, after all. General Dix was a little hurt at being taken from an independent command and put in a dependent one. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 181 I could not help this without giving up the principal object of the move. So soon as you can (which I do not expect is yet), I wish you to give me the benefit of your suggestions as to how an inde- pendent command can be given him without detriment. The Secretary of War has turned over to me your despatch about sending McDowell to you by water, instead of by laud. I now fear he cannot get to you either way in time. Shields's division has got so terribly out of shape, out at elbows, and out at toes, that it will require a long time to get it in again. I expect to see McDowell within a day or two, when I will again talk with him about the mode of moving. McCall's division has nearly or quite reached you by now. This, with what you get from General Wool's old eonnnand, and the new regiments sent you, must give you an increase since the late battles of over twenty thousand. Doubtless the battles and other causes have decreased you half as much in the same time ; but then the enemy have lost as many in the same way. I believe I would come and see you were it not that I fear my presence might divert you and the army from more important matters. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. June 15, 1862. — Letter to General J. C. Fremont. War Department, Washington City, D. C, June 15, 1862. Major-General Fremont. 3Ii/ dear Sir: Your letter of the 12th by Colonel Zagonyi is just received. In answer to the principal part of it, I repeat the substance of an order of the 8th and one or two telegraphic despatches sent you since. We have no indefinite power of sending reinforcements ; so that we are compelled rather to consider the proper disposal of the forces we have than of those we could wish to have. We may be able to send you some dribs by degrees, but I do not believe we can do more. As you alone beat Jackson last Sunday, I argue that you are stronger than he is to-day, unless he has been reinforced; and that he cannot have been materially reinforced, because such reinforcement could only have come from Richmond, and he is much more likely to go to Richmond than Richmond is to come to him. Neither is very likely. I think Jackson's game — his assigned work — now is to magnify the accounts of his numbers and reports of his movements, and thus by constant alarms keep three or four times as many of our troops away from Richmond as his own force amounts to. Thus he helps his friends at Richmond three or four times as much as if he were there. Our game is not to allow this. Accordingly, by the order of the 8th, I directed you to halt at Harrisonburg, rest your force, and get it well in hand, the objects being to guard against Jackson's re- turning by the same route to the upper Potomac, over which you have just driven him out, and at the same time give some protec- tion against a raid into West Virginia. Already I have given you discretion to occupy Mount Jackson instead, if, on full considera- 182 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN tion, you think best. I do not believe Jackson will attack yon, but certainly he cannot attack you by surprise ; and if he comes upon you in superior force, you have but to notify us, fall back cautiously, and Banks will join you in due time. But while we know not whether Jackson will move at all, or by what route, we cannot safely put you and Banks both on the Strasburg line, and leave no force on the Front Royal line — the very line upon which he prose- cuted his late raid. The true policy is to place one of you on one line and the other on the other, in such positions that you can unite once you actually find Jackson moving upon it. And this is pre- cisely what we are doing. This protects that part of our frontier, so to speak, and liberates McDowell to go to the assistance of Mc- Clellan. I have arranged this, and am very unwilling to have it de- ranged. While you have only asked for Sigel, I have spoken only of Banks, and this because Sigel's force is now the principal part of Banks's force. About transferring General Schenck's command, the purchase of supplies, and the promotion and appointment of officers, mentioned in your letter, I will consult with the Secretary of War to-morrow. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. June 16, 1862. — Letter to GtENERAL J. C. Fri^mont. Washington, June 16, 1862. Major-General FriemoT^t, Mount Jackson, Virginia : Your despatch of yesterday, reminding me of a supposed under- standing that I would furnish you a corps of 35,000 men, and ask- ing of me the "fulfilment of this understanding," is received. I am ready to come to a fair settlement of accounts with you on the ful- filment of understandings. Early in March last, when I assigned you to the command of the Mountain Department, I did tell you I would give you all the force I could, and that I hoped to make it reach 35,000. You at the same time told me that within a reasonable time you would seize the rail- road at or east of Knoxville, Tenn., if you could. There was then in the department a force supposed to be 25,000, the exact number as well known to you as to me. After looking about two or three days, you called and distinctly told me that if I would add the Blenker division to the force already in the department, you would undertake the job. The Blenker division contained 10,000, and at the expense of great dissatisfaction to General McClellan I took it from his army and gave it to you. My promise was literally fulfilled, I have given you all I could, and I have given you very nearly, if not quite, 35,000. Now for yours. On the 23d of May, largely over two months after- ward, you were at Franklin, Va., not within 300 miles of Knoxville, nor within 80 miles of any part of the railroad east of it, and not moving forward, but telegraphing here that you could not move for lack of everything. Now, do not misunderstand me. I do not say you have not done all you could. I presume you met unexpected I LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 183 difficulties; aud I beg you to believe that as surely as you have done your best, so have I. I have not the power now to fill up your corps to 35,000. I am not demanding of you to do the work of 35,000. I am only asking of you to stand cautiously on the defensive, get your force in order, and give such protection as you can to the valley of the Shenandoah and to western Vii-ginia. Have you received the orders, and will you act upon them f A. Lincoln. June 16, 1862. — Letter to General C. Schurz. Washington, June 16, 1862. Brigadier-General Schurz, Mount Jackson, Virginia : Your long letter is received. The information you give is valuable. You say it is fortunate that Fremont did not intercept Jackson; that Jackson had the superior force, and would have over- whelmed him. If this is so, how happened it that Fremont fairly fought and routed him on the 8th 1 Or is the account that he did fight and route him false and fabricated f Both General Fremont and you speak of Jackson having beaten Shields. By our accounts he did not beat Shields. He had no engagement with Shields. He did meet and drive back with disaster about 2000 of Shields's ad- vance till they were met by an additional brigade of Shields's, when Jackson himself turned and retreated. Shields himself and more than half his force were not nearer than twenty miles to any of it. A. Lincoln. June 17, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives : The resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th instant, asking whether any legislation is necessary in order to give effect to the provisions of the act of April 16, 1862, providing for the reorganization of the medical department of the army, was referred to the Secretary of War, whose report thereon is hereby communicated. Abraham Lincoln. Washington City, June 17, 1862. June 17, 1862. — Telegr.ui from Secretary Stanton to General F. Sigel. Washington, June 17, 1862. General Sigel, Winchester : The forces at Front Royal are there by order of the President. When he desires their position to be changed, the order will be given by him. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 184 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN June 17, 1862. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General J. C. Fremont, "Washington, June 17, 1862. Major-General Fremont, Mount Jackson : It is reported here that you understand the President's order to you as requiring you to remain at Mount Jackson. The President directs me to say that he does wish you to hold your position at Mount Jackson if you can safely do so ; but, if pressed beyond your strength, that you will then fall back toward Strasburg, for support from General JBanks. General Banks is now here, and will see you immediately upon his return to his command. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. June 18, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. Washington, June 18, 1862, Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: It would be of both interest and value to us here to know how the expedition toward East Tennessee is progressing, if in your judg- ment you can give us the information with safety. A. Lincoln. June 18, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington, D. C, June 18, 1862. Major-General McClellan : Yours of to-day, making it probable that Jackson has been rein- forced by about 10,000 from Richmond, is corroborated by a despatch from General King at Fredericksburg, saying a Frenchman, just arrived from Richmond by way of Gordon sville, met 10,000 to 15,000 passing through the latter place to join Jackson. If this is true, it is as good as a reinforcement to you of an equal force, I could better dispose of things if I could know about what day you can attack Richmond, and would be glad to be informed, if you think you can inform me with safety. A. Lincoln. June 19, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, June 19, 1862. Major-General McClellan : Yours of last night just received, and for which I thank you. If large reinforcements are going from Richmond to Jackson, it proves one of two things : either that they are very strong at Rich- mond, or do not mean to defend the place desperately. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 185 On reflection, I do not see how reinforcements from llicliniond to Jackson could be in (xordonsville, as reported by the Frenchman and your deserters. Have not all been sent to deceive? A. Lincoln. June 20, 18G2. — Telegraivi to General G. B. McClellan. Washington City, June 20, 18G2. Major-General McClellan : We have this morning sent you a despatch of General Sigel cor- roborative of the proposition that Jackson is beinjj; reinforced from Richmond. This may be reality, and yet may only be contrivance for deception, and to determine which is perplexing. If we knew it was not true, we could send you some more force ; but as the case stands we do not think we safely can. Still, we will watch the signs and do so if possible. In regard to a contemplated execution of Captains Spriggs and Triplett the government has no information whatever, but will inquire and advise you. A. Lincoln. June 21, 1862. — Telegrajvi to General G. B. McClellan. (Washington, June 21, 18G2. 6 p. m. Major-General George B. McClellan: Your despatch of yesterday (2 p. M.) was received this morning. If it would not divert too much of your time and attention from the army under your immediate command, I would be glad to have your views as to the present state of military affairs throughout the wliole country, as you say you would be glad to give them. I would rather it should be by letter than by telegraph, because of the better chance of secrecy. As to the numbers and positions of the troops not under your command in Virginia and elsewhere, even if I could do it with accuracy, which I cannot, I would rather not transmit either by tel- egraph or letter, because of the chances of its reaching the enemy. I would be very glad to talk with you, but you cannot leave your camp, and I cannot well leave here. A. Lincoln, President. June 22, 1862.— Telegraim to General N. P. Banks. War Department, June 22, 1862. Major-General Banks, Middletown: I am very glad you are looking well to the west for a movement of the enemy in that direction, You know my anxiety on that point. All was quiet at General McClellan's headquarters at two o'clock to-day. A. Lincoln. ^- 186 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN June 23, 1862.— Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : The bill which has passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, entitled " An act to repeal that part of an act of Congress which prohibits the circulation of bank- notes of a less denomination than five dollars in the District of Co- lumbia," has received my attentive consideration, and I now return it to the Senate, in which it originated, with the following objections : 1. The bill proposes to repeal the existing legislation prohibiting the circulation of bank-notes of a less denomination than five dollars within the District of Columbia, without permitting the issuing of such bills by banks not now legally authorized to issue them. In my judgment, it will be found impracticable, in the present condition of the currency, to make such a discrimination. The banks have generally suspended specie payments ; and a legal sanction given to the circulation of the irredeemable notes of one class of them will almost certainly be so extended, in practical operation, as to include those of all classes, whether authorized or unauthorized. If this view be correct, the currency of the District, should this act become a law, wiU certainly and greatly deteriorate, to the serious injury of honest trade and honest labor. 2. This bill seems to contemplate no end which cannot be other- wise more certainly and beneficially attained. During the existing war it is peculiarly the duty of the National Government to secure to the people a sound circulating medium. This duty has been, under existing circumstances, satisfactorily performed, in part at least, by authorizing the issue of United States notes, receivable for all government dues except customs, and made a legal tender for all debts, public and private, except interest on public debt. The object of the bill submitted to me — namely, that of providing a small note currency during the present suspension — can be fuUy accomplished by authorizing the issue — as part of any new emission of United States notes made necessary by the circumstances of the country — of notes of a similar character, but of less denomination, than five dollars. Such an issue would answer all the beneficial purposes of the bill, would save a considerable amount to the treasury in inter- est, would greatly facilitate payments to soldiers and other creditors of small sums, and would furnish to the people a currency as safe as their own government. Entertaining these objections to the bill, I feel myself constrained to withhold from it my approval, and return it for the further con- sideration and action of Congress. Abraham Lincoln. June 23, 1862. June 24, 1862. — Letter from General Scott to the President. West Point, June 24, 1862. The President, having stated to me, orally, the present numbers and positions of our forces in front of the rebel armies south and LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 187 southwest of the Potomac, has done me the honor to ask my views in writing as to the further dispositions now to be made of the for- mer, and particuhirly of the army under McDowell, toward the suppression of the rebellion. Premising that, although the statements of the President were quite full and most distinct and lucid, yet from my distance from the scenes of operations, and not having recently followed them up with closeness, many details are still wanting to give professional value to my suggestions, I shall, nevertheless, with great deference proceed to offer such as most readily occur to me, each of which has been anticipated by the President. I consider the numbers and positions of Fremont and Banks ade- quate to the protection of Washington against any force the enemy can bring by the way of the upper Potomac, and the troops at Manassas Junction, with the garrisons of the forts on the Poto- mac and of Washington, equally adequate to its j)rotection on the south. The force at Fredericksburg seems entirely out of position, and it cannot be called up directly and in time by McClellan, from the want of railroad transportation, or an adequate supply train moved by animals. If, however, there be a suflScient number of vessels at hand, that force might reach the head of York River, by water, in time to aid in the operations against Richmond; or, in the very improbable case of disaster there, to serve as a valuable reinforcement to McClellan. The defeat of the rebels at Richmond, or their forced retreat thence, combined wdth our previous victories, would be a viritual end of the rebellion, and soon restore entire Virginia to the Union. The remaining important points to be occupied by us are Mobile, Charleston, Chattanooga. These must soon come into our hands. McDowell's force at Manassas might be ordered to Richmond by the Potomac and York rivers, and be replaced at Manassas by King's brigade, if there be adequate transports at or near Alexandria. Most respectfully submitted, WiNFiELD Scott. June 26, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, June 26, 1862. Major-General McClellan : Your three despatches of yesterday in relation to the affair, ending with the statement that you completely succeeded in making your point, are very gratifying. The latter one of 6.15 P. M., suggesting the probability of your being overwhelmed by 200,000, and talking of where the responsi- bility will belong, pains me very much. I give you all I can. and act on the presumption that you will do the best you can with what you have, while you continue, ungenerously I think, to assume that 188 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN I could give you more if I would. I have omitted and shall omit no opportunity to send you reinforcements whenever I possibly can. A. Lincoln. P. S. G-eneral Pope thinks if you fall back it would be much bet- ter toward York River than toward the James. As Pope now has charge of the capital, please confer with him through the telegraph. June 26, 18G2.— Order Constituting the Ariviy of Virginia. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, June 26, 1862. Ordered — 1st. The forces under Major-Generals Fremont, Banks, and McDowell, including the troops now under Brigadier-General Sturgis at Washington, shall be consolidated and form one army, to be called the Army of Virginia. 2d. The command of the Ai-my of Virginia is specially assigned to Major-General John Pope, as commanding general. The troops of the Mountain Department, heretofore under command of General Fremont, shall constitute the First Army Corps, under the command of General Fremont; the troops of the Shenandoah Department, now under General Banks, shall constitute the Second Army Corps, and be commanded by him ; the troops under the command of Gen- eral McDowell, except those within the fortifications and city of Washington, shall form the Third Army Corps, and be under his command. 3d. The Army of Virginia shall operate in such manner as, while protecting western Virginia and the national capital from danger or insult, it shall in the speediest manner attack and overcome the rebel forces under Jackson and Ewell, threaten the enemy in the direction of Charlottesville, and render the most effective aid to re- lieve General McClellan and capture Richmond. 4th. When the Army of the Potomac and the Army of Virginia shall be in position to communicate and directly cooperate at or before Richmond, the chief command, while so operating together, shall be governed, as in like cases, by the Rules and Articles of War. A. Lincoln. June 26, 1862.— Letter to J. W. Crisfield. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 26, 1862. Hon. John W. Crisfield. My dear Sir: I have been considering the appeal made by your- self and Senator Pearce in behalf of Judge Carmichael. His charge to the Grand Jury was left with me by the senator, and on reading it I must confess I was not very favorably impressed toward the judge. The object of the charge, I understand, was to procure prosecution and punishment of some men for arresting or doing violence to some secessionists — that is, the judge was trying to LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 189 help a little by giving the protection of law to those who were en- deavoring to overthrow the sujn'erae law — trying if he could ftnd a safe place for certain men to stand on the Constitution, whilst they should stab it in another place. But possibly I am mistaken. The Secretary of War and I have agreed that if the judge will take the oath of allegiance usually taken in such cases, he may be discharged. Please ascertain and inform me whether he will do it. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. June 28, 1862. — Telegrajvi from Secretary Stanton to General H. W. Halleck. War Department, June 28, 1862. Major-General Halleck : The enemy have concentrated in such force at Richmond as to render it absolutely necessary, in the opinion of the President, for you immediately to detach 25,000 of your force and forward it by the nearest and quickest route by way of Baltimore and Washington to Richmond. It is believed that the quickest route would be by way of Columbus, Ky., and up the Ohio River. But in detaching your force the President directs that it be done in such a way as to enable you to hold your ground and not interfere with the move- ment against Chattanooga and East Tennessee. This condition being observed, the forces to be detached and the routes they are to be sent are left to your own judgment. The direction to send these forces immediately is rendered impera- tive by a serious reverse suffered by General McClellan before Rich- mond yesterday, the full extent of which is not yet known. You will acknowledge the receipt of this despatch, stating the day and hour it is received, and inform me what your action will be^ so that we may take measures to aid in river and railroad transportation. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. June 28, 1862. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. Washington, June 28, 1862. General Burnside : I think you had better go, with any reinforcements you can spare, to General McClellan. ^ Lincoln War Department, June 28, 1862. Major-General Burnside, Newbern : We have intelligence that General McClellan has been attacked in large force and compelled to fall back toward the James River. 190 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN We are not advised of his exact condition, but the President directs that you shall send him all the reinforcements from your command to the James River that you can safely do without abandoning your own position. Let it be infantry entirely, as he said yesterday that he had cavalry enough. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. June 28, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington City, June 28, 1862. Major-General McClellan : Save your army, at all events. Will send reinforcements as fast as we can, Of course they cannot reach you to-day, to-morrow, or next day. I have not said you were ungenerous for saying you needed reinforcements. I thought you were ungenerous in assum- ing that I did not send them as fast as I could. I feel any misfor- tune to you and your army quite as keenly as you feel it yourself. If you have had a di'awn battle, or a repulse, it is the price we pay for the enemy not being in Washington. We protected Washing- ton, and the enemy concentrated on you. Had we stripped Wash- ington, he would have been upon us before the troops could have gotten to you. Less than a week ago you notified us that reinforce- ments were leaving Richmond to come in front of us. It is the nature of the case, and neither you nor the government is to blame. Please tell at once the present condition and aspect of things. A. Lincoln. June 28, 1862, — Letter to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, June 28, 1862. Hon. W. H. Seward. My dear Sir: My view of the present condition of the war is about as follows : The evacuation of Corinth and our delay by the flood in the Chickahominy have enabled the enemy to concentrate too much force in Richmond for McClellan to successfully attack. In fact there soon will be no substantial rebel force anywhere else. But if we send all the force from here to McClellan, the enemy will, before we can know of it, send a force from Richmond and take Washington. Or if a large part of the western army be brought here to McClellan, they will let us have Richmond, and retake Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, etc. What should be done is to hold what we have in the West, open the Mississippi, and take Chattanooga and East Ten- nessee without more. A reasonable force should in every event be kept about Washington for its protection. Then let the country give us a hundred thousand new troops in the shortest possible time, which, added to McClellan directly or indirectly, will take Rich- mond without endangering any other place which we now hold, and LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 191 will substantially end the war. I expect to maintain this contest until successful, or till I die, or am conquered, or my term expires, or Conj^ress or the country forsake me ; and I would publicly appeal to the country for this new force were it not that I fear a j^enei-al l)anic and stampede would follow, so hard it is to have a thing un- derstood as it really is. I think the new force should be all, or nearly all, infantry, principally because such can be raised most cheaply and quicldy. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. June 28, 1862. — Telegram to General J. A. Dix. War Department, Washington, D. C, June 28, 1862. General Dix: Communication with McClellan by White House is cut off. Strain every nerve to open communication with him by James River, or any other way you can. Report to me. A. Lincoln. June 28, 1862. — Telegrajm to Flag-Opficer L. M. Goldsborough. Washington, D. C, June 28, 1862. Flag-Officer Goldsborough, Fort Monroe: Enemy has cut McClellan's communication with White House, and is driving Stoneman back on that point. Do what you can for him with gunboats at or near that place. McClellan's main force is between the Chickahominy and the James. Also do what you can to communicate with him and support him there. A. Lincoln. June 29, 1862. — Telegram to Secretary Seward. War Department, June 29, 1862. 6 p. m. Hon. Williajvi H. Seward, Astor House, New York: Not much more than when you left. Fulton of ^'Baltimore American " is now with us. He left White House at 11 a. m. yesterday. He conversed fully with a paymaster who was with Porter's force during the fight of Friday and fell back to nearer McClellan's quarters just a little sooner than Porter did, seeing the whole of it; stayed on the Richmond side of the Chickahominy over night, and left for White House at 5 a. m. Saturday. He says Porter retired in perfect order under protection of the guns arranged for the purpose, under orders and not from necessity; and with all other of our forces, except what was left on ])urpose to go to White House, was safely in pontoons over the Chicka- liominy before morning, and that there was heavy firing on the Richmond side, begun at five and ceased at 7 a. m. Saturday. On the whole, I think we have had the better of it up to that point of 192 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN time. What has happened since we still know not, as we have no communication with General McClellan. A despatch from Colonel Ingalls shows that he thinks McClellan is fighting with the enemy at Richmond to-day, and will be to-morrow. We have no means of knowing upon what Colonel Ingalls founds his opinion. All confirmed about saving all property. Not a single unwounded straggler came back to White House from the field, and the number of wounded reaching there up to 11 a. m. Saturday was not large. A. Lincoln. To what the President has above stated I will only add one or two points that may be satisfactory for you to know. First. All the sick and wounded were safely removed from White House j not a man left behind. Second. A despatch from Bumside shows that he is in condition to afford efficient support, and is probably doing so. Third. The despatch from Colonel Ingalls impresses me with the convic- tion that the movement was made by General McClellan to concentrate on Richmond, and was successful to the latest point of which we have any information. Fourth. Mr. Fidton says that on Friday night, between twelve and one o'clock, General McCleUan telegraphed Commodore Goldsborough that the result of the movement was satisfactory to him. Fifth. From these and the facts stated by the President, my inference is that General McClellan will probably be in Richmond within two days. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. June 30, 1862. — Telegram to Secretary Seward. War Department, June 30, 1862. Hon. Wm. H. Seward, New York : We are yet without communication with Greneral McClellan, and this absence of news is our point of anxiety. Up to the latest point to which we are posted, he effected everything in such exact accor- dance with his plan, contingently announced to us before the battle begau, that we feel justified to hope that he has not failed since. He had a severe engagement in getting the part of his army on this side of the Chickahominy over to the other side, in which the enemy lost certainly as much as we did. We are not dissatisfied with this, only that the loss of enemies does not compensate for the loss of friends. The enemy cannot come below White House ; certainly is not there now, and probably has abandoned the whole line. Dix's pickets are at New Kent Court House. A. Lincoln. June 30, 1862. — Call for Troops. New York, June 30, 1862. To the Governors of the several States : The capture of New Orleans, Norfolk, and Corinth by the national forces has enabled the in- surgents to concentrate a large force at and about Richmond, which LETTERS AND STATE PAPEllS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 193 place we must take with the least possible delay ; in fact, there will soon be no formidable insiirji^ent force except at Richmond. With so large an army there, the enemy can threaten ns on the Potomac and elsewhere. Until we have reestablished the national anthority, all these places must be held, and we must keep a respectable force in fi'ont of Washington. But this, from the diminished strength of our army by sickness and casualties, renders an addition to it neces- sary in order to close the struggle which has been prosecuted for the last three months with energy and success. Rather than hazard the misapprehension of our military condition and of groundless alarm by a call for troops by proclamation, I have deemed it best to address you in this forui. To accomplish the object stated, we re- ([uire, without delay, 150,000 men, including those recently called for l)y the Secretary of War. Thus reinforced, our gallant army will be enabled to realize the hopes and expectations of the govern- ment and the people. ^ Lincoln June 30, 1862. — Telegram to General J. A. Dix. War Department, Washington City, June 30, 1862. Major- General Dix, Fort Monroe : Is it not probable the enemy have abandoned the line between White House and McCIellan's rear? He could have but little object to maintain it, and nothing to subsist upon. Would not Stoneman better move up and see about it ? I think a telegraphic communication can at once be opened to White House from Wil- liamsburg. The wires must be up still. a Lincoln June 30, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. War Department, June 30, 1862. 3 p. m. Major-General Halleck, Corinth : Your telegram of this date just received. The Chattanooga expe- dition must not on any account be given up. The President re- gards that and the movement against East Tennessee as one of the most important movements of the war, and its occupation nearly as important as the capture of Richmond. He is not pleased with the tardiness of the movement toward Chattanooga, and directs that no force be sent here if you cannot do it witliout breaking up the op- erations against that point and East Tennessee. Infantry only are needed ; our cavalry and artillery are strong enough. The first re- ports from Richmond were more discouraging than the truth war- ranted. If the advantage is not on our side, it is balanced. General McClellan has moved his whole force on the line of the James River, and is supported there l)y our gunboats ; but he must be largely strengthened before adv^ancing, and hence the call on you, which I am glad you answered so promptly. Let me know to what point on the river you will send your forces, so as to provide immediately for transportation. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Vol. IL-13. 194 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Washington, D. C, June 30, 1862. Major-GtENERAL Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi : Would be very glad of 25,000 infantry ; no artillery or cavalry ; but please do not send a man if it endangers any place you deem important to hold, or if it forces you to give up or weaken or delay the expedition against Chattanooga. To take and hold the railroad at or east of Cleveland, in East Tennessee, I think fully as impor- tant as the taking and holding of Richmond. A. Lincoln. July 1, 1862.— Call for 300,000 Volunteers. June 28, 1862. The undersigned, governors of States of the Union, impressed with the belief that the citizens of the States which they respectively represent are of one accord in the hearty desire that the recent successes of the Federal arms may be followed up by measures which must insure the speedy res- toration of the Union, and believing that, in view of the present state of the important miUtary movements now in progress, and the reduced condition of our effective forces in the field, resulting from the usual and unavoid- able casualties in the service, the time has an-ived for prompt and vigorous measures to be adopted by the people in support of the great interests com- mitted to yoiu" charge, respectfully request, if it meets with your entire approval, that you at once call upon the several States for such number of men as may be required to fill up aU military organizations now in the field, and add to the armies heretofore organized such additional number of men as may, in your judgment, be necessary to gaiTison and hold all the numei-- ous cities and mihtary positions that have been captured by our armies, and to speedily crush the rebelhon that still exists in several of the South- ern States, thus practicaUy restoring to the civilized world our great and good government. AU believe that the decisive moment is near at hand, and to that end the people of the United States are desirous to aid promptly in furnishing aU reinforcements that you may deem needful to sustain our government. Israel Washburn, Jr., Governor of Maine. H. S. Berry, Governor of New Hampshire. Frederick Holbrook, Governor of Vermont. William A. Buckingham, Governor of Connecticut. E. D. Morgan, Governor of New York. Charles S. Olden, Governor of New Jersey. A. G. CuRTiN, Governor of Pennsylvania. A. W. Bradford, Governor of Maryland, F. H. PiERPOiNT, Governor of Virginia. Austin Blair, Governor of Michigan. J. B. Temple, President Mihtary Board of Kentucky. Andrew Johnson, Governor of Tennessee. H. R. Gajsible, Governor of Missouri. 0. P. Morton, Governor of Indiana. David Todd, Governor of Ohio. Alexander Ramsey, Governor of Minnesota. Richard Yates, Governor of lUinois. Edward Salomon, Governor of Wisconsin. The President. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 195 Executive Mansion, Washington, July 1, 1862. Qentlemen : Fully concurring in the wisdom of the views expressed to me in so patriotic a manner by you, in the communication of the twenty-eighth day of June, I have decided to call into the service au additional force of 300,000 men. I suggest and recommend that the troops should be chiefly of infantry. The quota of your State would be . I trust that they may be enrolled without delay, so as to bring this unnecessary and injurious civil war to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion. An order fixing the quotas of the re- spective States will be issued by the War Department to-morrow. Abraham Lincoln. July 1, 1862. — Proclamation Concerning Taxes in Rebellious States. By the President of the United States of Ajmerica: A Proclamation. Whereas, in and by the second section of an act of Congress passed on the seventh day of June, a. d. 1862, entitled ''An act for the collection of direct taxes in insurrectionary districts within the United States, and for other purposes," it is made the duty of the President to declare, on or before the first day of July then next following, by his proclamation, in what States and parts of States insurrection exists : Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, do hereby declare and proclaim that the States of South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Mississippi, Arkansas, Tennessee, North Carolina, and the State of Virginia (except the following counties : Hancock, Brooke, Ohio, Marshall, Wetzel, Marion, Monongalia, Preston, Tay- lor, Pleasants, Tyler, Ritchie, Doddridge, Harrison, Wood, Jackson, Wirt, Roane, Calhoun, Gilmer, Barbour, Tucker, Lewis, Braxton, Upshur, Randolph, Mason, Putnam, Kanawha, Clay, Nicholas, Cabell, Wayne, Boone, Logan, Wyoming, Webster, Fayette, and Raleigh), are now in insurrection and rebellion, and by reason thereof the civil authority of the United States is obstructed so that the provisions of the ''Act to provide increased revenue from imports, to pay the interest on the j)ublic debt, and for other purposes," ap- proved August fifth, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, cannot be peaceably executed ; and that the taxes legally chargeable upon real estate, under the act last aforesaid, lying within the States and parts of States as aforesaid, together with a penalty of fifty per centum of said taxes, shall be a lien upon the tracts or lots of the same, severally charged, till paid. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 196 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Done at the city of Washington, this first day of Jnly, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and [l. s.] sixty-two, and of the independence of the Uoaited States of America the eight^^'-sixth. Abrahaim Lincoln. By the President : F. W. Seward, Acting Secretary of State. July 1, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I most cordially rec- ommend that Captain Andrew H. Foote, of the United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his eminent services in organizing the flotilla on the western waters, and for his gallantry at Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Island Number Ten, and at various other places, whilst in command of the naval forces, embracing a period of nearly ten months. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, D. C, July 1, 1862. July 1, 1862. — Telegram to General McClellan. Washington, July 1, 1862. 3.30 p. m. Major-General George B. McClellan : It is impossible to reinforce you for your present emergency. If we had a million of men, we could not get them to you in time. We have not the men to send. If you are not strong enough to face the enemy, you must find a place of security, and wait, rest, and repair. Maintain your ground if you can, but save the army at all events, even if yoii fall back to Fort Monroe. We still have strength enough in the country, and will bring it out. A, Lincoln. July 2, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Morgan. War Department, July 2, 1862. Governor E. D. Morgan, Albany, New York, It was thought safest to mark high enough. It is 300,000. A. Lincoln. July 2, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington, D. C, July 2, 1862. Major-General McClellan : Your despatch of Tuesday morning induces me to hope your army is having some rest. In this hope allow me to reason with you a moment. When you ask for 50,000 men to be promptly sent you, you surely labor under some gross mistake of fact. Recently you LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 197 sent papers showing your disposal of forces made last spring for the defense of Washington, and advising a return to that plan. I find it included in and about Washington 75,000 men. Now, please be assured I have not men enough to fill that very plan by 15,000. All of Fremont's in the valley, all of Banks's, all of McDowell's not with you, and all in Washington, taken together, do not exceed, if tliey reach, G0,000. With Wool and Dix added to those mentioned, I have not, outside of your army, 75,000 men east of the mountains. Thus the idea of sending you 50,000, or any other considerable force, promptly, is simply absurd. If, in your frequent mention of responsibility, you have the impression that I blame you for not doing more than you can, please be relieved of such impression. I only beg that in like manner you will not ask impossibilities of me. If you think you are not strong enough to take Richmond just now, I do not ask you to try just now. Save the army, material and personal, and I will strengthen it for the offensive again as fast as I can. The governors of eighteen States offer me a new levy of 300,000, which I accept. A. Lincoln. July 2, 1862,— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. Washington, D. C, July 2, 1862. JMajor-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: Your several despatches of yesterday to Secretary of War and my- self received. I did say, and now repeat, I would be^ exceedingly glad for some reinforcements from you. Still do not send a man if in your judgment it will endanger any point you deem important to hold, or will force you to give up or weaken or delay the Chatta- nooga expedition. Please tell me could you not make me a flying visit for consulta- tion without endangering the service in your department. A. Lincoln. July 2, 1862. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States: I herewith return to your hon- oraljle body, in which it originated, an act entitled "An act to pro- vide for additional medical officers of the volunteer service," without my approval. My reason for so doing is that I have approved an act of the same title passed by Congress after the passage of the one first mentioned, for the express purpose of correcting errors in and supei-seding the same, as I am informed. Abraham Lincoln. Executive Mansion, July 2, 1862. 198 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN July 3, 1862. — Circular Letter to the Governors. {Private and Confidential.) War Department, July 3, 1862. 10.30 a. m. Governor Washburn, Maine [and other governors]. I should not want the half of 300,000 new troops if I could have them now. If I had 50,000 additional troops here now, I believe I could substantially close the war in two weeks. But time is every- thing, and if I get 50,000 new men in a month, I shall have lost 20,000 old ones during the same month, having gained only 30,000, with the difference between old and new troops still against me. The quicker you send, the fewer you will have to send. Time is everything. Please act in view of this. The enemy having given up Corinth, it is not wonderful that he is thereby enabled to check us for a time at Richmond. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 3, 1862. — Letter to General McClellan. War Department, Washington, D. C, July 3, 1862. Major-General George B, McClellan : Yours of 5.30 yesterday is just received. I am satisfied that your- self, officers, and men have done the best you could. All accounts say better fighting was never done. Ten thousand thanks for it. On the 28th we sent General Burnside an order to send all the force he could spare to you. We then learned that you had re- quested him to go to Goldsborough ; upon which we said to him our order was intended for your benefit, and we did not wish to be in conflict with your views. We hope you will have help from him soon. To-day we have ordered General Hunter to send you all he can spare. At last ad- vices General Halleck thinks he cannot send reinforcements without endangering all he has gained. A. Lincoln, President. July 3, 1862. — Secretary Stanton to General Butler. War Department, Washington City, July 3, 1862. Major-General B. F, Butler, New Orleans : I wrote you last under date of the 29th ultimo, and have now to say that your despatch of the 18th ultimo, with the accompanying report of General Phelps concerning certain fugitive negroes that have come to his pickets, has been considered by the President. He is of opinion that under the law of Congress they cannot be sent back to their masters ; that in common humanity they must not LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 199 be permitted to suffer for want of food, shelter, or other necessaries of life ; that to this end they should be provided for by the quarter- niastei"'s and commissary's departments ; and that those who are capable of labor should be set to work and paid reasonable wages. In directing this to be done, the President does not mean, at pres- ent, to settle any general rule in respect to slaves or slavery, but simply to provide for the particular case under th(} circumstances in which it is now presented. I am. General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. July 4, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington City, D. C, July 4, 1862. Major-General McClellan : I understand your position as stated in your letter and by General Marcy. To reinforce you so as to enable you to resume the offensive within a month, or even six weeks, is impossible. In addition to that arrived and now arriving from the Potomac (about 10,000 men, I suppose, and about 10,000 I hope you will have from Burnside very soon, and about 5000 from Hunter a little later), I do not see how I can send you another man within a month. Under these circum- stances the defensive for the present must be your only care. Save the army — first, where you are, if you can ; secondly, by removal, if you must. You, on the ground, must be the judge as to which you will attempt, and of the means for effecting it. I but give it as my opinion that with the aid of the gunboats and the reinforcements mentioned above, you can hold your present position — provided, and so long as, you can keep the James River open below you. If j^ou are not tolerably confident you can keep the James River open, you had better remove as soon as possible. I do not remember that you have expressed any apprehension as to the danger of having your communication cut on the river below you, yet I do not sup- pose it can have escaped your attention. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. P. S. If at any time you feel able to take the offensive, you are not restrained from doing so. A. L. July 4, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. War Department, July 4, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: You do not know how much you would oblige us if, without abandoning any of your positions or plans, you could promptly send 200 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN US even 10,000 infantry. Can you not ? Some part of the Corinth army is certainly fighting McClellan in front of Richmond. Prisoners are in our hands from the late Corinth army. A. Lincoln. July 4, 1862.— Telegeajvi to General J. A. Dix. Washington City, July 4, 1862. Major- General Dix, Fort Monroe: Send forward the despatch to Colonel Hawkins and this also. Om- order and General McClellan's to General Burnside being the same, of course we wish it executed as promptly as possible. A. Lincoln. July 5, 1862.— Telegram to General McClellan. Washington, July 5, 1862. 9 a. m. Major-General George B. McClellan: A thousand thanks for the relief your two despatches of 12 and 1 p. M. yesterday gave me. Be assured the heroism and skill of yourself and officers and men is, and forever will be, appreciated. If you can hold your present position, we shall hive the enemy yet. A. Lincoln. July 6, 1862.— Letter to General H. W. Halleck. War Department, Washington City, D. C, July 6, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi. My dear Sir: This introduces Governor William Sprague, of Ehode Island. He is now governor for the third time, and sena- tor-elect of the United States. I know the object of his visit to you. He has my cheerful con- sent to go, but not my direction. He wishes to get you and part of your force, one or both, to come here. You already know I should be exceedingly glad of this if, in your judgment, it could be without endangering positions and operations in the southwest; and I now repeat w^hat I have more than once said by telegraph, ''Do not come or send a man if, in your judgment, it will endanger any point you deem important to hold, or endangers or delays the Chat- tanooga expedition." Still, please give my friend. Governor Sprague, a full and fair hearing. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 201 July 9, 1862.— Memorandum of Questions and Answers in Interviews between the President and General Mc- Clellan and other Officers during a Visit to the Army OF the Potomac at Harrison's Landing, Virginia. Memorandum from General McClellan's Headquarters, July 9, 1862. General McClellan, July 8, 1862. What amount of force have you now ? About 80,000. Can't vary much ; certainly 75,000. What is likely to be your condition as to health in this camp ? Better than in any encampment since landing at Fort Monroe. Where is the enemy now *? From fom- to five miles from us, on all the roads — I think nearly the whole army— both Hills, Long-street, Jackson, Magruder, Huger. If you desired, could you remove the army safely ? It would be a delicate and very difficult matter. Cavalry about 5000. General Sumner, July 9, 1802. What is the whole amount of your corps with you now"? About 16,000. What is the aggTegate of yoiu- killed, wounded, and missing, from the attack on the 26th ultimo till now ? 1175. In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- tion as to health "? As good as any part of eastern Virginia. Where and in what condition do you beheve the enemy to be now? I think they have retired "from our front. Were much damaged, especially in their best troops, in the late action from the superior- ity of our arms. If it were desired to get the army away, could it be safely effected ? I think we could, but I think we give up the cause if we do it. Is the army secure in its present position ? Perfectly so, in my judgment. General Heintzelman, July 9, 1862. What is the whole amount of your corps now with you ? 15,000 for duty. What is the aggregate of your killed, wounded, and missing, from the attack on the 26th ultimo till now ? Not large. 745, In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- tion as to health? Excellent for health, and present health improving. Where and in what condition do you believe the enemy to now be ? Don't think they are in force in our vicinity. If it were desired to "get the army away from here, could it be safely effected ? Perhaps we could ; but think it would be ruinous to the countiy. Is the army secure in its present position '? I think it is safe. 202 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN General Keyes, July 9, 1862. What is the whole amount of your corps with you now? About 12,500. What is the aggi'egate of your killed, wounded, and missing, from the attack on the 26th till now ? Less than 500. In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- tion as to health ? A little improved, but think camp is getting worse. Where, and in what condition, do you beUeve the enemy to now be ? Think he has withdi-awn, and think preparing to go to Washington. If it were desired to get the army away, could it be safely effected ? I think it could, if done quickly. Is the army in its present position secure ? With help of gunboats can hold position. General Porter. What is the amount of vour corps now with you ? About 23,000. Fully 20,000 fit for duty. Wliat is the aggregate of your killed, wounded, and missing, from the attack on the 26th ultimo untU now ? Over 5000. In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- tion as to liealth ? Very good. Where and in what condition do you believe the enemy now to be *? BeUeve he is mainly near Richmond. He feels he dare not attack us here. If it were desired to get the army away from here, could it be safely effected ? Impossible. Move the army and ruin the country. Is the army secure in its present position ? Perfectly so. Not only, but we are ready to begin moving forward. General Franklin. What is the whole amount of your corps now with you ? About 15,000. What is the aggregate of your killed, wounded, and missing, from the attack on the 26th ultimo till now ? Don't think whole will exceed 3000 men. In your present encampment what is the present and prospective condi- tion as to health ? Not good. Where and in what condition do you believe the enemy now to be "? I learn he has withdrawn from om* front, and think that is probable. If it were desired to get the army away from here, could it be safely effected ? I think we could, and think we better — think Rappahannock true line. Is the army secure m its present position *? Unless we can be closer, it is. General Sumner 1,175 General Heintzelman 745 General Keyes 500 Fitz-J. Porter 5,000 Franklin 3,000 10,420 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 203 July 11, 1862.— Order making Halleck General-in-Chief. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 11, 1862. Ordered, That Major-General Henry W. Halleck be assigned to corainand the whole laud forces of the Uuited States, as general-in- chief, and that he repair to this capital so soon as he can with safety to the positions and operations within the department now under ^'^ '^^'S'- A. Lincoln. July 11, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I recommend that the thanks of Congress be given to the following officers of the United States Navy : Captain John L. Lardner, for meritorious conduct at the battle of Port Royal, and distinguished services on the coast of the United States against the enemy. Captain Charles Henry Davis, for distinguished services in con- flict with the enemy at Fort Pillow, at Memphis, and for successful operations at other points in the waters of the Mississippi River. Commander John A. Dahlgren, for distinguished services in the line of his profession, improvements in ordnance, and zealous and efQcient labors in the ordnance branch of the service. Commander Stephen C. Rowan, for distinguished services in the waters of North Carolina, and particularly in the capture of New- bern, being in chief command of the naval forces. Commander David D. Porter, for distinguished services in the con- ception and preparation of the means used for the capture of the forts below New Orleans, and for highly meritorious conduct in the management of the mortar flotilla during the bombardment of Forts Jackson and St. Philip. Captain Silas H. Stringham, now on the retired list, for distin- guished services in the capture of Forts Hatteras and Clark. Washington, D. C, July 11, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. July 11, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. War Department, July 11, 1862. Hon. Andrew Johnson. My dear Sir : Yours of yesterday is received. Do you not, my good friend, perceive that what you ask is simply to put you in coni- mand in the West? I do not suppose you desire this. You only wish to control in your own localities ; but this you must know may derange all other posts. Can you not, and will you not, have a full conference with General Halleck? Telegraph him, and meet him at such place as he and you can agree upon. I telegraph him to meet you and confer fully with you. j^^ Lincoln. 204 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN July 11, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. War Department, July 11, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Corinth : Governor Johnson, at Nashville, is in great trouble and anxiety about a raid into Kentucky. The governor is a true and a valuable man — indispensable to us in Tennessee. Will you please get in communication with him, and have a full conference with him be- fore you leave for here 1 I have telegraphed him on the subject. A. Lincoln. July 12, 1862.— Appeal to Favor Compensated Emancipation, read by the President to Border-State Representatives. Oentlemen : After the adjournment of Congress, now very near, I shall have no opportunity of seeing you for several months. Be- lieving that you of the border States hold more power for good than any other equal number of menibers, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive to make this appeal to you. I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my opinion, if you all had voted for the resolution in the gradual-emancipation message of last March, the war would now be substantially ended. And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and swift means of ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion see definitely and certainly that in no event will the States you represent ever join their proposed confederacy, and they cannot much longer maintain the contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with them so long as you show a determination to per- petuate the institution within your own States. Beat them at elec- tions, as you have overwhelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they still claim you as their own. You and I know w^hat the lever of their power is. 'Break that lever before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever. Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I trust you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively yom* own, when, for the sake of the whole country, I ask. Can you, for your States, do better than to take the course'l urge ? Discarding punctilio and maxims adapted tomoreman- ageable times, and looking only to the unprecedentedly stern facts of om- case, can you do better in any possible event ? You prefer that the constitutional relation of the States to the nation shall be prac- tically restored without disturbance of the institution ; and if this were done, my whole duty in this respect, under the Constitution and my oath of office, would "be performed. But it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents of the war cannot be avoided. If the war continues long, as it must if the object be not sooner attained, the institution in your States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion — by the mere incidents of the war. It wdU be gone, and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already. How much better for you and LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 205 for your people to take tlie step wliieli at onee sliortens tlu; war and secures substantial compensation for that which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event ! How much better to thus save the money which else we sink forever in the war ! How much l)etter to do it while we can, lest the war ere long render us pecuniarily unable to do it ! How much better for you as seller, and the nation as Ijuyer, to sell out and buy out that without which the war could never have been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and the price of it in cut- ting one anoth-er's throats ? I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to emancipate gradually. Koom in South America for colonization can be ol)tained cheaply and in al)undance, and when numljcrs shall be large enough to be company and encour- agement for one another, the freed people wdll not be so reluctant to go. I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned — one which threatens division among those who, united, are none too strong. An instance of it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men every- where could be free. He proclaimed all men free within certain. States, and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected more good and less harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to many whose support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much more, can relieve the country, in this important point. Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the mes- sage of Marcli last. Before leaving the capital, consider and discuss it among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such I pray you consider this proposition, and at the least commend it to the consideration of your States and people. As you w^ould pei'pet- uate popular government for the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do in no wise omit this. Our common country is in great perd, demanding the loftiest views and boldest action to bring it speedy relief. Once relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its beloved history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand. To you, more than to any others, the privilege is given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to link your own names therewith forever. July 12, 1862. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives : I transmit the report of the Sec- retary of State upon the subject of the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th ultimo, requesting information in regard to the relations between the United States and foreign powers. Abrahajm LiNCOIjN. Washington, July 12, 18G2. 206 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN July 13, 1862. — Letter to General G-. B. McClellan. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 13, 1862. Major-General McClellan. My dear Sir: I am told that over 160,000 men have goue into your army on the Peninsula. When I was with you the other day we made out 86,500 remaining, leaving 73,500 to be accounted for. I believe 23,500 ^dll cover all the killed, wounded, and missing in all your battles and skirmishes, leaving 50,000 who have left other- wise. Not more than 5000 of these have died, leaving 45,000 of your army still alive and not with it. I believe half or two thirds of them are fit for duty to-day. Have you any more perfect know- ledge of this than I have 1 If I am right, and you had these men with you, you could go into Richmond in the next three days. How can tliey be got to you, and how can they be prevented from getting away in such numbers for the future ? A. Lincoln. July 13, 1862. — Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. War Department, July 13, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: They are having a stampede in Kentucky. Please look to it. A. Lincoln. July 13, 1862. — Telegram to General Boyle. Washington, July 13, 1862. General J. T. Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : Your several despatches received. You should call on General Halleck. Telegraph him at once. I have telegraphed him that you are in trouble. A. Lincoln. July 13, 1862. — Telegram to General Boyle, War Department, July 13, 1862. General J. T. Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : We cannot venture to order troops from General Buell. We know not what condition he is in. He may be attacked himself. You must call on General Halleck, who commands, and whose busi- ness it is to understand and care for the whole field. If you cannot telegraph to him, send a messenger to him. A despatch has this moment come from Halleck at Tuseumbia, Alabama. A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 207 July 14, 1862. — Message to Congress. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Here- with is a draft of a bill to conipeiisate any State which may abolish slavery within its limits, the passage of which, substantially as pre- sented, I respectfully and earnestly recommend. July 14 1862 Abrahaivi Lincoln. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress asseni])led, That whenever the President of the United States shall l)e satisfied that any State shall have lawfully abolished slavery within and throughout such State, either immediately or gradually, it shaU be the duty of the President, assisted by the Secretary of the Treasury, to prepare and deliver to such State an amount of six per cent, interest-bearing bonds of the United States equal to the aggregate value, at dollars per head, of all the slaves within such State as reported by the census of the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty ; the whole amount for any one State to l^e delivered at once if the abol- ishment be immediate, or in equal annual instalments if it be gradual, interest to begin running on each bond at the time of its delivery, and not before. And be it further enacted. That if any State, having so received any such bonds, shall at any time afterward l)y law reintroduce or tolerate slavery \\dthin its limits, contrary to the act of abolishment upon which such bonds shall have been received, said bonds so re- ceived by said State shall at once be null and void, in whosesoever hands they may be, and such State shall refund to the United States all interest which may have been paid on such bonds. July 14, 1862.— Telegram to General H. W. Halleck. War Department, July 14, 1862. Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Mississippi: I am very anxious — almost impatient — to have you here. Have due regard to what you leave behind. When can you reach here f A. Lincoln. July 14, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington City, July 14, 1862. Major-General McClellan : General Burnside's force is at Newqiort News, ready to move, on short notice, one way or the other, Avhen ordered. A. Lincoln. 208 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN July 14, 1862. — Letter to J. W. White and Others. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 14, 1862. Messrs. James W. White, Robert H. McCurdy, and F. S. Winston, Committee. Gentlemen: Your letter conveying to me the invitation of several loyal and patriotic bodies in New York to attend a mass-meeting in that city on Tuesday, the 15th instant, is received. While it would be very agreeable to me to thus meet the friends of the coun- try, I am sure I could add nothing to the purpose or the wisdom with which they will perform their duty; and the near adjournment of Congress makes it indispensalde for me to remain here. Thanking you and those you represent for the iu\dtation and the kind terms in which you have communicated it, I remain Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. July 14, 1862. — Note to Secretary Chase. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury : Might not Mr. Bouligny be appointed surveyor of the port of New Orleans? If there be noobjection, please send nomination. A. Lincoln. July 14, 1862. July 15, 1862. — Letter to Solomon Foot. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 15, 1862. Hon. Solomon Foot, President pro tempore of the Senate. Sir : Please inform the Senate that I shall be obliged if they will postpone the adjournment at least one day beyond the time which I understand to be now fixed for it. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. July 15, 1862.— Letter to Oalusha A. Grow. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 15, 1862. Hon. Galusha A. Grow, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Sir : Please inform the House of Representatives that I shall be obliged if they will postpone the adTjournment at least one day beyond the time which I understand to be now fixed for it. Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 209 July 17, 1862.— Message to Congress. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : I have inadvertently omitted so l()n<>' to inform you that, in March last, Mr. C'ornelius Vanderbilt, of New York, gratuitously presented to the United States the oeean-steamer Vanderhdt, by many consid- ered the finest steamer in the world. She has ever since been, and still is, doino^ valuable service to the government. For the pa- triotic act in making- this magnificent and valuable present to the country, I recoimnend that some suitable acknowledgment be made. Abraham Lincoln. July 17, 1862. July 17, 1862.— Message to Congress. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Con- sidering the bill for "An act to suppress insuiTection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," and the joint resolution explanatoiy of said act, as being substantially one, I have approved and signed both. Before I was informed of the passage of the resolution, I had pre- pared the draft of a message stating objections to the bill becoming a law, a copy of which di'af t is herewith transmitted. Abraham Lincoln. July 17, 1862. {Cojjy.) Fellow-citizens of the House of Representatives : I herewith" return to your honorable body, in which it originated, the bill for an act entitled ''An act to suppj-ess treason and rebellion, to seize and con- fiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," together with my objections to its becoming a law. There is much in the bill to which I perceive no objection. It is wholly prospective ; and it touches neither person nor property of any loyal citizen, in which particulars it is just and proper. The first and second sections provide for the conviction and pun- ishment of persons who shall be guilty of treason, and persons who shall "incite, set on foot, assist, or engage in any rebellion or in- surrection against the authority of the United States, or the laws thereof, or shall give aid and comfort thereto, or shall engage in or give aid and comfort to any such existing rebellion or insurrection." By fair construction, persons within these sections are not to be punished without regular trials in duly constituted courts under the forms and all the substantial provisions of law and of the Consti- tution applica])le to their several cases. To this I perceive no ob- jection, especially as such persons would be within the general pardoning power, and also the special provision for pardon and amnesty contained in this act. It is also provided that the slaves of persons convicted under these Vol.. II.— 14. 210 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN sections shall be free. I think there is an unfortunate form of ex- pression, rather than a substantial objection, in this. It is startling to say that Congress can free a slave within a State, and yet if it were said the ownership of the slave had first been transferred to the nation, and that Congress had then liberated him, the diffi- culty would at once vanish. And this is the real case. The traitor against the General Government forfeits his slave at least as justly as he does any other property ; and he forfeits both to the govern- ment against which he offends. The government, so far as there can be ownership, thus owus the forfeited slaves, and the question for Congress in regard to them is, '' Shall they be made free or be sold to new masters'?" I perceive no objection to Congress decid- ing in advance that they shall be free. To the high honor of Ken- tucky, as I am informed, she has been the owner of some slaves by escheat, and she sold none, but liberated all. I hope the same is true of some other States. Indeed, I do not believe it would be physically possible for the General Government to return persons so circumstanced to actual slavery. I believe there would be physi- cal resistance to it which could neither be turned aside by argument nor driven away by force. In this view I have no objection to this feature of the bill. Another matter involved in these two sections and running through other parts of the act will be noticed hereafter. I perceive no objection to the third and fourth sections. So far as I wish to notice the fifth and sixth sections, they may be considered together. That the enforcement of these sections would do no injustice to the persons embraced within them is clear. That those who make a causeless war should be compelled to pay the cost of it is too obviously just to be called in question. To give governmental protection to the property of persons who have aban- doned it, and gone on a crusade to overthrow that same government, is absurd, if considered in the mere light of justice. The severest justice may not always be the best policy. The principle of seizing and appropriating the property of the persons embraced within these sections is certainly not very objectionable; but a justly dis- criminating application of it would be very difficult, and to a great extent impossible. And would it not be wise to place a power of remission somewhere, so that these persons may know they have something to lose by persisting, and something to save by desisting ! I am not sure whether such power of remission is or is not within section thirteen. Without any special act of Congress, I think our military com- manders, when, in military phrase, "they are within the enemy's country," should, in an orderly manner, seize and use whatever of real or personal property may be necessary or convenient for their commands ; at the same time preserving in some way the evidence of what they do. What I have said in regard to slaves while commenting on the first and second sections, is applicable to the ninth, with the differ- ence that no provision is made in the whole act for determining whether a particular individual slave does or does not fall within the classes defined in that section. He is to be free upon certain condi- LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 211 tions ; but whether those conditions do or do not pertain to him, no mode of ascertaining is provided. This could be easily supplied. To the tenth section I make no objection. The oath therein re- quired seems to be proper, and the remainder of the section is sub- stantially identical with a law already existing. The eleventh section simply assumes to confer discretionary powers npon the Executive. Without this law I have no hesitation to go as far in the direction indicated as I may at any time deem expedient. And I am ready to say now, I think it is proper for our military commanders to employ as laborers as many persons of African descent as can be nsed to advantage. The twelfth and thirteenth sections are something better than un- objectionable ; and the fourteenth is entirely proper if all other parts of the act shall stand. That to which I chiefly object pervades most parts of the act, but more distinctly appears in the first, second, seventh, and eighth sec- tions. It is the sum of those provisions which results in the divest- ing of title forever. For the causes of treason and the ingredients of treason not amounting to the full crime, it declares forfeiture extending beyond the lives of the guilty parties ; whereas the Constitution of the United States declares that " no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted." True, there seems to be no formal attainder in this case ; still, I think the greater punishment cannot be constitutionally inflicted in a different form for the same offense. With great respect I am constrained to say I think this feature of the act is unconstitutional. It would not be difficult to modify it. I may remark that this provision of the Constitution, put in language borrowed from Great Britain, applies only in this country, as I understand, to real or landed estate. Again, this act, by proceedings in rem, forfeits property for the ingredients of treason, without a conviction of the supposed criminal, or a personal hearing given him in any proceeding. That we may not touch property lying within oiu* reach because we cannot give personal notice to an owner who is absent endeavoring to destroy the government is certainly not very satisfactory. Still, the owner may not be thus engaged ; and I think a reasonable time should be provided for such parties to appear and have personal hearings. Similar provisions are not uncommon in connection with proceed- ings in rem. For the reasons stated I return the bill to the House in which it originated. July 18, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 18, 1862. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. Ml/ dear Sir: Mr. Senator Doolittle informs me that the Wiscon- sin delegation have unanimously recommended persons for assessors 212 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN and collectors tlirougliout their State, and that the paper showing tills is filed with you. If so, I am in favor of adopting" their " slate " at once, and so disposing of one State. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 21, 1862. — Telegram to General Gr. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington City, D. C, July 21, 1862. Major-GtEneral McClellan : This is Monday. I hope to be able to tell you on Thursday what is to be done with Burnside. . ^ A. Lincoln. July 22, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executrt: Mansion, Washington, July 22, 1862. Hon. Secretary of War. Sir : I think it will be better to do nothing now which can be construed into a demand for troops in addition to the three hundi'ed thousand for which we have recently called. We do not need more, nor, indeed, so many, if we could have the smaller number very soon. It is a very important consideration, too, that one recruited into an old regiment is nearly or quite equal in value to two in a new one. We can scarcely afford to forego any plan within our power which may facilitate the filling of the old regiments with recruits. If, on consideration, you are of opinion that this object can be advanced by causing the militia of the several States to be enrolled, and by drafts therefrom, you are at liberty to take the proper steps and do so, provided that any number of recruits so obtained from any State within the next three months shall, if practicable, l)e an abatement of the quota of volunteers from such State under the recent call. Yom's truly, A. Lincoln. July 22, 1862. — Order Authorizing Employment of " Contrabands." War Department, Washington, July 22, 1862. First. Ordered that military commanders within the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas, in an orderly manner seize and use any property, real or personal, which may be necessary or convenient for their several commands, for supplies, or for other military pur- poses ; and that while property may be destroyed for proper military objects, none shall be destroyed in wantonness or malice. Second. That military and naval commanders shall employ as la- borers, within and from said States, so many persons of African descent as can be advantageously used for military or naval pur- poses, giving them reasonable wages for their labor. • LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 213 Third. That, as to both property and persons of African descent, accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show- quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and such persons shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation can be made in proper cases ; and the several departments of this gov- ernment shall attend to and perform their appropriate parts toward the execution of these orders. By order of the President : Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. July 22, 1862. — Emancipation Proclamation as First Submitted to the Cabinet. In pursuance of the sixth section of the act of Congress entitled "An act to suppress insurrection and to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other pm-poses," approved July 17, 18G2, and which act and the joint resolution ex- planatory thereof are herewith published, I, A))raliam Lincoln, Presi- dent of the United States, do hereby proclaim to and warn all persons within the contemplation of said sixth section to cease participating in, aiding, countenancing, or abetting the existing rebellion, or any rebellion, against the Government of the United States, and to return to their proper allegiance to the United States, on pain of the for- feitures and seizures as within and by said sixth section provided. And I hereby make known that it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure for tendering pecuniary aid to the free choice or rejection of any and all States which may then be recognizing and practically sustaining the authority of the United States, and which may then have voluntarily adopted, or tliereafter may voluntarily adopt, grad- ual abolishment of slavery within such State or States ; that the object is to practically restore, thenceforward to be maintained, the constitutional relation between the General Government and each and all the States wherein that relation is now suspended or dis- turbed; and that for this object the w^ar, as it has boon, will be pros- ecuted. And as a fit and necessary military measure for effecting this object, I, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, do order and declare that on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or States wherein the con- stitutional authority of the United States shall not then be practically recognized, submitted to, and maintained, shall then, thenceforward, and forever be free. July 24, 1862. — Letter to Jaimes Dixon. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 24, 1862. Hon. Senator Dixon. My dear Sir : The bearer of this, Mr. Bronson Murray, now resi- dent in the -fourth district of Connecticut, wishes to be collector 214 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN for that district. He is my acquaintance and friend of some years' standing, whom I would like to oblige, but I should not like to appoint him against the wish of yourself and other Union friends there. Please give the case such attention as you reasonably can, and write me. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 25, 1862.— Proclamation. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. In pursuance of the sixth section of the act of Congress entitled '^ An act to suppress insurrection and to punish treason and rebel- lion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and which act, and the joint res- olution explanatory thereof, are herewith published, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby proclaim to and warn all persons within the contemplation of said sixth section to cease participating in, aiding, countenancing, or abetting the exist- ing rebellion, or any rebellion, against the Government of the United States, and to return to their proper allegiance to the United States, on pain of the forfeitures and seizures as within and by said sixth section provided. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-fifth day of r 1 July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and [L. S.J gixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. July 26, 1862. — Letter to Reverdy Johnson. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, July 26, 1862. Hon. Reverdy Johnson. My dear Sir : Yours of the 16th, by the hand of Governor Shep- ley, is received. It seems the Union feeling in Louisiana is being crushed out by the course of General Phelps. Please pardon me for believing that is a false pretense. The people of Louisiana — all intelligent people everywhere — know full well that I never had a wish to touch the foundations of their society, or any right of theirs. With perfect knowledge of this they forced a necessity upon me to send armies among them, and it is their own fault, not mine, that they are annoyed by the presence of General Phelps. They LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 215 also know the remedy — know how to be cured of General Phelps. Remove the necessity of his presence. And might it not be well for them to consider whether they have not already had time enough to do this? If they can conceive of anything worse than General Phelps within my power, would they not better be looking out for it f They very well know the way to avert all this is simply to take their place in the Union upon the old terms. If they will not do this, should they not receive harder blows rather than ligliter ones? You are ready to say I apply to friends what is due only to enemies. I distrust the wisdom if not the sincerity of friends who Avould hold my hands while my enemies stab me. This appeal of professed friends has paralyzed me more in this struggle than any other one thing. You remember telling me, the day after the Baltimore mob in April, 1861, that it would crush all Union feeling in Maryland for me to attempt bringing troops over Maryland soil to Washington. I brought the troops notwithstanding, and yet there was Union feel- ing enough left to elect a legislature the next autumn, which in turn elected a very excellent Union United States senator ! I am a patient man — always willing to forgive on the Christian terms of repentance, and also to give ample time for repentance. Still, I must save this government, if possible. What I cannot do, of course I will not do ; but it may as well be understood, once for all, that I shall not surrender this game leaving any available card unplayed. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 28, 1862. — Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt. (Private.) Washington, D. C, July 28, 1862. Cuthbert Bullitt, Esq., New Orleans, Louisiana. Sir : The copy of a letter addressed to yourself by Mr. Thomas J. Durant has been shown to me. The writer appears to be an able, a dispassionate, and an entirely sincere man. The first part of the letter is devoted to an effort to show that the secession ordinance of Louisiana was adopted against the will of a majority of the people. This is probably true, and in that fact may be found some instruction. Why did they allow the ordinance to go into effect? Why did they not assert themselves f Why stand passive and allow themselves to be trodden down by a minority ? Why did they not hold popular meetings and have a convention of their own to ex- press and enforce the true sentiment of the State? If preorgani- zation was against them then, why not do this now that the United States army is present to protect them? The j)'^i"'"^ A. Lincoln. August 29, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, August 29, 1862. 4.10 p. m. Major-General McClellan : Yours of to-day just received. I think your first alternative — to wit, " to concentrate all our available forces to open communication with Pope" — is the right one, but I wish not to control. That I now leave to General Halleck, aided by your counsels. » j tnpot n August 31, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle, War Department, August 31, 1862. General Boyle, LouisviUe, Kentucky: What force and what the numbers of it which General Nelson had in the engagement near Richmond yesterday °? a t jxpot m September 3, 1862. — Order to General H. W. Halleck. Washington, D. C, September 3, 1862. Ordered, that the general-in-chief, Major-General Halleck, imme- diately commence, and proceed with all possible despatch, to or- ganize an army, for active operations, from all the material within and coming within his control, independent of the forces he may deem necessary for the defense of Washington when such active army shall take the field. By order of the President : Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. [Indorsement.] Copy delivered to Major-General Halleck, September 3, 1862, at ^^ ^- ^^' E. D. ToWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General. September 4, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 4, 1862. Hon. Secretary of War. Sir : There are special reasons, as I suppose, why James Bowen of New York should be appointed a brigadier-general. Please hear tlie particulars from Governor Seward. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 230 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN September 7, 1862.— Telegram to General H. G. Wright. War Department, Washington, D. C, September 7, 1862. General Wright, Cincinnati, Ohio : Do you know to any certainty where General Bragg is f May he not be in Virginia"? ^ Lincoln. September 7, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle. War Department, Washington, D. C, September 7, 1862. General Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : Where is General Bragg ? What do you know on the subject ? A. Lincoln. September 7, 1862. — Telegram to General J. E. Wool. War Department, Washington, D. C, September 7, 1862. Major-General Wool, Baltimore : What about Harper's Ferry? Do you know anything about it? How certain is your information about Bragg being in tlie valley of the Shenandoah? A.Lincoln. September 8, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, D. C, September 8, 1862. 5 p. m. Major-General McClellan, Rockville, Maryland: How does it look now ? » t ^^.^^^ ^^ ii.. IdNCOLN. September 8, 1862. — Telegram to General D. C. Buell. War Department, Washington, September 8, 1862. 7.20 P. M. General Buell : What degree of certainty have you that Bragg, with his command, is not now in the valley of the Shenandoah, Virginia ? A, Lincoln. September 9, 1862. — Telegram to T. Webster. Washington, September 9, 1862. Thomas Webster, Philadelphia : Your despatch received, and referred to General Halleck, who must control the questions presented. While I am not surprised at your anxiety, I do not think you are in any danger. If half our troops were in Philadelphia, the enemy could take it, because he would not LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 231 fear to leave the other lialf in his rear ; but with the whole of them here, he dares not leave them in his rear. A. Lincoln. September 10, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington City, September 10, 1862. 10.15 a. m. Major-General McClellan, RockviUe, Maryland: How does it look now ? A. Lincoln. September 11, 1862. — Letter to Governor Curtin. War Department, Washington, D. C, September 11, 1862. His Excellency Andrew G. Curtin, Governor of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Sir: The application made to me by your adjutant-general for authority to call out the militia of the State of Pennsylvania has received careful consideration. It is my anxious desire to afford, as far as possible, the means and power of the Federal Government to protect the State of Pennsylvania from invasion by the rebel forces; and since, in your judgment, the militia of the State are required, and have been called upon by you, to organize for home defense and protection, I sanction the call that you have made, and will receive them into the service and pay of the United States to the extent they can be armed, equipped, and usefully employed. The arms and equipments now belonging to the General Government will be needed for the troops called out for the national armies, so that arms can only be furnished for the quota of militia furnished by the draft of nine months' men, heretofore ordered. But as arms may be supplied by the militia under your call, these, with the 30,000 in your arsenal, will probably be sufficient for the purpose contemplated by your call. You will be authorized to provide such equipments as may be required, according to the regulations of the United States service, which, upon being turned over to the United States Quartermaster's Department, will be paid for at regulation prices, or the rates allowed by the department for such articles. Railroad transportation will also be paid for, as in other cases. Such general officers will be supplied as the exigencies of the ser- vice will permit. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 11, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. Washington, September 11, 1862. 12 m. Hon. Andrew G. Curtin : Please tell me at once what is your latest news from or toward Hagerstown, or of the enemy's movements in any direction. A. Lincoln. 232 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN September 11, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Executive Mansion, Washington City, September 11, 1862. 6 P. M. Major-General McClellan : This is explanatory. If Porter, Heintzelman, and Si gel were sent you, it would sweep everything from the other side of the river, be- cause the new troops have been distributed among them, as I under- stand. Porter reports himself 21,000 strong, which can only be by the addition of new troops. He is ordered to-night to join you as quickly as possible. I am for sending you all that can be spared, and I hope others can follow Porter very soon. A. Lincoln. September 12, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington City, D. C, September 12, 1862. 4 a. m. Major-General McClellan, Clarksburg, Maryland : How does it look now ? A. Lincoln. September 12, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. War Department, Washington, D. C, September 12, 1862. 10.35 a. m. Hon. Andrew G. Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania : Your despatch asking for 80,000 disciplined troops to be sent to Pennsylvania is received. Please consider we have not to exceed 80,000 disciplined troops, properly so called, this side of the moun- tains; and most of them, with many of the new regiments, are now close in the rear of the enemy supposed to be invading Pennsyl- vania. Start half of them to Harrisburg, and the enemy will turn upon and beat the remaining half, and then reach Harrisburg be- fore the part going there, and beat it too when it comes. The best possible security for Pennsylvania is putting the strongest force possible in rear of the enemy. A. Lincoln. September 12, 1862. — Telegram to General H. G. Wright. United States Military Telegraph, Washington, September 12, 1862. Ma.jor-General Wright, Cincinnati, Ohio : I am being appealed to from Louisville against your withdrawing troops from that place. While I cannot pretend to judge of the pro- priety of what you are doing, you would much oblige me by fur- nishing me a rational answer to make to the governor and others at I^«"i«^ille- A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 233 September 12, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle. Washington, September 12, 1862. Major-General Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : Your despatch of last evening received. Where is the enemy which you dread in Louisville ? How near to j^ou? What is General Gil- bert's opinion f With all possible respect for you, 1 must think General Wright's military opinion is the better. He is as much re- sponsible for Louisville as for Cincinnati. General Halleck tele- graphed him on this very subject yesterday, and I telegraph him now ; but for us here to control him there on the ground would be a babel of confusion which would be utterly ruinous. Where do you understand Buell to be, and what is he doing? A. Lincoln. September 12, 1862. — Telegram to A. Henry. War Department, Washington, D. C, September 12, 1862. Hon. Alexander Henry, Philadelphia : Yours of to-day received. General Halleck has made the best pro- vision he can for generals in Pennsylvania. Please do not be of- fended when I assure you that in my confident belief Philadelphia is in no danger. Governor Curtin has just telegraphed me : I have advices that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Williamsport, and probably the whole rebel army will be drawn from Maryland. At all events, Philadelphia is more than 150 miles from Hagers- towu, and could not be reached by the rebel army in ten days, if no hindrance was interposed. A. Lincoln. September 12, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Washington City, D. C, September 12, 1862. 5.45 p. m. Major-General McClellan : Governor Curtin telegraphs me : I have advices that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Williamsport, and probably the whole rebel army will be drawn from Maryland. Receiving nothing from Harper's Ferry or Martinsburg to-day, and positive infin-mation from Wheeling that the line is cut, cor- roborates the idea that the enemy is reerossing the Potomac. Please do not let him get oif without being hurt. A. Lincoln. 234 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN September 13, 1862.— Reply to a Committee from the Reli- gious Denominations of Chicago, asking the President to ISSUE A Proclamation of Emancipation. The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men who are equally certain that they represent the divine will. I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me ; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my ear- nest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I can learn what it is, I will do it. These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to ex- pect a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right. The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, the other day four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York called as a delegation on business connected with the war ; but, before leaving, two of them earnestly beset me to proclaim gen- eral emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them. You know also that the last session of Congress had a decided major- ity of antislavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the same is true of the religious people. Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expecting God to favor their side ; for one of our soldiers who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wilson a few days since that he met with nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case. What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated "? I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull against the comet. Would m,y word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be in- fluenced by it there ? And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Con- gress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines ? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a proclamation of free- dom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them ? How can we feed and care for such a multitude ? General Butler wrote me a few days since that he was issuing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white troops LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 235 under his command. They eat, and that is all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the whites also by the thousand, for it nearly amounts to a famine there. If, now, the pressure of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again ? For I am told that whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off. They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground in the Tennessee River a few days ago. And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it ! For instance, when, after the late battles at and I near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington under a', flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the/ rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do ? Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds ; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy ; nor do I ui'ge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their in- strument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance ; but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms Avould be in the hands of the rebels; and, indeed, thus far we have not had arms enough to equip our white troops. I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and contempt. There are fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from the border slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you de- sire, they should go over to the rebels. I do not think they all would — not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as six months ago — not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and want to beat the rebels. Let me say one thing more : I think you should admit that we already have an important principle to rally and unite the people, in the fact that constitutional government is at stake. This is a fundamental idea going down about as deep as anything. Do not misunaerstand me because I have mentioned these objec- 236 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN" tions. They indicate tbe difSculties that have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desh'e. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement ; and I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and nig'ht, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be Grod's will, I will do. I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I have not in any respect injured your feelings. September 14, 1862. — Telegram to Gteneral H. G. Wright. War Department, Washington, D. C, September 14, 1862. General Wright, Cincinnati, Ohio: Thanks for your despatch. Can you not pursue the retreating enemy, and relieve Cumberland Gap? ^ Lincoln September 15, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington, September 15, 1862. 2.45 p. m. Major-General McClellan : Your despatch of to-day received. God bless you, and all with you. Destroy the rebel army if possible. ^ Lincoln September 15, 1862. — Telegram to J. K. Dubois. Washington, D. C, September 15, 1862. 3 p. m. Hon. J, K. Dubois, Springfield, Illinois : I now consider it safe to say that General McClellan has gained a great victory over the great rebel army in Maryland, between Fred- ericktown and Hagerstown. He is now pursuing the flying foe. A. Lincoln. September 16, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. Washington, D. C, September 16, 1862. Noon. Governor Curtin, Harrisburg: What do you hear from General McClellan's army? We have nothing from him to-day. j^ Lincoln. September 16, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. Washington, D. C, September 16, 1862. 2.35 p. m. Governor Curtin : Since telegraphing you, despatch came from General McClellan, dated seven o'clock this morning. Nothing of importance happened LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 237 with him yesterday. This moniiiig he was up with the enemy at yharpsburg, aud was waiting for heavy fog to rise. A. Lincoln. September 22, 1862. — Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, and commander-in-chief of the army and navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed. That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and which States may then have volnntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits ; and that the eifort to colonize persons of African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the governments existing there, will be continued. That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free ; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority there- of, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, tind will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation designate the States and parts of States, if anv, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Con- gress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States. That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled ''An act to make an additional article of war," approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following : Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Uuitt'd States of America in Congress assembled. That hereafter the following shall 238 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN be promulgated as an additional article of war, for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such : Article — . All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of retiu-ning fugitives from ser- vice or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due ; and any officer who shall be found gvdlty by a court martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service. Sec. 2. And be it fui-ther enacted. That this act shall take effect from and after its passage. Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled '^An act to sup- press insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confis- cate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following: Sec. 9. And be it further enacted. That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government of the United States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army ; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and coming under the control of the Government of the United States ; and all slaves of such per- sons found on [or] being within any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by Ithe forces of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves. Sec 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some offense against the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto ; and no person engaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretense whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or sm-render up anj^ such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service. And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the act and sec- tions above recited. And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation between the United States and their respective States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight [l. s.] hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 239 September 24, 1862. — Proclamation Suspending the Writ of Habeas Corpus. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas it has become necessary to call into service not only volunteers, but also portions of the militia of the States by draft, in order to suppress the insurrection existing in the United States, and disloyal persons are not adequately restrained by the ordinary processes of law from hindering this measure, and from giving aid and comfort in various ways to the insuTreetiou : Now, therefore, l)e it ordered — - .^ First. That during the existing insurrection, and as a necessary measure for suppressing the same, all rebels and insurgents, their aiders and abettors within the United States, and aU persons dis- couraging volunteer enlistments, resisting militia drafts, or guilty of any disloyal practice affording aid and comfort to rebels against the authority of the United States, shall be subject to martial law, and liable to trial and punishment by courts martial or military commissions. Second. That the writ of habeas corpus is suspended in respect to all persons arrested, or who are now, or hereafter during the rebellion shall be, imprisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal, military prison, or other place of confinement, by any military authority, or by the sentence of any court martial or military commission. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-fourth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight [l. s.] hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : Williajm H. Seward, Secretary of State. September 24, 1862, — Letter Introducing Edward Everett. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 24, 1862. Wlwm it May Concern: Hon. Edward Everett goes to Europe shortly. His reputation and the present condition of our country are such that his visit there is sure to attract notice, and may be misconstrued. 1 therefore think fit to say that he bears no mission from this government ; and yet no gentleman is better able to cor- rect misunderstandings in the minds of foreigners in regard to American affairs. While I commend him to the consideration of those whom he may meet, I am quite conscious that he could better introduce me than I him in Europe. Abraham LdsCOln. 240 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN September 24, 1862. — Reply to Serenade. I appear before you to do little more than acknowledge the courtesy you pay me, and to thank you for it. I have not been dis- tinctly informed why it is that on this occasion you appear to do me this honor, though I suppose it is because of the proclamation. What I did, I did after a very full deliberation, and under a very heavy and solemn sense of responsibility. I can only trust in God I have made no mistake. I shall make no attempt on this occasion to sustain what I have done or said by any comment. It is now for the country and the world to pass judgment and, maybe, take action upon it. I will say no more upon this subject. In my position I am environed with diflficulties. Yet they are scarcely so great as the difficulties of those who upon the battle-field are endeavoring to purchase with their blood and their lives the future happiness and prosperity of this country. Let us never forget them. On tlie fourteenth and seventeenth days of this present month there have been battles bravely, skilfully, and successfully fought. We do not yet know the particulars. Let us be sure that, in giving praise to certain individuals, we do no injustice to others. I only ask you, at the conclusion of these few remarks, to give three hearty cheers for all good and brave officers and men who fought those successful battles. September 25, 1862.— Letter to John Ross concerning the Loyalty of the Cherokee Nation of Indians. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 25, 1862. John Ross, Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation. Sir: Your letter of the 16th instant was received two days ago. In the multitude of cares claiming my constant attention, I have been unable to examine and determine the exact treaty relations between the United States and the Cherokee Nation. Neither have I been able to investigate and determine the exact state of facts claimed by you as constituting a failure of treaty obligations on our part, and excusing the Cherokee Nation for mating a treaty with a portion of the people of the United States in open rebellion against the government thereof. This letter, therefore, must not be understood to decide anything upon these questions. I shall, however, cause a careful investiga- tion of them to be made. Meanwhile the Cherokee people re- maining practically loyal to the Federal Union will receive all the protection which can be given them consistently with the duty of the government to the whole country. I sincerely hope the Chero- kee Nation may not again be overrun by the enemy, and I shall do aU I consistently can to prevent it. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAJVI LINCOLN 241 September 26, 1862. — Record upon which Major John J. Key was dismissed from the military service of the uxited States. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 26, 1862. Major John J. Key. Sir : I am informed that in answer to the question, " Why was not the rebel army bagged immediately after the battle near Sharps- burfj ? " propounded to you by Major Levi C. Turner, judge-advocate, etc., you answered, "That is not the game. The object is that nei- ther army shall get much advantage of the other, that both shall be kept in the field till they are exhausted, when we will make a com- promise and save slavery." I shall be very happy if you will, within twenty-four hours from the receipt of tliis, prove to me by Major Turner that you did not, either literally or in substance, make the answer stated. Yours, A. Lincoln. This is indorsed as follows : Copy delivered to Major Key at 10.25 A. M., September 27, 1862. John Hay. At about eleven o'clock a. m., September 27, 1862, Major Key and Major Turner appear before me. Major Turner says: "As I re- member it, the conversation was : I asked the question why we did not bag them after the battle of Sharpsburg. Major Key's reply was, ' That was not the game ; that we should tire the rebels out and ourselves. That that was the only way the Union could be preserved. We must come together fraternally, and slavery be saved.'" On cross- examination Major Turner says he has frequently heard Major Key converse in regard to the present troubles, and never heard him utter a sentiment unfavorable to the maintenance of the Union. He has never uttered anything which he (Major T.) would call disloyalty. The particular conversation detailed was a private one. A. Lincoln. Indorsed on the above is : In my view it is wholly inadmissible for any gentleman holding a military commission from the United States to utter such senti- ments as Major Key is within proved to have done. Therefore let Major John J. Key be forthwith dismissed from the military service of the United States. A. Lincoln. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 24, 1862. Major John J. Key. Dear Sir ; A bundle of letters, including one from yourself, was early last week handed me by General Halleck, as I understood at your request. Vol. II.— 16. 242 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN I sincerely sympathize with you in the death of your brave and noble sou. In regard to my dismissal of yourself from the military service, it seems to me you misunderstand me. I did not charge, or intend to charge, you with disloyalty. I had been brought to fear that there was a class of officers in the army, not very inconsiderable in numbers, who were playing a game to not beat the enemy when they could, on some peculiar notion as to the proper way of saving the Union ; and when you were proved to me, in your own presence, to have avowed yourself in favor of that "■ game," and did not attempt to controvert the proof, I dis- missed you as an example and a warning to that supposed class. I bear you no ill will, and I I'egret that I could not have the ex- ample without wounding you personally. But can I now, in view of the public interest, restore you to the service, by which the army would understand that I indorse and approve that game myself? If there was any doubt of your having made the avowal, the ease would be different. But when it was proved to me, in your pres- ence, you did not deny or attempt to deny it, but confirmed it, in my mind, by attempting to sustain the position by argument. I am reaUy sorry for the pain the case gives j^ou ; but I do not see how, consistently with duty, I can change it. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. [Indorsement.] The within, as appears, was written some time ago. On full re- consideration, I cannot find suflBcient ground to change the conclu- sion therein arrived at. A. Lincoln. December 27, 1862. September 28, 1862. — Letter to Hannibal Hamlin. [Strictly private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, September 28, 1862. Hon. Hannibal Hamlin. 3[y dear Sir : Your kind letter of the 25th is just received. It is known to some that while I hope something from the procla- mation, my expectations are not as sanguine as are those of some friends. The time for its effect southward has not come ; but north- ward the effect should be instantaneous. It is six days old, and while commendation in newspapers and by distinguished individuals is all that a vain man could wish, the stocks have declined, and troops come forward more slowly than ever. This, looked soberly in the face, is not very satisfactory. We have fewer troops in the field at the end of the six days than we had at the beginning — the attrition among the old outnumbering the addition by the new. The North responds to the proclamation suf- ficiently in breath ; but breath alone kills no rebels. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 243 I wish I could write more cheerfully ; nor do I thauk you the less for the kindness of your letter. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. September [28?], 1862. — Reply to an Address by Mrs. Gurney. I am glad of this interview, and glad to know that I have your sympathy and prayers. We are indeed going through a great trial — a fiery trial. In the very responsible position in which I happen to be placed, being a humble instrument in the hands of our Heav- enly Father, as I am, and as we all are, to work out his great pur- poses, I have desired that all my works and acts may be according to his will, and that it might be so, I have sought his aid ; but if, af- ter endeavoring to do my best in the light which he affords me, I find my efforts fail, I must believe that for some purpose unknown to me, he wills it otherwise. If I had had my way, this war would never have been commenced. If I had been allowed my way, this war would have been ended before this ; but we find it still continues, and we must believe that he permits it for some wise purpose of his own, mysterious and unknown to us; and though with our limited understandings we may not be able to comprehend it, yet we cannot but believe that he who made the world stiE governs it. September 29, 1862. — Letter to Governor Stanley. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 29, 1862. Hon. Edward Stanley. My dear Sir : Your note, informing me that you will leave for North Carolina soon, is received. Your conduct as military gover- nor of that State, as reported to me by General Burnside, and as I have heard it personally from yourself, has my entire approbation ; and it is with great satisfaction that I learn you are now to return in the same capacity, with the approbation of the War Department. I shall be much gratified if you can find it practicable to have congressional elections held in that State before January. It is my sincere wish that North Carolina may again govern herself conforma- bly to the Constitution of the United States. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. September [30?], 1862. — Meditation on the Divine Will. The will of God prevails. In great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of God. Both may be, and one must be, wrong. God cannot be for and against the same thing at the same time. In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's purpose is something different from the purpose of either party ; and yet the human instrumentalities, working just as they do, are of the best adaptation to effect his purpose. I am almost ready to 244 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN say that this is probably true ; that God wills this contest, and wills that it shall not end yet. By his mere great power on the minds of the now contestants, he could have either saved or destroyed the Union without a human contest. Yet the contest began. And, hav- ing begun, he could give the final victory to either side any day. Yet the contest proceeds. October 6, 1862. — Telegram from General Halleck to General G. B. McClellan. Washington, D. C, October 6, 1862. Major-General McClellan : I am instructed to telegraph you as follows : The President directs that you cross the Potomac and give battle to the enemy, or drive him south. Your army mvist move now, while the roads are good. If you cross the river between the enemy and Washington, and cover the latter by your operation, you can be reinforced with 30,000 men. If you move up the valley of the Shenandoah, not more than 12,000 or 15,000 can be sent to you. The President advises the interior line between Washington and the enemy, but does not or- der it. He is very desirous that your army move as soon as possi- ble. You will immediately report what line you adopt, and when you intend to cross the river ; also to what point the reinforcements are to be sent. It is necessary that the plan of your operations be positively determined on before orders are given for building bridges and repairing railroads. I am directed to add that the Secretary of War and the general-in-chief fully concur with the President in these instructions. H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. Octobers, 1862.— Letter to T. H. Clay. War Department, October 8, 1862. Thomas H. Clay, Cincinnati, Ohio : You cannot have reflected seriously when you ask that I shall or- der General Morgan's command to Kentucky as a favor because they have marched from Cumberland Gap. The precedent estab- lished by it would evidently break up the whole army. BuelPs old troops, now in pursuit of Bragg, have done more hard marching re- cently ; and, in fact, if you include marching and fighting, there are scarcely any old troops east or west of the mountains that have not done as hard service. I sincerely wish war was an easier and pleas- anter business than it is ; but it does not admit of holidays. On Morgan's command, where it is now sent, as I understand, depends the question whether the enemy will get to the Ohio River in another place. A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 245 October 8, 18G2. — Telegram to G-eneral U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, October 8, 1862. Major-General Grant : I congratulate you and all concerned in your recent battles and victories. How does it all sum up ? I especially regret the death of General Hackleman, and am very anxious to know the condi- tion of General Oglesby, who is an intimate personal friend. A. Lincoln. October 10, 1862. — Letter to General S. R. Curtis. Executive Mansion, October 10, 1862. Major-General Curtis, St Louis, Missouri : I believe some Cherokee Indian regiments, with some white forces operating with them, now at or near Fort Scott, are within your de- partment and under your command. John Ross, principal chief of the Cherokees, is now here an exile, and he wishes to know, and so do I, whether the force above mentioned could not occupy the Chero- kee country consistently with the public service. Please consider and answer. A. Lincoln. October 11, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle. War Department, October 11, 1862. 4 p. m. General Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky : Please send any news you have from General Buell to-day. A. Lincoln. October 12, 1862. — Telegram to General J. T. Boyle. War Department, October 12, 1862. 4.10 p. m. General Boyle, Louisville, Kentucky: We are very anxious to hear from General Buell's army. We have heard nothing since day before yesterday. Have you any- thing ? A. Lincoln, October 13, 1862. — Letter to General G. B. McClellan. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 13, 1862. Major-General McClellan. My dear Sir: You remember my speaking to you of what I called your over-cautiousness. Are you not over-cautious when you as- sume that you cannot do what the enemy is constantly doing? Should you not claim to be at least his equal in prowess, and act 246 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN upon the claim ? As I understand, you telegi'aphed General Halleck that you cannot subsist your army at Winchester unless the rail- road from Harper's Ferry to that point be put in working order. But the enemy does now subsist his army at Winchester, at a dis- tance nearly twice as great from railroad transportation as you would have to do without the railroad last named. He now wagons from Culpeper Court House, which is just about twice as far as you would have to do from Harper's Ferry. He is certainly not more than half as well provided with wagons as you are. I certainly should be pleased for you to have the advantage of the railroad from Harpei-'s Ferry to Winchester, but it wastes all the remainder of autumn to give it to you, and in fact ignores the question of time, which cannot and must not be ignored. Again, one of the standard maxims of war, as you know, is to " operate upon the enemy's com- munications as much as possible without exposing your own." You seem to act as if this applies against yen, but cannot apply in your favor. Change positions with the enemy, and think you not he would break your communication with Richmond within the next twenty -four hours? You dread his going into Pennsylvania; but if he does so in full force, he gives up his communications to you absolutely, and you have nothing to do but to follow and ruin him. If he does so with less than full force, fall upon and beat what is left behind all the easier. Exclusive of the water-line, you are now nearer Richmond than the enemy is by the route that you can and he must take. Why can you not reach there before him, unless you admit that he is more than your equal on a march 1 His route is the arc of a circle, while yours is the chord. The roads are as good on yours as on his. You know I desired, but did not order, you to cross the Potomac below, instead of above, the Shenandoah and Blue Ridge. My idea was that this would at once menace the enemy's communications, which I would seize if he would permit. If he should move northward, I would follow him closely, holding his communications. If he should prevent our seizing his com- munications and move toward Richmond, I would press closely to him, fight him if a favorable opportunity should present, and at least try to beat him to Richmond on the inside track. I say ''try"; if we never try, we shall never succeed. If he makes a stand at Winchester, moving neither north nor south, I would fight him there, on the idea that if we cannot beat him when he bears the wastage of coming to us, we never can when we bear the wastage of going to him. This proposition is a simple truth, and is too im- portant to be lost sight of for a moment. In coming to us he ten- ders us an advantage which we should not waive. We should not so operate as to merely drive him away. As we must beat him some- where or fail finally, we can do it, if at all, easier near to us than far away. If we cannot beat the enemy where he now is, we never can, he again being within the intrenchments of Richmond. ^ Recurring to the idea of going to Richmond on the inside track, the facility of supplying from the side away from the enemy is remarkable, as it were, by the different spokes of a wheel extending from the hub toward the rim, and this whether you move directly LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 247 by the chord or on the iuside arc, hugging the Bhie Ridge more ch>sely. The chord-line, as you see, carries you by Aldie, Hay Mar- ket, and Fredericksburg; and you see how turnpikes, railroads, and finally the Potomac, by Aquia Creek, meet you at all points from "Washington ; the same, only the lines lengthened a little, if you press closer to the Blue Ridge part of the way. The gaps through the Blue Ridge I understand to be about the following distances from Harper's Ferry, to wit: Vestal's, 5 miles; Gregory's, 13; Snicker's, 18; Ashby's, 28; Manassas, 38; Chester, 45 ; and Thornton's, 53. I should think it preferable to take the route nearest the enemy, disabling him to make an important move without your knowledge, and compelling him to keep his forces together for dread of you. The gaps would enable you to attack if you should wish. For a great part of the way you would be practi- cally between the enemy and both Washington and Richmond, en- abling us to spare you the gTcatest number of troops from here. When at length running for Richmond ahead of him enables him to move this way, if he does so, turn and attack him in rear. But I think he should be engaged long before such point is reached. It is all easy if ovir troops march as well as the enemy, and it is un- manly to say they cannot do it. This letter is in no sense an order. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. October 14, 1862.— Letter to General B. F. Butler and Others. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 14, 1862. Major-General Butler, Governor Shepley, and All having Military and Naval Authority under the United States within the State of Louisiana: The bearer of this, Hon. John E. Bouligny, a citizen of Louisi- ana, goes to that State seeking to have such of the people thereof as desire to avoid the unsatisfactory prospect before them, and to have peace again upon the old terms under the Constitution of the United States, manifest such desire by elections of members to the Congress of the United States particularly, and perhaps a legislature, State officers, and United States senators friendly to their object. I shall be glad for you, and each of you, to aid him and all others acting for this object as much as possible. In all available ways give the people a chance to express their wishes at these elections. Follow forms of law as far as convenient, but at all events get the expression of the largest number of the people possible. All see how such action will connect with and affect the proclamation of September 22. Of course the men elected should be gentlemen of character, willing to swear support to the Consti- tution, as of old, and known to be above reasonable suspicion of duplicity. Yours very respectfully, A. Lincoln. 248 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN [Indorsement.] Similar letter to General Grant, Governor Johnson, and others in Tennessee, dated October 21, 1862. And to Steele, Phelps, and others in Arkansas, November 18, 1862, October 18, 1862, — Letter to the Surgeon-General. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 18, 1862. Surgeon-General. Sir : A Baltimore committee called on me this morning saying that city is full of straggling soldiers, half sick, half well, who pro- fess to have been turned from the hospitals with no definite direc- tions where to go. Is this true? Are men turned from the hospitals without knowing where to go ? Yours truly, a Lincoln October 19, 1862. — Telegram from General Halleck to General D. C. Buell. War Department, Washington, October 19, 1862. 1.33 p. m. Major-General Buell, Mount Vernon, Kentucky : Your telegram of the 17th was received this morning, and has been laid before the President, who concurs in the views ex- pressed in my telegram to you yesterday. The capture of East Tennessee should be the main object of your campaign. You say it is the heart of the enemy's resources ; make it the heart of yours. Your army can live there if the enemy's can. You must in a great measure live upon the country, paying for your supplies where proper, and levying contributions where necessary. I am directed by the President to say to you that your army must enter East Tennessee this fall, and that it ought to move there while the roads are passable. Once between the enemy and Nashville, there will be no serious difficulty in reopening your communications with that place. He does not understand why we cannot march as the enemy marches, live as he lives, and fight as he fights, unless we admit the inferiority of our troops and of our generals. Once hold the valley of the upper Tennessee, and the operations of guerrillas in that State and Kentucky will soon cease. H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. October 20, 1862. — Executive Order Establishing A Provisional Court in Louisiana. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 20, 1862. The insurrection which has for some time prevailed in several of the States of this Union, including Louisiana, having temporarily subverted and swept away the civil institutions of that State, in- cluding the judiciary and the judicial authorities of the Union, so LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 249 that it has become necessary to hold the State in military occupa- tion, and it being indispensably necessary that there shall be some judicial tribunal existing there capable of administering justice, I have therefore thought it proper to appoint, and I do hereby con- stitute, a provisional court, which shall be a court of record for the State of Louisiana ; and I do hereby appoint Charles A. Peabody, of New York, to be a provisional judge to hold said court, with authority to hear, try, and determine all causes, civil and criminal, including causes in law, equity, revenue, and admiralty, and particularly all such powers and jurisdiction as belong to the district and circuit courts of the United States, conforming his proceedings so far as possible to the course of proceedings and practice which has been ciistomary in the courts of the United States and Louisiana, his judgment to be final and conclusive. And I do hereby authorize and empower the said judge to make and establish such rales and regulations as may be necessary for the exercise of his jurisdiction, and empower the said judge to appoint a prosecuting attorney, marshal, and clerk of the said court, who shall perform the functions of attorney, mar- shal, and clerk according to such proceedings and practice as be- fore-mentioned, and such rules and regulations as may be made and established by said judge. These appointments are to continue during the pleasure of the President, not extending beyond the military occupation of the city of New Orleans or the restoration of the civil authority in that city and in the State of Louisiana. These officers shall be paid out of the contingent fund of the War Depart- ment compensation as follows: The judge at the rate of $3500 per annum ; the prosecuting attorney, including the fees, at the rate of $3000 per annum ; the marshal, including the fees, at the rate of $3000 per annum ; and the clerk, including the fees, at the rate of $2500 per annum ; such compensations to be certified by the Secretary of War. * A copy of this order, certified by the Secretary of War, and delivered to such judge, shall be deemed and held to be a sufficient commission. Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. October 21, 1862. — Telegram from General Halleck to General McClellan. Washington, October 21, 18G2. 3 p. m. Major-General George B. McClellan : Your telegram of 12 M. has been submitted to the President. He directs me to say that he has no change to make in his order of the Gth instant. If you have not been and are not now in condition to obey it, you will be able to show such want of ability. The Presi- dent does not expect impossibilities, but he is very anxious that all this good weather should not be wasted in inactivity. Telegraph when you will move, and on what lines you propose to march. H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. 250 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN October 24 [25 ?], 1862.— Telegram to General Q. B. McClellan. War Department, Washington City, October 24 [25 !], 1862. Major-Gbneral McClellan : I have just read your despatch about sore-ton gued and fatigued horses. Will you pardon me for asking what the horses of your army have done since the battle of Antietam that fatigues anything I A. Lincoln. October 25, 1862. — Memorandum. Write Canisius that in view of our own aspirants we cannot 'find a place for a military officer of high rank from abroad. Better send the account of the explosive material to Captain Dahlgren. October 25, 1862. A. L. October 26, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1862. 11.30 A. M. Major-General McClellan: Yours, in reply to mine about horses, received. Of course you know the facts better than I; still, two considerations remain. Stuart's cavalry outmarched ours, having certainly done more marked service on the Peninsula and everywhere since. Secondly, will not a movement of our army be a relief to the cavalry, com- pelling the enemy to concentrate instead of foraging in squads everywhere ? But I am so rejoiced to learn from your despatch to General Halleck that you begin crossing the river this morning. A. Lincoln. October 27, 1862.— Telegram to General G. B. McClellan, Executive Mansion, Washington, October 27, 1862. 12.10 P. M. Major-General McClellan : Yours of yesterday received. Most certainly I intend no injustice to any, and if I have^ done any I deeply regret it. To be told, after more than five weeks' total inaction of the army, and during which period we have sent to the army every fresh horse we possibly could, amounting in the whole to 7918, that the cavalry horses were too much fatigued to move, presents a very cheerless, almost hope- less, prospect for the future, and it may have forced something of LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 251 impatience in my despatch. If not recruited and rested then, when could they ever be? I suppose the river is rising, and I am glad to believe you are crossing. A. LiNCOLX. October 27, 1862. — Telegram to General G. B. McClellan. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 27, 1862. 3.25 p. m. Major- General McClellan : Your despatch of 3 P. m. to-day, in regard to filling up old regi- ments with drafted men, is received, and the request therein shall be complied with as far as practicable. And now I ask a distinct answer to the question. Is it your pur- pose not to go into action again until the men now being drafted in the States are incorporated into the old regiments ? A. Lincoln. October 31, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. War Department, October 31, 1862. Gov. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tenn., via Louisville, Ky. : Yours of the 29th received. I shall take it to General HaUeck, but I already know it will be very inconvenient to take General Morgan's command from where it now is. I am glad to hear you speak hope- fully for Tennessee. I sincerely hope Rosecrans may find it possible to do something for her. David Nelson, son of the M. C. of your State, regrets his father's final defection, and asks me for a situa- tion. Do you know him ! Could he be of service to you or to Ten- nessee in any capacity iu which I could send him ? A. Lincoln. November 1, 1862. — Memorandum. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 1, 1862. To Whom it May Concern: Captain Derriekson, with his company, has been for some time keeping guard at my residence, now at the Soldiers' Retreat. He and his company are very agreeable to me, and while it is deemed proper for any guard to remain, none would be more satisfactory than Captain Derriekson and his company. A. Lincoln. November 5, 1862. — Letter to Colonel W. R. Morrison. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 5, 1862. Colonel William R. Morrison, Waterloo, Illinois : Your letter of September 23 is this moment received. While your words of kindness are very grateful, your suspicions that I intend 252 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN you injustice are very painful to me. I assure you such suspicions are groundless. I cannot even conjecture what juniors of yours you suppose I contemplate promoting over you. True, seniority has not been my rule in this connection; but in considering military merit, the world has abundant evidence that I disregard politics. A. Lincoln. November 5, 1862. — Order Relieving General G. B. McClellan AND Making Other Changes. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 5, 1862. By direction of the President, it is ordered that Major-General McClellan be relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac, and that Major-General Burnside take the command of that army. Also that Major-General Hunter take command of the corps in said army which is now commanded by General Burnside. That Major-General Fitz-John Porter be relieved from command of the corps he now commands in said army, and that Major-General Hooker take command of said corps. The general-in -chief is authorized, in [his] discretion, to issue an order substantially as the above, forthwith, or so soon as he may deem proper. ^_ Lincoln. November 7, 1862. — Military Order. Executive Mansion, November 7, 3862. Ordered, That Brigadier-General Ellet report to. Rear- Admiral Porter for instructions, and act under his direction until otherwise ordered by the War Department. a Lincoln November 7, 1862. — Note to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 7, 1862. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. Dear Sir : Please send me the latest ^' Picayune " and '' True Delta " you can lay your hands upon. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. November 10, 1862.— Telegram to General J. Pope. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 10, 1862. Major-General Pope, St. Paul, Minnesota : Your despatch giving the names of 300 Indians condemned to death is received. Please forward as soon as possible the full and complete record of their convictions ; and if the record does not fully indicate the more guilty and influential of the culprits, please have a careful statement made on these points and forwarded to me. Send all by mail. A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 253 November 12, 1862. — Order concerning Blockade. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 12, 1862. Ordered, First : that clearances issued by the Treasury Department for vessels or merchandise bound for tlie port of Norfolk, for the military necessities of the department, certified by the military com- mandant at Fort Monroe, shall be allowed to enter said port. Second : that vessels and domestic produce from Norfolk, permitted by the military commandant at Fort Monroe for the military pur- poses of his command, shall on his permit be allowed to pass from said port to their destination in any port not blockaded by the United States. A. Lincoln. November 13, 1862. — Order concerning the Confiscation Act. Executive Mansion, November 13, 1862. Ordered, by the President of the United States, that the Attorney- General be charged with the superintendence and direction of all proceedings to be had under the act of Congress of the 17th of July, 1862, entitled "An act to suppress insurrection, punish treason and rebellion, seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," in so far as may concern the seizure, prosecution, and condemnation of the estate, property, and effects of rebels and trai- tors as mentioned and provided for in the fifth, sixth, and seventh sections of the said act of Congress. And the Attorney-General is authorized and required to give to the attorneys and marshals of the United States such instructions and directions as he may find needful and consistent touching all such seizures, prosecution, and condemnation; and, moreover, to authorize all such attorneys and marshals, wherever there may be reasonable ground to fear any forcible resistance to the act in the discharge of their respective duties in this behalf, to call upon any military officer in command of the forces of the United States to give to them such aid, protection, and support as may be necessary to enable them safely and efficiently to discharge their respective duties; and all such commanding offi- cers are required promptly to obey such call and to render the ne- cessary service as far as may be in their power consistently with their other duties. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : Edward Bates, Attorney-General. November 14, 1862. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. War Department, November 14, 1862. Gov. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : Your despatch of the 4th, about returning troops from western Virginia to Tennessee, is just received, and I have been to General Halleck with it. He says an order has already been made by which those troops have already moved, or soon will move, to Tennessee. A. Lincoln. 254 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN November 15, 1862. — Order for Sabbath Observance. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 15, 1862. The President, commander-in-chief of the army and navy, desires and enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by the officers and men in the military and naval service. The importance for man and beast of the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming deference to the best sentiment of a Christian people, and a due regard for the Divine will, demand that Sunday labor in the army and navy be reduced to the measure of strict necessity. The discipline and character of the national forces should not suffer, nor the cause they defend be imperiled, by the profanation of the day or name of the Most High. ''At this time of public distress" — adopting the words of Washington in 1776 — ''men may find enough to do in the service of God and their country without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality." The first general order issued by the Father of his Country after the Dec- laration of Independence indicates the spirit in which our institu- tions were founded and should ever be defended. " The general hopes and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christian soldier, defending the dearest rights and liberties of his country." Abraham Lincoln. Official : E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General. November 17, 1862. — Telegram to General Blair. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 17, 1862. Hon. F. p. Blair : Your brother says you are solicitous to be ordered to join General McClernand. I suppose you are ordered to Helena; this means that you are to form part of McClernand's expedition as it moves down the river; and General McClernand is so informed. I will see General Halleck as to whether the additional force you mention can go with you. A. Lincoln. November 18, 1862.— Telegram to General J. A. Dix. Washington, D. C, November 18, 1862. Major-General Dix, Fort Monroe : Please give me your best opinion as to the number of the enemy now at Richmond and also at Petersburg. A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 255 November 20, 18G2. — Draft of Letter to G. Robertson — not SENT. (Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, November 20, 1862. Hon. George Robertson, 311/ dear Sir: Your despatch of yesterday is just received. I believe you are ae(j[uainted with the American classics (if there l)e such), aud probably remember a speech of Patrick Henry in which he represented a certain character in the Revolutionary times as totally disregardinaj all questions of country, aud '^loarsely bawl- ing, 'Beef! beef ! l^beef ! ! !'" Do you not know that I may as well surrender the contest directly as to make any order the obvious purpose of which would be to return fugitive slaves 1 Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. November 21, 1862. — Letter to Governor Shepley. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1862. Hon. G. F. Shepley. Dear Sir : Dr. Kennedy, bearer of this, has some apprehension that Federal ofiicers not citizens of Louisiana may be set up as can- didates for Congress in that State. In my view there could be no possible object in such an election. We do not particularly need members of Congress from there to enable us to get along with legislation here. What we do want is the conclusive evidence that respectable citizens of Louisiana are willing to be members of Con- gress and to swear support to the Constitution, and that other re- spectable citizens there are willing to vote for them and send them. To send a parcel of Northern men here as representatives, elected, as would be understood (and perhaps really so), at the point of the baj'onet, would be disgusting and outrageous; and were I a mem- ber of Congress here, I would vote against admitting any such man to a seat. Yom-s very truly, A. Lincoln. November 21, 1862. — Letter to Governor Shepley. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1862. Hon. G. F. Shepley. My dear Sir : Your letter of the 6th instant to the Secretary of War has been placed in my hands ; and I am annoyed to learn from it that at its date nothing had been done about congressional elec- tions. On the 14th of October I addressed a letter to General Butler, yourself, aiul others, upon this very subject, sending it by Hon. Mr. Bouligny. I now regret the necessity of inferring 256 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN that you had not seen this letter up to the 6th instant. I inclose you a copy of it, and also a copy of another addressed to yourself this morning upon the same general subject, and placed in the hands of Dr. Kennedy. I ask attention to both. I wish elections for congressmen to take place in Louisiana; but I wish it to be a movement of the people of the districts, and not a movement of our military and quasi-military authorities there. I merely wish our authorities to give the people a chance — to protect them against secession interference. Gf course the election cannot be according to strict law. By State law there is, I suppose, no election day before January ; and the regular election officers will not act in many cases, if in any. These knots must be cut, the main object beiug to get an expression of the people. If they would fix a day and a way for themselves, all the better; but if they stand idle, not seeming to know what to do, do you fix these things for them by proclamation. And do not waste a day about it, but fix the election day early enough, that we can hear the result here by the first of January. Fix a day for an election in all the dis- tricts, and have it held in as many places as you can. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. November 22, 1862.— Letter to General N. P. Banks. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 22, 1862. Mjf dear General Banks : Early last week you left me in high hope with your assurance that you would be off with your expedi- tion at the end of that week, or early in this. It is now the end of this, and I have just been overwhelmed and confounded with the sight of a requisition made by you which, I am assured, cannot be filled and got off within an hour short of two months. I inclose you a copy of the requisition, in some hope that it is not genuine — that you have never seen it. My dear general, this expanding and piling up of impedimenta has been, so far, almost our ruin, and will be our final ruin if it is not abandoned. If you had the articles of this requi- sition upon the wharf, with the necessary animals to make them of any use, and forage for the animals, you could not get vessels together in two weeks to carry the whole, to say nothing of your twenty thousand men ; and, having the vessels, you could not put the cargoes aboard in two weeks more. And, after all, where you are going you have no use for them. When you parted with me you had no such ideas in your mind. I know you had not, or you could not have expected to be off so soon as you said. You must get back to something like the plan you had then, or your expedi- tion is a failure before you start. You must be off before Congress meets. You would be better off anywhere, and especially where you are going, for not having a thousand wagons doing nothing hut hauling forage to feed the animals that draw them, and taking at least two thousand men to care for the wagons and animals, who otherwise might be two thousand good soldiers. Now, dear general, LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 257 do not think this is an ill-natured letter; it is the very reverse. The simple publication of this reit- ing such evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some of them will soon be in a condition to be organized as States and be constitutionally admitted into the Federal Union. 264 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN The immense mineral resources of some of those Territories onght to be developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction would have a tendency to improve the revenues of the government, and diminish the burdens of the people. It is worthy of your serious consideration whether some extraordiuary measures to promote that end cannot be adopted. The means which suggests itself as most likely to be effective is a scientific exploration of the mineral re- gions in those Territories, with a view to the publication of its results at home and in foreign countries — results which cannot fail to be auspicious. . The condition of the finances will claim your most diligent con- sideration. The vast expenditures incident to the military and naval operations required for the suppression of the rebellion have hitherto been met with a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar cir- cumstances, and the pul>lic credit has been fully maintained. The continuance of the war, however, and the increased disbursements made necessary by the augmented forces now in the field, demand your best reflections as to the best modes of providing the necessary revenue without injury to business and with the least possible bur- dens upon labor. The suspension of specie payments by the banks, soon after the commencement of your last session, made large issues of United States notes unavoidable. In no other way could the payment of the troops, and the satisfaction of other just demands, be so eco- nomically or so well provided for. The judicious legislation of Con- gress, securing the reeeivability of these notes for loans and internal duties, and making them a legal tender for other debts, has made them a universal currency, and has satisfied, partially at least, and for the time, the long-felt want of a uniform circulating medium, saving thereby to the people immense sums in discounts and ex- changes. A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period com- patible with due regard to all interests concerned, should ever be kept in view. Fluctuations in the value of currency are always in- jurious, and to reduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a leading purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility — prompt and certain convertibility — into coin is generally acknow- ledged to be the liest and surest safeguard against them ; and it is extremely doubtful whether a circulation of United States notes, payable in coin, and sufficiently large for the wants of the people, can be permanently, usefully, and safely maintained. Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary provision for the public wants can be made, and the great advantages of a safe and uniform currency secured ? I know of none which promises so certain results, and is at the same time so unobjectionable, as the organization of banking associa- tions under a general act of Congress well guarded in its provi- sions. To such associations the government might furnish circulating notes, on the security of United States bonds deposited in the trea- sury. These notes, prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uniform in appearance and security, and convertible always LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF AEEAHAM LINCOLN 265 into coin, would at once protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency, and facilitate coiiinierce by cheap and safe exchanf^es. A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would com- pensate the United States for the preparation and distril)uti()n of the notes and a general supervision of the system, and would lig-hten the burden of that part of the public debt employed as securities. The ])ublic credit, moreover, would be gi-eatly iiiiproved and the negotiation of new loans greatly facilitated by the steady market demand for g:(^vernnient bonds which the adoption of the proposed system would create. It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of considerable weight in niy jutlgment, that it would reconcile, as far as possible, all existing interests, by the opportunity offered to existing institu- tions to reorganize under the act, substituting only the secured uni- form national circulation for the local and various circulation, secured and unsecured, now issued by them. The receipts into the treasury from all sources, including loans and balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June, 18G2, were $583,885,247.06; of which sum $49,050,- 397.62 were derived from customs; $1,795,331.73 from the direct tax; from public lands, $152,203.77 ; from miseellaneous sources, $931,787.64; from loans in all forms, $529,692,460.50. The remain- der, $2,257,065.80, was the balance from last year. The disbursements during the same period were: for congressional, executive, and judicial purposes, $5,939,009.29; for foreign inter- course, $1,339,710.35; for miscellaneous expenses, including the mints, loans, post-oflice deficiencies, collection of revenue, and" other like charges, $14,129,771.50; for expenses under the Interior Depart- ment, $3,102,985.52; under the War Department, $394,368,407.36; under the Navy Department, $42,674,569.69 ; for interest on pul)lic debt, $13,190,324.45; and for payment of public debt, including reim- bursement of temporary loan, and redemptions, $96,096,922,09 — mak- ing an aggregate of $570,841,700.25, and leaving a balance in the treasury on the first day of Jidy, 1862, of $13,043,546.81. It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922.09, expended for reimbursements and redemption of public debt, being included also in the loans made, may be properly deducted both" from receipts and expenditures, leaving the actual receipts for the year, $487,788,- 324.97; and the expenditures, $474,744,778.16. Other information on the subject of the finances will be found in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose statements and views I invite your most candid and considerate attention. The reports of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy are here- with transmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more than brief al)stracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions and operations conducted through those departments. Nor could I give a summary of them here, upon any ])i'in('iple, which would ad- mit of its being much shorter than the reports themselves. I there- fore content mvsolf with laying the reports before you, and asking your attention to them. It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in the fiuan- 266 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN cial condition of the Post Office Department, as compared with sev- eral preceding years. The receipts for the fiscal year 18G1 amounted to $8,349,296.40, which embraced the revenue from all the States of the Union for thi'ee quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation of revenue from the so-called seceded States during the last fiscal year, the increase of the correspondence of the loyal States has been sufficient to produce a revenue during the same year of $8,299,820.90, being only $50,000 less than was derived from all the States of the Union during the previous year. The expenditures show a still more favorable result. The amount expended in 1861 was $13,606,759.11. For the last year the amount has been reduced to $11,125,364.13, showing a decrease of about $2,481,000 in the expenditures as compared with the preceding year, and about $3,750,000 as compared with the fiscal year 1860. The deficiency in the department for the previous year was $4,551,966.98. For the last fiscal year it was reduced to $2,112,814.57. These favorable results are in part owing to the cessation of mail service in the in- surrectionary StateS; and in part to a careful review of all expendi- tures in that department in the interest of economy. The efficiency of the postal service, it is believed, has also been much improved. The Postmaster-General has also opened a correspondence, through the Department of State, with foreign governments, proposing a con- vention of postal representatives for the purpose of simplifying the rates of foreign postage, and to expedite the foreign mails. This proposition, equall}^ important to our adopted citizens and to the commercial interests of this country, has been favorably entertained, and agreed to, by all the governments from whom replies have been received. I ask the attention of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmas- ter-General in his report respecting the further legislation required, in his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service. The Secretary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to the public lands : The pubhe lands have ceased to be a source of revenue. From the 1st July, 1861, to the 30tli September, 1862, the entire cash receipts from the sale of lands were $137,476.20 — a sum much less than the expenses of our land system during the same period. The homestead law, which will take effect on the 1st of January next, offers such inducements to settlers that sales for cash cannot l)e expected to an extent sufficient to meet the ex- penses of the General Land Of&ce, and the cost of surveying and bringing the laud into market. The discrepancy between the sum here stated as arising from the sales of the public lands, and the sum derived from the same source as reported from the Treasury Department, arises, as I understand, from the fact that the periods of time, though apparently, were not really coincident at the beginning point — the Treasury report in- cluding a considerable sum now, which had previously been reported from the Interior — sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum derived from the three months now reported upon by the Interior, and not by the Treasury. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 267 The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have, during the past year, manifested a spirit of insubordination, and at several points have eiiga<''ed in o])en hostilities against the white settlements in their vieinity. The tribes occupying the Indian country south of Kansas renounced their allegiance to the United States, and entered into treaties with the insurgents. Those who remained loyal to the United States were driven from the country. The chief of the Cherokees has visited this city for the purpose of restoring the former relations of the tribe with the United States. He alleges that they were con- strained by superior force to enter into treaties with the insiu'gents, and that the LTnited States neglected to furnish the protection which their treaty stipulations required. In the month of August last the Sioux Indians in Minnesota attacked the settlements in. their vicinity with extreme ferocity, killing indiscriminately men, women, and children. This attack was wholly unexpected, and therefore no means of defense had been provided. It is estimated that not less than eight hundred persons were killed by the Indians, and a largo amount of property was de- stroyed. How this outbreak was induced is not definitely known, and suspicions, which may be unjust, need not to be stated. Information was received by the Indian bureau, from different sources, about the time hostilities were commenced, that a simultaneous attack was to be made upon the white settlements by all the tribes between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains. The State of Minnesota has suffered great injury from this Indian war. A large portion of her territory has been depopulated, and a severe loss has been sus- tained by the destruction of property. The people of that State manifest much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the limits of the State as a guarantee against future hostilities. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs will furnish full details. I submit for your especial consideration whether our Indian system shall not be remodeled. Many wise and good men have impressed me with the belief that this can be profitably done. I submit a statement of the proceedings of commissioners, which shows the progress that has been made in the enterprise of con- structing the Pacific Railroad. And this suggests the earliest com- pletion of this road, and also the favorable action of Congress upon the projects now pending before them for enlarging the capacities of the great canals in New York and Illinois, as being of xital and rapidly increasing importance to the whole nation, and especially to the vast interior region hereinafter to be noticed at some greater length. I purpose having prepared and laid before you at an early day some interesting and valuable statistical information upon this subject. The military and commercial importance of enlarging the Illinois and Michigan canal and im])roving the Illinois River is presented in the report of Colonel Webster to the Secretary of War, and now transmitted to Congress. I respectfully ask attention to it. To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the 15th of May last, I have caused the Department of Agriculture of the United States to be organized. The commissioner informs me that within the period of a few months this department has estab- 268 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN lished an extensive system of correspondence and exchanges, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect highly beneficial re- sults in the development of a correct knowledge of recent improve- ments in agriculture, in the introduction of new products, and in the collection of the agricultural statistics of the different States. Also that it will soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds, cereals, plants, and cuttings, and has already published and liberally dif- fused much valuable information in anticipation of a more elaborate report which will in due time be furnished, embracing some valu- able tests in chemical science now in progress in the laboratory. The creation of this department w^as for the more immediate ben- efit of a large class of our most valuable citizens ; and I trust that the liberal basis upon which it has been organized will not only meet your approbation, but that it will realize, at no distant day, all the fondest anticipations of its most sanguine friends, and be- come the fruitful source of advantage to all our people. On the 22d day of September last a proclamation was issued by the Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted. In accor- dance with the purpose expressed in the second paragraph of that paper, I now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called '' compensated emancipation." A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability. " One generation passeth away, and another generation cometh, but the earth abideth forever." It is of the first importance to duly consider and estimate this ever-enduring part. That portion of the earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the people of the United States is well adapted to be the home of one national family, and it is not well adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its variety of climate and productions are of advantage in this age for one people, whatever they might have been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have brought these to be an advantageous combination for one united people. In the inaugural address I briefly pointed out the total inade- quacy of disunion as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two sections. I did so in language which I cannot improve and which, therefore, I beg to repeat : One section of our cou.ntry believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be ex- tended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave- trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a com- munity where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be per- fectly cured ; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, woidd be ultimately revived without restriction in one section ; while fugi- tive slaves, now only partially surrendered, woidd not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respec- tive sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. I LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 2G9 A husband and wife may be divorced and e:o out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other ; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either ami- cal)le or liostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can ahens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can aniong friends ? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the iden- tical old questions as to terms of intercoin-se are again upon you. There is no line, straight or crooked, suitiil)le for a national boundary upon whi(3h to divide. Trace tlironoh, from east to west, upon the line between the free and slave country, and we shall find a little more than one third of its leng^th are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk back and forth without any conscious- ness of their presence. No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass by writing it down on paper or parchment as a national boundary. The fact of separation, if it comes, gives up on the part of the seceding section the fugitive-slave clause along with all other constitutional obligations upon the section seceded from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation would be ever made to take its place. But there is another difficulty. The great interior region, bounded east by the Alleghanies, uorth by the British dominions, west by the Rocky Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above ten mil- lions of people, and will have fifty millions within fifty years if not prevented by any political folly or mistake. It contains more than one third of the country owned l)y the United States — certainly more than one million of square miles. Once half as populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than seventy-five mil- lions of people. A glance at the map shows that, territorially speak- ing, it is the great body of the republic. The other parts are but marginal borders to it, the magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific being the deei)est and also the richest in undeveloped resources. In the production of provisions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is naturally one of the most important in the world. Ascer- tain from the statistics the small proportion of the region whicli has, as yet, been brought into cultivation, and also the large and rapidly "increasing amount of its products, and we shall be over- whelmed with the magnitude of the pi-ospect presented ; and yet this region has no sea-coast, touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one nation, its peo]>le now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and'to Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common 270 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN country into two nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets — not, perhaps, by a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. And this is true wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. Place it between the now free and slave country, or place it south of Kentucky or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and none north of it can trade to any port or place south of it, except upon terms dictated by a government foreign to them. These out- lets, east, west, and south, are indispensable to the well-being of the people inhabiting, and to inhabit, this vast interior region. Which of the three may be the best, is no proper question. All are better than either; and all of right belong to that people and to their suc- cessors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these com- munications to and through them to the great outside world. They, too, and each of them, must have access to this Eg\'pt of the West without paying toll at the crossing of any national boundary. Our national strife springs not from our permanent part, not from the laud we inhabit, not from our national homestead. There is no possible severing of this but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation. In fact, it would ere long force re- union, however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains to ourselves — to the passing generations of men; and it can without convulsion be hushed forever with the pass- ing of one generation. In this view I recommend the adoption of the following resolu- tion and articles amendatory to the Constitution of the United States : "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of both houses concurring). That the following articles be proposed to the legislatures (or conventions) of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which articles when ratified by three fourths of the said legislatures (or conven- tions) to be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, viz. : "Article — . " Every State wherein slavery now exists which shall abolish the same therein at any time or times before the first day of January in the year of our Lord one thousand and nine hundred, shall receive compensation from the United States as follows, to wit : " The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of per cent, per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of , for each slave shown to have been therein LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 271 by the eiahtli census of the United States, said bonds to be delivered to such State by instahuents, or in one parcel at the completion of the abolishment, according'ly as the same shall have been gradual or at one time within such State; and interest shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and afterward re- introducing or tolerating slavery therein, sliall refund to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and all interest paid thereon. "Article — . "All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances of the war at any time before the end of the rebellion, shall be forever free; but all owners of such who shall not have been disloyal shall be compensated for them at the same rates as are provided for States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall be twice accounted for. "Article — . "Congi'ess may appropriate money and otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons, with their own consent, at anyplace or places without the United States." I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some length. Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed; without slavery it could not continue. Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of senti- ment and of policy in regard to slavery and the African race amongst us. Some would perpetuate slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, and without compensation; some would abolish it gradually, and with compensation; some would remove the freed people from us, and some would retain them with us; and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversities we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves. By mutual concession we should har- monize and act together. This would be compromise; but it would be compromise among the friends, and not with the enemies, of the Union. These articles are intended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is assiimed that eman- cipation will follow at least in several of the States. As to the first article, the main points are: first, the emancipa- tion; secondly, the length of time for consummating it — thirty- seven years ; and, thirdly, the compensation. The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of per- petual slavery; but the length of time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sud- den derangement — in fact, from the necessity of any derangenuMit ; while most of those whose hal)itual course of thought will be dis- turbed by the measure will have passed away before its consumma- tion. They will never see it. Another class will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little to the now living slaves. But it reallv 272 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN gives tliem much. It saves them from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great ; and it gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be free forever. The plan leaves to each State choosing to act under it to abolish slavery now, or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate time, or by degrees extending over the whole or any part of the period ; and it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and generally the mode of making it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual slavery, and es- pecially of those who are to receive the compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to receive, will object. Yet the measure is both just and economical. In a certain sense the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property — property ac- quired by descent or by purchase, the same as any other propert3\ It is no less true for having been often said, that the people of the South are not more responsible for the original introduction of this property than are the people of the North ; and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the South has been more resj^ousible than the North for its con- tinuance. If, then, for a common object this property is to be sacri- ficed, is it not just that it be done at a common charge? And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can pre- serve the benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical to do it ? Let us consider it, then. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war since compensated emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that measure had been promptly accepted by even some of the slave States, the same sum would not have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and in that view would be a prudent and economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing ; but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it be- fore we are able. The war requires large sums, and requires them at once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated emancipa- tion of course would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds even, any faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not, and probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years. At that time we shall probably have 100,000,000 of people to share the burden, instead of 31,000,000 as now. And not only so, but the increase of our population may be expected to continue for a long time after that period, as rapidly as before, be- cause our territory will not have become full. I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase which we have main- tained, on an average, from our first national census in 1790 until that of 1860, we should in 1900 have a population of 103,208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that period? Our abundant room — our broad national homestead — is our ample resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 273 very certainly our population could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving- the foreie:n-born as now, we should be compelled to send part of the native-born away. But such is not our condition. We have 2,903,000 square miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a popu- latiou averaging- 73 J persons to the sijuare mile. Why may not our counti-y, at the same time, average as many? Is it less fertile f Has it' more waste surface, by monntains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes f Is it inferior to Europe in any natnral advantage? If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon"? As to when this mav be, we can judge by the past and the present ; as to when it will be, "if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union. Several of our States are already al)ove the average of Europe — 73^ to the square mile. Massachusetts has 157; Rhode Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each 80. Also two other-great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far be- low, the former having 63 and the latter 59. The States already above the European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio since passing that point as ever before, while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural capacity for sustaining a dense population. Takiug the nation m the ag-gregate, we find its population and ratio of increase for the several decennial periods to be as follows : 1790 3,929,827 . ^. 1800 5,305,937 35.02 per cent, ratio of mcrease. 1810 7,239,814 36.45 " " 18-20 ' 9,038,131 33.13 " " " 1830 12,866,0-20 33.49 '* " " 1840 17,069,453 32.67 " " " 1850 23,191,876 35.87 '^ I860 31,443,790 35.58 " *' This shows an average decennial increase of 34.60 per cent, in population through the seventy years from our first to our last cen- sus yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase at no one of these seven periods is either two per cent, below or two per cent, above the average, thus showing how inflexible, and consequently how relia- ble, the law of increase in our case is. Assuming that it will con- • tinue, gives the following results : 1870 42,323.341 1880 56,967,216 1890 76,677,872 1900 : ■.:::.■.'■.:: ■. 103,208,415 1910 138,918,526 1920 186,984,335 1930. '..'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 251,680,914 These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some point between 1920 and 1930— say about 1925 — our territory, at 73^ persons to the square mile, being of capacity to con- tain 217,186,000. Vol. II.— 18. 274 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the chance by the folly and evils of disunion, or by long and exhausting war springing froni the only great element of national discord among us. While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard popula- tion, civilization, and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and injurious. The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, perpetuate peace, insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of the country. With these, we should pay all the emanci- pation would cost, together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt without it. If we had allowed our old national debt to run at six per cent, per annum, simple interest, from the end of our Revolutionary struggle until to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it then ; and this because our increase of men, through the whole period, has been greater than six per cent. — has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt. This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly due ; but it shows the great importance of time in this connection — the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay, until we number a hundred millions, what by a different policy we would have to pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both. As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to re- turn to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners ; and hence provision is made in this article for compensating such. The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such as may consent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable, on the one hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by the mutual consent of the people to be deported, and the American voters through their representatives in Congress. I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor colonization. And yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times Jike the present, men should utter nothing for which they would not willinglv be responsible through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored people can displace any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves 1 If they stay in their old places, they LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 275 jostle no white laborers ; if they leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically, there is neitlier more nor less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and very surely wouhl not reduce them. Thus, the customary amount of labor woidd still have to be performed ; the freed people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it, and very probably for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to white laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and consecpiently enhancing the wages of it. With deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity in the market — increase the demand for it, and you increase the price of it. Reduce the supply of black labor by colonizing the black laborer out of the country, and by precisely so much you in- crease the demand for, and wages of, white labor. But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the whole land? Are they not already in the land? Will liberation make them any more numerous ? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole country, and there would be but one colored to seven whites. Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven ? There are many communities now having more than one free colored person to seven whites, and this without any apparent conscious- ness of evil from it. The District of Columbia, and the States of Maryland and Delaware, are all in this condition. The District has more than one free colored to six whites; and yet in its frequent peti- tions to Congress I beheve it has never presented the presence of free colored persons as one of its grievances. But why should eman- cipation south send the free people north? People of any color seldom run unless there be something to run from. Heretofore colored people, to some extent, have fled north from bondage ; and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be procured; and the freedmen, in turn, will gladly give their labor for the wages till new homes can be found for them in congenial climes and with people of their own blood and race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests in- volved. And, in any event, cannot the North decide for itself whether to receive them ? Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, has there been any irruption of colored people northward because of the abol- ishment of slavery in this District last spring? What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the whites in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called contrabands, nor to those made free by the act of Congress abolishing slavery here. The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a restoration of the national authority would be accepted with- out its adoption. Nor will the war, nor proceedings under the proclamation of Sep- tember 22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this 276 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN plan. Its timely adoption, I doubt not, Vv-ould bring restoration, and thereby stay both. And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Con- gress provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipation before this plan shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments apply to both. This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but additional to, all others for restoring and preserving the national authority throughout the Union, The subject is presented exclu- sively in its economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more speedily, and maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force alone ; while all it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of payment, and times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the war if we rely solely upon force. It is much — very much — that it would cost no blood at aU. The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot become such without the concurrence of, first, two thirds of Con- gress and, afterward, three fourths of the States. The requisite three fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their several!}^ adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the new constitutional terms. This assurance would end the strug- gle now, and save the Union forever. I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper ad- dressed to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the nation. Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me, you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display. Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood ? Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we here — Congress and Executive — can secure its adoption ? Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us ? Can we, can they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects ? We can succeed only by concert. It is not " Can any of us imagine better ? " but, " Can we all do better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the question occurs, " Can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country. Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 277 iu honor or dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We — even we here — hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we assnre freedom to the free — hon- orable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other means may snceeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, gen- erous, just — a way which, if followed, the world will forever ap- plaud, and God must forever bless. Abraham Lincoln. December 1, 18G2. December 3, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : On the 3d of No- vember, 1861, a collision took place off the coast of Cuba between the United States war steamer San Jacinto and the French brig Jules et Marie, resulting in serious damage to the latter. The obligation of this government to make amends therefore could not be questioned if the injury resulted from any fault on the part of the San Jacinto. With a view to ascertain this, the subject was referred to a commission of the United States and French naval officers at New York, with a naval officer of Italy as an arbiter. The conclusion arrived at was that the collision was occasioned by the failure of the San Jacinto seasonably to reverse her engine. It then became necessary to ascertain the amount of indemnification due to the injured party. The United States con- sul-general at Havana was consequently instructed to confer with the consul of France on this point, and they have determined that the sum of nine thousand five hundred dollars is an equitable allow- ance under the circumstances. I recommend an appropriation of this sum for the benefit of the owners of the Jules et Marie. A copy of the letter of Mr. Shufeldt, the consid-general of the United States at Havana, to the Secretary of State on the subject, is herewith transmitted. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 3, 1862. December 5, 1862. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 5, 1862. Hon. Secretary op the Treasury. Mil dear Sir : With my understanding of the present condition of Missouri, and especially that part of it north of the Missouri River, I think the attached resolutions are reasonable. Have you anything to do with it, or does it belong exclusively to the Secre- tary of War ? Please answer me, returning this note, and resolutions to me. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 278 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN December 7, 1862. — Letter to C. P. Kirkland. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 7, 1862. Charles P. Kirkland, Esq., New York : I have just received and hastily read your published letter to the Hon. Benjamin R. Curtis. Under the circumstances I may not be the most competent judge, but it appears to me to be a paper of great ability, and for the country's sake, more than my own, I thank you for it. Yours very truly, ^^ Lincoln. December 8, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend that Commander John L. Worden, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks of Congress for the eminent skill and gallantry exhibited by him in the late remarkable battle between the United States iron-clad steamer Monitor, under his command, and the rebel iron-clad steamer Merrimac, in March last. The thanks of Congress for his services on the occasion referred to were tendered by a resolution approved July 11, 1862, but the recommendation is now specially made in order to comply with the requirements of the ninth section of the act of July 16, 1862, which is in the following words : That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one grade if, upon recommendation of the President by name, he receive the thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession. Washington, D. C, December 8, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. December 9, 1862. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : In compliance with the reso- lution of the Senate of the United States of the 13th of March last, requesting a copy of the correspondence relative to the attempted seizure of Mr. Fauchet by the commander of the Africa within the waters of the United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the documents by which it was accompanied. Washington, D. C, December 9, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. December 10, 1862. — Letter to General S. R. Curtis. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 10, 1862. Major-General Curtis, St. Louis, Missouri: Please suspend, until further order, all proceedings on the order made by General Schofield, on the twenty-eighth day of August last, LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 279 for assessing aud collecting from secessionists and Southern sympa- thizers the sum of five hundred thousand dollars, etc., and in the mean time make out and send me a statement of facts pertinent to the question, together with your opinion upon it. A. Lincoln. December 10, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend that Lieu- tenant-Commander George U. Morris, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks of Congress for the determined valor and hero- ism displayed in his defense of the United States ship of war Cumherland, temporarily under his command, in the naval engage- ment at Hampton Roads on the 8th of March, 1862, with the rebel iron-clad steam-frigate Merrimac. Washington, D. C, December 10, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. December 11, 1862. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States: In compliance with your resolution of December 5, 1862, requesting the President *'to fur- nish the Senate with all information in his possession touching the late Indian barbarities in the State of Minnesota, and also the evidence in his possession upon which some of the princi- pal actors and head men were tried and condemned to death," I have the honor to state that, on receipt of said resolution, I trans- mitted the same to the Secretary of the Interior, accompanied by a note, a copy of which is herewith inclosed, marked A, and in re- sponse to which I received, through that department, a letter of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, a copy of which is herewith in- closed, marked B. I further state that on the eighth day of November last I received a long telegraphic despatch from Major-General Pope, at St. Paul, Minnesota, simply announcing the names of the persons sentenced to be hanged. I immediately telegraphed to have transcripts of the records in all the cases forwarded to me, which transcripts, however, did not reach me until two or three days before the present meeting of Congress. Meantime I received, through telegraphic despatches and otherwise, appeals in behalf of the condemned — appeals for their execution — and expressions of opinion as to the proper policy in regard to them and to the Indians generally in that vicinity, none of which, as I understand, falls within the scope of your inquiry. After the arrival of the trans(!ripts of records, but before I had sufficient opportunity to examine them, I received a joint let- ter from one of. the senators and two of the representatives from Minnesota, which contains some statements of fact not found in the records of the trials, and for which reason I herewith transmit a copy, marked C. I also, for the same reason, inclose a printed memo- 280 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN rial of the citizens of St. Paul, addressed to me, and forwarded witli the letter aforesaid. Anxious to not act with so much clemency as to encourage an- other outbreak on the one hand, nor with so much severity as to be real cruelty on the other, I caused a careful examination of the records of trials to be made, in view of first ordering the execution of such as had been proved guilty of violating females. Contrary to my expectation, only two of this class were found. I then directed a further examination and a classification of all who were proven to have participated in massacres, as distinguished from participation in battles. This class numbered forty, and included the two con- victed of female violation. One of the number is strongly recom- mended, by the commission which tried them, for commutation to ten years' imprisonment. I have ordered the other thirty-nine to be executed on Friday, the 19th instant. The order was despatched from here on Monday, the 8th instant, by a messenger to General Sibley, and a coj^y of which order is herewith transmitted, marked D. An abstract of the evidence as to the forty is herewith inclosed, marked E. To avoid the immense amount of copying, I lay before the Senate the original transcripts of the records of trials, as received by me. This is as full and complete a response to the resolution as it is in my power to make. Abraham Lincoln. December 12, 1862. — Message to Congress. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : I have in my possession three valuable swords, formerly the property of G-eneral David E. Twiggs, which I now place at the disposal of Congress. They are forwarded to me from New Orleans by Major- General Benjamin F. Butler. If they, or any of them, shall be by Congress disposed of in reward or compliment of military service, I think Oeneral Butler is entitled to the first consideration. A copy of the general's letter to me, accompanying the swords, is herewith transmitted. Abraham Lincoln. December 12, 1862. December 12, 1862. — Letter to Fernando Wood. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 12, 1862. Hon. Fernando Wood. Mfj dear Sir: Your letter of the 8th, with the accompanying note of same date, w^as received yesterday. The most important para- graph in the letter, as I consider, is in these words : " On the 25th of November last I was advised by an authority which I deemed likely to be well informed as well as reliable and truthful, that the Southern States would send representatives to the next Congress, provided LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 281 that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do so. No guaranties or terms were asked for other than the amnesty re- ferred to." I strongly suspect your information will prove to be groundless ; nevertheless, I thank you for communieating it to me. Understanding the phrase in the paragraph above quoted — '* the Southern States would send representatives to tlie next Congress " — to be substan- tially the same as that '' the peoi)le of the Southern States would cease resistance, and would reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the limits of such States under the Constitution of the United States," I say that in such case the war would cease on the part of the United States ; and that if within a reasonable time "a full and general amnesty" were necessary to such end, it would not be withheld. I do not think it would be proper now for me to communicate this formally or informally to the people of the Southern States. My belief is that they already know it ; and when they choose, if ever, they can communicate with me unequivocally. Xor do I think it proper now to suspend military operations to try any experiment of negotiation. I sliould nevertheless receive with great pleasure the exact infor- mation you now have, and also such other as you may in any way oljtain. Such information might be more valuable before the 1st of January than afterward. While there is nothing in this letter which I shall dread to sec in history, it is, perhaps, better for the present that its existence should not become public. I therefore have to request that you will regard it as confidential. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. December 18, 1862. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : I transmit a copy of a despatch to the Secretary of State from Mr. Adams, United States minister at London, and of the correspondence to which it refers, between that gentleman and Mr. Panizzi, the principal librarian of the British Museum, relative to certain valuable pub- lications presented to the Library of Congress. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 18, 1862. December 19, 1862.— Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. Washington, December 19, 1862. Ma.jor-General Burnside : Come, of course, if in your own judgment it is safe to do so. A. Lincoln. 282 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN December 20, 1862. — Note to Secretary Chase. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury: Please do not go out of town. A. Lincoln. December 20, 1862. December 20, 1862. — Note to Secretaries Seward and Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 20, 1862. Hon. William H. Seward and Hon. Salmon P. Chase. OenfJemen : You have respectively tendered me your resignations as Secretary of State and Secretary of the Treasury of the United States. I am apprised of the circumstances which may render this course personally desirable to each of you ; but after most anxious consideration my deliberate judgment is that the public interest does not admit of it. I therefore have to request that you will re- sume the duties of your departments respectively. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. December 22, 1862. — Note to General J. A. Dix. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 22, 1862. Major-General Dix: Owing to extreme pressure of business, I have neglected for a week to write this note. General Busteed is with you. I bespeak for him your kindest consideration. His case is peculiar. Without much military experience, he has entered the service from purely patriotic motives. Please assign him the position best adapted to his case which may be within your power. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. December 22, 1862. — Congratulations to the Army of the Potomac. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 22, 1862. To the Army of the Potomac : I have just read your commanding general's report of the battle of Fredericksburg. Although you were not successful, the attempt was not an error, nor the failure other than accident. The courage with which you, in an open field, maintained the contest against an intrenched foe, and the con- summate skill and success with which you crossed and recrossed the river in the face of the enemy, show that you possess all the qualities of a great army, which will yet give victory to the cause of the country and of popular government. Condoling with the mourners for the dead, and sympathizing LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 283 with the severely wounded, I congratulate you that the number of both is comparatively so small. I tender to you, officers and soldiers, the thanks of the nation. A. Lincoln. December 22, 1862. — Letter to Generals W. B. Franklin and W. F. Smith. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 22, 1862. Major-General Franklin and Major-General Smith: Yours of the 20th, suggesting a plan of operations for the Army of the Potomac, is received. I have hastily read the plan, and shall yet try to give it more deliberate consideration, with the aid of military men. Meanwhile let me say it seems to me to present the old questions of preference between the line of the Peninsula and the line you are now upon. The difficulties you point out as pertaining to the Fredericksburg line are obvious and palpable. But now, as heretofore, if j'ou go to James River, a large part of the army must remain on or near the Fredericksburg line, to protect Washington. It is the old difficulty. When I saw General Franklin at Harrison's Landing on James River last July, I cannot be mistaken in saying that he distinctly advised the bringing of the array away from there. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. December 22, 1862. — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : In compliance with the resolu- tion of the Senate of the 15th instant, requesting a copy of the report of the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, I transmit a communication from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was accompanied. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 22, 1862. December 23, 1862. — Note to the Cabinet. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 23, 1862. Gentlemen of the Cabinet: A bill for an act entitled '* An Act for the admission of the State of West Virginia into the Union and for other purposes," has passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, and has been duly pre- sented to me for my action. I respectfully ask of each of 3^ou an opinion in writing on the following questions, to wit : 1st. Is the said act constitutional ? 2d. Is the said act expedient '? Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. 284 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN December 23, 1862.— Note to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 23, 1862. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. Dear Sir: Unless you know some strong objection, please send me a nomination for Cuthbert Bullitt as collector of the customs at New Orleans. I wish to do this at once. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. December 24, 1862.— Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : I transmit for the consideration of Congress a report from the Secretary of State on the subject of consular pupils. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 24, 1862. December 29, 1862. — Letter to General Butler. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 29, 1862. Major-General B. F. Butler. My dear Sir : I believe you have a family, and I dislike to deprive you of an early visit to them ; but I really wish to see you at the earliest moment. I am contemplating a peculiar and important ser- vice for you, which I think, and I hope you will think, is as honor- able as it is important. I wish to confer with you upon it. Please come immediately upon your arrival at New York. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. December 30, 1862. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. War Department, Washington City, D. C, December 30, 1862. 3.30 P. M. Major-General Burnside : I have good reason for saying you must not make a general move- ment of the army without letting me know. A. Lincoln. December 30, 1862.— Letter to Governor Gamble. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 30, 1862. His Excellency Governor Gamble. M]j dear Sir : Inclosed is an order substantially, and I believe ex- actly, such as I directed to be made nearly a month ago. After a good deal of reflection, I concluded that it was better to make a rule for the practical matter in hand (the removal of oflBcers and accept- LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 285 ance of resignations) than to decide a general question — to wit: whether the forces are State tro()[)s — which, while it might embrace the practical question mentioned, might also l)e the nest in which forty other troul^lesome questions would he hatched. I would rather meet them as they come than before they come, trusting that some of them may not come at all. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. December 30, 1862. — Draft of the Emancipation Proclamation OF January 1, 1863, as submitted to the Cabinet for Final Revision. Now therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a proper and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do on this first day of January, in the year of oui* Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my intention so to do, publicly proclaimed for one hundred days as aforesaid, order and designate as the States and parts of States in which the people thereof respectively are this day in re- bellion against the United States, the following, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of ), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Car- olina, and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of ). And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said desig- nated States and parts of States are, and henceforward forever shall be, free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons, and will do no act or acts to repress said persons, or any of them, in any suitalile efforts they may make for their actual freedom ; and I hereby ap- peal to the people so declared to be free to abstain from all disorder, tumult, and violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and in all cases, when allowed, to labor faithfully for wages. And I further declare and make known that such persons of suit- able condition will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison and defend forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. December 31, 1862. — President's Opinion on the Admission of West Virginia into the Union. The consent of the legislature of Virginia is constitutionally ne- cessary to the bill for the admission of West Virginia becoming a 288 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN law. A body claiming to be sucli legislature has given its consent. We cannot well deny that it is such, unless we do so upon the out- side knowledge that the body was chosen at elections in which a majority of the qualified voters of Virginia did not participate. But it is a universal practice in the popular elections in all these States to give no legal consideration whatever to those who do not choose to vote, as against the effect of the votes of those who do choose to vote. Hence it is not the qualified voters, but the qualified voters who choose to vote, that constitute the political power of the State. Much less than to non-voters should any consideration be given to those who did not vote in this case, because it is also matter of out- side knowledge that they were not merely neglectful of their rights under and duty to this government, but were also engaged in open rebellion against it. Doubtless among these non- voters were some Union men whose voices were smothered by the more numerous seces- sionists; but we know too little of their number to assign them any appreciable value. Can this government stand, if it indulges con- stitutional constructions by which men in open rebellion against it are to be accounted, man for man, the equals of those who maintain their loyalty to it? Are they to he accounted even better citizens, and more worthy of consideration, than those who merely neglect to vote ? If so, their treason against the Constitution enhances their constitutional value. Without braving these absurd conclusions, we cannot deny that the body which consents to the admission of West Virginia is the legislature of Virginia. I do not think the plural form of the words " legislatures " and " States " in the phrase of the Constitution " without the consent of the legislatures of the States concerned," etc., has any reference to the new State con- cerned. That plural form sprang from the contemplation of two or more old States contributing to form a new one. The idea that the new State was in danger of being admitted without its own consent was not provided against, because it was not thought of, as I conceive. It is said, the devil takes care of his own. Much more should a good spirit — the spirit of the Constitution and the Union — take care of its own. I think it cannot do less and live. But is the admission into the Union of West Virginia expedient? This, in my general view, is more a question for Congress than for the Executive. Still I do not evade it. More than on anything else, it depends on whether the admission or rejection of the new State would, under all the circumstances, tend the more strongly to the restoration of the national authority throughout the Union. That which helps most in this direction is the most expedient at this time. Doubtless those in remaining Virginia would return to the Union, so to speak, less reluctantly without the division of the old State than with it ,• but T think we could not save as much in this quarter by rejecting the new State, as we should lose by it in West Virginia. We can scarcely dispense with the aid of West Virginia in this struggle; much less can we afford to have her against us, in Con- gress and in the field. Her brave and good men regard her admis- sion into the Union as a matter of life and death. They have been true to the Union under verv severe trials. We have so acted as to LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 287 justify their hopes, and we cannot fully retain their confidence and co()[)eration if we seem to break faith with tliem. In fact, they could not do so much for us, if they would. Ajj^aiii, the admission of the new State turns that much slave soil to free, and thus is a certain and irrevocable encroachment upon the cause of the rebellion. The division of a State is dreaded as a precedent. But a measure made expedient by a war is no precedent for times of peace. It is said that the admission of West Virginia is secession, and tolerated only because it is our secession. Well, if we call it by that name, there is still difference enough between secession against the Consti- tution and secession in favor of the Constitution. I believe the admission of West Virginia into the Union is expedient. January 1, 1863. — Final Emancipation Proclamation. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit: " That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free ; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. '' That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate tiie States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have partici- pated, shall in the absence of strong countervailing testimony be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States." Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a tit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebel- lion, do, on this fii-st day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of 100 days 288 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LIN'COLX from the day firet above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit : Arkansas, Texas. Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard. Placjuemines, Jefferson, St. John. St. Charles. St. James. Ascension, Assumption. Terre Bonne, Liifoiu'ehe, St. Mary. St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans). Mississippi. Alabama, Florida, Oeorgia,"South Carolina, Xorth Carolina, and Virginia (ex- cept the forty^eight counties designated as "West Virginia, and also the counties 'of Berkeley. Accomac. Northampton. Elizabeth City, York. Princess Ann. and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. And W virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said desig- nated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be. free ; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and main- tain the freedom of said persons. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to ab- stain from all violence, uidess in necessary self-defense ; and I recom- mend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. And I further declare and make known that such persons of suit- able condition will be received into the armed ser\*ice of the United States to garrison forts, positi(ms, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said ser^-ice. And upon this act. sincerely believed to be an act of justice, war- ranted by the Constitution upon military necessity-. I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Al- mighty' God. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be afi&xed. Done at the city of Washington, this first day of Januaiy, I 1 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and L^" ^'^ sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. ABRAHA3I LlXCOLN. By the President : Wtt. t.tam H. Seward, Secretary of State. Januaiy 1, 1863.— Letter to General H. VT. Halleck. ExECUTTVE Mas'Sion, Washesgtox, Jauuaiy 1, 1863. 31a,jor-Ges*eral Halleck. My dear Sir: General Burnside wishes to cross the Rappahan- nock with his army, but his grand division commanders all oppose the movement. If in such a difficulty as this you do not help, you fail me precisely in the point for which I sought your assistance. Tou know what G-eneral Bumside's plan is, and it is my wish that you go with him to the ground, examine it as far as practicable, LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LIXCOLN 289 confer with the officers, getting their judgment and ascertaining their temper — iu a word, gather all the elements for forming a judgment of your own, and then tell General Bumside that you do approve or that you do not approve his plan. Your military skill is useless to me if you will not do this. Yours very truly, A. LixcOLX. [Indorsement.] January 1. 1863. Withdrawn, because considered harsh by General Halleck. A. Lrs'coLX, Headquaeters of the AR^rr, Washecgtox. Jannary 1, 1S63. B.OS. E. M. Staxtox, Secretaiy of War. Washinorton, D. C. .SjV : From my recent interview -vrith the President and yourself, and from the President's letter of this morning, which you delivered to me at your reception. I am led to believe that there is a very important differ- ence of opinion in regard to my relations toward generals commanding armies in the field, and that I cannot perform the duties of my present office satisfactorily at the same time to the President and to myself. I therefore respectfully request that I may be relieved from farther duties as general- in-chief.i Very respectfully your obedient servant, H. "VT. Halleck. January 1, 1S63. — Lettek to Sechetaey Stanton. ExEcmvE ;^L\NSION. Washington. January 1. 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. Dear Sir : Yesterday a piteous appeal was made to me by an old lady of genteel appearance, saying she had. with what she thought sufficient assurance that she would not be disturbed by the govern- ment, fitted up the two south divisions of the old "Duff Green" building in order to take boarders, and has boarders already in it, and others, including members of Congress, engaged : and that now she is ordered to be out of it by Saturday, the 3d instant: and that independently of the ruin it brings on her by her lost outlay, she neither has nor can find another shelter for her own head. I know nothing about it mvself, but promised to brin£r it to votir notice. ^ • Yours truly. A.^LincoiIn. January 2, 1863. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives : I stibmit to Congress the expediency of extending to other departments of the govern- ment the authority conferred on the President by the eighth section of the act of the 8th of May, 1792. to appoint a person to temporarily 1 As duplicates are fonnd among General Halleck's papers, and no copy is found in the War Department files, it is presumed that the application was withdrawn upon witlt- drawal of the President's letter. Vol. U.— 19. 290 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN discharge the duties of Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, and Secretary of War, in case of the death, absence from the seat of government, or sickness of either of those officers. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, January 2, 1863. January 2, 1863. — Letter to General B. F. Butler. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 2, ] 863. Major-General Butler : The Secretary of War and myself have concluded to discharge, of the prisoners at Point Lookout, the following classes : First. Those who will take the oath prescribed in the proclamation of December 8, and by the consent of General Marstou will enlist in our service. Second. Those who will take the oath and be discharged, and w^hose homes lie safely within our military lines. I send by Mr. Hay this letter, and a blank-book and some other l)lanks, the way of using which I propose for him to explain verbally better than I can in writing. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. January 2, 1863.— Letter to General S. R. Curtis. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 2, 1863. Major-General Curtis. Bfij dear Sir : Yours of December 29 by the hand of Mr. Strong is just received. The day I telegraphed you suspending the order in relation to Dr. McPheeters, he, with Mr. Bates, the Attorney-General, appeared before me and left with me a copy of the order mentioned. The doctor also showed me the copy of an oath which he said he had taken, which is, indeed, very strong and specific. He also verbally assured me that he had constantly prayed in church for the President and government, as he had always done before the present war. In looking over the recitals in your order, I do not see that this matter of the prayer, as he states it, is negatived, nor that any violation of his oath is charged, nor, in fact, that anytliing specific is alleged against him. The charges are all general: that he has a rebel wife and rebel relations, thathe sympathizes with rebels, and that he ex- ercises rebel influence. Now, after talking with him, I tell you frankly I believe he does sympathize with the rebels, but the question re- mains whether such a man, of unquestioned good moral character, who has taken such an oath as he has, and cannot even be charged with violating it, and who can be charged with no other specific act or omission, can, with safety to the government, be exiled upon the suspicion of his secret sympathies. But I agree that this must be left to you, who are on the spot; and if, after all, you think the public good requires his removal, my suspension of the order is withdrawn, only with this qualification, that the time during the sus- LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 291 pension is not to be counted against liirn. I have promised him this. But I must add that the United States Government must not, as by this order, undertake to run the churches. When an individual in a clinreh or out of it becomes dangerous to tlie public interest, he must be cheeked; but let the churches, .is such, take care of them- selves. It will not do for the United States to appoint trustees, su- pervisors, or other agents for the churches. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. P. S. The committee composed of Messrs. Yeatman and Filley (Mr. Broadhead not attending) has presented your letter and the memorial of sundry citizens. On the whole subject embraced exer- cise your best judgment, with a sole view to the public interest, and I will not interfere without hearing you. A. Lincoln. January 3, 1863. January 4, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Welles. ExECUTm: Mansion, Washington, January 4, 1863. Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy. Bear Sir : As many persons who come well recommended for loy- alty and service to the Union cause, and who are refugees from rebel oppression in the State of Virginia, make application to me for au- thority and permission to remove their families and proj^erty to pro- tection ^vithin the Union lines, by means of our armed gunboats on the Potomac River and Chesapeake Bay, you are hereby requested to hear and consider all such applications, and to grant such assist- ance to this class of persons as in your judgment their merits may render proper, and as may in each case be consistent with, the per- fect and complete efficiency of the naval service and with military expediency. Abraham Lincoln. January 5, 1863. — Letter to General S. R. Curtis. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 5, 1863. Major-General Curtis. Mij dear Sir: I am having a good deal of trouble with Missouri matters, and I now sit down to write you particularly about it. One class of friends believe in greater severity and anotlier in greater le- niency in regard to arrests, banishments, and assessments. As usual in sucli cases, each questions the other's motives. On the one hand, it IS insisted that Governor Gamble's unionism, at most, is not l)et- ter than a secondary spring of action ; that hunkerism and a wish for political influence stand before unionism with him. On the other hand, it is urged that arrests, banishments, and assessments are made more for private malice, revenge, and pecuniary interest than y 292 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN for the public good. This morning I was told by a gentleman who I have no doubt believes what he says, that in one case of assess- ments for $10,000, the different persons who paid compared receipts, and found they had paid $30,000. If this be true, the inference is that the collecting agents pocketed the odd $20,000. And true or not in the instance, nothing but the sternest necessity can justify the making and maintaining of a system so liable to such abuses. Doubtless the necessity for the making of the system in Missouri did exist, and whether it continues for the maintenance of it is now a practical and very important question. Some days ago Governor Gamble telegraphed me, asking that the assessments outside of St. Louis County might be suspended, as they already have been within it, and this morning all the members of Congress here from Missouri but one laid a paper before me asking the same thing. Now, my belief is that Governor Gamble is an honest and true man, not less so than yourself ; that you and he could confer together on this and other Missouri questions with great advantage to the public ; that each knows something which the other does not ; and that acting together you could about double your stock of pertinent informa- tion. May I not hope that you and he will attempt this f I could at once safely do (or you could safely do without me) whatever you and he agree upon. There is absolutely no reason why you should not agree. Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. P. S. I forgot to say that Hon. James S. Rollins, member of Con- gress from one of the Missouri districts, wishes that, upon his per- sonal responsibility. Rev. John M. Robinson, of Columbia, Mis- souri; James L. Matthews, of Boone County, Missouri; and James L. Stephens, also of Boone County, Missouri, may be allowed to return to their respective homes. Major Rollins leaves with me very strong papers from the neighbors of these men, whom he says he knows to be true men. He also says he has many constituents who he thinks are rightly exiled, but that he thinks these three should be allowed to return. Please look into the ease, and oblige Major Rollins if you consistently can. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. [Copy sent to Governor Gamble.] January 5, 1863. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of BepresentaUves : In compliance with the resolu- tion of the House of Representatives of the 22d ultimo, in relation to the alleged interference of our minister to Mexico in favor of the French, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the papers with which it was accompanied. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, January 5, 1863. \ LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 293 January 5, 1863. — Telegram to General Rosecrans. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 5, 1863. Major-GtEneral W. S. Rosecrans, Murfreesborough, Tennessee: Your despatch announcing retreat of enemy has just reached here. God bless you and all with you ! Please tender to all, and accept for yourself, the nation's gratitude for your and their skill, endurance, and dauntless courage. A. Lincoln. January 6, 1863. — Memorandum. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 6, 1863. Colonel Ullman calls with Captain Alban B. Botsford, now of the Seventy-eighth New York Infantry, both at Natioiuil Hotel. Has property in Mississippi and is well acquainted in Louisiana. When time comes would like to aid in organizing blacks there. January 7, 1863. — Letter to G. Adams. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 7. 1863. Hon. Green Adams. 3Ii/ dear Sir: In answer to your inquiries of this morning, I have to say I am very anxious to have the special force in Kentucky raised and armed. But the changed conduct toward me of some of her members of Congress, and the ominous outgivings as to what the governor and legislature of Kentucky intend doing, admonish me to consider whether any additional arms I may send there are not to be turned against the government. I hope this may clear up on the right side. So far as I can see, Kentucky's sons in the field are acting loyally and bravely. God bless them ! I cannot help thinking the mass of her people feel the same way. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. January 7, 1863. — Note to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 7, 1863. Ma.jor-General Halleck. Ml/ dear Sir : What think you of forming a reserve cavalry corps of, say, 6000 for the Army of the Potomac? Might not such a corps be constituted from the cavalry of Sigel's and Slocum's corps, with scraps we could pick up here and there? Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 294 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN January 7, 1863. — Telegram to B. G. Brown. Washington, D. C, January 7, 1863. 5.30 p. m. Hon. B. Gratz Brown, Jefferson City, Missouri : Yours of to-day just received. The administration takes no part between its friends in Missouri, of whom I, at least, consider you one; and I have never before had an intimation that appointees there were interfering, or were inclined to interfere. A. Lincoln. January 8, 1863. — Correspondence with General A. E. BURNSIDE. Headquarters Army or the Potomac, January 5, 1863. His Excellency the President of the United States: Since my retm^n to the army I have become more than ever convinced that the general officers of this command are almost unanimously opposed to another crossing of the river; but I am still of the opinion that the cross- ing should be attempted, and I have accordingly issued orders to the en- gineers and artillery to prepare for it. There is much hazard in it, as there always is in the majority of military movements, and I cannot begin the movement without giving you notice of it, particulai"ly as I know so httle of the effect that it may have upon other movements of distant armies. The influence of your telegram the other day is still upon me, and has impressed me with the idea that there are many parts of the problem which influence you that are not known to me. In order to relieve you from all embaiTassment in my case, I inclose with this my resignation of my commission as major-geueral of volunteers, which you can have accepted if my movement is not in accordance with the views of yourself and your military advisers. I have taken the liberty to write to you personally iipon this suliject, be- cause it was necessary, as I learn from General Halleck, for you to approve of my general plan, written at Warrentou, before I coidd commence the movement ; and I think it quite as necessary that you should know of the important movement I am about to make, particularly as it will have to be made in_ opposition to the views of nearly all my general ofiicers, and after the receipt of a despatch from j'ou informing me of the opinion of some of them who had visited you. In conversation with you on New Year's morning, I w^as led to express some opinions which I afterward felt it my duty to place on paper, and to express them verbally to the gentlemen of whom- we were speaking, which I did in your presence after handing you the letter. You were not disposed then, as I saw, to retain the letter, and I took it back, l^ut I now return it to you for record, if you wish it. I beg leave to say that my resignation is not sent in in any spirit of in-N subordination, but, as I before said, simply to relieve you from any embar- rassment in changing commanders where lack of confidence may have rendered it necessary. The bearer of this will bring me any answer, or I should be glad to hear from you by telegraph in cipher. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, A. E. Burnside, Major-General, Commanding Army of the Potomac. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 295 Headquarters of the Army, Washington, January 7, 1863. Major-Gener.vl Burnside, Commanding, etc., Falmouth. General: Your communication of the 5th was delivered to me by your aide-de-camp at 12 M. to-day. In all my communications and inter\dews with you since you took com- mand of the Army of the Potomac, I have advised a forward movement across the Rappahannock. At our interview at Warreiiton I urged that you should cross hj the fords above Fredericksburg, rather than to fall down to that place; and when I left you at Wan-enton it was understood that at least a considerable pai't of your army would cross by the fords, and I so represented to the President. It was this modification of the plan proposed by you that I telegraphed you had received his approval. When the attempt at Fredericksbm-g was abandoned, I advised you to re- new the attempt at some other point, either in whole or in jjai-t to turn the enemy's works, or to threaten their wings or commimications; in other words, to keep the enemy occupied till a favorable opportunity offered to strike a decisive blow. I particularly ad\'ised you to use your cavalry and light artillery upon his communications, and attemjit to cut off his supplies and engage him at an advantage. In all our interviews I have urged that our first object Avas, not Rich- mond, l)ut the defeat or scattering of Lee's army, which threatened Wash- ington and the Hue of the upper Potomac. I now i*ecur to these things simply to remind you of the general views which I have expressed, and which I still hold. The circumstances of the case, however, have somewhat changed since the early part of November. The chances of an extended line of opera- tions are now, on account of the advanced season, much less than then. But the chances are still in our favor to meet and defeat the enemy on the Rappahannock, if we can effect a crossing in a position where we can meet the enemy on favorable or even equal terms. I therefore stiU advise a movement against him. The character of that movement, however, must depend upon circumstances which may change any day and almost any hour. If the enemy should concentrate his forces at the place you have selected for a crossing, make it a feint and tiy another place. Again, the circumstances at the time may be such as to render an attempt to cross the entire army not advisable. In that case theory suggests that, while the enemy concentrates at that point, advantages can be gained by crossing smaller forces at other points to cut off his lines, destroy his communi- cation, and captvxre his rear-guards, outposts, etc. The gTeat object is to occupy the enemy, to prevent his making large detachments or distan* raids, and to injure him all you can with the least iujm-y to yom-self. It' this can be best accomplished by feints of a general crossing and detached real crossings, take that course ; if by an actual general crossing, with feints on other points, adopt that course. There seem to me to be many reasons why a crossing at some point shoidd be attempted. It wiU not do to keep your large army inactive. As you yourself admit, it devolves on you to decide upon the time, place, and character of the crossing which you may attempt. I can only advise that an attempt be made, and as early as possible. Very respectf ulh', yom- obedient servant, H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. [Indorsement] General Burnside : January 8, 1863. I understand General Halleck has sent you a letter of which this is a copy. I approve this letter. I deplore the want of concurrence 296 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN with you in opinion by your general officers, but I do not see the remedy. Be cautious, and do not understand that the government or country is driving you. I do not yet see how I could profit by changing the command of the Army of the Potomac; and if I did, I should not wish to do it by accepting the resignation of your commission. A. Lincoln. January 8, 1863. — Letter to G-eneral J. A. McClernand. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 8, 1863. Major-General McClernand. My dear Sir: Your interesting communication by the hand of Major Scates is received. I never did ask more, nor ever was will- ing to accept less, than for all the States, and the people thereof, to take and hold their places and their rights in the Union, nnder the Constitution of the United States. For this alone have I felt author- ized to struggle, and I seek neither more nor less now. Still, to use a coarse but an expressive figure, "broken eggs cannot be mended." I have issued the Emancipation Proclamation, and I cannot retract it. After the commencement of hostilities, I struggled nearly a year and a half to get along without touching the " institution " ; and when finally I conditionally determined to touch it, I gave a hundred days' fair notice of my purpose to all the States and people, within which time they could have turned it wholly aside by simply again becoming good citizens of the United States. They chose to disregard it, and I made the peremptory proclama- tion on what appeared to me to be a military necessity. And being made, it must stand. As to the States not included in it, of course they can have their rights in the Union as of old. Even the people of the States included, if they choose, need not to be hurt by it. Let them adopt systems of apprenticeship for the colored people, conforming substantially to the most approved plans of gradual emancipation ; and with the aid they can have from the General Gov- ernment they may be nearly as well off, in this respect, as if the present trouble had not occurred, and much better off than they can possibly be if the contest continues persistently. As to any dread of my having a '' purpose to enslave or extermi- nate the whites of the South," I can scarcely believe that such dread exists. It is too absurd. I believe you can be my personal witness that no man is less to be dreaded for undue severity in any case. If the friends you mention really wish to have peace upon the old terms, they should act at once. Every day makes the case more difficult. They can so act with entire safety, so far as I am concerned. I think you had better not make this letter public ; but yon may rely confidently on my standing by whatever I have said in it. Please write me if anything more comes to light. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 297 January 8, 18G3. — Telegrajvi to Governor Johnson. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 8, 1863. Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee: A despatch of yesterday from Nashville says the body of Captain Todd, of the Sixth Kentucky, was brought in to-day. Please tell me what was his Christian name, and whether he was in our service or that of the enemy. I shall also be glad to have your impression as to the effect the late operations about Murfreesborough will have on the prospects of Tennessee. j^^ Lincoln. January 9, 1863. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives : I transmit for the consideration of Congress, and with a view to the adoption of such measures in relation to the subject of it as maybe deemed expedient, a copy of a note of the 8tli instant, addressed to the Secretary of State by the minister resident of the Hanseatic republics accredited to this government, concerning an international agricultural exhibition to be held next summer in the city of Hamburg. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, January 9, 1863. January 10, 1863. — Telegram to General S. R. Curtis. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 10, 1863. Major-General Curtis, St. Louis, Missouri : I understand there is considerable trouble with the slaves in Mis- souri. Please do your best to keep peace on the question for two or three weeks, by which time we hope to do something here toward set- tling the question in Missouri. A. Lincoln. January 10, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 10, 1863. Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : Yours received. I presume the remains of Captain Todd are in the hands of his family and friends, and I wish to give no order on the subject; but I do wish your opinion of the effects of the late battles about Murfreesborough upon the prospects of Tennessee. A. Lincoln. January 12, 1863. — Letter to Governor Buckinghaivi. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 12, 1863. His Excellency the Governor of Connecticut : It is with feelings of sincere pleasure and gratitude that I ac- knowledge the receipt of your kind favor of the 2d of Jauuai*y, 298 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN conveying the resolutions of the legislature of Connecticut, ap- proved December 24, 1862. Be assured, my dear sir, that I am deeply gratified by this new proof of the loyal and patriotic devotion of the people of your State, and that I most gratefully appreciate their expressions toward myself, which are at once so generous and so kind. I have the honor to be, very truly, your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. January 12, 1863. — Instruction to the Judge- Advocate- General. War Department, Washington City, January 12, 1863. The Judge- Advocate-General is instructed to revise the proceed- ings of the court-martial in the case of Major-General Fitz-John Porter, and to report fully upon any legal questions that may have arisen in them, and upon the bearing of the testimony in reference to the charges and specifications exhibited against the accused, and upon which he was tried. Abrahaih Lincoln. January 14, 1863. — Letter to General J. A. Dix. {Private and Confidential.) Executi\t: Mansion, Washington, January 14, 1863. Major-General Dix. My dear Sir: The proclamation has been issued. We were not succeeding — at best were progressing too slowly — without it. Now that we have it, and bear all the disadvantages of it (as we do bear some in certain quarters), we must also take some benefit from it, if practicable. I therefore will thank you for your well-considered opinion whether Fortress Monroe and Yorktown, one or both, could not, in whole or in part, be garrisoned by colored troops, leaving the white forces now necessary at those places to be employed elsewhere. Yours very truly, j^^ Lincoln. January 14, 1863. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General S. R. Curtis. War Department, Washington, January 14, 1863. Major-General Curtis, St. Louis, Missouri : The President's attention having been called to the recent order of your provost-marshal in St. Louis, published in the newspapers, it is disapproved by him, and he directs : 1st. That the order be suspended. 2d. That all orders of provost-marshals in the State of Missouri respecting trade, commerce, or anything but the discipline and gov- LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 299 eminent of the troops in the United States service, be also suspended, and the provost-marshals be relieved from service in such capacity, excepting at St. Louis. Further instructions on this subject will be trausniitted by mail. You will please acknowledge the receipt of this telegram. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. January 14, 18G3. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives : The Secretary of State has sub- mitted to me a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 5th instant, which has been delivered to him, and which is in the following words : Resolved, That the Secretary of State be requested to oommimicate to this House, IE not, in his judgment, incompatible with the public interest, why our minister in New Granada has not presented his credentials to the actual government of that country ; also the reasons for which Senor Murillo is not recognized by the United States as the diplomatic represen- tative of the Mosquera government of that country ; also, what negotia- tions have been had, if any, with General Herran as the representative of Ospiua's government in New Gi-anada since it went into existence. On the twelfth day of December, 1846, a treaty of amity, peace, and concord was concluded between the United States of America and the republic of New Granada, which is still in force. On the seventh day of December, 1847, General Pedro Alcantara Herran, who had been duly accredited, was received here as the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of that republic. On the thirtieth day of August, 1849, Sehor Don Rafael Rivas was received by this government as charge d'affaires of the same republic. On the fifth day of December, 1851, a consular convention was concluded be- tween that republic and the United States, which treaty was signed on behalf of the republic of Granada by the same Seiior Rivas. This treaty is still in force. On the 27th of April, 1852, Seiior Don Victoriano de Diego Paredes was received as charge eVajfaires of the republic of New Granada. On the 20th of June, 1855, General Pedro Alcantara Herran was again received as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary duly accredited by the republic of New Granada, and he has ever since remained under the same credentials as the representative of that republic near the government of the United States. On the 10th of September, 1857, a claims convention was concluded between the United States and the republic of Granada. This convention is still in force, and has in part been executed. In May, 1858, the constitution of the republic was remodeled, and the nation assumed the political title of the " Granadian Confederacy.^ This fact was formally announced to this government, but without any change in their representative here. Previous to the 4th of March, 1801, a revo- lutionary war against the republic of New Granada, which had thus been recognized and treated with by the United States, broke out 300 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN in New Granada, assnming to set up a new government under the name of the *' United States of Colombia." This war has had various vicissitudes, sometimes favorable, sometimes adverse, to the revolu- tionary movements. The revolutionary organization has hitherto been simply a military provisionary power, and no definitive consti- tution of government has yet been established in New Granada in place of that organized by the constitution of 1858. The minister of the United States to the Granadian Confederacy who was ap- pointed on the twenty-ninth day of May, 1861, was directed, in view of the occupation of the capital by the revolutionary party and of the uncertainty of the civil war, not to present his credentials to either the government of the Granadian Confederacy or to the provisional military government, but to conduct his affairs informally, as is cus- tomary in such cases, and to report the progress of events and await the instructions of this government. The advices which have been received from him have not hitherto been sufficiently conclusive to determine me to recognize the revolutionary government. General Herrau being here, with full authority from the government of New Granada, which had been so long recognized by the United States, I have not received any representative from the revolutionary govern- ment, which has not yet been recognized, because such a proceeding would in itself be an act of recognition. Official communications have been had on various incidental and occasional questions with General Herran as the minister plenipo- tentiary and envoy extraordinary of the Granadian Confederacy, but in no other character. No definitive measure or proceeding has re- sulted from these communications, and a communication of them at present would not, in my judgment, be compatible with the public interest. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, January 14, 1863. January 17, 1863. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I have signed the joint resolution to provide for the immediate payment of the army and navy of the United States, passed by the House of Representa- tives on the l-ltli, and by the Senate on the 15th instant. The joint resolution is a simple authority, amounting, however, under existing circumstances to a direction, to the Secretary of the Trea- sury to make an additional issue of one hundred millions of dollars in United States notes, if so much money is needed, for the pay- ment of the army and. navy. My approval is given in order that every possible facility may be afforded for the prompt discharge of all arrears of pay due to our soldiers and our sailors. While giving this approval, however, I think it my duty to ex- press my sincere regret that it has been found necessary to author- ize so large an additional issue of United States notes, when this circulation and that of the suspended banks together have become already so redundant as to increase prices beyond real values, LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 301 thereby augmenting the cost of living, to the injury of labor, and the cost of supplies, to the injury of tlie whole country. It seems very plain that continued issues of United States notes, without any check to the issues of suspended banks, and without adequate pro- vision for the raising of money by loans, and for funding the issues, so as to keep them within diie limits, must soon produce dis- astrous conse/ dear Sir : Mr. Eastman says you said he would have to come to me about the guns, or something to that effect. Do you know any law giving me control of the case? If so, please say so in writing. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. February 28, 1863. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit, for the consideration of Congress, a despatch to the Secretary of State from the United States consul at Liverpool, and the address to which it refers, of the distressed operatives of Blackburn, in England, to the New York relief committee, and to the inhabitants of the United States generally. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, February 28, 1863. February 28, 1863. — Proclamation Convening the Senate. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas, objects of interest to the United States require that the Senate should be convened at twelve o'clock on the 4th of March next, to receive and act upon such communications as may be made to it on the part of the Executive : Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, have considered it to be my duty to issue this my proclamation declaring that an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate of the United States to convene for the transaction of business at the Cap- itol in the city of Washington, on the fourth day of March next, at twelve o'clock at noon on that day, of which all who shall at that LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 313 time ])e entitled to act as members of that body are hereby required to take notice. Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at Washinj^ton, the twenty-eighth day of February, in the [l. s.] year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- three, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. March 2, 1863.— Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 2, 1863. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. Ml/ dear Sir : After much reflection, and with a good deal of pain that it is adverse to your wish, I have concluded that it is not best to renominate Mr. Howard for collector of internal revenue at Hartford, Connecticut. Senator Dixon, residing at Hartford, and Mr. Loomis, representative of the district, join in recommending Edward Good- man for the place, and, so far, no one has presented a different man. I will thank you, therefore, to send me a nomination at once for Mr. Goodman. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 2, 1863. — Note to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 2, 1863. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 3Ij/ dear Sir : I see an act under which an assistant collector of the port of New York is to be appointed. Nobody has applied to me for it. Have you any applications or any particular wishes upon the subject"? Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 2, 1863.— Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- gress a copy of a preamble and joint resolution of the legislative assembly of the Territory of New Mexico, accepting the benefits of the act of Congress approved the 2d of July last, entitled '* An act donating public lands to the several States and Territories which may provide colleges for the benefit of agriculture and the me- chanic arts." Abraham Lincoln. Washington, March 2, 1863. 314 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN March 2, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 2, 1863. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. My dear Sir: Your note in relation to the coUectorship at Hart- ford is just received. It is a little difficult for me to read ; but, as I make it out, the matter is now temporarily suspended by agreement of yourself and Senator Dixon ; and with which, of course, I am satisfied. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 9, 1863.— Memorandum. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 9, 1863. To-day General William F. Smith calls and asks that his nomina- tion heretofore as a major-general, and his acceptance of it by be- ing assigned to and taking command as a major-general, may be taken and held to be a vacation of his office as a brigadier-general of volunteers, so that he can again take his place in the regular army. He would also like to have a leave of absence of as long as the service will admit. March 10, 1863. — Proclamation Granting Amnesty to Soldiers Absent without Leave. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. In pursuance of the twenty-sixth section of the act of Congress entitled ''An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes," approved on the third day of March, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, I, Abraham Lin- coln, President, and commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, do hereby order and command that all soldiers enlisted or drafted in the service of the United States now absent from their regiments without leave, shall forthwith return to their respective regiments. And I do hereby declare and proclaim that all soldiers now absent from their respective regiments without leave who shall on or before the first day of April, 1863, report themselves at any rendezvous designated by the general orders of the War Department, No. 58, hereunto annexed, may be restored to their respective regiments without punishment, except the forfeiture of pay and allowances during their absence; and all who do not return within the time above specified shall be arrested as deserters and punished as the law provides. And whereas, evil-disposed and disloyal persons at sundry places LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 315 have enticed and procured soldiers to desert and absent themselves from their regiments, thereby weakening the strength of the armies and prolonging the war, giving aid and comfort to the enemy, and cruelly exposing the gallant and faithful soldiers remaining in the ranks to increased hardships and danger: I do therefore call upon all patriotic and faithful citizens to oppose and resist the aforemen- tioned dangerous and treasonable crimes, and to aid in restoring to their regiments all soldiers al)sent without leave, and to assist in the execution of the act of Congress ''for enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes," and to support the proper authorities in the prosecution and punishment of offenders against said act, and in suppressing the insurrection and rebellion. In testimony whereof^ I have hereunto set my hand. Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of March, r 1 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and '• ■ '-' sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. March 17, 1863. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 17, 1863. Major-General Rosecrans. 3fy dear Sir : I have just received your telegram saying that the "Secretary of War telegraphed after the battle of Stone River: 'Anything you and your command want you can have,'" and then specifying several things you have requested and have not received. The promise of the Secretary, as you state it, is certainly pretty broad; nevertheless it accords with the feeling of the whole govern- ment here toward you. I know not a single enemy of yours here. Still the promise must have a reasonable construction. We know you will not purposely make an unreasonable request, nor persist in one after it shall appear to be such. Now, as to the matter of a paymaster, you desired one to be permanently attached to your army, and, as I understand, desired that Major Larned should be the man. This was denied you ; and you seem to think it was denied partly to disoblige you and partly to disoblige Major Larned — the latter, as you suspect, at the instance of Paj^master-General Andrews. On the contrary, the Secretary of War assures me the request was refused on no personal ground whatever, but because to grant it would derange, and substantially l>reak up, the whole pay-system as now organized, and so organized on very full consideration and sound reason, as believed. There is powerful temptation in money ; and it was and is believed that nothing can prevent the paymasters speculating upon the soldiers but a system by which each is to pay certain regiments so soon after he has notice that he is to pay those particular regiments that he has no time or opportu- nity to lay plans for speculating upon them. This precaution is all 316 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN lost if paymasters respectiv^ely are to serve permanently with the same regiments, and pay them over and over during the war. No special application of this has been intended to be made to Major Larned or to yonr army. And as to General Andrews, I have in another connection felt a little aggrieved at what seemed to me his implicit following the advice and suggestions of Major Larned — so ready are we all to cry out and ascribe motives when our own toes are pinched. Now as to your request that your commission should date from December, 1861. Of course you expected to gain something by this; but you should remember that precisely so much as you should gain by it others would lose by it. If the thing you sought had been ex- clusively ours, we would have given it cheerfully ; but, being the right of other men, we having a merely arbitrary power over it, the tak- ing it from them and giving it to you became a more delicate matter and more deserving of consideration. Truth to speak, I do not ap- preciate this matter of rank on paper as you oifieers do. The world will not forget that you fought the battle of Stone River, and it will never care a fig whether you rank General Grant on paper, or he so ranks you. As to the appointment of an aide contrary to your wishes, I knew nothing of it until I received your despatch ; and the Secretary of War tells me he has known nothing of it, but will trace it out. The examination of course w^ill extend to the case of R. S. Thomas, whom you say you wdsh appointed. And now be assured you wrong both yourself and us when you even suspect there is not the best disposition on the part of us all here to oblige you. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. March 18, 1863. — Letter to H. W. Da\t[s. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 18, 1863. Hon. Henry Winter Davis. 3Iy dear Sir : There will be in the new House of Representatives, as there were in the old, some members openly opposing the war, some supporting it unconditionally, and some supporting it with " buts," and '' ifs," and '* ands." They will divide on the organiza- tion of the House — on the election of a Speaker. As you ask my opinion, I give it, that the supporters of the war should send no man to Congress who will not pledge himself to go into caucus with the unconditional supporters of the war, and to abide the action of such caucus and vote for the person therein nominated for Speaker. Let the friends of the government first save the government, and then administer it to their own liking. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. P. S. This is not for publication, but to prevent misunderstand- ing of what I verbally said to you yesterday. A. L. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LUTCOLN 317 March 20, 1863.— Revocation of Sentence of T. W. Knox. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 20, 1863. Whom it May Concern : Whereas, it appears to my satisfaction that Thomas W. Knox, a correspondent of the New York Herald, 'has been by the sentence of a court-martial excluded from the mihtary department under command of Major-General (^rant, and also that General Thayer, president of the court-martial which rendered the sentence, and Manor-General McClernand, in command of a corpsof that department, and many other respectable persons are of opin- ion that Mr. Knox's ofleense was technical rather than wilfully wrong, and that the sentence should be revoked: now therefore said sen- tence is hereby so far revoked as to allow Mr. Knox to return to General Grant's headquarters, and to remain if General Grant shall give his express assent, and to again leave the department it General Grant shall refuse such assent. ^ Lincoln March23, 1863.— Letter to Governor Seymour. {Private and Confidential.) Executive Mansion, Washington, March 23, 1863. His Excellency Governor Seymour. Bear Sir : You and I are substantially strangers, and I \vrite this chiefly that we mav become better acquainted. I, for the time being, am at the head of "a nation which is in great peril, and you are at the head of the greatest State of that nation. As to maintaining the nation's life and integrity, I assume and believe there can no be a difference of purpose between you and me. If we should diffei as to the means it^is important that such difference should be as small as possible ; that it should not be enhanced by unjust suspicions on one^side or 'the other. In the performance of my duty the.cooper- ation of your State, as that of others, is needed-in fact, is indis- pensable^ This alone is a sufficient reason why I should wish to be St a good understanding with you. Please write me at. least as long a letter as this, of course saying in it just what you think tit. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. March 24, 1863.— Memorandotl I think this man, Charles Wiegand, called on me once or oftener but I really know nothing as to his capacity or merit. If a brigade was promised him by the War Department, I know "^thmg of t ; Tnd not knowing whether he is fit for any place, I could not with propriety recommend him for any. ^ Lincoln. March 24, 1863. 318 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN March 25, 1863.— Telegram to General S. A. Hurlbut. Washington, March 25, 1863. Major-General Hurlbut, Memphis: What news have you? What from Vicksburg? What from Yazoo Pass? What from Lake Providence? What generally? A. Lincoln. March 26, 1863. — Letter to Governor Johnson. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, March 26, 1863, Hon. Andrew Johnson. 3Iij dear Sir : I am told you have at least thought of raising a negro military force. In my opinion the country now needs no specific thing so much as some man of your ability and position to go to this work. When I speak of your position, I mean that of an eminent citizen of a slave State and himself a slaveholder. The colored population is the great available and yet unavailed of force for restoring the LTnion. The bare sight of fifty thousand armed and drilled black soldiers upon the bauks of the Mississippi would end the rebellion at once ; aud who doubts that we can present that sight if we but take hold in earnest? If you have been thinking of it, please do not dismiss the thought. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. March 27, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 27, 1863. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. Dear Sir: Governor Dickinson's business was rather with you than with me. His friend with him, Edward J. Westcott, has been trading at Newbern, and is hindered from renewing his business there. Please oblige the governor and Mr. Westcott so far as you consistently can. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 29, 1863. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, March 29, 1863. Major-General Banks. My dear Sir : Hon. Daniel Ullman, with a commission of a brig- adier-general and two or three hundred other gentlemen as officers, goes to your department and reports to you, for the pm-pose of LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 319 raising a colored brigade. To now avail ourselves of this element of force is very important, if not indispensable. I therefore will thank yon to help (leneral Ullniau forward with his undertaking as much and as rapidly as you can; and also to carry the general object beyond his particular organization if you find it practi- cable. The necessity of this is palpable if, as I understand, you are now unable to effect anything with your present force; and Avliieh force is soon to be greatly diminished by the exi)iration of terms of service, as well as by ordinary causes. I shall be very glad if you will take hold of the matter in earnest. You wnll re- ceive from the [War] Department a regular order upon this subject. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 30, 18G3. — Proclamation Appointing a National Fast -day. By the President of the United States of America: A Prodamation. "Whereas, the Senate of the United States, devoutly recognizing the supreme authority and just government of Almighty Grod in all the affairs of men and of nations, has by a resolution requested the President to designate and set apart a day for national prayer and humiliation: And whereas, it is the duty of nations as well as of men to own their dependence upon the overruling power of God ; to confess their sins and transgressions in humble sorrow, yet with assured hope that genuine repentance will lead to mercy and pardon ; and to rec- ognize the sublime truth, announced in the Holy Scriptures and proven by all history, that those nations only are blessed whose G.od is the Lord : And insomuch as we know that by his divine law nations, like in- dividuals, are subjected to punishments and chastisements in this world, may we not justly fear that the awful calamity of ci\'il war which now desolates the land may be but a punishment inflicted upon us for our presumptuous sins, to the needful end of our national reformation as a whole people! We have been the recipients of the choicest bounties of Heaven. We have been preserved, these many years, in peace and prosperity. We have grown in numbers, wealth, and power as no other nation has ever grown ; but we have forgot- ten God. We have forgotten the gracious hand which preserved us in peace, and multiplied and enriched and strengthened us ; and we have vainly imagined, in the deceitfuluess of our hearts, that all these blessings were produced by some superior wisdom and virtue of our own. Intoxicated with unbroken success, we have become too self-sufificient to feel the necessity of redeeming and preserving grace, too proud to pray to the God that made us : It behooves us, then, to humble ourselves before the offended Power, to confess our national sins, and to pray for clemency and forgiveness : 320 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Now, therefore, in compliance with the request, and fully concur- ring in the views, of the Senate, I do by this my proclamation des- ignate and set apart Thursday, the 30th day of April, 1863, as a day of national humiliation, fasting, and prayer. And I do hereby request all the people to abstain on that day from their ordinary secular pursuits, and to unite at their several places of public wor- ship and their respective homes in keeping the day holy to the Lord, and devoted to the humble discharge of the religious duties proper to that solemn occasion. All this being done in sincerity and truth, let us then rest humbly in the hope authorized by the divine teach- ings, that the united cry of the nation will be heard on high, and answered with blessings no less than the pardon of our national sins, and the restoration of our now divided and suffering country to its former happy condition of unity and peace. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this thirtieth day of r -, March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred '■ ' J and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abrahai^i LmcoLN. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. March 31, 1863. — License of Commercial Intercourse. Washington, Executive Mansion, March 31, 1863. Whereas, by the act of Congress approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An act to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," all commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of such States as should by proclamation be declared in insurrec- tion against the United States and the citizens of the rest of the United States, was prohibited so long as such conditions of hostility should continue, except as the same shall be licensed and permitted by the President to be conducted and carried on only in pursuance of rules and regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Trea- sury; and whereas it appears that a partial restoration of such intercourse between the inhabitants of sundry places and sections heretofore declared in insurrection in pursuance of said act, and the citizens of the rest of the United States, will favorably affect the public interests : Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the said act of Congress, do hereby license and permit such com- mercial intercourse between the citizens of loyal States and the in- habitants of such insurrectionary States in the cases and under the restrictions described and expressed in the regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, bearing even date with these presents, or in such other regulations as he may hereafter, with my approval, prescribe. Abraham Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 321 April 1, 1863. — Letter to General D. Hunter. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, April 1, 1863. Major-General Hunter. 3Iy dear Sir: I am glad to see the accounts of your colored force at Jacksonville, Florida. I see the enemy are driving at them fiercely, as is to bo expected. It is important to the enemy that such a force shall not take shape and grow and thrive in the South, and in pre- cisely the same proportion it is important to us that it shall. Hence the utmost caution and vigilance is necessary on our part. The enemy will make extra efforts to destroy them, and we should do the same to preserve and increase them. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. April 2, 1863. — Proclamation about Commercial Intercourse. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas, in pursuance of the act of Congress approved July 13, 1861, I did, by proclamation dated August 16, 1861, declare that the inhabitants of the States of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Missis- sippi, and Florida (except the inhabitants of that part of Virginia lying west of the Alleghany Mountains, and of such other parts of that State and the other States hereinbefore named as might main- tain a legal adiiesion to the Union and the Constitution, or might be from time to time occupied and controlled by forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents) were in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all commercial intercourse between the same, and the inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts of the United States, was unlawful, and would remain unlawful until such insurrection should cease or be suppressed; and that all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the license and permission of the President through the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same to or from said States, with the ex- ceptions aforesaid, would be forfeited to the United States : And whereas, experience has shown that the exceptions made in and by said proclamation embarrass the due enforcement of said act of July 13, 1861, and the proper rc^gnlation of the commercial in- tercourse authorized by said act with the loyal citizens of said States: Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of tlie United States, do hereby revoke the said exceptions, and declare that the Vol. XL— 2i. 322 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN inhabitants of the States of Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, Florida, and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties of Virginia designated as West Virginia, and except also the ports of New Orleans, Key West, Port Royal, and Beaufort in North Carolina) are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all commercial inter- course not licensed and conducted as provided in said act between the said States and the inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts of the United States, is unlawful, and wiU remain unlawful until such insur- rection shall cease or has been suppressed, and notice thereof has been duly given by proclamation; and all cotton, tobacco, and other pro- ducts, and all other goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said States, w4th the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, or proceeding to any of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, without the license and permission of the President through the Secretary of the Treasury, will, together with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same, be forfeited to the United States. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this second day of April, r -, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-three, '■^' ^"■' and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. April 11, 1863. — Indorsement on General J. Hooker's Plan OF Campaign against Richmond. My opinion is that just now, with the enemy directly ahead of us, there is no eligible route for us into Richmond ; and consequently a question of preference between the Rappahannock route and the James River route is a contest about nothing. Hence our prime object is the enemy's army in front of us, and is not with or about Richmond at all, unless it be incidental to the main object. What then ? The two armies are face to face, with a narrow river between them. Our communications are shorter and safer than are those of the enemy. For this reason we can, with equal powers, fret him more than he can us. I do not think that by raids toward Washington he can derange the Army of the Potomac at all. He has no distant operations which can call any of the Army of the Potomac away; we have such operations which may call hnn away, at least in part. While he remains intact I do not think we should take the disadvantage of attacking him in his intrenchments; but we should continually harass and menace him, so that he shall have no leisure nor safety in sending away detachments. If he weakens himself, then pitch into him. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 323 April 11, 1863. — Telegram from General Halleck to General J. Pope. War Department, Washington, April 11, 1863. Major-General Pope, Milwaukee, Wisconsin : Tlie President directs that under no circumstances will our troops cross the boundary line into British territory without his authority. H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. April 11, 1863. — Letter to General C. Schurz. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 11, 1863. Major-General Schurz. Mu dear Sir: I cannot comply with your request to take your di- vision away from the Army of the Potomac. General Hooker does not wish it done. I do not myself see a good reason why it should be done. The division will do itself and its officers more honor and the country more service where it is. Besides these general reasons, as I understand, the Army of the Potomac will move before these proposed changes could be conveniently made. I always wish to oblige you, but I cannot in this case. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. April 12, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, D. C, April 12, 1863. Major-General Hooker : Your letter by the hand of General Butterfield is received, and will be conformed to. The thing you dispense with would have been ready by midday to-morrow. ^ Lincoln April 13, 1863. — Letter to Governor Curtin. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 13, 1863. Hon. Andrew G. Curtin. il/y dear Sir : If, after the expiration of your present term as governor of Pennsylvania, I shall continue in office here, and you shall desire to go abroad, you can do so with one of the first-class missions. Yours truly, ^ Lincoln April 13, 1863.— Telegram to Admiral S. F. Du Pont. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 13, 1863. Admiral Du Pont: Hokl your position inside the bar near Charleston ; or, if you shall have left it, return to it, and hold it till further orders. Do not al- 324 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN low the enemy to erect new batteries or defenses on Morris Island. If he has begun it, drive him out. I do not herein order you to re- new the general attack. That is to depend on your own discretion or a further order. A. Lincoln. April 14, 1863. — Letter to J. E. Bouligny. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 14, 1863. Hon. J. E. Bouligny. My dear 8h' : I did not certainly know the object of your call yes- terday, but I had a strong impression in regard to it. When our national troubles began, you and I were not personally acquainted, but all I heard of you placed you in my estimation foremost among Louisianians as a friend of the Union. I intended to find you a posi- tion, and I did not conceal my inclination to do so. When, last autumn, you bore a letter from me to some parties at New Orleans, you seemed to expect, and consequently I did expect, you would return here as a member of one or the other branch of Congress. But you were not so returned, and this negative evidence, with other of like character, brings me to think that the Union people there for some reason prefer others for the places there. Add to this that the head of the department here in which finding a place for you was con- templated, is not satisfied for the appointment to be made, and it presents, as you see, an embarrassing case for me. My personal feeUngs for Mr. Bouligny are not less kind than heretofore. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. April 14, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, D. C, April 14, 18G3. 5.30 p. m. Major-General Hooker: Would like to have a letter from you as soon as convenient. A. Lincoln. April 14, 1863. — Letter to General D. Hunter and Admiral S. F. Du Pont. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 14, 1863. (General Hunter and Admiral Du Pont: This is intended to clear up an apparent inconsistency between ithe recent order to continue operations before Charleston and the former one to remove to another point in a certain contingency. No •censure upon you, or either of you, is intended. We still hope that by cordial and judicious cooperation you can take the batteries on Morris Island and Sulhvan's Island and Fort Sumter. But whether you can or not, we wish the demonstration kept up for a time, for LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 325 a collateral and very important object. We wish the attempt to be a real one, though not a desperate one, if it affords any considerable chance of suc(!e.ss. But if prosecuted as a demonstration only, this must not become public, or the whole effect will be lost. Once again before Charleston, do not leave till further orders from here. Of course this is not intended to force you to leave unduly exposed HUtou Head or other near points in your charge. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. P. S. Whoever receives this first, please send a copy to the other immediately. A. L, April 15, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, D. C, April 15, 18G3. 10.15 p. m. Major-General Hooker : It is now 10.15 p. M. An hour ago I received your letter of this morning, and a few moments later your despatch of this evening. The latter gives me considerable uneasiness. The rain and mud of course were to be calculated upon. General S. is not moving rap- idly enough to make the expedition come to anything. He has now been out three days, two of which were unusually fair weather, and all three without hindrance from the enemy, and yet he is not twentj'- five miles from where he started. To reach his point he still has sixty to go, another river (the Rapidan) to cross, and will be hindered by the enemy. By arithmetic, how many daj^s will it take him to do it ? I do not know that any better can be done, but I greatly fear it is another failure already. Write me often. I am very anxious. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. April 16, 1863. — Indorsement on Letter of T. Woodruff. In answer to the within question, " Shall we be sustained by you?" I have to answer that at the beginning of the administration I appointed one whom I understood to be an editor of the "Demo- crat" to be postmaster at St. Louis — the best office in my gift within Missouri. Soon after this our friends at St. Louis must needs break into factious, the *' Democrat" being in my opinion justly chargeable with a full share of the blame for it. I have stoutly tried to keep out of the quarrel, and so mean to do. As to contracts and jobs, I understand tliat by the law they are awarded to the best bidders; and if the government agents at St. Louis do differently, it would be good ground to prosecute them upon. A. Lincoln. April 16, 1863. 326 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN April 20, 1863.— Proclamation admitting West Virginia into THE Union. By THE President op the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas, by the act of Congress approved the thirty-first day of December last, the State of West Virginia was declared to be one of the United States of America, and was admitted into the Union on an eqnal footing with the original States in all respects whatever, upon the condition that certain changes should be duly made in the proposed constitution for that State : And whereas, proof of a compliance with that condition, as re- quired by the second section of the act aforesaid, has been submitted to me : Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby, in pursuance of the act of Congress aforesaid, declare and proclaim that the said act shall take effect and be in force from and after sixty days from the date hereof. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this twentieth day of r -, April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred L^' ^'J and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. April 20, 1863. — Letter to C. Truesdale. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 20, 1863. Calvin Truesdale, Esq., Postmaster, Rock Island, Illinois: Thomas J. Pickett, late agent of the quartermaster's department for the island of Rock Island, has been removed or suspended from that position on a charge of having sold timber and stones from the island for his private benefit. Mr. Pickett is an old acquaintance and friend of mine ; and I will thank you if you will set a day or days and place on and at which to take testimony on the point. Notify Mr. Pickett and one J, B. Danforth, Jr. (who as I understand makes the charges), to be present with their witnesses, take the testi- mony in writing offered by both parties, and report it in full to me. Please do this for me. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. April 21, 1863. — Letter to Secretaries Seward and Welles. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 21, 1863. Hon. Secretaries of State and of the Navy, Gentlemen : It is now a practical question for this government whether a government mail of a neutral power, found on board a LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 327 vessel captured by a l)ellig'erent power, on charge of breach of bh)ckade, shall be forwarded to its designated destinatiou without opening, or shall be placed in custody of the prize court, to be, in the discretion of the court, opened and searched for evidence to be used on the trial of the prize cases. I will thank each of you to furnish me: First. A list of all cases wherein such question has been passed upon either by a diplomatic or a judicial decision. Secondly. All cases wherein mails under such circumstances have been without special decision either forwarded unopened, or de- tained and opened in search of evidence. I wish these lists to embrace as well the reported cases in the books generally, as the cases pertaining to the present war in the United States. Thirdly. A statement and brief argument of what would be the dangers and evils of forwarding such mails unopened. Fourthly. A statement and brief argument of what would be the dangers and evils of detaining and opening such mails, and using the contents, if pertinent, as evidence. And, lastly, any general remarks that may occur to you or either of you. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln, April 23, 1863. — Letter to J. Segar. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 23, 1863. Hon. Joseph Segar. 3Iy dear Sir: My recollection is that Accomac and Northampton counties (eastern shore of Virginia) were not exempted from a proc- lamation issued some short while after the adjournment of Congress ; that some time after the issuing of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in September, and before the issuing of the final one on January 1, 1863, you called on me and requested that the '' eastern shore of Virginia" might be exempted from both the summer procla- mation and the final Emancipation Proclamation. I told you that the non-exemption of it from the former was a mere omission which would be corrected ; and that it should also be exempted from the final Emancipation Proclamation. The preliminary Emaneii)ation Proclamation does not define what is included or excluded ; but only gives notice that this will be done in the final one. Both yourself and General Dix at different times (General Dix in writing) called my attention to the fact that I had omitted to exempt the "eastern shore of Virginia" from the first proclama- tion ; and this was all that was needed to have me correct it. With- out being reminded by either him or yourself. I do not think I should have omitted to exempt it from the final Emancipation Proc- lamation ; but at all events you did not allow me to forget it. Supposing it was youi' duty to your constituents to attend to these matters, I think you acted with entire good faith and fidelit}^ to them. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 328 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN April 23, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrajsis. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 23, 1863. 10.10 A. m. Major-General Rosecrans, Murfreesboroug-h, Tennessee : Your despatch of the 21st received. I really cannot say that I have heard any complaint of you. I have heard complaint of a police corps at Nashville, but your name was not mentioned in con- nection with it, so far as I remember. It may be that by inference you are connected with it, but my attention has never been drawn to it in that light. • ^ Lincoln. April 27, 1863. — Letter to Assistant Secretary Watson. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 27, 1863. Hon. p. H. Watson, Assistant Secretary of War. My dear Sir: I have attentively considered the matter of the " Republican," in regard to which you called on me the other day; and the result is that I prefer to make no change unless it shall again give just cause of offense, in which case I will at once with- draw the patronage it is enjoying at my hands. I believe it will not offend again; and if not, it is better to let the past go by quietly. Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. April 27, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, D. C, April 27, 1863. 3.30 p. m. Major-General Hooker : How does it look now '? A. Lincoln. April 27, 1863. — Letter to General Lane. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 27, 1863. Hon. James H. Lane, Leavenworth, Kansas : The Governor of Kansas is here asking that Lieutenant-Colonel J. M. Williams, of a colored regiment there, shall be removed ; and also complaining of the military interference of General Blunt in the late election at Leavenworth. I do not know how, if at all, you are connected with these things ; but I wish your assistance to so shape things that the Governor of Kansas may be treated with the con- sideration that is extended to governors of other States. We are not forcing a regimental offteer upon any other governor against his protest. Cannot this matter be somehow adjusted ? A. Lincoln. [Indorsement.] Not sent because Governor Carney thought it best not be. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 329 April 28, 1863. — Indorsement on Letter of F. L. Capen. It seems to me Mr. Capen knows nothing- about the weather in advance. He told me three days ago that it would not rain again till the 30th of April or 1st of May. It is raining uow,^ and has been for ten hours. I cannot spare any more time to Mr. Capen. A. Lincoln. April 28, 1863. April 28, 1863.— Telegram to Governor Curtin. War Department, Washington, April 28, 1863. Hon, a. G. Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: I do not think the people of Pennsylvania should be uneasy about an invasion. Doubtless a small force of the enemy is flourishing about in the northern part of Virginia, on the " skewiioru" principle, on purpose to divert us in another quarter. I believe it is nothing more. We think we have adequate force close after them. A. Lincoln. April 29, 1863. — Letter from Secretary Stanton to General BURNSIDE. War Department, Washington City, April 29, 1863. Major-General Ambrose E. Burnside, Commanding Department of the Ohio, Cincinnati: A telegram from Louisvdlle, published in the " National Intelli- gencer" of this morning, contains the following paragraph : Dm'ing the sale of a lot of negroes at the court-house this morning, the provost-marshal notified the owners that four were free under the Presi- dent's proclamation. They nevertheless went on, Avhen the matter of the four contrabands was turned over to the district judge, who will take measures to annul the sale. The President directs me to say to you that he is much surprised to find that persons who are free under his proclamation have been suffered to be sold under any pretense whatever; and also desires me to remind you of the terms of the acts of Congress by which the fugitive negroes of rebel owners taking refuge within our lines are dei'lared to be "captives of war." He desires you to take immedi- ate measures to prevent any persons who, by act of Congress, are en- titled to protection from the government as "captives of war "from being returned to bondage or suffering any wrong prohibited by that act. A detailed despatch, with instructions, will be sent to you to-day. Your vigilant and earnest attention to this subject within your department is specially requested. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 330 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN April 30, 1863. — Indorsement in the Case of Captain Schaadt. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 30, 1863. Such facts are brought to my notice as induce me to withhold my approval of the dismissal of Captain Schaadt, named within. He is satisfactorily proved to me to be of good character for candor and manliness, and generally; and that he was most active and efficient in Pennsylvania last autumn in raising troops for the Union. All this should not retain him in the service if, since then, he has given himself in any way to the injury of the service. How this is I must understand better than I now do before I can approve his dismissal. What has he done? What has he said ? If, as is claimed for him, he is guilty of nothing but the withholding his vote or sanction from a certain resolution or resolutions, I think his dismissal is wrong, even though I might think the resolution itself right and very proper to be adopted by such as choose. Captain Schaadt will report himself to General Hunter and deliver him this paper for his further action. j^ Lincoln. April 30, 1863. — Letter to General D. Hunter. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, April 30, 1863. Major-General Hunter. Mij dear Sir: This morning I was presented an order of yours, dis- missing from the service, subject to my approval, a Captain Schaadt, of one of the Pennsylvania regiments. Disloyalty, without any state- ment of the evidence supposed to have proved it, is assigned as the cause of the dismissal ; and he represents at home — as I am told — that the sole evidence was his refusal to sanction a resolution (in- dorsing the Emancipation Proclamation, I believe); and our friends assure me that this statement is doing the Union cause great harm in his neighborhood and county, especially as he is a man of char- acter, did good service in raising troops for us last fall, and still declares for the Union and his wish to fight for it. On this state of the case I wrote a special indorsement on the order, which I suppose he wiU present to you; and I write this merely to assure you that no censure is intended upon you ; but that it is hoped that you will inquire into the case more minutely, and that if there be no evidence but his refusal to sanction the resolution, you will restore him. Yours as ever, ^_ Lincoln. May 1, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. Executive Mansion, May 1, 1863. Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: The whole disposable force at Baltimore and elsewhere in reach have already been sent after the enemy which alarms you. The LETTERS AND STATE TAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 331 worst thing the enemy could do for himself would be to weaken himself before Hooker, and therefore it is safe to believe he is not doin t- A. Lincoln. May 22, 1863.— Telegram to General S. A. Hurlbut. Washington, May 22, 1863. Major-General Hurlbut, Memphis, Tennessee: We have news here in the Richmond newspapers of 20th and 21st, including a despatch from General Joe Johnston himself, that on the 15th or 16th — a little confusion as to the day — Grant beat Pemberton and [ W. W.] Loring near Edwards Station, at the end of a nine hours' fight, driving Pemberton over the Big Black and catting Loring off and driving him south to Crystal Springs, twen- ty-five miles below Jackson. Joe Johnston telegraphed all this, except about Loring, from his camp between Browus\ille and Lex- ington, on the 18th. Another despatch indicates that Grant was moving against Johnston on the 18th. . j May 27, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. War Department, May 27, 1863. Major-General Rosecr.\ns, Murfreesborough, Tennessee : Have you anything from Grant? Where is FoiTCst's head- quarters ? . ,- ^ A. Lincoln. 340 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN May 27, 1863. — Letter to General Schofield. Executive Mansion, Washington, May 27, 1863. General John M. Schofield. My dear Sir : Having relieved General Curtis and assigned you to the eommand of the Department of the Missouri, I think it may be of some advantage for me to state to you why I did it. I did not relieve General Curtis because of any full conviction that he had done wrong by commission or omission. I did it because of a conviction in my mind that the Union men of Missouri, constituting, when united, a vast majority of the whole people, have entered into a pestilent fac- tional quarrel among themselves — General Curtis, perhaps not of choice, being the head of one faction and Governor Gamble that of the other. After months of labor to reconcile the difficulty, it seemed to grow worse and worse, until I felt it my duty to break it up somehow; and as I could not remove Governor Gamble, I had to remove General Curtis. Now that you are in the position, I wish you to undo nothing merely because General Curtis or Governor Gamble did it, but to exercise your own judgment, and do right for the public interest. Let your military measures be strong enough to repel the invader and keep the peace, and not so strong as to un- necessarily harass and persecute the people. It is a difficult role, and so much greater will be the honor if you perform it well. If both factions, or neither, shall abuse you, you will probably be about right. Beware of being assailed by one and praised by the other. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. May 27, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, May 27, 1863. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. My dear Sir: The office of second comptroller is vacant by the death of Mr. Cutts. Of course I wish your concurrence whenever I shall fill it. I believe the only applicants — whose papers are now before me — are Augustin Chester, late of Connecticut, now of Chicago, and John M. Broadhead, of this city. I herewith inclose their papers to you. I believe they are both competent and worthy gentlemen. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. May 27, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, May 27, 1863. 11 p. m. Major-General Hooker: Have you Richmond papers of this morning? If so, what news? A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE TAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 341 May 28, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. Washington, May 28, 1863. Major-General Rosecrans, Murfreesborough, Tennessee : I would not push you to any rashness, but I am very anxious that you do your utmost, short of rashness, to keep Bragg from gettiug off to help Johnston against Grant. » Lincoln May 28, 1863.— Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. Executive Mansion, Washington, May 28, 1863. Major-General Rosecrans. Ml/ dear Sir: I have but a slight personal acquaintance with Colonel Jaqiiess, though I know him very well by character. Such a mission as he proposes I think promises good, if it were free from diiiiculties, which I fear it cannot be. First. He cannot go with any government authority whatever. This is absolute and imperative. Secondly. If he goes without authority, he takes a great deal of personal risk — he may be condemned and executed as a npy. If, for any reason, you think fit to give Colonel Jaquess a furlough, and any authority from me for that object is necessary, you hereby have it for any length of time you see fit. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. May 29, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. Washington, May 29, 1863. Governor Andrew Johnson, Louisville, Kentucky: General Burnside has been frequently informed lately that the division under General Getty cannot be spared. I am sorry to have to tell you this, but it is true, and cannot be helped. A. Lincoln. May 29, 1863. — Letter to J. K. Dubois and Others. Executive Mansion, Washington, May 29, 1863. Messrs. Jesse K. Dubois, O. M. Hatch, John Williams, Jacob Bunn, John Bunn, George R. Weber, Willloi Yates, S. M. Cullom, Charles W. Matheny, William F. Elkin, Francis Springer, B. A. Watson, Eliphalet Hawley, and Jajies Campbell. Gfutlemen : Agree among yourselves upon any two of your own number ^ — one of whom to be quartermaster and the other to be com- missary — to serve at Springfield, Illinois, and send me their names, and I will appoint them. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 342 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN May 29, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. Washington, May 29, 1863. Major-General Burnside, Cincinnati, Ohio: Your despatch of to-day received. When I shall wish to super- sede you I will let you know. AH the cabinet regretted the neces- sity of arresting, for instance, Vallandigham, some perhaps doubting there was a real necessity for it ; but, being done, all were for seeing you through with it. A. Lincoln. May [30?], 1863. — Reply to Members op the Presbyterian General Assembly. It has been my happiness to receive testimonies of a similar nature from, I believe, all denominations of Christians. They are all loyal, but perhaps not in the same degree or in the same num- bers ; but I think they all claim to be loyal. This to me is most gratifying, because from the beginning I saw that the issue of our great struggle depended on the divine interposition and favor. If we had that, all would be well. The proportions of this rebellion were not for a long time understood. I saw that it involved the greatest difficulties, and would call forth all the powers of the whole country. The end is not yet. The point made in your paper is well taken as to " the govern- ment " and " the administration " in whose hands are these interests. I fully appreciate its correctness and justice. In my administra- tion I may have committed some errors. It would be indeed re- markable if I had not. I have acted according to my best judgment in every case. The views expressed by the committee accord with my own ; and on this principle ''the government" is to be supported though ''the administration" may not in every case wisely act. As a pilot I have used my best exertions to keep afloat our Ship of State, and shall be glad to resign my trust at the appointed time to another pilot more skilful and successful than I may prove. In every case and at all hazards the government must be perpetuated. Relying, as I do, upon the Almighty Power, and encouraged as I am by these resolutions which you have just read, with the support which I receive from Christian men, I shall not hesitate to use all the means at my control to secure the termination of this rebellion, and will hope for success. I sincerely thank you for this interview, this pleasant mode of presentation, and the General Assembly for their patriotic support in these resolutions. June 1, 1863. — Letter to Charles Sumner. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 1, 1863. Hon. Charles Sumner. My dear Sir : In relation to the matter spoken of Saturday morn- ing and this morning — to wit, the raising of colored troops in the LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 343 North, with the understanding; that they shall be commanded by General Fremont — I have to say : That while it is very objectionable, as a general rule, to have troops raised on any special terms, such as to serve only under a particular commander or only at a particular place or places, yet I would forego the objection iu this case upon a fair prospect that a large force of this sort could thereby be the more rapidly raised. That being raised, say to the number of ten thousand, I wouL' very cheerfully send them to the field under General Fremont, as- signing him a department, made or to be made, with such white force also as I might be able to put in. That with the best wishes towai'd General Fremont, I cannot now give him a department, because I have not spare troops to furnish a new department, and I have not, as I think, justifiable ground to relieve the present commander of any old one. In the raising of the colored troops, the same consent of governors would have to l)e obtained as in case of Avhite troops, and the government would make the same provision for them during organization as for white troops. It would not be a point with me whether General Fremont should take charge of the organization, or take charge of the force only after the organization. If you think fit to communicate this to General Fremont, you are at liberty to do so. Yours truly, ^_ Lincoln. June 2, 1863. — Telegram to General IT. S. Grant. War Department, June 2, 18G3. Major-General Grant, Vicksburg, via Memphis : Are you in communication with General Banks? Is he coming toward you or going farther off? Is there or has there been any- thing to hinder his coming directly to you by water from Alexandria? A. Lincoln. June 4, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 4, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir : I have received additional despatches, which, with former ones, induce me to believe we should revoke or suspend the order suspending the Chicago '' Times"; and if you concur in opinion, please have it done. Yours truh^, a t tvpot>j June 5, 1863. — Telegra^m to General J. Hooker. Washington, June 5, 1863. 4 p. m. Major-General Hooker: Yours of to-day was received an hour ago. So much of professional military skill is requisite to answer it, that I have turned the task 344 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN over to General Halleck. He promises to perform it with his utmost care. I have but one idea which I think worth suggesting to you, and that is, in case you find Lee coming to the north of the Rappa- hannock, I would by no means cross to the south of it. If he should leave a rear force at Fredericksburg, tempting you to fall upon it, it would fight in intrenchments and have you at disadvantage, and so, man for man, worst you at that point, while his main force would in some way be getting an advantage of you northward. In one word, I would not take any risk of being entangled upon the river, like an ox jumped half over a fence and liable to be torn by dogs front and rear without a fair chance to gore one way or kick the other. If Lee would come to my side of the river, I would keep on the same side, and fight him or act on the defense, according as might be my estimate of his strength relatively to my own. But these are mere suggestions which I desire to be controlled by the judgment of yourself and General Halleck. A. Lincoln. June 6, 1863. — Anonymous Note to the Washington ** Chronicle." Editor of the *' Chronicle " : In your issue of this morning you have an article on the Chicago '' Times." Being an Illinoisian, I happen to know that much of the article is incorrect. As I remember, upon the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the Democratic newspapers at Chicago went over to the opposition. Thereupon the " Times " was established by the friends of the administration. Senator Douglas being the most prominent in establishing it. A man by the name of James Sheahan, from this city, was its first and only editor nearly if not quite all the remainder of the senator's life. On the political separation between Mr. Buchanan and Senator Douglas, the " Times " adhered to the senator, and was the ablest paper in his support through his sena- torial contest with Mr. Lincoln. Since the last presidential elec- tion certainly, perhaps since Senator Douglas's death, Mr. Sheahan left the "Times"; the ''Times" since then has been identical with the " Times" before then in little more than the name. The writer hereof is not well enough posted to say but that your article in other respects is correct. June 8, 1863. — Letter to General S. U. Curtis. Executive Mansion, "Washington, June 8, 1863. Major-General Curtis. 3Iij dear Sir: I have scarcely supposed it possible that you would entirely understand my feelings and motives in making the late change of commander for the department of the Missouri. I in- close you a copy of a letter which I recently addressed to General Sehofield, and which will explain the matter in part. It became LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 345 almost a matter of personal self-defense to somehow break up the state of things in Missouri. I did not mean to east any censure \\\)(m you, nor to indorse any of the charges made against you by others. "with me the presumption is still in your favor: that you are hon- est, capable, faithful, and patriotic. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. June 10, 1863. — Telegraivi to General J. Hooker. Washington, June 10, 1863. 6.40 p. m. Major-General Hooker: Your long despatch of to-day is just received. If left to me, I would not go south of the Rappahannock upon Lee's moving north of it. If you had Richmond invested to-day, you would not he able to take it in twenty days; meanwhile your communications, and with them your army, would be ruined. I think Lee's army, and not Richmond, is your true objective point. If he comes toward the upper Potomac, follow on his flank and on his inside track, shortening your lines while he lengthens his. Fight him, too, when opportunity offers. If he stays where he is, fret him and fret him. A. Lincoln. June 12, 1863. — Letter to Erastus Corning and Others. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 12, 1863. Hon. Erastus Corning and Others. Gentlemen : Y^'our letter of May 19, inclosing the resolutions of a public meeting held at All^any, New York, on the 16th of the same moutli, was received several days ago. The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolval:)le into two prop- ositions — first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of the Union, to secure peace through victory, and to support the ad- ministration in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion; and, secondly, a declaration of censure upon the ad- ministration for supposed unconstitutional action, such as the mak- ing of military arrests. And from the two propositions a third is deduced, which is that the gentlemen composing the meeting are resolved on doing their part to maintain our common government and country, despite the folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of any administration. This position is eminently patriotic, and as such I thank tlie meeting, and congratulate the nation for it. My own purpose is the same; so that the meeting and myself have a common object, and can hav^e no difference, except in the choice of means or measures for effecting that object. And here I ought to close this pa])er, and would close it, if there were no apprehension that more injurious consequences than any merely personal to myself might follow the censures systematically cast upon me for doing what, in my view of duty, I could not forbear. The resolutions promise to support me in every constitutional and 346 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN lawful measure to suppress the rebellion; and I have not knowingly employed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But the meet- ing, by their resolutions, assert and argue that certain military arrests, and proceedings following them, for which I am ultimately responsible, are unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolu- tions quote from the Constitution the definition of treason, and also the limiting safeguards and guarantees therein provided for the citi- zen on trials for treason, and on his being held to answer for capital or otherwise infamoas crimes, and in criminal prosecutions his right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury. They proceed to resolve "that these safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more especially for his protection in times of civil commotion." And, apparently to demon- strate the proposition, the resolutions proceed: " They were secured substantially to the English people after years of protracted civil war, and were adopted into our Constitution at the close of the revolution." Would not the demonstration have been better if it could have been truly said that these safeguards had been adopted and applied during the civil wars and during our revolution, instead of after the one and at the close of the other ? I, too, am devotedly for them after civil war, and before civil war, and at all times, " ex- cept when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require" their suspension. The resolutions proceed to tell us that these safeguards " have stood the test of seventy-six years of trial under our republican system, under circumstances which show that while they constitute the foundation of all free government, they are the elements of the enduring stability of the republic." No one denies that they have so stood the test up to the beginning of the present rebellion, if we except a certain occurrence at New Orleans hereafter to be mentioned ; nor does any one question that they will stand the same test much longer after the rebellion closes. But these provisions of the Constitution have no application to the case we have in hand, because the arrests complained of were not made for trea- son — that is, not for the treason defined in the Constitution, and upon the conviction of which the punishment is death — nor yet were they made to hold persons to answer for any capital or other- wise infamous crimes; nor were the proceedings following, in any constitutional or legal sense, ''criminal prosecutions." The arrests were made on totally different grounds, and the proceedings follow- ing accorded with the grounds of the arrests. Let us consider the real case with which we are dealing, and apply to it the parts of the Constitution plainly made for such cases. Prior to my installation here it had been inculcated that any State had a lawful right to secede from the national Union, and that it would be expedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the doctrine should fail to elect a president to their own liking. I was elected contrary to their liking; and, accordingly, so far as it was legally possible" they had taken seven States out of the Union, had seized many of the United States forts, and had fired upon the United States flag,^ all lief ore I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had done anv official act whatever. The rebellion thus begun soon ran LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 347 into the present civil war ; and, in certain respects, it began on very- unequal terms between the parties. The insurgents had been pre- paring for it more than thirty years, while tlie government had taken no steps to resist them. The former had carefully considered all the means which could be turned to their account. It undoubtedly was a well-pondered reliance with them that in their own unrestricted effort to destroy Union, Constitution and law, all together, the government would, in great degree, be restrained by the same Con- stitution and law from arresting their progress. Their sympathizers pervaded all departments of the government and nearly all com- munities of the people. From this material, under cover of ''liberty of speech," "liberty of the press," and "habeas coiyus," they hoped to keep on foot amongst us a most efficient corps of spies, in- formers, suppliers, and aiders and abettors of their cause in a thousand ways. They knew that in times such as they were inau- gurating, by the Constitution itself the ''habeas corpus^' might be suspended ; but they also knew they had friends who would make a question as to wlio was to suspend it ; meanwhile their spies and others might remain at large to help on their cause. Or if, as has happened, the Executive should suspend the writ without ruinous waste of time, instances of arresting innocent persons might occur, as are alwa.ys likely to occur in such cases; and then a clamor could be raised in regard to this, which might be at least of some service to the insurgent cause. It needed no very keen perception to dis- cover this part of the enemy's program, so soon as by open hostil- ities their machinery was fairly put in motion. Yet, thoroughly imbued with a reverence for the guaranteed rights of individuals, I was slow to adopt the strong measures which by degrees I have been forced to regard as being within the exceptions of the Consti- tution, and as indispensable to the public safety. Nothing is better known to history than that courts of justice are utterly incompetent to such cases. Civil courts are organized chiefly for trials of in- dividuals, or, at most, a few individuals acting in concert — and this in quiet times, and on charges of crimes well defined in the law. Even in times of peace bands of horse-thieves and robbers frequently grow too numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice. But what comparison, in numl)ers, have such bands ever borne to the insurgent sympathizers even in many of the loyal States ? Again, a jury too frequently has at least one member more ready to hang the panel than to hang the traitor. And yet again, he who dis- suades one man from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the Union cause as much as he who kills a Union soldier in battle. Yet this dissuasion or inducement may be so conducted as to be no defined crime of which any civil court would take coguizance. Ours is a case of rebellion — so called by the resolutions before me — in fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion; and the provision of the Constitution that " the ]U'ivilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the ])ublic safety may require it," is the provision which specially applies to our present case. This pro- vision plainly attests the understanding of those who made the 348 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Constitution that ordinary courts of justice are inadequate to ''cases of rebellion" — attests their purpose that, in such cases, men may be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordinary rules, would discharge. Habeas corpus does not discharge men who are proved to be guilty of defined crime ; and its suspension is allowed by the Constitution on purpose that men may be arrested and held who cannot be proved to be guilty of defined crime, "when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it." This is precisely our present case — a case of rebellion wherein the public safety does require the suspension. Indeed, arrests by process of courts and arrests in cases of rebellion do not proceed altogether upon the same basis. The former is directed at the small percentage of ordinary and continuous perpetration of crime, while the latter is directed at sudden and extensive uprisings against the government, which, at most, will succeed or fail in no great length of time. In the latter case arrests are made not so much for what has been done, as for what probably would be done. The latter is more for the preventive and less for the vindictive than the former. In such cases the purposes of men are much more easily understood than in cases of ordinary crime. The man who stands by and says nothing when the peril of his government is discussed, cannot be misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enemy ; much more if he talks ambiguously — talks for his country with " buts," and ** ifs " and '' ands." Of how little value the constitutional provision I have quoted will be rendered if ar- rests shall never be made until defined crimes shall have been com- mitted, may be illustrated by a few notable examples: General John C. Breckinridge, Greneral Robert E. Lee, General Joseph E. Johnston, General John B. Magruder, General William B. Preston, General Simon B. Buckner, and Commodore Franklin Buchanan, now occupying the very highest places in the rebel war service, were all within the power of the government since the rebellion be- gan, and were nearly as well known to be traitors then as now. Unquestionably if we had seized and held them, the insurgent cause would be much weaker. But no one of them had then committed any crime defined in the law. Every one of them, if arrested, would have been discharged on habeas corpus were the writ allowed to op- erate. In view of these and similar cases, I think the time not unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few arrests rather than too many. By the third resolution the meeting indicate their opinion that military arrests may be constitutional in localities where rebellion actually exists, but that such arrests are unconstitutional in localities where rebellion or insurrection does not actually exist. They insist that such arrests shall not be made "outside of the lines of necessary military occupation and the scenes of insurrection." Inasmuch, however, as the Constitution itself makes no such distinction, I am unable to believe that there is any such constitutional distinction. I concede that the class of arrests complained of can be constitutional only when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require them ; and I insist that in such cases they are constitutional LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 349 wherever the public safety does require theui, as well in places to which they may |)revent the rebellion extendiiij^, as in those where it may be already prevailing; as well where they may restrain mis- chievous interference witli the raising and supplying of armies to suppress the rebellion, as where the rebellion may actually be ; as well where they may restrain the enticing men out of the army, as where they would prevent mutiny in the army ; equally (constitu- tional at all places where they will conduce to the puljlic safety, as against the dangers of rebellion or invasion. Take the particular case mentioned l)y the meeting. It is asserted in substance, that Mr.Val- landigham was, by a military commander, seized and tried "for no other reason than words addressed to a public meeting in criticism of the course of the admiuistration, and in condemnation of the military orders of the general.*' Now, if there be no mistake about this, if this assertion is the truth and the whole truth, if there was no other reason for the arrest, then I concede that the arrest was wrong. But the arrest, as I understand, was made for a ver}' dif- ferent reason. Mr.Vallandigham avows his hostility to the war on the part of the Union ; and his arrest was made because he was la- boring, with some effect, to prevent the raising of troops, to encour- age desertions from the army, and to leave the rebellion without an adequate military foi-ce to suppress it. He was not arrested be- cause he was damaging the political prospects of the administration or the personal interests of the commanding general, but because he was damaging the army, upon the existence and vigor of which the life of the nation depends. He was warring upon the military, and this gave the military constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands upon him. If Mr.Vallandigham was not damaging the military power of the country, then his arrest was made on mistake of fact, which I would be glad to correct on reasonably satisfactory evidence. I understand the meeting whose resolutions I am considering to be in favor of suppressing the rebellion by military force — by ar- mies. Long experience has shown that armies cannot be maintained unless desertion shall be punished by the severe penalty of death. The case requires, and the law and the Constitution sanction, this punishment. Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desert ■? This is none the less injurious wdien effected by getting a father, or brother, or friend into a public meeting, and there working upon his feelings till he is persuaded to write the soldier boy that he is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked administration of a contemptible government, too weak to arrest and punish him if he shall desert. I think that, in such a case, to silence the agi- tator and save the boy is not only constitutional, but withal a great mercy. If I be wrong on this question of constitutional power, my error lies in believing that certain proceedings are constitutional when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety requires them, which woidd not be constitutional when, in absence of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does not recjuire tliem : in other words, that the Constitution is not in its application in all respects the 350 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN same in cases of rebellion or invasion involving the pnblic safety, as it is in times of profound peace and public security. The Constitu- tion itself makes the distinction, and I can no more be persuaded that the government can constitutionally take no strong measures in time of rebellion, because it can be shown that the same could not be lawfully taken in time of peace, than I can be persuaded that a particular drug is not good medicine for a sick man because it can be shown to not be good food for a well one. Nor am I able to appreciate the danger apprehended by the meeting, that the Ameri- can people will by means of military arrests during the rebellion lose the right of public discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the law of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus through- out the indefinite peaceful future which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able to believe that a man could contract so strong an appetite for emetics during temporary illness as to persist in feeding upon them during the remainder of his healthful life. In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration which you request of me, I cannot overlook the fact that the meeting speak as '^ Democrats." Nor can I, with full respect for their known intelli- gence, and the fairly presumed deliberation with which they pre- pared their resolutions, be permitted to suppose that this occurred by accident, or in any way other than that they preferred to desig- nate themselves '' Democrats" rather than " American citizens." In this time of national peril I would have preferred to meet you upon a level one step higher than any party platform, because I am sure that from such more elevated position we could do better battle for the country we all love than we possibly can from those lower ones where, from the force of habit, the prejudices of the past, and selfish hopes of the future, we are sure to expend much of our ingenuity and strength in finding fault with and aiming blows at each other. But since you have denied me this, I will yet be thankful for the country's sake that not all Democrats have done so. He on whose discretionary judgment Mr. Vallandigham was arrested and tried is a Democrat, having no old party affinity with me, and the judge who rejected the constitutional view expressed in these resolutions, by refusing to discharge Mr. Vallandigham on habeas corpus, is a Democrat of better days than these, having received his judicial mantle at the hands of President Jackson. And still more, of all those Democrats who are nobly exposing their lives and shedding their blood on the battle-field, I have learned that many approve the course taken with Mr. Vallandigham, while I have not heard of a single one condemning it. I cannot assert that there are none such. And the name of President Jackson recalls an instance of pertinent history. After the battle of New Orleans, and while the fact that the treaty of peace had been concluded was well known in the city, but before official knowledge of it had arrived. General Jackson still maintained martial or military law. Now that it could be said the war was over, the clamor against martial law, which had existed from the first, grew more furious. Among other things, a Mr. Louaillier published a denunciatory newspaper article. General Jackson airested him. A lawyer by the name of Morel procured LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 351 the Uuited States Jiu%e Hall to order a writ of haheas corpus to release Mr. Louaillier. General Jackson arrested both the lawyer and the judge. A Mr. Hollander ventured to say of some part of the matter that " it was a dirty trick." General Jackson arrested him. When tlie officer undertook to serve the writ of haheas corpus, General Jackson took it from him, and sent him away with a copy. Holding the judge in custody a few days, the general sent him beyond the limits of his encampment, and set him at liberty with an order to remain till the ratification of peace should be regularly announced, or until the British should have left the southern coast. A day or two more elapsed, the ratification of the treaty of peace was regularly announced, and the judge and others were fully lib- erated. A few days more, and the jiulge called General Jackson into court and fined him $1000 for having arrested him and the others named. The general paid the fine, and then the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Congress refunded principal aud interest. The late Senator Douglas, then in the House of Rep- resentatives, took a leading part in the debates in which the consti- tutional question was much discussed. I am not prepared to say whom the journals would show to have voted for the measure. It may be remarked — first, that we had the same Constitution then as now; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we have a case of rebellion ; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and of the press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence, and the haheas corpus, suffered no detriment whatever by that conduct of General Jackson, or its subsequent approval by the American Congress. And yet, let me say that, in my own discretion, I do not know whether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. Wliile I cannot shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a general rule, the commander in the field is the better judge of the necessity in any particular case. Of course I must practise a general directory and revisory power in the matter. One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting that arbitrary arrests will have the effect to divide and distract those who should be united in suppressing the rebellion, and I am specifi- cally called on to discharge Mr. Vallandigham. I regard this as, at least, a fair appeal to me on the expediency of exercising a constitu- tional power which I think exists. In response to such appeal I have to say, it gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Vallandigham had been arrested (that is, I was pained that there should have seemed to be a necessity for arresting him), and that it will afford me great pleasure to discharge him so soon as I can by any means believe the public safety will not suffer by it. I further say that, as the war progresses, it appears to me, opin- ion and action, which were in great confusion at first, take shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the necessity' for strong dealing with them gradually decreases. I have every reason to desire that it should cease altogether, and far from the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the government in every 352 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion. Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem to be required by the public safety. A. Lincoln. June 14, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, June 14, 1863. 1.14 p. m. Major-GtEneral Hooker : Do you consider it possible that 15,000 of Ewell's men can now be at Winchester! A. Lincoln. June 14, 1863.— Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, June 14, 1863. 5.50 p. m. Major-General Hooker: So far as we can make out here, the enemy have Milroy sur- rounded at Winchester, and Tyler at Martinsburg, If they could hold out a few days, could you help them "? If the head of Lee's army is at Martinsburg and the tail of it on the plank road between Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, the animal must be very slim somewhere. Could you not break him 1 a. Lincoln. June 14, 1863. — Telegrajvi to General J. Hooker. Washington, June 14, 1863. 11.55 p. m. Major-General Hooker: Yours of 11.30 [11.15] jnst received. You have nearly all the ele- ments for forming an opinion whether Winchester is surrounded that I have. I really fear — almost believe — it is. No communication has been had with it during- the day, either at Martinsburg or Har- per's Ferry. At 7 P. M. we also lost communication with Martins- burg. The enemy had also appeared there some hours before. At 9 p. m. Harper's Ferry said the enemy was reported at Berryville and Smithfield. If I could know that Longstreet and Ewell moved in that direction so long ago as you stated in your last, then I should feel sure that Winchester is strongly invested. It is quite certain that a considerable force of the enemy is thereabout, and I fear it is an overwhelming one compared with Milroy's. I am unable to give you any more certain opinions. A. Lincoln. June 14, 1863. — Telegram to General R. C. Schenck. War Department, June 14, 1863. Major-General Schenck : Get General Milroy from Winchester to Harper's Ferry, if possi- ble. He will be " gobbled up " if he remains, if he is not already past salvation. A. Lincoln, President United States, LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 353 June 15, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, June 15, 1863. 8.30 p. m. Major-General Hooker, Fairfax Station : The facts are now known here that Winchester and Martinsbnrg were both besieged 3'esterday. The troops from Martinsburg have got into Harpei^'s Ferry without loss. Those from Winchester are also in, having lost in killed, wounded, and missing about one third of their number. Of course the enemy holds both i)laces, and I think the report is authentic that he is crossing the Potomac at Williams- port. We have not heard of his yet appearing at Harper's Ferry or on the river anywhere below. I would like to hear from you. A. Lincoln. June 15, 1863. — Call for 100,000 Militia to Serve for Six Months. By the President of the United States of Ajmerica: A Proclamation, Whereas, the armed insurrectionary combinations now existing in several of the States are threatening to make inroads into the States of Maryland, Western Virginia, Peunsylv^ania, and Ohio, re- quiring immediately an additional military force for the servdce of the United States : Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the t^nited States, and comnuiuder-in-chiof of the army and navy thereof, and of the militia of the several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the service of the United States one hundred thousand militia from the States following, namely: from the State of Maryland, ten thousand ; from the State of Pennsylvania, fifty thousand ; from the State of Ohio, thirty thousand ; from the State of West Virginia, ten thousand — to be mustered into the service of the United States forthwith, and to serve for the period of six months from the date of such muster into said service, unless sooner discharged ; to be mustered in as infantry, artillery, and cavalry, in proportions which will be made known through the War Department, which department will also designate the several places of rendez- vous. These militia to be organized according to the rules and regulations of the volunteer service and such orders as may here- after be issued. The States aforesaid Avnll be respectively credited, under the enrolment act, for the militia services rendered under this proclamation. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of June, r ;, 1 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and *■'■■' sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : WiLLLVM H. Seward, Secretary of State. Vol. II.— 23. 354 le5:ters and state papees of abeaham lincolis" June 15, 1863.— Letter from John Hay to J. R. Campbell. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 15, 18G3. Julian R. Campbell, Esq., etc. 3fy dear Sir: I am directed by the President to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 10th June, and to express his grat- ification to the gentlemen composing the association you represent for the liberal and patriotic tone of the resolutions which you inclosed. I have the honor to be, very truly, Your obedient servant, John Hay. June 16, 1863. — Letter to General J. Hooker. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, June 16, 1863. My dear General ; I send you this by the hand of Captain Dahlgren. Your despatch of 11.30 a. m. to-day is just received. When you say I have long been aware that you do not enjoy the confidence of the major-general commanding, you state the case much too strongly. You do not lack his confidence in any degree to do you any harm. On seeing him, after telegraphing you this morning, I found him more nearly agreeing with you than I was myself. Surely you do not mean to understand that I am withholding my confidence from you when I happen to express an opinion (certainly never discour- teously) differing from one of your own. I believe Halleek is dissatisfied with you to this extent only, that he knows that you write and telegraph ("report," as he calls it) to me. I think he is wrong to find fault with this; but I do not think he withholds any support from you on account of it. If you and he would use the same frankness to one another, and to me, that I use to both of you, there would be no difficulty. I need and must have the professional skill of both, and yet these suspicions tend to deprive me of both. I believe you are aware that since you took command of the army I have not believed you had any chance to effect anything till now. As it looks to me, Lee's now returning toward Harper's Ferry gives you back the chance that I thought McClellan lost last fall. Quite possibly I was wrong both then and now; but, in the great respon- sibility resting upon me, I cannot be entirely silent. Now, all I ask is that you will be in such mood that we can get into our action the best cordial judgment of j^ourself and General Halleek, with my poor mite added, if indeed he and you shall think it entitled to any consideration at all. Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 355 June 16, 18G3. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, June 16, 1863. 10 p. m. Major-General Hooker: To remove all misunderstanding, I now place you in the strict military relation to General Halleck of a commander of one of the armies to the g-eneral-in-chief of all the armies. I have not intended differently, but as it seems to be differently understood I shall direct him to give you orders, and you to obey them. ^, Lincoln. June 17, 1863. — Memorandum about L D. Andrews. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 17, 1863. Mr. Israel D. Andrews appeals to me, saying he is suffering in- jury by something I have said of hira. I really know very little of Mr. Andrews. As well as I can remember, I was called on by one or two persons asking me to give him or aid him in getting some public employment ; and as a reason for declining I stated that I had a very unfavorable opinion of him, chiefly because I had been informed that, in connection with some former service of his to the government, he had presented an enormous and unjustifiable claim, which I understood he was still pressing the government to pay. I certainly did not pretend to know anything of the matter personally; and I say now, I do not personally know anything which should detract from Mr. Andrews's character. j^^ Lincoln. June 18, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, June 18, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. Mij dear Sir : Could you without too much trouble have sent to me a statement of the case of John Steele, who it seems has been banished to Canada 1 Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. June 18, 1863. — Telegram to J. K. Moorhead. Washington, June 18, 1863. 10.40 a. m. To Hon. J. K. Moorhead, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania : If General Brooks, now in command at Pittsburg, finds any per- son or persons injuriously affecting his military operations, he is authorized to arrest him or them at once if the case is urgent. If not urgent, let him communicate the particulars to me. General Brooks is the man to now manage the matter at Pittsburg. Please show this to him. ^Y. Lincoln. 356 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN June 19, 1863. — Letter to E. E. Malhiot and Others. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 19, 1863. Messrs. E. E. Malhiot, Bradish Johnson, and Thomas Cottman. Gentlemen : Your letter, wliicli follows, has been received and con- sidered. To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States : The undersigned, a committee appointed by the planters of the State of Louisiana, respectfully represent that they have been delegated to seek of the General Government a full recognition of all the rights of the State as they existed previous to the passage of an act of secession, upon the prin- ciple of the existence of the State constitution unimpaired, and no legal act having transpired that could in any way deprive them of the advantages conferred by that constitution. Under this constitution the State wishes to return to its full allegiance, in the enjoyment of all rights and privileges exercised by the other States under the Federal Constitution. With the view of accomplishing the desned object, we further request that your Ex- cellency will, as commander-in-chief of the army of the United States, direct the Military Governor of Louisiana to order an election, in conformity with the constitution and laws of the State, on the first Monday of Novem- ber next, for all State and Federal officers. With high consideration and respect, we have the honor to subscribe ourselves, Yovir obedient servants, E. E. Malhiot. Bradish Johnson. Thomas Cottman. Since receiving the letter, reliable information has reached me that a respectable portion of the Louisiana people desire to amend their State constitution, and contemplate holding a State conven- tion for that object. This fact alone, as it seems to me, is a sufficient reason whj^ the General Government should not give the committal you seek to the existing State constitution. I may add that while I do not perceive how such committal could facilitate our military operations in Louisiana, I really apprehend it might be so used as to embarrass them. As to an election to be held next November, there is abundant time without any order or proclamation from me just now. The people of Louisiana shall not lack an opportunity for a fair election for both Federal and State officers by want of anything within my power to give them. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. June 21, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, June 21, 1863. 9 a. m. Major-General Hooker: Operator at Leesburg just now tells us that firing commenced about seven this morning in direction from here of Aldie's Gap and Middleburg ; has continued all day, and has receded from him, and is apparently now about White Plains ; was very heavy this morn- ing, but lighter now. A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE TArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 357 June 22, 18G3. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 22, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir: Do you not remember the French officer Colonel Duffie, whom we saw at General McDowell's headquarters near Fred- ericksburj^, last May a year ago ? I remember he was then well spoken of. On the night of the 17th instant he was surrounded by Stuart's cavalry near Millersburg, and cut his way out with propor- tionately heavy loss to his then small command. Please see and hear him. I think you have strong recommendations on file in his behalf. Yours truly, A. Lincoln, June 22, 1863.— Letter to General J. M. Schofield. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 22, 1863. General John M. Schofield. My dear Sir: Your despatch, asking in substance whether, in ease Missouri shall adopt gradual emancipation, the General Govern- ment will protect slave-owners in that species of property during the short time it shall be permitted by the State to exist within it, has been received. Desirous as I am that emancipation shall be adopted by Missouri, and believing as I do that gradual can be made better than immediate for both black and white, except when military necessity changes the case, my impulse is to say that such protection would be given. I cannot know exactly what shape an act of emancipation may take. If the period from the initiation to the final end should be comparatively short, and the act should prevent persons being sold during that period into more lasting slavery, the whole would be easier. I do not wish to pledge the General Government to the affirmative support of even temporary slavery beyond what can be fairly claimed under the Constitution. I suppose, however, this is not desired, but that it is desired for the military force of the United States, while in Missouri, to not be used in subverting the temporarily reserved legal rights in slaves during the progress of emancipation. This I would desire also. I have very earnestly urged the slave States to adopt emancipation ; and it ought to be, and is, an object with me not to overthrow or thwart what any of them may in good faith do to that end. You are therefore authorized to act in the spirit of this letter in conjunction with what may appear to be the military necessities of your depart- ment. Although this letter will become public at some time, it is not intended to be made so now. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 358 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN June 22, 1863. — Telegram to General J. Hooker. Washington, June 22, 1863. Major-General Hooker: Operator at Leesburg just now says: I heard very little flrhig this A. M. al^out daylight, but it seems to have stopped now. It was in about same direction as yesterday, but farther off. A. Lincoln. June 25, 1863. — Note to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 25, 1863. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. My dear Sir: Hon. William Kellogg will tell you plainly what lie wants ; and I wish him obliged so far as you can consistently do it. Please strain a point for him, if you do not have to strain it too far. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. June 28, 1863. — Telegra]vi to General D. N. Couch. Washington, June 28, 1863. 4 p. m. Major-General Couch: What news now"? What are the enemy firing at four miles from your works? A. Lincoln. June 29, 1863. — Letter to W. Kellogg. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 29, 1863. Hon. William Kellogg. 3fy dear Sir: I have received and read your pencil note. I think you do not know how embarrassing your request is. Few things are so troublesome to the government as the fierceness with which the profits in trading are sought. The temptation is so great that nearly everybody wishes to be in it; and, when in, the question of profit controls all, regardless of whether the cotton-seller is loyal or rebel, or whether he is paid in corn-meal or gunpowder. The officers of the army, in numerous instances, are believed to connive and share the profits, and thus the army itself is diverted from fighting the rebels to speculating in cotton, and steamboats and wagons in the pay of the government are set to gathering and carrying cotton, and the soldiers to loading cotton- trains and guarding them. The matter deeply affects the Treasury and War Departments, and has been discussed again and again in the cabinet. What can and what cannot be done has for the time been settled, and it LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 3a9 seems to me I cannot safely break over it. I know it is thonght that one case is not mnch, but how can I favor one and deny an- other? One case cannot be kept a secret. The authority given would be utterly ineffectual until it is shown, and when shoAvn, everybody knows of it. The administration would do for you as much as for any other man; and I personally would do some more than for most others; but really I cannot involve myself and the g-overnment as this would do. Yours as ever, ^, Lincoln. June 29, 1863. — Letter to General R. H. Milroy. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, June 29, 1863. Major-General Milroy. Ml/ dear Sir : Your letters to Mr. Blair and to myself are handed to me by him. I have never doubted your courage and devotion to the cause. But you have just lost a division, and, prima facie, the fault is upon you; and while that remains unchanged, forme to put you in command again is to justly subject me to the charge of having put you there on purpose to have you lose another. If I knew facts sufficient to satisfy me that you were not in fault or error, the case would be different ; but the facts I do know, while they are not at all conclusive (and I hope they may never prove so), tend the other way. First, I have scarcely seen anything from you at any time that did not contain imputations against your superiors, and a chafing against acting the part they had assigned you. You have con- stantly urged the idea that you were persecuted because you did not come from West Point, and you repeat it in these letters. This, my dear general, is, I fear, the rock on which you have split. In the Winchester case you were under General Schenck, and he under General HaUeck. I know by General Halleck's order-book that he, on the 11th of June, advised General Schenck to call you in from Winchester to Harpei-'s Ferry; and I have been told, but do not know, that General Schenck gave you the order accordingly on the same day; and I have been told, but do not know, that on receiving it, instead of obeying it, you sent l)y mail a written pro- test against obeying it, which did not reach him until you were actually beleaguered at Winchester. I say I do not know this. You hate West Point generally and General Halleck particularly; but I do know that it is not his faidt that you were at Winchester on the 13th, 14th, and morning of the 15th — the days of your disaster. If General Schenck gave the order on the 11th, as General Halleck advised, it was an easy matter for you to have been off at least on the 12tli. The case is inevitably between General Schenck and you. Neither General Halleck nor any one else, as far as I know, re- quired you to stay and fight 60,000 with 6000, as you insinuate. 360 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN" I know General Halleck, throngh General Sehenck, required you to get away, and that in abundant time for you to have done it. General Sehenck is not a West-Pointer, and has no prejudice against you on that score. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. June 29, 1863. — Letter to M, Birchard and Others. Washington, D. C, June 29, 1863. Messrs. M. Birchard, David A. Hour, George Bliss, T. W. Bartley, W. J. Gordon, John O'Neill, C. A. White, W. E. FiNCK, Alexander Long, J. W. White, George H. Pendleton, George L. Converse, Warren P. Noble, Jajies R. Morris, W. A. HuTCHiNS, Abner L. Backus, J. F. McKinney, F. C. Le Blond, Louis Schaefer. Gentlemen : The resolutions of the Ohio Democratic State Conven- tion, which you present me, together with your introductory and closing remarks, being in position and argument mainly the same as the resolutions of tlie Democratic meeting at Albany, New York, I refer you to my response to the latter as meeting most of the points in the former. This response you evidently used in preparing your remarks, and I desire no more than that it be used with accuracy. In a single reading of your remarks, I only discovered one inaccuracy in matter which I suppose you took from that paper. It is where you say : " The undersigned are unable to agree with you in the opinion you have expressed that the Constitution is different in time of insur- rection or invasion from what it is in time of peace and public security." A recurrence to the paper will show you that I have not expressed the opinion you suppose. I expressed the opinion that the Constitu- tion is diff'erent in its application in cases of rebellion or invasion, involving the public safety, from what it is in times of profound peace and public security ; and this opinion I adhere to, simply be- cause, by the Constitution itself, things may be done in the one case which may not be done in the other. I dislike to waste a word on a merely personal point, but I must respectfully assure you that you will find yourselves at fault should you ever seek for evidence to prove your assumption that I " op- posed, in discussions before the people, the policy of the Mexican war." You say: "Expunge from the Constitution this limitation upon the power of Congress to suspend the writ of habeas corpns, and yet the other guarantees of personal liberty, would remain unchanged." Doubtless, if this clause of the Constitution, improper-ly called, as I think, a limitation upon the power of Congress, were expunged, the other guarantees would remain the same; but the question is not how those guarantees would stand with that clause out of the Constitution, but how they stand with that clause remaining in it, in case of rebellion or invasion involving the public safety. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 361 If the liberty could be indulged of expunging that clause, letter aud spirit, I really think the constitutional argument would be with you. My general view on this question was stated in the Albany re- sponse, and hence I do not state it now. I only add that, as seems to me, the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus is the great means through which the guarantees of personal liberty are conserved and made available in the last resort ; and corroborative of this view is the fact that Mr. Vallandigham, in the very case in question, under the advice of able lawyers, saw not where else to go but to the habeas corpus. But by the Constitution the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus itself may be suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. You ask, in substance, whether I really claim that I may override all the guaranteed rights of individuals, on the plea of conserving the public safety — when I may choose to say the public safety requires it. This question, divested of the phraseology calculated to represent me as struggling for an arbitrary personal prerogative, is either simply a question who shall decide, or an affirmation that nobody shall decide, what the public safety does require in cases of rebellion or invasion. The Constitution contemplates the question as likely to occur for decision, but it does not expressly declare who is to decide it. By necessai'y implication, when rebellion or invasion comes, the decision is to be made from time to time ; and I think the man whom, for the time, the people have, under the Constitution, made the commander-in-chief of their army and navy, is the man who holds the power and bears the responsibility of making it. If he uses the power justly, the same people will probably justify him; if he abuses it, he is in their hands to be dealt with by all the modes they have reserved to themselves in the Constitution. The earnestness with which you insist that persons can only, in times of rebellion, be lawfully dealt with in accordance with the rules for criminal trials and punishments in times of peace, induces me to add a word to what I said on that point in the Albany response. You claim that men may, if they choose, embarrass those whose duty it is to combat a giant rebellion, and then be dealt with in turn, only as if there were no rebellion. The Constitution itself rejects this view. The military arrests and detentions which have been made, including those of Mr. Vallandigham, which are not different in principle fi-om the others, have been for prevention, and not for punishment — as injunctions to stay injury, as proceedings to keep the peace ; and hence, like proceedings in such cases and for like reasons, they have not been accompanied with indictments, or trials by juries, nor in a single case by any punishment what- ever, beyond what is purely incidental to the prevention. The original sentence of imprisonment in Mr. Vallandigham's case was to prevent injury to the military service only, and the modification of it was made as a less disagreeable mode to him of securing the same prevention. 362 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN I am unable to perceive an insult to Ohio in the case of Mr. Val- landig'hani. Quite surely nothing of the sort was or is intended. I was wholly unaware that Mr. Vallandighani was, at the time of his arrest, a candidate for the Democratic nomination for governor until so informed by your reading to me the resolutions of the con- vention, I am grateful to the State of Ohio for many things, espe- cially for the brave soldiers and offtcers she has given in the present national trial to the armies of the Union. You claim, as I understand, that according to my own position in the Albany response, Mr. Vallandigham should be released ; and this because, as you claim, he has not damaged the military service by discouraging enlistments, encouraging desertions, or otherwise ; and that if he had, he should have been turned over to the civil authorities under the recent acts of Congress. I certainly do not know that Mr. Vallandigham has specifically and by direct lan- guage advised against enlistments and in favor of desertion and re- sistance to drafting. We all know that combinations, armed in some instances, to resist the arrest of deserters began several months ago; that more recently the like has appeared in resistance to the enrolment preparatory to a draft ; and that quite a number of assassinations have occurred from the same animus. These had to be met by military force, and this again has led to bloodshed and death. And now, under a sense of responsibility more weighty and enduring than any which is merely official, I solemnly declare my belief that this hindrance of the military, including maiming and murder, is due to the course in which Mr. Vallandigham has been engaged in a greater degree than to any other cause ; and it is due to him personally in a greater degree than to any other one man. These things have been notorious, known to all, and of course known to Mr. Vallandigham. Perhaps I would not be wrong to say they originated with his special friends and adherents. With per- fect knowledge of them, he has frequently if not constantly made speeches in Congress and before popular assemblies ; and if it can be shown that, with these things staring him in the face, he has ever uttered a word of rebuke or counsel against them, it will be a fact greatly in his favor with me, and one of whicJi as yet I am totally ignorant. When it is known that the whole burden of his speeches has been to stir up men against the prosecution of the war, and that in the midst of resistance to it he has not been known in any in- stance to counsel against such resistance, it is next to impossible to repel the inference that he has counseled directly in favor of it. With all this b.efore their eyes, the convention you represent have nominated Mr. Vallandigham for governor of Ohio, and both they and you have declared the purpose to sustain the National Union by all constitutional means. But of course they and you in common reserve to yourselves to decide what are constitutional means; and, unlike the" Albany meeting, you omit to state or intimate that in your opinion an army is a constitutional means of saving the Union against a rebellion, or even to intimate that you are conscious of an existing rebellion being in progress with the avowed object of de- LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LIXCOLX 363 stroying that very Union. At the same time your nominee for governor, in whose behalf you appeal, is known to you and to the world to declare against the use of an army to suppress the rebel- lion. Your own attitude, therefore, encourages desertion, resistance to the draft, and the like, because it teaches tliose Avho incline to desert and to escape the draft to believe it is your purpose to protect them, and to hope that you will become strong enough to do so. After a short personal intercourse with you, gentlemen of the committee, I cannot say I think you desire this effect to follow your attitude ; but I assure you that both friends and enemies of the Union look upon it in this light. It is a substantial hope, and by consequence a real strength to the enemy. If it is a false hope and one which you would willingly dispel, I will make the way ex- ceedingly easy. I send you duplicates of this letter in order that you, or a major- ity of you, may, if you choose, indorse your names upon one of them and return it thus indorsed to me with the understanding that those signing are thereby committed to the following propositions and to nothing else : 1. That there is now a rebellion in the United States, the object and tendency of which is to destroy the National Union ; and that, in your opinion, an army and navy are constitutional means for suppressing that rebellion ; 2. That no one of you will do anything which, in his own judg- ment, will tend to hinder the increase, or favor the decrease, or les- sen the efficiency of the army or navy while engaged in the effort to suppress that rebellion ; and 8. That each of you will, in his sphere, do all he can to have the officers, soldiers, and seamen of the army and navv, while engaged in the effort to suppress the rebellion, paid, fed, clad, and other \Ndse well provided for and supported. And with the further understanding that upon receiving the letter and names thus indorsed, I will cause them to be published, which publication shall be, within itself, a revocation of the order in rela- tion to Mr, Vallaudigham. It will not escape observation that I consent to the release of Mr. Vallaudigham upon terms not embracing any pledge from him or from others as to what he will or will not do. I do this because he is not present to speak for himself, or to authorize others to speak for him; and because I should expect that on his returning he would not put himself practically in antagonism with the position of his friends. But I do it chiefly because I thereby prevail on other influential gentlemen of Ohio to so define their position as to be of immense value to the army — thus more than compensating for the consequences of any mistake in allowing Mr. Vallaudigham to re- turn; so that, on the whole, the public safety will not have suffered by it. Still, in regard to Mr. Vallaudigham and all others, I must hereafter, as heretofore, do so much as the public safety may seem to require. I have the honor to be respectfully yours, etc., A. Lincoln. 3G4 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN June 30, 1863. — Letter to General D. Hunter. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 30, 1863. Major-General Hunter. My dear General: I have just received your letter of the 25th of June. I assure you, and you may feel authorized in stating, that the recent chang-e of commanders in the Department of the South was made for no reasons which convey any imputation upon your known energy, efficiency, and patriotism; but for causes which seemed suffi- cient, while they were in no degree incompatible with the respect and esteem in which I have always held you as a man and an officer. I cannot, by giving my consent to a publication of whose details I know nothing, assume the responsibility of whatever you may write. In this matter your own sense of military propriety must be your guide, and the regulations of the service your rule of conduct. I am very truly your friend, A. Lincoln. July 4, 1863. — Draft of Telegram to Rear- Admiral Lee. (Not Sent.) Navy Department, Washington, D. C, July 4, 1863. Rear- Admiral S. P. Lee : Your despatch transmitting a note from Mr. Alexander H. Stephens has been received. You will not permit Mr. Stephens to proceed to Washington or to pass the blockade. He does not make known the subjects to which the communication in writing from Mr. Davis relates, which he bears and seeks to deliver in person to the President, and upon which he desires to confer. Those subjects can only be military or not military, or partly both. Whatever may be military will be readily received if offered through the well-understood military channel. Of course nothing else will be received by the President when offered, as in this case, in terms assuming the independence of the so-called Confederate States ; and anything will be received, and carefully considered by him, when offered by any influential person or persons in terms not assuming the independence of the so-called Confederate States. July 4, 1863. — Telegram to Rear-Admiral Lee. Navy Department, Washington, D. C, July 4, 1863. Rear- Admiral S. P. Lee: The request of A. H. Stephens is inadmissible. The customary agents and channels are adequate for all needful communication and conference between the United States forces and the insurgents. A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 365 July 4, 1863. — Announcement op News from Gettysburg. • Washington, July 4. 10.30 a. m. The President announces to the country that news from thciVi'my of the Potomac, up to 10 p. m. of the 3d, is such as to cover that army with the highest honor, to promise a great success to the cause of the Union, and to claim the condolence of all for the many gallant fallen ; and that for this he especially desires that on this day He whose will, not ours, should ever be done be everywhere remembered and reverenced with profoundest gratitude. A. Lincoln. July 4, 1863. — Telegram to General R. C. Schenck. Washington, July 4, 1863. 9.20 p. m. Ma.jor-General Schenck, Baltimore, Maryland : Your despatches about negro regiments are not uninteresting or unnoticed by us, but we have not been quite ready to respond. You will have an answer to-morrow, A. Lincoln. July G, 1863.— Telegrasi to General H. W. Halleck. Soldiers' Home, Washington, July 6, 1863. 7 p. m. Major-General Halleck : I left the telegraph office a good deal dissatisfied. You know I did not like the phrase — in Orders, No. 68, I believe — "Drive the invaders from our soil." Since that, I see a despatch from General French, saying the enemy is crossing his wounded over the river in flats, without saying why he does not stop it, or even intimating a thought that it ought to be stopped. Still later, another despatch from General Pleasonton, by direction of General Meade, to General French, stating that the main armv is halted because it is believed the rebels are concentrating *' on tlie road toward Hagerstown, be- yond Fairfield," and is not to move until it is ascertained that the rebels intend to evacuate Cumberland Valley. These things all appear to me to be connected with a })urpose to cover Baltimore and Washington^ and to get the enemy across the river again without a further collision, and they do not appear con- nected with a purpose to prevent his crossing and to destroy him. I do fear the former purpose is acted upon and the latter is rejected. If you are satisfied the latter purpose is entertained, and is judi- ciously pursued, I am content. If you are not so satisfied, please look to it. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 366 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN July 7, 1863. — Response to a Serenade. Fellow-citizens : I am very glad indeed to see yon. to-night, and yet I will not say I thank you for this call ; but I do most sincerely thank Almighty God for the occasion on which you have called. How long ago is it f — -eighty-odd years since, on the Fourth of July, for the hrst time in the history of the world, a nation, by its rep- resentatives, assembled and declared, as a self-evident truth, "that all men are created equal." That was the birthday of the United States of America. Since then the Fourth of July has had several very peculiar recognitions. The two men most distinguished in the framing and support of the Declaration were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams — the one having penned it, and the other sustained it the most forcibly in debate — the only two of the fifty-five who signed it that were elected Presidents of the United States. Pre- cisely fifty years after they put their hands to the paper, it pleased Almighty God to take both from this stage of action. This was in- deed an extraordinary and remarkable event in our history. Another President, five years after, was called from this stage of existence on the same day and month of the year ; and now on this last Fourth of July just passed, when we have a gigantic rebellion, at the bot- tom of which is an effort to overthrow the principle that all men are created equal, we have the surrender of a most powerful posi- tion and army on that very day. And not only so, but in a succes- sion of battles in Pennsylvania, near to us, through three days, so rapidly fought that they might be called one great battle, on the first, second, and third of the month of July; and on the fourth the cohorts of those who opposed the Declaration that all men are created equal " turned tail " and run. Gentlemen, this is a glorious theme, and the occasion for a speech, but I am not prepared to make one worthy of the occasion. I would like to speak in terms of praise due to the many brave officers and soldiers who have fought in the cause of the Union and liberties of their country from the begin- ning of the war. These are trying occasions, not only in success, but for the want of success. I dislike to mention the name of one single officer, lest I might do wrong to those I might forget. Recent events bring up glorious names, and particularly prominent ones; but these I will not mention. Having said this much, I will now take the music. July 7, 1863. — Telegram from General Halleck to General G. G. Meade. Washington, D. C, July 7, 1863. Major-General Meade, Army of the Potomac : I have received from the President the following note, which I re- spectfully communicate : Major-G-eneral Halleck: We have certain iuformation that Vieksbuvg surrendered to General Grant on the Fourth of July. Now, if General Meade can complete his work LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 367 so ji:loriously prosecuted thus far, by the literal or substantial destruction of Lee's army, the rebellion will be over. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. July 8, 18G3. — Telegram from General Halleck to General G. G. Meade. Washington, D. C, July 8, 1863. Major-General Meade, Frederick, Maryland: There is reliable information that the enemy is crossing at Wil- liarasport. The opportunity to attack his divided forces should not be lost. The President is urgent and anxious that your army should move against him by forced marches. H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. July 8, 1863. — Telegram to General Thomas. War Department, Washington, July 8, 1863. 12.30 p. m. General Lorenzo Thomas, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Your despatch of this morning to the Secretary of War is before me. The forces you speak of will be of no imaginable service if they cannot go forward with a little more expedition. Lee is now pass- ing the Potomac faster than the forces you mention are passing Carlisle. Forces now beyond Carlisle to be joined by regiments still at HaiTisburg, and the united force again to join Pierce some- where, and the whole to move down the Cumberland Valley, will, in my unprofessional opinion, be quite as likely to capture the "man in the moon" as any part of Lee's army. A. Lincoln. July 11, 1863.— Telegram to J. K. Dubois. Washington, D. C, July 11, 1863. 9 a. m. Hon. J. K. Dubois, Springfield, 111.: It is certain that after three days' fighting at Gettysburg, Lee witMrew and made for the Potomac; that he found tlie river so swollen as to prevent his crossing ; that he is still this side, near Hagerstown and Williamsport, preparing to defend himself; and that Meade is close u{)on Inm, and preparing to attack him, heavy skirmishing having occurred nearly all day yesterday. I am more than satisfied witli what lia's "hai)pened north of the Potomac so far, and am anxious and hopeful for what is to come. A. Lincoln. 368 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN July 13, 1863. — Letter to General Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 13, 1863. Major-General Grant. il/y dear Qeneral : I do not remember that you and I ever met personally. I write this now as a grateful acknowledgment for the almost inestimable service you have done the country. I wish to say a word further. When you first reached the vicinity of Vicks- burg, I thought you should do what you finally did — march the troops across the neck, run the batteries with the transports, and thus go below; and I never had any faith, except a general hope that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo Pass expedition and the like could succeed. When you got below and took Port Gibson, Grand Gulf, and vicinity, I thought you should go down the river and join General Banks, and when you turned northward, east of the Big Black, I feared it was a mistake, I now wish to make the personal acknowledgment that you were right and I was wrong. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. July 13, 1863.— Telegraph to H. T. Blow. War Department, Washington, July 13, 1863. Hon. H. T. Blow, St. Louis, Mo.: I saw your despatch to the Secretary of War. The publication of a letter without the leave of the writer or the receiver I think can- not be justified, but in this case I do not think it of sufficient conse- quence to justify an arrest; and again, the arrest being, through a parole, merely nominal, does not deserve the importance sought to be attached to it. Cannot this small matter be dropped on both sides without further difficulty I ^ Lincoln July 13, 1863.— Telegram to General J. M. Schofield. War Department, Washington, July 13, 1863. General Schofield, St. Louis, Mo.: I regret to learn of the arrest of the " Democrat " editor. I fear this loses you the middle position I desired you to occupy. I have not learned which of the two letters I wrote you it was that the " Democrat " published, but I care very little for the publication of any letter I have written. Please spare me the trouble this is likely to'bi-i^g- A.Lincoln. July 14, 1863. — Draft of Letter to General G. G. Meade, Executive Mansion, Washington, July 14, 1863. Major- General Meade: I have just seen your despatch to General Halleck, asking to be relieved of your command because of a supposed censure of mine. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 369 I am very, very grateful to you for the magnificent success you gave the cause of the country at Gettysburg ; and I am sorry now to be the author of the sHghtest pain to you. But I was in such deep dis- tress myself that I could not restrain some expression of it. I have been oppressed nearly ever since the battles at Gettysburg by what appeared to be evidences that yourself and General Couch and General Smith were not seeking a colhsion with the enemy, but were trying to get him across the river without another battle. What these evidences were, if you please, I hope to tell you at some time when we shall both feel better. The case, sunmiarily stated, is this : You fought and beat the enemy at Gettysburg, and, of course, to say the least, his loss was as great as yours. He retreated, and you did not, as it seemed to me, pressingly pursue him ; but a flood in the river detained him till, by slow degrees, you were again upon him. You had at least twenty thousand veteran troops directly with you, and as many more raw ones within supporting distance, all in addition to those who fought with you at Getty sbui-g, while it was not })ossil3le that he had received a single recruit, and yet you stood and let the flood run down, bridges be built, and the enemy move away at his leisure without attacking him. And Couch and Smith ! TThe latter left Carlisle in time, upon all ordinary calcula- tion, to have aided you in the last battle at Gettysburg, but he did not arrive. At the end of more than ten days, I believe twelve, un- der constant urging, he reached Hagerstown from Carlisle, which is not an inch over fifty-five miles, if so much, and Couch's movement was very little different. Again, my dear general, I do not believe you appreciate the mag- nitude of the misfortune involved in Lee's escape. He was within your easy grasp, and to have closed upon him would, in connection with our other late successes, have ended the war. As it is, the war will be prolonged indefinitely. If you could not safely attack Lee last Monday, how can you possibly do so south of the river, when you can take with you very few more than two thirds of the force you then had in hand ? It would be unreasonable to expect, and I do not expect [that], you can now effect much. Your golden opportunity is gone, and I am distressed immeasm*ably because of it. I beg you will not consider this a prosecution or persecution of yourself. As you had learned that I was dissatisfied, I have thought it best to kindly tell you why. [Indorsement on the Envelop.] To General Meade, never sent or signed. July 14, 18G3.— Telegraini to General R. C. Schenck. Washington, D. C, July 1-4, 1863. 1.40 p. m. Major-General Schenck, Baltimore, Maryland. Mr. Jaquess is a very worthy gentleman, but I can have nothing to do, directly, or indirectly with the matter he has in view. A. Lincoln. Vol. II.— 24. 370 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN July 15, 1863. — Proclamation for Thanksgiving. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the supplications and prayers of an afflicted people, and to vouchsafe to the army and navy of the United States victories on land and on the sea so signal and so effective as to furnish reasonable grounds for augmented confi- dence that the union of these States will be maintained, their Con- stitution preserved, and their peace and prosperity permanently restored. But these victories have been accorded not without sacri- fices of life, limb, health, and liberty, incurred by brave, loyal, and patriotic citizens. Domestic affliction in every part of the country fol- lows in the train of these fearful bereavements. It is meet and right to recognize and confess the presence of the Almighty Father, and the power of his hand equally in these triumphs and in these sorrows. Now, therefore, be it known that I do set apart Thursday, the 6th day of August next, to be observed as a day for national thanks- giving, praise, and prayer, and I invite the people of the United States to assemble on that occasion in their customary places of worship, and, in the forms approved by their own consciences, ren- der the homage due to the Divine Majesty for the wonderful things he has done in the nation's behalf, and invoke the influence of his Holy Spirit to subdue the anger which has produced and so long sustained a needless and cruel rebellion, to change the hearts of the insurgents, to guide the counsels of the government with wisdom adequate to so great a national emergency, and to visit with tender care and consolation throughout the length and breadth of our land all those who, through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles, and sieges have been brought to suffer in mind, body, or estate, and finally to lead the whole nation through the paths of repentance and sulunission to the Divine Will back to the perfect enjoyment of union and fraternal peace. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of July, r 1 in the year of oiu" Lord one thousand eight hundred and I ' *■' sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. July 15, 1863. — Telegram to J. O. Broadhead. Washington, D. C, July 15, 1863. 8 a. m. J. 0. Broadhead, St. Louis, Mo. : The effect on political position of McKee's arrest will not be re- lieved any by its not having been made with that purpose. A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 371 July 17, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, July 17, 18G3. Hon. Secretary of War. Mij dear Sir : It is proper on principle that the governor of Kan- sas should stand on the same ground as other loyal governors, in giving original commissions and in filling va(;ancies for troops raised in his State ; and I wisli him to be so placed at once, unless you know some substantial reason to the contrary. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln, July 17, 1863. — Letter to General Lane. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 17, 1863. Hon. J. H. Lane. 3f{/ dear Sir : Governor Carney has not asked to [have] General Blunt removed, or interfered with, in his military operations. He has asked that he, the governor, be allowed to commission officers for troops raised in Kansas, as other governors of loyal States do ; and I thiutc he is right in this. He has asked that General Blunt shall not take persons charged with civil crimes out of the hands of the courts and turn them over to mobs to be hung; and I think he is right in this also. He has asked that General Ewing's department be extended to include all Kansas ; and I have not determined whether this is right or not. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 20, 1863. — Letter to Governor Parker. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 20, 1863. His Excellency Joel Parker, Governor of New Jersey. Dear Sir : Yours of the fifteenth has been received, and consid- ered by the Secretary of War and myself. I was pained to be in- formed this morning by the Provost-Marshal-General that New Jersey is now behind twelve thousand, irrespective of the draft. I did not have time to ascertain by what rules this was made out ; and I shall be very glad if it shall, by any means, ])rove to be in- correct. He also tells me that eight thousand will be about the quota of New Jersey on the first draft ; and the Secretary of War says the first draft in that State would not be made for some time in any event. As every man obtained otherwise lessens the draft so much, and this may supersede it altogether, I hope you will push forward your volunteer regiments as fast as possible. It is a very delicate matter to postpone the draft in one State, because of tlie argument it furnishes others to have postponement also. If we could have a reason in one case which would be good if presented in all cases, we could act upon it. I will thank you, therefore, to inform me, if you can, by what day, 372 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN at tlie earliest, you can promise to have ready to be mustered iuto the United States service the eight thousand men. If you can make a reliable promise (I mean one which you can rely on yourself) of this sort, it will be of great value, if the day is not too remote. I beg you to be assured, I wish to avoid the difficulties you dread as much as yourself. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. July 20, 1863. — Letter to General Schofield. Executi\t: Mansion, Washington, July 20, 1863. Major-General John M, Schofield. My dear General : I have received and read your letter of the 14th of July. I think the suggestion you make, of discontinuing proceedings against Mr, McKee, a very proper one. While I admit that there is an apparent impropriety in the publication of the letter mentioned, without my consent or yours, it is still a case where no evil could re- sult, and which I am entirely willing to overlook. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 21, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 21, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. Mij dear Sir : I desire that a renewed and vigorous effort be made to raise colored forces along the shores of the Mississippi. Please consult the general -in-chief, and if it is perceived that any accelera- tion of the matter can be effected, let it be done. I think the evi- dence is nearly conclusive that General Thomas is one of the best (if not the very best) instruments for this service. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 21, 1863. — Letter to Governor Carney. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 21, 1863. His Excellency, Governor Thomas Carney, Topeka, Kansas: Yours dated Pittsburg, the 19th instant, is received. The day after you were with me, I wrote a note to the Secretary of War, asking him to place you on the same ground with all other governors of loyal States, as to the appointment of military officers. In reply to this, he verbally told me, when I next met him, that he had never placed you on any other ground — that the forces in re- gard to which you and General Blunt have a controversy were raised on special authority from the War Department, given before you were governor, and that the officers were commissioned by him (the Secretary of War) according to the original authority; and LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 373 that he never had required you to commission officers nominated by General Bhmt. The like of this has been done in some other States, as I remember. As to leaving no part of Kansas in Blunt's department, the thing should not be hastily done. He, with his eonimand, is now in the field south of Kansas; and while I do not know how much what you desire might interfere with his supplies, it is very certain that he can- not now be interfering with you. It is my purpose to take care that he shall not any more take per- sons charged with civil crimes out of the custody of the courts, and turn them over to mobs to be hanged. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. July 21, 1863. — Letter to General O. O. Howard. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 21, 1863. My dear General Howard: Your letter of the 18th is received. I was deeply mortified by the escape of Lee across the Potomac, because the substantial destruc- tion of his army would have ended the war, and because I believed such destruction was perfectly easy — believed that General Meade and his noble army had expended all the skill, and toil, and blood, up to the ripe harvest, and then let the crop go to waste. Perhaps my mortification was heightened because I had always believed — making my belief a hobby, possibly — that the main rebel army going north of the Potomac could never return, if well at- tended to ; and because I was so greatly flattered in this belief by the operations at Gettysburg. A few days having passed, I am now profoundly grateful for what was done, without criticism for what was not done. General Meade has my confidence, as a brave and skilful officer and a true man. Yours very truly. A. Lincoln. July 21, 1863. — Letter to General Hovey. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 21, 1863. General Charles E. Hovey. Dear Sir: I distinctly say that I will nominate you as a brigadier- general of volunteers, if you will furnish me with Major-Gen eral William T. Sherman's written request to do so. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 22, 1863. — Telegram to General J. M. Schofield. Washington, D. C, July 22, 1863. 10.45 a. m. Major-General Schofield, St. Louis, Mo.: The following despatch has been placed in my hands. Please look to the subject of it. 374 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Lexington, Mo., July 21, 1863. Hon. S. C. Pomeroy: Under Orders No. 63, the sheriff is arresting slaves of rebels inside our hues, and returning them in gi-eat numbers. Can he do it '? Answer. Gould. A. Lincoln. July 23, 1863/ — Letter to Governor Gamble. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 23, 1863. His Excellency, H. R. Gamble. Sir : My private secretary has just brought me a letter, saying it is a very "cross" one from you, about mine to General Schofield, recently published in the *' Democrat." As I am trying to preserve my own temper by avoiding irritants so far as practicable, I de- cline to read the cross letter. I think fit to say, however, that when I wrote the letter to General Schofield, I was totally uncon- scious of any malice or disrespect toward you, or of using any ex- pression which should offend you if seen by you. I have not seen the document in the " Democrat," and therefore cannot say whether it is a correct copy. Your obedient servant, . Lincoln July 23, 1863. — Letter to General R. C. Schenck. (Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, July 23, 1863. Major-General Schenck. 3Ii/ dear Sir : Returning to the Executive Room yesterday, I was mortified to find you were gone, leaving no word of explanation. I went down-stairs, as I understood, on a perfect understanding with you that you would remain till my return. I got this impres- sion distinctly from ^' Edward," whom I believe you know. Possi- bly I misunderstood him. I had been very unwell in the morning, and had scarcely tasted food during the day, till the time you saw me go down. I beg you will not believe I have treated you with intentional discourtesy. Yours as ever, j^ Lincoln. July 24, 1863.— Letter to Postmaster-General Blair. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 24, 1863. Hon. Postmaster-General. Sir : Yesterday little indorsements of mine went to you in two cases of postmasterships sought for widows whose husbands have fallen in the battles of this war. These cases occurring on the same day brought me to reflect more attentively than I had before done, LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 375 as to what is fairly due from us here in the dispensing of patronage toward the men who, by fighting our battles, bear the chief })urden of sa\dng our country. My conclusion is that, other claims and qualifications being equal, they have the better right; and this is especially applicable to the disabled soldier and tlie deceased sol- dier's family. Your obedient servant, A. Linx'OLX. July 24, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. Washington, D. C, July 24, 1863. Major-General Burnside, Cincinnati, Ohio : What, if anything, further do you hear from John [H.] Morgan ? A. Lincoln. July 25, 1863. — Letter to Governor Parker. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 25, 1863. His Excellency Governor Joel Parker. Sir : Yours of the 21st is received, and I have taken time and con- sidered and discussed the subject with the Secretary of War and Provost-Marshal-General, in order, if possible, to make you a more favorable answer than I finall}^ find myself able to do. It is a vital point with us to not have a special stipulation with the governor of any one State, because it would breed trouble in many, if not all, other States; and my idea was when I wrote you, as it still is, to get a point of time to which we could wait, on the reason that we were not ready ourselves to proceed, and which might enable you to raise the quota of your State, in whole, or in large part, with- out the draft. The points of time you fix are much farther off than I had hoped. We might have got along in the way I have indicated for twenty, or possibly thirty, days. As it stands, the best I can say is that every volunteer you will present us within thirty days from this date, fit and ready to be mustered into the United States ser\'ice, on the usual terms, shall be |)ro faiifo an abatement of your quota of the draft. That quota I can now state at eight thousand seven hundred and eighty-three (8783). No draft from New Jersey, other than for the above quota, will be made before an additional draft, common to [all] the States, shall be required; and I may add that if we get well through with this draft, I entertain a strong hope that any further one may never be needed. This expression of hope, however, must not be construed into a ]>romise. As to conducting the draft by townships, I find it would require such a waste of labor already done, and such an additional amount of it, and such a loss of time, as to make it, I fear, inadmissible. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. P. S. Since writing the above, getting additional information, I am enabled to say that the draft may be made in subdistricts, as 376 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN the enrolment has been made, or is in process of making. This will amount practically to drafting by townships, as the enrolment sub- districts are generally about the extent of townships. A. L. July 27, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. Will the Secretary of War please glance over these papers and inform me on what ground Dr. Phillips's nomination was withheld from the Senate, and what objection there is, if any, to his reap- pointment ? T 1 or- 10C0 A. Lincoln. July 27, 1863. July 27, 1863.— Letter to General G. G. Meade. (Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, July 27, 1863. Major-General Meade : I have not thrown General Hooker away ; and therefore I would like to know whether it would be agreeable to you, all things con- sidered, for him to take a corps under you, if he himself is willing to do so. Write me in perfect freedom, with the assurance that I will not subject you to any embarrassment by making your letter or its contents known to any one. I wish to know your wishes before I decide whether to break the subject to him. Do not lean a hair's breadth against your own feelings, or your judgment of the public service, on the idea of gratifying me. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 27, 1863.— Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. War Department, Washington, July 27, 1863. Major-General Burnside, Cincinnati, Ohio : Let me explain. In General Grant's first despatch after the fall of Vicksburg, he said, among other things, he would send the Ninth Corps to you. Thinking it would be pleasant to you, I asked the Secretary of War to telegraph you the news. For some reasons never mentioned to us by General Grant, they have not been sent, though we have seen outside intimations that they took part in the expedition against Jackson. General Grant is a copious worker and fighter, but a very meager wi-iter or telegrapher. No doubt he changed his purpose in regard to the Ninth Corps for some suffi- cient reason, but has forgotten to notify us of it. A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 377 July 28, 18G3. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 28, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir: A young sou of Senator Brown of Mississippi, not yet twenty, as I understand, was wounded and made a prisoner at Gettysburg. His mother is sister of Mrs. P. R. Fendall, of this city. Mr. Fendall, on behalf of himself and family, asks that lie and they may have charge of the boy to cure him up, being respon- sible for his person and good behavior. Would it not be rather a grateful and graceful thing to let them have him "? Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 29, 1863. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, July 29, 1863. Major- General Halleck : Seeing General Meade's despatch of yesterday to yourself causes me to fear that he supposes the government here is demanding of him to bring on a general engagement with Lee as soon as possible. I am claiming no such thing of him. In fact, my judgment is against it ; which judgment, of course, I will yield if yours and his are the contrary. If he could not safely engage Lee at Williamsport, it seems absurd to suppose he can safely engage him now when he has scared}^ more than two thirds of the force he had at Williamsport, while it must be that Lee has been reinforced. True, I desired Gen- eral Meade to pursue Lee across the Potomac, hoping, as has proved true, that he would thereby clear the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and get some advantages b}' harassing him on his retreat. These being past, I am unwilling he should now get into a general engage- ment on the impression that we here are pressing him, and I shall be glad for you to so inform him, unless your own judgment is against it. Yours truly. H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief. A. Lincoln. July 29, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 29, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. Sir: Can we not renew the effort to organize a force to go to Western Texas? Please consult with the general-in-chief on the subject. If the governor of New Jersey shall furnish any new regiments, might not they be put into such an expedition ? Please think of it. I believe no local object is now more desirable. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 378 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN July 30, 1863. — Order of Retaliation. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 30, 1863. It is the duty of every government to give protection to its citi- zens of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations, and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civ- ilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person on account of his color, and for no offense against the laws of war, is a relapse into barbarism and a crime against the civiliza- tion of the age. The government of the United States will give the same protec- tion to all its soldiers, and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one because of his color, the offense shall be punished by retaliation upon the enemy's prisoners in our possession. It is therefore ordered that for every soldier of the United States killed in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier shall be exe- cuted; and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery, a rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on the public works, and continued at such labor until the other shall be released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war. Abrahajni Lincoln. July 30, 1863.— Letter to F. P. Blair, Sr. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 30, 1863. Hon. F. p.. Blair. 3Iy dear Sir : Yours of to-day, with inclosure, is received. Yes- terday I commenced trying to get up an expedition for Texas. I shall do the best I can. Meantime I would like to know who is the great man Alexander, that talks so oracularly about '*if the President keeps his word" and Banks not having " capacity to run an omnibus on Broadway " f How has this Alexander's immense light been obscured hitherto ? Yours truly, »^ Lincoln July 31, 1863.— Letter to Moulton. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 31, 1863. My dear Sir: There has been a good deal of complaint against you by your superior officers of the Provost-Marshal-General's Depart- ment, and your removal has been strongly urged on the ground of " persistent disobedience of orders and neglect of duty." Firmly con- vinced, as I am, of the patriotism of your motives, I am unwilling to do anything in your case which may seem unnecessarily harsh or at variance with the feelings of personal respect and esteem with which I have always regarded you. I consider your services in your dis- trict valuable, and should be sorry to lose them. It is unnecessary for me to state, however, that when differences of opinion arise be- tween officers of the government, the ranking officer must be obeyed. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 379 You of course recognize as clearly as I do the importance of this rule. I h()\)e you will conclude to go on in your present position under the regulations of the department. I wish you would write to me. I am very truly your friend and obedient servant, A. Lincoln. July 31, 1863. — Letter to General S. A. Hurlbut. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 31, 1863. My dear General Hurlbut: Your letter by Mr. Dana was duly received. I now learn that your resignation has reached the War Department. I also learn that an active command has been assigned you by General Grant. The Sec- retary of War and General Halleck are very partial to you, as you know I also am. We all wish you to reconsider the question of resigning; not that we would wish to retain you greatly against your wish and interest, but that your decision may be at least a very well-considered one. I understand that Senator [William K.] Sebastian, of Arkansas, thinks of offering to resume his place in the Senate. Of course the Senate, and not I, would decide whether to admit or reject him. Still I should feel great interest in the question. It may be so pre- sented as to be one of the very greatest national importance; and it may be otherwise so presented as to be of no more than temporary personal consequence to him. The emancipation proclamation applies to Arkansas. I think it is valid in law, and will be so held by the courts. I think I shall not retract or repudiate it. Those who shall have tasted actual freedom I believe can never be slaves or quasi-slaves again. For the rest, I believe some plan substantially being gradual emancipation would be better for both white and black. The Missouri plan, recently adopted, I do not object to on account of the time for ending the in- stitution ; but I am sorry the beginning should have been postponed for seven years, leaving all that time to agitate for the repeal of the' whole thing. It should begin at once, giving at least the new-born a vested interest in freedom which could not be taken away. If Senator Sebastian could come with something of this sort from Arkansas, I, at least, should take great interest in his case ; and I believe a single individual will have scarcely done the world so great a service. See him. if you can, and read this to him; but charge him to not make it public for the present. Write me again. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. August 1, 1863.— TELEGRAi\i TO Governor Seyjiour. Albany, August 1, 18G3. Eec'd 2 p. m. The President of the United States: I ask that the draft be suspended in this State until I can send you a com- munication I am preparing. Horatio Seymour. 380 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN Washington, D. C, August 1, 1863. 4 p. m. His Excellency Governor Seymour, Albany, New York : By what day may I expect your communication to reach me"? Are you anxious about any part except the city and vicinity ? A. Lincoln, August 5, 1863. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. Executive Mansion, Washington, Aug-ust 5, 1863. My dear General Banks: Being a poor correspondent is the only apology I offer for not hav- ing sooner tendered my thanks for your very successful and very val- uable military operations this year. The final stroke in opening the Mississippi never should, and I think never will, be forgotten. Recent events in Mexico, I think, render early action in Texas more important than ever. I expect, however, the general-in-chief will adcb-ess you more fully upon this subject. Governor Boutwell read me to-day that part of your letter to him which relates to Louisiana affairs. While I very well know what I would be glad for Louisiana to do, it is quite a different thing for me to assume direction of the matter. I would be glad for her to make a new constitution recognizing the emancipation proclama- tion, and adopting emancipation in those parts of the State to which the proclamation does not apply. And while she is at it, I think it would not be objectionable for her to adopt some practical system by which the two races could gradually live themselves out of the old relation to each other, and both come oiit better prepared for the new. Education for young blacks should be included in the plan. After all, the power or element of '^ contract " may be sufficient for this probationary period ; and, by its simplicity and flexibility, may be the better. As an anti-slavery man, I have a motive to desire emancipation which pro-slavery men do not have ; but even they have strong enough reason to thus place themselves again under the shield of the Union ; and to thus pei-petually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes through which we are now passing. Governor Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durantis now taking a registry, with a \4ew to the election of a constitutional convention in Louisiana. This to me appears proper. If such convention were to ask my views, I could present little else than what I now say to you. I think the thing should be pushed forward, so tliat, if pos- sible, its mature work may reach here by the meeting of Congress. For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event, retract the emancipation proclamation ; nor, as executive, ever return to slavery any person who is freed by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress. if Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their admission to seats will depend, as you know, upon the respective Houses, and not upon the President. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 381 If these views can be of any advantage in i^'iving sliape and impe- tns to action tliere, I shall be glad for yon to nse them prndently for that oliject. Of conrse yon will confer with intelligent and trnsty citizens of the State, among whom I would suggest Messrs. Flanders, Hahn, and Dnrant; and to each of whom I now think I may send copies of this letter. JStill, it is perhaps better to not make the letter generally public. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. [Indorsement.] Copies sent to Messrs. Flanders, Hahn, and Dnrant, each indorsed as follows: The within is a copy of a letter to General Banks. Please observe my dii'ections to him. Do not mention the para- graph about Mexico. A. Lincoln. August 6, 18G3. August 7, 1863. — Letter to Governor Seymour. ExECUTR^ Mansion, Washington, August 7, 1863. His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York: Your communication of the third instant has been received and attentively considered, I cannot consent to suspend the draft in New York, as you re- quest, because^ among other reasons, time is too important. By the figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelve districts represented fall into two classes of eight and four respec- tively. The disparity of the quotas for the draft in these two classes is certainly very striking, being the difference between an average of 2200 in one class, and 4864 in the other. Assuming that the districts are equal one to another in entire population, as re- quired by the plan on which they were made, this disparity is such as to require attention. Much of it, however, I suppose will be ac- counted for by the fact that so many more persons fit for soldiers are in the city than are in the country, who have too recently ar- rived from otiier parts of the United States and fi*om Europe to be either included in the census of 1860, or to have voted in 1862. Still, making due allowance for this, I am yet unwilling to stand upon it as an entirely sufficient explanation of the great disparity. I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts, drawing, however, at first from each of the four districts, to wit : the second, fourth, sixth, and eighth, only 2200 being the average quota of the other class. After this drawing, these four districts, and also the seventeenth and twenty-ninth, shall be carefully reenrolled, and, if you please, agentsof yours may witness every step of the process. Any deficienc}^ which may appear by the new enrolment will be supplied by a special draft for that object, allowing due credit for volunteers who may be obtained from these districts respectively during the 382 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN interval. And at all points, so far as consistent with practical con- venience, due credits will be given for volunteers ; and your excel- lency shall be notified of the time fixed for commencing a draft in each district. I do not object to abide a decision of the United States Supreme Court, or of the judges thereof, on the constitutionality of the draft law. In fact, I sliould be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it, but I cannot consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We are contending with an enemy, who, as I understand, drives every able- bodied man he can reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argu- ment is used. This produces an army which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers, already in the field, if they shall not be sus- tained by recruits as they should be. It produces an army with a rapidity not to be matched on our side, if we first waste time to re- experiment with the volunteer system already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted as to be, inadequate, and then more time to obtain a court decision as to whether a law is constitu- tional which requires a part of those not now in the service to go to the aid of those who are already in it, and stiU more time to deter- mine with absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in the precisely legal proportion to those who are not to go. My purpose is to be in my action just and constitutional, and yet practical, in performing the important duty with which I am charged, of main- taining the unity and the free principles of our common country. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. August 8, 1863.— Letter to Mrs. Lincoln. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 8, 1863. Mij dear Wife : All as well as usual, and no particular trouble anyway. I put the money into the Treasury at five per cent., with the privilege of withdrawing it any time upon thirty days' notice. I suppose you are glad to learn this. Tell dear Tad poor " Nanny Goat" is lost, and Mrs. Cuthbert and I are in distress about it. The day you left, Nanny was found resting herself and chewing her lit-' tie cud on the middle of Tad's bed; but now she 's gone! The| gardener kept complaining that she destroyed the flowers, till it was concluded to bring her down to the White House. This was done,' and the second day she had disappeared and has not been heard of since. This is the last we know of poor " Nanny." The weather continues dry and excessively warm here. Nothing very important occurring. The election in Kentucky has gone very strongly right. Old Mr. Wickliffe got ugly, as you know: ran for governor, and is terribly beaten. Upon Mr. Crittenden's death, Brutus Clay, Cassius's brother, was put on the track for Congress, and is largely elected. Mr. Menzies, who, as we thought, behaved very badly last session of Congress, is largely beaten in the district opposite Cincinnati, by Green Clay Smith, Cassius Clay's nephew. But enough. Affectionately, ^^ Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 383 August 8, 1863.- Letter to General J. G. Foster. EXECUTIVE Mansion, Washington, August 8, 1863. General Foster: . , . virmnin This will be ^^^^^^^^^t^^'^Z^ rScuity at He goes, among oihe thuig^, ^eei.in ^ ^ ^^^^^^^^^, ^^ Norfolk and Portsmouth. ^^^ seems theie^s a families in Portsmouth who ^^^ dest tivte an Mv' r^^^^^ j,V porters are in the rebel army « ' ^^T,^^^^^ Vemfth^^^ authorities iti^^il^lXli^S^r't^^:?:^ ^n mLus contliet ^^^^^^^"^^^^-^^ liz^3/^X Please do it. ^ Yours truly, ^^ ^^^^^^^_ August 9, 1863.-LETTER to J. M. Fleming and R. Morrow. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1863. Mtt^^rs Jno. M. Fleming and R. Morrow. . • . MESSRS. JNO. . ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^,^^,^ ^^g ^^^g^ Gentlemen : The petition oi wuii^" .y ^^ ^^^^ o^, been handed me. Your «arcs and no^^^^^^^^ ^^ j ^^ ^^^ three successive ^^^ys befoi e, and i knew m, ^^^^ .^ ^^^^ after reading the f titnni what youi im.suni ^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^ the same true and painful ^^V^ry vvhich i^oven f^/j^ore Maynard, Dr. Clements ^^J ^^.t^^^^. /on c^ do no good, than two .vears. I also kne^ J^^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ because I have all the while done, ana s Tennessee as I '^^' Toi^o^M ifmyTwu^te^anTt^^^^ in Knoxvill. beat the enemy now ^^^^^^^.^"^^^'^^^^^^^^ back or would reinforce to meet them, until we ^ii^^iii "|jYn ^nnnlv and as rcumulate so large a force as to be ^^Jj^^^ f.^^^^^^^ to ruin us entirely if a great |^isaster shoul ^^fal it. 1 ^^ . are too much distressed to be ^''-^^^f ^^^f ^;^f fj^ ffe^^^^^^^^ to your attempt it at length You know I am not indim c^ ^ troubles, else I should not, more .f f " % > ^ j^^^'^.^frpose to relieve made the effort I did to hav-e 'VT/^l^I H^llec^ Burnside, you make this public. Yours truly, ^ Lincoln. 384 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN August 9, 1863. — Letter to General U, S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1863. My dear General Grant: I see by a despatch of yours that you incline quite strongly to- ward an expedition against Mobile. This would appear tempting to me also, were it not that in view of recent events in Mexico I am greatly impressed with the importance of reestablishing the national authority in Western Texas as soon as possible. I am not making an order, however; that I leave, for the present at least, to the general-in-chief. A word upon another subject. General Thomas has gone again to the Mississippi Valley, with the view of raising colored troops. I have no reason to doubt that you are doing what you reasonably can upon the same subject. I believe it is a resource which if vigor- ously applied now will soon close the contest. It works doubly, weakening the enemy and strengthening us. We were not fully ripe for it, until the river was opened. Now, I think at least one hundred thousand can and ought to be rapidly organized along its shores, relieving all white troops to serve elsewhere. Mr. Dana understands you as believing that the emancipation proclamation has helped some in your military operations. I am very glad if this is so. Did you receive a short letter from me dated the thirteenth of July ? Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. August 10, 1863. — Memorandum. After the report mentioned was made, this case, including the re- port, was brought before me, and upon quite full hearing and con- sideration, my conclusion was that Mr. Sands is probably a rather disagreeable man, and that these charges made to get rid of him are frivolous. Such is my present impression. A. Lincoln. August 10, 1863. August 10, 1863. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 10, 1863. My dear General Rosecrans : Yom"s of the 1st was received two days ago. I think you must have inferred more than General Halleck has intended, as to any dissatisfaction of mine with you. I am sure you, as a reasonable man, would not have been wounded could you have heard all my words and seen all my thoughts in regard to you. I have not abated in my kind feeling for and confidence in you. I have seen LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 385 most of your despatches to General Halleck — probaljly all of tliera. After Grant invested Vicksbiu'g I was very anxious lest Johnston should overwhelm him from the outside, and when it appeared cer- tain that part of Bragg's force had gone and was going to Johnston, it did seem to me it was exactly the proper time for you to attack Bragg with what force he had left. In all kindness let me say it so seems to me yet. Finding from your despatches to General Halleck that your judgment was different, and being very anxious for Grant, I, on one occasion, told General Halleck I thought he should direct you to decide at once to immediately attack Bragg or to stand on the defensive and send part of your force to Grant. He replied he had already so directed in substance. Soon after, despatches from Grant abated my anxiety for him, and in proportion abated my anxiety about any movement of yours. Wlien afterward, however, I saw a despatch of yours arguing that the right time for you to at- tack Bragg was not before, but would be after, the fall of Vicks- burg, it impressed me very strangely, and I think I so stated to the Secretary of War and General Halleck. It seemed no other than the proposition that you could better fight Bragg when Johnston should be at liberty to return and assist him than you could before he could so return to his assistance. Since Grant has been entirely relieved by the fall of Vicksburg, by which Johnston is also relieved, it has seemed to me that your chance for a stroke has been considerably diminished, and I have not been pressing you directly or indirectly. True, I am very anxi- ous for East Tennessee to be occupied by us ; but I see and appre- ciate the difficulties you mention. The question occurs, Can the thing be done at all "I Does preparation advance at all ? Do you not consume supplies as fast as you get them forward ? Have you more animals to-day than you had at the battle of Stone's River? And yet have not more been fui'nished you since then than your entire present stock! I ask the same questions as to yom* mounted force. Do not misunderstand : I am not casting blame upon you ; I rather think by great exertion you can get to East Tennessee ; but a very important question is. Can you stay there! I make no order in the case — that I leave to General Halleck and yourself. And now be assured once more that I think of you in all kindness and confidence, and that I am not watching you with an evil eye. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. August 10, 1863.— Note to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 10, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. Sir: I have not heard of any charges being filed against General J, A. McClernand. Are there'auy ? Youi-s truly, A. Lincoln. Vol. II.— 25. 386 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN August 10, 1863. — Letter of Acknowledgment. ExECUTR-E Mansion, Washington, August 10, 1863. Bear Madam : I tliauk you very cordially for the beautifully finished cushion received by your courtesy to-day. But, grateful as I am, it will be a greater pleasure to you to reflect that the brave soldiers who reap the benefit of your kindness and liberality are to- day more grateful still. I am yours very sincerely, A. Lincoln. August 11, 1863. — Letter to Governor Seyimour. Executive Mansion, "Washington, August 11, 1863. His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York : Yours of the 8th, with Judge- Advocate-General Waterbuiy's re- port, was received to-day. Asking you to remember that I consider time as being very im- portant, both to the general cause of the country and to the soldiers already in the field, I beg to remind you that I waited, at your re- quest, from the 1st till the 6th iust., to receive your communication dated the 3d. In view of its gi'eat length, and the known time and apparent care taken in its preparation, I did not doubt that it con- tained your full case as you desired to present it. It contained figures for twelve districts, omitting the other nineteen, as I sup- posed, because you found nothing to complain of as to them. I answered accordingly. In doing so I laid down the principle to which I purpose adher- ing, which is to proceed with the draft, at the same time employing infallible means to avoid any great wrongs. With the communi- cation received to-day you send figures for twenty-eight districts including the twelve sent before, and still omitting three, from which I suppose the enrolments are not yet received. In looking over the fuller Hst of twenty-eight disti'icts, I find that the quotas for sixteen of them are above 2000 and l.)elow 2700, while of the rest, six are above 2700 and six are below 2000. Applying the principle to these new facts, the fifth and seventh districts must be added to the four in which the quotas have already been reduced to 2200 for the first draft ; and with these, four others must be added to those to be reenroled. The corrected case will then stand: the quotas of the second, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth districts fixed at 2200 for the first draft. The Provost-Marshal-General in- forms me that the drawing is already completed in [the] sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, twenty-second, twenty-fourth, twenty-sixth, twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, twenty-ninth, and thirtieth districts. In the others, except the three outstanding, the drawing will be made upon the quotas as now fixed. After the first draft, the second, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, sixteenth, seventeenth, twenty-first, twenty-fifth, twenty-ninth, and thrity-first districts will be reenroled for the purpose, and in the manner stated in my LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 387 letter of the 7th iiist. The same principle will be applied to the now outstanding districts when they shall come in. No part of my former letter is repudiated by reason of not being restated in this, or for any other cause. Youi' obedient servant, A. Lincoln. August 11, 1863. — Letter to General G. G. Meade. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 11, 1863. My dear General Meade : Yesterday week I made known to General Hooker our brief cor- respondence in regard to him. He seemed gratified with the kind spirit manifested by both of us ; but said he was busy preparing a report and would consider. Yesterday he called again, and said he would accept the offer if it was still open ; would go at once if you desire, but would prefer waiting till the 1st of September, unless there was to be a battle, or you desu'e him to come sooner. I told him I would wiite you. Please answer. Youi's very truly, A. Lincoln. August 11, 1863. — Indorsement. Secretary of "War : Please give General Logan the extended leave asked for, unless you know a good reason to the contrary. A. Lincoln. August 11, 1863. August 12, 1863. — Letter to General J. A. McClernand. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 12, 1863. Major-Gexeral McClernand. Mij dear Sir : Our friend, William G. Greene, has just presented a kind letter in regard to yom-seK, addressed to me by oiu' other friends, Yates, Hatch, and Dubois. I doubt whether yoiu* present position is more painful to you than to myself. Grateful for the patriotic stand so early taken by you in this life-and-death struggle of the nation, I have done whatever has appeared practicable to advance you and the pubUc interest together. No charges, with a view to a trial, have been preferred against you by any one ; nor do I suppose any mil be. All there is, so far as I have heard, is General Grant's statement of his reasons for relie\'ing you. And even this I have not seen or sought to see ; because it is a ease, as appears to me, in which I could do nothing -vvithout doing harm. General Grant and yourself have been conspicuous in our most important successes ; and for me to interfere and thus magnify a breach between you could not but be of evil effect. Better leave it where the law of the case has placed it. For me to force you back upon General Grant would be forcing him to resign. I cannot give 388 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN you a new command, because we have no forces except such as ah"eady have commanders. I am constantly pressed by those who scold before they think, or without thinking at all, to give commands respectively to Fremont, McClellan, Butler, Sigel, Curtis, Hunter, Hooker, and perhaps others, when, all else out of the way, I have no commands to give them. This is now your case ; which, as I have said, pains me not less than it does you. My belief is that the permanent estimate of what a general does in the field is fixed by the " cloud of witnesses " who have been with him in the field ; and that relying on these, he who has the right needs not to fear. Your friend as ever, A. Lincoln. August [15?] 1863. — Opinion on the Draft, never issued OR PUBLISHED BY THE PRESIDENT. It is at all times proper that misunderstanding between the public and the public servant should be avoided ; and this is far more im- portant now than in times of peace and tranquillity. I therefore address you without searching for a precedent upon which to do so. Some of you are sincerely devoted to the republican institutions and territorial integrity of our country, and yet are opposed to what is called the draft, or conscription. At the beginning of the war, and ever since, a variety of motives, pressing, some in one direction and some in the other, would be pre- sented to the mind of each man ph;y'«ically fit for a soldier, upon the combined effect of which motives he would, or would not, voluntarily enter the service. Among these motives would be patriotism, politi- cal bias, ambition, personal courage, love of adventure, want of employment, and convenience, or the opposites of some of these. We already have, and have had in the service, as appears, substan- tially all that can be obtained upon this voluntary weighing of mo- tives. And yet we must somehow obtain more, or relinquish the original object of the contest, together with all the blood and trea- sure already expended in the effort to secure it. To meet this neces- sity the law for the draft has been enacted. You who do not wish to be soldiers do not like this law. This is natural ; nor does it limply want of patriotism. Nothing can be so just and necessary as Ito make us like it if it is disagreeable to us. We are prone, too, to find false arguments with which to excuse ourselves for opposing such disagreeable things. In this case, those who desire the re- , bellion to succeed, and others who seek reward in a different way, are very active in accommodating us with this class of arguments. ' They tell us the law is unconstitutional. It is the first instance, I believe, in which the power of Congress to do a thing has ever been questioned in a case when the power is given by the Constitution in express terms. Whether a power can be imphed when it is not ex- pressed has often been the subject of controversy ; but this is the first case in which the degree of effrontery has been ventured upon of denying a power which is plainly and distinctly written down in LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 389 the Constitution. The Constitution decLires that " The Congress sluiU have power ... to raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years." The whole scope of the conscription act is " to raise and support armies." There is nothing else in it. It makes no appropriation of money, and hence the money clause just quoted is not touched by it. The case simply is, the Constitution provides that the Congress shall have power to raise and support armies ; and by this act the Congress has exercised the power to raise and support armies. This is the whole of it. It is a law made in literal pursuance of this part of the United States Constitution ; and another part of the same Constitution declares that "this Constitution, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, . . . shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any- thing in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary not- withstanding." Do you admit that the power is given to raise and support armies, and yet insist that by this act Congress has not exercised the power in a constitutional mode"? — has not done the thing in the right way! Who is to judge of this? The Consti- tution gives CongTess the power, but it does not prescribe the mode, or expressly declare who shall prescribe it. In such case Congress must prescribe the mode, or relinquish the power. There is no alternative. Congress could not exercise the power to do the thing if it had not the power of providing a way to do it, when no way is provided by the Constitution for doing it. In fact. Congress would not have the power to raise and support armies, if even by the Constitution it were left to the option of any other or others to give or withhold the only mode of doing it. If the Constitution had prescribed a mode. Congress could and must follow that mode ; but, as it is, the mode necessarily goes to Congress, with the power expressly given. The power is given fully, completely, uncondi- tionally. It is not a power to raise armies if State authorities con- sent; nor if the men to compose the armies are entirely willing; but it is a power to raise and support armies given to Congress by the Constitution, without an " if." It is clear that a constitutional law may not be expedient or proper. Such would be a law to raise armies when no armies were needed. But this is not such. The republican institutions and territorial integrity of our country cannot be maintained without the further raising and supporting of armies. There can be no army without luen. Men can be had only voluntarily or involun- tarily. We have ceased to obtain them voluntarily, and to obtain them involuntarily is the draft — the conscription. If you dis- pute the fact, and declare that men can still be had voluntarily in sufficient numbers, prove the assertion by yourselves volun- teering in such numbers, and I shall gladly give up the draft. Or, if not a sufficient number, but any one of you will volunteer, he for his single self will escape all the horrors of the draft, and will thereby do only what each one of at least a million of his manly brethren have already done. Their toil and blood have been 390 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN given as much for you as for themselves. Shall it all be lost rather than that you, too, will bear your part ? I do not say that all who would avoid serving in the war are un- patriotic; but I do think every patriot should willingly take his chance under a law made with great care, in order to secure entire fairness. This law was considered, discussed, modified, and amended by Congress at great length, and with much labor ; and was finally passed by both branches, with a near approach to unanimity. At last, it may not be exactly such as any one man out of Congress, or even in Congress, would have made it. It has been said, and I believe truly, that the Constitution itself is not altogether such as any one of its framers would have preferred. It was the joint work of all, and certainly the better that it was so. Much complaint is made of that provision of the conscription law which allows a drafted man to substitute three hundred dollars for himself ; while, as I believe, none is made of that provision which allows him to substitute another man for himself. Nor is the three hundred dollar provision objected to for unconstitutionality ; but for inequality, for favoring the rich against the poor. The substi- tution of men is the provision, if any, which favors the rich to the exclusion of the poor. But this, being a provision in accordance with an old and well-known practice in the raising of armies, is not objected to. There would have been great objection if that pro- vision had been omitted. And yet, being in, the money provision really modifies the inequality which the other introduces. It allows men to escape the service who are too poor to escape but for it. Without the money provision, competition among the more wealthy might, and probatjly would, raise the price of substitutes above three hundred dollars, thus leaving the man who could raise only three hundred dollars no escape from personal service. True, by the law as it is, the man who cannot raise so much as three hundred dollars, nor obtain a personal substitute for less, cannot escape; but he can come quite as near escaping as he could if the money provision were not in the law. To put it another way : is an un- objectionable law which allows only the man to escape who can pay a thousand dollars made objectionable by adding a provision that any one may escape who can pay the smaller sum of three hundred dollars ? This is the exact difference at this point between the present law and all former draft laws. It is true that by this law a some- what larger number wiU escape than could under a law allowing personal substitutes only ; but each additional man thus escaping will be a poorer man than could have escaped by the law in the other form. The money provision enlarges the class of exempts from actual service simply by admitting poorer men into it. How then can the money provision be a wrong to the poor man? The inequality complained of pertains in greater degree to the substi- tution of men, and is really modified and lessened by the money pro- vision. The inequality could only be perfectly cured by sweeping both provisions away. This, being a great innovation, would probably leave the law more distasteful than it now is. The principle of the draft, which simply is involuntary or en- LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 391 forced service, is not new. It has been practised in all ages of the world. It was well-known to the framers of our Constitution as one of the modes of raising armies, at the time they placed in that instrument the provision that '* the Congress shall have power to raise and support armies.'' It had been used just before in estab- lishing our independence, and it was also used under the Constitu- tion in 1812. Wherein is the peculiar hardship now? Shall we shrink from the necessary means to maintain oiu- free government, which our grandfathers employed to establish it and our own fa- thers have already employed once to maintain it ? Are we degen- erate ? Has the manhood of our race run out ? Again, a law may be both constitutional and expedient, and yet may be administered in an unjust and unfair way. This law be- longs to a class, which class is composed of those laws whose object is to distribute burdens or benefits on the principle of equality. No one of these laws can ever be practically administered with that exactness which can be conceived of in the mind. A tax law, the principle of which is that each owner shall pay in proportion to the value of his property, will be a dead letter, if no one can be com- pelled to pay until it can be shown that every other one will pay in precisely the same proportion, according to value ; nay, even, it wiU be a dead letter if no one can be compelled to pay until it is certain that every other one will pay at all — even in unequal proportion. Again, the United States House of Representatives is constituted on the principle that each member is sent by the same number of people that each other one is sent by ; and yet, in practice, no two of the whole number, much less the whole number, are ever sent by precisely the same number of constituents. The districts cannot be made precisely equal in population at first, and if they could, they would become unequal in a single day, and much more so in the ten years which the districts, once made, are to continue. They can- not be remodeled every day; nor, without too much expense and labor, even every year. This sort of difficulty applies in full force to the practical admin- istration of the draft law. In fact, the difficulty is greater in the case of the draft law. First, it starts with all the inequality of the congressional districts; but these are based on entire population, while the draft is based upon those only who are fit for soldiers, and such may not bear the same proportion to the whole in one district that they do in another. Again, the facts must be ascer- tained and credit given for the unequal numbers of soldiers which have already gone from the several districts. In all these points errors will occur in spite of the utmost fidelity. The government is bound to administer the law with such an approach to exactness as is usual in analogous cases, and as entire good faith and fidelity will reach. If so great departures as to be inconsistent with such good faith and fidelity, or great departures occuiTing in any way. be pointed out, they shall be corrected ; and any agent shown to have caused such departures intentionally shall be dismissed. With these views, and on these principles, I feel bound to tell you it is my purpose to see the draft law faithfully executed. 392 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN August 16, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Seymour. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 16, 1863. Governor Seymour, New York : Your despatch of this morning is just received, and I fear I do not perfectly understand it. My view of the principle is that every soldier obtained volunta- rily leaves one less to be obtained by draft. The only difficulty is in applying the principle properly. Looking to time, as heretofore, I am unwilling to give up a drafted man now, even for the certainty, much less for the mere chance, of getting a volunteer hereafter. Again, after the draft in any district, would it not make trouble to take any di*afted man out and put a volunteer in, for how shall it be deter- mined which drafted man is to have the privilege of thus going out, to the exclusion of all the others? And even before the draft in any district the quota must be fixed; and the draft might be postponed indefinitely if every time a volunteer is offered the officers must stop and reconstruct the quota. At least I fear there might be this diffi- culty ; but, at all events, let credits for volunteers be given up to the last moment, which will not produce confusion or delay. That the principle of giving credits for volunteers shall be applied by dis- tricts seems fair and proper, though I do not know how far by present statistics it is practicable. When for any cause a fair credit is not given at one time, it should be given as soon thereafter as practicable. My purpose is to be just and fair, and yet to not lose time. A. Lincoln. August 16, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 16, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. Sir: It seems that George W. McGuire and David Bell have been tried and condemned to be shot by a military commission at St. Louis, Missom'i, of which commission General W. K. Strong was the head. If a transcript of the record is at yoiu* control, please send it to me. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 17, 1863. — Letter to J. H. Hackett. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 17, 1863. James H. Hackett, Esq. 3fy dear Sir : Months ago I should have acknowledged the re- ceipt of your book and accompanying kind note; and I now have to beg your pardon for not having done so. For one of my age I have seen very Httle of the drama. The fii*st presentation of Falstaff I ever saw was youi*s here, last winter or LETTERS AND STATE TAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 6V6 spring. Perhaps the best compliment I can pay is to say, as I truly can, I am very anxious to see it again. Some of Shakspere's plays I have never read; while othei-s I have gone over j)erliaps as frequently as anv unprofessional reader. Among the latter are "Lear," ''Kicharcl III.," "Henry VIIL," "Hamlet," and especially "Macbeth." I think nothing equals "Macbeth." It is wonderful. Unlike you gentlemen of the i)rofession, I think the solihxjuy in "Hamlet" commencing "Oh, my offense is rank," surpasses that com- mencing " To be or not to be." But pardon this small attempt at criticism. I should like to hear you pronounce the opening speech of Richai'd TIL Will you not soon \isit Washington again? If you do, please call and let me make your personal acquaintance. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 17, 1863. — Letter to F. F. Lowe. Washington, D. C, August 17, 1863. Hon. F. F. Lowe, San Francisco, California: There seems to be considerable misunderstanding about the re- cent movement to take possession of the " New Almaden " mine. It had no reference to any other mine or mines. In regard to mines and miners generally, no change of policy by the government has been decided on, or even thought of, so far as I know. The "New Almaden" mine was peculiar in this, that its occupants claimed to be the legal owners of it, on a Mexican grant, and went into court on that claim. The case found its way into the Supreme Court of the United States, and last term, in and by that court, the claim of the occupants was decided to be utterly fraudulent. There- upon it was considered the duty of the government by the Secretary of the Interior, the Attorney-General, and myself, to take possession of the premises ; and the Attorney-General carefully made out the writ, and I signed it. It was not obtained surreptitiously, although I suppose General Halleck thought it had been, when he telegraphed, simply because he thought possession was about being taken by a military order, while he knew no such order had passed through his hands as general-in-chief. The wi-it was suspended, upon urgent representations from Cali- fornia, simply to keep the j)eace. It never had any direct or indirect reference to any mine, place, or person, except the "New Almaden" mine and the persons connected with it. A. Lincoln. August 18, 1863. — Letter to General J. G. Blunt. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 18, 1863. Major-General Blunt : Yours of July 31st is received. Governor Carney did leave some -papers with me concerning you; but they made no great impression 394 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN upon me, and I believe they are not altogether such as you seem to think. As I am not proposing to act upon them, I do not now take the time to reexamine them. I regret to find you denouncing so many persons as liars, scoun- drels, fools, thieves, and persecutors of yourself. Your military position looks critical, but did anybody force you into it? Have you been ordered to confront and fight 10,000 men with 3000 men ? The government cannot make men ; and it is very easy, when a man has been given the highest commission, for him to turn on those who gave it and vilify them for not giving him a command according to his rank. My appointment of you first as a brigadier, and then as a major- general, was evidence of my appreciation of your services; and I have since marked but one thing in connection with you with which to be dissatisfied. The sending a military order twenty-five miles outside of your lines, and all military lines, to take men charged with no offense against the military, out of the hands of the courts, to be turned over to a mob to be hanged, can find no prece- dent or principle to justify it. Judge Lynch sometimes takes juris- diction of cases which prove too strong for the courts; but this is the first case within my knowledge wherein the court being able to maintain jurisdiction against Judge Lynch, the military has come to the assistance of the latter. I take the facts of this case as you state them yourself, and not from any report of Governor Carney, or other person. Yours truly, A. LmcOLN. August 19, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 19, 1863. Hon, Secretary of War. Dear Sir : The bearer of this, Judge Colt, of Missouri, introduced to me by the Attorney- General, tells me he has a stepson — Singleton Wilson — who ran away into the rebel army, then under seventeen, and still under nineteen, and who is now a prisoner at Camp Mor- ton, Indiana. He now wants to take the oath of allegiance, and go home with the judge, and the judge desires the same. May it not be safely done ? Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 21, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 21, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir: In the autumn of 1861, certain persons in armed rebellion against the United States, within the counties of Accomac and Northampton, laid down their arms upon certain terms then proposed to them by General Dix, in and by a certain proclamation. It is now said that these persons, or some of them, are about to be LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 395 forced into the military lines of the existing rebellion, nnless they will take an oath prescribed to them since, and not included in General Dix's proclamation referred to. Now, my judgment is that no one of these men should be forced from his home, who has not broken faith with the government, according to the terms fixed by General Dix and these men. It is bad faith in the government to force new terms upon such as have kept faith with it — at least so it seems to me. A. Lincoln. August 22, 1863. — Letter to General D. Sickles. Washington, D. C, August 22, 18G3. Major-General Sickles. My dear Sir: Your note and brief about the California land claim are received. The question presented is a property question, with which I do not think I should meddle as a volunteer. It >yill save me labor, therefore, if you will first point me to the law which assigns any duty to the President in the case. This done, next send me a reference to the treaty, and all the statutory law which bears upon the case. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 24, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Usher. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, August 24, 1863. Hon. Secretary of the Interior. Sir: By the within you see the claim of Illinois for the two per cent, on sales of public lands is again presented. My view of the case is not changed. I believe the law is with the State ; and yet I think it is ungracious to be pressing the claim at this time of national trouble. Nevertheless, I have to ask that you will determine what is your duty according to the law, and then do it. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 25, 1863.— Indorsement on Note of Secretary Stanton. War Department, Washington City, August 25, 1863. Dear Sir: Please give me the reference to the act of Congress in relation to the election of members of the House, wliieh you have mentioned to me on one or two occasions. I cannot find the act. Truly yours, Edwin M. Stanton. To the President. [Indorsement.] The little short act on page 804 of the large new volume was shown to me by Mr. Bingham of Ohio, as being the one, in counec- 396 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN tion with the other laws therein referred to, which works the result. I have not tracked np the other laws. A. Lincoln. August 26, 1863.— Letter to J. C. Conkling. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 26, 1863. Hon. James C. Conkling. My dear Sir: Your letter inviting me to attend a mass-meeting of unconditional Union men, to be held at the capital of Illinois on the 3d day of September, has been received. It would be very agree- able to me to thus meet my old friends at my own home, but I cannot just now be absent from here so long as a visit there would require. The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional de- votion to the Union; and I am sure my old political friends will thank me for tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those and other noble men whom no partizan malice or partizan hope can make false to the nation's life. There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say : You desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it"? There are but three conceivable ways: First, to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am try- ing to do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it ? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise. I do not believe any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the re- bellion is its military, "its army. That army dominates aU the country and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them. To illustrate : Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsyl- vania! Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper compromise to which the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed can at all affect that army. In an effort at such compromise we should waste time which the enemy would improve to our disadvan- tage ; and that would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people first liberated from the domination of that army by the suc- cess of our own army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word LETTEBS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 397 or intimation frojn that rebel army, or from any of the men con- trolling- it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. "^All charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. And I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself the servant of the people, according to the bond of service — the United States Constitution — and that, as such, I am responsible to them. But to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negi-o. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while I suppose you do not. Yet, I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view, provided you are for the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation, to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. IBut I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater taxation to save the Union ex- clusively by other means. You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and )ierhaps would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution' invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in time of war. The most that can be said — if so much — is that slaves are property. Is there — has there ever been — any question that by the law of war, property-, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed when- ever taking it helps us, or hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it ; and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the excep- tions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it cannot be re- tracted any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess to think its retraction would operate favorably for the Union. Why better after the retraction than before the issue ? There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the re- bellion before the proclamation issued ; the last one hundred days of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know, as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some of the commanders of our armies in the field, who have given us our most important successes, believe the emancipation policy and the use of the colored troops constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of these important successes could not have been achieved when it was iDut for the aid of black soldiers. Among the commanders holding these views are some who have never had any affinity with what is called Abolitionism, or with Republican party politics, but who hold 398 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN them purely as military opinions. I snbmit these opinions as being entitled to some weight against the objections often urged that eman- cipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in good faith. You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, ex- clusively, to save the Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have con- quered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weak- ened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differently ? I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you ? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them ? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And the promise, being made, must be kept. The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The sunny South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. The job was a great national one, and let none be banned who bore an honorable part in it. And while those who have cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than at Antietam, Murfreesboro', Gettysburg, and on many fields of lesser note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the ground was a little damp, they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all: for the great republic — for the principle it lives by and keeps alive — for man's vast future — thanks to all. Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay ; and so come as to be worth the keeping in aU future time. It will then have been proved that among free men there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there will be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great eon- summation, while I fear there will be some white ones unable to forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they strove to hinder it. Stillj let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy final triumph. Let LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 399 US be quite sober. Let us diligeutly apply the means, never doubt- ing that a just God, iu his own good time, will give us the right- ful result. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. August 26, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, August 26, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. Sir : In my correspondence with Governor Seymour in relation to the draft, I have said to him, substantially, that credits shall be given for volunteers up to the latest moment, before drawing in any district, that can be done without producing confusion or delay. In order to do this, let our mustering officers in New York and else- where be at once instructed that whenever they muster into onr service any number of volunteers, to at once make return to the War Department, both by telegraph and mail, the date of the mus- ter, the number mustered, and the Congressional or enrolment district or districts, of their residences, giving the numbers sepa- rately for each district. Keep these returns diligently posted, and by them give full credit on the quotas, if possible, on the last day before the draft begins in any district. Again, I have informed Governor Seymour that he shall be noti- fied of the time when the di*aft is to commence in each district iu his State. This is equally proper for all the States. In order to carry it out, I propose that so soon as the day for commencing the draft in any district is definitely determined, the governor of the State, including the district, be notified thereof, both by telegraph and mail, in form about as foUows : 1863. Governor of. Ton are notified that the draft will commence in the district, at on the daijof. 1863, at A. M. of said day. Please acknowledge receipt of this hy telegraph and mail. 400 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN This notice may be given by the Provost-Marshal- General here, the sub-provost-marshal-generals in the States, or perhaps by the district provost-marshals. Whenever we shall have so far proceeded in New York as to make the reenrolment specially promised there, practicable, I wish that also to go forward, and I wish Governor Seymour notified of it ; so that if he choose, he can place agents of his with ours to see the work fairly done. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 26, 1863. — Letter to I. N. Morris. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 26, 1863. Hon. I. N. Morris. Dear Sir : Your note asking what you were to understand, was received yesterday. Monday morning I sent the papers to the Secretary of the Interior, with an indorsement that my impression of the law was not changed, and that I desired him to take up the case and do his duty according to his view of the law. Yesterday I said the same thing to him verbally. Now, my understanding is that the law has not assigned me, specifieall}^, any duty in the case, but has assigned it to the Secre- tary of the Interior. It may be my general duty to direct him to act — which I have performed. WTien he shall have acted, if his action is not satisfactory, there may or may not be an appeal to me. It is a point I have not examined ; but if it be shown that the law gives such appeal, I shall not hesitate to entertain it when presented. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 27, 1863. — Letter to Governor Seymour. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, August 27, 1863. His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York : Yours of the 21st, with exhibits, was received on the 24th. In the midst of pressing duties I have been unable to answer it sooner. In the mean time the Provost-Marshal-General has had access to yours, and has addressed a communication in relation to it to the Secretary of War, a copy of which communication I herewith inclose to you. Independently of 'this, I addressed a letter on the same subject to the Secretary of War, a copy of which I also inclose to you. The Secretary has sent my letter to the Provost-Marshal-Geueral, with direction that he adopt and follow the course therein pointed out. It will, of course, overrule any conflicting view of the Provost-Mar- shal-General, if there be such. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 401 P. S. I do not mean to say tliat if the Provost- Marshal-General can find it practicable to give credits by snb-districts, I overrule him in that. On the contrary, I shall be glad of it ; but I will not take the risk of over-burdening him by ordering him to do it. A. L. August 27, 1863. — Telegraim to A. C. Wilder and J. H. Laxe. Washington, D. C, August 27, 1863. 8.30 a. m. Hon. a. C. Wilder, Hon. J. H. Lane, Leavenworth, Kansas: Notice of your demand for the removal of General Schofield is hereby acknowledged. A. Lincoln. August 27, 1863. — Telegraim to General J. M. Schofield. Washington, D. C, August 27, 1863. 8.30 a. m. General Schofield, St. Louis : I have just received the despatch which follows from two very influential citizens of Kansas, whose names I omit. The severe blow they have received naturally enough makes them intemperate even without there being any just cause for blame. Please do your ut- most to give them futui*e security and to punish their invaders. A. Lincoln. August 27, 1863. — Telegram to General G. G. Meade. War Department, Washington, D. C, August 27, 1863. 9 a. m. Major-General Meade, Warrenton, Virginia: Walter, Rionese, Folancy, Lai, and Kuhn appealed to me for mercy, without giving any ground for it whatever. I understand these are very flagrant cases, and that you deem their punishment as being- indispensable to the service. If I am not mistaken in this, please let them know at once that their appeal is denied. A. Lincoln. August 27, 1863. — Telegram to F. C. Sherman and J. S. Hayes. Washington, August 27, 1863. F. C. Sherman, Mayor, J. S. Hayes, Comptroller, Chicago, Illinois: Yours of the 24th, in relation to the draft, is received. It seems to me the government here will be overwhelmed if it undertakes to conduct these matters with the authorities of cities and counties. They must be conducted witli the governors of States, who will, of course, represent their cities and counties. Meanwhile you need not be uneasy until you again hear from here. A. Lincoln. Vol. II.— 26. 402 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN August 31, 1863.— Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 31, 1863. My dear General Rosecrans: Yours of the 22d was received yesterday. When I wrote you before, I did [not] intend, nor do I now, to engage in an argument with you on military questions. You had informed me you were impressed through General Halleck that I was dissatisfied with you; and I could not bluntly deny that I was without unjustly implicat- ing him. I therefore concluded to tell you the plain truth, being satisfied the matter would thus appear much smaller than it would if seen by mere glimpses. I repeat that my appreciation of yoii has not abated. I can never forget whilst I remember anything that about the end of last year and beginning of this, you gave us a hard-earned victory, which, had there been a defeat instead, the nation could scarcely have lived over. Neither can I forget the check you so opportunely gave to a dan- gerous sentiment which was spreading in the North. Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. August 31, 1863. — Note to General H. W. Halleck. It is not improbable that retaliation for the recent great outrage at Lawrence, in Kansas, may extend to indiscriminate slaughter on the Missouri border, unless averted by very judicious action. I shall be obliged if the general-in-chief can make any suggestions to General Schofield upon the subject. A. Lincoln. September 1, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 1, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War, My dear Sir : I am now informed, contrary to my impression when I last talked with you, that the order compelling the four hun- dred on the eastern shore of Virginia to take the oath or be sent away is about being carried into execution. As this, and also the assessment for damage done to and at the lighthouse, are very strong measures, and as I have to bear the responsibility of them, I \dsh them suspended until I can at least be better satisfied of their propriety than I now am. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 2, 1863. — Draft of Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 2, 1863. Hon. Salmon P. Chase. My dear Sir : Knowing your great anxiety that the Emancipa- tion Proclamation shall now be applied to certain parts of Virginia LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 403 and Louisiana whieli were exempted from it last January, I state briefly what appear to me to be difficulties in the way of such a step. The original proclamation has no constitutional or legal justification, except as a military measure. Tiie exemptions were made because the military necessity did not apply to the exempted localities. Nor does that necessity apply to them now any more than it did then. If I take the step, must I not do so without the argument of military necessity, and so without any argument except the one that I think the measure politically expedient and morally right ? Would I not thus give up all footiug upon Constitution or law! Would I not thus be in the boundless field of absolutism ! Could this pass un- noticed or unresisted ? Could it fail to be perceived that without any further stretch I might do the same in Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, and even change any law in any State f Would not many of our own friends shrink away appalled ? Would it not lose us the elections, and with them the very cause we seek to advance ? [A. Lencoln.j September 4, 1863.— Order concerning Coseviercial Regulations. Executive Mansion, Washington City, September 4, 1863. Ordered, That the Executive Order, dated November 21, 1862, prohibiting the exportation from the United States of arms, ammu- nition, or munitions of war, under which the commandants of depart- ments were, by order of the Secretary of War dated May 13, 1863, directed to prohibit the purchase and' sale for exportation from the United States of all horses and mules within their respective com- mands, and to take and appropriate to the use of the United States any horses, mules, and live stock designed for exportation, be so far modified as that any arms heretofore imported into the United States may be reexported to the place of original shipment, and that any live stock raised in any State or Territory bounded by the Pacific "Ocean may be exported from any port of such State or Territory. Abraham Lincoln. September 6, 1863.— Telegrajm to Secretary Stanton. War Department, Washington, September 6, 1863. 6 p. m. Hon. Secretary of War, Bedford, Pennsylvania : Burnside has Kingston and Knoxville, and drove the enemy across the river at Loudon, the enemy destroying the bridge there; captured some stores and one or two trains; very little fighting; few wounded and none killed. No other news of consequence. A. Lincoln. 404 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN September 7, 1863.— Telegram to F. C. Sheriian and J. S. Hayes. Washington, September 7, 1863. Yours of August 29 just received. I suppose it was intended by Congress that this government should execute the act in question without dependence upon any other government. State, city, or county. It is, however, within the range of practical convenience to confer with the governments of States, while it is quite beyond that range to have correspondence on the subject with counties and cities. They are too numerous. As instances, I have corresponded with Governor Seymour, but not with Mayor Opdykej with Gov- ernor Curtin, but not with Mayor Henry. A. Lincoln. September 8, 1863. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 8, 1863. 9.30 a. m. Hon. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : Despatch of yesterday just received. I shall try to find the paper you mention and carefully consider it. In the mean time let me urge that you do your utmost to get every man you can, black and white, under arms at the very earliest moment, to guard roads, bridges, and trains, allowing all the better trained soldiers to go forward to Rosecrans. Of course I mean for you to act in cooper- ation with, and not independently of, the military authorities. A. Lincoln. September 10, 1863.— Letter to J. P. Gray. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 10, 1863. Dr. John P. Gray. Sir : Dr. David M. Wright is in military custody at Norfolk, Vir- ginia, having been by a military commission tried for murder and sentenced to death, his execution awaiting the order of the major- general in command of that military department, or of the Presi- dent of the United States. The record is before me, and a question is made as to the sanity of the accused. You will please proceed to the military department whose headquarters are at Fort Monroe, and take in writing all evidence which may be offered on behalf of Dr. Wright and against him, and any, in addition, which you may find within your reach, and deem pertinent ; all said evidence to be directed to the question of Dr. Wright's sanity or insanity, and not to any other questions ; you to preside with power to exclude evi- dence which shall appear to you clearly not pertinent to the question. LETTERS AND STATE "PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 405 When the taking of the evidence shall be closed, you will report the same to me, together with your own conclusions as to Dr. Wright's sanity both at the time of the homicide and at the time of your examination. On reaching Fort Monroe, you will present this letter to the officer then commanding that department, and deliver to him a copy of the same, upon which he is hereby directed to no- tify Hon. L. J. Bowden and Hon. L. H. Chandler of the same ; to designate some suitable person in his command to appear for the government as judge-advocate or prosecuting attorney; to provide for the attendance of all such witnesses before you as may be de- sired by either party, or by yourself, and who may be within con- venient reach of you ; to furnish you a suitable place, or places, for conducting the exandnation; and to render you such other reasona- ble assistance in the premises as you may require. If you deem it proper, you will examine Dr. Wright personally, and you may in your discretion require him to be present during the whole or any part of the taking of the evidence. The military are hereby charged to see that an escape does not occur. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. September 11, 1863. — Letter to Governor Johnson. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 11, 1863. Hon. Andrew Johnson. Mij dear Sir : All Tennessee is now clear of armed insurrection- ists. You need not to be reminded that it is the nick of time for reinauguratin^ a loyal State government. Not a moment should be lost. You and the cooperating friends there can better judge of the ways and means than can be judged by any here. I onlj^ oifer a few suggestions. The reinauguration must not be such as to give control of the State and its representation in Congress to the ene- mies of the Union, driving its friends there into political exile. The whole struggle for Tennessee will have been profitless to both State and nation if it so ends that Governor Johnson is put down and Governor Harris is put up. It must not be so. You must have it otherwise. Let the reconstruction be the work of such men only as can be trusted for the Union. Exclude all others, and trust that your government so organized will be recognized here as being the one of republican form to be guaranteed to the State, and to be protected against invasion and domestic violence. It is some- thing on the question of time to remember that it cannot be known who is next to occupy the position I now hold, nor what he will do. I see that you have declared in favor of emancipation in Tennessee, for which may God bless you. Get emancipation into your new State government — constitution — and there will be no such word as fail for your case. The raising of colored troops, I think, wiU greatly help every wa\\ Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 406 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN September 11, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. "Washington, September 11, 1863. 11.30 a. m. Major-General Burnside, Cumberland Gap : Yours received. A thousand thanks for the late successes you have given us. We cannot allow you to resign until things shall be a little more settled in East Tennessee. If then, purely on your own account, you wish to resign, we will not further refuse you. A. Lincoln. September 12, 1863. — Letter to Josiah Quincy. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 12, 1863. Dear and honored Sir : Allow me to express the personal gratifi- cation I feel at the receipt of your very kind letter of the 7th of September, and to thank you most cordially for its wise and earnest words of counsel. Believe me, my dear sir, to be very respectfully and sincerely your friend and servant, A. Lincoln. September 14, 1863. — Letter from Secretary Stanton to General McClernand. War Department, Washington City, September 14, 1863. Major-General John A. McClernand, Springfield, Illinois. General : Your letter of the 5th instant has been submitted to the President, who directs me to say that a court of inquiry embracing any one of the subjects specified in that letter would necessarily withdraw from the field many officers whose presence with their commands is absolutely indispensable to the service, and whose ab- sence might cause irreparable injury to the success of operations now in active progress. For these reasons he declines at present your application, but if hereafter it can be done without prejudice to the service, he wiU, in view of your anxiety upon the subject, order a court. Your obedient servant, Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. September 15, 1863. — Proclamation Suspending Writ of Habeas Corpus. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas, the Constitution of the United States has ordained that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 407 require it ; and whereas, a rebellion was existing on the third day of March, 1863, which rebellion is still existing; and whereas, by a statute which was approved on that day, it was enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, that during the present insurrection the President of the United States, whenever in his judgment the public safety may require it, is authorized to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in any case throughout the United States, or any part thereof; and whereas, in the judgment of the President, the public safety does require the privilege of the said writ shall now be suspended, throughout the United States, in the eases where, by the authority of the President of the United States, military, naval, and ci\dl officers of the United States, or any of them, hold persons under their command, or in their custody, either as pi-isoners of war, spies, or aiders or abettors of the enemy, or officers, soldiers, or seamen enrolled or drafted or mustered or enlisted in, or belonging to, the land or naval forces of the United States, or as deserters therefrom, or otherwise amenable to military law, or the rules and articles of war, or the rules or regulations prescribed for the military or naval service by authority of the President of the United States ; or for resisting a draft, or for any other offense against the military or naval service : Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby proclaim and make known to all whom it may concern, that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is sus- pended throughout the United States in the several cases before mentioned, and that this suspension will continue throughout the duration of the said rebellion, or until this proclamation shall, hy a subsequent one to be issued by the President of the United States, be modified or revoked. And I do hereby require all magistrates, attorneys, and other civil officers within the United States, and all officers and others in the military and naval service of the United States, to take distinct notice of this suspension, and to give it full effect, and all citizens of the United States to conduct and govern themselves accordingly, and in conformity with the Consti- tution of the United States and the laws of Congress in such cases made and provided. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, this [l. s.] fifteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the inde- pendence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth. ABRAHA3I Lincoln. By the President : William H. Sewaed, Secretary of State. September 15, 1863. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 15, 1863. Major-General Halleck : If I did not misunderstand General Meade's last despatch, he posts you on facts as well as he can, and desires your views and 408 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN those of the government as to what he shall do. My opinion is that he should move upon Lee at once in manner of general attack, leaving to developments whether he will make it a real attack. I think this would develop Lee's real condition and purposes better than the cavalry alone can do. Of course my opinion is not to control you and General Meade. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 18. 1863. — Letter to I. N. Morris. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 18, 1863, Hon. I. N. Morris. Sir: Please carefully put the argument in writing, with reference to authorities, in the matter intended to show that the law gives an appeal to me in the case referred to. When that is ready to be presented, I will try to give you the personal interview about Illi- nois matters generally. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 19, 1863. — Letter to Governor Johnson. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 19, 1863. Hon. Andrew Johnson. My dear Sir: Herewith I send you a paper, substantially the same as the one drawn up by yourself and mentioned in your des- patch, but slightly changed in two particulars: First, yours was so drawn as that I authorized you to carry into effect the fourth sec- tion, etc., whereas I so modify it as to authorize you to so act as to require the United States to carry into effect that section. Secondlj^, you had a clause committing me in some sort to the State constitution of Tennessee, which I feared might embarrass you in making a new constitution, if you desire; so I dropped that clause. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. [Inclostire.] Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 19, 1863. Hon. Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of Tennessee : In addition to the matters contained in the orders and instruc- tions given you by the Secretary of War, you are hereby authorized to exercise such powers as may be necessary and proper to enable the loyal people of Tennessee to present such a republican form of State government as will entitle the State to the guaranty of the United States therefor, and to be protected under such State gov- ernment by the United States against invasion and domestic vio- lence, all according to the fourth section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States. Abraham Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 409 September 19, 1863. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 19, 1863. Major-General Halleck : By General Meade's despatch to you of yesterday it appears that he desires your views and those of the government as to whether he shall advance upon the enemy. I am not prepared to order, or even advise, an advance in this case, wherein I know so little of particu- lars, and wherein he, in the field, thinks the risk is so great, and the promise of advantage so small. And yet the case presents matter for very serious consideration in another aspect. These two armies confront each other across a small river, substantially midway between the two capitals, each defending its own capital, and menacing the other. General Meade estimates the enemy's infantry in front of him at not less than 40,000. Sup- pose we add fifty per cent, to this for cavalry, artillery, and extra- dutv men stretching as far as Richmond, making the whole force of the enemy 60,000. General Meade, as shown by the returns, has with him, and be- tween him and Washington, of the same classes of well men, over 90,000. Neither can bring the whole of his men into a battle ; but each can bring as large a percentage in as the other. For a battle, then. General Meade has three men to General Lee's two. Yet, it having been determined that choosing ground and standing on the defensive gives so great advantage that the three cannot safely attack the two, the three are left simply standing on the defen- sive also. If the enemy's 60,000 are sufficient to keep our 90,000 away from Richmond, why, by the same rule, may not 40,000 of ours keep their 60,000 away from Washington, leaving us 50,000 to put to some other use! Having practically come to the mere defensive, it seems to be no economy at all to employ twice as many men for that object as are needed. With no object, certainly, to mislead myself, I can perceive no fault in this statement, unless we admit we are not the equal of the enemy, man for man. I hope you will consider it. To avoid misunderstanding, let me say that to attempt to fight the enemy slowly back into his intrenchments at Richmond, and then to capture him, is an idea I have been trying to repudiate for quite a year. Mv judgment is so clear against it that I would scarcely allow the attempt to be made if the general in command should desire to make it. My last attempt upon Richmond was to get McClellan, when he was neai'er there than the enemy was, to run in ahead of him. Since then I have constantly desired the Army of the Poto- mac to make Lee's army, and not Richmond, its ol)jective point. If our army cannot fall upon the enemy and hurt him where he is, it is plain to me it can gain nothing l>y attenq^ting to follow him over a succession of intrenched lines into a fortified city. Yours trulv, A. Lintoln. 410 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN September 21, 1863.— Letter to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 21, 1863. Major-General Halleck : I think it very important for General Roseerans to hold his posi- tion at or about Chattanooga, because if held from that place to Cleveland, both inclusive, it keeps all Tennessee clear of the enemy, and also breaks one of his most important railroad lines. To prevent these consequences is so vital to his cause that he cannot give up the effort to dislodge us from the position, thus bringing him to us and saving us the labor, expense, and hazard of going farther to find him, and also giving us the advantage of choosing our own ground and preparing it to fight him upon. The details must, of course, be left to Genera] Roseerans, while we must furnish him the means to the utmost of our ability. If you concur, I think he would better be in- formed that we are not pushing him beyond this position ; and that, in fact, our judgment is rather against his going beyond it. If he can only maintain this position, without more, this rebellion can only eke out a short and feeble existence, as an animal sometimes may with a thorn in its vitals. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 21, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. "War Department, September 21, 1863. 11 a. m. General Burnside, Greenville, Tennessee : If you are to do any good to Roseerans it will not do to waste time with Jonesboro. It is already too late to do the most good that might have been done, but I hope it will still do some good. Please do not lose a moment. A. Lincoln. September 21, 1863.— Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. , War Department, September 21, 1863. General Buhnside, Knoxville, Tenn.: Go to Roseerans with your force without a moment's delay. A. Lincoln. September 21, 1863.— Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. Washington, September 21, 1863. 12.55 p. m. Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga : Be of good cheer. We have unabated confidence in you, and in your soldiers and officers. In the main you must be the judge as LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 411 to what is to be done. If I were to suggest, I would say, save your army by taking strong positions until Burnside joins you, when, I hope, you can turn the tide. I think you had better send a courier to Burnside to hurry him up. We cannot reach him by telegraph. We suppose some force is going to you from Corinth, but for want of communication we do not know how they are getting along. We shall do our utmost to assist you. Send us your present positions. A. Lincoln. September 22, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. {In cipher.) War Department, September 22, 1863. 8.30 a. m. Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : We have not a word here as to the whereabouts or condition of your army up to a later hour than sunset, Sunday, the 20th. Your despatches to me of 9 a. m., and to General Halleck of 2 p. m., yester- day, tell us nothing later on those points. Please relieve my anxiety as to the position and condition of your army up to the latest moment. A. Lincoln. September 23, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. Washington, September 23, 1863. 9.15 a. m. Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : Below is Bragg's despatch as found in the Richmond papers. You see he does not claim so many prisoners or captured guns as you were inclined to concede. He also confesses to heavy loss. An exchanged general of ours leaving Richmond yesterday says two of Longstreet's divisions and his entire artillery and two of Pickett's brigades and Wise's legion have gone to Tennessee. He mentions no other. Chickamauga RrvER, September 20 (\da Ringold, 21st). General Cooper, Adjutant-General : After two days' bard fighting we have driven the enemy, after a desper- ate resistance, from several positions, and now hold the field ; but he still confronts us. The losses are heavy on both sides, especially in our officers. We have taken over twenty pieces of artillery and some 2500 prisoners. Braxton Bragg. A. Lincoln. 412 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN September 24, 1863. — Proclamation opening the Port of Alexandria, Virginia. By the President of the United States of Ajmerica: A Proclamation. "Whereas, in my proclamation of the twenty-seventh of April, 18G1, the ports of the States of Virginia and North Carolina were, for reasons therein set forth, placed under blockade; and whereas the port of Alexandria, Virginia, has since been blockaded, bnt as the blockade of said port may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of commerce : Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section of the act of Congress, approved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled " An act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other pm'poses," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said port of Alexandria shall so far cease and deter- mine, from and after this date, that commercial intercourse with said port, except as to persons, things, and information contraband of war, may from this date be carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, and to the limitations, and in pursuance of the regu- lations which are prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury in his order, which is appended to my proclamation of the 12th of Mav, 1862. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be aflSxed. Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-fourth day [l. s.] of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-eighth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. September 24, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. War Department, September 24, 1863. 10 a. m. Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee: Last night we received the rebel accounts, through Richmond papers, of your late battle. They give Major-General Hood as mortally wounded, and Brigadiers Preston Smith, Wofford, Wal- thall, Helm of Kentucky, and Deshler killed, and Major-Gen erals Preston, Cleburne, and Gregg, and Brigadier-Generals Benning, Adams, Bunn, Brown, and John [B. H.J Helm wounded. By con- fusion the two Helms may be the same man, and Bunn and Brown may be the same man. With Burnside, Sherman, and from elsewhere we shall get to you from forty to sixty thousand additional men. A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 413 September 24, 18G3.- Telegram to Mrs. Llxcoln. War Defartivient, September 24, 1863. Mrs. a. Lincoln, Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York: We now have a tolerably ---^^^^^^^^^ K wf Letorstt which we have, they 'f ' J'^^^'^.'^'iJ-"^ indudiuL' vonr brother- '^t^HeCTa^roTtrwo^nd^d'thr C or-gel;eVals and fi^ in-law ^e^"^','^^^J. ^ '"Jv,. reduced two in number by correctious brigadiers. Tins list ^^^f 1 1 lo 1 m Vesterdav General Roseerans of confusion in ^f ^/jf/ ' . ^*^,^if .^Ve hold his^point, and I cannot figiit to-day." j^ Lincoln. September 25, 1863.-Draft of Letter to General A. E. BuRNSiDE. Not sent. Office United States Military Telegraph, War DEPARTMENT, Washington, D. C, September 25, 1863. Major-general — ^de : ^^ ^^^^^^^ and twice trom G'-';';"""^' ?fC^eS On th^ 20th yon telegraph in'g troops to Ro«««J™^i„ ^n the 21^^^^^ _^^^^ ^^^ 'r''\T^S*tL°"23d com ir?iC Carte,^s Station, still farther ^Z-/Roec™,sSril saving yon will assist hi,n, but g.vmg ^:|cconnt of any PXTen'^tl^Swv Tk I^^Loudon, and K,riSXat£|^int^ sr^nr"!«J^'srin\Kifsid?ont, 414 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN got SO by going from the direction of Chattanooga, and that, too, since you have assured us you would move to Chattanooga ; while it would seem, too, that they could recross the Holston by whatever means they crossed in going east. September 27, 1863.— Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. War DEPART3IENT, September 27, 1863. 6.45 P. M. Major-General Burnside, Knoxville, Tennessee : Your despatch just received. My order to you meant simply that you should save Rosecrans from being crushed out, believing if he lost his position you could not hold East Tennessee in any event ; and that if he held his position, East Tennessee was substantially safe in any event. This despatch is in no sense an order. General Halleck will answer you fully. A. Lincoln. September 27, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. War Department, September 27, 1863. 8 p. m. Major-General Burnside, Knoxville, Tennessee: It was suggested to you, not ordered, that you should move to Rosecrans on the north side of the river, because it was believed the enemy would not permit you to join him if you should move on the south side. Hold your present positions, and send Rosecrans what you can spare, in the quickest and safest way. In the mean time hold the remainder as nearly in readiness to go to him as you can consistently with the duty it is to perform while it remains. East Tennessee can be no more than temporarily lost so long as Chatta- nooga is firmly held. A. Lincoln. September 28, 1863. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 28, 1863. My dear General Rosecrans: We are sending you two small corps, one under General Howard and one under General Slocum, and the whole under General Hooker. Unfortunately the relations between Generals Hooker and Slo- cum are not such as to promise good, if their present relative posi- tions remain. Therefore, let me beg — almost enjoin upon you — that on their reaching you, you will make a transposition by which General Slocum with his corps may pass from under the command of General Hooker, and General Hooker, in turn, receive some other equal force. It is important for this to be done, though we could not well arrange it here. Please do it. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 415 September 28, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. "War Department, September 28, 1863. 8 a. m. Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : You can perhaps communicate with General Burnside more rapidly by sending telegrams directly to him at Knoxville. Think of it. I send a like despatch to him. A. Lincoln. September 28, 1863. — Letter to H. Aivies. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 28, 1863. Mr. Horatio Ames, Falls Village, Connecticut : If you will on or before the first day of March, 1864, within the State of Connecticut, or at any point nearer this city, produce fifteen guns, each of capacity to carry a missile of at least one hundred pounds' weight, and notify me thereof, I will cause some person or persons to examine and test said guns ; and if, upon such examina- tion and test, it shall be the opinion of such person or persons that said guns, or any of them, are, on the whole, better guns than any of like caliber heretofore, or now, in use in the United States, I will, on account of the United States, accept said guns, or so many thereof as shall be so favorably reported on, and advise that you be paid for all so accepted, at the rate of eighty-five cents per pound, avoirdupois weight, of said guns so accepted ; it being un- derstood that I have no public money at my control, with which I could make such payment absolutely. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. September 29, 1863. — Reply to Sons of Temperance. As a matter of course, it will not be possible for me to make a re- spouse coextensive with the address which you have presented to me. If I were better known than I am, you would not need to be told that in the advocacy of the cause of temperance you have a friend and sympathizer in me. When I was a young man — long ago — before the Sons of Tem- perance as an organization had an existence — I, in a humble way, made temperance speeches, and I think I may say that to this day I have never, by my example, belied what I then said. In regard to the suggestions which you make for the purpose of the advancement of the cause of temperance in the armv, I cannot make particular responses to them at this time. To prevent intem- perance in the army is even a part of the articles of war. It is part of the law of the land, and was so, I' presume, long ago, to dismiss officers for drunkenness. I am not sure that, consistently with the public service, more can be done than has been done. All, there- fore, that I can promise you is — if you will be pleased to furnish 416 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN me with a copy of your address — to have it submitted to the proper department, aud have it considered whether it contains any suggestions which will improve the cause of temperance and repress the cause of drunkenness in the army any better tlian it is already done. I can promise no more than that. I think that the reasonable men of the world have long since agreed that intemperance is one of the greatest, if not the very greatest, of all evils among mankind. That is not a matter of dispute, I believe. That the disease exists, and that it is a very great one, is agreed upon by all. The mode of cure is one abont which there may be differences of opinion. You have suggested that in an army — our army — drunk- enness is a great evil, and one which, while it exists to a ver}^ great extent, we cannot expect to overcome so entirely as to have such successes in our arms as we might have without it. This undoubt- edly is true, and while it is perhaps rather a bad source to derive com- fort from, nevertheless, in a hard struggle, I do not kuow but what it is some consolation to be aware that there is some intemperance on the other side, too ; and that they have no right to beat us in physi- cal combat on that ground. But I have already said more than I expected to be able to say when I began, and if you please to hand me a copy of your address, it shall be considered. I thank you very heartily, gentlemen, for this call, and for bringing with you these very many pretty ladies. October 1, 18G3. — Letter to General J. M. Schofield. Executive Mansion, Washington, D, C, October 1, 1863. General John M. Schofield: There is no organized mihtary force in avowed opposition to the General Government now in Missouri, and if any such shall reap- pear, your duty in regard to it will be too plain to require any special instruction. Still, the condition of things both there and elsewhere is such as to render it indispensable to maintain for a time the United States military establishment in that State, as well as to rely upon it for a fair contribution of support to that estab- lishment generally. Your immediate duty in regard to Missouri now is to advance the efficiency of that establishment, and to so use it as far as practicable to compel the excited people there to leave one another alone. Under your recent order, which I have approved, you will only arrest individuals and suppress assemblies or newspa- pers when they may be working palpable injury to the military in your charge, and in no other case will you interfere with the expres- sion of opinion in any form or allow it to be interfered with vio- lently by others. In this you have a discretion to exercise with great caution, calmness, and . forbearance. With the matters of removing the inhabitants of certain counties en masse, aud of re- moving certain individuals from time to time who are supposed to be mischievous, I am not now interfering, but am leaving to your own discretion. Nor am I interfering with what may still seem to LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 417 yon to be necessary restrictions npon trade and intercourse. I think proper, however, to enjoin upon you the following: Allow no part of the military under your command to be engaged in either returning fugitive slaves or in forcing or enticing slaves from their homes, and, so far as practicable, enforce the same forbearance upon the people. Report to me your opinion upon the availability for good of the enrolled militia of the State. Allow no one to enlist colored troops except upon orders from you or from here, through you. Allow no one to assume the functions of confiscating property under the law of Congress, or otherwise, except upon orders from here. At elections see that those, and only those, are allowed to vote who are entitled to do so by the laws of Missouri, including, as of those laws, the restriction laid by the Missouri convention upon those who may have participated in the rebellion. So far as practicable, you will, by means of your military force, expel guerrillas, marauders, and murderers, and' all who are known to harbor, aid, or abet them. But in like manner you will repress assumptions of unauthorized individuals to perform the same service because, under pretense of doing this, they become marauders and murderers themselves. To now restore peace, let the military obey orders, and those not of the military leave each other alone, thus not breaking the peace themselves. In giving the above directions, it is not intended to restrain you in other expedient and necessary matters not falling within their range. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. October 2, 1863. — Telegram to General J. M. Schofield. Washington, D. C, October 2, 1863. 9 a. m. Major-General Schofield : I have just seen your despatch to Halleck about Major-General Blunt. If possible, you better allow me to get through with a cer- tain matter here before adding to the difficulties of it. Meantime supply me the particulars of Major-General Blunt's case. A. Lincoln. October 3, 1863. — Proclamation for Thanksgiving. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. The year that is drawing toward its close has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, Vol. II.— 27. 418 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added, which are of so extraordinary a nature that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful providence of almighty God. In the midst of a civil war of unequaled magnitude and severity, which has sometimes seemed to foreign states to invite and provoke their aggressions, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere, except in the theater of military conflict ; while that theater has been greatly contracted by the ad- vancing armies and navies of the Union. Needful diversions of wealth and of strength from the fields of peaceful industry to the national defense have not arrested the plow, the shuttle, or the ship; the ax has enlarged the borders of our settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population has steadily increased, notwithstanding the waste that has been made in the camp, the siege, and the battle-field, and the country, rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to expect continuance of years with large in- crease of freedom. No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the most high God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy. It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, reverently, and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and one voice by the whole American people. I do, therefore, invite my fel- low-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next as a day of thanksgiving and praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the heavens. And I recommend to them that, while offering up the ascriptions justly due to him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with humble penitence for our national per- verseness and disobedience, commend to his tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners, or sufferers in the lament- able civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the almighty hand to heal the wounds of the nation, and to restore it, as soon as may be consistent with the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tran- quillity, and union. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this third day of October, [l. S.] in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty -three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-eighth. j^ Lincoln. By the President : "William H. Seward, Secretary of State. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 419 October 4, 18G3. — Telegram to General J. M. Sohofield. Washington, D. C, October 4, 1863. 11 a. m. Major-GtENeral Schofield, St. Louis, Mo. : I think you will uot have just cause to complain of my action. A. Lincoln. October 4, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. War Department, October 4, 1863. 11.30 a, m. Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : Youj'S of yesterday received. If we can hold Chattanooga and East Tennessee, I think the rebellion must dwindle and die. I think you and Burnside can do this, and hence doing so is your main object. Of course to greatly damage or destroy the enemy in your front would be a greater object, because it would include the former and more, but it is not so certainly within your power. I understand the main body of the enemy is very near you, so near that you could ''board at home," so to speak, and menace or attack him any day. Would not the doing of this be your best mode of counteracting his raid on your communications? But this is uot an order. I intend doing something like what you suggest whenever the case shall appear ripe enough to have it accepted in the true understanding rather than as a confession of weakness and fear. . t A. Lincoln. October 5, 1863. — Letter to C. D. Drake and Others. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 5, 1863. Hon. Charles D. Drake and Others, Committee. Genilemen : Your original address presented on the 30th ultimo, and the four supplementary ones presented on the 3d instant, have been carefully considered. I hope you will regard the other duties claiming my attention, together with the great length and impor- tance of these documents, as constituting a sufficient apology for my not having responded sooner. These papers, framed for a com- mon object, consist of the things demanded and the reasons for de- nuinding them. The things demanded are : First. That General Schofield shall be relieved, and General Butler be appointed, as commander of the military department of Missouri. Second. That the system of enrolled militia in Missom-i may be l)r()ken up, and national forces be substituted for it ; and Third. That at elections persons may not be allowed to vote who are not entitled by law to do so. Among the reascms given, enough of suffering and wrong to Union men is certainly, and I suppose truly, stated. Yet the whole 420 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN ease, as presented, fails to convince me that General Schofield or the enrolled militia is responsible for that suffering and wrong. The whole can be explained on a more charitable and, as I think, a more rational hypothesis. "We are in civil war. In such cases there always is a main question ; but in this case that question is a perplexing com- pound — Union and slavery. It thus becomes a question not of two sides merely, but of at least four sides, even among those who are for the Union, saying nothing of those who are against it. Thus, those who are for the Union with, but not without, slavery — those for it without, but not with — those for it with or without, but prefer it with — and those for it with or without, but prefer it without. Among these again is a subdivision of those who are for gradual, but not for immediate, and those who are for immediate, but not for gradual, extinction of slavery. It is easy to conceive that all these shades of opinion, and even more, may be sincerely enter- tained by honest and truthful men. Yet, all being for the Union, by reason of these differences each will prefer a different way of sustaining the Union. At once sincerity is questioned, and motives are assailed. Actual war coming, blood grows hot, and blood is spilled. Thought is forced from old channels into confusion. De- ception breeds and thrives. Confidence dies and universal suspi- cion reigns. Each man feels an impulse to kill his neighbor, lest he be first killed by him. Revenge and retaliation follow. And all this, as before said, may be among honest men only; but this is not all. Every foul bird comes abroad and every dirty reptile rises up. These add crime to confusion. Strong measures deemed indispen- sable, but harsh at best, such men make worse by maladministra- tion. Murders for old grudges, and murders for pelf, proceed under any cloak that will best cover for the occasion. These causes amply account for what has occurred in Missouri, without ascribing it to the weakness or wickedness of any general. The newspaper files, those chroniclers of current events, will show that the evils now complained of were quite as prevalent under Fremont, Hunter, Halleck, and Curtis, as under Schofield. If the former had greater force opposed to them, they also had greater force with which to meet it. When the organized rebel army left the State, the main Federal force had to go also, leaving the department commander at home relatively no stronger than before. Without disparaging any, I affirm with confidence that no commander of th*at department has, in proportion to his means, done better than General Schofield. The first specific charge against General Schofield is that the en- rolled militia was placed under his command, whereas it had not been placed under the command of General Curtis. The fact, I be- lieve, is true ; but you do not point out, nor can I conceive how that did or could injure loyal men or the Union cause. You charge that, upon General Curtis being superseded by Gen- eral Schofield, Franklin A. Dick was superseded by James O. Broad- bead as Provost-Marshal-General. No very specific showing is made as to how this did or could injure the Union cause. It re- calls, however, the condition of things, as presented to me, which led to a change of commander for that department. I LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 421 To restrain contraband intelligence and trade, a system of searches, seizures, permits, and passes had been introduced, I think, by Gen- eral Fremont. When General Halleck came, he found and con- tinued this system, and added an order, applicable to some parts of the State, to levy and collect contributions from noted rebels, to compensate losses and relieve destitution caused by the rebellion. The action of General Fremont and General Halleck, as stated, constituted a sort of system, which General Curtis found in full operation when he took command of the department. That there was a necessity for something of the sort was clear, but that it could only be justified by stern necessity, and that it was liable to great abuse in administration, was equally clear. Agents to execute it, contrary to the great prayer, were led into temptation. Some might, while others would not, resist that temptation. It was not pos- sible to hold any to a very strict accountability, and those yielding to the temptation would sell permits and passes to those who would pay most and most readily for them ; and would seize property and collect levies in the aptest way to fill their own pockets. Money being the object, the man having money, whether loyal or disloyal, would be a victim. This practice doubtless existed to some extent, and it was a real additional evil that it could be and was plausibly charged to exist in greater extent than it did. When General Curtis took command of the department, Mr. Dick, against whom I never knew anything to allege, had general charge of this system. A controversy in regard to it rapidly grew into almost unmanageable proportions. One side ignored the necessity and magnified the evils of the system, while the other ignored the evils and magnified the necessity, and each bitterly assailed the mo- tives of the other. I coidd not fail to see that the controversy en- larged in the same proportion as the professed Union men there distinctly took sides in two opposing political parties. I exhausted my wits, and very nearly my patience also, in efforts to convince both that the evils they charged on each other were inherent in the case, and could not be cured by giving either party a victory over the other. Plainly the irritating system was not to be perpetual, and it was plausibly urged that it could be modified at once with advantage. The case could scarcely be worse, and whether it could be made bet- ter could only be determined by a trial. In this view, and not to ban or brand General Curtis, or to give a victory to any party, I made the change of commander for the department. I now learn that soon after this change Mr. Dick was removed, and that Mr. Broadhead, a gentleman of no less good character, was put in the place. The mere fact of this change is more distinctly complained of than is any conduct of the new ofiicer or other conse- quences of the change. I gave the new commander no instructions as to the administra- tion of the system mentioned beyond what is contained in the pri- vate letter afterward surreptitiously published, in which I directed him to act solely for the public good and independently of both par- ties. Neither anything you have presented me nor anything I have 422 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN otherwise learned has convinced me that he has been unfaithful to this charge. Imbecility is urged as one cause for removing General Schofield, and the late massacre at Lawrence, Kansas, is pressed as evidence of tiiat imbecility. To my mind that fact scarcely tends to prove the proposition. That massacre is only an example of what Grier- son, John [H.] Morgan, and many others might have repeatedly done on their respective raids had they chosen to incur the personal hazard and possessed the fiendish hearts to do it. The charge is made that General Schofield, on purpose to protect the Lawrence murderers, would not allow them to be pursued into Missouri. While no punishment could be too sudden or too severe for those murderers, I am well satisfied that the preventing of the threatened remedial raid into Missouri was the only safe way to avoid an indiscriminate massacre there, including probably more innocent than guilty. Instead of condemning I therefore approve what I understand General Schofield did in that respect. The charges that General Schofield has purposely withheld pro- tection from loyal people and purposely facilitated the objects of the disloyal are altogether beyond my power of belief. I do not ar- raign the veracity of gentlemen as to the facts complained of, but I do more than question the judgment which would infer that those facts occurred in accordance with the purposes of General Schofield. With my present views, I must decline to remove General Scho- field. In this I decide nothing against General Butler. I sincerely wish it were convenient to assign him a suitable command. In or- der to meet some existing evils I have addressed a letter of instruc- tions to General Schofield, a copy of which I inclose to you. As to the enrolled militia, I shall endeavor to ascertain better than I now know what is its exact value. Let me say now, however, that your proposal to substitute national forces for the enrolled militia implies that in your judgment the latter is doing something which needs to be done ; and if so, the proposition to throw that force away and to supply its place by bringing other forces from the field where they are urgently needed seems to me very extra- ordinary. Whence shall they come? Shall they be withdrawn from Banks, or Grant, or Steele, or Rosecrans ? Few things have been so grateful to my anxious feelings as when, in June last, the local force in Missouri aided General Schofield to so promptly send a large general force to the relief of General Grant, then investing Vicksburg, and menaced from without by General Johnston. Was this all wrong? Should the enrolled militia then have been broken up and General Herron kept from Grant to police Missouri? So far from finding cause to object, I confess to a sympathy for whatever re- lieves our general force in Missouri and allows it to serve elsewhere. I therefore, as at present advised, cannot attempt the destruction of the enrolled militia of Missouri. I may add that the force being under the national military control, it is also within the proclamation in regard to the Jiaheas corpus. I concur in the propriety of your request in regard to elections, and have, as you see, directed General Schofield accordingly. I do LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 423 not feel justified to enter upon the broad field you present in regard to the politieal differences between Radicals and Conservatives. From time to time I have done and said what appeared to me proper to do and say. The public knows it all. It obliges nobody to fol- low me, and I trust it obliges me to follow nobody. The Radicals and Conservatives ea(!h agree with me in some things and disagi'ee in others. I could wish both to agree with me in all things, for then they would agree with each other and would be too strong for any foe from any quarter. They, however, choose to do otherwise ; and I do not question their right. I too shall do what seems to be my duty. I hold whoever commands in Missouri or elsewhere respon- sible to me and not to either Radicals or Conservatives. It is my duty to hear all, but at last I must, within my sphere, judge what to do and what to forbear. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. October 5, 1863. — Memorandum concerning T. J. Carter. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 5, 1863. Whom if may concern : Unless something now unknown and un- expected shall come to my knowledge, tending to change my pur- pose, I shall, at the proper time, appoint Timothy J. Carter one of the two directors to be appointed by the President, according to a provision in the first section of the act of Congress, entitled " An act to aid in the construction of a railroad and telegraph line fi-om the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean, and to secure to the gov- ernment the use of the same for postal, military, and other pur- poses, approved July 1, 1862." Abraham Lincoln. October 9, 1863. — Detail of C. B. Stewart for certain PURPOSES. Executr'^e Mansion, Washington, October 9, 1863. To u'liom it mcuj concern : In pursuance of a resolution of the Sen- ate and Assembly of the State of New York, in the words following, to wit : " Resolved, That the governor be and hereby is empowered and requested to invite the President of the United States to select and detail a competent engineer in behalf and at the expense of the G-eneral Government, to consult with the engineers so to be ap- pointed by the canal board, in respect to the surveys mentioned in the preceding resolution, and as to the mode of constructing the work so as most effectually to promote the national interests," and in response to the invitation of the governor of said State of New York, made in virtue of said resolution, I do hereby select and detail Charles B. Stewart, of Geneva, in said State, to perform the duties contemplated in and by said resolution, it being understood 424: LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN by said Stewart that he is to rely upon an appropriation hereafter to be made by Congress, for any compensation he may receive. Abraham Lincoln. October 10, 1863. — Telegram to General G. G. Meade. Washington, October 10, 1863. 4.55 p. m. General Meade : Am interested with your despatch of noon. How is it now ? A. Lincoln. October 12, 1863. — Telegrajm to General W. S. Rosecrans. {Cipher.) War Department, October 12, 1863. 8.35 a. m. Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : As I understand, Burnside is menaced from the west, and so can- not go to you without surrendering East Tennessee. I now think the enemy will not attack Chattanooga and I think you will have to look out for his making a concentrated drive at Burnside. You and Burnside now have him by the throat ; and he must break your hold or perish. I therefore think you better try to hold the road up to Kingston, leaving Burnside to what is above there. Sherman is coming to you, though gaps in the telegraph prevent our know- ing how far he is advanced. He and Hooker will so support you on the west and northwest as to enable you to look east and northeast. This is not an order. General Halleck will give his views. A. Lincoln. October 12, 1863. — Telegram to General G. G. Meade. Washington, October 12, 1863. 9 a. m. Major-General Meade : What news this morning ? A despatch from Rosecrans, leaving him at 7.30 p. m. yesterday, says : Rebel rumors that head of Ewell's eolumn reached Dalton yesterday. I send this for what it is worth. A. Lincoln. October 14, 1863. — Letter to Thurlow Weed. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 14, 1863. Hon. Thurlow Weed. My dmr Sir: I have been brought to fear recently that somehow, by commission or omission, I have caused you some degree of pain. I have never entertained an unkind feeling or a disparaging thought LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 425 toward you; and if I have said or done anything which has been con- strued into such unkindness or disparagement, it has been miscon- strued. I am sure if we coukl meet we would not part with any uni)leasaut impression on either side. Yours as ever, A. Lincoln. October 16, 1863.— Letter to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 16, 1863. Major-GtENERAl Halleck : I do not believe Lee can have over 60,000 effective men. Longstreet's corps would not be sent away to bring an equal force back upon the same road ; and there is no other direction for them to have come from. i. j • n Doubtless, in making the present movement, Lee gathered m all available scraps, and added them to Hill's and E well's corps; but that is all, and he made the movement in the belief that four corps had left General Meade; and General Meade's apparently avoiding a collision with him has confirmed him in that belief. If General Meade can now attack him on a field no worse than equal for us, and will do so with all the skill and courage which he, his ofificers, and men possess, the honor will be his if he succeeds, and the blame may be mine if he fails. Yours truly, ^ Lincoln. October 17, 1863.— Call for 300,000 Volunteers. . By the President of the United States of America : A Proclamation. Whereas the term of service of a part of the volunteer forces of the United States will expire during the coming year, and whereas, in addition to the men raised by the present draft, it is deemed ex- pedient to call out three hundred thousand volunteers to serve for three vears or the war, not, however, exceeding three years : Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the L'uited States, and commander-in-chief of the army and navy thereof, and of the militia of the several States when called into actual service, do issue this, my proclamation, calling upon the governors of the different States to raise and have enlisted into the United States service, for the various companies and regiments in the field from their respective States, their quotas of three hundred thousand men. I further proclaim that all volunteers thus called out and duly enlisted shall receive advance pay, premium, and bounty, as hereto- fore communicated to the governors of States by the War Depart- ment, through the Provost-Marshal-General's office, by special letters. I further proclaim that all volunteers received under this call, as well as all others not heretofore credited, shall be duly credited on, and deducted from, the quotas established for the next draft. 426 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN I further proclaim that if any State shall fail to raise the quota assigned to it by the War Department nnder this call, then a draft for the deficiency in said quota shall be made on said State, or on the districts of said State, for their due proportion of said qnota ; and the said draft shall commence on the fifth day of January, 1864. And I further proclaim that nothing- in this proclamation shall interfere with existing orders, or those which maybe issued, for the present draft in the States where it is now in progress, or where it has not yet commenced. The quotas of the States and districts will be assigned by the War Departinent, through the Provost-Marshal-GeneraPs office, due regard being had for the men heretofore furnished, whether by vol- unteeriug or drafting, and the recruiting will be conducted in ac- cordance with such instructions as have been or may be issued by that department. In issuing this proclamation, I address myself not only to the governors of the several States, but also to the good and loyal peo- ple thereof, invoking them to lend their willing, cheerful, and effec- tive aid to the measures thus adopted, with a view to reinforce our victorious armies now in the field, and bring our needful military operations to a prosperous end, thus closing forever the fountains of sedition and civil war. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this seventeenth day of r 1 October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- '- * "^ dred and sixty- three, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-eighth. Abrahaim Lincoln. By the President : Williaji H. Seward, Secretary of State. October 17, 1863. — Telegram to J. Williams and N. G-. Taylor. War Department, October 17, 1863. John Willia]\is and N. G. Taylor, Knoxville, Tennessee : You do not estimate the holding of East Tennessee more highly than I do. There is no absolute purpose of withdrawing our forces from it, and only a contingent one to withdraw them temporarily for the purpose of not losing the position permanently. I am in great hope of not finding it necessary to withdraw them at all, par- ticularly if you raise new troops rapidly for us there. A. Lincoln. October 19, 1863. — Letter to Governor Gamble. ExECUTR^ Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 19, 1863. His Excellency Hamilton R. Gamble, Governor of Missouri: Yours of the 1st instant was duly received; and I have delayed so long to answer it because of other pressing duties ; because it did not LETTERS AND STATil PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 427 appear to me that the domestic violence you apprehend was very imminent; and because, if it were so imminent, my direction to Gren- eral Sehofield embraces very nearly the extent of my power to repress it. Beinj^ instructed to repress all violence, of course he will, so far as in his power, repress any which may be offered to the State g'overnment. At the beginning- of our present troubles, the rej^u- larly installed State officers of Missouri, taking: sides with the rebellion, were forced to give way to the provisional State govern- ment, at the head of which you stand, and which was placed in authority, as I understood, by the unanimous action and acqui- escence of the Union people of the State. I have seen no occasion to make a distinction against the provisional government because of its not having been chosen and inaugurated in the usual way. Nor have I seen any cause to suspect it of unfaithfulness to the Union. So far as I have yet considered, I am as ready, on a proper case made, to give the State the constitutional protection against inva- sion and domestic violence, under the provisional government, as I would be if it were under a government installed in the ordinary manner, I have not thought of making a distinction. In your proclamation of the 12tli instant you state the proposition substantially, that no objection can be made to any change in the State government which the people may desire to make so far as the end can be effected by means conforming to the constitution and laws through the expression of the popular will, but that such change should not be effected by violence. I concur in this, and I may add that it makes precisely the distinction I wish to keep in view. In the absence of such violence, or imminent danger thereof, it is not proper for the national executive to interfere, and I am unwilling by any formal action to show an appearance of be- lief that there is such imminent danger before I really believe there is. I might thereby to some extent bear false witness. You tell me " a party has sprung up in Missouri which openly and loudly pro- claims the purpose to overturn the provisional government by vio- lence." Does the party so proclaim, or is it only that some members of the party so proclaim f If I mistake not, the party alluded to re- cently held a State convention and adopted resolutions. Did they therein declare violence against the provisional State government ? No party can be justly held responsible for what individual mem- bers of it may say or do. Nothing in this letter is written with reference to any State which may have maintained within it no State government professedly loyal to the United States Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. October 19, 1863. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. War Department, October 19, 18G3. 9 a. m. Major-General Rosecrans, Chattanooga, Tennessee : There has been no battle recently at Bull Run. I snp])oso what you have heard a rumor of was not a general battle but an *' affair" at Bristow Station, on the railroad a few miles beyond Manassas 428 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN Junction toward the Rappahannock, on Wednesday, the 14th. It began by an attack of the enemy upon General Warren, and ended in the enemy being repulsed with a loss of four cannon and from foui* to seven hundred prisoners. A. Lincoln. October 21, 1863. — Telegram to General R. C. Schenck. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 21, 1863. 2.45 p. m. Major-General Schenck, Baltimore, Maryland : A delegation is here saying that our armed colored troops are at many, if not all, the landings on the Patuxent River, and by their presence with arms in their hands are frightening quiet people and producing great confusion. Have they been sent there by any order, and if so, for what reason ? A. Lincoln. October 22, 1863. — Telegram to General R. C. Schenck. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 22, 1863. 1.30 p. m. Major-General Schenck, Baltimore, Maryland: Please come over here. The fact of one of our officers being killed on the Patuxent is a specimen of what I would avoid. It seems to me we could send white men to recruit better than to send negroes and thus inaugurate homicides on punctilio. Please come over. A. Lincoln. October 24, 1863. — Letter to General H. W. Halleck. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 24, 1863. Major-General Halleck : Taking all our information together, I think it probable that EwelFs corps has started for East Tennessee by way of Abingdon, marching last Monday, say, from Meade's front directly to the rail- road at Charlottesville, First, the object of Lee's recent movement against Meade ; his destruction of the Alexandria and Orange Railroad, and subse- quent withdrawal, without more motive, not otherwise apparent, would be explained by this hypothesis. Secondly, the direct statement of Sharpe's men that Ewell has gone to Tennessee. Thirdly, the Irishman's statement that he has not gone through Richmond and his further statement of an appeal made to the peo- ple at Richmond to go and protect their salt, which could only refer to the works near Abingdon. Fourthly, Graham's statement from Martinsburg that Imboden is in retreat "for Harrisonburg. This last patches with the idea that LETTEHS AND STATE PAPERS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN 429 Lee has retained his ^^^y^^^J^^^^Z^t' scraps to join Ewell. Upon ttii. P «^f ^;\\^,,^'\^^^ say. If you have If\you have a Plf';,;j;f ^j '^n po s^^^^^^^^ the Army of not, then I su-gest that, ^itU all po^^^ F ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^ the Potomac g^treadv to attack Lee ami tnat^ Lvnchburg. raid shall, at all hazards, break the aihoad Lincoln Yours truly, October 26, 1863.-Letter Teansmitting Origdjal Draft of Emancipation Proclamation. ExECUTm: Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1863. Labifs HAvma in Charge thf Northwfstern Fair for the ceive, are not in my handwriting They were w»"^\!^ ^^^^^^^ z^^a t.V;tnrcS!,°. ^^^^^^^- Your obedient servant, A. ijiNtui..N. October 26, 1863.— Letter to G. H. Boker. Executive Mansion, October 26, 1863. OEORGF H. BOKER ^^^^^^^,^^„, that I acknowledge th /ecdp you omm'iTcatiou of the 6th, and the acoompanying medal by which I am made au honorary member of the Uniou ^TT.lf i^w'I^fbearwith me the consciousness ol having en- deivtS to'KyVutyl the tn-ing tunes thi^ig^^ w jc we^are the iionor you have conferred upon me. tlie nouoi JO ^^ ^^^ ^^^^, obedient servant, •^ A. Lincoln. 430 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN October 26, 1863. — Letter to E. B. Washburne. {Private and confidential.) Executive Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1863. Hon. E. B. Washburne. Ml/ dear Sir : Yours of the 12th has been in my hands several days. Inclosed I send the leave of absence for your brother, in as good form as I think I can safely put it. Without knowing whether he would accept it, I have tendered the coUeetorship at Portland, Maine, to your other brother, the governor. Thanks to both you and our friend Campbell for your kind words and intentions. A second term would be a great honor and a great labor, which, together, perhaps I would not decline if tendered. Yours truly, a. Lincoln. October 26, 1863. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1863. Hon. Secretary op the Treasury. M}/ dear Sir : The writer of the accompanying letter is one of Mrs. Lincoln's numerous cousins He is a grandson of " Milliken's Bend," near Vicksburg — that is, a grandson of the man who gave name to Milliken's Bend. His father was a brother to Mrs. Lin- coln's mother. I know not a thing about his loyalty beyond what he says. Supposing he is loyal, can any of his requests be granted, and if any, which of them ? Yours truly, a. Lincoln. October 27, 1863. — Opinion on the Loss of General R. H. Milroy's Division. October 27, 1863. In June last a division was substantially lost at or near Win- chester, Va. At the time, it was under General Milroy as immediate commander in the field. General Schenck as department com- mander at Baltimore, and General Halleck as general-in-chief at Washington. General Milroy, as immediate commander, was put in arrest, and subsequently a court of inquiry examined chiefly with reference to disobedience of orders, and reported the evidence. The foregoing is a synoptical statement of the evidence, together with the judge-advocate-general's conclusions. The disaster, when it came, was a surprise to all. It was very well known to Generals Schenck and Milroy for some time before, that General Halleck thought the division was in great danger of a surprise at Winches- ter; that it was of no service commensurate with the risk it in- curred, and that it ought to be withdrawn ; but, although he more LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 431 than once advised its withdrawal he never Po^i^i^'^^^ ."^;^}f:^,!i^|,t General Schenck, on the contrary, believed the service of the force at Winchester was worth the hazard, and so did not positively order its withdrawal until it was so late that the enemy cut the wiie and prevented the order reaching General Milroy. Gcnieral Milrov seems to have concurred with General Schenck in the i;hii.ui that the force should be kept at Winchester at least until the approach of danger, but he disobeyed no order upon the '''some question can be made whether some of General HaUe^ck's despatches to General Schenck should not have been construed to be orders to withdraw the force, and obeyed accordingly ; but no such question can be made against General Milroy. In ±act the last order he received was to be prepared to withdraw, but not to actually withdraw until further order, which further ordei never ^^'ser^ous' biame is not necessarily due to any serious disaster, and I cannot say that in this case any of the officers are deserving of serious blame. No court-martial is deemed necessary or proper in ^^® ^^^^- • A. Lincoln. October 27, 1863.— Letter to T. Swann. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 27, 1863. Hon. Thomas Swann. t ip * Dear Sir: Your letter, a copy of which is on the other halt ot this sheet, is received. I trust there is no Jnst ground fo^' t^^e siis- picion vou mention; and I am somewhat mortified that there could be any"doubt of my views upon the point of your inquiry 1 ^vis h all loyal qualified voters in Maryland and elsewhere to have the un- disturbed privilege of voting at elections ; and neither my authority nor my name can be properly used to the contrary. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. Publish both letters, if either. ^- ^• October28, 1863.— Letter to Gener.\l Schofield. {Private and Confidential) Executive Mansion, Washington, October 28, 1863. General John M. Schofield. There have recently reached the War Department, and thence been laid before me, from Missouri, three commnnications, all smii- lar in import and identical in object. One of them, addressed to nobodv, and without place or date, but having the signature ot (ap- parently) the writer, is a letter of eight closely written foolscap 432 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OP ABEAHAM LINCOLN pages. The other two are written by a different person, at St. Jo- seph, Mo., and of the dates, respectively, October 12 and 13, 1863, and each inclosing a large nmnber of affidavits. The general state- ments of the whole are that the Federal and State authorities are arming the disloyal and disarming the loyal, and that the latter will all be killed or driven out of the State unless there shall be a change. In particular, no loyal man who has been disarmed is named, but the affidavits show by name forty-two persons as dis- loyal who have been armed. They are as follows : [The names are omitted.] A majority of these are shown to have been in the rebel service. I believe it could be shown that the government here has deliber- ately armed more than ten times as many captured at Gettysburg, to say nothing of similar operations in East Tennessee. These pa- pers contain altogether thirty-one manuscript pages, and one news- paper in extenso, and yet I do not find it anywhere charged in them that any loyal man has been harmed by reason of being disarmed, or that any disloyal one has harmed anybody by reason of being armed by the Federal or State Government. Of course, I have not had time to carefully examine all ; bnt I have had most of them examined and briefed by others, and the result is as stated. The re- markable fact that the actual evil is yet only anticipated — in- ferred — induces me to suppose I understand the case; but I do not state my impression, because I might be mistaken, and because your duty and mine is plain in any event. The locality of nearly all this seems to be St. Joseph and Buchanan County. I wish you to give special attention to this region, particularly on election day. Prevent violence from whatever quarter, and see that the soldiers themselves do no wrong. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. October 29, 1863.— Note to General C. B. Fisk. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 29, 1863. General Clinton B. Fisk. My dear Sir : I have just received and read your very kind and in- structive letter of the 24th, for which please accept my thanks. It is so free from passion, and so full of charity and good-will, that I regret not having time to do more than acknowledge the receipt of it. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. October 29, 1863.— Letter to Vice-President Haivilin. An Act to regulate the duties of the Clerk or the House of Rep- resentatives IN PREPARING FOR THE ORGANIZATION OF THE HoUSE. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress asseml^led, that, before the first meeting of the next Congress, and of every subsequent Congi-ess, the clerk of the next LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 433 preceding House of Representatives shall make a roll of the Representa- tives-elect, and place thereon the names of all persons, and of such persons only, whose credentials show that they were regularly elected in accordance with the laws of their States respectively, or the laws of the United States. Ai)proved March 3, 18G3. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 29, 1863. His Excellency H. Hamlin, Vice-President. My dear Sir : The alcove act of Congress was passed, as I suppose, to exclude improper applicants from seats in the House of Repre- sentatives, and there is danger now that it will be used to exclude proper ones. The attempt will be made, if at all, upon the members of those States whose delegations are entirely, or by a majority. Union men, and of which your State is one. I suppose your members already have the usual certificates — which let them bring on. I suggest that for greater caution, yourself, the two senators, Messrs. Fessenden and Morrill, and the (xovernor consider this matter, and that the Cloveruor make out an additional certificate, or set of certificates, in the form on the other half of this sheet, and still another, if on studying the law you gentlemen shall be able to frame one which will give additional security; and bring the whole with you, to be used if found necessary. Let it all be done quietly. The members of Congress themselves need not know of it. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. October 3l, 1863. — Memorandum. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 31, 1863. The Provost-Marshal-General has issued no proclamation at all. He has in no form announced anything recently in regard to troops in New York, except in his letter to Governor Seymour of October 21, which has been published in the newspapers of that State. It has not been announced or decided in any form by the Provost- Marshal-General, or any one else in authority of the government, that every citizen who has paid his three hundred dollars commutation is liable to be immediately drafted again, or that towns that have just raised the money to pay their quotas will have again to be sub- ject to similar taxation or suffer the operations of the new conscrip- tion, nor is it probable that the like- of them ever will be announced or decided. November 2, 1863, — Letter to Postihaster-General Blair. Executrt: Mansion, Washington, November 2, 1863. Hon. Montgomery Blair. Mi/ dear Sir : Some days ago I understood you to say that j^our brother. General Frank Blair, desires to be guided by my wishes as to whether he will occupy his seat in Congress or remain in the field. Vol. II.— 28. 434 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN My wish, then, is compounded of what I believe will be best for the country and best for him, and it is that he will come here, put his mili- tary commission in my hands, take his seat, go into caucus with our friends, abide the nominations, help elect the nominees, and thus aid to organize a House of Representatives which will really sup- port the government in the war. If the result shall be the election of himself as Speaker, let him serve in that position ; if not, let him retake his commission and return to the army. For the country this will heal a dangerous schism ; for him it will relieve from a dan- gerous position. By a misunderstanding, as I think, he is in danger of being permanently separated from those with whom only he can ever have a real sympathy — the sincere opponents of slavery. It will be a mistake if he shall allow the provocations offered him by insincere time-servers to drive him out of the house of his own building. He is young yet. He has abundant talent — quite enough to occupy all his time without devoting any to temper. He is rising in military skill and usefulness. His recent appointment to the com- mand of a corps by one so competent to judge as General Sherman proves this. In that line he can serve both the country and himself more profitably than he could as a member of Congress on the floor. The foregoing is what I would say if Frank Blair were my brother instead of yours. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. November 2, 1863. — Letter to Governor Bradford. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 2, 1863. His Excellency A. W. Bradford, Governor of Maryland. Sir : Yours of the 31st ult. was received yesterday about noon, and since then I have been giving most earnest attention to the sub- ject-matter of it. At my call General Schenck has attended, and he assures me it is almost certain that violence will be used at some of the voting places on election day unless prevented by his provost- guards. He says that at some of those places Union voters will not attend at all, or run a ticket, unless they have some assurance of protection. This makes the Missouri case, of my action in regard to which you express your approval. The remaining point of your letter is a protest against any person offering to vote being put to any test not found m the laws of Maryland. This brings us to a difference between Missouri and Maryland. With the same reason in both States, Missouri has, by law, provided a test for the voter with reference to the present re- bellion, while Maryland has not. For example. General Trimble, captured fighting us at Gettysburg, is, without recanting his treason, a legal voter by the laws of Maryland. Even General Schenck's or- der admits him to vote, if he recants upon oath. I think that is cheap enough. My order in Missouri, which you approve, and Gen- eral Schenck's order here, reach precisely the same end. Each as- sures the right of voting to all loyal men, and whether a man is loyal, each allows that man to fix by his own oath. Your suggestion LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 435 that nearly all the candidates are loyal, I do not think quite meets the case. In this strug'gie for the nation's life, I cannot so confi- dently rely on those whose elections may have depended upon dis- loyal votes. Such men, when elected, may prove true ; but such votes are given them in the expectation that they will prove false. Nor do I think that to keep the peace at the polls, and to prevent the persistently disloyal from voting, constitutes just cause of offense to Maryland. I think she has her own examj)le for it. If I mistake not, it is precisely what General Dix did when your Excellency was elected governor. I revoke the first of the three propositions in General Schenck's General Order No. 53 ; not that it is wrong in ])rinciple, l)ut he- cause the military, being of necessity exclusive judges as to who shall be arrested, the provision is too liable to abuse. For the revoked part I substitute the following: That all provost-marshals and other military officers do prevent all dis- turbance and violence at or about the polls, whether offered by such persons as above described, or by any other person or persons whomsoever. The other two propositions of the order I allow to stand. General Schenck is fully determined, and has my strict orders besides, that all loyal men may vote, and vote for whom they please. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. November 2, 1863. — Letter to J. H. Hackett. (Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, November 2, 1863. James H. Hackett. My dear Sir : Yours of October 22 is received, as also was in due course that of October 3. I look forward with pleasure to the ful- filment of the promise made in the former. Give yourself no uneasiness on the subject mentioned in that of the 22d. My note to you I certainly did not expect to see in print ; yet I have not been much shocked by the newspaper comments upon it. Those comments constitute a fair specimen of what has occurred to me through life. I have endured a great deal of ridicule without much malice ; and have received a great deal of kindness, not quite free from ridicule. I am used to it. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. November 5, 1863. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 5, 1863. Major-General Banks: Three mouths ago to-day I wrote you about Louisiana affairs, stating, on the word of Governor Shepley, as I understood him, 436 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OP ABEAHAM LINCOLN that Mr. Durant was taking a registry of citizens preparatory to the election of a constitutional convention for that State. I sent a copy of the letter to Mr. Durant, and I now have his letter, written two months after, acknowledging receipt, and saying he is not tak- ing such registry ; and he does not let me know that he personally is expecting to do so. Mr. Flanders, to whom I also sent a copy, is now here, and he says nothing has yet been done. This disappoints me bitterly ; yet I do not throw blame on you or on them. I do, however, urge both you and them to lose no more time. Governor Shepley has special instructions from the War Depart- ment. I wish him — those gentlemen and others cooperating — without waiting for more territory, to go to work and give me a tangible nucleus which the remainder of the State may rally around as fast as it can, and which I can at once recognize and sustain as the true State government. And in that work I wish you and all under your command to give them a hearty sympathy and support. The instruction to Governor Shepley bases the movement (and rightfully, too) upon the loyal element. Time is important. There is danger, even now, that the adverse element seeks insidiously to preoccupy the ground. If a few professedly loyal men shall draw the disloyal about them, and colorably set up a State government, repudiating the Emancipation Proclamation, and reestablishing slavery, I cannot recognize or sustain their work. I should fall powerless in the attempt. This government in such an attitude would be a house divided against itself. 1 have said, and say again, that if a new State government, acting in harmony with this government, and consistently with general freedom, shall think best to adopt a reasonable temporary arr-ange- ment in relation to the landless and homeless freed people, I do not object ; but my word is out to be for and not against them on the question of their permanent freedom. I do not insist upon such temporary arrangement, but only say such would not be objection- able to me. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. November 9, 1863. — Letter to J. J. Astor, Jr., and Others. {Private, except to General Dix.) Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, November 9, 1863. Messrs. J. J. Astor, Jr., R. B. Roosevelt, and Nathaniel Sands. Gentlemen : Upon the subject of your letter, I have to say that it is beyond my province to interfere with New York city politics; that I am very grateful to General Dix for the zealous and able military and quasi-civil support he has given the government during the war, and that if the people of New York should tender him the mayoralty, and he accept it, nothing on that subject could be more satisfactory to me. In this I must not be understood as saying aught against any one, or as attempting the least degree of dicta- tion in the matter. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 437 To state it in another way, if General Dix's present relation to the General Government lays any restraint upon him in tliis matter, I wish to remove that restraint. Yours truly, A. Ll\X'OLN. November 9, 1863. — Letter to B. F. Flanders. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, November 9, 18G3. Hon. B. F. Flanders. 3ri/ dear Sir: In a conversation with General Butler, he made a sug'g-estion which impressed me a good deal at the time. It was that, as a preliminary step, a vote be taken, yea or nay, whether there shall be a State convention to repeal the ordinance of seces- sion and remodel the State constitution. I send it merely as a sug- g;estion for your consideration, not having considered it maturely myself. The point which impressed me was, not so much the questions to be voted on, as the effect of crystallizing, so to speak, in taking such popular vote on any proper question. In fact, I have always thought the act of secession is legally no- thing, and needs no repealing. Turn the thought over in your mind, and see if in your own judgment you can make anything of it. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. November 9, 1863. — Telegram to General A. E. Burnside. War Department, Washington, November 9, 1863. 4 p. m. Major-General Burnside, Kuoxville, Tennessee : Have seen despatch from General Grant about your loss at Rogersville. Per contra, about the same time, Averell and Duffie got considerable advantage of the enemy at and about Lewisburg, Vir- ginia; and on Saturday, the seventh, Meade drove the enemy from Rappahannock Station and Kelly's Ford, capturing eight l»attle- flags, four guns, and over 1800 prisoners, with very little loss to himself. Let me hear from you. A. Lincoln. November 9, 1863. — Telegram to General G. G. Meade. Washington, November 9, 1863. 7.30 p. m. Major-General Meade : I have seen your despatches about operations on the Rappahan- nock on Saturday, and I wish to say, "Well done!" Do the loOO prisoners reported by General Sedgwick include the 400 taken by General French, or do the whole amount to 1900 ? A. Lincoln. 438 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN November 11, 1863. — Note to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 11, 1863. Hon. Secretary of War. Bear Sir : I personally wish Jacob Freese, of New Jersey, to be appointed colonel for a colored regiment, and this regardless of whether he can tell the exact shade of Julius Caesar's hair. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. November 11, 1863. — Letter to Postmaster-General Blair. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, November 11, 1863. Hon. Montgomery Blair. My dear Sir : Mr. Crisfield's letter, which you inclose, is received.' Let Mr. S procure the sworn statement of the election judges at any voting place as to what may be deemed the misconduct of any military officer, and present it to me, and I will call any such officer to account who shall by such statement appear to have violated or transcended his orders. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. November 14, 1863.— Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. War Department, Washington, November 14, 1863. 12.15 p. m. Major-General Rosecrans, Cincinnati, Ohio : I have received and considered your despatch of yesterday. Of the reports you mention, I have not the means of seeing any except your own. "^Besides this, the publication might be improper in view of the court of inquiry which has been ordered. With every dis- position, not merely to do justice, but to oblige you, I feel constrained to say I think the publications better not be made now. A. Lincoln. November 17, 1863.— Note to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 17, 1863. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 3Iy dear Sir : I expected to see you here at Cabinet meeting, and to say something about going to Gettysburg. There will be a train to take and return us. The time for starting is not yet fixed, but when it shall be I will notify you. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF .ABRAHAM LINCOLN 439 November 17, 18G3.— Indorsement on Note of Secretary Stanton. War Department, Washington City, November 17, 18C3. 3Ir. President: It is proposed by the Baltimore and Ohio road — First, To leave Washino-ton Thursday morning at G A. M. ; and Second, To leave Baltimore at 8 A. M., arriving at Gettysburg at 12 noon, thus giving two hours to view the ground before the dedication ceremonies commence. Third, To leave Gettysburg at G P. M., and amve at Washington, mid- night ; thus doing all in one day. Mr. Smith says the Northern Central road agi-ees to this arrangement. Please consider it, and if any change is desii-ed, let me know, so that it can be made. Yom-s truly, Edwin M. Stanton. [Indorsement.] I do not like this arrangement. I do not wish to so go that by the slightest accident we fail entirely, and, at the best, the whole to be a mere breathless running of the gauntlet. But, any way. A. Lincoln. November 17, 1863. November 19, 1863. — Address at the Dedication of the Gettysburg National Cemetery. Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate — we cannot consecrate — we cannot hallow — this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinislied work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us— that from these hcmored dead we take increased devo- tion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain ; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom ; and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 440 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN November 20, 1863, — Letter to Edward Everett. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 20, 1863. Hon. Edward Everett. 3Iy dear Sir : Your kind note of to-day is received. In onr re- spective parts yesterday, you could not have been excused to make a short address, nor I a long one. I am pleased to know that, in your judgment, the little I did say was not entirely a failure. Of course 1 knew Mr. Everett would not fail, and yet, while the whole discourse was eminently satisfactory, and will be of great value, there were passages in it which transcended my expectations. The point made against the theory of the General Government being only an agency whose principals are the State's, was new to me, and, as I think, is one of the best arguments for the national supremacy. The tribute to our noble women for their angel ministering to the suffering soldiers surpasses in its way, as do the subjects of it, whatever has gone before. Our sick boy, for whom you kindly inquire, we hope is past the worst. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. November 20, 1863. — Letter to Z. Chandler. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 20, 1863. Hon. Zachaeiah Chandler. Mp dear Sir: Your letter of the 15th, marked ^'private," was re- ceived to-day. I have seen Governor Morgan and Thurlow Weed, separately, but not together, within the last ten days ; but neither of them mentioned the forthcoming message, or said anything, so far as I can remember, which brought the thought of the message to my mind. I am very glad the elections this autumn have gone favorably, and that I have not, by native depravity or under evil in- fluences, done anything bad enough to prevent the good result. I hope to " stand firm " enough to not go backward, and yet not go forward fast enough to wreck the country's cause. Yours tridy, A. Lincoln. November 23, 1863. — Note to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, November 23, 1863. 3Ii/ dear Sir: Two despatches since I saw you; one not quite so late on firing as we had before, but giving the"^ points that Burnside thinks he can hold the place, that" he is not closely invested, and that he forages across the river. The other brings the firing up to 11 A. M. yesterday, being twenty -three hours later than we" had before. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 441 November 24, 1863.— Note to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 24, 1863. Hon. Secretary of State. 311/ dear Sir : A despatch from Foster, at Cincinnati, received half an lionr ati:o, contains one from Wilcox at Cumberland Gap, with- out date, saying: "Fighting going on at Knoxville to-day." The want of date makes the time of fighting uncertain, but I rather think it means yesterday, the 23d. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. November 25, 1863.— Telegram to General Grant. Washington, November 25, 1863. 8.40 a. m. Major-General U. S. Grant: Your despatches as to fighting on Monday and Tuesday are here. Well done ! Many thauks to all. Remember Burnside. A. Lincoln. December 1, 1863.— Letter from John Hay to General Dix. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 1, 1863. Major-General John A. Dix, President of the Union Pacific Rail- road Company, New York : I have not been permitted until to-day to present to the President your communication of November 23. He directs me to express his deep regret that his illness will prevent him from giving on this occasion expression to the profound interest he feels in the success of a work so vast and so beneficent as that which you are about to inaugurate. Respectfully your obedient servant, John Hay, Assistant Private Secretary. December 2, 1863.— Letter to George Opdyke and Others. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 2, 1863. Messrs. George Opdyke, Joseph Sutherland, Benjamin F. Mani- erre. Prosper M. Wetmore, and Spencer Kirby, Committee: Yours of the 28th ultimo, inviting me to be present at a meet- ing to be held at the Cooper Institute on the 3d instant, to promote the raising of volunteers, is received. Nothing would be more grateful to my feelings, or better accord with my judgment, than to contribute, if I could, by my presence or otherwise, to that eminently patriotic object. Nevertheless, the now early meeting of Congress^, together with a temporary illness, render my attendance impossible. 442 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN You propose also to celebrate our Western victories. Freed from the apprehension of wounding the just sensibilities of brave soldiers fighting elsewhere, it would be exceedingly agreeable to me to join in a suitable acknowledgment to those of the great West, with whom I was born and have passed my life. And it is exceedingly gratifying that a portion, lately of the Army of the Potomac, but now serving with the great Army of the West, has borne so con- spicuous a part in the late brilliant triumphs in Georgia. Honor to the soldier and sailor everywhere who bravely bears his country's cause. Honor also to the citizen who cares for his brother in the field, and serves, as he best can, the same cause — honor to him, only less than to him who braves, for the common good, the storms of heaven and the storms of battle. Yours trul}^, A. Lincoln. December 1, 1863.— Announcement of Union success in East Tennessee. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, December 7, 1863, Reliable information being received that the insurgent force is retreating from East Tennessee, under circumstances rendering it probable that the Union forces cannot hereafter be dislodged from that important position, and esteeming this to be of high national consequence, I recommend that all loyal people do, on receipt of this information, assemble at their places of worship and render special homage and gratitude to almighty God for this great ad- vancement of the national cause. A. Lincoln. December 8, 1863. — Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction. By the President op the United States of America : A Proclamation. Whereas, in and by the Constitution of the United States, it is provided that the President " shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in eases of impeachment''; and Whereas a rebellion now exists whereby the loyal State govern- ments of several States have for a long time been subverted, and many persons have committed, and are now guilty of, treason against the United States; and Whereas, with reference to said rebellion and treason, laws have been enacted by Congress, declaring forfeitures and confiscation of property and liberation of slaves, all upon terms and conditions therein stated, and also declaring that the President was thereby authorized at any time thereafter, by proclamation, to extend to LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 443 persons who may have participated iu the existing rebellion, in any State or part thereof, pardon and amnesty, with such exceptions and at such times and on sueh conditions as he may deem expedient for the public welfare ; and Whereas the congiessional declaration for limited and conditional pardon accords with well-established judicial exposition of the par- doning power ; and Whereas, with reference to said rebellion, the President of the United States has issued several i)roclamations, with provisions in regard to the liberation of slaves ; and Whereas it is now desired by some persons heretofore engaged in said rebellion to resume their allegiance to the United States, and to reinaugurate loyal State governments within and for their respective States ; therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known to all persons who have, directly or ])y implication, participated in the existing rebellion, except as herein- after excepted, that a full pardon is hereby granted to them and each of them, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves, and in property cases where rights of third parties shall have intervened, and upon the condition that every such person shall take and subscribe an oath, and thenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate; and which oath shall be registered for permanent preservation, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit : I, , do solemnly swear, in presence of almighty (lod, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the union of the States thereunder ; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faitlif uUy support all acts of Congress passed dm*- ing the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decision of the Supreme Coiu't ; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all proclamations of the President made during the existing rebellion having reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared void by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me God. The persons exempted from the benefits of the foregoing provi- sions are all who are, or shall have been, civil or diplomatic officers or agents of the so-called Confederate Government; all who have left judicial stations under the United States to aid the rebellion ; all who are or shall have been military or naval officers of said so- called Confederate Government above the rank of colonel iu the army or of lieutenant in the nav}^ ; all who left seats in the United States Congress to aid the rebellion ; all who resigned commissions in the army or navy of the United States and afterward aided the rebellion ; and all who have engaged in any way in treating colored persons, or white persons in charge of such, otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war, and which persons nuiy have been found in the United States, service as soldiers, seamen, or iu any other capacity. And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that when- ever, in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Limisiana, Missis- sippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, and 444 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN North Carolina, a number of persons, not less than one tenth in number of the votes cast in such State at the presidential election of the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty, each having taken the oath aforesaid and not having since violated it, and being a qualified voter by the election law of the State existing immediately before the so-called act of secession, and excluding all others, shall reestablish a State government which shall be republi- can, and in nowise contravening said oath, such shall be recognized as the true government of the State, and the State shall receive thereunder the benefits of the constitutional provision which de- clares that *' the United States shall guaranty to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and, on application of the legislature, or the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened), against domes- tic violence." And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that any provision which may be adopted by such State government in rela- tion to the freed people of such State, which shall recognize and de- clare their permanent freedom, provide for their education, and which may yet be consistent as a temporary arrangement with their present condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class, will not be objected to by the national executive. And it is suggested as not improper that, in constructing a loyal State government in any State, the name of the State, the boundary, the subdivisions, the constitution, and the general code of laws, as before the rebellion, be maintained, subject only to the modifications made necessary by the conditions hereinbefore stated, and such others, if any, not contravening said conditions, and which may be deemed expedient by those framing the new State government. To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say that this proc- lamation, so far as it relates to State governments, has no reference to States wherein loyal State governments have all the while been maintained. And, for the same reason, it may be proper to further say, that whether members sent to Congress from any State shall be admitted to seats, constitutionally rests exclusively with the respective houses, and not to an;^ extent with the executive. And still further, that this proclamation is intended to present the people of the States wherein the national authority has been suspended, and loyal State govern- ments have been subverted, a mode in and by which the national authority and loyal State governments may l)e reestablished within said States, or in any of them ; and while the mode presented is the best the executive can suggest, with his present impressions, it must not be understood that no other possible mode would be acceptable. Given under my hand at the city of Washington, the I 1 eighth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thon- ^ ' '-' sand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of. the indepen- dence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth. Abraham Ldtcoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 445 December 8, 1863.— Annual Message to Congress. FeUoiv-rifizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Another year of health, and of sufficiently abundant harvests, has passed. For these, and especially for the improved condition of our national affairs, our renewed and profoundest gratitude to God is due. We remain in peace and friendship with foreign powers. The efforts of disloyal citizens of the United States to involve us in foreign wars, to aid an inexcusable insurrection, have been un- availing! Her Britannic Majesty's government, as was justly ex- pected, have exercised their authority to prevent the departure of new hostile expeditions from British ports. The Emperor of France has, l)y a like proceeding, promptly vindicated the neutrality which he proclaimed at the beginning of the contest. Questions of great intricacy and importance have arisen out of the blockade, and other belligerent operations, between the government and several of the maritime powers, but they have been discussed, and, as far as was possible, accommodated, in a spirit of frankness, justice, and mutual good-will. It is especially gratifying that our prize courts, by the impartiality of their adjudications, have commanded the respect and confidence of maritime powers. The supplemental treaty between the United States and Great Britain for the suppression of the African slave-trade, made on the 17th day of February last, has been duly ratified and carried into execution. It is believed that, so far as American ports and Ameri- can citizens are concerned, that inhuman and odious traffic has been brought to an end. I shall submit, for the consideration of the Senate, a convention for the adjustment of possessory claims in Washington Territory, arising out of the treaty of the 15th of June, 1846, between the United States and Great Britain, and which have been the source of some disquiet among the citizens of that now rapidly impro\nngpart of the country. A novel and important question, involving the extent of the mari- time jurisdiction of Spain in the waters which surround the island of Cuba, has been debated without reaching an agreement, and it is proposed, in an amicable spirit, to refer it to the arbitrament of a f rientUy power. A convention for that purpose will be submitted to the Senate. I have thought it proper, subject to the approval of the Senate, to concur with the interested commercial powers in an arrangement for the li([uidation of the Scheldt dues upon the principles which have been heretofore adopted in regard to the imposts upon navigation in the waters of Denmark. The long-pending controversy between this government and that of Chile, touching the seizure at Sitana, in Peru, by Chilian officers, of a large amount in treasure belonging to citizens of the United States, has been brought to a close by the award of his Majesty the King of the Belgians,'to whose arbitration the question was referred by the parties. The subject was thoroughly and patiently examined 446 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OP ABEAHAM LINCOLN by that justly respected magistrate, and although the sum awarded to the claimants may not have been as large as they expected, there is no reason to distrust the wisdom of his Majesty's decision. That decision was promptly comj)lied with by Chile, when intelligence in regard to it reached that country. The joint commission, under the act of the last session, for carry- ing into effect the convention with Peru, on the subject of claims, has been organized at Lima, and is engaged in the business intrusted to it. Difficulties concerning inter-oceanic transit through Nicaragua are in course of amicable adjustment. In conformity with principles set forth in my last annual message, I have received a representative from the United States of Colombia, and have accredited a minister to that republic. Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil war have forced upon my attention the uncertain state of international questions touching the rights of foreigners in this country and of United States citizens abroad. In regard to some governments, these rights are at least partially defined by treaties. In no instance, however, is it expressly stipulated that, in the event of civil war, a foreigner residing in this country, within the lines of the insurgents, is to be exempted from the rule which classes him as a belligerent, in whose behalf the government of his country cannot expect any privileges or immunities distinct from that character. I regret to say, how- ever, that such claims have been put forward, and, in some instances, in behalf of foreigners who have lived in the United States the greater part of their lives. There is reason to believe that many persons born in foreign countries, Avho have declared their intention to become citizens, or who have been fully naturalized, have evaded the military duty re- quired of them by denying the fact,, and thereby throwing upon the government the burden of proof. It has been found difficult or impracticable to obtain this proof, from the want of guides to the proper sources of information. These might be supplied by requiring clerks of courts, where declarations of intention may be made, or naturalizations effected, to send, periodically, lists of the names of the persons naturalized, or declaring their inten- tion to become citizens, to the Secretary of the Interior, in whose department those names might be arranged and printed for general information. There is also reason to believe that foreigners frequently become citizens of the United States for the sole purpose of evading duties imposed by the laws of their native countries, to which, on becom- ing naturalized here, they at once repair, and, though never return- ing to the United States, they still claim the interposition of this government as citizens. Many altercations and great prejudices have heretofore arisen out of this abuse. It is, therefore, submitted to your serious consideration. It might be advisable to fix a limit, beyond which no citizen of the United States residing abroad may claim the interposition of his government. The right of suffrage has often been assumed and exercised by LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 447 aliens, under pretenses of naturalization, which they have disavowed when drafted into the military service. I submit the expediency of sucli an amendment of the law as will make the fact of voting an estoppel against any plea of exemption from military service, or other civil ol)ligation, on the ground of alienage. In common with other Western powers, our relations with Japan have been brought into serious jeopardy, through the perverse op- position of the hereditary aristocracy of the empire to the enlight- ened and liberal policy of the Tycoon, designed to bring the country into the society of nations. It is hoped, although not with entire confidence, that these difficulties may be peacefully overcome. I ask your attention to the claim of the minister residing there for the damages he sustained in the destruction by fire of the residence of the legation at Yeddo. Satisfactory arrangements have been made with the Emperor of Russia, which, it is believed, will result in effecting a continuous line of telegraph through that empire fi'om our Pacific coast. I recommend to your favorable consideration the subject of an international telegraph across the Atlantic Ocean ; and also of a telegraph between this capital and the national forts along the Atlantic; seaboard and the Gulf of Mexico. Such communications, established with any reasonable outlay, would be economical as well as effective aids to the diplomatic, military, and naval service. The consular system of the United States, under the enactments of the last Congress, begins to be seK-sustaiuing ; and there is reason to hope that it may become entirely so, with the increase of trade which will ensue whenever peace is restored. Our ministers abroad have been faithful in defending American rights. In protecting commercial interests, our consuls have necessarily had to encounter increased lal)ors and responsibilities, growing out of the war. These they have, for the most part, met and dischai-ged with zeal and effi- ciency. This acknowledgment justly includes those consuls who, residing in Morocco, Egypt, Turkey, Japan, China, and other Ori- ental countries, are charged with complex functions and extraordi- nary powers. The condition of the several organized Territories is generally satisfactory, although Indian disturbances in New Mexico have not been entirely suppressed. The mineral resources of Cohn-ado, Nevada, Idaho, New Mexico, and Arizona are proving far richer than has been heretofore understood. I lay before you a communi- cation on this subject from the governor of New Mexico I again submit to your consideration the expediency of establishing a sys- tem for the encouragement of immigration. Although this source of national wealth and strength is again flowing with greater free- dom than for several years before the insurrection occurred, there is still a great deficiency of laborers in every field of industry, espe- cially in agriculture, and in our mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious metals. While the demand for labor is thus increased here, tens of thousands of persons, destitute of remunerative occu- pation, are thronging our foreign consulates, and offering to emi- grate to the United States if essential, but very cheap, assistance 448 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN can be afforded them. It is easy to see that, under the sharp disci- pline of civil war, the nation is beginning a new life. This noble effort demands the aid, and ought to receive the attention and sup- port of the government. Injimes, unforeseen by the government and unintended, may, in some cases, have been inflicted on the subjects or citizens of foreign countries, both at sea and on land, by persons in the service of the United States. As this government expects redress from other powers when similar injuries are inflicted by persons in their ser- vice upon citizens of the United States, we must be prepared to do justice to foreigners. If the existing judicial tribunals are inade- quate to this purpose, a special court may be authorized, with power to hear and decide such claims of the character referred to as may have arisen under treaties and the public law. Conventions for ad- justing the claims by joint commission have been proposed to some governments, but no definitive answer to the proposition has yet been received from any. In the course of the session I shall probably have occasion to re- quest you to provide indemnification to claimants where decrees of restitution have been rendered, and damages awarded by admiralty courts ; and in other cases, where this government may be acknow- ledged to be liable in principle, and where the amount of that liability has been ascertained by an informal arbitration. The proper officers of the treasury have deemed themselves re- quired by the law of the United States upon the subject to demand a tax upon the incomes of foreign consuls in this country. While such a demand may not, in strictness, be in derogation of public law, or perhaps of any existing treaty between the United States and a foreign country, the expediency of so far modifying the act as to exempt from tax the income of such consuls as are not citizens of the United States, derived from the emoluments of their office, or from property not situated in the United States, is submitted to your serious consideration. I make this suggestion upon the ground that a comity which ought to be reciprocated exempts our consuls, in all other countries, from taxation to the extent thus in- dicated. The United States, I think, ought not to be exceptionally illiberal to international trade and commerce. The operations of the treasury during the last year have been suc- cessfully conducted. The enactment by Congress of a national bank- ing law has proved a valuable support of the public credit; and the general legislation in relation to loans has fully answered the ex- pectations of its favorers. Some amendments may be required to perfect existing laws, but no change in their principles or general scope is beheved to be needed. Since these measures have been in operation, all demands on the treasury, including the pay of the army and navy, have been promptly met and fully satisfied. No considerable body of troops, it is believed, were ever more amply provided, and more liberally and punctually paid; and it may be added, that by no people were the burdens incident to a great war ever more cheerfully borne. The receipts during the year from all sources, including loans and LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 449 the balance in the treasury at its commencement, were $901,125,074.- 86, and the ajjgrej^ate disbursements $895,796,030.05, leaving a balance on the 1st of July, 1863, of $5,329,044.21. Of the receipts there were derived from cu-stonis $69,059,642.40; from internal revenue, $37.- 640,787.95; from direct tax, $1,485,103.61; froin lands, $167,617.17; from miscellaneous sources, $3,046,615.35; and from loans, $776,- 682,361.57; making the aggregate, $901,125,674.86. Of the disburse- ments there were for the civil service, $23,253,922.08 ; for pensions and Indians, $4,216,520.79: for interest on public debt, $24,729,846.51; for the War Department, $599,298,600.83; for the Navy Department, $63,211,105.27; for payment of funded and temporary debt. $181,- 086,635.07; making the aggregate, $895,796,630.65, and leaving the balance of $5,329,04:4.21. But the payments of funded and temporary debt, having been made from moneys borrowed during the year, must be regarded as merely nominal payments, and the moneys bor- rowed to make them as merely nominal receipts; and their amount, $181,086,635.07, should therefore be deducted both from receipts and disbursements. This being done, there remain as actual receipts, $720,039,039.79, and the actual disbursements, $714,709,995.58, leav- ing the balance as already stated. The actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter, and the estimated receipts and disbursements for the remaining three quarters, of the current fiscal year, 1864, will be shown in detail by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to which I invite your attention. It is sufficient to say here that it is not believed that ac- tual results will exhibit a state of the finances less favorable to the country than the estimates of that officer heretofore submitted; while it is confidently expected that at the close of the year both dis- bursements and debt will be found very considerably less than has been anticipated. The report of the Secretary of War is a document of great inter- est. It consists of — 1. The military operations of the year, detailed in the report of the General-in-Chief. 2. The organization of colored persons into the war service. 3. The exchange of prisoners, fully set forth in the letter of Gren- eral Hitchcock. 4. The operations under the act for enrolling and calling out the national forces, detailed in the report of the Provost-Marshal- General. 5. The organization of the invalid corps; and 6. The operation of the several departments of the Quartermas- ter-General, Commissary-General, Paymaster-General, Chief of En- gineers, Chief of Ordnance, and Surgeon-General, It has appeared impossible to make a valuable summary of this report except such as would be too extended for this place, and hence I content myself by asking your careful attention to the re- port itself. The duties devolving on the naval branch of the service during the year, and throughout the whole of this unhappy contest, have been discharged with fidelity and eminent success. The extensive Vol. II.— 29. 450 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN blockade has been constantly increasing in efficiency, as the navy has expanded ; yet on so long a line it has so far been impossible to entirely suppress illicit trade. From returns received at the Navy Department, it appears that more than one thousand vessels have been captured since the blockade was instituted, and that the value of prizes already sent in for adjudication amounts to over thirteen millions of dollars. The naval force of the United States consists at this time of five hundred and eighty-eight vessels, completed and in the course of completion, and of these, seventy-five are iron-clad or armored steam- ers. The events of the war give an increased interest and impor- tance to the navy which will probably extend beyond the war itself. The armored vessels in our navy, completed and in service, or which are under contract and approaching completion, are believed to exceed in numljer those of any other power. But while these may be relied upon for harbor defense and coast service, others of greater strength and capacity will be necessary for cruising pur- poses, and to maintain our rightful position on the ocean. The change that has taken place in naval vessels and naval war- fare since the introduction of steam as a motive power for ships of war demands either a corresponding change in some of our existing navy-yards, or the establishment of new ones, for the construction and necessary repair of modern naval vessels. No inconsiderable embarrassment, delay, and public injury have been experienced from the want of such governmental establishments. The necessity of such a navy-yard, so furnished, at some suitable place upon the At- lantic seaboard, has on repeated occasions been brought to the at- tention of Congress by the Navy Department, and is again presented in the report of the Secretary which accompanies this communica- tion. I think it my duty to in\dte your special attention to this subject, and also tothat of establishing a yard and depot for naval purposes upon one of the western rivers. A naval force has been created on those interior waters, and under many disadvantages, within little more than two years, exceeding in numbers the whole naval force of the country at the commencement of the present ad- ministration. Satisfactory and important as have been the per- formances of the heroic men of the navy at this interesting period, they are scarcely more wonderful than the success of our mechanics and artisans in the production of war vessels which has created a new form of naval power. Our country has advantages superior to any other nation in our resources of iron and timber, with inexhaustible quantities of fuel in the immediate vicinity of both, all available, and in close proxim- ity to navigable waters. Without the advantage of public works tlie resources of the nation have been developed, and its power dis- played, in the construction of a navy of such magnitude, which has, at the very period of its creation, rendered signal service to the Union. The increase of the number of seamen in the public service, from seven thousand five hundred men, in the spring of 1861, to about thirty-four thousand at the present time, has been accomplished LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 451 without special legislation, or extraordinary bounties to promote that increase. It has beeu found, however, that the operation of the draft, with the hii-'h bounties })aid for army recruits, is beginning to affect injuriously the naval service, and will, if not corrected, be likely to impair its efficiency, by detachiug seamen from theii- proper vocation and inducing them to enter the army. I therefore re- spectfully suggest that Congress might aid both the army and naval services by a definite provision on this subject, which would at the same time be equitable to the communities more especially interested. I commend to your consideration the suggestions of the Secretary of the Navy in regard to the policy of fostering and training sea- men, and also the education of officers and engineers for the naval service. The Naval Academy is rendering signal service in prepar- ing midshipmen for the highly responsible duties which in after life they will be required to perform. In order that the country should not be deprived of the proper quota of educated officers, for which legal ])rovision has been made at the naval school, the vacan- cies caused by the neglect or omission to make nominations from the States in insurrection have been filled by the Secretary of the Navy. The school is now more full and complete than at any former period, and in every respect entitled to the favorable consideration of Congress. During the past fiscal year the financial condition of the Post Office Department has been one of increasing prosperity, and I am gratified in being able to state that the actual postal revenue has nearlv equaled the entire expenditures; the latter amounting to $11,314,206.84, and the former to $11,103,789.59, leaving a deficiency of but $150,417.25. In 1860, the year immediately preceding the rebellion, the deficiencv amounted to $5,656,705.49. the postal receipts of that year being $2,645,722.19 less than those of 1863. The decrease since 1860 in the annual amount of transportation has been only about 25 per cent., but the annual expenditure on account of the same has been reduced 35 per cent. It is manifest, therefore, that the Post Office Department may become self-sustaining in a few years even with the restoration of the whole service. The international conference of postal delegates from the princi- pal countries of Europe and America, which was called at the sug- gestion of the Postmaster-General, met at Paris on the 11th of May last, and concluded its deliberations on the 8th of June. The prin- ciples established by the conference as best adapted to facilitate postal intercourse between nations, and as the basis of future postal conventions, inaugurate a general system of uniform international charges, at reduced rates of postage, and cannot fail to produce beneficial results. I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Interior, which is hei'ewith laid before you, for useful and varied information in rela- tion to the public lands, Indian affairs, patents, pensions, and other matters of p\i])lic concern pertaining to his department. The qmintity of land disposed of during the last and the fii'st quarter of the present fiscal years was three million eight hundred and forty-one thousand five hundred and forty-nine acres, of which 452 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN one hundred and sixty-one thousand nine hundred and eleven acres were sold for cash, one million four hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred and fourteen acres were taken up under the homestead law, and the residue disposed of under laws granting lands for mil- itary bounties, for railroad and other purposes. It also appears that the sale of the public lands is largely on the increase. It has long been a cherished opinion of some of our wisest' states- men that the people of the United States had a higher and more en- during interest in the early settlement and substantial cultivation of the public lands than in the amount of direct revenue to be derived from the sale of them. This opinion has had a controlling influence in shaping legislation upon the subject of our national domain. I may cite, as evidence of this, the liberal measures adopted in refer- ence to actual settlers; the grant to the States of the overflowed lands within their limits in order to their being reclaimed and rendered fit for cultivation; the grants to railway companies of al- ternate sections of land upon the contemplated lines of their roads, which, when completed, will so largely multiply the facilities for reaching our distant possessions. This policy has received its most signal and beneficent illustration in the recent enactment granting homesteads to actual settlers. Since the first day of January last the before-mentioned quantity of one million four hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred and fourteen acres of land have been taken up under its provisions. This fact, and the amount of sales, furnish gratifying evidence of increasing settlement upon the public lands notwithstanding the great struggle in which the energies of the nation have been engaged, and which has required so large a withdrawal of our citizens from their accustomed pursuits. I cordi- ally concur in the recommendation of the Secretary of the Interior, suggesting a modification of the act in favor of those engaged in the military and naval service of the United States. I doubt not that Congress will cheerfully adopt such measures as will, without essentially changing the general features of the system, secure, to the greatest practicable extent, its benefits to those who have left their homes in defense of the country in this arduous crisis. I invite your attention to the views of the Secretary as to the propriety of raising, by appropriate legislation, a revenue from the mineral lands of the United States. The measures provided at your last session for the removal of cer- tain Indian tribes have been carried into effect. Sundry treaties have been negotiated, which will, in due time, be submitted for the con- stitutional action of the Senate. They contain stipulations for extinguishing the possessory rights of the Indians to large and valuable tracts of land. It is hoped that the effect of these treaties will result in the establishment of permanent friendly relations with such of these tribes as have been brought into frequent and bloody collision with our outlying settlements and emigrants. Sound policy, and our imperative duty to these wards of the gov- ernment, demand our anxious and constant attention to their mate- rial well-being, to their progress in the arts of civilization, and, above all, to that moral training which, under the blessing of Divine Provi- LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 453 denee, will confer upon them the elevated and sanctifying influences, the hopes and consolations, of the Christian faith. I suggested in my last annual message the propriety of remodel- ing our Indian system. Subsequent events liav'e satisfied me of its necessity. The details set forth in the report of the Secretary evince the urgent need for immediate legislative action. I commend the benevolent institutions established or patron- ized by the government in this District to your generous and fos- tering care. The attention of Congress, during the last session, was engaged to some extent with a proposition for enlarging the water communi- cation between the Mississippi River and the northeastern seaboard, which proposition, however, failed for the time. Since then, upon a call of the greatest respectability, a convention has been held at Chicago upon tlie same subject, a summary of whose views is con- tained in a memorial addressed to the President and Congress, and which I now have the honor to lay before you. That this interest is one which, ere long, will force its own way, I do not entertain a doubt, while it is submitted entirely to your wisdom as to what can be done now. Augmented interest is given to this subject by the actual commencement of work upon the Pacific railroad, under aus- pices so favorable to rapid progress and completion. The enlarged navigation becomes a palpable need to the great road. I transmit the second annual report of the Commissioner of the Department of Agricultm-e, asking your attention to the develop- ments in that vital interest of the nation. When Congress assembled a year ago the war had already lasted nearly twenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land and sea with varying results. The rebellion had been pressed back into reduced limits ; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion, at home and a))road, was not satisfactory. With other signs, the pop- ular elections, then just past, indicated uneasiness among ourselves, while, amid much that was cold and menacing, the kindest words coming from Europe were uttered in accents of pity that we were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. Our commerce was suffer- ing greatly l)y a few armed vessels built upon, and furnished from, foreign shores, and we were threatened with such additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from the sea and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from European governments anything hopeful upon this subject. The preliminary emancipation proclamation, issued in September, was running its assigned period to the ])eginning of the new year. A month later the final procla- mation came, including the announcement that colored men of suit- able condition would be received into the war service. The policy of emancipation, and of employing black soldiers, gave to the future a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and doubt contended in uncertain conflict. According to our ])olitieal system, as a matter of civil administration, the General Government had no lawful power to eifect emancipation in any State, and for a long time it had been hoped that the rebellion could be suppressed without re- sorting to it as a military measure. It was all the while deemed 454 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN possible that the necessity for it might come, and that if it shoukl, the crisis of the contest would then be presented. It came, and, as was anticipated, it was followed by dark and doubtful days. Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take another review. The rebel borders are pressed still further back, and, by the com- plete opening of the Mississippi, the country dominated by the rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical communi- cation between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been sub- stantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential citizens in each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respec- tive States. Of those States not included in the Emancipation Proc- lamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago would tolerate any restraint upon the extension of slavery into new Territories, only dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits. Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one hundred thousand are now in the United States military ser- vice, about one half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks ; thus giving the double advantage of taking so much labor from the insurgent cause, and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so many white men. So far as tested, it is diffi- cult to say they are not as good soldiers as any. No servile insur- rection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked the measures of emancipation and arming the blacks. These measures have been much discussed in foreign countries, and contemporary with such discussion the tone of public sentiment there is much improved. At home the same measures have been fully discussed, supported, criticized, and denounced, and the annual elections following are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the country through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckon- ing. The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past. Looking now to the present and future, and with reference to a resumption of the national authority within the States wherein that authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a procla- mation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. On examination of this prpclamation it will appear, as is believed, that nothing is attempted beyond what is amply justified by the Constitution. True, the form of an oath is given, but no man is coerced to take it. The man is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes the executive to grant or withhold the pardon at his own absolute discretion ; and this includes the power to grant on terms, as is fully established by judicial and other authorities. It is also proffered that if, in any of the States named, a State government shall be, in the mode prescribed, set up, such govern- ment shall be recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and that under it the State shall, on the constitutional conditions, be protected against invasion and domestic violence. The constitutional obligation of the United States to guarantee to every State in the LETTERS AND S'x'ATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 455 Union a republican form of government, and to protect the State in the cases stated, is explicit and full. But whv tender the benefits of this provision only to a State government' set up in this par- ticular way f This section of the Constitution contemplates a case wherein the element within a State favorable to republi(;an govern- ment in the Union may be too feeble for an opposite and hostile element external to, or even within, the State ; and such are precisely the cases with which we are now dealing. An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State government, constructed in whole, or in preponderating part, from the very element against whose hostility and violence it is to be protected, is simply absurd. There must l)e a test by which to separate the opposing elements, so as to build only from the sound ; and that test is a suf- ficiently liberal one which accepts as sound whoever will make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundness. But if it be proper to require, as a test of admission to the politi- cal body, an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, and to the Union under it, why also to the laws and proc- lamations in regard to slavery? Those laws and proclamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the sup- pression of the rebellion. To give them their fullest effect, there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In my judgment they have aided, and will further aid, the cause for which they were in- tended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach of faith. I may add, at this point, that while I remain in my pres- ent position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipa- tion Proclamation ; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or bv any of the acts of Congress. For these and other reasons it is thought best that sup- port of these measures shall be included in the oath ; and it is be- lieved the executive may lawfully claim it in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited rights, which he has clear constitutional power to withhold altogether, or grant upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for the public interest. It should be observed also, that this part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abro- gating power of legislation and supreme judicial decision. The proposed acquiescence of the national executive in any rea- sonable temporary State arrangement for the freed people is made with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must at best attend all classes bv a total revolntion of labor throughout whole States. It is hoped' that the already deeplv af- flicted people in those States mav be somewhat more readv to give up the cause of their affliction, if, to this extent, tliis vital matter be left to themselves ; while no power of the national executive to pre- vent an abuse is abridged by the proposition. The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political framework of the States on what is called reconstruction is made in the hope that it may do good without danger of harm. It will save labor, and avoid great confusion. But why any proclamation now upon this subject? This ques- 456 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN tion is beset with the eouflicting views that the step might be de- layed too loug or be taken too soon. In some States the elements for resumption seem ready for action, but remain inactive appar- ently for want of a rally in g-point — a plan of action. Why shall A adopt the plan of B, rather than B that of A ? And if A and B should agree, how can they know but that the General Government here will reject their plan "? By the proclamation a plan is presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying-poiut, and which they are assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would. The objection to a premature presentation of a plan by the na- tional executive consists in the danger of committals on points which could be more safely left to further developments. Care has been taken to so shape the document as to avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying that, on certain terms, certain classes will be pardoned, with rights restored, it is not said that other classes, or other terms, will never be included. Saying that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in a specified way, it is not said it will never be accepted in any other way. The movements, by State action, for emancipation in several of the States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are. mat- ters of profound gratulation. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have heretofore so earnestly urged upon this subject, my general views and feelings remain unchanged ; and I trust that Con- gress will omit no fair opportunity of aiding these important steps to a great consummation. In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To that power alone can we look, yet for a time, to give confidence to the people in the contested regions that the insurgent power will not again overrun them. Until that confidence shall be established, little can be done anywhere for what is called reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must still be directed to the army and navy, who have thus far borne their harder part so nobly and well. And it may be esteemed fortunate that in giving the greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms, we do also honorably recognize the gallant men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them, and to whom, more than to others, the world must stand indebted for the home of freedom disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged, and perpetuated. Abraham Lincoln. December 8, 1863. December 8, 1863. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, 1 most cordially recommend that Captain John Rogers, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks from Con- gress for the eminent skill and gallantry exhibited by him in the engagement with the rebel armed iron-clad steamer Fingal, alias Atlanta, whilst in command of the United States iron-clad steamer LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 457 Weehaivken, which led to her capture on the 17th of June, 1863, and also for the zeal, bravery, and general good conduct shown by this ofliccr on many occasions. This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with the requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is iu the following words, viz. : That any line officer of the Davy or marine coitus may be advanced one grade, if, upon recommendation of the President, by uame, he receives the thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, or for extraordinary hei'oism in the line of his profession. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 8, 1863. December 8, 1863. — Telegram to General U. S. GtRANT. Washington, December 8, 1863. Major-General Grant: Understanding that your lodgment at Chattanooga and Knoxville is now secure, I wish to tender you, and all under your command, my more than thanks, my profoundest gratitude, for the skill, cou- rage, and perseverance with which you and they, over so great diffi- culties, have effected that important object. God bless you all ! A. Lincoln. December 9, 1863. — Letter to Governor Curtin. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 9, 1863. His Excellency A. G. Curtin, Governor of Pennsylvania. Ml/ dear Sir : I have to urge my illness, and the preparation of the message, in excuse for not having sooner transmitted you the inclosed from the Secretary of War and Provost-Marshal-General in response to yours in relation to recruiting in Pennsylvania. Though not quite as you desire, I hope the grounds taken will be reasonably satisfactory to you. Allow me to exchange congratulations witli you on the organization of the House of Representativ'es, and espe- cially on recent military events in Georgia and Tennessee. Yours very truly, a. Lincoln. December 10, 1863. — Message to the Senate, To the Senate of the United States: 1 transmit herewith a report dated the 9th instant, with the accompanying papers, received from the Secretary of State, in compliance with the requirements of the sixteenth and eighteenth sections of the act entitled : "An act to regulate the diplomatic and consular systems of the United States," approved August 18, 1856. . ,. ^^ to > Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 10, 1863. 458 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN December 14, 1863. — Amnesty to Mrs. E. T. Helm. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 14, 1863. Mrs. Emily T. Helm, not being excepted from the benefits of the proclamation by the President of the United States issued on the eighth day of December, 1863, and having on this day taken and sub- scribed the oath according to said proclamation, she is fully relieved of all penalties and forfeitures, and remitted to all her rights — all according to said proclamation, and not otherwise; and, in regard to said restored rights of person and property, she is to be protected and afforded facilities as a loyal person, Abraham Lincoln. P. S. Mrs. Helm claims to own some cotton at Jackson, Missis- sippi, and also some in Georgia; and I shall be glad, upon either place being brought within our lines, for her to be afforded the proper facilities to show her ownership, and take her property. A. Lincoln. District of Columbia, } Washing-ton County, ^ ' I, Emily T. Helm, do solemnly swear in presence of Almighty God that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the union of the States thereunder ; and that I will, in like manner, aljide by and faithfully support all acts of Congress passed during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decisions of the Supreme Court; and that I wUl, in Uke manner, abide by and faithfully support all proclamations of the President, made during the existing re- bellion, having reference to slaves so long and so far as not modified or declared void by the Supreme Com*t. So help me God. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 14, 1863. Whom it mat/ concern : It is my wish that Mrs. Emily T. Helm (widow of the late General B. H. Helm, who fell in the Confed- erate service), now returning to Kentucky, may have protection of person and property, except as to slaves, of which I say nothing. A. Lincoln. December 15, 1863. — Letter to T. Cottman. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 15, 1863. Dr. Thomas Cottman. My dear Sir: You were so kind as to say this morning that you desire to return to Louisiana, and to be guided by my wishes, to some extent, in the part you may take in bringing that State to re- sume her rightful relation to the General Government. My wishes are in a general way expressed, as well as I can express them, in the proclamation issued on the 8th of the present month, and in that part of the annual message which relates to that procla- LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 459 mation. It there appears that I deem the sustaining of the Einanci- patiou Proehiiiiation, where it a[)plies, as indispensal)le ; and I add here that I woidd esteem it fortunate; if the ])eople of Louisiana shoukl themselves pLace the remainder of the State upon the same footing, and then, if in their discretion it should appear best, make some temporary provision for the whole of the freed j)eople, sub- stantially as sugg'ested in the last proclamation. I have not put forth the plan in that proclamation as a Procrus- tean bed, to which exact conformity is to be indispensable ; and, in Louisiana particularly, I wish that labor already done, which varies from that plan in no important particular, may not be thrown away. The stront February 12, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, February 12, 1864. Hon. Secretary or the Treasury. Mtj dear Sir: I have felt considerable anxiety concerning the Cus- tom House at New York. Mr. Barney has suffered no abatement of my confidence in his honor and integrity ; and yet I am convinced that he has ceased to be master of his position. A man by the name of Bailey, whom I am unconscious of ever having seen, or even hav- ing heard of except in this connection, expects to be, and even now assumes to be, collector de facto, while Mr. Barney remains nomi- nally so. This Mr. Bailey, as I understand, having been summoned as a witness to testify before a committee of the House of Represen- tatives which purposed investigating the affairs of the New York Cus- tom House, took occasion to call on the chairman in advance, and to endeavor to smother the investigation, saying among other things, that whatever might be developed, the President would take no ac- tion, and the committee would thereby be placed unpleasantly. The public interest cannot fail to suffer in the hands of this unresponsi- ble and unscrupulous man. I propose sending Mr. Barney minister to Portugal, as evidence of my continued confidence in him ; and I further propose appointing collector of the customs at New York. I wrote the draft of this letter two weeks ago, but delayed sending it for a reason which I will state when I see you. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. February 13, 1S64. — Indorsement on the Modifying Order RELATING TO MeTHODIST ChURCHES IN ReBEL StaTES. As you see within, the Secretary of War modifies his order so as to exempt Missouri from it. Kentucky was never within it; nor, as I learn from the Secretary, was it ever intended for any more than a means of rallying the Methodist people in favor of the Union, in localities where the rebellion had disorganized and scattered them. Even in that view, I fear it is liable to some abuses, but it is not quite easy to withdraw it entirely and at once. ^ Lincoln. February 13, 1864. Vol. il— 31. 482 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN February 13, 1864. — Telegram to Horace Maynard. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 13, 1864. Hon. Horace Maynard, Nashville, Tennessee : Your letter of [the] second received. Of course Governor Johnson will proceed with reorganization as the exigencies of the case appear to him to require. I do not apprehend he will think it necessary to deviate from my views to any ruinous extent. On one hasty reading I see no such deviation in his program, which you send. A. Lincoln. February 15, 1864. — Telegrajm to General J. M. Thayer. War Department, February 15, 1864. General Thayer, Fort Smith, Arkansas : Yours received. Whatever of conflict there is between the conven- tion and me is accidental, not designed, I having acted in ignorance that the convention would act. I yield to the convention, and have so notified General Steele, who is master, and is to cut any knots which cannot be untied. Correspond with him. ^_ Lincoln. February 15, 1864. — Note to Secretary Chase. Treasury Department, February 15, 1864. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 3fy dear Sir: I have just called here to see you on the matter mentioned Saturday, and am pained to learn you are suffering too much to be out. I hope you will soon be relieved ; meanwhile have no uneasiness as to the thing to which I am alluding, as I shall do nothing in it until I shall [have] fully conferred with you. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. February 15, 1864. — Letter to General D. E. Sickles. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 15, 1864. Major-General Sickles: I wish you to make a tour for me (principally for observation and information) by way of Cairo and New Orleans, and returning by the gulf and ocean. All military and naval officers are to facilitate you with suitable transportation, and by conferring with you, and imparting, so far as they can, the information herein indicated; but you are not to command any of them. You will call at Memphis, Helena, Vicksburg, New Orleans, Pensacola, Key West, Charleston Harbor, and such intermediate points as you may think important. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 483 what pruetical hitclTes ? C tt^/. I'^T^'V^I' works -if at'aJl,- come in from the enemy whk nmnW t?^ '*' ^-^''^^''' ^^'^^^'^ers since the amnesty, and^T/e he the ' 'i' ?"lf "^ at each point greater since than befo /the a ' neSv wl f l^''\ ^^"^^^^^ ^« ^"^7 erally, and particularly wlieLra^fdfo' J, nf ^''''.^T.' ^'^^^'^ ^^^"- knovvn within the rebel S^Akn l ^^^'^V'^.*"^"^' ^^^ amnesty is colored people; how thev ^ei altf^ f ™i^^^^ >'«^J ^^^^ as to the service, in leased DlaiSnS! o?^ as soldiers, as laborers in our masters, if tK bSch S^"aiS "''^ ^f ""'''' ''''^' ^^^ir old colored people within the ?ebel lites aT ""'Y ^^" ^^^ ^^ ^o the tion you'^miy consider in te'es^^^^ ^'^ ^">' ^^^er informa- what you miy deemTmportant to Z\ "^ \""' *^ ^^°^^' ^^"^^ ^e ready to make a generaTr^^o.^tVu^ti^'eZL''" '' ""^' ^'^^ ^^ Yours truly, a. Lincoln. February 16, 1864.- Message to the House of Representatives. the''relohS:>f1htCS^^^^^^ I" — erto requesting- informTtimi touel"^- H ^^^^^ f ^l"^ ^'^^'^^ "^«tant, Cokul-General to th^BrS N?rth A^^ ""^ ^^^ ^'''^'^ ^^^^'^ tain official communications iesDect-no^'?° Provinces, and cer- mit a report from tKecrSv nf ^^P .''''^'^? ?^"^^^'«e' I trans- which itVas accompanied! ^ ^^'*'' ^^^ *^^ documents by Washington, February 16, 1864. Abraham Lincoln. February 16, 1864.- Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Bepre^entofir^^ . T f..„ •. ^ ^ gress a report from the Secretjw-^of 4./! •;; J"^^""^"^^*^ *^ ^on- papers relative to the claiV. nn fi. ^^^ "^'^^ *^^ accompanying the French ship L l/aS^ and recofZ^T'^^ "^ ^^^ «^^^^^« «f thesatisfaction^oftheclai^l^u^ita^T^^^^^^^^ Washington, February 16, 1864. Abraham Lincoln. Februarys, 1864.- Letter to W. M. Fishback the latter fact I have been cnn>.twiw • ?^-. ^"ice Ilearned 484 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN despatches to you and others, saying that he, General Steele, must be master, but that it will probably be best for him to merely help the convention on its own plan. Some single mind must be master, else there will be no agreement in anything, and General Steele, com- manding the military and being on the ground, is the best man to be that master. Even now citizens are telegraphing me to postpone the election to a later day than either that fixed by the convention or by me. This discord must be silenced. A. Lincoln. February 18, 1864. — Draft of Letter to Governor Andrew. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 18, 1864. His Excellency John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts : Yours of the 12th was received yesterday. If I were to judge from the letter, without any external knowledge, I should suppose that all the colored people south of Washington were struggling to get to Massachusetts; that Massachusetts was anxious to receive and retain the whole of them as permanent citizens, and that the United States Government here was interposing and preventing this. But I suppose these are neither really the facts nor meant to be asserted as true by you. Coming down to what I suppose to be the real facts, you are engaged in trying to raise colored troops for the United Stales, and wish to take recruits from Virginia through Washington to Massachusetts for that object, and the loyal gov- ernor of Virginia, also trying to raise troops for us, objects to your taking his material away, while we, having to care for all and being responsible alike to all, have to do as much for him as we would have to do for you if he was by our authority taking men from Massachusetts to fill up Virginia regiments. No more than this has been intended by me, nor, as I think, by the Secretary of War. There may have been some abuses of this, as a rule, which, if known, should be prevented in future. If, however, it be really true that Massachusetts wishes to afford a permanent home within her borders for all or even a large number of colored persons who will come to her, I shall be only too glad to l^now it. It would give relief in a very difficult point, and I would not for a moment hinder from going any person who is free by the terms of the proclamation, or any of the acts of Congress. February 18, 1864. — Proclamation concerning Blockade. By the President of the United States op America: A Proclamation. Whereas, by my proclamation of the nineteenth of April, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, the ports of the States of LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 485 South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas were, for reasons therein set forth, placed under blockade ; aud whereas, the port of Brownsville, in the district of Brazos San- tiago, in the State of Texas, has since been blockaded, but as the blockade of said port may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of commerce : Now, therefore, be it known that I, Al)raham Lincoln, President of the United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled " An act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the block- ade of the said port of Brownsville shall so far cease and determine from and after this date, that commercial intercourse with said port, except as to persons, things, and information hereinafter specified, may, from this date, be carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, to the regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Trea- sury, and, until the rebellion shall have been suppressed, to such orders as may be promulgated by the general commanding the department, or by an officer duly authorized by him and commanding at said port. This proclamation does not authorize or allow the shipment or con- veyance of persons in, or intending to enter, the service of the insur- gents, or of things or information intended for their use, or for their aid or comfort, nor, except upon the permission of the Secretary of War, or of some officer duly authorized by him, of the following pro- hibited articles, namely: cannon, mortars, firearms, pistols, bombs, grenades, powder, saltpeter, sulphur, balls, bullets, pikes, swords, boarding-caps (always excepting the quantity of the said articles which may be necessary for the defense of the ship and those who compose the crew), saddles, bridles, cartridge-bag material, percus- sion and other caps, clothing adapted for uniforms, sail-cloth of all kinds, hemp and cordage, intoxicating drinks other than beer and light native wines. To vessels clearing from foreign ports and destined to the port of Brownsville, opened by this proclamation, licenses will be granted by consuls of the United States upon satisfactor}^ evidence that the vessel so licensed will convey no persons, property, or information excepted or prohibited above, either to or from the said port ; which licenses shall be exhibited to the collector of said port immediately on arrival, and, if required, to any officer in charge of the blockade, and on leaving said port every vessel will be required to have a clearance from the collector of the customs, according to law, show- ing no violation of the conditions of the license. Any violations of said conditions will involve the forfeiture and condemnation of the vessel and cargo, and the exclusion of all parties concerned from any further privilege of entering the United States dimng the wai'for any purpose whatever. in all respects, except as herein specified, the existing blockade remains in full force and effect as hitherto established and main- tained, nor is it relaxed by this proclamation except in regard to the port to which relaxation is or has been expressly applied. 486 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at th-e city of Washing-ton, this eighteenth day of r -, February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- *■ ' *■' dred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-eighth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. February 20, 1864. — Telegram to Warren Jordan. Nashville, February 20, 1864. Hon. W. H. Sewaed, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. : In county and State elections, must citizens of Tennessee take the oath prescribed by Governor Johnson, or wiU the President's oath of amnesty entitle them to vote? I have been appointed to hold the March election in Cheatham County, and wish to act iinderstandingly. Warren Jordan. Washington, February 20, 1864. Warren Jordan, Nashville : In county elections you had better stand by Governor Johnson's plan ; otherwise you will have conflict and confusion. I have seen his plan. A. Lincoln. February 20, 1864. — Note to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 20, 1864. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. 3hj dear Sir: Herewith I return the affidavit you handed me. In glancing over it once, I do not perceive anything necessarily incon- sistent with the practice of detectives and others engaged in the busi- ness of '^rascal catching"; but a closer examination might show it. It seems to me that August, the month within which the affiant fixes his first interview with Hanscomb, was really before Hans- comb left Boston and came to New York. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. February 22, 1864. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and Rouse of Representatives : I submit to Congress the copy of a correspondence which has recently taken place between her Britannic Majesty's minister accredited to this government and the Secretary of State, in order that the expediency of sanctioning the acceptance, by the master of the American schooner Highlander, of a present of a watch which the lords of the committee of her LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 487 Majesty's privy council for trade propose to present to liini, in rec- ognition of services rendered by him to the crew of the British ves- sel Pearl, may be taken into consideration. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, February 22, 1864. February 23, 1864. — Note to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 23, 1864. Hon. Secretary op the Treasury. My dear Sir: Yours of yesterday in relation to the paper issued by Senator Pomeroy was duly received; and I write this note merely to say I will answer a little more fully when I can find time to do so. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. February 25, 1864. — Letter to General F. Steele. War Department, Washington, February 25, 1864. Major-General Steele, Little Rock, Arkansas: General Sickles is not going to Arkansas. He probably will make a tour down the Mississippi and home by the gulf and ocean, but he will not meddle in yonr affairs. At one time I did intend to have hira call on you and explain more fully than I could do by letter or telegraph, so as to avoid a difficulty coming of my having made a plan here, while the conven- tion made one there, for reorganizing Arkansas; but even his doing that has been given up for more than two weeks. Please show this to Governor Murphy to save me telegraphing him. A. Lincoln. February 27, 1864. — Letter to E. H. East. Washington, February 27, 1864. Hon. E. H. East, Secretary of State, Nashville, Tennessee: Your telegram of the twenty-sixth instant asking for a copy of my despatch to Warren Jordan, Esq., at '^ Nashville Press" office, has just been referred to me by Governor Johnson. In my reply to Mr. Jordan, which was brief and hurried, I intended to say that in the county and State elections of Tennessee, the oath prescribed in the proclamation of Governor Johnson on the twenty-sixth of January, 1864, ordering an election in Tennessee on the first Satur- day in March next, is entirely satisfactory to me as a test of loyalty of all persons proposing or offering to vote in said elections; and coming from hira would better be observed and followed.. There is no conflict between the oath of amnesty in my proclamation of eighth December, 1863, and that prescrilied by Governor Johnson in his proclamation of the twenty-sixth ultimo. 488 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN No person who has taken the oath of amnesty of eighth December, 1863, and obtained a pardon thereby, and who intends to observe the same in good faith, should have any objection to taking that prescribed by Governor Johnson as a test of loyalty. I have seen and examined Governor Johnson's proclamation, and am entirely satisfied with his plan, which is to restore the State government and place it nnder the control of citizens truly loyal to the Govern- ment of the United States. A. Lincoln. Please send above to Governor Johnson. A. L. February 27, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executrt: Mansion, Washington, February 27, 1864. Hon. Secretary of War. Sir : You ask some instructions from me in relation to the Report of Special Commission constituted by an order of the War Depart- ment, dated December 5, 1863, ''to revise the enrolment and quotas of the City and State of New York, and report whether there be any, and what, errors or irregularities therein, and what corrections, if any, should be made." In the correspondence between the governor of New York and myself last summer, I understood him to complain that the enrol- ments in several of the districts of that State had been neither ac- curately nor honestly made ; and in view of this, I, for the draft then immediately ensuing, ordered an arbitrary reduction of the quotas in several of the districts wherein they seemed too large, and said : ''After this drawing, these four districts, and also the seven- teenth and twenty-niuth, shall be carefully reenrolled, and, if you please, agents of yours may witness every step of the process." In a subsequent letter I believe some additional districts were put into the list of those to be reenrolled. My idea was to do the work over according to the law, in presence of the complaining party, and thereby to correct anything which might be found amiss. The com- mission, whose work I am considering, seem to have proceeded upon a totally different idea. Not going forth to find men at all, they have proceeded altogether upon paper examinations and mental processes. One of their conclusions, as I understand, is that, as the law stands, and attempting to follow it, the enrolling officers could not have made the enrolments much more accurately than they did. The report on this point might be useful to Congress. The commission con- elude that the quotas for the draft should be based upon entire popu- lation, and they proceed upon this basis to give a table for the State of New York, in which some districts are reduced and some increased. For the now ensuing draft, let the quotas stand as made by the en- rolling officers, in the districts wherein this table requires them to be increased ; and let them be reduced according to the table in the others : this to be no precedent for subsequent action. But, as I think this report may, on full consideration, be shown to have much that LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 439 i«; valuable in it, I sugfgest that such consideration be given it, and that it be especially considered whether its suggestions can be con- formed to without an alteration of the law. Yours trulv, A. Lincoln. February 27, 1864. — Telegraivi to General J. W. Davidson. Washington, February 27, 1864. To General Davidson, Cairo : Whether you shall come to Washington I must submit to the geueral-in-chief. A. Lincoln. February 28, 1864. — Telegram to General Thomas. War Department, Washington, February 28, 1864. General L. Thomas, Louisville, Kentucky : I see your despatch of yesterday to the Secretary of War. I wish you would go to the Mississippi River at once, and take hold of and be master in the contraband and leasing business. You understand it better than any other man does. Mr. Miller's system doubtless is well intended, but from what I hear I fear that, if per- sisted in, it would fall dead within its own entangling details. Go there and be the judge. A Mr. Lewis ^^^ll probably follow you with slic debt, miast l^e kept inviolate, and that for this purpose we recom- mend economy and rigid responsiljility in the public expenditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxation : and that it is the duty of every loyal State to sustain the credit and promote the use of the national currency. 11. liesolved, That we approve the position taken by the government that the people of the United States can never regard with indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by force or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any republican government on the Western Continent, and that they will view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of their own country, the etiorts of any such power to obtain new footholds for monarchical governments, sustained by foreign military force, in near proximity to the United States. June 9, 1864. — Reply to an Ohio Delegation. Gentlemen : I am very much obliged to you for this compliment. I have just been saying, and will repeat it, that the hardest of all speeches I have to auswer is a serenade. I never know what to say on these occasions. I suppose that you have done me this kindness in connection with the action of the Baltimore convention, which has recently taken place, and wdtli which, of course, I am very well satisfied. What we want, still more than Baltimore conventions or presidential elections, is success under General Grant. I proj)ose that you constantly bear in mind that the support you owe to the brave officers and soldiers in the field is of the very first importance, and we should therefore bend all our energies to that point. Now, without detaining you any longer, I propose that you help me to close up what I am now saying with three rousing cheers for General Grant and the officers and soldiers under his command. June 9, 1864. — Reply to a Delegation from the National Union League. Gentlemen : I can only say in response to the kind remarks of your chairman, as I suppose, that I am very grateful for the re- newed confidence which has been accorded to me both by the con- vention and by the National League. I am not insensible at aU to the personal compliment there is in this, and yet I do not allow myself to believe that any but a small portion of it is to be appropriated as a personal compliment. That really the convention and the Union League assembled with a higher view — that of taking care of the interests of the country for the present and the great future — and that the part I am entitled, to appropriate as a compliment is only that part whicli I may lay hold of as being the opinion of the con- vention and of the League, that I am not entirely unworthy to be intrusted, with the place which I have occupied for the last three 532 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN years. But I do not allow myself to suppose that either the conven- tion or the League have concluded to decide that I am either the greatest or best man in America, but rather they have concluded that it is not best to swap horses while crossing the river, and have further concluded that I am not so poor a horse that they might not make a botch of it in trying to swap. June 10, 1864.— Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 10, 1864. Major-General Rosecrans : Major John Hay, the bearer, is one of my private secretaries, to whom please communicate, in writing, or verbally, anything you would think proper to say to me. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. June 11, 1864. — Remarks to an Ohio Regiment. Soldiers! I understand you have just come from Ohio — come to help us in this, the nation's day of trial, and also of its hopes. I thank you for your promptness in responding to the call for troops. Your services were never needed more than now. I know not where you are going. You may stay here and take the places of those who will be sent to the front, or you may go there your- selves. Wherever you go, I know you will do your best. Again I thank you. Good-by. June 13, 1864. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General W. S. Rosecrans. Washington, D. C, June 13, 1864. 3 p. m. Major-General Rosecrans, St. Louis, Missouri : The President directs that the archives and papers of the Belgian consulate, alleged to have been taken from the possession of Mr. Hunt, late Belgian consul, by your provost-marshal, be returned to him, and that no proceedings be had against him without orders from this department ; that you release him if he be imprisoned, and that you report by telegraph what proceedings, if any, have been had by your provost-marshal, or any other officer under your com- mand, in reference to Mr. Hunt, or the papers and archives of his consulate, and the grounds or causes of such proceedings. Edwin M. Stanton. June 13, 1864. — Telegram to General L. Thomas. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 13, 1864. Major-General Thomas, Louisville, Kentucky : Complaint is made to me that in the vicinity of Henderson, our militia are seizing negroes and carrying them off without their own LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 533 consent, and according to no rules whatever, except those of abso- hite violence. I wish you would look into this and inform me, and see that the making; soldiers of negroes is done according to the rules you are acting upon, so that unnecessary provocation and irritation be avoided. A. Lincoln. June 14, 1864. — Telegram to General S. G. Burbridge. Washington, D. C, June 14, 1864. General Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky : Have just read your despatch of action at Cjoithiana. Please ac- cept my congratulation and thanks for yourself and command. A. Lincoln. June 15, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, June 15, 1864. 7 a. m. Lieutenant-General Grant, Headquarters Army of the Potomac : I have just received your despatch of 1 p. m. yesterday. I begin to see it : you will succeed. God bless you all. A. Lincoln. June 15, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Washington, June 15, 1864. Hon. S. p. Chase. My dear Sir : The governor of Iowa and some of the members of Congress have [given me] a little embarrassment about the removal of a Mr. Atkinson, in your department, and the appointment to the place of a Mr. Sill, I think. They claim a promise, which I know I never made, except upon the condition that you desired the removal of Atkinson. Please help me a little. If you will write me a note that you do not wish Atkinson removed, that will end the matter. On the contrary, if you do wish him removed, or even are indiffer- ent about it, say so to me, accompanying your note with a nomina- tion for Sill. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. June 16, 1864. — Speech at a Sanitary Fair m Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. I suppose that this toast was intended to open the way for me to say something. War, at the best, is terrible, and this war of ours, in its magnitude and in its duration, is one of the most terrible. It has deranged business, totally in many localities, and partially in all localities. It has destroyed property and ruined homes; it has produced a na- ti(mal debt and taxation unprecedented, at least in this country ; it 534 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN has carried mourning to almost every home, until it can almost be said that the " heavens are hung in black." Yet the war continues, and several relieving coincidents have ac- companied it from the very beginning which have not been known, as I understand, or have any knowledge of, in any former wars in the history of the world. The Sanitary Commission, with all its benevolent labors ; the Christian Commission, with all its Christian and benevolent labors; and the various places, arrangements, so to speak, and institutions, have contributed to the comfort and relief of the soldiers. You have two of these places in this city — the Cooper Shop and Union Volunteer Refreshment Saloons. And lastly, these fairs, which, I believe, began only last August, if I mistake not, in Chicago, then at Boston, at Cin- cinnati, Brooklyn, New York, and Baltimore, and those at present held at St. Louis, Pittsburg, and Philadelphia. The motive and ob- ject that lie at the bottom of all these are most worthy; for, say what you will, after all, the most is due to the soldier who takes his life in his hands and goes to fight the battles of his country. In what is contributed to his comfort when he passes to and fro, and in what is contributed to him when he is sick and wounded, in what- ever shape it comes, whether from the fair and tender hand of woman, or from any other source, it is much, very much. But I think that there is still that which is of as much value to him in the con- tinual reminders he sees in the newspapers that while he is absent he is yet remembered by the loved ones at home. Another view of these various institutions, if I may so call them, is worthy of consid- eration, I think. They are voluntary contributions, given zealously and earnestly, on top of all the disturbances of business, of all the disorders, of all the taxation, and of all the burdens that the war has imposed upon us, giving proof that the national resources are not at all exhausted, and that the national spirit of patriotism is even firmer and stronger than at the commencement of the war. It is a pertinent question, often asked in the mind privately, and from one to the other, when is the war to end? Surely I feel as deep an interest in this question as any other can ; but I do not wish to name a day, a month, or a year, when it is to end. I do not wish to run any risk of seeing the time come without our being ready for the end, for fear of disappointment because the time had come and not the end. We accepted this war for an object, a worthy object, and the war will end when that object is attained. Under Cod, I hope it never will end until that time. Speaking of the present campaign. General Grant is reported to have said, '* I am going through on this line if it takes all summer." This war has taken three years; it was begun or accepted upon the line of restoring the national authority over the whole national domain, and for the American people, as far as my knowledge enables me to speak, I say we are going through on this line if it takes three years more. My friends, I did not know but that I might be called upon to say a few words before I got away from here, but I did not know it was coming just here. I have never been in the habit of making predic- tions in regard to the war, but I am almost tempted to make one. If LETTEKS AND STATE TArERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 535 I were to hazard it, it is this: That Grant is this evening, with General Meade and General Hancock, and the brave officers and soldiers with him, in a position from whence he will never be dis- lodged until Richmond is taken; and I have but one single proposi- tion to put now, and perhaps I can best put it in the form of an interrogative. If I shall discover that General Grant and the noble officers and men under him can be greatly facilitated in their work by a sudden pouring forward of men and assistance, will you give them to met Are you ready to march! [Cries of "Yes."] Then I say. Stand ready, for I am watching for the chance. I thank you, gentlemen. June 17, 1864.— Letter to Lilian Trumbull. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 17, 1864. Hon. Lyman Trumbull. 3Ii/ dear Sir : Yours relative to reorganization of a State govern- ment for Arkansas, is received. I believe none of the departments have had anything to do with it. All that has been done within the range you mention is embraced in an informal letter and telegraphic correspondence between parties there and myself, copies of which I have already furnished to Mr. Dawes of the House of Representa- tives for the object corresponding to yours. It will save labor and oblige me if j^ou will procure him to show you them. I believe you will find mentioned a proclamation of General Steele, no copy of which is with the correspondence. The reason is, I could not find it. If, after reading this, it still would be more satisfactory to you to have copies for yourself, let me know, and I will have them made out as soon as I reasonably can. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. June 20, 1864. — Draft of Letter to Governor Brough and General S. P. Heintzelman — Not sent. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 20, 1864. Governor Brough and General Heintzelman ; Both of you have official responsibility as to the United States military in Ohio, and generally — one in organizing and furnishing, the other in directing, commanding, and forwarding. Consult to- gether freely, watch Vallandigham and others closely, and upon discovering any palpable injury or imminent danger to the military proceeding from him, them, or any of them, arrest all implicated ; otherwise do not arrest without further order. Meanwhile report the signs to me from time to time. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 536 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN June 20, 1864. — Memorandum of an interview with the Post- master OF Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. What I said to Postmaster of Philadelphia on this day — June 20, 1864 : Complaint is made to me that you are using your official power to defeat Judge Kellej^'s renomination to Congress. I am well satisfied with Judge Kelley as a member of Congress, and I do not know that the man who might supplant him would be as satisfactory ; but the correct principle, I think, is that all our friends should have absolute freedom of choice among our friends. My wish, therefore, is that j'ou will do just as you think fit with your own suffrage in the case, and not constrain any of your subor- dinates to do other than as he thinks fit with his. This is precisely the rule I inculcated and adhered to on my part when a certain other nomination now recently made was being canvassed for. June 24, 1864. — Letter to Attorney-General Bates. Executtv^e Mansion, Washington, June 24, 1864. Hon. Attorney-General. Sir : By authority of the Constitution, and moved thereto by the fourth section of the act of Congress, entitled " An act making ap- propriations for the support of the army for the year ending the thirtieth of June, eighteen hundred and sixty-five, and for other purposes, approved June 15, 1864," I require your opinion in wi'itiug as to what pay, bounty, and clothing are allowed by law to persons of color who were free on the nineteenth day of April, 1861, and who have been enlisted and mustered into the military service of the United States between the month of December, 1862, and the sixteenth of June, 1864. Please answer as you would do, on my requirement, if the act of pJune 15, 1864, had not been passed, and I will so use your opinion as to satisfy that act. Your oioedient servant, A. Lincoln. June 24, 1864.— Telegram to Mrs. Lincoln. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 24, 1864. Mrs. a. Lincoln, Boston, Massachusetts : All well and very warm. Tad and I have been to General Grant's army. Returned yesterday safe and sound. A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 537 June 24, 1864. — Telegram to General W. S. Rosecrans. Washington, June 24, 1864. Major-General Rosecrans, St. Louis, Missouri : Complaint is made to rae that General Brown does not do liis best to suppress bushwhackers. Please ascertain and report to me. A. Lincoln. June 25, 1864. — Letter to the Paymaster-General. Executrt; Mansion, Washengton, June 25, 1864. Payiviaster-General : I am so frequently called on by persons in behalf of paymasters who have already served a long time in the South, for leave to come North, as to induce me to inquire whether there might not, without much inconvenience, be a rule of exchanges which would be fair to all, and keep none so long in an uncongenial climate as to much endanger health. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. June 27, 1864. — Letter to W, C. Bryant, Executive Mansion, Washington, June 27, 1864. Hon. William Cullen Bryant : My dear Sir : Yours of the twenty-fifth has just been handed me by the Secretary of the Navy. The tone of the letter, rather tlian any direct statement in it, impresses me as a complaint that Mr. Henderson should have been removed from office, and an*ested; coupled with the single suggestion that he be restored if he shall establish his innocence. I know absolutely nothing of the case except as follows : Monday last, Mr. Welles came to me with the letter of dismissal already writ- ten, saying he thought proper to show it to me before sending it. I asked him the charges, which he stated in a general way. With as much emphasis as I could, I said: "Are you entirely certain of his guilt?" He answered that he was, to which I replied: ''Then send the letter." Whether Mr. Henderson was a supporter of my second nomina- tion, I neither knew nor inquired, nor even thought "of. I shall be very glad indeed if he shall, as you anticipate, establish his inno- cence ; or, to state it more strongly and properly, " if the govern- ment shall fail to establish his guilt." I believe, however, the man who made the affidavit was of as spotless reputation as Mr. Hen- derson, until he was arrested on what his friends insist was out- rageously insufficient evidence. I know the entii'e city government of Washington, with many other respectable citizens, appealed to me in his behalf as a greatly injured gentleman. 538 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN While the subject is up, may I ask whether the "Evening Post" has not assailed nie for supposed too lenient dealing with persons charged with fraud and crime? And that in cases of which the " Post " could know but little of the facts ? I shall certainly deal as leniently with Mr, Henderson as I have felt it my duty to deal with others, notwithstanding any newspaper assaults. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. June 27, 1864, — Letter accepting the Renomination for President. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 27, 1864. Hon. William Dennison and Others, a Committee of the Na- tional Union Convention. Gentlemen : Your letter of the 14th instant formally notifying me that I have been nominated by the convention you represent for the Presidency of the United States for four years from the fourth of March next has been received. The nomination is gratefully ac- cepted, as the resolutions of the convention, called the platform, are heartily approved. While the resolution in regard to the sup- planting of republican government upon the western continent is fully concurred in, there might be misunderstanding were I not to say that the position of the government in relation to the action of France in Mexico, as assumed through the State Department and approved and indorsed by the convention among the measures and acts of the executive, will be faithfully maintained so long as the state of facts shall leave that position pertinent and applicable, I am especially gratified that the soldier and the seaman were not for- gotten by the convention, as they forever must and will be remem- bered by the grateful country for whose salvation they devote their lives. Thanking you for the kind and complimentary terms in which you have communicated the nomination and other proceedings of the convention, I subscribe myself. Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln, June 28, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 28, 1864. Hon. Secretary of the Treasury. ilfy dear iSir: Yours, inclosing a blank nomination for Maunsell B. Field to be assistant treasurer at New York, was received yes- terday. I cannot, without much embarrassment, make this appoint- ment, principally because of Senator Morgan's very firm opposition to it. Senator Harris has not spoken to me on the subject, though I understand he is not averse to the appointment of Mr. Field, nor yet to any one of the three named by Senator Morgan, rather pre- ferring of them, however, Mr. Hillhouse. Governor Morgan tells LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 539 send me a uommatio,. fo'tim YSm-s truly'''""'''' "'*''' """1 A. Lincoln. June 28, 1864.— Letter to Secretary Chase. {Private.) Executat: Mansion, Washington, D. C, June 28 1864 Hon. Secretary of the Treasury ' and me A^ tha r^,.^, i ^® ^^ ^ conversation between von directly or indirectly urghwhi/remrd^^^^T^^^^^^^ ^"'•'^ ^'^''^ ei^."JfLtrt-"rf:l-^^^^^ aTftiiffe^ifitri^s'^-fH" strained as I already am at this potat f doTnf , '"i^r""' '" "• "¥i:^SS,i"kf^^^^S^^ A. Lincoln. June 29, 1864.— Letter to General F. Steele. M. r^ n ^^^cuTiVE Mansion, Washington, June 29 1864 Major- General Steele: ^^"e -j, loo^. I understand that Congress deelinp*; in nriiriif +^ ^ xi sent as senators and reprfsmita iveXm A -b '^^tl ^^^^ P^^'^^^s ^S?:?^S^iJ'«!e'-fc?;':;Si5 r ^^^^^ bollion. ^''' ^°"7" ''" *""■'"•'' suppressing 'the to- i oui-s truly, A. Lincoln. 540 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN June 29, 1864.— Telegrajvi to Mrs. Lincoln. Washington, D. C, June 29, 1864. Mrs. a. Lincoln, New York : All well. Tom is moving things out. A. Lincoln. June 30, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 30, 1864. Hon. Salmon P. Chase. My dear Sir : Your resignation of the office of Secretary of the Treasury sent me yesterday is accepted. Of all I have said in com- mendation of your ability and fidelity I have nothing to unsay ; and yet you and I have reached a point of mutual embarrassment in our official relations which it seems cannot be overcome or longer sus- tained consistently with the public service. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. June 30, 1864. — Telegram to David Tod. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, June 30, 1864. Hon. David Tod, Youngstown, Ohio : I have nominated you to be Secretary of the Treasury, in place of Governor Chase, who has resigned. Please come without a moment's delay. A. Lincoln. July 2, 1864. — Telegram to Judge S. H. Treat. Washington, D. C, July 2, 1864. Hon. S. H. Treat, Springfield, Illinois: Please give me a summary of the evidence with your impressions, on the Coles County riot cases. I send the same request to Judge Davis. A. Lincoln. July 4, 1864.— Letter to J. L. Scripps. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 4, 1864. To John L. Scripps, Esq. Dear Sir : Complaint is made to me that you are using your offi- cial power to defeat Mr. Arnold's nomination to Congress. I am well satisfied with Mr. Arnold as a member of Congress, and I do not know that the man who might supplant him would be as satisfac- LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 541 tory ; but the correct principle, I think, is that all our friends should have absolute freedom of choice among our friends. My wish, therefore, is that you will do just as you think fit with your own suffrage in the case, and not constrain any of your subordinates to [do] other than [as] lie thinks fit with his. This is precisely the rule I inculcated and adhered to on my part, when a certain other nomi- nation, now recently made, was being canvassed for. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. July 5, 1864. — Telegram to. J. W. Garrett. [Washington,] July 5, 1864. J. W. Garrett, President [B. & O. R. R.J, Camden Station : You say telegraphic communication is reestablished with Sandy Hook. Well, what does Sandy Hook say about operations of enemy and of Sigel during to-day f A. Lincoln. July 5, 1864. — Letter from Secretary Stanton to Governor Seymour. War Department, Washington, July 5, 1864. His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York, Albany : The President directs me to inform you that a rebel force, vari- ously estimated at from fifteen to twenty thousand men, have in- vaded the State of Maryland, and have taken Martinsburg and Harper's Ferry, and are threatening other points; that the public safety requires him to call upon the State executives for a militia force to repel this invasion. He therefore directs me to call on you for a militia force of 12,000 men from your State to serve not more than one hundred days, and to request that you will with the utmost despatch forward the troops to Washington by rail or steamboat as may be most expeditious. Please favor me with an answer at your earliest convenience. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. July 5, 1864. — Proclamation suspending Writ of Habeas Corpus. By the President of the United States of Ajvierica: A Proclamation. Whereas, by a proclamation which was issued on the fifteenth day of April, 1861, the President of the United States announced and declared that the laws of the United States had been for some time past, and then were, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, 542 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN in certain States therein mentioned, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law ; And whereas, immediately after the issuing of the said proclama- tion, the land and naval forces of the United States were put into activity to suppress the said insurrection and rebellion ; And whereas the Congress of the United States, by an act ap- proved on the third day of March, 1863, did enact that during the said rebellion the President of the United States, whenever in his judg- ment the pviblic safety may require it, is authorized to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in any case throughout the United States, or in any part thereof; And whereas the said insurrection and rebellion still continue, endangering the existence of the Constitution and government of the United States; And whereas the military forces of the United States are now actively engaged in suppressing the said insurrection and rebellion in various parts of the States where the said rebellion has been suc- cessful in obstructing the laws and public authorities, especially in the States of Virginia and Georgia; And whereas, on the fifteenth day of September last, the President of the United States duly issued his proclamation, wherein he de- clared that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus should be sus- pended throughout the United States in the cases where, by the authority of the President of the United States, military, naval, and civil oificers of the United States, or any of them, hold persons un- der their command or in their custody, either as prisoners of war, spies, or aiders or abettors of the enemy, or officers, soldiers, or sea- men, enrolled or drafted or mustered or enlisted in, or belonging to, the land or naval forces of the United States, or as deserters therefrom, or otherwise amenable to military law or the rules and articles of war, or the rules or regulations prescribed for the mili- tary or naval services by authority of the President of the United States, or for resisting a draft, or for any other offense against the military or naval services; And whereas many citizens of the State of Kentucky have joined the forces of the insurgents, and such insurgents have, on several occasions, entered the State of Kentucky in large force, and, not without aid and comfort furnished by disaffected and disloyal citi- zens of the United States residing therein, have not only disturbed the public peace, but have overborne the civil authorities and made flagrant civil war, destroying property and life in various parts of that State ; And whereas it has been made known to the President of the United States by the officers commanding the national armies, that combinations have been formed in the said State of Kentucky with a purpose of inciting rebel forces to renew the said operations of civil war within the said State, and thereby to embarrass the United States armies now operating in the said States of Virginia and Georgia, and even to endanger their safety: Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF A13KAHAM LINCOLN 547 July 10, 18G4.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington City, July 10, 1864. 2 p. m. LiEiTTENAN P/^./ERAL Grant, City Poiut, Virj^iuia : Your d Ma to General Halleck, referring to what I may think in the ptesent emergency, is shown me. General Halleck savs we have absolutely no f<».ce here fit to go to the field. He thinks that with the hundred-day men and invalids we have here we can de- fend 'eAishington. and, scarcely, Baltimore. Besides these there are about bUtiO, not very reliable, under Howe, at Harper's Ferry, with Hunter approaching that point very slowly, with what number I suppose you know better than I. Wallace, with some odds and ends, and part of what came up with Ricketts, was so badly beaten yesterday at Monocacy, that what is left can attempt no more than to defend Baltimore. What we shall get in from Pennsylvania and New York will scarcely be worth counting, I fear. Now, what I think is, that you should provide to retain your hold where you are, certainly, and bring the rest with you personally, and make a vigorous effort to destroy the enemy's forces in this vicinity. I think there is really a fair chance to do this, if the movement is prompt. This is what I think upon your suggestion, and is not an order. . t A. Lincoln. July 11, 1864. — Telegraivi to General U. S. Grant. Washington, July 11, 1864. 8 a. m. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Yours of 10.30 P. m. yesterday received, and very satisfactory. The enemy will learn of Wright's arrival, and then the difficulty will be to unite Wright and Hunter south of the enemy before he will recross the Potomac. Some firing between Rockville and here now. . -r A. Lincoln. July 12, 1864.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, July 12, 1864. 11.30 a. m. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Vague rumors have been reaching us for two or three days that Longstreet's corps is also on its way [to] this vicinity. Look out for its absence from your front. . t •^ A. Lincoln. July 14, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 14, 1864. Hon. Secretary of War. Sir : Your note of to-day inclosing General Halleck's letter of yes- terday relative to offensive remarks supposed to have been made by 548 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN the Postmaster-General eonceruing the military officers on duty about Washington is received. The general's lettei* in substance demands of me that if I approve the remarks I shall strike the names of those officers from the rolls ; and that if I dc not approve them the Postmaster-General shall be dismissed iVom > Cabinet. Whether the remarks were really made I do not k. nor do I suppose such knowledge is necessary to a correct "espouse. If they were made, I do not approve them ; and vet, inider the circunv stances, I would not dismiss a member of the Cabinet therefor. I do not consider what may have been hastily said in a mom( it of vexation at so severe a loss is sufficient ground for so grave a step. Besides this, truth is generally the best vindication against slander. I propose continuing to be mj^self the judge as to when a member of the Cabinet shall be dismissed. Yours trul}", i A. Lincoln. July [14!], 1864, — Memorandum read to the Cabinet. I must myself be the judge how long to retain in and when to re- move any of you from his position. It would greatly pain me to discover any of you endeavoring to procure another's removal, or in any waj^ to prejudice him before the public. Such endeavor would be a wrong to me, and, much worse, a wi'ong to the country. My wish is that on this subject no remark be made nor question asked by any of you, here or elsewhere, now or hereafter. July 15, 1864. — Telegrajm and Letter to Horace Greeley. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 15, 1864. Hon. Horace Greeley, New York : I suppose you received my letter of the 9th. I have just re- ceived yours of the 13th, and am disappointed by it. I was not expecting you to send me a letter, but to bring me a man, or men. Mr. Hay goes to you with my answer to yours of the 13th. A. Lincoln. [Carried ty Major John Hay.] ExEcuTivTE Mansion, Washington, July 15, 1864. Hon. Horace Greeley. My dear Sir: Yours of the 13th is just received, and I am disap- pointed that you have not already reached here with those commis- sioners, if they would consent to come on being shown my letter to you of the 9th instant. Show that and this to them, and if the.y will come on the terms stated in the former, bring them. I not only in- tend a sincere effort for peace, but I intend that you shall be a per- sonal witness that it is made. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 549 July IG, 1864.— Telegram to Major John Hay. J 'XECUTIVE Mansion, Washlngton, July IG 18G4 John Ha^ .^i- House, New York : Yours .vftd. Write the safe-conduct, as you propose, without waitiiij^^tor one by mail from me. If there is or is not anything in tne atiair, l wish to know it without unnecessary delay. A. Lincoln. July 13, 18G4.— Safe-conduct for C. C. Clay and Others. Executive :Mansion, Washington, D. C. The President of the United States directs that the four persons whose names fc.llow, to wit: Hon. Clement C. Clay, Hon Jacob Ihompson, Prof . James B. Holcombe, George N. Sanders, shaU have safe conduct to the city of Washington in company with the Hon Horace (xreeley, and shaU be exempt from arrest or annoyance of any kind from any officer of the United States during their iourney to the said city of Washington. "^ ^ By order of the President. John Hay, Major and A. A. G. July 17, 18G4.— Telegram to Generai. U. S. Grant. [Washington], July 17, 18G4. 11.25 a. m. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : In your despatch of yesterday to General Sherman, I find the fol- lowing, to wit : "I shall make a desperate effort to get a position here, which will hold the enemy without the necessity of so many men " Pressed as we are by lapse of time'l am glad to hear you say this • and yet^I do hope you may find a way that the effort shaU not be desperate in the sense of great loss of life. Abraham Lincoln, President. July 17, 1864.— Telegram to General D. Hunter. [Washington], July 17, 1864. Major-General Hunter, Harper's Ferry, West Virginia : Yours of this morning received. You misconceive. The order you complain of was only nominally mine, and was framed bv those who really made it with no thought of making vou a scape- goat. It seemed to be General Grant's wish that the forces under General Wright and those under vou should ioin and drive at the enemy under General Wright. Wright had the larger part of the 550 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN force, but you had the rank. It was thought that you would prefer Crook's commandiug your part to your serving in person under Wright. That is all of it. General Grant wishes you to remain in command of the department, and I do not wish to or'^er otherwise. (INCOLN. July 18, 1864. — Announcement concerning Terms op Peace, Executive Mansion, "Washington, July IS, 1864. To ivJioni it may concern : Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an author- ity that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will be received and considered by the executive government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. Abraham Lincoln. July 18, 1864. — Proclamation calling for 500,000 Volunteers. By the President of the United States op America: A Froclamation. Whereas, by the act approved July 4, 1864, entitled ''An act further to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes," it is provided that the President of the United States may, " at his discretion, at any time hereafter, call for any number of men as volunteers, for the re- spective terms of one, two, and three years, for military service," and *' that in case the quota, or any part thereof, of any town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of a county not so subdivided, shall not be filled within the space of fiLfty days after such call, then the President shall immediately order a draft for one year to fill such quota, or any part thereof, which may be unfilled." And whereas the new enrolment heretofore ordered is so far com- pleted as that the aforementioned act of Congress may now be put in operation for recruiting and keeping up the strength of the armies in the field, for garrisons and such military operations as may be required for the purpose of suppressing the rebellion and restor- ing the authority of the United States Government in the insurgent States : Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the U^nited States, do issue this my call for 500,000 volunteers for the military service ; provided, nevertheless, that this call shall be reduced by all credits which may be established under Section 8 of the aforesaid act, on account of persons who have entered the naval service dur- ing the present rebellion, and by credits for men furnished to the military service in excess of calls heretofore made. Volunteers will LETTERS AND STATE PArERS OF .VBEAHAM LINCOLN 551 be accepted under this call for one, two, or three years, as they may elect, and will be entitled to the bounty provided by the law for the period of seiv^''ce for which they enlist. And I here ^', proclaim, order, and direct, that immediately after the fifth day ;>eptember, 1864, being fifty days from the date of this call, a f^ v for troops to serve for one year shall be had in every town, township, v/ard of a city, precinct or election district, or county not so subdivided, to fill the quota which shall be assigned to it under this call, or any part thereof which may be unfilled by vr)Mnteers on the said fifth day of September, 1864. In testimony ^hcr&of, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of r 1 Jnl;:, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred ^ ' ■-' and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the eiglvty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. July 18, 1864. — Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 18, 1864. Major-General Sher:\l\n, Chattahoochee River, Georgia : I have seen your despatches, objecting to agents of Northern States opening recruiting stations near your camps. An act of Congress authorizes this, giving the appointment of agents to the States, and not to the executive government. It is not for the War Department or myself to restrain or modify the law in its execution further than actual necessity may require. To be candid, I was for the passage of the law, not apprehending at the time that it would produce such inconvenience to the armies in the field, as you now cause me to fear. Many of the States were very anxious for it, and I hoped that, with their State bounties, and active exertions, they would get out substantial additions to our colored forces, which, unlike white recruits, help us where they come from, as well as where they go to. I still hope advantage from the law; and, being a law, it must be treated as such by all of us. We here will do what we consistently can to save you from diffi- culties arising out of it. Ma}^ I ask therefore that you will give your hearty cooperation ? A. Lincoln. July 20, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 20, 1864. 4.30 p. ^i. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Yours of yesterday, about a call for 300.000, is received. I sup- pose you had not seen the call for 500,000, made the day before, and which, I suppose, covers the case. Always glad to have your suggestions. ' A. Llncoln. 552 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN July 20, 1864. — Letter to J. L. Scripps. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 20, 1864. Hon. J. L. Scripps. 3[y dear Sir : I have received and read yours of tn-. " ^th. Mine to you was only a copy, with names changed, of what I had said to another postmaster, on a similar complaint; and the two are the only cases in which that precise complaint has, as yet, been made to me. I think that in these cases I have stated the principle o>r- rectly for all public officers, and I certainly wish all would follow it. But I do not quite like to publish a general circular on the subject, and it would be rather laborious to write a separate letter to each. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 22, 1864. — Letter to O. B. Ficklin. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 22, 1864. Hon. O. B. Ficklin. Dear Sir: I had about concluded to send the Coles County men home, turning over the indicted to the authorities and discharging the others, when Colonel Oaks's report with the evidence he had taken in the case was put in my hand. The evidence is very volumin- ous, and Colonel Oaks says it fully implicates every one of the six- teen now held ; and so far as I have been able to look into it his statement is sustained. I cannot now decide the case until I shall have fully examined this evidence. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 23, 1864. — Reply to Commander Bertinatti, Italian Envoy Extraordinary, Etc. Mr. Commander Bertinatti: I am free to confess that the United States have in the course of the last three years encountered vicissitudes and been involved in controversies which have tried the friendship and even the forbear- ance of other nations, but at no stage in this unhappy fraternal war in which we are only endeavoring to save and strengthen the foun- dations of our national unity has the king or the people of Italy faltered in addressing to us the language of respect, confidence, and friendship. We have tried you, Mr. Bertinatti, as a charge d'af- faires and as a minister resident, and in both of these characters we have found you always sincerely and earnestly interpreting the loyal sentiments of your sovereign. At the same time I am sure that no minister here has more faithfully maintained and advanced the interests with which he was charged by his government. I desire that your countrymen may know that I think you have well LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 553 deserved the elevation to which I owe the pleasure of the present interview. I pray Go(1 to have your country in his holy keeping, and to vouchsafe to;jj;own with success her noble aspirations to renew, un- der the auspi^'^'ij of her present enlightened government, her ancient career, so v- .^.'rfully.illustrated in the achievements of art, science, and f leedoin. July 23, 18G4. — Tf^legram to General D. Hunter. {Cipher.) War Department, July 23, 1864. Major-General Hunter, Harper's Ferry, West Virginia : Are you able to take care of the enemy, when he turns back upon you, as he probably will on finding that Wright has left ? A. Lincoln. July 25, 1864. — Letter to A. Wakeman. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, July 25, 1864. Abram WakemaNj Esq. My dear Sir : I feel that the sul)ject which you pressed upon my attention in our recent conversation is an important one. The men of the South recently (and perhaps still) at Niagara Falls tell us distinctly that they are in the confidential employment of the rebel- lion ; and they tell us as distinctly that they are not empowered to offer terms of peace. Does any one doubt that what they are em- powered to do is to assist in selecting and arranging a candidate and a platform for the Chicago convention! Who could have given them this confidential employment but he who, only a week since, declared to Jaquess and Gilmore, that he had no "terms of peace but the independence of the South — the dissolution of the Union"? Thus, the present presidential contest will almost certainly be no other than a contest between a union and a disunion candi- date, disunion certainly following the success of the latter. The issue is a mighty one, for all people, and all times; and whoever aids the right will be appreciated and remembered. ^ Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 25, 1864. — Letter to General E. R. S. Canby. Washington, D. C, July 25, 1864. Major-General Canby : Frequent complaints are made to me that persons endeavoring to bring in cotton in strict accordance with the trade regulations of the Treasury Department are frustrated by seizures of district 554 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN attorneys, marshals, provost-marshals, and others, on various pre- tenses, all looking to blackmail and spoils, one way and another. I wish, if you can find time, you w^ould look into this matter within your department, and, finding these abuses to exist, break them up, if in your power, so that fair dealing under the regulations can proceed. The printed regulations, no doubt, are ae. _^ 'ble to you. If you find the abuses existing, and yet beyond 3' our power, please report to me somewhat particularly upon the facts. The bearer of this, Shaffer, is one who, on behalf of himself and firm, makes complaint, but while he is my friend, I do not ask anything for him which cannot be done for all honest dealers under the regulations. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. July 25, 1865. — Letter from John Hay to J. C. Welling. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 25, 1864. J. C. Welling, Esq. Sir : According to the request contained in your note, I have placed Mr. Gibson's letter of resignation in the hands of the Presi- dent. He has read the letter, and says he accepts the resignation, as he will be glad to do with any other, which may be tendered, as this is, for the purpose of taking an attitude of hostility against him. He says he was not aware that he was so much indebted to Mr. Gibson for having accepted the office at first, not remembering that he ever pressed him to do so, or that he gave it otherwise than as was usual, upon request made on behalf of Mr. Gibson. He thanks Mr. Gibson for his acknowledgment that he has been treated with personal kindness and consideration, and he says he knows of but two small drawbacks upon Mr. Gibson's right to still receive such treatment, one of which is that he never could learn of his giving much attention to the duties of his office, and the other is this studied attempt of Mr. Gibson's to stab him. I am, very truly, Your obedient servant, John Hay. July 26, 1864. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General Grant. Washington, D. C, July 26, 1864. Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant, City Point, Virginia : General Rawlins arrived this morning. The President desires you to name, if you can, a time when it would be convenient for you to meet him in person at Fortress Monroe after Thursday morning. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN ODD July 26, 1864. — Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. Washington, D. C, July 26, 1864. Major-General Sherman, near Atlanta : I have j'M^ seen yo'irs complaining of the appointment of Hovey and 5e/Sterhaus. The point you make is unquestionably a good one, and yet, please hear a word from us. My recollection is that both General Grant and yourself recommended both Hovey and Oster- taus for promotion, and cliese, with other strong recommendations, drew cinniittals from us which we could neither honorably nor safely disregard. We blamed Hovey for coming away in the manner in which he did, but we knew he had apparent reason to feel disap- pointed and mortified, and we felt it was not best to crush one who certainly had been a good soldier. As to Osterhaus, we did not know of his leaving, at the time we made the appointment, and do not now know the terms on which he left. Not to have appointed him, as the case appeared to us at the time, would have been almost, if not quite, a violation of our word. The word was given on what we thought was high merit, and somewhat on his nationality. I beg you to believe we do not act in a spirit of disregarding merit ; we expect to await your program for further changes and promo- tions in yonr army. My profouudest thanks to you and your whole army for the present campaign so far. A. Lincoln. July 27, 1864.— Telegrajm to General D. Hunter. Washington, July 27, 1864. Major-General Hunter, Harper's Ferry, West Virginia : Please send any recent news you have, particularly as to move- ments of the enemy. A. Lincoln. July 27, 1864. — Letter from Secretary Stanton to General Halleck. Washington City, July 27, 1864. Major-General Halleck, Chief of Staff of the Army. General : Lieutenant-General Grant having signified that, owing to the difficulties and delay of communication between his head- quarters and Washington, it is necessary that in the present emer- gency military orders must be issued directly from Washington, the President directs me to instruct you that all the military operations for the defense of the Middle Department, the Department of the Susquehanna, the Department of Washington, and the Department of West Virginia, and all the forces in those departments, are placed under your general command, and that you will be expected to take 556 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN all military measures necessary for defense against any attack of the enemy and for his capture and destruction. You will issue from time to time such orders to the commanders of the respective departments and to the military authorities therein as may be proper. Your obedient servant, Edwin M. Stanton, SecretfV!^' ^^ War. July 27, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. Washington, July 27, 1864. Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : Yours in relation to General A. C. Gillam just received. Will look after the matter to-day. I also received yours about General Carl Schurz. I appreciate him certainly, as liighly as you do^ but you can never know until you have the trial, how difficult it is to find a place for an officer of so high rank when there is no place seeking him. A. Lincoln. July 28, 1864. — Letter to J. W. Forney. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 28, 1864. Hon. John W. Forney. Ml/ dear Sir : Your note announcing your intended visit to Europe takes me somewhat by surprise. Nevertheless 1 am glad for you to have the relaxation, though I regret the necessity which compels it. I have no European personal acquaintances, or I would gladly give you letters. I shall be pleased to see you in Washington before you leave, for a special reason, and the sooner you could come the better. Yours truly, A. Lincoln, July 28, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, July 28, 1864. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Will meet you at Fort Monroe, at 8 p. m., on Saturday, the 30th, unless you shall notify me that it will be inconvenient to you. A. Lincoln. July 29, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, July 29, 1864. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : I have changed my purpose, so that now I expect to reach Fort Monroe at 10 a. m., Sunday the 31st. A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 557 July 30, 1864. — Telegram to J. A. Bingham. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, July 30, 1864. Hon. John A. Bingham, Cadiz, Ohio : Mr. Gibs'o'n having resigned, I have appointed you solicitor of the United States, iu the Court of Claims. A. Lincoln. August 2, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 2, 1864. Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : Thanks to General Gillam for making the news, and also to you for sending it. Does Joe Heiskell's '^ walking to meet us" mean any more than that " Joe " was scared and wanted to save his skin ? A. Lincoln. August 3, 1864. — Lstdorsement. War Department, Washington City, August 2, 1864. Mr. President: This note will introduce to you Mr. Schley of Baltimore, who desires to appeal to [you] for the revocation of an order of General Hunter, removing some persons, citizens of Frederick, beyond his lines, and imprisoning others. This Department has no information of the reasons or proofs on which General Hunter acts, and I do not therefore feel at liberty to suspend or interfere with his action except under yoiu* direction. Yours truly, Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. [Indorsement.] The Secretary of War will suspend the order of General Hunter mentioned within, until further order, and direct him to send to the Department a brief report of what is known against each one pro- posed to be dealt with. A. Lincoln. August 3, 1864. August 3, 1864.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. {Cipher.) Washington, D. C, August 3, 1864. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : I have seen your despatch in which you say, " I want Sheridan put in command of all the troops in the field, with instrnctions to put himself south of the enemy, and follow him to the death. Wherever the enemy goes, let our troops go also." This, I think, is exactly right as to how our forces should move ; but please look 558 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN over the despatches you may have received from here, ever since you made that order, and discover, if you can, that there is any idea in the head of any one here of "putting our army south of the enemy," or of following him to the " death," in any direction. I re- peat to you, it will neither be done nor attempted, unless you watch it every dav and hour, and force it. . - _^^^^ „ •J - ' A, 1jI>^C0LN. August 4, 1864. — Telegram to Cot.onel Wolford. Washington City, August 4, 1864. Colonel Frank Wolford, Louisville, Kentucky : Yours of yesterday received. Before interfering with th? Judge- Advocate-GeneraPs order, I should know his reason for making it. Meanwhile, if you have not already started, wait till you hear from me again. Did you receive letter and inclosures from me "? A. Lincoln. August 5, 1864. — Letter to M. McMichael. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, August 5, 1864. Hon. Morton McMichael. My dear Sir: When the Philadelphia postmaster was here on the 20th of June last, I read to him a paper in the following words : Complaint is made to me that you are using your official power to defeat Judge Kelley's renomination to Congress. I am well satisfied with Judge Kelley as a member of Congress, and I do not know that the man who might supplant him would be as satisfactory ; but the eon-ect principle, I think, is that all our friends should have absolute freedom of choice among our friends. My wish, therefore, is that you will do just as you think fit with your own suffrage in the case^ and not constrain any of your sub- ordinates to do other than as he thmks fit with his. This is precisely the rule I inculcated and adhered to on my part, when a certain other nomi- nation, now recently made, was being canvassed for. < He promised me to strictly follow this. I am now told that, of the two or three hundred employees in the Post-office, not one of them is openly for Judge Kelley. This, if true, is not accidental. Left to their free choice, there can be no doubt that a large number of them, probably as much or more than half, would be for Kelley. And if they are for him, and are not restrained, they can put it be- yond question by publicly saying so. Please tell the postmaster he must find a way to relieve me from the suspicion that he is not keep- ing his promise to me in good faith. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 559 August 6, 18G4. — Telegram to Horace Greeley. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 6, 1864. Hon. Horace Greeley, New York : Yours to Major Hay about publication of our correspondence received. With the suppression of a few passages in 3^our letters in regard to Avhich I think you and I would not disagree, I should be glad of the publication. Please come over and see me, A. Lincoln. August r '04. — Unfinished Draft of Letter to Washington, D. C, August 6, 1864. .-^r iunsvlvania: , ''j^^\p esident has received yours of yesterday and is kindly pay- j^' t'wn to it. As it is my business to assist him whenever I gj^^j .v'ill thank you to inform me, for his use, whether you are gj^l^r a white man or black man, because in either case you cannot h regarded as an entirely impartial judge. It may be that you be- long to a third or fourth class of yellow or red men, in which case the impartiality of your judgment would be more apparent. August 8, 1864. — Letter to General S. G. Burbridge. Washington, D. C, August 8, 1864, Major-General Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky : Last December Mrs. Emily T. Helm, half-sister of Mrs. Lincoln, and widow of the rebel general, Ben Hardin Helm, stopped here on her way from Georgia to Kentucky, and I gave her a paper, as I remember, to protect her against the mere fact of her being General Helm's widow. I hear a rumor to-day that you recent!}^ sought to arrest her, but were prevented by her presenting the paper from me. I do not intend to protect her against the consequences of disloyal words or acts, spoken or done by her since her return to Kentucky, and if the paper given her by me can be construed to give her pro- tection for such words or acts, it is hereby revoked i)ro tanfo. Deal with her for current conduct just as you would with any other. A. Lincoln. August 9, 1864. — Letter to Horace Greeley. {Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1864. Hon. Horace Greeley. Dear Sir: Plerewith is a full copy of the correspondence, and which I have had privately printed, but not made public. The 560 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN parts of your letters which I wish suppressed are only those which, as I think, give too gloomy an aspect to our cause, aud those which present the carrying of elections as a motive of action. I have, as you see, drawn a red pencil over the parts I wish suppressed. As to the Alexander H. Stephens matter, so much pressed by you, I can only say that he sought to come to Washington in the name of the *' Confederate States," in a vessel of 'Hhe Confederate States navy," and with no pretense even that he would bear any proposal for peace ; but with language showing that his mission would be military, and not civil or diplomatic. Nor has he at any time «ince pretended that he had terms of peace, so far as I kn^ or On the contrary-, Jefferson Davis has, in the mor .fQ^-jj^al manner, declared that Stephens had no terms of peace. I l ought we could not afford to give this quasi-acknowledgmenc of tht ^^(jependence of the Confederacy, in a case where there was not eveL an intima- tion of anything for our good. Still, as the parts of yr ivJetters relating to Stephens contain nothing worse than a quesr ^ "^ my action, I do not ask a suppression of those parts. Yours truly, A. Lincv. "N. August 9, 1864.— Letter to General N. P. Banks. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1864. Major-General Banks: I have just seen the new constitution adopted by the Convention of Louisiana; and I am anxious that it shall be ratified by the peo- ple. I will thank you to let the civil officers in Louisiana, holding under me, know that this is my wish, and let me know at once who of them openly declare for the constitution, and who of them, if any, decline to so declare. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 9, 1864. —Telegram to General E. R. S. Canby. Executive Mansion, August 9, 1864. To Major-General Edward R. S. Canby, Commanding the Mili- tary Division of West Mississippi, New Orleans : F()r satisfactory reasons which concern the public service, I have to direct that if Andrew J. Hamilton, or any person authorized in writing by him, shall come out of either of the ports of Galveston or Sabine Pass with any vessel or vessels freighted with cotton shipped to the agent of the Treasury Department at New Orleans, the passage of such person, vessels, and cargoes shall not be molested or hindered, but they shall be permitted to pass to the hands of such consignee. Abraham Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 561 August 11, 1864. — Letter from Major Hay to Gen. C. Schurz. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 11, 1864. Major-General Carl Schurz, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania : The President directs me to request that you will proceed at once to Washington, and report to him in person. John Hay, Assistant Adjutant-General. Augu.4 n, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 11, 1864. Hon. Secpetary op War. Mij dc' *' Sir : I should be glad for General Mott of New Jersey to have a (vet major-generalship. He has done a great deal of hard se. -s been twice (I believe) wounded, and is now, by assign- mem -'£' his superiors, commanding a division. Add to this that I htixe been for a year trying to find an opportunity to promote him, as you know. Yours truly, » t t^t^^^ .t ' -^ "^' A. Lincoln. August 14, 1864, — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, August 14, 1864. 1.30 p. m. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : The Secretary of War and I concur that you had better confer with General Lee, and stipulate for a mutual discontinuance of house-burning and other destruction of private property. The time and manner of conference and particulars of stipulation we leave, on our part, to your convenience and judgment. * y tx-potm August 15, 1864. — Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, August 15, 1864. Major-General Sherman, near Atlanta, Georgia: If the government should purchase, on its own account, cotton northward of you, and on the line of your communications, would it be an inconvenience to you, or detriment to the military ser\'ice, for it to come to the north on the railroad f » j ,,.„^^ ,^ i\. LilNCOLN. August [15?], 1864. — Interview with John T, Mills. "Mr. President," said Governor Randall, " why can't you seek seclusion, and play hermit for a fortnight ? It would reinvigor- ate you." "Ah," said the President, "two or three weeks would do me no good. I cannot fly from my thoughts — mv solicitude for this Vol. II.— 36. 562 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN great country follows me wherever I go. I do not think it is per- sonal vanity or ambition, though I am not free from these iufii*mi- ties, but I cannot but feel that the weal or woe of this great nation will be decided in November. There is no program offered by any wing of the Democratic party but that must result in the perma- nent destruction of the Union." "• But, Mr. President, General McClellan is in favor of crushing out this rebellion by force. He will be the Chicago candidate." '' Sir, the slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove to any man that the rebel armies cannot be destroyed by Democratic strateo-y. It would sacrifice all the white men of the North to ji/j 1. are now in the service of the United States nee.'iiv ^''■nn^^ble- bodied colored men, most of them under arms, defen?j^^ -. „(,. i quiring Union territory. The Democratic strategy del ^^ ^\y^\^ m these forces be disbanded, and that the masters be concivf a i^y f restoring them to slavery. The black men who now as '^Mj,^\q\\ prisoners to escape are to be converted into our eneni' ' *" i^>.g vain hope of gaining the good-will of their masters. We &±i.. y^ ] to fight two nations instead of one. *' You cannot conciliate the South if you guarantee to them uu- / mate success; and the experience of the present war proves their . ^^ success is inevitable if you fling the compulsory labor of millions of black men into their side of the scale. Will you give our enemies \ such military advantages as insure success, and then depend on \ coaxing, flattery, and concession to get them back into the Union ? ) Abandon all the posts now garrisoned by black men, take 150,000 ' men from our side and put them in the battle-field or corn-field against us, and we would be compelled to abandon the war in three weeks. '^ We have to hold territory in inclement and sickly places ; where are the Democrats to do this ? It was a free fight, and the field was open to the war Democrats to put down this rebellion by fighting against both master and slave, long before the present policy was inaugurated. " There have been men base enough to propose to me to return to slavery the black warriors of Port Hudson and Olustee, and thus win the respect of the masters they fought. Should I do so, I should deserve to he damned in time and eternity. Come what will, I will keep my faith with friend and foe. My enemies pretend I am now carr^dng on this war for the sole purpose of abolition. So long as I am President, it shall be carried on for the sole purpose of restor- ing the Union. But no human power can subdue this rebellion without the use of the emancipation policy, and every other policy calculated to weaken the moral and physical forces of the rebellion. "Freedom has given us 150,000 men, raised on Southern soil. It will give us more yet. Just so much it has subtracted from the enemy, and, instead of alienating the South, there are now evidences of a fraternal feeling growing up between our men and the rank and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my enemies prove to the country that the destruction of slavery is not necessary to a restoration of the Union. I will abide the issue." LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 563 August 15, 1864.— Letter to H. J. Raymond. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 15, 18G4. Hon. Henry J. Raymond. iU// dear Sir : I have proposed to Mr. Greeley that the Niagara cor- respondeuee be published, sui)pressing only the parts of his letters over which the red pencil is drawu in the copy which I herewith seud. He declines giving his consent to the publication of his let- ters unless these parts be published with the rest. I have concluded ^hnt' it is better for me to submit for the time to the consequences of the fali- ■ position in which I consider he has placed me than to subject t/ie country to the consequences of ])ublishing their dis- courao-iiig and injurious parts. I send you this and the accompany- ino- cmiV,"not for publication, but merely to explain to you, and that you mpy'pi't'serve them until their proper time shall come. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 16, 1864.— Letter to W. Hunt. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 16, 1864. Hon. Ward Hunt. Mt/ dear Sir : Yours of the ninth instant was duly received, and submitted to Secretary Seward. He makes a response which I here- with inclose to you. 'l add for myself that I am for the regular nominee in all cases, and that no one could be more satisfactory to me as the nominee in that district than Mr. [Roscoe] Conkling. I do not mean to say there [are] not others as good as he in the dis- trict ; but I think'l know him to be at least good enough. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. August 17, 1864.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 17, 1864. 10.30 a. m. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : I liave seen your despatch expressing your unwillingness to break your hold where you are. Neither am I willing. Hold on with a bulldog grip, and chew and choke as much as possible. A. Lincoln. August 17, 1864.— Unfinished draft of letter to C. D. Robinson. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 17, 1864. Hon. Charles D. Robinson. My dear Sir : Your letter of the seventh was placed in my hcind yesterday by Governor Randall. To me it seems plain that saying 564 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN reunion and abandonment of slavery would be considered, if offered, is not saying that nothing else or less would be considered, if offered. But I will not stand upon the mere construction of language. It is true, as you remind me, that in the Greeley letter of 1862 I said : " If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that." I continued in the same letter as follows: " What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I be- lieve it helps to save the Union ; and what I forbear, I forbear be- cause I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the eaase ; and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause." All this I said in the utmost sincerity ; and I am as true to the whole of it now as when I first said it. When I afterwajd pro- claimed emancipation, and employed colored soldiers, I only followed the declaration just quoted from the Greeley letter that " I shqll do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause." The way these measures were to help the cause was not to be by magic or miracles, but by inducing the colored people to come bodily over from the rebel side to ours. On this point, nearly a year ago, in a letter to Mr. Conkliug, made public at once, I wrote as follows: " But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we Avill do nothing for them ? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the strongest motive — even the promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept." I am sure you will not, on due reflection, say that the promise being made must be broken at the first opportunity. I am sure you would not desire me to say, or to leave an inference, that I am ready, whenever convenient, to join in reenslaving those who shall have served us in consideration of our promise. As matter of morals, could such treachery by any possibility escape the curses of heaven, or of any good man ? As matter of policy, to announce such a purpose would ruin the Union cause itself. All recruiting of col- ored men would instantly cease, and all colored men now in our ser- vice would instantly desert us. And rightfully, too. Why should they give theii' lives for us, with full notice of our purpose to betray them °? Drive back to the support of the rebellion the physical force which the colored people now give and promise us, and neither the present, nor any coming, administration can save the Union. Take from us and give to the enemy the hundred and thii'ty, forty, or fifty thousand colored persons now serving us as soldiers, seamen, and laborers, and we cannot longer maintain the contest. The party who could elect a President on a War and Slavery Restoration platform would, of necessity, lose the colored force ; and that force being lost, would be as powerless to save the Union as to do any other impossi- ble thing. It is not a question of sentiment or taste, but one of physical force, which may be measured and estimated, as horse-power and steam- power are measured and estimated. And, by measurement, it is LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 565 more tliau we can lose and live. Nor can we, by discarding it, get a white force in pbuie of it. There is a witness in evcMy wliite man's bosom that he wonld rather go to the war having the negro to help him than to help the enemy against him. It is not the giving of one class for another — it is simply giving a large force to the enemy for nothing in return. In addition to what 1 have said, allow me to remind j'ou that no one, having control of the rebel armies, or, in fact, having any influence whatever in the rebellion, has offered, or intimated, a willingness to a restoration of the Union, in any event, or on any condition whatever. Let it be constantly borne in mind that no such offer has been made or intimated. Sliall we be weak eijii'l^J^ to allow the enemy to distract ns with an abstract questio! which he himself refuses to present as a practical one! In tiie Co/ikling letter before mentioned, I said : " Whenever you shall have (on(iuered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continiK" ^ghting, it will be an apt time then to declare that you will not fig >t to free negroes." I repeat this now. If Jefferson Davis wisht'^ for himself, or for the benefit of his friends at the North, to know what I would do if he were to offer peace and reunion, saying nothing about slavery, let him try me. August 18, 1864. — Proclaimatign concerning Commercial Regulations. By THE President of the United States of Ajvierica: A Proclamation. Wliereas the act of Congress of the 28th of September, 1850, en- titled " An act to create additional collection districts in the State of California, and to change the existing districts therein, and to modify the existing collection districts in the United States,-' extends to mer- chandise warehoused under bond the privilege of being exported to the British North American provinces adjoining the United States, in the manner prescribed in the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1845, which designates certain frontier ports through which mer- chandise ma.v be exported, and further provides *' that such other ports, situated on the frontiers of the United States adjoining the Britisii North xVmerican ])rovinces, as may hereafter be found ex- pedient, may have extended to them the like privileges, on the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury, and proclama- tion duly made by the President of the United States, specially designating the ports to which the aforesaid privileges are to be extended " : Now, therefore, T, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, in accordance with the recommendation of the Secretary of tlie Treasury, do hereby declare and proclaim that the port of Newport, in the State of Vermont, is and shall be entitled to all the privileges in regard to the exportation of merchandise in bond to the British North American provinces adjoining the United 566 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN States, which are extended to the ports enumerated in the seventh section of the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1845, aforesaid, from and after the date of this proclamation. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of r 1 August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- [^- S-J (Jred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth, j^^^^^^ Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. \ August 18, 1864. — Address to the 164th Ohio Regiment. Soldiers : You are about to return to your homes and your friends, after having, as I learn, performed in camp a comparatively short term of duty in this great contest. I am greatly obliged to yoo.. and to all who have come forward at the call of their country. I wisVi it might be more generally and universally understood what the coun- try is now engaged in. We have, as aU will agree, a free govern- ment, where every man has a right to be equal with every other man. In this great struggle, this form of government and every form of human right is endangered if our enemies succeed. There is more involved in this contest than is realized by every one. There is in- volved in this struggle the question whether your children and my children shall enjoy the privileges we have enjoyed. I say this in order to impress upon you, if you are not already so impressed, that no small matter should divert us from our great purpose. There may be some inequalities in the practical application of our system. It is fair that each man shall pay taxes in exact proportion to the value of his property ; but if we should wait, before collecting a tax, to adjust the taxes upon each man in exact proportion with every other man, we should never collect any tax at all. There may be mistakes made sometimes ; things may be done wrong, while the officers of the government do all they can to prevent mistakes. But I beg of you, as citizens of this great republic, not to let your minds be carried off from the great work we have before us. This strug- gle is too large for you to be diverted from it by any small matter. When you return to your homes, rise up to the height of a genera- tion of men worthy of a free government, and we will carry out the great work we have commenced. I return to you my sincere thanks, soldiers, for the honor you have done me this afternoon. August 19, 1864. — Note from the President's Private Secretary to D. S. D. Baldwin. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 19, 1864. Bear Sir : The President never interferes with the details of army organization, and the note of Hon. D. S. Dickinson, accom- LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 557 panying your application of the 17th instant, is returned, as it is presumed it will have as much weight with General Patrick, as if it were directed to liim instead of Major-General Burnside. Your obedient servant, Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. August 22, 1864. — Address to the 166th Ohio Regiment. Soldiers : I suppose you are going home to see your families and "irWillSv For the services you have done in this great struggle in which ^'C are all engaged, I present you sincere thanks for myself and tlje country. I almost always feel inclined, when I happen to say anything to soIrlicVS, to impress upon them, in a few brief remarks, the impor- tance (>f success in this contest. It is not merely for to-day, but for aK time to come, that we should perpetuate for our children's children that great and free government which we have enjoyed all our lives. I beg you to remember this, not merely for my sake, bTit for yours. I happen, temporarily, to occupy this White House. I am a living witness that any one of your children may look to come here as my father's child has. It is in order that each one of you may have, through this free government which we have en- joyed, an open field and a fair chance for your industry, enterprise, and intelligence ; that you may all have equal privileges in the race of life, with all its desirable human aspirations. It is for this the struggle should be maintained, that we may not lose our birthright — not only for one, but for two or three years. The nation is worth fighting for, to secure such an inestimable jewel. August 23, 1864. — Order for the Release of Joseph Howard. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 22, 1864. Hon. Secretary of War. Ml/ dear Sir : I very much wish to oblige Henry Ward Beecher by releasing Howard ; but I wish you to be satisfied when it is done. What say you ? Yours truly, A. Lincoln. I have no objection if you think it right — and this a proper time. E. M. S. Let Howard, imprisoned in regard to the bogus proclamation, be discharged. . -r ^ A. Lincoln. August 23, 1864. 568 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN August 23, 1864. — Memorandum. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 23, 1864. • This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this administration will not be reelected.^ Then it will be my duty to so cooperate with the President-elect as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration ; as he will have seeiired his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it after- ward. A. Lincoln. August 24, 1864. — Draft of instructions to H. J. Raymond. — Not sent or used. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 24, 1J?64. Sir : You will proceed forthwith and obtain, if possible, a confer- ence for peace with Honorable Jefferson Davis, or any person by >>ini authorized for that purpose. You will address him in entirely re- spectful terms, at all events, and in any that may be indispensable to secure the conference. At said conference you will propose, on behalf of this government, that upon the restoration of the Union and the national authority, the war shall cease at once, all remain- ing questions to be left for adjustment by peaceful modes. If this be accepted, hostilities to cease at once. If it be not accepted, you will then request to be informed what terms, if any, embracing the restoration of the Union would be accepted. If any such be pre- sented you in answer, you will forthwith report the same to this government, and await further instructions. If the presentation of any terms embracing the restoration of the Union be declined, you will then request to be informed what terms of peace would be ac- cepted; and, on receiving any answer, report the same to this gov- ernment, and await further instructions. 1 We copy from the MS. diary of one he would be the candidate, that I would of the President's secretaries under date see him and talk matters over with him. of November 11, 1864, the following pas- I wotdd say, "General, the election has sage relating to this incident: "At the demonstrated that you are stronger, have meeting of the Cabinet to-day the Presi- more influence with the American people dent took out a paper from his desk and than I. Now let us together, you with said : ' Gentlemen, do you remember last your influence and I with all the executive summer I asked you all to sign your names power of the government, try to save the to the back of a paper of which I did not country. You raise as many troops as you show you the inside ? Tliis is it. Now, Mr. possibly can for this final trial, and I will Hay. see if you can open this without tear- devote all my energies to assist and finish ing it. ' He had pasted it up in so singular a the war. " ' style that it required some cutting to get it " Seward said, ' And the General wovild open. He then read this memorandum have answered you, " Yes, yes,"' and the [given in the text above]. The President next day when you saw him again and said: 'You will remember that this was pressed these views upon him lie would written at the time, six days before the have said, " Yes, yes," and so on forever, Chicago nominating convention, when as and would have done nothing at all.' yet we had no adversary and seemed to " 'At least,' said Lincoln, 'I should have have no friends. 1 then solemnly resolved done my duty, and have stood clear before on the course of action indicated in this my own conscience.'" paper. I resolved in case of the election "Abraham Lincoln : A History," IX, 251. of General McCleUan, being certain that LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 569 August 27, 1864. — Note to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 27, 1864. Hon. Secretary of War, My dear Sir: If General Sigel has asked for an inquiry, let him have it, if there is not some insurmountable, or at least, very serious obstacle. He is fairly entitled to this consideration. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. i^agust 28, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington City, August 28, 1864. LieuTenant-General Grant : Th(i"e appears to be doubt whether the report of Fort Morgan bei"g in our possession is in the Richmond papers. Did you see the Richmond paper containing the statement? \ Lrvrp^rvr August 29, 1864.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 29, 1864. Lieutenant-General Grant : Colonel T. Worthington of Ohio is here, wishing to visit you. I will send him if you say so, otherwise not. A. Lincoln. August 31, 1864. — Telegram to Mrs. Lincoln. Washington, D. C, August 31, 1864. Mrs. a. Lincoln, Manchester, Vermont : All reasonably well. Bob not here yet. How is dear Tad ? A. Lincoln. August 31, 1864.— Order concerning Cotton. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 31, 1864. Any person or persons engaged in bringing out cotton, in sti-ict conformity with authority given by W. P. Fessenden, Secretary of the United States Treasury, must not be hindered by the War, Navy, or any other Department of the government, or any person engaged under any of said departments. Abraham Lincoln. 570 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN August 31, 1864. — Address to the 148th Ohio Regiment. Soldiers of the 148th Ohio: I am most liappy to meet you on this occasion. I understand that it has been your honorable privilege to stand, for a brief period, in the defense of your country, and that now you are on your way to your homes. I congratulate you, and those who are waiting to bid you welcome home from the war ; and permit me in the name of the people to thank you for the part you have taken in this struggle for the life of the nation. You are soldiers of the republic, every- where honored and respected. Whenever I appear before a hf^i\^^^ of soldiers, I feel tempted to talk to them of the nature'^f the struggle in which we are engaged. I look upon it as an ai^nipt on the one hand to overwhelm and destroy the national exis\ence, while on our part we are striving to maintain the government ^iud institutions of our fathers, to enjoy them ourselves, and transmit them to our children and our children's children forever. To do this the constitutional administration of our governnitwt must be sustained, and I beg of you not to allow your minds or your hearts to be diverted from the support of all necessary mea- sures for that purpose, by any miserable picayune arguments ad- dressed to your pockets, or inflammatory appeals made to your j)as- sions and your prejudices. It is vain and foolish to arraign this man or that for the j)art he has taken or has not taken, and to hold the government responsible for his acts. In no administration can there be perfect equality of action and uniform satisfaction rendered by all. But this government must be preserved in spite of the acts of any man or set of men. It is worthy of your ever}' effort. No- where in the world is presented a government of so much liberty and equality. To the humblest and poorest amongst us are held out the highest privileges and positions. The present moment finds me at the White House, yet there is as good a chance for your children as there was for my father's. Again I admonish you not to be turned from your stern purpose of defending our beloved country and its free institutions by any arguments urged by ambitious and designing men, but to stand fast for the Union and the old flag. Soldiers, I bid you God-speed to your homes. September 1, 1864.— Letter to Colonel Huidekoper. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 1, 1864. Colonel H. C. Huidekoper, Meadville, Pennsylvania. Sir: It is represented to me that there are at Rock Island, Illinois, as rebel prisoners of war, many persons of Northern and foreign birth who are unwilling to be exchanged and sent South, but who wish to take the oath of allegiance and enter the military service of the Union. Colonel Huidekoper, on behalf of the people of LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABE AH AM LINCOLN 571 some parts of Pennsylvania, wishes to pay the bounties the govern- ment would have to pay to proper persons of this class, have them enter the service of the United States, and be credited to the locali- ties furnishing the bounty money. He will therefore proceed to Rock Island, ascertain the names of such persons (not including any who have attractions Southward), and telegraph them to the Provost-Marshal-General here, whereupon direction will be given to discharge the persons named upon their taking the oath of alle- giance ; and then upon the official evidence being furnished that they shall have been duly received and mustered into the service of the United States, their number will be credited as may be directed by Tjofui^l Huidekoper. Abraham Lincoln. Sep^mber 1, 1864. — Telegram to Postmaster-General Blair. Washington, D. C, September 1, 18G4. Hon. M. Blair, Portsmouth, N. H. : Please return here at your earliest convenience. A. Lincoln. September 3, 1864. — Telegram to Postmaster- General Blair. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 3, 1864. Hon. M. Blair, Portsmouth, N. H. : Please come at once. Don't delay. Answer when you.will be here. A. Lincoln. September 3, 1864.— Proclamation of Thanksgiving. Executive Mansion, Washington City, September 3, 1864. The signal success that divine Providence has recently vouchsafed to the operations of the United States fleet and army in the harbor of Mobile, and the reduction of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Morgan, and the glorious achievements of the army under Major- General Sherman, in the State of Georgia, resulting in the capture of the city of Atlanta, call for devout acknowledgment to the Su- preme Being in whose hands are the destinies of nations. It is therefore requested that on next Sunday, in all places of worship in the United States, thanksgivings be offered to him for his mercy in preserving our national existence against the insurgent rebels who have been waging a cruel war against the Government of the United States for its overthrow; and also that prayer be made for divine protection to our brave soldiers and their leaders in the field, who have so often and so gallantly periled their lives in battling with the enemy; and for blessings and comfort from the Father, of mer- cies to the sick, wounded, and prisoners, and to the orphans and 572 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN widows of those who have fallen in the service of their country, and that he will continue to uphold the Government of the United States against all tlie efforts of public enemies and secret foes. Abraham Lincoln. September 3, 1864. — Orders of Thanks and Rejoicing. Executive Mansion, September 3, 1864. The national thanks are tendered by the President to Admiral Farragut and Major-General Canby for the skill and harmoij^'^fi^[;n which the recent operations in Mobile Harbor, and against^Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Morgan, were planned and cabled into execution. Also to Admiral Farragut and Major-General Gvin- ger, under whose immediate command they were conducted, ai,d to the gallant commanders on sea and land, and to the sailors anci sol- diers engaged in the operations, for their energy and courage, wh'itib under the blessing of Providence, have been crowned with brilliant success, and have won for them the applause and thanks of the nation. Abraham Lincoln. Executive Mansion, September 3, 1864. The national thanks are tendered by the President to Major-Gen- eral William T. Sherman, and the gallant officers and soldiers of his command before Atlanta, for the distinguished ability, courage, and perseverance displayed in the campaign in Georgia, which, under di- vine favor, has resulted in the capture of Atlanta. The marches, battles, sieges, and other military operations that have signalized the campaign must render it famous in the annals of war, and have entitled those who have participated therein to the applause and thanks of the nation. Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. Executive Mansion, September 3, 1864. Ordered: First. That on Monday, the fifth day of September, commencing at the hour of twelve o'clock noon, there shall be given a salute of one hundred guns at the arsenal and navy-yard, at Wash- ington, and on Tuesday, the 6th of September, or on the day after the receipt of this order, at each arsenal and navy-yard in the United States, for the recent brilliant achievements of the fleet and land forces of the United States in the harbor of Mobile, and in the reduc- tion of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Morgan. The Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy will issue the necessary di- rections in their respective departments for the execution of this order. . LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 573 Seconal That on Wednesday the 7^,^ I^^^^T^Z^ at the hour of twelve o'clock uoon,^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ York, oue hundred guns at the aisenal ^K Vf^' % ' ^t (Ky.), and St. Boston, PhiUulelphia, Baltimore, ^ |^.burg, ^^^^^ ^^^^ Louis, knd New Orleans pbile, and PensacoUii^^^^^^ ^ Newbern, the day after the ^J^^eipt of this ^^^J^^^^^f^.^,^^^^ gher- achievements of the army }^^^^^'/.«™X capture^ o^^^ The Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. September 4, 1864.- Telegram to General S. G. Burbridge. EXECUTIVE Mansion, Washington, September 4, 1864. /^ - T?iT Bttrbridge. Lexington, Kentucky : tStudre deVaL Kue^es him. Please have the -«-»-<>• September 4, 1864.-Lettee to Mrs. Gukney. Executive Mansion, Washinqton, September i, 1864. ^"^m^suTiTrl^ : I have not ("^gotten _ probably .e.e;^^^^^^^ constant prayei^ ^f.,Z~oi Te AMgh?y a,e perfeet, and *^"/^y;;^tonIweC^g mortals may foil to aoenrately per- must prevail, thougli we jy " K ^^ termination ot this :rEein%t^;i| £^- J^^^^^^^^ mighty eonvnlsionwhn^h no mortal c-ld .-ke.^and^ ^^^^._^^^ "°"''' '»YArHl orSieiple ™d faith opposed to both war and 574 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN my oath to the law. That you believe this I doubt not; and, believ- ing it, I shall still receive for our couutry and myself your earnest prayers to our Father in heaven. Your sincere friend, A. Lincoln. September 5, 1864. — Reply to Senor Blas Bruzual, Minister FROM Venezuela. Mr. Bruzual : It gives me pleasure to receive and welcome to the United States a representative of Venezuela. Venezuela, almost centrally situated among American republics holds a position commercially advantageous and politically iiX)or- tant. Endowed by nature with capacity for rich and vailed production, it extends over a broad territory, embracing vast Re- sources yet to be developed. Guided by the principles of reiiibli: can government and advancing civilization, it adopts institu^ous which have contributed largely to the growth of the countries of this continent in the past, and which form the basis of high and cherished aspirations for their future. The government and people of the United States cannot but feel a deep interest and earnest sympathy in the peace, the prosperity, and the progress of Venezuela. Thanking you for the friendly sentiments toward the United States which you have expressed, I pray you to accept the assurance of my best wishes that your sojourn in our country may be agree- able to yourself and satisfactory to the government which you represent. September 7, 1864. — Reply to Committee op Colored People OP Baltimore who presented him with a Bible. This occasion would seem fitting for a lengthy response to the address which you have just made. I would make one if prepared ; but I am not. I would promise to respond in writing had not ex- perience taught me that business will not allow me to do so, I can only now say, as I have often before said, it has always been a sen- timent with me that all mankind should be free. So far as able, within my sphere, I have always acted as I believe to be right and just; and I have done all I could for the good of mankind gener- ally. In letters and documents sent from this ofQce I have expressed myself better than I now can. In regard to this great book, I have but to say, it is the best gift God has given to man. All the good Saviour gave to the world was communicated through this book. But for it we could not know right from wrong. All things most desirable for man's welfare, here and hereafter, are to be found portrayed in it. To you I return my most sincere thanks for the very elegant copy of the great Book of God which you present. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 575 September 8, 1864. — Telegram to Mrs. Lincoln. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 8, 1864. Mrs. a. Lincoln, Manchester, Vermont : All well, iucluding Tad's pony and the goats. Mrs. Colonel Dim- miek died night before last. Bob left Sunday afternoon. Said he did not know whether he should see you. A. Lincoln. September 10, 1864. — Order of Thanks to Hundred-day Troops from Ohio. Executive Mansion, Washington City, September 10, 1864. The term of one hundred days, for which the National Guard of Ohio volunteered, having expired, the President directs an official acknowledgment of their patriotism and vahuible services during the recent campaign. The term of service of their enlistment was short, but distinguished by memorable events in the valley of the Shenandoah, on the Peninsula, in the operations of the James River, around Petersburg and Richmond, in the battle of Monocacy, in the intreuchments of Washington, and in other important service. The National Guard of Ohio performed with alacrity the duty of patri- otic volunteers, for which they are entitled, and are hereby tendered, througli the governor of their State, the national thanks. The Secretary of War is directed to transmit a copy of this order to the Governor of Ohio, and to cause a certificate of their honor- able service to be delivered to the officers and soldiers of the Ohio National Guard who recently served in the military force of the United States as volunteers for one hundred days. Abraham Lincoln. September 12, 1864. — Unfinished draft of Letter to I. M. SCHERMERHORN. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 12, 1864. Isaac M. Schermerhorn, My dear Sir : Yours inviting me to attend a Union mass-meeting at Buffalo is received. Much is being said about peace, and no man desires peace more ardently than I. Still, I am yet unprepared to give up the Union for a peace which, so achieved, could not be of much duration. The preservation of our Union was not the sole avowed object for which the war was commenced. It was commenced for precisely the reverse object — to destroy our Union. The in- surgents commenced it by firing upon the Star of the West and on Fort Sumter, and by other similar acts. It is true, however, that the administration accepted the war thus commenced for the sole avowed object of preserving our Union ; and it is not true that it has since been, or will be, prosecuted by this administration for any other ob- 576 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN ject. In declaring this I only declare what I can know and do know to be true, and what no other man can know to be false. In taking the various steps which have led to my present position in relation to the war, the public interest and my private interest have been perfectly parallel, because in no other way could I serve myself so well as by truly serving the Union. The whole field has been open to me where to choose. No place-hunting necessity has been upon me urging me to seek a position of antagonism to some other man, irrespective of whether such position might be favorable or unfavorable to the Union. Of course I may err in judgment, but my present position in ref- erence to the rebellion is the result of my best judgment, and, according to that best judgment, it is the only position upon which any executive can or could save the Union. Any substantial de- parture from it insures the success of the rebellion. An armistice — a cessation of hostilities — is the end of the struggle, and the in- surgents would be in peaceable possession of all that has been strug- gled for. Any different policy in regard to the colored man deprives us of his help, and this is more than we can bear. We cannot spare the hundred and forty or fifty thousand now serving us as soldiers, seamen, and laborers. This is not a question of sentiment or taste, but one of physical force, which may be measured and estimated as horse-power and steam-power are measured and estimated. Keep it, and you can save the Union. Throw it away, and the Union goes with it. Nor is it possible for any administration to retain the ser- vice of these people with the express or implied understanding that, upon the first convenient occasion, they are to be reenslaved. It cannot be, and it ought not to be. September 12, 1864. — Letter to I. M. Schermerhorn. (Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, September 12, 1864. Isaac M. Schermerhorn, Buffalo, New York. Mij dear Sir : Your letter, mentioned in your two telegrams, has not yet reached me, so that I am without knowledge of its particu- lars. I beg you to pardon me for having concluded that it is not best for me now to write a general letter to a political meeting. First, I believe it is not customary for one holding the office, and being a candidate for reelection, to do so ; and, secondly, a pub- lic letter must be written with some care, and at some expense of time, so that having begun with your meeting, I could not well re- fuse others, and yet could not get through with all having equal claims. Please tender to those you represent, my sincere thanks for the invitation, and my appeal to their indulgence for having declined their request. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 577 September 12, 1864. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 12, 1864. Lieutenant-General Grant : Sheridan and Early are facing each other at a dead-lock. Could we not pick np a regiment here and there, to the number of say ten thousand men, and quietly but suddenly concentrate them at Sheri- dan's camp and euable him to make a strike ? This is but a suggestion. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 13, 1864. — Letter to General B. F. Butler. Washington, D. C, September 13, 1864. Major-General Butler, Bermuda Hundred, Virginia : The Ames guns I am under promise to pay, or rather to advise paying, a very high price for, provided they bear the test, and they are not yet tested, though I believe in process of being tested. I could not be justified to pay the extraordinary price without the testing. I shall be happy to let you have some of them as soon as I can. How comes on your canal ? A. Lincoln. September 15, 1864. — Telegram to General J. B. Steedman. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 15, 1864. Major-General Steedman, Chattanooga, Tennessee : Mrs. McElrath, of East Tennessee, is here, saying she has been sent away by your order, and appealing to me to allow her to return to her home. I have told her I will, if you say so. What say you ? A. Lincoln. September 17, 1864.— Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. Washington, D. C, September 17, 1864. 10 a. m. Major-General Sherman, Atlanta, Georgia : I feel great interest in the subjects of your despatch mentioning corn and sorghum, and the contemplated visit to you. A. Lincoln, President of the United States. September 19, 1864.— Letter to General W. T. Sherman. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, September 19, 1864. Major-General Sherman : The State election of Indiana occurs on the 11th of October, and the loss of it. to the friends of the government, would go far toward Vol. II.— 37. 578 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN losing the whole Union cause. The bad effect upon the November election, and especially the giving the State government to those who will oppose the war in every possible way, are too much to risk, if it can possibly be avoided. The draft proceeds, notwithstanding its strong tendency to lose us the State. Indiana is the only impor- tant State, voting in October, whose soldiers cannot vote in the field. Anything you can safely do to let her soldiers, or any part of them, go home and vote at the State election will be greatly in point. They need not remain for the Presidential election, but may return to you at once. This is in no sense an order, but is merely intended to impress you with the importance, to the army itself, of your do- ing all you safely can, yourself being the judge of what you can safely do. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 19, 1864. — Letter to J. C. Ten Eyck. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 19, 1864. Hon. J. C. Ten Eyck. My dear Sir : Dr. J. R. Freese, now editor of a leading Union journal in New Jersey, resided for a time in Illinois, where and when I made his acquaintance, and since when I have enjoyed much of his friendship. He is somewhat wounded with me now, that I do not recognize him as he thinks I ought. I wish to appoint him a provost-marshal in your State. May I have your approval ? Yours truly, a. Lincoln. September 20, 1864. — Telegram to General P. Sheridan. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 20, 1864. Major-General Sheridan, Winchester, Virginia : Have just heard of your great victory. God bless you all, officers and men. Strongly inclined to come up and see you. A. Lincoln. September 21, 1864. — Letter to General E. R, S. Canby. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 21, 1864. Ma.jor-General Canby : General Baily of Rapides Parish, Louisiana, is vouched to me as entirely trustworthy, and appeals to me in behalf of the people in his region, who he says are mostly Union people, and are in great destitution — almost absolute starvation. He says their condition is greatly aggravated by General Banks's expedition up Red River, last spring, in reliance upon which they mostly took the oath of aUegiance. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 579 Of course what General Baily asks is permission to carry provi- sions to them. This I will not give without your consent, but I will thank you to hear and consider their case, and do for them the best you can, consistently with the interests of the public service. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 22, 1864. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 22, 1864. Lieutenant-General Grant : I send this as an explanation to you, and to do justice to the Sec- retary of War. I was induced, upon pressing application, to au- thorize the agents of one of the districts of Pennsylvania to recruit in one of the prison depots in Illinois ; and the thing went so far be- fore it came to the knowledge of the Secretary that, in my judgment, it could not be abandoned without greater evil than would follow its going through. I did not know at the time that you had pro- tested against that class of thing being done; and I now say tha,t while this particular job must be completed, no other of the sort will be authorized, without an understanding with you, if at all. The Secretary of War is wholly free of any part in this blunder. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 23, 1864. — Letter to Postmaster-General Blair. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 23, 1864. Hon. Montgomery Blair. My dear Sir : You have generously said to me more than once that whenever your resignation could be a relief to me it was at my disposal. The time has come. You very well know that this pro- ceeds from no dissatisfaction of mine with you personally or offici- ally. Your uniform kindness has been unsurpassed by that of any friend ; and while it is true that the war does not so greatly add to the difficulties of your department as to those of some others, it is yet much to say, as I most truly can, that in the three years and a half during which you have administered the general post-office, I remember no single complaint against you in connection therewith. Yours, A. Lincoln. September 24, 1864. — Order concerning the Purchase op Products in Insurrectionary States. Executive Mansion, September 24, 1864. I. Congress having authorized the purchase for the United States of the products of States declared in insurrection, and the Secretary of the Treasury having designated New Orleans, Memphis, Nash- 580 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN ville, Pensacola, Port Royal, Beaufort (North Carolina), and Norfolk, as places of purchase, and, with my approval, appointed agents and made regulations under which said products may be purchased, therefore : II. All persons except such as may be in the civil, military, or naval service of the government, having in their possession any products of States or parts of States declared in insurrection, which said agents are authorized to purchase, and all persons owning or controlling such products therein are authorized to convey such products to either of the places which have been hereby or may hereafter be designated as places of purchase, and such products so destined shall not be liable to detention, seizure, or forfeiture while in transitu, or in store waiting transportation. III. Any person having the certificate of a purchasing agent, as prescribed by Treasury Regulation VIII, is authorized to pass with the necessary means of transportation to the points named in said certificate, and to return therefrom with the products required for the fulfilment of the stipulations set forth in said certificate. IV. Any person having sold and delivered to a purchasing agent any products of an insurrectionary State in accordance with the regulations in relation thereto, and having in his possession a certifi- cate setting forth the fact of such purchase and sale, the character and quantity of products, and the aggregate amount paid therefor, as pre- scribed by Regulation I, shall be permitted by the military authority commanding at the place of sale to purchase from any authorized dealer at such place merchandise and other articles not contraband of war nor prohibited by order of the War Department, nor coin, bullion, or foreign exchange, to an amount not exceeding in value one third of the aggregate value of the products sold by him as certified by the agents purchasing, and the merchandise and other articles so purchased may be transported by the same route, and to the same place, from and by which the products sold and delivered reached the purchasing agent, as set forth in the certificate, and such mer- chandise and other articles shall have safe conduct, and shall not be subject to detention, seizure, or forfeiture while being transported to the places and by the routes set forth in the said certificate. V. Generals commanding military districts, and commandants of military posts and detachments, and officers commanding fleets, flotillas, and gunboats, will give safe conduct to persons and pro- ducts, merchandise, and other articles duly authorized as aforesaid, and not contraband of war, or prohibited by order of the War De- partment, or of the order of such generals commanding, or other duly authorized military or naval officer, made in pursuance hereof, and all persons hindering or preventing such safe conduct of per- sons or property will be deemed guilty of a military offense and punished accordingly. VI. Any person transporting or attempting to transport any merchandise or other articles except in pursuance of regulations of the Secretary of the Treasury, dated July 29, 1864, or in pursuance of this order, or transporting or attempting to transport any mer- chandise or other articles contraband of war or forbidden by any LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 581 order of the War Department, will be deemed giiilty of a military offeuse and punished accordingly ; and all products of insurrection- ary States found in transitu to any other person or place, than a pur- chasing agent and a designated place of purchase shall be seized and forfeited to the United States, except such as may be moving to a loyal State under duly authorized permits of a proper officer of the Treasury Department, as prescribed by Regulation XXXVIII, concerning commercial intercourse, dated July 29, 1864, or such as may have been found abandoned, or have been captured and are moving in pursuance of the act of March 12, 1864. VII. No military or naval officer of the United States, or person in the military or naval service, nor any ci\41 officer, except such as are appointed for that purpose, shall engage in trade or traffic in the products of the insurrectionary States, or furnish transporta- tion therefore under pain of being deemed guilty of unlawful trad- ing with the enemy and punished accordingly. VIII. The Secretary of War will make such general orders or regulations as will insure the proper observance and execution of this ordei', and the Secretary of the Navy Mall give instructions to officers commanding fleets, flotillas, and gunboats in conformity therewith. Abraham Lincoln. September 24, 1864. — Telegram to W. Dennison. Washington, D. C, September 24, 1864. Governor William Dennison, Columbus, Ohio : Mr. Blair has resigned and I appoint you Postmaster-General. Come on immediately. A. Lincoln. September 26, 1864. — Telegram to S. G. Burbridge. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 26, 1864. Major-General Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky : Terri})le complaints are being made as to the discharge of Meade at Louisville. Please report the particulars of the case, including grounds of discharge. A. Lincoln. September 26, 1864. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 26, 1864. Major-General Rosecrans : One cannot always safely disregard a report, even which one may not believe. I have a report that you incline to deny the soldiers the right of attending the election in Missouri, on the assumed ground that they will get drunk and make disturbance. Last year 582 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN I sent General Schofield a letter of instruction, dated October 1, 1863, which I suppose you will find on the files of the department, and which contains among other things the following : " At elections see that those, and only those, are allowed to vote who are entitled to do so by the laws of Missouri, including as of those laws the re- strictions laid by the Missouri Convention upon those who may have participated in the rebellion." This I thought right then, and think right now ; and, I may add, I do not remember that either party complained after the election of General Schofield's action under it. Wherever the law allows soldiers to vote, their officers must also allow it. Please write me on this subject. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. September 27, 1864. — Telegram to General W. T. Sherman. Washington, D. C, September 27, 1864. Major-General Sherman, Atlanta, Georgia : You say Jefferson Davis is on a visit to Hood. I judge that Brown and Stephens are the objects of his visit. A. Lincoln. September 27, 1864. — Telegram to W. Dennison. Washington, D. C, September 27, 1864. Governor William Dennison, Columbus, Ohio : Yours received. Come so soon as you can. A. Lincoln. September 27, 1864.— Telegram to General B. F. Butler. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 27, 1864. Major-General Butler, Bermuda Hundred, Virginia : Assistant Surgeon William Crouse is here, complaining that you have dismissed him, and ordered him out of the department. Please telegraph me briefly the reasons. A. Lincoln. September 28, 1864. — Telegram to J. R. Cannon. Washington, D. C, September 28, 1864. J. R. Cannon, New Albany, Indiana : It will be impossible for me to attend your ratification meeting. Thank you for the invitation. A. Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 583 September 28, 1864. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. Executive Mansion, Washington, September 28, 1864. Major-General Butler, Bermuda Hundred, Virginia : For what offense was the money of John H. Lester confiscated? Please answer, and, if practicable, send me the record of confiscation. A. Lincoln. September 29, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, September 29, 1864. 10 a. m. Lieutenant- General Grant, City Point, Virginia : I hope it will have no constraint on you, nor do harm any way, for me to say I am a little afraid lest Lee sends reinforcements to Early, and thus enables him to turn upon Sheridan. A. Lincoln. October 1, 1864. — Order of Thanks to Hundred-day Troops. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 1, 1864. The term of one hundred days for which volunteers from the States of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin volunteered, under the call of their respective governors, in the months of May and June, to aid the recent campaign of General Sherman, having ex- pired, the President directs an official acknowledgment to be made of their patriotic service. It was their good fortune to render effec- tive service in the brilliant operations in the Southwest, and to con- tribute to the victories of the national arms over the rebel forces in Georgia, under command of Johnston and Hood. On all occasions, and in every service to which they were assigned, their duty as pa- triotic volunteers was performed with alacrity and courage, for which they are entitled to, and are hereby tendered, the national thanks through the governors of their respective States. The Secretary of War is directed to transmit a copy of this order to the governors of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin, and to cause a certificate of their honorable services to be delivered to the officers and soldiers of the States above named, who recently served in the military service of the United States as volunteers for one hundred days. A. Lincoln. October 5, 1864. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 5, 1864. Lieutenant- General Grant : I inclose you a copy of a correspondence in regard to a contem- plated exchange of naval prisoners through your lines, and not very 584 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN distant from your headquarters. It ouly came to the knowledge of the War Department and of myself yesterday, and it gives us some uneasiness. I therefore send it to you with the state^neut that, as the numbers to be exchanged under it are small, and so much has already been done to effect the exchange, I hope you may find it consistent to let it go forward under the general supervision of Gen- eral Butler, and particularly in reference to the points he holds vital in exchanges. Still, you are at liberty to arrest the whole operation if in your judgment the public good requires it. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. October 9, 1864. — Telegram to Simon Cameron. Washington, D. C, October 9, 1864. General Simon Cameron, Philadelphia: There is absolutely no news here from the Army of the Potomac not published in Stanton's bulletins of yesterday and before. The line is open and mere business despatches are passing over it. Have no alarm on bogus despatches. A. Lincoln. October 10, 1864. — Letter to H. W. Hoffman. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 10, 1864. Hon. Henry W. Hoffman. My dear Sir : A convention of Maryland has framed a new con- stitution for the State; a public meeting is called for this evening at Baltimore to aid in securing its ratification by the people, and you ask a word from me for the occasion. I presume the only feature of the instrument about which there is serious controversy is that which provides for the extinction of slavery. It needs not to be a secret, and I presume it is no secret, that I wish success to this pro- vision. I desire it on every consideration. I wish all men to be free. I wish the material prosperity of the already free, which I feel sure the extinction of slavery would bring. I wish to see in process of disappearing that only thing which ever could bring this nation to civil war. I attempt no argument. Argument upon the question is already exhausted by the abler, better informed, and more immediately interested sons of Maryland herself. I only add that I shall be gratified exceedingly if the good people of the State shall, by their votes, ratify the new constitution. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. October 11, 1864.— Telegram to Governor Curtin, Washington, D. C, October 11, 1864. Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: On looking up the Colonel Stover case this morning, I find we could not, without further information, be at all justified in order- LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 585 iug him to be mustered. I hope it can be made straight, but the record as it stands is too bad. A copy will be immediately sent you by mail. A. Lincoln. October 11, 1864. — Telegram to R. T. Lincoln. Washington, D. C, October 11, 1864. Robert T. Lincoln, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Your letter makes us a little uneasy about your health. Tele- graph us how you are. If you think it would help you, make us a visit. A. Lincoln. October 12, 1864. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, October 12, 1864. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Secretary of War not being in, I answer yours about election. Pennsylvania very close, and still in doubt on home vote. Ohio largely for us, with all the members of Congress but two or three. Indiana largely for us, — governor, it is said, by 15,000, and eight of the eleven members of Congress. Send us what you may know of your army vote. A. Lincoln. October 13, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Morton. Washington, D. C, October 13, 1864. Governor Oliver P. Morton, Indianapolis, Indiana : In my letter borne by Mr. Mitchell to General Sherman, I said that any soldiers he could spare for October need not to remain for November. I therefore cannot press the general on this point. All that the Secretary of War and General Sherman feel they can safely do, I, however, shall be glad of. Bravo for Indiana and for yourself personally ! A. Lincoln. October 14, 1864. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 14, 1864. Major-General Butler, Butler's Headquarters, Virginia : It is said that Captain Joseph R. Findley, of Company F, 76th Pennsylvania Volunteers, has been summarily dismissed the ser\'ice for supposed skulking. Such representations are made to me of his good character, long service, and good behavior in many battles, as to induce the wish that you would reexamine his case. At all events, send me a statement of it as you have it. A. Lincoln. 586 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN October 17, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. Washington, D. C, October 17, 1864. Governor A. G. Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania : Your information is erroneous. No part of Sheridan's force has left him, except by expiration of terms of service. I think there is not much danger of a raid into Pennsylvania. A. Lincoln. October 19, 1864. — Response to a Serenade. Friends and Fellow-citizens : I am notified that this is a compli- ment paid me by the loyal Marylanders resident in this district. I infer that the adoption of the new constitution for the State fur- nishes the occasion, and that in your view the extirpation of slavery constitutes the chief merit of the new constitution. Most heartily do I congratulate you, and Maryland, and the nation, and the world, upon this event. I regret that it did not occur two years sooner, which, I am sure, would have saved to the nation more money than would have met all the private loss incident to the measure ; but it has come at last, and I sincerely hope its friends may fully realize all their anticipations of good from it, and that its opponents may by its effects be agreeably and profitably disappointed. A word upon another subject. Something said by the Secretary of State, in his recent speech at Auburn, has been construed by some into a threat that if I shall be beaten at the election I will, between then and the end of my constitutional term, do what I may be able to ruin the government. Others regard the fact that the Chicago Convention adjourned, not sine die, but to meet again, if called to do so by a particular individual, as the intimation of a purpose that if their nominee shall be elected he will at once seize control of the government. I hope the good people will permit themselves to suf- fer no uneasiness on either point. I am strnggling to maintain the government, not to overthrow it. I am struggling, especially, to prevent others from overthrowing it. I therefore say that if I shall live I shall remain President until the 4th of next March ; and that whoever shall be constitutionally elected therefor, in November, shall be duly installed as President on the 4th of March ; and that, in the interval, I shall do my utmost that who- ever is to hold the helm for the next voyage shall start with the best possible chance to save the ship. This is due to the people both on principle and under the Consti- tution. Their will, constitutionally expressed, is the ultimate law for all. If they should deliberately resolve to have immediate peace, even at the loss of their country and their liberty, I know not the power or the right to resist them. It is their own business, and they must do as they please with their own. I believe, however, they are still resolved to* preserve their country and their liberty ; and in this, in office or out of it, I am resolved to stand by them. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 587 I may add that in this purpose — to save the country and its lib- erties — no classes of people seem so nearly unanimous as the sol- diers in the field and the sailors afloat. Do they not have the hardest of it I Who should quail when they do not f Grod bless the soldiers and seamen, with all their brave commanders. October 20, 1864.— Proclamation of Thanksgiving. By the President of the United States of America : A Proclamation. It has pleased almighty God to prolong our national life another year, defending us with his guardian care against unfriendly designs from abroad, and vouchsafing to us in his mercy many and signal victories over the enemy, who is of our own household. It has also pleased our heavenly Father to favor as well our citizens in their homes as our soldiers in their camps, and our sailors on the rivers and seas, with unusual health. He has largely augmented our free population by emancipation and by immigration, while he has opened to us new sources of wealth, and has crowned the labor of our working-men in every department of industry with abundant re- wards. Moreover, he has been pleased to animate and inspire our minds and hearts with fortitude, courage, and resolution sufficient for the great trial of civil war into which we have been brought by our adherence as a nation to the cause of freedom and humanity, and to afford to us reasonable hopes of an ultimate and happy deliverance from all our dangers and afflictions. Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby appoint and set apart the last Thursday of Novem- ber next as a day which I desire to be observed by all my fellow- citizens, wherever they may then be, as a day of thanksgiving and praise to almighty God, the beneficent Creator and Ruler of the universe. And I do further recommend to my fellow-citizens afore- said, that on that occasion they do reverently humble themselves in the dust, and from thence offer up penitent and fervent prayers and supplications to the great Disposer of events for a return of the inestimable blessings of peace, union, and harmony throughout the land which it has pleased him to assign as a dwelling-place for our- selves and for our posteritj'' throughout all generations. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this twentieth day of r 1 October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred ^ '' 'J and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 588 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN October 21, 1864. — Telegrajm to J. G. Nicolay. Washington, D. C, October 21, 18G4. 9.45 p. m. J. G. Nicolay, St. Louis, Missouri : While Curtis is fighting Price, have you any idea where the force under Rosecrans is, or what it is doing? A. Lincoln. October 22, 1864. — Letter to Wm. B. Campbell and Others. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, October 22, 1864. Messrs. Wm. B. Campbell, Thomas A. R. Nelson, James T. P. Carter, John Williams, A. Blizzard, Henry Cooper, Bailie Peyton, John Lellyett, E. Etheridge, John D. Perrymans. Gentlemen : On the fifteenth day of this month, as I remember, a printed paper, with a few manuscript interlineations, called a pro- test, with your names appended thereto, and accompanied by another printed paper purporting to be a proclamation by Andrew Johnson, military governor of Tennessee, and also a manuscript paper pur- porting to be extracts from the Code of Tennessee, was laid before me. The protest, proclamation, and extracts are respectively as follows : [The protest is here recited, and also the proclamation of Governor Johnson, dated September 30, to which it refers, together with a list of the counties in East, Middle, and West Teunessee; also an ex- tract from the Code of Tennessee, in relation to electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, the qualifications of voters for members of the General Assembly, and the places of holding elections of officers of popular elections.] At the time these papers were presented, as before stated, I had never seen either of them, nor heard of the subject to which they relate, except in a general way, only one day previously. Up to the present moment nothing whatever has passed between Governor Johnson, or any one else connected with the proclamation, and my- self. Since receiving the papers, as stated, I have given the subject such brief consideration as I have been able to do in the midst of so many pressing public duties. My conclusion is that I have nothing to do with the matter, either to sustain the plan as the convention and Governor Johnson have initiated it, or to revoke or modify it as you demand. By the Con- stitution and laws, the President is charged with no duty in the conduct of a presidential election in any State ; nor do I, in this case, perceive any military reason for his interference in the matter. The movement set on foot by the convention and Governor John- son does not, as seems to be assumed by you, emanate from the national executive. In no proper sense can it be considered other than as an independent movement of at least a portion of the loyal people of Tennessee. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 589 I do not perceive in the plan any menace of violence or coercion toward any one. Grovernor Johnson, like any other loyal citizen of Tennessee, has the right to favor any political plan he chooses, and, as military governor, it is his duty to keep the peace among and for the loyal people of the State. I cannot discern that by this plan he purposes any more. But you object to the plan. Leaving it alone will be your perfect security against it. Do as you please on your own account, peace- fully and loyally, and Governor Johnson will not molest you, but will protect you against violence so far as in his power. I presume that the conducting of a presidential election in Ten- nessee in strict accordance with the old code of the State is not now a possibility. It is scarcely necessary to add that if any election shall be held, and any votes shall be cast in the State of Tennessee for President and Vice-President of the United States, it will belong, not to the military agents, nor yet to the executive department, but exclu- sively to another department of the government, to determine whether they are entitled to be counted in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States. Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to interfere in any way with any presidential election. Abraham Lincoln. October 22, 1864. — Telegram to G-eneral P. H. Sheridan. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 22, 1864. Major-General Sheridan : With great pleasure I tender to you and your brave army the thanks of the nation, and my own personal admiration and grati- tude, for the month's operations in the Shenandoah Valley; and especially for the splendid work of October 19, 1864. Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. October 23, 1864.— Telegram to General G. H. Thomas. Washington, D. C, October 23, 1864. 5 p. m. Major-General Thomas, Nash^-ille, Tennessee : I have received information to-day, having great appearance of authenticity, that there is to be a rebel raid into Western Ken- tucky ; that it is to consist of 4000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, and is to start from Corinth, Mississippi, on the fourth day of Novembei-. A. Lincoln, President. Send copy to General Washburn at Memphis. A. L. / 590 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN October 24, 1864. — Address to the 189th New York Regiment. Soldiers : I am exceedingly obliged to you for this mark of re- spect. It is said that we have the best government the world ever knew, and I am glad to meet you, the supporters of that govern- ment. To you who render the hardest work in its support should be given the greatest credit.) Others who are connected with it, and who occupy higher positions,^ can be dispensed with, but we cannot get along without your aid.) While others differ with the administration, and, perhaps, honestly, the soldiers generally have sustained it ; they have not only fought right, but, so far as could be judged from their actions, they have voted right, and I for one thank you for it. I know you are eti route for the front, and there- fore do not expect me to detain you long. I will now bid you good morning. October 26, 1864. — Note to Mrs. Swift. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1864. Mrs. George W. Swift. 3fi/ dear Madam : Your complimentary little poem asking for my autograph was duly received. I thank you for it, and cheer- fully comply with your request. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. October 26, 1864. — Unfinished Draft of Letter to J. R. Underwood and H. Grider. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1864. Hon. J. R. Underwood and Hon. Henry Grider. Gentlemen : A petition has been presented to me on behalf of cer- tain citizens of Allen and Barren counties, in the State of Kentucky, assuming that certain sums of money have been assessed and col- lected from them by the United States military authorities to com- pensate certain Union citizens of the same vicinage for losses by rebel depredations, and praying that I will order the money to be refunded. The petition is accompanied by a letter of yours, which so presents the case as to induce me to make a brief response. You distinctly admit that the petitioners *' sympathize with the Confederate States and regard them as warring to preserve their Constitutional and legal rights." This admitted, it is scarcely pos- sible to believe that they do not help the cause they thus love when- ever they conveniently can. Their sons and relatives go into the rebel [armies], but we may not be able to distinctly prove that they outfitted and sent them. When armed rebels come among them their houses and other property are spared while Union men's houses are burned and their property pillaged. Still, we may not be able to specifically prove that the sympathizers protected and LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 591 supplied the raiders in turn, or designated their Union neighbors for plunder and devastation. Yet we know all this exists, even better than we could know an isolated fact upon the sworn testi- mony of one or two witnesses; just as we better know there is fire whence we see much smoke rising than we could know it by one or two witnesses swearing to it. The witnesses may commit perjury, but the smoke cannot. Now, experience has already taught us in this war that holding these smoky localities responsi- ble for the conflagrations within them has a very salutary effect. It was obviously so in and about St. Louis, and on [the] eastern shore of Virginia. October 27, 1864. — Letter to General S. G. Burbridge. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 27, 1864. Major- General Burbridge: It is represented to me that an officer has, by your authority, as- sessed and collected considerable sums of money from citizens of Allen and Barren counties, Kentucky, to compensate Union men for depredations committed upon them in the vicinity by rebels ; and I am petitioned to order the money to be refunded. At most, I could not do this without hearing both sides, which, as yet, I have not. I write now to say that, in my opinion, in some extreme cases this class of proceedings becomes a necessity ; but that it is liable to — almost inseparable from — great abuses, and therefore should onlj^ be sparingly resorted to, and be conducted with great caution ; that you, in your department, must be the judge of the proper local- ities and occasions for applying it ; and that it will be well for you to see that your subordinates be at all times ready to account for every dollar, as to why collected, of whom, and how applied. With- out this you will soon find some of them making assessments and collections merely to put money in their own pockets, and it will also be impossible to correct errors in future and better times. In the case I have mentioned, such good men as Hon. J. R. Under- wood and Hon. Henry Grider, though not personally interested, have appealed to me in behalf of others. So soon as you can, con- sistently with your other duties, I will thank you to acquaint your- self with the particulars of this case, and make any correction which may seem to be proper. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. October 28, 1864. — Telegram to A. G. Hodges. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 28, 1864. Hon. a. G. Hodges, Frankfort, Kentucky : Mrs. Margaret C. Price is here, asking that her son, Philemon B. Price, now a prisoner of war at Camp Chase may be discharged, and I have told her I will do it if you say so. What say j^ou ? A. Lincoln. 592 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN October 28, 1864.— Telegram to J. A. Prall. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 28, 1864. J. A. Prall, Paris, Kentucky : Mrs. George W. Bowen is here, asking for the discharge of her husband, now a prisoner of war at Camp Chase, and I have told her I will do it if you say so. What say you ? A. Lincoln. October 31, 1864. — Proclamation admitting Nevada into the Union. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas the Congress of the United States passed an act, which was approved on the twenty-first day of March last, entitled "An act to enable the people of Nevada to form a constitution and State government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States"; And whereas the said constitution and State government have been formed, pursuant to the conditions prescribed by the ^fth sec- tion of the act of Congress aforesaid, and the certificate required by the said act, and also a copy of the constitution and ordinances, have been submitted to the President of the United States : Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in accordance with the duty imposed upon me by the Act of Congress aforesaid, do hereby declare and proclaim that the said State of Nevada is admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this thirty-first day of r 1 October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred L ' ^'^ and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. October 31, 1864. — Note to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, October 31, 1864. Hon. Secretary of War. Sir : Herewith is a letter of Governor Curtin, which speaks for itself. I suggest for your consideration, whether, to the extent of, say, 5000, we might not exempt from the draft, upon the men being LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 593 put in j^ood shape to defend and give assurance to the border. I have not said even this much to the bearer, General Todd, whom I hope you will see and hear. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. November 5, 1864. — Indorsement. War Department, Washington City. Mr. President : Please read the accompanying telegram, just received, and favor me with your judgment on the point presented by General Butler, so that I can answer him. Yours truly, E. M. Stanton. [Indorsement.] I think this might lie over till morning. The tendency of the or- der, it seems to me, is to bring on a collision with the State author- ity, which I would rather avoid, at least until the necessity for it is more apparent than it yet is. A. Lincoln. November 5, 1864. November 6, 1864, — Telegram to Secretary Seward. Washington, D. C, November 6, 1864, Hon, William H, Seward, Auburn, New York : Nothing of much importance. Day before yesterday rebels de- stroyed two or more of our wooden gunboats at Johnsonville on Tennessee River., Curtis, on the 4th, was at Fayetteville, Arkansas, still pursuing and damaging Price, Richmond papers say Yankees landed at Escambia Bay, below Hilton, not far from Mobile, cap- tured fifty men and destroyed all camp equipage, wagons, salt works, etc., and everything in and about Hilton, Richmond papers also confirm the destruction of the Albemarle, and the consequent eva- cuation of Plymouth, North Carolina. A, Lincoln, November 6, 1864, — Telegram to Naval Officer at Mobile Bay. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 6, 1864. 9 p. m. Major-General Canby, New Orleans, Louisiana: Please forward with all possible despatch to the naval officer commanding at Mobile Bay the following order, A. Lincoln. Vol. H,— 38. 594 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN [Inclosure.] Executive Mansion, Washington, November 6^ 1864. Naval Officer in command at Mobile Bay: Do not on any account, or on any showing of authority whatever, from whomsoever purporting to come, allow the blockade to be ^i«l^^^^- A. Lincoln. November 8, 1864. — Telegram to Sailors' Fair at Boston, Massachusetts. Washington, D. C, November 8, 1864. To THE Managing Committee of the Sailors' Fair, Boston, Massachusetts : Allow me to wish you a great success. With the old fame of the navy made brighter in the present war you cannot fail. I name none lest I wrong others by omission. To all, from rear-admiral to honest Jack, I tender the nation's admiration and gratitude. A. Lincoln. November 8, 1864. — Telegram to A. H. Rice. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 8, 1864. Hon. a. H. Rice, Boston, Massachusetts: Yours received. I have no other notice that the ox is mine. If it be really so, I present it to the Sailors' Fair as a contribution. A. Lincoln. November 8, 1864, — Telegram to Secretary Seward. Washington, November 8, 1864. Hon. William H. Seward, Auburn, New York: News from Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and Rosecrans satisfactory, but not important. Pirate Florida captured by the Wachusett Octo- ber 7, on the coast of Brazil. The information is certain. A. Lincoln. November 9, 1864. — Response to a Serenade. Friends and Fellow-citizens : Even before I had been informed by you that this compliment was paid me by loyal citizens of Penn- sylvania, friendly to me, I had inferred that you were of that portion of my countrymen who think that the best interests of the nation are to be subserved by the support of the present administration. I do not pretend to say that you, who think so, embrace all the patriot- LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 595 ism and loyalty of the country, but I do believe, and I trust without personal interest, that the welfare of the country does require that such support and indorsement should be given. I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day's work, if it be as you assume, and as now seems probable, will be to the lasting advantage, if not to the very salvation, of tlie countr}^ I cannot at this hour say what has been the result of the election. But, what- ever it may be, I have no desire to modify this opinion: that all who have labored to-day in behalf of the Union have wrought for the best interests of the country and the world; not only for the present, but for all future ages. I am thankful to God for this approval of the people ; but, while deeply grateful for this mark of their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph. I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any one, but I give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of the people's resolution to stand by free government and the rights of humanity. ^ November 10, 1864. — Response to a Serenade. j It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its existence in great emergencies. On this point the pres- ent rebellion brought our republic to a severe test, and a presi- dential election occurring in regular course during the rebellion, added not a little to the strain. / If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially par- alyzed by a political war among themselves? But the election was a necessity. We cannot have free government without elections ; and if the rebellion could force us to forego or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the election is but human nature practically ap- plied to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this case must ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial, compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged. But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, has done good too. It has demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a national election in the midst of a great civil war. Until now, it has not been known to the world that this was a pos- sibility. It shov/s, also, how sound and how strong we still are. It shows that, even among candidates of the same party, he who is most devoted to the Union and most opposed to treason can receive most of the people's votes. It shows, also, to the extent yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war began. 596 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN Gold is good in its place, but living, brave, patriotic men are bet- ter than gold. But the rebellion continues, and now that the election is over, may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to save our common country ? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am deeply sensible to the high compliment of a reelection, and duly grateful, as I trust, to almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the result. May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in this same spirit toward those who have? And now let me close by asking three hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen and their gallant and skilful commanders. November 10, 1864. — Telegram to General S. G. Burbridge. Washington, D. C, November 10, 1864. Major-General Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky: I have just received a telegram from Governor Bramlette saying: " General John B. Houston, a loyal man and prominent citizen, was arrested, and, yesterdaj', started off by General Burbridge, to be sent beyond our lines by way of Catlettsburg, for no other offense than opposition to your reelection," and I have answered him as follows below, of which please take notice and report to me. A. Lincoln. Washington, D. C, November 10, 1864. Governor Bramlette, Frankfort, Kentucky : Yours of yesterday received. I can scarcely believe that General John B. Houston has been arrested " for no other offense than op- position to my reelection"; for, if that had been deemed sufficient cause of arrest, I should have heard of more than one arrest in Kentucky on election day. If, however. General Houston has been arrested for no other cause than opposition to my reelection. Gen- eral Burbridge will discharge him at once, I sending him a copy of this as an order to that effect. A. Lincoln. November 12, 1864.— Telegram to General Logan. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 12, 1864. Major-General John A. Logan, Carbondale, Illinois : Yours of to-day just received. Some days ago I forwarded, to the care of Mr. Washburne, a leave for you to visit Washington, subject only to be countermanded by General Sherman, This qual- < LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 597 ificatioD I thought was a necessary prudence for all concerned. Subject to it, you may remain at home thirty days, or come here at your own option. If, in view of maintaining your good relations with General Sherman, and of probable movements of his army, you can safely come here, I shall be very glad to see you. A. Lincoln. November 14, 1864. — Letter to General S. A. Hurlbut. (Private.) Executive Mansion, Washington, November 14, 1864. Major-General Hurlbut : Few things since I have been here have impressed me more pain- fully than what, for four or five months past, has appeared a bitter military opposition to the new State government of Louisiana. I still indulged some hope that I was mistaken in the fact; but copies of a correspondence on the subject between General Canby and yourself, and shown me to-day, dispel that hope. A very fair pro- portion of the people of Louisiana have inaugurated a new State government, making an excellent new constitution — better for the poor black man than we have in Illinois. This was done under military protection, directed by me, in the belief, still sincerely en- tertained, that with such a nucleus around which to build we could get the State into position again sooner than otherwise. In this belief a general promise of protection and support, applicable alike to Louisiana and other States, was given in the last annual mes- sage. During the formation of the new government and consti- tution they were supported by nearly every loyal person, and op- posed by every secessionist. And this support and this opposition, from the respective standpoints of the parties, was perfectly con- sistent and logical. Every Unionist ought to wish the new gov- ernment to succeed; and every disunionist must desire it to fail. Its failure would gladden the heart of Slidell in Europe, and of every enemy of the old flag in the world. Every advocate of slav- ery naturally desires to see blasted and crushed the liberty prom- ised the black man by the new Constitution. But why General Cauby and General Hurlbut should join on the same side is to me incomprehensible. Of course, in the condition of things at New Orleans, the military must not be thwarted by the civil authority; but when the Consti- tional Convention, for what it deems a breach of privilege, arrests an editor in no way connected with the military, the military neces- sity for insulting the Convention and forcibly discharging the editor is difficult to perceive. Neither is the military necessity for pro- tecting the people against paying large salaries fixed by a legisla- ture of their own choosing very apparent. Equally difficult to perceive is the military necessity for forcibly interposing to prevent a bank from loaning its own money to the State. These things, if they have occurred, are, at the best, no better than gratuitous hos- 598 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN tility. I wish I could hope that they may be shown to not have occurred. To make assurance against misunderstanding, I repeat that in the existing condition of things in Louisiana, the military must not be thwarted by the civil authority ; and I add that on points of difference the commanding general must be judge and master. But I also add that in the exercise of this judgment and control, a purpose, obvious, and scarcely una vowed, to transcend all military necessity, in order to crush out the civil government, will jjot be overlooked. Yours truly, j^ Lincoln. November 15, 1864. — Telegram to J. K. Dubois. Washington, November 15, 1864. Hon. Jesse K. Dubois, Springfield, Illinois: Yours of to-day, asking that 530 men may be assigned to the 32d Illinois, shall be attended to. You say: ^' State gone 25,000." Which way did it go? How stand the members of Congress and the other «^«^^^- A. Lincoln. November 15, 1864. — Telegram to i-oyal Governors. Washington, November 15, 1864. The Governor of Maine, Augusta, Maine: Please send, as soon as practicable, exactly, or approximately, the aggregate of votes cast in your State at the late election. It is desired with reference to the forthcoming message. A. Lincoln. November 17, 1864. — Reply to Maryland Union Committee. The President, in reply, said that he had to confess he had been duly notified of the intention to make this friendly call some days ago, and in this he had had a fair opportunity afforded to be ready with a set speech; but he had not prepared one, being too busy for that purpose. He would say, however, that he was gratified with the result of the presidential election. He had kept as near as he could to the exercise of his best judgment for the interest of the whole country, and to have the seal of approbation stamped on the course he had pursued was exceedingly grateful to his feelings. He thought he could say, in as large a sense as any other man, that his pleasure consisted in belief that the policy he had pursued was the best, if not the only one, for the safety of the country. He had said before, and now repeated, that he indulged in no feel- ing of triumph over any man who thought or acted differently from himself. He had no such feeling toward any living man. Wlien he thought of Maryland, in particular, he was of the opinion that she had more than double her share in what had occurred in the recent elections. The adoption of a free-State constitution was a LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 599 greater thing than the part taken by the people of the State in the presidential election. He would any day have stipulated to lose Maryland in the presidential election to save it by the adoption of a free-State constitution, because the presidential election comes every four years, while that is a thing which, being done, cannot be un- done. He therefore thought that in that they had a victory for the right worth a great deal more than their part in the presidential election, though of the latter he thought highly. He had once before said, but would say again, that those who have differed with us and opposed us will see that the result of the presidential election is better for their own good than if they had been successful. Thanking the committee for their compliment, he brought his brief speech to a close. November 19, 18G4. — Proclamation concerning Blockade. By the President of the United States op America: A Proclamation. Whereas, by my proclamation of the 19th of April, one thou- sand eight hundred and sixty-one, it was declared that the ports of certain States, including those of Norfolk in the State of Virginia, [and] Fernandina and Pensacola, in the State of Florida, were, for reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed under blockade ; and whereas the said ports were subsequently blockaded accordingly, but having for some time past been in the military possession of the United States, it is deemed advisable that they should be opened to domestic and foreign commerce : Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section of the act of Congress, approved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the block- ade of the said ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola shall so far cease and determine, from and after the first day of December next, that commercial intercourse with those ports, except as to per- sons, things, and information contraband of war, inay, from that time, be carried on, subject to the laws of the United States, to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which may be pre- scribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and to such military and naval regulations as are now in force, or may hereafter be found necessary. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of r 1 November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight ^ ' '^ hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. abraha^i Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 600 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN November 19, 1864. — Letter to General W. S. Rosecrans. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 19, 1864. Major-General Rosecrans : A Major Wolf, as it seems, was under sentence in your depart- ment to be executed in retaliation for the murder of a Major Wil- son, and I, without any particular knowledge of the facts, was in- duced by appeals for mercy to order the suspension of his execution till further order. Understanding that you so desire, this letter places the case again within your control, with the remark only that I wish you to do nothing merely for revenge, but that what you may do shall be solely done with reference to the security of the future. Yours truly, A.Lincoln. November 21, 1864. — Telegram to A. R. Wright. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864. Hon. a. R. Wright, Louisville, Kentucky : Admitting that your cotton was destroyed by the Federal army, I do not suppose anything could be done for you now. Congress has appropriated no money for that class of claims, and will not, I ex- pect, while the active war lasts. ^ Lincoln November 21, 1864. — Letter to Mrs. Bixby. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864. Mrs. Bixby, Boston, Massachusetts. Dear Madam : I have been shown in the files of the War Depart- ment a statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that you are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be foimd in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom. Yours very sincerely and respectfully, Abraham Lincoln. November 21, 1864. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864. Hon. Secretary of War. My dear Sir : 1 now propose that Smithson and Yocum, respec- tively, be enlarged, allowing their sentences to stand as security for LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 601 their good behavior — that is, not pardon them, but if they misbe- have, re-arrest and imprison them on the old score. Also, I think if Waring's premises down in Maryland are [not] in use by the government, he and his family might be allowed to re-occupy them. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. November 21, 1861. — Letter to J. Phillips. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864. Deacon John Phillips. M)/ dear Sir : I have heard of the incident at the polls in your L()wn, in which you acted so honorable a part, and I take the liberty of writing to you to express my personal gratitude for the compli- ment paid me by the suffrage of a citizen so venerable. The example of such devotion to civic duties in one whose days have already been extended an average lifetime beyond the Psalm- ist's limit, cannot but be valuable and fruitful. It is not for myself only, but for the country which you have in your sphere served so long and so well, that I thank you. Your friend and servant, Abraham Lincoln. November 22, 1864.— Telegram to Governor Bramlette. Washington, D. C, November 22, 1864. Governor Bramlette, Frankfort, Kentucky: Yours of to-day received. It seems that Lieutenant-Governor Jacobs and Colonel Wolford are stationary now. General Sudarth and Mr. Hodges are here, and the Secretary of War and myself are trying to devise means of pacification and" harmony for Kentucky, which we hope to effect soon, now that the passion-exciting subject of the election is past. A, Lincoln. November 25, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Curtin. Washington, D. C, November 25, 1864. Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: I have no knowledge, information, or belief, that three States, or any State, offer to resume allegiance. . t •^ ^ A. Lincoln. November 26, 1864. — Letter to General N. P. Banks. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 26, 1864. • Major- General Banks : I had a full conference this morning with the Secretary of War in relation to yourself. The conclusion is that it will be*^ best for 602 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN all if you proceed to New Orleans and act there in obedience to your order ; and, in doing which, having continued, say, one month, if it shall then, as now, be your wish to resign, your resignation will be accepted. Please take this course. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. November 29, 1864. — Telegram to Governor Stone. Executive Mansion, Washington, November 29, 1864. Governor op Iowa, Des Moines : May I renew my request for the exact aggregate vote of your State, cast at the late election? My object fails if I do not receive it before Congress meets. A. Lincoln. Same to the Governors of Michigan, Wisconsin, Missouri, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Kansas, and West Virginia. December 1, 1864. — Telegram to James Speed. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 1, 1864. Hon. James Speed, Louisville, Kentucky : I appoint you to be Attorney-General. Please come on at once. A. Lincoln. December 1, 1864. — Telegrams to Governor Johnson. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 1, 1864. Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : I am applied to for the release of Alexander B. Kinney, John P. Car- ter, and Samuel A. Owens. Your name, commending their applica- tion to favorable consideration, is on the papers. If you will say directly that you think they ought to be discharged, I will discharge them. Answer. A. Lincoln. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 1, 1864. His Excellency Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : In the cases of Alexander B. Kinney, John P. Carter, and Samuel A. Owens, Colonel William B. Stokes has recommended the release of all three. His recommendation is on file here. A. Lincoln. December 2, 1864.— Letter to General N. P. Banks. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 2, 1864. Major-General Banks : I know you are dissatisfied, which pains me very much, but I wish not to be argued with further. I entertain no abatement of con- LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 603 fidence or friendship for you. I have told you why I cannot order General Canby from the Department of the Gulf — that he whom I must hold responsible for military results is not agreed. Yet I do believe that you, of all men, can best perform the part of advanc- ing the new State government of Louisiana, and therefore I have wished you to go and try, leaving it to yourself to give up the trial at the end of a month if you find it impracticable, or personally too disagreeable. This is certainly meant in no unkindness, but I wish to avoid further struggle about it. Yours truly, » Lincoln December 3, 1864. — Memorandoti. On Thursday of last week, two ladies from Tennessee came before the President, asking the release of their husbands held as prisoners of war at Johnson's Island. They were put off until Friday, when they came again, and were again put off until Saturday. At each of the interviews one of the ladies urged that her husband was a reli- gious mau, and on Saturday the President ordered the release of the prisoners, when he said to this lady: "You say your husband is a religious man ; tell him when you meet him, that I say I am not much of a judge of religion, but that, in my opinion, the religion that sets men to rebel and fight against their government, because, as they think, that government does not sufficiently help some men to eat their bread in the sweat of other men's faces, is not the sort of religion upon which people can get to heaven." . Lincoln December 5, 1864. — Message to Congress. To the Sfnate and House of Representatives : In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, 1 most cordially recommend that Captain John A. Winslow, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks from Congress for the skill and gallantry exhibited by him in the brilliant action whilst in command of the United States steamer Kearsarge, which led to the total destruction of the piratical craft Alal)ama, on the 19th of June, 1864, a vessel superior in tonnage, superior in number of guns, and superior in number of crew. This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with the requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is in the following words, viz. : That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one grade, if, upon recommendation by the President by name he receives the thanks of Congi-ess for hic:hly distinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, or for extraordinary heroism in the Hue of his profession. Washington, December 5, 1864. Abraham Lincoln. December 5, 1864. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives: In conformity to the law of [the] 16th of July, 1862, I most cordially recommend 604 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN that Lieutenant William B, Cusliing, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks from Congress for his important, gallant, and peril- ous achievement in destroying the rebel iron-clad steamer Albemarle, on the night of the 27th of October, 1864, at Plymouth, North Carolina. The destruction of so formidable a vessel, which had resisted the continued attacks of a number of our vessels on former occasions, is an important event touching our future naval and military operations, and would reflect honor on any ofificer, and redounds to the credit of this young officer and the few brave com- rades who assisted in this successful and daring undertaking. This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with the requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is in the following words, viz.: That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one grade, if, upon recommendation of the President by name he receives the thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, December 5, 1864. December 6, 1864. — Annual Message to Congress. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Again the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim our profoundest gratitude to almighty God. The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory. Mexico continues to be a theater of civil war. While our political relations with that country have undergone no change, we have, at the same time, strictly maintained neutrality between the bellig- erents. At the request of the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, a competent engineer has been authorized to make a survey of the River San Juan and the port of San Juan. It is a source of much satisfaction that the difficulties which for a moment excited some political apprehensions and caused a closing of the interoceanic transit route, have been amicably adjusted, and that there is a good prospect that the route will soon be reopened with an increase of capacity and adaptation. We could not exaggerate either the com- mercial or the political importance of that great improvement. It would be doing injustice to an important South American State not to acknowledge the directness, frankness, and cordiality with which the United States of Colombia have entered into intimate relations with this government. A claims convention has been constituted to complete the unfinished work of the one which closed its session in 1861. The new liberal constitution of Venezuela having gone into effect with the universal acquiescence of the people, the government under it has been recognized, and diplomatic intercourse with it has been opened in a cordial and friendly spirit. The long-deferred Aves Island claim has been satisfactorily paid and discharged. Mutual payments have been made of the claims awarded by the LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 605 late joint commission for the settlement of claims between the United States and Peru. An earnest and cordial friendship continues to exist between the two countries, and such efforts as were in my power have been used to remove misunderstanding, and avert a threatened war between Peru and Spain. Our relations are of the most friendly nature with Chili, the Argen- tine Republic, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador, and Hayti. During the past year no differences of any kind have arisen with any of these republics, and on the other hand, their sympathies with the United States are constantly expressed with cordiahty and earnestness. The claim arising from the seizure of the cargo of the brig Mace- donian in 1821 has been paid in full by the Government of Chili. Civil war continues in the Spanish part of San Domingo, appa- rently without prospect of an early close. Official correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and it gives us a pleasing view of social and political progress in that republic. It may be expected to derive new vigor from American influence, improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the United States. I solicit your authority to furnish to the republic a gunboat, at moderate cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by instal- ments. Such a vessel is needed for the safety of that State against the native African races, and in Liberian hands it would be more effective in arresting the African slave-trade than a squadron in our own hands. The possession of the least organized naval force would stimulate a generous ambition in the republic, and the confidence which we should manifest by furnishing it would win forbearance and favor toward the colony from all civilized nations. The proposed overland telegraph between America and Europe, by the way of Behring's Straits and Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by Congress at the last session, has been undertaken, un- der very favorable circumstances, b}^ an association of American citizens, with the cordial good-will and support as well of this gov- ernment as of those of Great Britain and Russia. Assurances have been received from most of the South American States of their high appreciation of the enterprise and their readiness to cooperate in constructing lines tributary to that world-encircling communication. I learn with much satisfaction that the noble design of a telegraphic communication between the eastern coast of America and Great Britain has been renewed, with full expectation of its early accom- plishment. Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic peace the country will be able to resume with energy and advantage its former high career of commerce and civilization. Our very popular and estimable representative in Egypt died in April last. An unpleasant altercation which arose between the temporary incumbent of the office and the government of the Pasha, resulted in a suspension of intercourse. The evil was promptly cor- rected on the arrival of the successor in the consulate, and our rela- 606 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN tions with Egypt, as well as our relations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely satisfactory. The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in China has at last been suppressed with the cooperating good offices of this government and of the other western commercial States. The judicial consular establishment there has become very difficult and onerous, and it will need legislative revision to adapt it to the extension of our com- merce and to the more intimate intercourse which has been insti- tuted with the government and people of that vast empire. China seems to be accepting with hearty good-will the conventional laws which regulate commercial and social intercourse among the west- ern nations. Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan and the anomalous form of its government, the action of that empire in performing treaty stipulations is inconstant and capricious. Never- theless, good progress has l^een effected by the western powers mov- ing with enlightened concert. Our own pecuniary claims have been allowed or put in course of settlement, and the inland sea has been reopened to commerce. There is reason also to believe that these proceedings have increased rather than diminished the friendship of Japan toward the United States. The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have been opened by proclamation. It is hoped that foreign merchants will now consider whether it is not safer and more profitable to them- selves, as well as just to the United States, to resort to these and other open ports, than it is to pursue, through many hazards, and at vast cost, a contraband trade with other ports which are closed, if not by actual military occupation, at least by a lawful and effective blockade. For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty of the execu- tive, under the law of nations, to exclude enemies of the human race from an asylum in the United States. If Congress should think that proceedings in such cases lack the authority of law, or ought to be further regulated by it, I recommend that provision be made for effectually preventing foreign slave-traders from acquiring domicile and facilities for their criminal occupation in our country. It is possible that if it were a new and open question, the mari- time powers, with the lights they now enjoy, would not concede the privileges of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the United States, destitute as they are, and always have been, equally of ships- of-war and of ports and harbors. Disloyal emissaries have been neither less assiduous nor more successful during the last year than they were before that time in their efforts, under favor of that privi- lege, to embroil our country in foreign wars. The desire and de- termination of the governments of the maritime States to defeat that design are believed to be as sincere as, and cannot be more earnest than, our own. Nevertheless, unforeseen political difficulties have arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports, and on the north- ern boundary of the United States, which have required, and are likely to continue to require, the practice of constant vigilance and a just and conciliatory spirit on the part of the United States, as well as of the nations concerned and their governments. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 607 Commissioners have been appointed, under the treaty with Great Britain, on the adjustment of the claims of the Hudson's Bay and Puget's Sound Agricultural Companies in Oregon, and are now proceeding to the execution of the trust assigned to them. In view of the insecurity of life and property in the region adja- cent to the Canadian border, by reason of recent assaults and dep- redations committed by inimical and desperate persons who are harbored there, it has been thought proper to give notice that after the expiration of six months, the period conditionally stipulated in the existing arrangement with Great Britain, the United States must hold themselves at liberty to increase their naval armament upon the lakes if they shall find that proceeding necessary. The condition of the border will necessarily come into consideration in connection with the question of continuing or modifying the rights of transit from Canada through the United States, as well as the regulation of imposts, which were temporarily established by the Reciprocity Treaty of the 5th of June, 1854/ I desire, however, to be understood while making this statement, that the colonial authorities of Canada are not deemed to be inten- tionally unjust or unfriendly toward the United States ; but, on the contrary, there is every reason to expect that, with the approval of the Imperial Government, they will take the necessary measures to prevent new incursions across the border. The act passed at the last session for the encouragement of immi- gration has, so far as was possible, been put in operation. It seems to need amendment which will enable the officers of the government to prevent the practice of frauds against the immigrants while on their way and on their arrival in the ports, so as to secure them here a free choice of avocations and places of settlement. A liberal disposition toward this great national policy is manifested by most of the European States, and ought to be reciprocated on our part by giving the immigrants effective national protection. I regard our immigrants as one of the principal replenishing streams which are appointed by Providence to repair the ravages of internal war, and its wastes of national strength and health. All that is neces- sary is to secure the flow of that stream in its present fullness, and to that end the government must, in every way, make it manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary military service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot in our country. The financial affairs of the government have been successfully administered during the last year. The legislation of the last ses- sion of Congress has beneficially affected the revenues, although suf- ficient time has not yet elapsed to experience the full effect of several of the provisions of the acts of Congress imposing increased taxation. The receipts during the year, from all sources, upon the basis of warrants signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, including loans and the balance in the treasury on the first day of July, 1863, were $1,394,796,007.62, aiul the aggregate disbursements, upon the same basis, were $1,298,056,101.89, leaving a balance in the treasurv, as shown by warrants, of $96,739,905.73. 608 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Deduct from these amounts the amount of the principal of the public debt redeemed, and the amount of issues in substitution therefor, and the actual cash operations of the treasury were : re- ceipts, $884,076,646.57 ; disbursements, $865,234,087.86, which leaves a cash balance in the treasury of $18,842,558.71. Of the receipts, there were derived from customs, $102,316,152.99 ; from lands, $588,333.29 ; from direct taxes, $475,648.96 ; from inter- nal revenue, $109,741,134.10 ; from miscellaneous sources, $47,511,- 448.10 ; and from loans applied to actual expenditures, including former balance, $623,443,929.13. There were disbursed for the civil service, $27,505,599.46; for pensions and Indians, $7,517,930.97 ; for the War Department, $690,791,842.97 ; for the Navy Department, $85,733,292.77 ; for in- terest on the public debt, $53,685,421.69, — making an aggregate of $865,234,087.86, and leaving a balance in the treasury of $18,842,- 558.71, as before stated. For the actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter, and the estimated receipts and disbursements for the three remain- ing quarters of the current fiscal year, and the general operations of the treasury in detail, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. I concur with him in the opinion that the pro- portion of moneys required to meet the expenses consequent upon the war derived from taxation should be still further in- creased ; and I earnestly invite your attention to this subject, to the end that there may be such additional legislation as shall be re- jquired to meet the just expectations of the Secretary. ----,-— The public debt on the first day of July last, as appears by the books of the treasury, amounted to $1,740,690,489.49. Probably, should the war continue for another year, that amount mciy be increased by not far from $500,000,000. Held as it is, for the most part, by our own people, it has become a substantial branch of national though private property. For obvious reasons, the more nearly this property can be distributed among all the people, the better. To favor such general distribution, greater induce- ments to become owners might, perhaps, with good effect, and without injury, be presented to persons of limited means. With this view, I suggest whether it might not be both competent and ex- pedient for Congress to provide that a limited amount of some future issue of public securities might be held by any bona-fide pur- chaser exempt from taxation, and from seizure for debt under such restrictions and limitations as might be necessary to guard against abuse of so important a privilege. This would enable every pru- dent person to set aside a small annuity against a possible day of want. Privileges like these would render the possession of such secur- ities, to the amount limited, most desirable to every person of small means who might be able to save enough for tlie purpose. The great advantage of citizens being creditors as well as debtors, with relation to the public debt, is obvious. Men readily perceive that they cannot be much oppressed by a debt which ttiey owe to themselves. . LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 609 The public debt on the first day of July last, although somewhat exceeding the estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury made to Congress at the commencement of the last session, falls sliort of the estimate of that officer made in the preceding December, as to its probable amount at the beginning of this year, by the sum of $3,995,097.31. This fact exhibits a satisfactory condition and con- duct of the operations of the treasury. •>„_-— -v f"~TYie national banking system is proving to be acceptable to ] capitalists and to the people. On the twenty-fifth day of Novem- I ber 584 national banks had been organized, a considerable number of which were conversions from State banks. Changes from State systems to the national system are rapidly taking place, and it is hoped that very soon there will be in the United States no banks of issue not authorized by Congress, and no bank-note circulation not secured by the government. That the government and the people will derive great benefit from this change in the banking systems of the country, can hardly be questioned. The national system will create a reliable and permanent influence in support of the national credit, and protect the people against losses in the use of paper money. Whether or not any further legislation is advisable for the suppression of State bank issues, it will be for Congress to deter- mine. It seems quite clear that the treasury cannot be satisfac- torily conducted unless the government can exercise a restraining power over the bank-note circulation of the country. -^The report of the Secretary of War and the accompanying documents will detail the campaigns of the armies in the field since the date of the last annual message, and also the operations of the several administrative bureaus of the War Department during the last year. It will also specify the measures deemed essential for the national defense, and to keep up and supply the requisite military force. The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a comprehensive and satisfactory exhibit of the affairs of that department and of the naval service. It is a subject of congratulation and laudable pride to our countrymen that a navy of such vast proportions has been organized in so brief a period, and conducted with so much efficiency and success. The general exhil)it of the navy, including vessels under construction on the 1st of December, 1864, shows a total of 671 vessels, carrying 4610 guns, and 510,396 tons, being an actual increase during the year, over and above all losses by shipwreck or in battle, of 83 vessels, 167 guns, and 42,427 tons. The total number of men at this time in the naval service, includ- ing officers, is about 51,000. There have been captured by the navy during the year, 324 ves- sels, and the whole number of naval captures since hostilities com- menced is 1379, of which 267 are steamei's. The gross proceeds arising from the sale of condemned prize property thus far reported amounts to $14,396,250.51. A large amount of such proceeds is still under adjudication and yet to be reported. The total expenditure of the Navy Department of every descrip- VoL. II.— 39. 610 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN tion, including the cost of the immense squadrons that have been called into existence from the 4th of March, 1861, to the 1st of November, 1864, is $238,647,262.35. Your favorable consideration is invited to the various recom- mendations of the Secretary of the Navy, especially in regard to a navy-yard and suitable establishment for the construction and re- pair of iron vessels, and the machinery and armature for our ships, to which reference was made in my last annual message. Your attention is also invited to the views expressed in the re- port in relation to the legislation of Congress, at its last session, in respect to prize on our inland waters. I cordially concur in the recommendations of the Secretary as to the propriety of creating the new rank of vice-admiral in our naval service. Your attention is invited to the report of the Postmaster-General for a detailed account of the operations and financial condition of the Post-office Department. The postal revenues for the year ending June 30, 1864, amounted to $12,438,253.78, and the expenditures to $12,644,786.20 ; the ex- cess of expenditures over receipts being $206,532.42. The views presented by the Postmaster-General on the subject of special grants by the government, in aid of the establishment of new lines of ocean mail steamships, and the policy he recommends for the development of increased commercial intercourse with ad- jacent and neighboring countries, should receive the careful con- sideration of Congress. It is of noteworthy interest that the steady expansion of popula- tion, improvement, and governmental institutions over the new and unoccupied portions of our country have scarcely been checked, much less impeded or destroyed, by our great civil war, which at first glance would seem to have absorbed almost the entire energies of the nation. The organization and admission of the State of Nevada has been completed in conformity with law, and thus our excellent system is firmly established in the mountains which once seemed a barren and uninhabitable waste between the Atlantic States and those which have grown up on the coast of the Pacific Ocean. The Territories of the Union are generally in a condition of prosperity and rapid growth. Idaho and Montana, by reason of their great distance and the interruption of communication with them by Indian hostilities, have been only partially organized ; but it is understood that these difficulties are about to disappear, which will permit their governments, like those of the others, to go into speedy and full operation. As intimately connected with and promotive of this material growth of the nation, I ask the attention of Congress to the valuable information and important recommendations relating to the public lands, Indian affairs, the Pacific Railroad, and mineral discoveries contained in the report of the Secretary of the Interior, which is herewith transmitted, and which report also embraces the subjects of patents, pensions, and other topics of public interest pertaining LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 611 to his department. The quantity of public land disposed of during the five quarters ending on the 30th of September last was 4,221,- 342 acres, of which 1,538,614 acres were entered under the home- stead law. The remainder was located with military land warrants, agricultural scrip certified to States for railroads, and sold for cash. The cash received from sales and location fees was $1,019,446. The income from sales during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1864, was $678,007.21, against $136,077.95 received during the pre- ceding year. The aggregate number of acres surveyed during the year has been equal to the quantity disposed of, and there is open to settlement about 133,000,000 acres of surveyed land. The great enterprise of connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific States by railways and telegraph lines has been entered upon with a vigor that gives assurance of success, notwithstanding the embar- rassments arising from the prevailing high prices of materials and labor. The route of the main line of the road has been definitely located for one hundred miles westward from the initial point at Omaha City, Nebraska, and a preliminary location of the Pacific Railroad of California has been made from Sacramento, eastward, to the great bend of Truckee River, in Nevada. Numerous discoveries of gold, silver, and cinnabar mines have been added to the many heretofore known, and the country occu- pied by the Sierra Nevada and Rocky Mountains and the subordi- nate ranges now teems with enterprising labor which is richly remunerative. It is believed that the product of the mines of pre- cious metals in that region has, during the year, reached, if not ex- ceeded, $100,000,000 in value. It was recommended in my last annual message that our Indian system be remodeled. Congress, at its last session, acting upon the recommendation, did provide for reorganizing the system in Cali- fornia, and it is believed that under the present organization the management of the Indians there will be attended with reasonable success. Much yet remains to be done to provide for the proper government of the Indians in other parts of the country, to render it secure for the advancing settler and to provide for the welfare of the Indian. The Secretary reiterates his recommendations, and to them the attention of Congress is invited. The liberal provisions made by Congress for paying pensions to invalid soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and to the widows, or- phans, and dependent mothers of those who have fallen in battle, or died of disease contracted, or of wounds received, in the service of their country, have been diligently administered. There have been added to the pension-rolls, during the year end- ing the thirtieth day of June last, the names of 16,770 invalid sol- diers, and of 271 disabled seamen ; making the present number of army invalid pensioners, 22,767, and of navy invalid pensioners, 712. Of widows, orphans, and mothers, 22,198 have been placed on the army pension-rolls, and 248 on the navy-rolls. The present number of army pensioners of this class is 25,433, and of navy pension- ers, 793. At the beginning of the year, the number of Revolu- tionary pensioners was 1430 ; only twelve of them were soldiers, of 612 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN ^ whom seven have since died. The remainder are those who under the hxw receive pensions because of relationship to Revolutionary soldiers. During the year ending the 30th of June, 1864, $4,504,- 616.92 have been paid to pensioners of all classes. I cheerfully commend to your continued patronage the benevolent institutions of the District of Columbia, which have hitherto been established or fostered by Congress, and respectfully refer for infor- mation concerning them, and in relation to the Washington aque- duct, the Capitol, and other matters of local interest, to the report of the Secretary. The Agricultural Department, under the supervision of its present energetic and faithful head, is rapidly commending itself to the great and vital interest it was created to advance. It is peculiarly the peo- ple's department, in which they feel more directly concerned than in any other. I commend it to the continued attention and fostering care of Congress. The war continues. Since the last annual message, all the impor- tant lines and positions then occupied by our forces have been main- tained, and our arms have steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left in rear ; so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other States have again produced reasonably fair crops. The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the year is Greneral Sherman's attempted march of three hundred miles, directly through the insurgent region. It tends to show a great in- crease of our relative strength, that our general-in-chief should feel able to confront and hold in check every active force of the enemy, and yet to detach a well-appointed large army to move on such an expedition. The result not yet being known, conjecture in regard to it is not here indulged. Important movements have also occurred during the year to the effect of molding society for durability in the Union. Although short of complete success, it is much in the right direction that 12,000 citizens in each of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State governments, with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to maintain and administer them. The move- ments in the same direction, more extensive though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee, should not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the example of complete success. Maryland is secure to liberty and Union for all the future. The genius of rebel- lion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit, being driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no more. At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the Constitution, abolishing slavery throughout the United States, passed the Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of Representatives. Although the present is the same Con- gress, and nearly the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session. Of course the abstract question is not changed, but an intervening election shows, almost certainly, that the next Con- gress will pass the measure if this does not. Hence there is only a LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 613 question of time as to when the proposed amendment will go to the States for their action. And as it is to so go, at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes any further than as an additional element to be con- sidered, their judgment may be affected by it. It is the voice of the people now for the first time heard upon the question. In a great national crisis like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very desirable — almost indispensable. And yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority, simply because it is the will of the majority. In this case the common end is the maintenance of the Union, and among the means to secure that end, such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of such constitutional amendment. The most reliable indication of public pnrpose in this country is derived through our popular elections. Judging by the recent can- vass and its result, the purpose of the people within the loyal States to maintain the integrity of the Union, was never more firm nor more nearly unanimous than now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls- give strong assurance of this. Not only all those who supported the Union ticket, so called, but a great majority of the opposing party also, may be fairly claimed to entertain, and to be actuated by, the same purpose. It is an unanswerable argument to this effect, that no candidate for any office whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union. There has been much impugning of motives, and much heated con- troversy as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause ; but on the distinct issue of Union or no Union the politicians have shown their instinctive knr)wledge that there is no diversity among the people. In affording the people the fair oppor- tunity of showing one to another and to the world this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the national cause. The election has exhibited another fact, not less valuable to be known — the fact that we do not approach exhaustion in the most important branch of national resources — that of living men. While it is melancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many graves, and carried mourning to so many hearts, it is some relief to know that compared with the surviving, the fallen have been so few. While corps, and divisions, and brigades, and regiments have formed, and fought, and dwindled, and gone out of existence, a great majority of the men who composed them are still living. The same is true of the naval service. The election returns prove this. So many voters could not else be found. The States regulai'ly holding elections, both now and four years ago — to w4t: California, Connecticut, Dela- ware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massa- chusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin — cast 3,982,011 votes now, 614 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN against 3,870,222 cast then; showing an aggregate now of 3,982,011, To this is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new States of Kansas and Nevada, which States did not vote in 1860; thus swelling the aggregate to 4,015,773, and the net increase during the three years and a half of war, to 145,551. A table is appended, showing par- ticulars. To this again should be added the number of all soldiers in the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Dela- ware, Indiana, Illinois, and California, who by the laws of those States could not vote away from their homes, and which number can- not be less than 90,000. Nor yet is this all. The number in organ- ized Territories is triple now what it was four years ago, while thousands, white and black, join us as the national arms press back the insurgent lines. So much is shown, affirmatively and negatively, by the election. It is not material to inquire how the increase has been produced, or to show that it would have been greater but for the war, which is probably true. The important fact remains demonstrated that we have more men now than we had when the war began; that we are not exhausted, nor in process of exhaustion; that we are gaining strength, and may, if need be, maintain the contest indefinitely. This as to men. Material resources are now more complete and abundant than ever. The national resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe, inexhaustible. The public purpose to reestablish and maintain the national authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchangeable. The manner of continuing the effort remains to choose. On care- ful consideration of all the evidence accessible, it seems to me that no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in any good. He would accept nothing short of sevei-ance of the Union — precisely what we will not and cannot give. His declara- tions to this effect are explicit and oft repeated. He does not at- tempt to deceive us. He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. He cannot voluntarily re-accept the Union ; we cannot voluntarily yield it. Between him and us the issue is distinct, simple, and inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried by war, and decided by victory. If we yield, we are beaten ; if the Southern people fail him, he is beaten. Either way it would be the victory and defeat following war. What is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause, is not necessarily true of those who follow. Although he cannot re- accept the Union, they can. Some of them, we know, already desire peace and reunion. The number of such may increase. They can at any moment have peace simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the national authority under the Constitu- tion. After so much the government could not, if it would, main- tain war against them. The loyal people would not sustain or allow it. If questions should remain, we would adjust them by the peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts, and votes, operat- ing only in constitutional and lawful channels. Some certain, and other possible, questions are, and would be, beyond the executive power to adjust; as, for instance, the admission of members into LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 615 Congress, and whatever might require the appropriation of money. The executive power itself woukl be greatly diminished by the cessation of actual war. Pardons and remissions of foi-feitures, however, would still be within executive control. In what spirit and temper this control would be exercised, can be fairly judged of by the past. A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, were offered to all except certain designated classes, and it was a^- the same time made known that the excepted classes were stil within contemplation of special clemency. During the year manj availed themselves of the general provision, and many more would only that the signs of bad faith in some led to such precautionary, measures as rendered the practical process less easy and certain. During the same time, also, special pardons have been granted to individuals of the excepted classes, and no voluntary application has been denied. Thus, practically, the door has been for a full year open to all, except such as were not in condition to make free choice — that is, such as were in custody or under constraint. It is still so open to all; but the time may come — probably will come — when public duty shall demand that it be closed ; and that in lieu more rigorous measures than heretofore shall be adopted. In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the government, I retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year ago, that "while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclama- tion, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress." If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an executive duty to reenslave such persons, another, and not I, must be theii" instrument to perform it. In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say, that the war wUl cease on the part of the government whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it. Abraham Lincoln. December 6, 1864. December 6, 1864. — Response to a Serenade. Friends and Fellow-citizens : I believe I shall never be old enough to speak without embarrassment when I have nothing to talk about. I have no good news to tell you, and yet I have no bad news to tell. We have talked of elections until there is nothing more to say about them. The most interesting news we now have is from Sherman. We all know where he went in, but I can't tell where he will come out. I will now close by proposing three cheers for General Sherman and his army. 616 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN December 6, 1864.— = Nomination op Chief Justice Chase. Washington, D. C, December 6, 1864. To the Senate of the United States: I nominate Sabiion P. Chase, of Ohio, to be Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, vice Roger B. Taney deceased. Abraham Lincoln. December 12, 1864. — Letter to General E. R. S. Canby. Executive Mansion. Washington, December 12, 1864. Major-GtENeral Canby : I think it is probable that you are laboring under some misappre- hension as to the purpose, or rather the motive, of the government on two points — cotton, and the new Louisiana State government. It is conceded that the military operations are the first in im- portance ; and as to what is indispensable to these operations, the department commander must be judge and master. But the other matters mentioned I suppose to be of public im- portance also ; and what I have attempted in regard to them is not merely a concession to private interest and pecuniary greed. As to cotton. By the external blockade, the price is made cer- tainly six times as great as it was. And yet the enemy gets through at least one-sixth part as much in a given period, say a year, as if there were no blockade, and receives as much for it as he would for a full crop in time of peace. The effect, in substance, is, that we give him six ordinary crops without the trouble of producing any but the first ; and at the same time leave his fields and his laborers free to produce provisions. You know how this keeps up his armies at home and procures supplies from abroad. For other reasons we cannot give up the blockade, and hence it becomes immensely im- portant to us to get the cotton away from him. Better give him guns for it than let him, as now, get both guns and ammunition for it. But even this only presents part of the public interest to get out cotton. Our finances are greatly involved in the matter. The way cotton goes now carries so much gold out of the country as to leave us paper currency only, and that so far depreciated as that for every hard dollar's worth of supplies we obtain, we contract to jiay two and a half hard dollars hereafter. This is much to be regretted; and, while I believe we can live through it, at all events it demands an earnest effort on the part of all to correct it. And if pecuniary greed can be made to aid us in such effort, let us be thankful that so much good can be got out of pecuniary greed. As to the new State government of Louisiana. Most certainly there is no worthy object in getting up a piece of machinery merely to pay salaries and give political consideration to certain men. But it is a worthy object to again get Louisiana into proper practical re- lations with the nation, and we can never finish this if we never be- gin it. Much good work is already done, and surely nothing can be gained by throwing it away. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 617 I do uot wish either cotton or the new State government to take precedence of the military while the necessity for the military re- mains ; but there is a strong public reason for treating each with so much favor as may not be substantially detriment al to the military. Allow me a word of explanation in regard to the telegram which you kindly forwarded to Adnnral Farragut for me. That telegram was prompted by a piece of secret information in- ducing me to suspect that the use of a forged paper might be at- tempted on the admiral, in order to base a claim that we had raised our own blockade. I am happy in the hope that you are almost well of your late and severe wound. Yours very truly, j^ Lincoln. December 13, 1864.— Telegram to General L. Wallace. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 13, 1864. Major-General Wallace, Baltimore, Maryland : Do not send Levin L. Waters and the judges away until further order ; and send me at once a statement of the cause or causes for which they are dealt with, ^ Lincoln December 13, 1864. — Telegram to General G. M. Dodge. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 13, 1864. Major-General Dodge, St. Louis, Missouri : Please suspend the sending South of Mrs. Nancy H. Thompson, wife of Gideon H. Thompson, of Platte County, Missouri, but now in the rebel army, until further order; and in the mean time ascer- tain and report to me whether there is anything, and what, against her, except that her husband is a rebel. ^ Lincoln December 16, 1864.— Telegram to General G. H. Thomas. Washington, D. C, December 16, 1864. 11.30 a. m. Major-General Thomas, Nashville, Tennessee : Please accept for yourself, officers, and men, the nation's thanks for your good work of yesterday. You made a magnificent begin- ning; a grand consummation is within your easy reach. Do uot let it slip. j^ Lincoln. December 19, 1864.— Call for 300,000 Volunteers. By the President op the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas, by the act approved July 4, 1864, entitled "An act further to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out the 618 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN national forces, and for other purposes/' it is provided that the President of the United States may, " at his discretion, at any time hereafter, call for any number of men as volunteers for the respec- tive terms of one, two, and three years, for military service," and '' that in case the quota, or any part thereof, of any town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of any county not so subdivided, shall not be filled within the space of fifty days after such call, then the President shall immediately order a draft for one year to fill such quota, or any part thereof which may be unfilled." And whereas, by the credits allowed in accordance with the act of Congress, on the call for 500,000 men, made July 18, 1864, the num- ber of men to be obtained under that call was reduced to 280,000 ; and whereas the operations of the enemy in certain States have rendered it impracticable to procure from them their full quotas of troops under said call; and whereas, from the foregoing causes but 240,000 men have been put into the army, navy, and marine corps under the said call of July 18, 1864, leaving a deficiency on that call of 260,000 ; Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, in order to supply the aforesaid deficiency, and to provide for casualties in the military and naval service of the United States, do issue this my call for 300,000 volunteers to serve for one, two, or three years. The quotas of the States, districts, and subdistricts, under this call, will be assigned by the War De- partment, through the Bureau of the Provost-Marshal-General of the United States, and "in case the quota, or any part thereof, of any town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of any county not so subdivided, shall not be filled" before the fif- teenth day of February, 1865, then a draft shall be made to fill such quota, or any part thereof, under this call, which may be unfilled on said fifteenth day of February, 1865. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of r n December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- L -I dred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : Willia]\i H. Seward, Secretary of State. December 19, 1864. — Telegrams to General L. Wallace. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 19, 1864. Major-General Wallace: Several days ago I sent you a despatch directing that one Waters and two oth^ers should not be sent away immediately, and ask- ing you to send me a statement of the cause or causes of your ac- tion in regard to them. I have received nothing from you on the subject. May I again ask for such a statement, and also where the men now are? A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 619 Executive Mansion, Washington, December 19, 1864. Major-General Wallace, Baltimore, Maryland : To whom were the reports sent? I have not received them. A. Lincoln. December 19, 1864.— Letter to Soldiers' Fair at Springfield, Massachusetts. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 19, 1864. To the Ladies Managing the. Soldiers' Fair at Springfield, Massachusetts: Your kind invitation to be present at the opening of your fair is duly received by the hand of Mr. Ashmun. Grateful for the compli- ment, and ever anxious to aid the good cause in which you are engaged, I yet am compelled, by public duties here, to decline. The recent good news from Generals Sherman, Thomas, and, indeed, from nearly all quarters, will be far better than my presence, and will afford all the impulse and enthusiasm you will need. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. December 19, 1864. — Letter to J. H. Choate. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 19, 1864. Joseph H. Choate, Esq. 3Iy dear Sir : 1 have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your kind invitation to be present at the annual festival of the New England Society to commemorate the landing of the Pilgrims, on Thursday, the 22d of this month. My duties will not allow me to avail myself of your kindness. I cannot but congratulate you and the country, however, upon the spectacle of devoted unanimity presented by the people at home, the citizens that form our marching columns, and the citizens that fill our squadrons on the sea, all animated by the same determination to complete the work our fathers began and transmitted. The work of the Plymouth emigrants was the glory of their age. While we reverence their memory, let us not forget how vastly greater is our opportunity. I am, very truly, Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. December 21,1864. — Letters to General B. F. Butler. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 21, 1864. Major-General Butler: On the 9th of August last, I began to write you a letter, the in- closed being a copy of so much as I then wrote. So far as it goes it embraces the views I then entertained and still entertain. 620 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN A little relaxation of complaints made to me on the subject, occurring about that time, the letter was not finished and sent. I now learn, correctly I suppose, that you have ordered an election, similar to the one mentioned, to take place on the eastern shore of Virginia. Let this be suspended at least until conference with me and obtaining my approval. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. [Inclosnre.] Executive Mansion, Washington, August 9, 1864. Major-General Butler: Your paper of the about Norfolk matters, is received, as also was your other, on the same general subject, dated, I believe, some time in February last. This subject has caused considerable trouble, forcing me to give a good deal of time and reflection to it. I regret that crimination and recrimination are mingled in it. I surely need not to assure you that I have no doubt of your loyalty and devoted patriotism -, and I nnist tell you that I have no less confidence in those of Governor Pierj)oint and the Attorney-General. The former — at first as the loyal governor of all Virginia, including that which is now West Virginia, in organizing and furnishing troops, and in all other proper matters — was as earnest, honest, and efficient to the extent of his means as any other loyal governor. The inauguration of West Virginia as a new State left to him, as he assumed, the remainder of the old State ; and the insignificance of the parts which are outside of the rebel lines, and consequently within his reach, certainly gives a somewhat farcical air to his do- minion, and I suppose he, as well as I, has considered that it could be useful for little else than as a nucleus to add to. The Attorney- General only needs to be known to be relieved from all question as to loyalty and thorough devotion to the national cause, constantly restraining as he does my tendency to clemency for rebels and rebel sympathizers. But he is the law-officer of the government, and a believer in the virtue of adhering to law. Coming to the question itself, the military occupancy of Norfolk is a necessity with us. If you, as department commander, find the cleansing of the city necessary to prevent pestilence in your army; street-lights and a fire-department necessary to ])revent assassina- tions and incendiarism among your men and stores; wharfage necessary to land and ship men and supplies ; a large pauperism, badly conducted at a needlessly large expense to the government ; and find also that these things, or any of them, are not reasonably well attended to by the civil government, you rightfully may and must take them into your own hands. But you should do so on your own avowed judgment of a military necessity, and not seem to ad- mit that there is no such necessity by taking a vote of the people on the question. Nothing justifies the suspending of the civil by the military authority, but military necessity ; and of the existence of that neces- LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 621 sity, the military commander, and not a popular vote, is to decide. And whatever is^not within such necessity should be left undisturbed. In your paper of February you fairly notified me that you con- templated taking a popular vote, and, if fault there be, it was my fault that I did not object then, which I probably should have done had I studied the subject as closely as I have since done. I now think you would better place whatever you feel is necessary to be done on this distinct ground of military necessity, openly discard- ing all reliance for what you do on any election. I also think you should so keep accounts as to show every item of money received and how expended. The course here indicated does not touch the case when the mili- tary commander, finding no friendly civil government existing, may, under the sanction or direction of the President, give assis- tance to the people to inaugurate one. December 23, 1864.— Order to Commanders. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 23, 1864. All military and naval commanders will please give to James Harrison, Esq., of St. Louis, Missouri (with any number of steamboats not exceeding three, taking in tow any number of barges, scows, flats, and the like, not having steam-power, which they may be able to so take, with such goods and money as the treasury agents may grant permits for, under the rules of the De- partmeiat and none other, and only with crews to navigate the whole, and necessary provisions for himself and said crews), protection and safe conduct from New Orleans or Memphis to Red River, and up said river and its tributaries, till he shall pass beyond our mili- tary lines ; and also give him such protection and safe conduct on his" return to our lines, back to New Orleans or Memphis, with any cargoes he may bring; and on his safe return from beyond our lines, with said boats and tows, allow him to repeat once or twice if he shall desire. Abraham Lincoln. December 24, 1864.— Telegraj\i to J. McClernand. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 24, 1864. John McClernand, Nashville, Tennessee : A letter of yours is laid before me, in which you seek to have John S. Young, James Mallory, and R. T. Bridges released, adding: " My word for it, they are innocent." It is fair to presume that you would not say this without knowing what you say to be true ; but a telegraphic despatch of Governor Johnson, now before me, says this very man Mallory "has been guilty of the most outrageous and atrocious murders known to civilization," and that the " punishment of death is not half atonement for the crimes he has committed on the defenseless and unoffending Union men of the county." As I 622 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN know Governor Johnson would not purposely mislead me, I think it will be well for you to communicate the particulars of your infor- mation to him. ^^ Lincoln. December 26, 1864. — Letter to General W. T. Sherman, Executive Mansion, Washington, December 26, 1864. Mij dear General Sherman : Many, many thanks for your Christ- mas gift, the capture of Savannah. When you were about leaving Atlanta for the Atlantic coast, I was anxious, if not fearful ; but feeling that you were the better judge, and remembering that " nothing risked, nothing gained," I did not interfere. Now, the undertaking being a success, the honor is all yours ; for I believe none of us went further than to acquiesce. And taking the work of General Thomas into the count, as it should be taken, it is indeed a great success. Not onlj' does it afford the obvious and immediate military advantages; but in showing to the world that your army could be divided, putting the stronger part to an important new service, and yet leaving enough to vanquish the old opposing force of the whole, — Hood's army, — it brings those who sat in darkness to see a great light. But what next? I suppose it will be safe if I leave General Grant and yourself to decide. Please make my grateful acknowledgments to your whole army —officers and men. Yours very truly, j^ Lincoln. December 27, 1864. — Letter to J. Maclean. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 27, 1864. Dr. John Maclean. My dear Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your note of the 20th of December, conveying the announcement that the trustees of the College of New Jersey had conferred upon me the degree of Doctor of Laws. The assurance conveyed by this high compliment, that the course of the government which I represent has received the approval of a body of gentlemen of such character and intelligence, in this time of public trial is most grateful to me. Thoughtful men must feel that the fate of civilization upon this continent is involved in the issue of our contest. Among the most gratifying proofs of this conviction is the hearty devotion every- where exhil)ited by our schools and colleges to the national cause. I am most thankful if my labors have seemed to conduct to the preservation of those institutions under which alone we can expect good government — and in its train, sound learning and the progress of the liberal arts. I am, sir, very truly, your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 623 December 28, 1864.— Pass for F. P. Blair, Sr. Allow the bearer, F. P. Blair, Sr., to pass our lines, go South, and return. ^ Lincoln. December 28, 1864. December 28, 1864.— Telegrajvi to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, December 28, 1864. 5.30 p. m. Lie UTEN ant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : If there be no objection, please tell me what you now understand of the Wilmington expedition, present and prospective. A. Lincoln. December 28, 1864.— Telegraji to General B. F. Butler. Washington, D. C, December 28, 1864. Ma.jor- General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : I think you will find that the provost-marshal on the eastern shore has, as by your authority, issued an order, not for a meeting, but for an election. The order, printed in due form, was shown to me, but as I did not retain it, I cannot give you a copy. If the people, on theii- own motion, wislkto hold a peaceful meeting, I sup- pose you need not to hinder them. ^ Lincoln December 29, 1864. — Letter to Attorney-General Speed. Executive Mansion, Washington, December 29, 1864. Hon. Attorney-General: Please give me your opinion, in writing, whether the Secretary of the Navy, or any of his subordinates, is bound in law, on application of individuals, to furnish exemplified copies of records, or parts of records, of naval courts-martial on file in the Navy Department. Also, whether the Secretary of the Navy, or anv of his subordi- nates, is bound in law to answer to a commission of a State court, directing the taking of his or their testimony as to the contents of records of naval courts-martial on file in the Navy Department. Abrahajm Lincoln. January 2, 1865.— Note to Chief Justice Chase. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 2, 1865. Chief Justice Chase. My dear Sir : Without your note of to-dav, I should have felt assured that some sufficient reason had detained you. Allow me to condole with you in the sad bereavement you mention. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 624 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN January 5, 1865. — Message to the House of Representatives. To the House of Representatives of the United States : I herewith return to your honorable body, in which it originated, a '' joint resolution to correct certain clerical errors in the internal revenue act," without my approval. My reason for so doing is that I am informed that this joint resolution was prepared during the last moments of the last session of Congress for the purpose of correcting certain errors of reference in the internal revenue act, which were discovered on an examina- tion of an official copy procured from the State Department a few hours only before the adjournment. It passed the House and went to the Senate, where a vote was taken upon it, but by some accident it was not presented to the President of the Senate for his signature. Since the adjournment of the last session of Congress, other errors of a kind similar to those which this resolution was designed to correct, have been discovered in the law, and it is now thought most expedient to include all the necessary corrections in one act or resolution. The attention of the proper committee of the House has, I am in- formed, been already directed to the preparation of a bill for this purpose. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, January 5, 1865. January 5, 1865. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 5, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Richard T. Jacob, Lieutenant-Governor of Kentucky, is at the Spotswood House, in Richmond, under an order of General Bur- bridge not to return to Kentucky. Please eomraunicate leave to him to pass our lines, and come to me here at Washington. A. Lincoln. January 6, 1865.— Letter to General N. J. T. Dana. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 6, 1865. Major-General Dana: The attached document, purporting to be an order issued by your authority, is sent you with the request that you will inform me whether such order has been issued by you, and if it has, please in- form me by what authority it is that you undertake to impose terms in the premises not imposed by the government, and which in effect entirely thwart and defeat the object of the government. It is suggested that if executing in good faith the order of the government in the matter in question, or any other matter, operates LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 625 injuriously to the military service, it would be proper for you to report to the government fully upon it, and that would be the only proper course. Yours, A. Lincoln. January 7, 1865. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Congress a copy of two treaties between the United States and Belgium, for the extinguishment of the Scheldt dues, etc., concluded on the 20th of May, 1863, and the 20th of July, 1863, respectively, the ratifica- tions of which were exchanged kt Brussels on the 24th of June last ; and I recommend an appropriation to carry into effect the provis- ions thereof relative to the payment of the proportion of the United States toward the capitalization of the said dues. Abrahajm Lincoln. Washington, January 7, 1865. January 7, 1865. — Telegram to R. L. Ferguson. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 7, 1865. R. L. Ferguson, Provost-Marshal, Warrensburg, Missouri : Suspend, until further order, proceedings to enforce a bond given by Hickliu, Hicklin & Spratt. It is not my view of the law that provost-marshals are to decide whether bonds are or are not f^^'^^^t^^- A. Lincoln. January 9, 1865. — Letter to Mrs. . Executive Mansion, Washington, January 9, 1865. Madam : It is with regret I learned that your brother, whom I had ordered to be discharged on taking the oath, under the impression that he was a private, is a captain. By an understanding, the commissary of prisoners detains such cases until a further hearing from me. I now distinctly say that if your father shall come within our lines and take the oath of December 8, 1863, 1 will give him a full pardon, and will at the same time discharge your brother on his taking the oath, notwithstanding he is a captain. Respectfully, A. Lincoln. January 9, 1865. — Letter to Lyman Trumbull. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 9, 1865. Hon. Lyman Trumbull. My dear Sir : The paper relating to Louisiana, submitted to the judiciary committee of the Senate, by General Banks, is herewith Vol. II.— 40. 626 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN returned. The whole of it is in accordance with my general im- pression, and I believe it is true ; but much the larger part is beyoud my absolute knowledge, as in its nature it must be. All the state- ments which lie within the range of my knowledge are strictly true; and I think of nothing material which has been omitted. Even before General Banks went to Louisiana I was anxious for the loyal people there to move for reorganization, and restoration of proper practical relations with the Union ; and when he at last ex- pressed his decided conviction that the thing was practicable, I directed him to give his official cooperation to effect it. On the subject I have sent and received many letters to and from General Banks and many other persons. These letters, as you remember, were shown to you yesterday, as they will be again if you desire. If I shall neither take sides nor argue, will it be out of place for me to make what I think is the true statement of your question as to the proposed Louisiana senators ? " Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relations with the Union sooner by admitting or by rejecting the proposed senators ? " Yours truly, A. Lincoln. January 9, 1865. — Message to the House of Representatives. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 9, 1865. Hon. Schuyler Colfax, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Sir: I transmit herewith the letter of the Secretary of War, with accompanying report of the adjutant-general, in reply to the reso- lution of the House of Representatives, dated December 7, 1864, re- questing me "to communicate to the House the report made by Colonel Thomas M. Key of an interview between himself and Gen- eral Howell Cobb, on the fourteenth day of June, 1862, on the bank of the Chickahominy, on the subject of the exchange of prisoners of war." I am, sir, very respectfully. Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. January 10, 1865. — Proclamation concerning Commerce. By the President op the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas the act of Congress of the 28th of September, 1850, entitled "An act to create additional collection districts in the State of California, and to change the existing districts therein, and to modify the existing collection districts in the United States," extends to merchandise warehoused under bond the privilege of being exported to the British North American provinces adjoining the United States, in the manner prescribed in the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1845, which designates certain frontier ports LETTERS AND STATE PAPEHS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 627 tlirough which merchandise maybe exported, and further provides tnat such other ports situated ou the frontiers of the United fetates adjoimug the British North American provinces, as mav hereafter be found expedient, may have extended to them the like privileges on the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasurv and proclamation duly made by the President of the United States specially designating the ports to which the aforesaid privHeffes are to be extended " ; ^ & Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United btates ot America, in accordance with the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury, do hereby declare and proclaim that the port ot St. Albans, in the State of Vermont, is, and shall be, entitled to all the privileges in regard to the exportation of merchandise in bond to the British North American provinces adjoining the United States, which are extended to the ports enumerated in the seventh section of tlie act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1845, aforesaid, from and after the date of this proclamation. In witness wherex)f, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this tenth dav of [l. s.l 'January m the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- dred and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth. Abrahajvi Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. January 10, 1865.— Telegram to General B. F. Butler. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 10, 1865. Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : No principal report of yours on the Wilmington expedition has ever reached the War Department, as I am informed there. A pre- liminary report did reach here, but was returned to General Grant at his request. Of course, leave to publish cannot be given without inspection of the paper, and not then if it should be deemed to be detrimental to the public service. A. Lincoln. January 11, 1865.— Telegram to General J. Hooker. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 11, 1865. Major-General Hooker, Cincinnati, Ohio : It is said that you have ordered Andrew Humphreys to imprison- ment at hard labor, in accordance with his original sentence on the ground that it was not legally competent for General Hovey,'havinff approved the sentence, to afterward modify it. WhUe I incline to 628 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN the belief that you are teehuically right, please let General Hovey's modification be acted upon until further order from me. A. Lincoln. Send copy to General Hovey at Indianapolis. A. L. January 12, 1865. — Telegram from the President's private SECRETARY TO H. A. SwiFT. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 12, 1865. H. A. Swift, Warden Missouri Penitentiary, Jefferson City, Missouri : The President does not remember the case of the petition of General- H. Barnes, mentioned in your telegram. Pardons are usually made out formally and transmitted through official channels. The President's mere signature on a petition would not be a pardon unless it was signed to an explicit order for one. I cannot send a more definite answer to your question unless it is stated more in "®^^^* Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. January 13, 1865. — Telegram to General B. F. Butler. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 13, 1865. Major-General Butler, Fort Monroe, Virginia : Yours asking leave to come to Washington is received. You have been summoned by the Committee on the Conduct of the War to attend here, which, of course, you will do. » Lincoln January 14, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, January 14, 1865. Lieutenant- General Grant, City Point, Virginia : You have perhaps seen in the papers that ex-Senator Foote, with his family, attempted to escape from Richmond to Washington, and that he was pursued and taken back. His wife and child are now here. Please give me the earliest information you may receive con- cerning him, what is likely to be done with him, etc. A. Lincoln. January 14, 1865. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. Washington, D. C, January 14, 1865. Governor Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : Yours announcing ordinance of emancipation received. Thanks to the convention and to you. When do you expect to be here ? Would be glad to have your suggestions as to supplying your place of military governor. j^ Lincoln. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 629 January 15, 1865. — Telegram to General G. M. Dodge. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 15, 1865. Major-General Dodge, St. Louis, Missouri : It is represented to me that there is so much irregular violence in northern Missouri as to be driving away the people and almost depopulating it. Please gather information, and consider whether an appeal to the people there to go to their homes and let one an- other alone — recognizing as a full right of protection for each that he lets others alone, and banning only him who refuses to let others alone — may not enable you to withdraw the troops, their presence itself [being] a cause of irritation and constant apprehension, and thus restore peace and quiet, and returning prosperity. Please con- sider this and telegraph or write me. A. Lincoln. January 18, 1865. — Telegram to R. T. Jacob. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 18, 1865. Hon. Richard T. Jacob. Sir : You are at liberty to proceed to Kentucky, and to remain at large so far as relates to any cause now past. In what I now do, I decide nothing as to the right or wrong of your arrest, but act in the hope that there is less liability to misunderstanding among Union men now than there was at the time of the arrest. Respectfidly, A. Lincoln. January 18, 1865. — Letter to F. P. Blair, Sr. Washington, January 18, 1865. F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir : You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall continue, ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential person now resisting the national authority may infor- mally send to me with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. January 19, 1865. — Letter to Secretary Stanton. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 19, 1865. Hon. Secretary of War. Bear Sir : You remember that from time to time appeals have been made to us by persons claiming to have attempted to come through our lines with their effects to take the benefit of the am- nesty proclamation, and to have been despoiled of their effects 630 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OP ABEAHAM LINCOLN under General Butler's administration. Some of these claims have color of merit, and may be really meritorious. Please consider whether we cannot set on foot an investigation which may advance justice in the premises. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. January 19, 1865. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 19, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant : Please read and answer this letter as though I was not President, but only a friend. My son, now in his twenty-second year, having graduated at Harvard, wishes to see something of the war before it ends. I do not wish to put him in the ranks, nor yet to give him a commission, to which those who have already served long are better entitled and better qualified to hold. Could he, without embarrass- ment to you or detriment to the service, go into your military family with some nominal rank, I, and not the public, furnishing his neces- sary means! If no, say so without the least hesitation, because I am as anxious and as deeply interested that you shall not be encum- bered as you can be yourself. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. January 24, 1865. — Letter to W. L. Garrison. Washington, January 24, 1865. My dear Mr. Garrison : I have your kind letter of the 21st of January, and can only beg that you will pardon the seeming neglect occasioned by my constant engagements. When I received the spirited and admirable painting, " Waiting for the Hour," I directed my secretary not to acknowledge its arrival at once, preferring to make my personal acknowledgments of the thoughtful kindness of the donors ; and waiting for some leisure hour, I have committed the discourtesy of not replying at all, I hope you will believe that my thanks, though late, are most cordial, and request that you will convey them to those associated with you in this flattering and gen- erous gift. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. January 24, 1865.— Telegram to General G. M. Dodge. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 24, 1865. Major-General Dodge, St. Louis, Missouri : It is said an old lady in Clay County, Missouri, by name Mrs. Winifred E. Price, is about being sent South. If she is not misbe- having let her remain. A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 631 January 24, 1865. — Telegram to Governor Johnson. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 24, 1865. Hon. Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : Several members of the Cabinet, with myself, considered the question, to-day, as to the time of your coming on here. While we fully appreciate your wish to remain in Tennessee until her State government shall be completely reinaugurated, it is our unanimous conclusion that it is unsafe for you to not be here on the 4th of March. Be sure to reach here by that time. * j tj^^qt >t January 24, 1865. — Reply to a Committee. Reverend Sir, and Ladies and Gentlemen : I accept with emotions of profoundest gratitude, the beautiful gift you have been pleased to present to me. You will, of course, expect that I acknowledge it. So much has been said about Gettysburg, and so well, that for me to attempt to say more may perhaps only serve to weaken the force of that which has already been said. A most graceful and eloquent tribute was paid to the patriotism and self-denying labors of the American ladies, on the occasion of the consecration of the national cemetery at Gettysburg, by our illustrious friend, Edward Everett, now, alas ! departed from earth. His life was a truly great one, and I think the greatest part of it was that which crowned its closing years. I wish you to read, if you have not already done so, the eloquent and truthful words which he then spoke of the women of America. Truly, the services they have rendered to the defen- ders of our country in this perilous time, and are yet rendering, can never be estimated as they ought to be. For your kind wishes to me personall}^, I beg leave to render you likewise my sincerest thanks. I assure you they are reciprocated. And now, gentlemen and ladies, may God bless you all. January 26, 1865. — Telegram to A. Wakeman. Washington, D. C, January 26, 1865. Abram Wakeman, New York : I have telegraphed W. 0. Bartlett to come and see me. He neither comes nor answers. Can you not send him ! i j rj^p^j vr January 28, 1865. — Indorsement on Letter to F. P. Blair, Sr., of January 18, 1865. Washington, January 18, 1865. F. P. Blaik, Esq. Sir : You ha\ing shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall continue 632 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential person now re- sisting the national authority may informally send to me with the view of securing peace to the people of oui* one common country. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. [Indorsement] January 28, 1865. To-day Mr. Blair tells me that on the 21st instant he delivered to Mr. Davis the original of which the within is a copy, and left it with him ; that at the time of delivering it Mr. Da\is read it over twice in Mr. Blair's presence, at the close of which he (Mr. Blair) re- marked that the part about '' onr one common country" related to the part of Mr. Davis's letter about " the two countries," to which Mr. Davis replied that he so understood it. A. Lincoln. January 30, 1865. — Instructions to Major Eckert. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 30, 1865. Major T. T. Eckert. Sir : You will proceed with the documents placed in your hands, and on reaching General Ord will deliver him the letter addressed to him by the Secretary X)f War. Then, by General Ord's assistance, procure an interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, or any of them, deliver to him or them the paper on which your own letter is written. Note on the copy which you retain the time of delivery and to whom delivered. Receive their answer in writ- ing, waiting a reasonable time for it, and which, if it contain their decision to come through without further condition, will be your warrant to ask General Ord to pass them through as directed in the letter of the Secretary of War to him. If by their answer they de- cline to come, or propose other terms, do not have them pass through. And this being your whole duty, return and report to me. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. January 31, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : A messenger is coming to you on the business contained in your despatch. Detain the gentlemen in comfortable quarters until he arrives, and then act upon the message he brings, as far as ap])li- cable, it having been made up to pass through General Ord's hands, and when the gentlemen were supposed to be beyond our lines. A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 633 January 31, 1865. — Instructions to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1865. Hon. Williaji H. Seward, Secretary of State : You will proceed to Fortress Monroe, Virginia, there to meet and informally confer with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, on the basis of my letter to F. P. Blair, Esq., of January 18, 1865, a copy of which you have. You wall make known to them that three things are indispensable — to wit : 1. The restoration of the national authority throughout all the otates. 2. No receding by the executive of the United States on the slav- ery question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual message to Congress, and in preceding documents. 3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war, and the disbanding of all forces hostile to the government. You will inform them that all propositions of theirs, not incon- sistent with the above, will be considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality. You will hear all they may choose to say and report it to me. You will not assume to definitely con- summate anything. Yours, etc., Abraham Lincoln. January 31, 1865. — Response to a Serenade. He supposed the passage through Congress of the constitutional amendment for the abolishment of slavery thronghout the United States was the occasion to which he was indebted" for the honor of this call. The occasion was one of congratulation to the country, and to the whole world. But there is a task yet before us — to go forward and have consummated by the votes of the States that which Con- gress had so nobly begun yesterday. [Applause and cries, " They will do it," etc.] He had the honor to inform those present that Illinois had already to-day done the Avork. Maryland was about half through, but he felt proud that Illinois was a little ahead. He thought this measure was a very fitting if not an indispen- sable adjunct to the winding up of the great difficulty. He wished the reunion of all the States perfected, and so effected as to remove all causes of disturbance in the future ; and, to attain this end, it was necessary that the original disturbing cause should, if pos- sible, be rooted out. He thought all would bear him witness that he had never shrunk from doing all that he conld to eradicate slavery, by issuing an emancipation proclamation. But that proc- lamation falls short of what the amendment will be when fully con- summated. A question might be raised whether the proclamation was legally valid. It might be urged, that it only aided those that came into our lines, and that it was inoperative as to those who did not give themselves up; or that it would have no effect upon the 634 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN children of slaves born hereafter; in fact, it would be urged that it did not meet the evil. But this amendment is a king's cure-all for all evils. It winds the whole thing up. He would repeat that it was the fitting if not the indispensable adjunct to the consumma- tion of the great game we are playing. He could not but congratu- late all present — himself, the country, and the whole world — upon this great moral victory. February 1, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, February 1, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point: Let nothing which is transpiring change, hinder, or delay your military movements or plans. A. Lincoln. February 1, 1865. — Telegram from the President's Private Secretary to Governor Andrew. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 1, 1865. 4.00 p. m. John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts, Boston : The President of the United States has just signed the resolution of Congress, submitting to the legislatures of the several States a proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States. Jno. G. Nicolay, Private Secretary. February 1, 1865. — Telegram to Major Eckert. Washington, D. C, February 1, 1865. Major T. T. Eckert, care of General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Call at Fortress Monroe, and put yourself under direction of Mr. Seward, whom you will find there. A. Lincoln. February [1?], 1865.— Letter to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, February [1?], 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant : Some time ago j^ou telegraphed that you had stopped a Mr. Laws from passing our lines with a boat and cargo ; and I directed you to be informed that you must be allowed to do as you please in such matters. To-night Mr. Laws calls on me, and I have told him, and now tell you, that the matter as to his passing the lines is under your control absolutely ; and that he can have any relaxation you choose to give him and none other. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 635 February 2, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, February 2, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Say to the gentlemen I will meet them personally at Fortress Monroe as soon as I can get there. A. Lincoln. February 2, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Seward. Washington, D. C, February 2, 1865. Hon. William H. Seward, Fortress Monroe, Virginia : Induced by a despatch of General Grant, I join you at Fort Monroe, as soon as I can come. A. Lincoln. February 3, 1865.— Letter to J. F. Driggs. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 3, 1865. Hon. J. F. Driggs, etc. My dear 8ir: I have received at your hands a very fine specimen of the Mackinaw salmon trout, and I beg that you will convey to Mr. Williams my cordial thanks for his kind though tfulness, and accept my acknowledgments for your courtesy in the transmission of his present. I am, sir, very truly yours, A. Lincoln. February 4, 1865. — Telegram to Officer commanding at Johnson's Island, Ohio. Washington, D. C, February 4, 1865. Officer in command at JoJmson^s Island, Ohio : Parole Lieutenant John A. Stephens, prisoner of war, to report to me here in per- son, and send him to me. It is in pursuance of an arrangement I made yesterday with his uncle, Hon. A. H. Stephens. Acknow- ledge receipt. A. Lincoln. February 5, 1865.— Draft op Message to Congress, not signed or sent. Fellow-cUizens of the Senate and ffouse of Representatives : I re- spectfully recommend that a joint resolution, substantially as fol- lows, be adopted so soon as practicable by your honorable bodies : "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 636 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Presi- dent of the United States is hereby empowered, in his discretion, to pay $400,000,000 to the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentncky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Mis- souri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia, in the manner and on the conditions following, to wit : The payment to be made in six per cent, government bonds, and to be distributed among said States pro rata on their respective slave populations as shown by the census of 1860, and no part of said sum to be paid unless all resistance to the national authority shall be abandoned and cease, on or before the first day of April next ; and upon such abandonment and ceasing of resistance one half of said sum to be paid in manner aforesaid, and the remaining half to be paid only upon the amendment of the National Constitu- tion recently proposed by Congress becoming valid- law, on or be- fore the first day of July next, by the action thereon of the requisite number of States." The adoption of such resolution is sought with a view to embody it, with other propositions, in a proclamation looking to peace and reunion. Whereas a joint resolution has been adopted by Congress, in the words following, to wit : Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known, that on the condi- tions therein stated, the power conferred on the executive in and by said joint resolution will be fully exercised ; that war will cease and armies be reduced to a basis of peace ; that all political offenses will be pardoned ; that all property, except slaves, liable to confis- cation or forfeiture, will be released therefrom, except in cases of intervening interests of third parties; and that liberality will be recommended to Congress upon all points not lying within execu- tive control. [Indorsement.] February 5, 1865. To-day these papers, which explain themselves, were drawn up and submitted to the cal3inet and unanimously dis- approved by them. ^^ Lincoln. February 5, 1865.— Telegram to Governor Bramlette. Washington, D. C, February 5, 1865. His Excellency, Governor Bramlette, Frankfort, Kentucky : Your despatch received. Will send official copy of constitutional amendment by mail to-morrow, this being Sunday. Precedents justify the legislature to act on ex-officio notice of Congress having passed the proposed amendment; nevertheless, I will send you the authenticated copy. . j^ Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 637 February 6, 1865.— Telegram to Governor Johnson. Executive Mansion, February 6, 1865. Governor Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tennessee : Let the matter of the McKendree church remain as it is, without further action, until you see me. ^ Lincoln. February 6, 1865.— Order to make Corrections in the Draft. Executive Mansion, Washington City, February 6, 1865. Whereas complaints are made in some localities respecting the assignments of quotas and credits allowed for the pending call of troops .to fill up the armies : Now, in order to determine all con- troversies in respect thereto, and to avoid any delay in filling up the armies, it is ordered, That the Attorney-General, Brigadier- General Richard Delafield, and Colonel C. W. Foster, be, and they are hereby constituted, a board to examine into the proper quotas and credits of the respective States and districts under the call of December 19, 1864, with directions, if any errors be found therein, to make such corrections as the law and facts may require, and re- port their determination to the Provost-Marshal-General. The de- termination of said board to be final and conclusive, and the draft to be made in conformity therewith. . ^ • 2. The Provost-Marshal-General is ordered to make the draft in the respective districts as speedily as the same can be done after the 15th of this month. Abraham Lincoln. February 7, 1865.— Telegram to Lieutenant-Colonel Glenn. ExECUTF^E Mansion, Washington, February 7, 1865. Lieutenant-Colonel Glenn, Commanding Post at Henderson, Kentucky : Complaint is made to me that you are forcing negroes into the military service, and even torturing them — riding them on rails and the like — to extort their consent. I hope this may be a mis- take. The like must not be done by you, or any one under you. You must not force negroes any more than white men. Answer me on this. A. Lincoln. February 7, 1865.— Letter to General U. S. Grant. Executh^e Mansion, Washington, February 7, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : General Singleton, who bears you this, claims that he already has arrangements made, if you consent, to bring a large amount of G38 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN Southern produce through your lines. For its bearing on our finances I would be glad for this to be done if it can be without injuriously disturbing your military operations, or supplying the enemy. I wish you to be judge and master on these points. Please see and hear him fully, and decide whether anything, and if any- thing what, can be done in the premises. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. February 8, 1865. — Letter to Governor Smith. Executive Mansion, "Washington, February 8, 1865. His Excellency Governor Smith, of Vermont : Complaint is made to me by Vermont that the assignment of her quota for the draft on the pending call is intrinsically unjust, and also in bad faith of the government's promise to fairly allow credits for men previously furnished. To illustrate, a supposed case is stated as follows : Vermont and New Hampshire must, between them, furnish six thousand (6,000) men on the pending call, and being equals each must furnish as many as the other in the long run. But the govern- ment finds that on former calls Vermont furnished a surplus of five hundred (500), and New Hampshire a surplus of fifteen hundred (1,500). These two surpluses making two thousand (2,000), and added to the six thousand (6,000), making eight thousand (8,000) to be furnished by the two States, or four thousand (4,000) each, less by fair credits. Then subtract Vermont's surplus of five hundred (500) from her four thousand (4,000), leaves three thousand five hundred (3,500) as her quota on the pending call ; and likewise sub- tract New Hampshire's surplus of fifteen hundred (1,500) from her four thousand (4,000), leaves two thousand five hundred (2,500) as her quota on the pending call. These three thousand five hundred (3,500) and two thousand five hundred (2,500) make precisely the six thousand (6,000) which the supposed case requires from the two States, and it is just equal for Vermont to furnish one thousand (1,000) more now than New Hampshire, because New Hampshire has heretofore furnished one thousand (1,000) more than Vermont, which equalizes the burdens of the two in the long run ; and this result, so far from being bad faith to Vermont, is indispensable to keeping good faith with New Hampshire. By no other result can the six thousand (6,000) men be obtained from the two States, and at the same time deal justly and keep faith with both, and we do but confuse ourselves in questioning the process by which the right result is reached. The supposed case is perfect as an illustration. The pending call is not for three hundred thousand (300,000) men subject to fair credits, but is for three hundred thousand (300,000) remaining after all fair credits have been deducted, and it is impos- sible to concede what Vermont asks without coming out short of the three hundred thousand (300,000) men, or making other localities pay for the partiality shown her. LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 639 This upon the case stated. If there be different reasons for mak- ing an allowance to Vermont, let them be presented and considered. Yours truly, Abraham Lincoln. February 8, 1865. — Message to Congress. To the HonorabU the Senate and House of Representatives : The joint resolution, entitled " Joint resolution declaring certain States not entitled to representation in the electoral college,'' has been signed by the executive, in deference to the view of Congress im- plied in its passage and presentation to him. In his own view, however, the two Houses of Congress, convened under the twelfth article of the Constitution, have complete power to exclude from counting all electoral votes deemed by them to be illegal; and it is not competent for the executive to defeat or obstruct that power by a veto, as would be the case if his action were at all essential in the matter. He disclaims all right of the executive to interfere in any way in the matter of canvassing or counting electoral votes; and he also disclaims that, by signing said resolution, he has ex- pressed any opinion on the recitals of the preamble, or any judg- ment of his own upon the subject of the resolution. Washington, February 8, 1865. Abraham Lincoln. February 8, 1865. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- gress a copy of a note of the 4th instant, addressed by J. Hume Burnley, Esq., her Britannic Majesty's charge d'affaires, to the Sec- retary of State, relative to a sword which it is proposed to present to Captain Henry S. Stellwagen, commanding the United States frigate Constellation, as a mark of gratitude for his services to the British brigantine Mersey. The expediency of sanctioning the ac- ceptance of the gift is submitted to your consideration. Washd^gton, February 8, 1865. Abraha^i Lincoln. February 8, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 8, 1865, Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : I am called on by the House of Representatives to give an account of my interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, and it is very desirable to me to put in your despatch of February 1. to the Secretary of War, in which, among other things, you say: ^'I fear now their going back without any expression from any one in authority will have a bad influence." I think the despatch does you credit, while I do not see that it can embarrass you. May I use it! A. Lincoln. 640 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN February 9, 1865, — Reply to a Committee of Congress, Reporting the Result of the Electoral Count. With deep gratitude to my countrymen for this mark of their con- fidence; with a distrust of my own ability to perform the duty re- quired under the most favorable circumstances, and now rendered doubly difficult by existing national perils; yet with a firm reliance on the strength of our free government, and the eventual loyalty of the people to the just principles upon which it is founded, and above all with an unshaken faith in the Supreme Ruler of nations, I accept this trust. Be pleased to signify this to the respective Houses of Congress. February 10, 1865. — Message to the House of Repre sentatives . To the Honorable the House of Representatives : In response to your resolution of the 8th instant, requesting information in rela- tion to a conference recently held in Hampton Roads, I have the honor to state that on the day of the date I gave Francis P. Blair, Sr., a card written on as follows, to wit : Allow the bearer, F. P. Blair, Sr., to pass our fines, go south, and retiu'n. A. Lincoln. December 28, 1864. That at the time I was informed that Mr. Blair sought the card as a means of getting to Richmond, Virginia ; but he was given no authority to speak or act for the government, nor was I informed of anything he would say or do on his own account, or otherwise. Afterward Mr. Blair told me that he had been to Richmond, and had seen Mr. Jefferson Davis ; and he (Mr. Blair) at the same time left with me a manuscript letter, as follows, to wit : Richmond, Virginia, January 12, 1865. F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir : I have deemed it proper, and probably desirable to you, to give you, va. this form, the substance of remarks made by me, to be repeated by you to President Lincoln, etc., etc. 1 have no disposition to find obstacles in forms, and am wiUing, now as heretofoi'e, to enter into negotiations for the restoration of peace; am ready to send a commission whenever I have reason to suppose it will be received, or to receive a commission, if the Uuited States Government shall choose to send one. That, notwithstanding the rejection of our former offers, I would, if you could promise that a commissioner, minister, or other agent would be received, appoint one immediately, and renew the effort to enter into conference, with a view to secure peace to the two coiuitries. Yours, etc., Jefferson Davis. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 641 Afterward, and with the view that it should be shown to Mr. Davis, I wrote and delivered to Mr. Blair a letter as follows, to wit : Washington, January 18, 1865, F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir : You having sliown me Mr. Davis's letter to yoii of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall con- tinue ready to receive any agent whom he, or any other influential person now resisting the national authority, may informally send to me, with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. Afterward Mr. Blair dictated for and authorized me to make an entry on the back of my retained copy of the letter last above re- cited, which entry is as follows : January 28, 1865. To-day Mr. Blair tells me that on the 21st instant he dehvered to Mr. Davis the original, of which the within is a copy, and left it with him ; that at the time of delivering it Mr. Davis read it over twice in Mr. Blair's pres- ence, at the close of which he (Mr. Blair) remarked that the part about " our one common country " related to the part of Mr. Davis's letter about " the two countries," to which Mr. Davis replied that he so understood it. A. Lincoln. Afterward the Secretary of War placed in my hands the follow- ing telegram, indorsed by him as appears : (Cipher.) Office United States Military Telegraph, War Department. The following telegram received at Washington, January 29, 1865 : Headquarters Army of the James, January 29, 1865. 6.30 p. m. The following despatch just received from Major-General Parke, who refers it to me for my action. I refer it to you in Lieutenant-General Grant's absence. E. 0. C. Ord, Major-General Commanding. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Headquarters Army of the Potomac, January 29, 1865. 4 p. m. The following despatch is forwarded to you for your action. Since I have no knowledge of General Grant's having had any understanding of this kind, I refer the matter to you as the ranking officer present in the two armies. Jno. G. Parke, Major-General Commanding. Major-General E. 0. C. Ord, Headquarters Army of the James. From Headquarters Ninth Army Corps, 29th. Alex. H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter, and J. A. Campbell desire to cross my lines, in accordance with an understanding claimed to exist with Lieu- VOL. II.— 41. 642 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN tenant- General Grant, on tlieir way to Washington as peace commissioners. Shall they be admitted ? They desire an early answer, to come thi-ough im- mediately. Would like to reach City Point to-night if they can. If they cannot do this, they would like to come through at 10 A. M. to-morrow morning. 0. B. Wilcox, Major-General Commanding 9th Corps. Major- General Jno. G. Parke, Headquarters Army of the Potomac. Respectfully referred to the President for such instructions as he may be pleased to give. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. January 29, 1865. 8.30 p. m. It appears that about the time of placing the foregoing telegram in my hands, the Secretary of War despatched General Ord as follows, to wit: {Sent in cipher at 2 A. M., 30th.) War Department, Washington City, January 29, 1865. 10 p. m. This depai'tment has no knowledge of any understanding by General Grant to aUow any person to come within his lines as commissioner of any sort. You will therefore allow no one to come into your lines under such character or profession until you receive the President's instructions, to whom your telegram will be submitted for his directions. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Major-General Ord. Afterward, by my direction, the Secretary of War telegraphed General Ord as follows, to wit : War Department, Washington, D. C, January 30, 1865. 10.30 a. m. By direction of the President, you are instructed to inform the three gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, that a messenger will be despatched to them at or near where they now are without unnecessary delay. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Major-Generai. E. 0. C. Ord, Headquarters Army of the James. Afterward I prepared and put into the hands of Major Thomas T. Eckert the following instructions and message : Executive Mansion, Washington, January 30, 1865. Major Thomas T. Eckert. Sir : You will proceed with the documents placed in your hands, and, on reaching General Ord, wiU deliver him the letter addressed to him by the Secretary of War ; then, by General Ord's assistance, procure an interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, or any of them. Deliver to him or them the paper on which your own letter is wi-itten. Note on the copy which you retain the time of delivery and to whom delivered. Re- ceive their answer in writing, waiting a reasonable time for it, and which, LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 643 if it contain their decision to come through without further condition, will be your warrant to ask General Ord to pass them through, as directed in the letter of the Secretary of War to him. If, by their answer, they decline to come, or propose other terms, do not have them passed through. And this being your whole duty, return and report to me. Yours truly, A. LmcoLN. Messrs. Alex. H. Stephens, J. A. Campbell, and R. M. T. Hunter. Gentlemen : I am instructed by the President of the United States to place this paper in your hands, with the information that if you pass through the United States raihtary Unes, it will be understood that you do so for the purpose of an informal conference on the basis of the letter, a copy of which is on the reverse side of this sheet, and that, if you choose to pass on such understanding, and so notify me in writing, I will procure the com- manding general to pass you through the lines and to Fortress Monroe, under such military precautions as he may deem prudent, and at which place you wiU be met in due time by some person or persons, for the pur- pose of such informal conference. And, further, that you shall have pro- tection, safe-conduct, and safe return in all events. Thomas T. Eckert, Major and Aide-de-camp. City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. "Washington, January 18, 1865. F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir : You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall con- tinue ready to receive any agent whom he, or any other influential person now resisting the national authority, may informally send to me, with the view of secui'ing peace to the people of our one common country. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. Afterward, but before Major Eckert had departed, the following despatch was received from General Grant : (Cipher.) Office United States Military Telegraph, "War Department. The following telegram, received at "Washington, January 31, 1865 : City Point, "Virginia, January 31, 1865. 10.30 a. m. His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: The following communication was received here last evening : Petersburg, "Virginia, January 30, 1865. LiEUTENANT-GrENERAL U. S. Grant, Commanding Armies of the United States. Sir: "We desire to pass your lines under safe-conduct, and to proceed to Washington to hold a conference with President Lincoln upon the subject of the existing war, and with a view of ascertaining upon what terms it may be terminated, in pursuance of the course indicated by him in his let- ter to Mr. Blaii' of January 18, 1865, of which we presume you have a copy, C)4A LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN and if not we wish to see you in person, if convenient, and to confer with, you upon the subject. Very respectfully yours, Alexander H. Stephens. J. A. Campbell. E. M. T. Hunter. I have sent directions to receive these gentlemen, and expect to have them at my quarters this evening, awaiting your instructions. U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General Commanding Armies of the United States. This, it will be perceived, transferred General Ord's agency in the matter to General Grant. I resolved, however, to send Major Eckert forward with his message, and accordingly telegraphed General Grant as follows, to wit: {Sent in cipher at 1.30 P. M.) Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : A messenger is coming to you on the business contained in your despatch. Detain the gentlemen in comfortable quarters until he arrives, and then act upon the message he brings as far as applicable, it having been made up to pass through General Ord's hands, and when the gentlemen were supposed to be beyond our lines. A. Lincoln. When Major Eckert departed, he bore with him a letter of the Secretary of War to General Grant, as follows, to wit : War Department, Washington, D. C, January 30, 1865. Lieutenant General Grant, Commanding, etc. General : The President desires that you wiU please procure for the bearer, Major Thomas T. Eckert, an interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, and if. on his return to you, he request it, pass them through our lines to Fortress Monroe by such route and under such military precautions as you may deem prudent, giving them protection and comfortable quarters while there, and that you let none of this have any effect upon your move- ments or plans. By order of the President. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Supposing the proper point to be then reached, I despatched the Secretary of State with the following instructions, Major Eckert, however, going ahead of him : Executive Mansion, Washington, January 31, 1865. Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State : You will proceed to Fortress Monroe, Virginia, there to meet and infor- mally confer with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, on the basis of my letter to F. P. Blair, Esq., of January 18, 1865, a copy of which you LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 645 have. You will make known to them that three things are Indispensable, to wit : 1. The restoration of the national authority throughout all the States. 2. No receding by the executive of the United States on the slavery question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual message to Congi-ess, and in preceding documents. 3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the disband- ing of all forces hostile to the government. You will inform them that all propositions of theirs, not inconsistent with the above, will be considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberal- ity. You will hear all they may choose to say, and report it to me. You will not assume to definitely consummate anything. Yours, etc., Abraham Lincoln. On the day of its date, the following telegram was sent to General Grant : {Sent in cipher at 9.30 A. M.) War Department, Washington, D. C, February 1, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Let nothing which is transpiring change, hinder, or delay your military movements or plans. A. Lincoln. Afterward the following despatch was received from General Grant : {In cipher.) Office United States Military Telegraph, War Department. The following telegram received at Washington, 2.30 p. m., February 1, 1865: City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 12,30 p. m. His Excellency A. Lincoln, President United States : Yom- despatch received. There will be no armistice hi consequence of the presence of Mr. Stephens, and others within our hues. The troops are kept in readiness to move at the shortest notice, if occasion should justify it. U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. To notify Major Eckert that the Secretary of State would be at Fortress Monroe, and to put them in communication, the following despatch was sent : {Sent in cipher at 5.30 P. M.) War Department, Washington, D. C, February 1, 1865. Major T. T. Eckert, care op General Grant, City Point, Vh-ginia : Call at Fortress Monroe, and put yourself under direction of Mr. Seward, whom you will find there. A. Lincoln. On the morning of the 2d instant, the following telegrams were received by me, respectively from the Secretary of State and Major Eckert : 646 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN Fort Monroe, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 11.30 p. m. The President of the United States: Arrived at ten this evening. Richmond party not here. I remain here. William H. Seward. City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 10 p. m. His Excellency A. Lincoln, President of the United States : I have the honor to report the delivery of your communication and my letter at 4.15 this afternoon, to which I received a I'eply at 6 P. M., but not satisfactory. At 8 P. M. the following note, addressed to General Grant, was received : City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant. Sir : We desire to go to Washington city to confer informally with the Pi-esident, personally, in reference to the matters mentioned in his letter to Mr. Blair, of the 18th of January, ultimo, without any personal compro- mise on any question in the letter. We have the permission to do so from the authorities in Richmond. Very respectfully yours, Alex. H. Stephens. R. M. T. Hunter. J. A. Campbell. At 9.30 p. m., I notified them that they could not proceed further unless they complied with the terms expressed in my letter. The point of meeting designated in above note would not, in my opinion, be insisted upon. Tliink Fort Monroe would be acceptable. Having complied with my in- structions, I wiU return to Washington to-morrow unless otherwise ordered. Thos. T. Eckert, Major, etc. On reading this despatch of Major Eckert, I was about to recall him and the Secretary of State, when the following telegram of General Grant to the Secretary of War was shown me : {In cipher.) Office United States Military Telegraph, War Department. The following telegram received at Washington, February 2, 1865. 4.35 A. M. : City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. 10.30 p. m. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Now that the interview between Major Eckert, under his written instruc- tions, and Mr. Stephens and party has ended, I will state confidentially, but not ofiicially — to become a matter of record — that I am convinced, upon conversation with Messrs. Stephens and Hunter, that their intentions are good and their desire sincere to restore peace and union. I have not felt myself at hberty to express even views of my own, or to account for my reticency. This has placed me in an awkward position, which I could have avoided by not seeing them in the first instance. I fear now their going back without any expression from any one in authority will have a bad influence. At the same time, I recognize the difficulties in the way of receiv- ing these informal commissioners at this time, and do not know what to LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 647 recommend. I am sorry, however, that Mr. Lincoln cannot have an inter- view with the two named in this despatch, if not all three now within oiu' lines. Their letter to me was all that the President's instructions contem- plated to secure their safe-conduct, if they had used the same language to Major Eckert. U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. This despatch of General Grant changed my purpose; and accord- ingly I telegraphed him, and the Secretary of State, respectively, as follows : {Sent in cipher at 9 A, M.) War Department, Washington, D. C, February 2, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia: Say to the gentlemen I will meet them personally at Fortress Monroe as soon as I can get there. A. Lincoln. {Sent in cipher at 9 A. M.) War Department, Washington, D. C, February 2, 1865. Hon. William H. Seward, Fortress Monroe, Virginia : Induced by a despatch from General Grant, I join you at Fort Mom-oe as soon as I can come. A. Lincoln. Before starting the following despatch was shown me. I pro- ceeded, nevertheless. {Cipher.) Office United States Military Telegraph, War Department. The following telegram received at Washington, February 2, 1865: City Point, Virginia, February 2, 1865. 9 a. m. Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Fort Monroe: The gentlemen here have accepted the proposed terms, and will leave for Fort Monroe at 9.30 A. M. U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General. Copy to Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington. On the night of the 2d, I reached Hampton Roads, found the Secretary of State and Major Eckert on a steamer anchored off- shore, and learned of them that the Richmond gentlemen were on another steamer also anchored offshore, in the Roads ; and that the Secretary of State had not yet seen or communicated with them. Here I ascertained that Major Eckert had literally complied with his instructions, and I saw, for the first time, the answer of the Rich- mond gentlemen to him, which, in his despatch to me of the 1st, he characterizes as "not satisfactory." That answer is as follows, to wit: 648 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865. Thomas T. Eckert, Major and Aide-de-camp, Major : Your note, delivered by yourself this day, has been considered. In reply, we have to say that we were furnished with a copy of the letter of President Lincoln to Francis P. Blair, Esq., of the 18th of January, ultimo, another copy of which is appended to your note. Our instructions are contained in a letter, of which the following is a copy : Richmond, January 28, 1865. In conformity with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a copy, you are to proceed to Washington city for informal conference with him upon the issues involved in the existing war, and for the purpose of securing peace to the two countries. With great respect, your obedient servant, Jefferson Davis. The substantial object to be obtained by the informal conference is to ascertain upon what terms the existing war can be terminated honorably. Our instructions contemplate a personal interview between President Lincoln and ourselves at Washington city, but with this explanation we are ready to meet any person or persons that President Lincoln may ap- point, at such place as he may designate. Our earnest desire is that a just and honorable peace may be agreed upon, and we are prepared to re- ceive or to submit propositions which may, possibly, lead to the attainment of that end. Very respectfully yours, Alexander H. Stephens. E. M. T. Hunter. John A. Campbell. A note of these gentlemen, subsequently addressed to General Grant, has already been given in Major Eckert's despatch of the 1st instant. I also here saw, for the first time, the following note, addressed by the Richmond gentlemen to Major Eckert : City Point, Virginia, February 2, 1865. Thomas T. Eckert, Major and Aide-de-camp. Major : In reply to your verbal statement that your instructions did not allow you. to alter the conditions upon which a passport could be given to us, we say that we are willing to proceed to Forti-ess Monroe, and there to have an informal conference with any person or persons that President Lincoln may appoint, on the basis of his letter to Francis P. Blair of the 18th of January, tdtimo, or upon any other terms or conditions that he may hereafter propose, not inconsistent with the essential principles of self- government and popular rights upon which our institutions are founded. It is our earnest wish to ascertain, after a free interchange of ideas and information, upon what principles and terms, if any, a just and honorable peace can be established without the further effusion of blood, and to con- tribute our utmost efforts to accomplish such a result. We think it better to add, that, in accepting your passport, we are not to LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 649 be understood as committing ourselves to anything, but to carry to this informal conference the views and feelings above expressed. Very respectfully yours, etc., Alexander H. Stephens. J. A. (Jampbell. E. M. T. Hunter. Note. — The above communication was dehvered to me at Fort Monroe at 4.30 p. M., February 2d, by Lieutenant-Colonel Babcock, of General Grant's staff. Thomas T. Eckert, Major and Aide-de-camp. On the morning of the 3d, the three gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, came aboard of our steamer, and had an interview with the Secretary of State and myself, of several hours' duration. No question of preliminaries to the meeting was then and there made or mentioned. No other person was present; no papers were exchanged or produced ; and it was, in advance, agreed that the conversation was to be informal and verbal merely. On our part the whole substance of the instructions to the Sec- retary of State, hereinbefore recited, was stated and insisted upon, and nothing was said inconsistent therewith ; while, by the other party, it was not said that in any event or on any condition, they ever would consent to reunion ; and yet they equally omitted to de- clare that they never would so consent. They seemed to desire a postponement of that question, and the adoption of some other course first which, as some of them seemed to argue, might or might not lead to reunion ; but which course, we thought, would amount to an indefinite postponement. The conference ended without re- sult. The foregoing, containing as is believed all the information sought, is respectfully submitted. Washington, February 10, 1865. Abraham Lincoln. February 10, 1865, — Message to the Senate. To the Senate of the United States : In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 8th instant, requesting information concerning re- cent conversations or communications with insurgents, under execu- tive sanction, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred. Abraham Lincoln. Washington, February 10, 1865. To the President : The Secretary of State, to whom was referred a reso- lution of the Senate of the 8th instant, requesting " the President of the United States, if, in his opinion, not incompatible with the public interests, to furnish to the Senate any information in his possession concerning recent conversations or communications with certain rebels, said to have taken place under executive sanction, including communications with the rebel 650 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN Jefferson Davis, and any correspondence relating thereto," has the honor to report that the Senate may properly be referred to a special message of the President bearing upon the subject of the resolution, and transmitted to the House this day. Appended to this report is a copy of an instruction which has been addressed to Charles Francis Adams, Esq., envoy extraordi- nary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States at London, and which is the only correspondence found in this department touching the subject referred to in the resolution. Respectfully submitted, William H. Seward. Department of State, Washington, February 10, 18G5. Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. {Extract.) No. 1258.] Department of State, Washington, February 7, 1865. On the morning of the 3d, the President, attended by the Secretary, re- ceived Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell on board the United States steam transport River Queen in Hampton Roads. The conference was altogether informal. There was no attendance of secretaries, clerks, or other witnesses. Nothing was written or read. The conversation, al- though earnest and free, was calm, and courteous, and kind on both sides. The Richmond party approached the discussion rather indirectly, and at no time did they either make categorical demands, or tender formal stipu- lations or absolute refusals. Nevertheless, during the conference, which lasted four hours, the several points at issue between the government and the insurgents were distinctly raised, and discussed fully, intelligently, and in an amicable spirit. What the insurgent party seemed chiefly to favor was a postponement of the question of separation, upon which the war is waged, and a mutual direction of efforts of the government, as well as those of the insurgents, to some extrinsic policy or scheme for a season during which passions might be expected to subside, and the armies be re- duced, and trade and intercourse between the people of both sections re- sumed. It was suggested by them that through such postponement we might now have immediate peace, with some not very certain prospect of an ultimate satisfactory adjustment of political relations between this gov- ernment and the States, section, or people now engaged in conflict with it. This suggestion, though deliberately considered, was nevertheless re- garded by the President as one of armistice or truce, and he announced that we can agree to no cessation or suspension of hostilities, except on the basis of the disbandment of the insurgent forces, and the restoration of the national authority throughout all the States in the Union. Collaterally, and in subordination to the proposition which was thus announced, the antislavery policy of the United States was reviewed in all its bearings, and the President announced that he must not be expected to depart from the positions he had heretofore assumed in his proclamation of emancipa- tion and other documents, as these positions were reiterated in his last an- nual message. It was further declared by the President that the complete restoration of the national authority was an indispensable condition of any assent on our i^art to whatever form of peace might be proposed. The President assured the other party that, while he must adhere to these positions, he would be prepared, so far as power is lodged with the executive, to exercise liberality. His power, however, is limited by the Constitution; and when peace should be made, Congress must neces- sarily act in regard to appropriations of money and to the admission of LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 651 representatives from the insurrectionary States. The Richmond party were then informed that Congress had, on the 31st ultimo, adopted by a constitutional majority a joint resolution submitting to the several States the proposition to abolish slavery throughout the Union, and that there is evei'y reason to expect that it will be soon accepted by three -fourths of the States, so as to become a part of the national organic law. The conference came to an end by mutual acquiescence, without produ- cing an agreetnent of views upon the several matters discussed, or any of them. Nevertheless, it is perhaps of some importance that we have been able to submit our opinions and views directly to prominent insurgents, and to hear them in answer in a courteous and not unfriendly manner. I am, sii-, your obedient servant, Williajm H. Seward. February 10, 1865. — Letter to A. H. Stephens. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 10, 1865. Hon. a. H. Stephens : According to our agreement, your nephew, Lieutenant Stephens, goes to you bearing this note. Please, in return, to select and send to me that officer of the same rank imprisoned at Richmond, whose physical condition most urgently requires his release. Respectfully, A. Lincoln.- February 12, 1865. — Telegram to General J. Pope. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 12, 1865. Major-GtEneral Pope, St. Louis, Missouri : I understand that provost-marshals in different parts of Missouri are assuming to decide that the conditions of bonds are forfeited, and therefore are seizing and selling property to pay damages. This, if true, is both outrageous and ridiculous. Do not allow it. The courts, and not provost-marshals, are to decide such questions unless when military necessity makes an exception. Also excuse John Eaton, of Clay County, and Wesley Martin, of Piatt, from being sent South, and let them go East if anywhere. A. Lincoln. February 13, 1865. — To Commanding Officers in West Tennessee. Washington, February 13, 1865. To THE Military Officers Commanding in West Tennessee : While I cannot order as within requested, allow me to say that it is my wish for you to relieve the people from all burdens, harass- ments, and oppressions, so far as is possible consistently with your military necessities ; that the object of the war being to restore and 652 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN maintain the blessings of peace and good government, I desire you to help, and not hinder, every advance in that direction. Of your military necessities you must judge and execute, but please do so in the spirit and with the purpose above indicated. A. Lincoln, February 13, 1865. — Message to Congress. To the Senate and House of Representatives : I transmit to Con- gress a copy of a note of the 2d instant, addressed to the Secre- tary of State by the Commander J. C. de Figaniere e Moral, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his most faithful Majesty, the King of Portugal, calling attention to a proposed inter- national exhibition at the city of Oporto, to be opened in August next, and inviting contributions thereto of the products of American manufactures and industry. The expediency of any legislation upon the subject is submitted for your consideration, Abraham Lincoln. Washington, February 13, 1865. February 14, 1865, — Telegram to General J, Pope, Executive Mansion, Washington, February 14, 1865, Major-General Pope, St, Louis, Missouri : Yours of yesterday about provost-marshal system received. As part of the same subject, let me say I am now pressed in regard to a pending assessment in St. Louis County. Please examine and satisfy yourself whether this assessment should proceed or be abandoned ; and if you decide that it is to proceed, please examine as to the propriety of its application to a gentleman by the name of Charles McLaran. A. Lincoln. February 15, 1865. — Telegram to General J. Pope. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 15, 1865, Major-General Pope, St. Louis, Missouri : Please ascertain whether General Fisk's administration is as good as it might be, and answer me. A, Lincoln, February 17, 1865, — Proclamation convening the Senate in Extra Session, By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas objects of interest to the United States require that the Senate should be convened at twelve o'clock on the fourth of March LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 653 next to receive and act upon such, communications as may be made to it on the part of the executive ; Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, have considered it to be my duty to issue this, my proclama- tion, declaring that an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate of the United States to convene for the transaction of business at the Capitol, in the city of Washington, on the fourth day of March next, at twelve o'clock at noon on that day, of which all who shall at that time be entitled to act as members of that body are hereby re- quired to take notice. Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at Washington, the seventeenth day of February, in the year [l. s.] of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. February 18, 1865.— Telegram to General N. J. T. Dana. Washington, February 18, 1865. Major-General Dana: Allow the bearers of this paper to prove to you if they can that the foregoing statement of facts made on their representation by the Secretary of the Treasury is substantially true; and on their doing so to your satisfaction in a reasonable degree, allow them to bring out the products in the manner and on the terms indicated by the Secretary of the Treasury in the foregoing letter. The change of lines, if true as stated, justifies the dealing with the case, and similar cases, as special ones. Yours, etc, A. Lincoln. February 20, 1865. — Letter to J. G. Bennett. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 20, 1865. James G. Bennett, Esq. Dear Sir: I propose, at some convenient and not distant day, to nominate you to the United States Senate as Minister to France. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. February 20, 1865. — Letter to Governor Fletcher ON Affairs in Missouri. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 20, 1865. His Excellency Governor Fletcher: It seems that there is now no organized military force of the enemy in Missouri, and yet that destruction of f>roperty and life is rampant everywhere. Is not the cure for this within easy reach of the people themsSelves? It cannot but be that every man not nat- 654 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN urally a robber or cut-throat would gladly put an end to this state of things: A large majority in every locality must feel alike upon this subject; and if so, they only need to reach an understanding, one witli another. Each leaving all others alone solves the prob- lem ; and surely each would do this but for his apprehension that others will not leave him alone. Cannot this mischievous distrust be removed? Let neighborhood meetings be everywhere called and held, of all entertaining a sincere purpose for mutual security in the future, whatever they may heretofore have thought, said, or done about the war, or about anything else. Let all such meet, and, waiving all else, pledge each to cease harassing others, and to make common cause against whoever persists in making, aiding, or encouraging further disturbance. The practical means they will best know how to adopt and apply. At such meetings old friend- ships will cross the memory, and honor and Christian charity will come in to help. Please consider whether it may not be well to suggest this to the now afflicted people of Missouri. Yours truly, A. LmcOLN. February 24, 1865. — Telegram to GtENeral U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, February 24, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : I am in a little perplexity. I was induced to authorize a gentle- man to bring Roger A. Pryor here with a view of effecting an exchange of him ; but since then I have seen a despatch of yours showing that you specially object to his exchange. Meantime he has reached here and reported to me. It is an ungracious thing for me to send him back to prison, and yet inadmissible for him to re- main here long. Cannot you help me out with it? I can conceive that there may be difference to you in days, and I can keep him a few days to accommodate on that point. I have not heard of my son's reaching you. ^_ Lincoln. February 24, 1865. — Telegram to General J. M. Palivier. Washington, D. C, February 24, 1865. Major-General Palmer, Louisville, Kentucky : Please telegraph me an exact copy of the order of John C. Breck- inridge borne by Colonel Robert J. Breckinridge. » Lincoln February 25, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, February 25, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : General Sheridan's despatch to you, of to-day, in which he says he " will be off on Monday," and that he '' will leave behind about LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 655 2000 meu," causes the Secretary of War and myself considerable anxiety. Have you well considered whether you do not again leave open the Shenandoah Valley entrance to Maryland and Pennsylva- nia, or, at least, to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad ? A. Lincoln. February 27, 1865.— Letter to H. W. Beecher. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 27, 1865. Rev. Henry Ward Beecher. Ml/ dear Sir : Yours of the 4th and the 21st reached me together only two days ago. I now thank you for both. Since you wrote the former the whole matter of the negotiation, if it can be so called, has been published, and you doubtless have seen it. When you were with me on the evening of the 1st, I had no thought of going in person to meet the Richmond gentlemen. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. February 27, 1865.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, February 27, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Subsequent reflection, conference with General Halleck, your de- spatch, and one from General Sheridan, have relieved my anxiety ; and so I beg that you will dismiss any concern you may have on my account, in the matter of my last despatch. A. Lincoln, February 27, 1865.— Telegram to Governor Fletcher. Executive Mansion, Washington, February 27, 1865. Governor Fletcher, Jefferson City, Missouri : Have you received my letter of the 20th f I think some such thing as therein suggested is needed. If you put it before the peo- ple, I will direct the military to cooperate. Please answer. A. Lincoln. March 1, 1865.— Letter to General Scott and Others. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 1, 1865. To Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, President; Howard Potter, Wm. E. Dodge, Jr., and Theo. Roosevelt. Gentlemen : I have received your address on the part of the Bureau for the Employment of Disabled and Discharged Soldiers 656 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN which has recently been established in connection with the Protec- tive War Claim Association of the Sanitary Commission, It gives me pleasure to assure you of my hearty concurrence with the purposes you announce, and I shall at all times be ready to rec- ognize the paramount claims of the soldiers of the nation in the disposition of public trusts. I shall be giad also to make these sug- gestions to the several heads of departments. I am, very truly, your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. March 2, 1865.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, March 2, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : You have not sent contents of Richmond papers for Tuesday or Wednesday. Did you not receive them ? If not, does it indicate anything ? A. Lincoln. March 3, 1865. — Telegram from Secretary Stanton to General U. S. Grant. Washington, March 3, 1865. 12 p. m. Lieutenant- General Grant : The President directs me to say that he wishes you to have no conference with General Lee unless it be for capitulation of General Lee's army, or on some minor or purely military matter. He in- structs me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, or confer upon any political questions. Such questions the President holds in his own hands, and will submit them to no militaiy conferences or con- ventions. Meanwhile you are to press to the utmost your military advantages. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. March 4, 1865. — Second Inaugural Address. Fellow-countrymen : At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself ; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no predic- tion in regard to it is ventured. LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 657 On the occasion corresponding to this fonr years ago, all thoughts Were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. Ail dreaded it — all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from tliis place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war — seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive ; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not dis- tributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has ah'eady attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God ; and each invokes his aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just Grod's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered — that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world be- cause of offenses ! for it must needs be that offenses come ; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the provi- dence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God al- ways ascribe to him ? Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bond- man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, " The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." With malice toward none ; with charity for all ; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds ; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and last- ing peace among ourselves, and with all nations. Vol. II.— 42. 658 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN March 5, 1865. — Note to Charles Sumner. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 5, 1865. Hon. Charles Sumner. My dear Sir: I should be pleased for you to accompany us to- morrow evening at ten o'clock on a visit of half an hour to the in- augural ball. I inclose a ticket. Our carriage will call for you at half -past nine. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 6, 1865. — Note to Secretary Seward. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 6, 1865. Hon. Secretary of State. Ily dear Sir : I have some wish that Thomas D. Jones, of Cincin- nati, and John J. Piatt, now in this city, should have some of those moderate sized consulates which facilitate artists a little in their profession. Please watch for chances. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 7, 1865. — Letter to GtEneral U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 7, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant : In accordance with a joint resolution of Congress, approved December 17, 1863, I now have the honor of transmitting and pre- senting to you, in the name of the people of the United States of America, a copy of said resolution, engrossed on parchment, together with the gold medal therein ordered and directed. Please accept for yourself and all under your command the re- newed expression of my gratitude for your and their arduous and well-performed public service. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. March 7, 1865. — Telegram to General John Pope. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 7, 1865. Major-General Pope, St. Louis, Missouri : Please state briefly, by telegraph, what you concluded about the assessments in St. Louis County. Early in the war one Samuel B. Churchill was sent from St. Louis to Louisville, where I have quite satisfactory evidence that he has not misbehaved. Still I am told his property at St. Louis is subjected to the assessment, which I think it ought not to be. Still I wish to know what you think. A, Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 659 March 8, 1865. — Letter to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, March 8, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Your two despatches to the Secretary of War, one relating to supplies for the enemy going by the Blackwater, and the other to General Singleton and Judge Hughes, have been laid before me by him. As to Singleton and Hughes, I think they are not in Rich- mond by any authority, unless it be from you. I remember noth- ing from me which could aid them in getting there, except a letter to you, as follows, to wit : Executive Mansion, Washington City, February 7, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : General Singleton, who bears you this, claims that lie already has arrange- ments made, if you consent, to bring a large amount of Southern produce through your lines. For its bearing on oiir finances, I would be glad for this to be done, if it can be, Avithout injuriously disturbing your military operations, or supplying the enemy. I wish you to be judge and master on these points. Please see and hear him fully, and decide whether anything, and, if anything, what, can be done in the premises. Yours truly, A, Lincoln. I believe I gave Hughes a card putting him wdth Singleton on the same letter. However this may be, I now authorize you to get Singleton and Hughes away from Richmond, if you choose, and can. I also authorize you, by an order, or in what form you choose, to suspend all operations on the Treasury-trade permits, in all places southeastward of the Alleghanies. If you make such order, notify me of it, giving a copy, so that I can give corresponding direction to the Navy. A. LmcoLN. March 9, 1865.— Letter to General U. S. Grant. Washington, D. C, March 9, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : I see your despatch to the Secretary of War, objecting to rebel prisoners being allowed to take the oath and go free. Supposing that I am responsible for what is done in this way, I think fit to say that there is no general rule of action, allowing prisoners to be dis- charged merely on taking the oath. What has been done is that members of Congress come to me, from time to time, with lists of names, alleging that from personal knowledge, and evidence of re- liable persons, they are satisfied that it is safe to discharge the par- ticular persons named on the lists, and I have ordered their dis- charge. These members are chiefly from the border States, and those they get discharged are their neighbors and neighbors' sons. They tell me that they do not bring to me one-tenth of the names 660 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN which are brought to them, bringing only such as their knowledge or the proof satisfies them about. I have, on the same principle, dis- charged some on the representations of others than members of Congress ; as, for instance. Governor Johnson, of Tennessee. The number I have discharged has been rather larger than I liked, reaching, I should think, an average of fifty a day since the recent general exchange commenced. On the same grounds, last 3'ear, I discharged quite a number at different times, aggregating perhaps a thousand Missourians and Kentuckians ; and their members, re- turning here since the prisoners' I'eturn to their homes, report to me only two cases of proving false. Doubtless some more have proved false ; but, on the whole, I believe what I have done in this way has done good rather than harm. A. Lincoln. March 11, 1865. — Proclamation offering Pardon to Deserters. ] By THE President op the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas the twenty-first section of the act of Congress approved on the third instant, entitled ''An act to amend the several acts heretofore passed to provide for the enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes," requires: That in addition to the other lawful penalties of the crime of desertion from the military or naval service, all persons who have deserted the miU- tary or naval service of the United States who shall not return to said ser- \ice, or report themselves to a Provost Marshal within sixty days after the proclamation hereinafter mentioned, shall be deemed and taken to have voluntarily relinquished and forfeited then rights of citizenship and their rights to become citizens, and such deserters shall be forever incapable of holding any oflftce of trust or profit under the United States, or of exercis- ing any rights of citizens thereof ; and all persons who shall hereafter desert the military or naval service, and all persons who, being duly enrolled, shall depart the jurisdiction of the district in which he is enrolled, or go beyond the limits of the United States with intent to avoid any draft into the military or the naval service, duly ordered, shall be liable to the penal- ties of this section. And the President is hereby authorized and required forthwith, on the passage of this act, to issue his proclamation setting forth the provisions of this section, in which proclamation the President is re- quested to notify all deserters returning within sixty days as aforesaid, that they shall be pardoned on condition of returning to their regiments and companies, or to such other organizations as they may be assigned to, until they shall have served for a period of time equal to their original term of enlistment. Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do issue this my proclamation, as required by said act, ordering and requiring all deserters to return to their proper posts ; and I do hereby notify them that all deserters who shall within sixty days from the date of this proclamation — viz., on LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 661 or before the tenth day of May, 1865 — return" to service, or report themselves to a Provost Marshal, shall be pardoned, on condition that they return to their regiments and companies, or to such other organizations as they may be assigned to, and serve the remainder of their original terms of enlistment, and, in addition thereto, a period equal to the time lost by desertion. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- [l. s.] dred and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. March 13, 1865. — Letter to J. Z. Goodrich. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 13, 1865. Hon, John Z. Goodrich. Ml/ dear Sir: Your official terra expires about this time. I know not whether you desire a reappointment, and I am not aware of any objection to you — personal, political, or official. Yet if it be true, as I have been informed, that the office is of no pecuniary conse- quence to you, it would be quite a relief to me to have it at my disposal. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. March 15, 1865. — Letter to Thurlow Weed. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, March 15, 1865. Dear Mr. Weed : Every one likes a compliment. Thank you for yours on my lit- tle notification speech and on the recent inaugural address. I ex- pect the latter to wear as well as — perhaps better than — anything I have produced ; but I believe it is not immediately popular. Men are not flattered by being shown that there has been a diiference of purpose between the Almighty and them. To deny it, however, in this case, is to deny that there is a God governing the world. It is a truth which I thought needed to be told, and, as whatever of humiliation there is in it falls most directly on myself, I thought others might afford for me to tell it. Truly yours, A. Lincoln. March 17, 1865.— Address to an Indiana Regiment. FeUoiv-citizens : A few words only. I was born in Kentucky, raised in Indiana, reside in Illinois, and now, here, it is my duty to 662 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN care equally for the good people of all the States. I am to-day glad of seeing it in the power of an Indiana regiment to present this captured flag to the good governor of their State ; and yet I would not wish to compliment Indiana above other States, remembering that all have done so well. There are but few aspects of this great war on which I have not already expressed my views by speaking or writing. There is one — the recent effort of " our erring brethren," sometimes so called, to employ the slaves in their armies. The great question with them has been, "Will the negro fight for them?" They ought to know better than we, and doubtless do know better than we. I may incidentally remark, that having in my life heard many arguments — or strings of words meant to pass for arguments — intended to show that the negro ought to be a slave — if he shall now really fight to keep himself a slave, it will be a far better argument why he should remain a slave than I have ever before heard. He, perhaps, ought to be a slave if he desires it ardently enough to fight for it. Or, if one out of four will, for his own freedom, fight to keep the other three in slavery, he ought to be a slave for his selfish meanness. I have always thought that all men should be free; but if any should be slaves, it should be first those who desire it for them- selves, and secondly those who desire it for others. Whenever I hear any one arguing for slavery, I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him personally. There is one thing about the negro's fighting for the rebels which we can know as well as they can, and that is that they cannot at the same time fight in their armies and stay at home and make bread for them. And this being known and remembered, we can have but little concern whether they become soldiers or not. I ain rather in favor of the measure, and would at any time, if I could, have loaned them a vote to carry it. We have to reach the bottom of the insur- gent resources ; and that they employ, or seriously think of employ- ing, the slaves as soldiers, gives us glimpses of the bottom. There- fore I am glad of what we learn on this subject. March 17, 1865.— Proclamation concerning Indians. By the President of the United States of America: A Proclamation. Whereas reliable information has been received that hostile Indians, within the limits of the United States, have been furnished with arms and munitions of war by persons dwelling in conter- minous foreign territory, and are thereby enabled to prosecute their savage warfare upon the exposed and sparse settlements of the frontier ; Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim and direct that all persons detected in that nefarious traffic shall be arrested and LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 663 tried by court-martial at the nearest military post, and if convicted, shall receive the punishment due to their deserts. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be af&xed. Done at the city of Washington, this seventeenth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred [l. s.] and sixtv-five, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : WiLLL^M H. Seward, Secretary of State. March 18, 1865. — Order Annulling the Sentence against Benjamin G. Smith and Franklin W. Smith. I am unwilling for the sentence to stand, and be executed, to any extent in this case. In the absence of a more adequate motive than the evidence discloses, I am wholly unable to believe in the exis- tence of criminal or fraudulent intent on the part of men of such well established good character. If the evidence went as far to establish a guilty profit of one or two hundred thousand dollars, as it does of one or two hundred dollars, the case would, on the question of guilt, bear a far different aspect. That on this contract, involving some twelve hundred thousand dollars, the contractors would plan, and attempt to execute a fraud, which, at the most, could profit them only one or two hundred, or even one thousand dollars, is to_ my mind beyond the power of rational belief. That they did not, in such a case, make far greater gains, proves that they did not, with guOty or fraudulent intent, make at all. The judgment and sentence are disapproved, and declared null, and the defendants are fully discharged. March 18, 1865. A. Lincoln. March 19, 1865. — Telegram to General J. Pope. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 19, 1865. Major-General Pope, St. Louis, Missouri : Understanding that the plan of action for Missouri contained in your letter to the governor of that State, and your other letter to me, is concurred in by the governor, it is approved by me, and you will be sustained in proceeding upon it. A. Lincoln. March 20, 1865. — Telegram to Governor Swann. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 20, 1865. Governor Swann, Baltimore, Maryland : I wish you would find Cresswell and bring him with you, and see me to-morrow. ^_ Lincoln. 664: LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN March 20, 1865. — Telegram to General Uo S. Grant. Washington, D. C, March 20, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : Your kind invitation received. Had ah'eady thought of going immediate!}' after the next rain. Will go sooner if any reason for it. Mrs. Lincoln and a few others will probably accompany me. Will notify you of exact time, once it shall be fixed upon. A. Lincoln. March 21, 1865. — Telegram to Judge Scates. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 21, 1865. Hon. Walter B. Scates, Centralia, Illinois : If you choose to go to New Mexico and reside, I will appoint you chief justice there. What say you ? Please answer. A. Lincoln. March 21, 1865. — Telegram to Captain Lincoln. Washington, D. C, March 21, 1865. Captain R. T. Lincoln, City Point, Virginia : We now think of starting to you about 1 p. m. Thursday. Don't make public. A. Lincoln. March 22, 1865. — Telegram to General W. S.Hancock. Washington, D. C, March 22, 1865. Major-General Hancock, Winchester, Virginia : Seeing your despatch about General Crook, and fearing that through misapprehension something unpleasant may occur, I send you below two despatches of General Grant, which I suppose will lully explain General Crook's movements. A. Lincoln. March 23, 1865.— Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Executive Mansion, Washington, March 23, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Virginia : We start to you at 1 p. m. to-day. May lie over during the dark hours of the night. Very small party of us. A. Lincoln. LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 665 March 25, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. City Point, Virginia, March 25, 1865. 8.30 a. m. Hon. Secretary op War, Washington, D. C. : Arrived here all safe about 9 p. m. yesterday. No war news. General Grant does not seem to know very much about Yeatman, but thinks very well of him so far as he does know. I like Mr. Whiting very much, and hence would wish him to re- main or resign as best suits himself. Hearing this much from me, do as you think best in the matter. General Lee has sent the Rus- sell letter back, concluding, as I understand from Grant, that their dignity does not admit of their receiving the document from us. Robert just now tells me there was a little rumpus up the line this morning, ending about where it began. A. Lincoln. March 27, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. City Point, Virginia, March 27, 1865. 3.35 p. m. Hon. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. : Yours inclosing Fort Sumter order received. I think of but one suggestion. I feel quite confident that Sumter fell on the loth, and not on the 14th of April, as you have it. It fell on Satiu'day, the 13th; the first call for troops on our part was got up on Sunday, the 14th, and given date and issued on Monday, the 15th. Look up the old almanac and other data, and see if I am not right. A. Lincoln. March 28, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. City Point, Virginia, March 28, 1865. 12 m. Hon. Secretary op War, Washington, D. C. : After your explanation, I think it is little or no difference whether the Fort Sumter ceremony takes place on the 13th or 14th. General Sherman tells me he is well acquainted with James Yeat- man, and that he thinks him almost the best man in the country for anything he will undertake. A. Lincoln. March 31, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. City Point, Virginia, March 31, 1865. 3 p. m. Secretary Stanton: At 12.30 p. m. to-day General Grant telegraphed me as follows : There has been much hard figbting this morning. The enemy drove our left from near Dabney's house back well toward, the Boydton plank road. 666 LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN We are now about to take the offensive at that point, and I hope will more than recover the lost ground. Later he telegraphed again as follows : Our troops, after being driven back to the Boydton plank road, turned and drove the enemy in turn, and took the White Oak road, which we now have. This gives us the ground occupied by the enemy this morning. I will send you a rebel flag captured by our troops in driving the enemy back. There have been four flags captured to-day. Judging by the two points from which General Grant telegraphs, I infer that he moved his headquarters about one mile since he sent the first of the two despatches. A. Lincoln. April 1, 1865. — Telegram to Secretary Stanton. City Point, April 1, 1865. 12.50 p. m. Hon. Secretary op War, Washington, D. C: I have had two despatches from General Grant since my last to you, but they contain little additional, except that Sheridan also had pretty hot work yesterday, that infantry was sent to his support during the night, and that he (Grant) has not since heard from Sheridan. Mrs. Lincoln has started home, and I will thank you to see that our coachman is at the Arsenal wharf at eight o'clock to-morrow morning, there to wait until she arrives. A. Lincoln. April 1, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. City Point, April 1, 1865. 5.45 p. m. Lieutenant-General Grai^t : Yours showing Sheridan's success of to-day is just received, and highly appreciated. Having no great deal to do here, I am still sending the substance of your despatches to the Secretary of War. A. Lincoln. April 2, 1865.— Telegrams to Secretary Stanton. City Point, Virginia, April 2, 1865. 8.30 a. m. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Last night General Grant telegraphed that General Sheridan, with his cavalry and the Fifth Corps, had captured three brigades of infantry, a train of wagons, and several batteries; the prisoners amounting to several thousand. This morning General Grant, having ordered an attack along the whole line, telegraphs as follows : LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 667 Botli Wright and Parke got through the enemy's lines. The battle now rages furiously. General Sheridan, with his cavalry, tlie Fifth Corps, and Miles's Division of the Second Corps, which was sent to him this morning, is now sweeping down from the west. All now looks highly favorable. General Ord is engaged, but I have not yet heard the residt in his front. A. LmcoLN. City Point, April 2. 11.00 a. m. Despatches are frequently coming in. All is going on finely. Generals Parke, Wright, and Ord's lines are extending from the Appomattox to Hatcher's Run. They have all broken through the enemy's intrenched lines, taking some forts, gnns, and prisoners. Sheridan, with his own cavalry, the Fifth Corps, and part of the Second, is coming in from the west on the enemy's flank. Wright is already tearing up the Southside Raih'oad. A. Lincoln. City Point, Virginia, April 2. 2 p. m. At 10.45 A. M. General Grant telegraphs as follows : Everything has been carried from the left of the Ninth Corps. The Sixth Corps alone captured more than 3000 prisoners. The Second and Twenty- fourth Corps captured forts, guns, and prisoners from the enemy, but I cannot tell the numbers. We are now closing around the works of the line immediately enveloping Petersbm-g. All looks remarkably well. I have not yet heard from Sheridan. His headquarters have been moved up to Banks's house, near the Boydton road, about three miles southwest of Petersburg. A. Lincoln. City Point, Virginia, April 2. 8.30 p. m. At 4.30 p. M. to-day General Grant telegraphs as follows : We are now up and have a continuous line of troops, and in a few hours will be intrenched from the Appomattox below Petersburg to the river above. The whole captures since the army started out will not amount to less than 12,000 men, and probably fifty pieces of artillery. I do not know the number of men and guns accurately, however. A portion of Foster's Division, Twenty-fourth Corps, made a most gallant charge this afternoon, and captured a very important fort from the enemy, with its entire gar- rison. AU seems weU with us, and everything is quiet just now. A. Lincoln. April 3, 1865.— Telegram to Secretary Stanton. City Point, Virginia, April 3, 1865. 8.30 a. m. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : This morning Lientenant-General Grant reports Petersburg evac- uated, and he is confident that Richmond also is. He is pushing forward to cut off, if possible, the retreating rebel ^^^y- A. Lincoln. 668 LETTERS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Ai)ril 5, 1865, — Telegram to General Banks. City Point, Virginia, April 5, 1865. 7.30 p. m. Major-General N. p. Banks, New York : Yours of to-day just received. I have been so much occupied with other thoughts that I really have no directions to give you. You may go at once, and you and. I will correspond when desired by either. A. Lincoln, President. April 5, 1865. — Unsigned Memorandum given to J. A. Campbell. As to peace, I have said before, and now repeat, that three things are indispensable : 1. The restoration of the national authority throughout the United States. 2. No receding by the executive of the United States on the sla- very question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual message, and in preceding documents. 3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war, and the disbanding of all forces hostile to the government. That all propo- sitions coming from those now in hostility to the government, not inconsistent with the foregoing, will be respectfully considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality. I now add that it seems useless for me to be more specific with those who will not say that they are ready for the indispensable terms, even on conditions to be named by themselves. If there be any who are ready for these indispensable terms, on any conditions whatever, let them say so, and state their conditions, so that the conditions can be known and considered. It is further added, that the remission of confiscation being within the executive power, if the war be now further persisted in by those opposing the govern- ment, the making of confiscated property at the least to bear the additional cost will be insisted on, but that confiscations (except in case of third party intervening interests) wiU be remitted to the people of any State which shall now promptly and in good faith withdraw its troops from further resistance to the government. What is now said as to the remission of confiscation has no refer- ence to supposed property in slaves. April 6, 1865. — Telegram to General U. S. Grant. Headquarters Armies of the United States, City Point, April 6, 1865. 12 m. Lieutenant-General Grant, in the Field : Secretary Seward was thrown from his carriage yesterday and seriously injured. This, with other matters, will take me to Wash- ington soon. I was at Richmond yesterday and the day before, LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN 669 when and where Judge Campbell, who was with Messrs. Hunter and Stephens in February, called on me, and made such representations as induced me to put in his hands an informal paper, repeating the propositions in my letter of instructions to Mr. Seward, which you remember, and adding that if the war be now further persisted in by the rebels, confiscated property shall at the least bear the additional cost, and that confiscation shall be remitted to the people of any State which will now promptly and in good faith withdraw its troops and other support from resistance to tlie government. Judge Campbell thought it not impossible that the rebel legisla- ture of Virginia would do the latter if permitted ; and accordingly I addressed a private letter to General Weitzel, with permission to Judge Campbell to see it, telling him (G-eneral Weitzel) that if they attempt this, to permit and protect them, unless they attempt some- thing hostile to the United States, in which case to give them no- tice and time to leave, and to arrest any remaining after such time. I do not think it very probable that anything will come of this, but I have thought best to notify you so that if you should see signs you may understand them. From your recent despatches it seems that you are pretty effec- tually withdrawing the Virginia troops from opposition to the gov- ernment. Nothing that I have done, or j)robably shall do, is to de- lay, hinder, or interfere with your work. Yours trvdy, A. Lincoln. April 6, 1865. — Telegraisi to General G. Weitzel. Headquarters Armies op the United States, City Point, April 6, 1865. Major- General Weitzel, Richmond, Virginia: It has been intimated to me that the gentlemen who have acted as the legislature of Virginia in support of the rebellion may now desire to assemble at Richmond and take measures to withdraw the Virginia troops and other support from resistance to the General Government. If they attempt it, give them permission and protec- tion, until, if at all, they attempt some action hostile to the United States, in which case you will notify them, give them reasonable time to leave, and at the end of which time arrest any who remain. AUow Judge Campbell to see this, but do not make it public. A. Lincoln. April 10, 1865. — Response to a Call. If the company had assembled by appointment, some mistake had crept into their understanding. He had appeared before a larger audience than this one to-day, and he would repeat what he then said —namely, he supposed owing to the great good news there would be some demonstration. He would prefer to-morrow evening, when he should be quite willing, and he hoped ready, to say something. 670 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN He desired to be particular, because everything lie said got into print. Occupying the position he did, a mistake would produce harm, and therefore he wanted to be careful not to make a mistake. April 10, 1865.— Telegram to Governor Pierpoint. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 10, 1865. Governor Pierpoint, Alexandria, Virginia : Please come up and see me at once. A. Lincoln. April 11, 1865. — Proclamation. By the President of the United States op America: A Proclamation. Whereas, by my proclamations of the nineteenth and twenty- seventh days of April, 1861, the ports of the United States, in the States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Flor- ida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, were declared to be subject to blockade ; but whereas the said blockade has, in conse- quence of actual military occupation by this government, since been conditionally set aside or relaxed in respect to the ports of Norfolk and Alexandria, in the State of Virginia; Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina ; Port Royal, in the State of South Carolina ; Pen- sacola and Fernandina, in the State of Florida; and New Orleans, in the State of Louisiana ; And whereas, by the fourth section of the act of Congress, ap- proved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled " An act further to pro- vide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes," the President, for the reasons therein set forth, is authorized to close certain ports of entry ; Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby proclaim that the ports of Rich- mond, Tappahannock, Cherrystone, Yorktown, and Petersburg, in Virginia ; of Camden (Elizabeth City), Edenton, Plymouth, Wash- ington, Newbern, Ocracoke, and Wilmington, in North Carolina; of Charleston, Georgetown, and Beaufort, in South Carolina; of Savannah, St. Mary's, and Brunswick (Darien), in Georgia; of Mobile, in Alabama ; of Pearl River (Shieldsborough), Natchez, and Vicksburg, in Mississippi ; of St. Augustine, Key West, St. Mark's (Port Leon), St. John's (Jacksonville), and Appalachicola, in Flor- ida; of Teche (Franklin), in Louisiana; of Galveston, La Salle, Brazos de Santiago (Point Isabel), and Brownsville, in Texas, are hereby closed, and all right of importation, warehousing, and other privileges shall, in respect to the ports aforesaid, cease until they shall have again been opened by order of the President; and if, while said ports are so closed, any ship or vessel from beyond the United States, or having on board any articles subject to duties, LETTEES AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN 671 shall attempt to enter any such ports, the same, together with its tackle, apparel, furniture, and cargo, shall be forfeited to the United States. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of r 1 April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred ^ ' '^ and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H, Seward, Secretary of State. April 11, 1865. — Proclamation. By the President of the United States of America : A Proclamation. Whereas, by my proclamation of this date, the port of Key West, in the State of Florida, was inadvertently included among those which are not open to commerce ; Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby declare and make known that the said port of Key West is and shall remain open to foreign and domestic commerce upon the same conditions by which that com- merce has there hitherto been governed. In testimony whereof, I have hereto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of r ■^ April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred L * -I and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretary of State. April 11, 1865. — Proclamation. By the President of the United States of America : A Proclamation. Whereas, for some time past, vessels of war of the United States bave been refused, in certain foreign ports, privileges and immuni- ties to which they were entitled by treaty, public law, or the comity of nations, at the same time that vessels of war of the country wherein the said privileges and immunities have been withheld, have enjoyed them fully and uninterruptedly in ports of the United States, which condition of things has not always been forcibly re- sisted by the United States, although, on the other hand, they have not at any time failed to protest against and declare their dissatis- faction with the same; [and whereas,] in the view of the United 672 LETTEKS AND STATE PAPEKS OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN States, no condition any longer exists which can be claimed to justify the denial to them, by any one of such nations, of customary naval rights, as has heretofore been so unnecessarily persisted in ; Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby make known, that if, after a reasonable time shall have elapsed for intelligence of this proclamation to have reached any foreign country in whose ports the said privileges and immuni- ties shall have been refused, as aforesaid, they shall continue to be so refused ; then and thenceforth the same privileges and immuni- ties shall be refused to the vessels of war of that country in the ports of the United States, and this refusal shall continue until war- vessels of the United States shall have been placed upon an entire equality in the foreign ports aforesaid with similar vessels of other countries. The United States, whatever claim or pretense may have existed heretofore, are now, at least, entitled to claim and concede an entire and friendly equality of rights and hospitalities with all maritime nations. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of r 1 April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- ^ ' J dred and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President : Wiiaaam H. Sev^ard, Secretary of State. April 11, 1865. — Last Public Address. We meet this evening not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the principal insurgent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy peace, whose joyous expression cannot be restrained. In the midst of this, however. He from whom all blessings flow must not be for- gotten. A call for a national thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part give us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. Their honors must not be parceled out with others. I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honor for plan or execution is mine. To General Grant, his skilful officers and brave men, all belongs. The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take active part. By these recent successes the reinauguration of the national authority — reconstruction — which has had a large share of thought from the first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It is fraught with great difficulty. Unlike a case of war between in- dependent nations, there is no authorized organ for us to treat with — no one man has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man. We simply must begin with and mold from disor- ganized and discordant elements. Nor is it a small additional embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves as LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 673 to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction. As a general rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I cannot properly offer an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in setting up and seeking to sustain the new State government of Louisiana. In this I have done just so much as, and no more than, the public knows. In the annual message of December, 1863, and in the ac- companying proclamation, I presented a plan of reconstruction, as the phrase goes, which I promised, if adopted by any State, should be acceptable to and sustained by the executive government of the nation. I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable, and I also distinctly protested that the executive claimed no right to say when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was in advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and distinctly approved by every member of it. One of them suggested that I should then and in that connection apply the Emancipation Proclamation to the theretofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisiana; that I should drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and that I should omit the protest against my own power in regard to the admission of members to Congress. But even he approved every part and parcel of the plan which has since been employed or touched by the action of Louisiana. The new constitution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for the whole State, practically applies the proclamation to the part previously excepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed people, and it is silent, as it could not well be otherwise, about the admission of members to Congress. So that, as it applies to Louisiana, every member of the Cabinet fully approved the plan. The message went to Congress, and I received many commendations of the plan, written and verbal, and not a single objection to it from any professed emancipationist came to my knowledge until after the news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. From about July, 1862, I had cor- responded with different persons supposed to be interested [in] seeking a reconstruction of a State government for Louisiana. When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New Orleans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident that the people, with his military cooperation, would reconstruct sub- stantially on that plan. I wrote to him and some of them to try it. They tried it, and the result is known. Such has been my only agency in getting up the Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before stated. But as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise, and break it whenever I shall be convinced that keeping it is adverse to the public interest; but I have not yet been so con- vinced. I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not seemed to be definitely fixed on the question whether the Vol. IL— 43. 674 LETTEES AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN seceded States, so called, are in the Union or out of it. It would perhaps add astonishment to his regret were he to learn that since I have found professed Union men endeavoring to make that ques- tion, I have purposely forborne any public expression upon it. As appears to me, that question has not been, nor yet is, a practically material one, and that any discussion of it, while it thus remains practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the mischiev- ous one of dividing our friends. As yet, whatever it may hereafter become, that question is bad as the basis of a controversy, and good for nothing at all — a merely pernicious abstraction. We all agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their proper practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of the government, civil and military, in regard to those States is to again get them into that proper practical relation. I believe that it is not only possible, but in fact easier, to do this without deciding- or even considering whether these States have ever been out of the Union, than with it. Finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly immaterial whether they had ever been abroad. Let us all join in doing the acts necessary to restoring the proper practical re- lations between these States and the Union, and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether in doing the acts he brought the States from without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never having been out of it. The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which the new Louisiana govern- ment rests, would be more satisfactory to all if it contained 50,000, or 30,000, or even 20,000, instead of only about 12,000, as it does. It is also unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the colored man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers. Still, the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it stands, is quite all that is desirable. The question is, will it be wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and dis- perse it! Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State government? Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore slave State of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held elections, organized a State government, adopted a free-State constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and empower- ing the legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the colored man. Their legislature has already voted to ratify the constitu- tional amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout the nation. These 12,000 persons are thus fully com- mitted to the Union and to perpetual freedom in the State — com- mitted to the very things, and nearly all the things, the nation wants — and they ask the nation's recognition and its assistance to make good their committal. Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disor- ganize and disperse them. We, in effect, say to the white man : You are worthless or worse ; we will neither help you, nor be helped LETTEKS AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 675 by you. To the blacks we say: This cup of liberty which these, your old masters, hold to your lips we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, where, and how. If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the con- verse of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the 12,000 to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and gi'ow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring, to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it than by running backward over them? Concede that the new government of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it. Again, if we reject Louisiana we also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the national Constitution. To meet this proposition it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those States which have not attempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against this further than to say that such a ratification would be question- able, and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unques- tionable. I repeat the question: Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State government? What has been said of Louisiana will apply generally to other States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such important and sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new and unprece- dented is the whole case that no exclusive and inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. Im- portant principles may and must be inflexible. In the present situ- ation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new announcement to the people of the South. I am considering, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper. April 12, 1865, — Telegram to General G. Weitzel. Washington, D. C, April 12, 1865. Major-General Weitzel, Richmond, Virginia : I have seen your despatch to Colonel Hardie about the matter of prayers, I do not remember hearing prayers spoken of while I was in Richmond ; but I have no doubt you have acted in what appeared to you to be the spirit and temper manifested by me while there. Is there any sign of the rebel legislature coming together 676 LETTEES AND STATE PAPEES OF ABEAHAM LINCOLN on the understanding of my letter to you ? If there is any such sign, inform me what it is ; if there is no such sign, you may with- draw the offer. A. Lincoln. April 12, 1865. — Telegram to General G. Weitzel. Washington, D. C, April 12, 1865. Major-General Weitzel, Richmond, Virginia : I have just seen Judge Campbell's letter to you of the 7th. He assumes, as appears to me, that I have called the insurgent legisla- ture of Virginia together, as the rightful legislature of the State, to settle all differences with the United States. I have done no such thing. I spoke of them, not as a legislature, but as " the gen- tlemen who have acted as the legislature of Virginia in support of the rebellion." I did this on purpose to exclude the assumption that I was recognizing them as a rightful body. I dealt with them as men having power de facto to do a specific thing, to wit: "To withdraw the Virginia troops and other support from resistance to the General Government," for which, in the paper handed Judge Campbell, I promised a specific equivalent, to wit: a remission to the people of the State, except in certain cases, of the confiscation of their property. I meant this, and no more. Inasmuch, however, as Judge Campbell misconstrues this, and is still pressing for an armistice, contrary to the explicit statement of the paper I gave him, and particularly as General Grant has since captured the Vir- ginia troops, so that giving a consideration for their withdrawal is no longer applicable, let my letter to you and the paper to Judge Campbell both be withdrawn, or countermanded, and he be notified of it. Do not now allow them to assemble, but if any have come, allow them safe return to their homes. A. Lincoln. INDEX INDEX ABC schools, the President at, I, 639. Abingdon, Va., movemeuts at, II, 428. Abolitionism, the ri^ht way to regard, 1, 12 ; teiidcucy of doctrines of, to increase the evils of slavery, 642. Abolitionist, Lincoln declared an, I, 218. Abolitionists, extremists anions, I, 174 ; .Southern recruits nnionf?, 18C>, '28S; opposi- tion to Kansas-Nebraska hill,';'.) ; rccruit- iug troni Whig and Ui-niocratic parties, 279, 322,336, 365, 400-403; platform in Il- linois in 1854, 279, 280 ; charged by Douglas with using aliases, 338, 339, 404 ; compact for the election of Lincoln as U. S. sena- tor, 340; Douglas's charges against South- ern, 366; Douglas charges revolutionary principles against, 390; oppose the com- promise measures of 1850. 399; carry the Illinois legislature in 1854, 401, 403; declare for no more slave States, 468 ; the party bonndeil iiy geographical lines, 470 ; power in Illiudis, 4".i2 : assert equality of negroes and whites, 495. Abolition of slavery, schemes for compen- sated, II, 91, 129, 130; scheme for gradual, 129, 130 ; the President accused of carrying on war for sole purpose of, 562. "Abraham Lincoln : a History," II, 568. Absterdam projectile, the, II, 494. Accomac County, Va., renewal of allegiance in, II, 104 ; excepted from declaration of Virginia's state of rebellion, Jan. 1, 1863, 288 ; question of exemption of, from Eman- cipation I'roelainatioii, 327 ; rebels paroled in, by Gen. Dix, 394, 395. Acquisition of territory, constitutional power of, II, 102. Acts of incorporation, power of Congress to pass, I, 31. Adams, Charles Francis, suggested for Cab- inet position, I, 661; proposed as Minis- ter to (Jreut Britain, II, 24; text of diplo- matic despatch from Secretary Seward to. May 21, 1861, with the President's cor- rections, 48-51 ; ord(!red to decline inter- course with British government as long as it holds intercoirrse with enemies of the United States, 49; correspnndenee re- garding the Trent affair, 120; despatch from, regarding publications presented to the Library of (■oiii;iess, 281 ; instruction from Secretary Seward to, regarding meeting of the President with Confed- erate commissioners at Hampton Roads, 650, 651. Adams, Christopher, candidate for position in Bureau of Construction, II, 44. Adams, Brig. -Gen. D. W., wounded at Chickamauga, II, 412. Adams, Green, letter to, regarding special force in Kentucky, II, 293. Adams, J. H., supports Lincoln for U. 8. senatorship, I, 213. Adams, John, relative cost of his administra- tion, I, 32; supporter of the Declaration of Iiulependenee, II, 3(;.\ , 44(), 447; draft- ing of, 417; redress of injuries to, 448. Alleghany Mountains, boundary line be- tween loyalty and rebellion, 11,73, 321,659; boundary of t)ie great interior region of tlie VuWWX 8tates, 269. Allegiance, the oath of. See Oath. Allen, , I, 214. Allen, , defeats Col. Archer, I, 210. Allen, Charles, I, 207. Allen, J. M., signs invitation to Henry Clay, I, 68. Allen, Nathan, I, 354. Allen, Col. Robert, letter to, I, 7, 8. Allen County, Ky., assessments in, II, 590, 591. Alphabet, on the invention of the, I, 525, 526. Alton, 111., neighborhood selected for Lin- coln-Shields duel, 1,70; Truml>uirs charge against Douglas at, 371, 374, 388, 394; ex- tracts from 'i'lumbuH's si>eech at, 379-385; Joint deliate at, see .T<.)INT Debates. "Alton Courier," the, I, 212. Ambition, Lincoln's personal, I, 4; misdi- rected, 11,13,14, 11,307; well-directed, I, 13. II, 307 ; a motive for enlistment, 388. Ambos, , claim against Barret, I, 530. Amelia Island, capture of, II, 140. Amendments. See U. S. Constitution. America, on the discovery of, I, 526, 528. American Baptist Home Mission Society, preamble and resolutions of, II, 526. American citizens?— or Democrats? II, 350. American classics, II, 255. American Colonization Society, Clay's speech l)efore, I, 175. American government, rests in public opin- ion, I, 225. Americanindustries, protection of the slave- trade, I, 245. See also Protection. Americanism, I, 237. American Party, Douglas's affection for, I, 271 ; Lincoln denies membership in, 519, 646, 647. American people, patriotism of, I, 11-15; supremacy of, II, 3; resources, advan- tages, and powers of, 308 ; loyalty of, 640. American republicanism, the sheet-anchor of, I, 195. American Tract Society, slavery dissension in, I, 507. American women, II, 500, 501, 631. Ames, Horatio, offer to purchase guns of, II, 415 ; testing of guns of, 577. Ames, Bishop Edward, War Department gives control of Methodist churches to, II, 481. Ammunition, order concerning exportation of, II, 403. Amnesty, to political or state prisoners, TI, 123-125 ; for Southern representatives, 281 ; to soldiers absent without leave, 314, 315; proclamations of, 442-444, 504, 505; to Mrs. E. T. Helm, 458 ; question of conflict be- tween oath of, and that of Gov. Johnson, 486-488; definition of persons entitled to claim, uuder proclamation of Dec. 8, 1863, 504, 505; offer of general pardon and, 615. Amnesty proclamation. Gen. Sickles com- missioned to make investigation tour con- cerning, II, 483. Anarchy, tendencies toward, 1, 11; relation to secession, II, 5. Ancestors, the works of our, I, 9. Anderson, Gen. R. H., opposing McDowell, II, 158, 169 ; sujiposed to have'eutered the valley of Virginia, 173. Anderson, Major Robert, commanding Fort Sumter, II, 9; opinion on provisioning the fort, 15, 16 ; weakness of his position, 19 ; not to be considered in planning policy re- ganling Fort Sumter, 21 ; the President declines to submit (lesi)atches from, to the Senate, 25; his recall advised, 26, 27; in- structions to, A])ril 4, 180] , 31, 32 ; prepara- tion of expedition to relieve, 31 ; author- ized to capitulate, 32 ; letter to. May 1, 1861, 40; ordered to enlist troops from Kentucky and western Virginia, 43 ; re- port on condition of Fort Sumter, 56 ; dis- cretion as to commissioning Simon Buck- ner, 76; reports the effects of Fremont's proclamation, 81 ; Western troops for, 84 ; at Louisville, 84. Anderson, W. G., letter to, I, 42. Andrew, John A., governor of Massachu- setts, consent of, asked for Gen. Butler to raise troops in Massachusetts, II, 78 ; i-e- portto, concerning Banks, 167 ; notified as to relief of militia, and enlistment of three- years men, 167 ; draft t>f letter to, concern- ing recruiting colored troops iu Massa- chusetts, 484; desitafch to, concerning the Thirteenth Amendment, 634. . Andrews, , sentenced to be shot for de- sertion, II, 468. Andrews, Israel D., enormous claim against the govenuneut, II, 355. Andrews, Paymaster-General, alleged per- sonal feeling connected with appointment of paymaster for Rosecraus's army, II, 315, 316. Animal power, substitution of, for man power, I, 578 ; substitution of steam power for, 579. Annapolis, Md., Gov. Hicks's action regard- ing troops at, II, 36; patriotism at, 37. Antietam, battle of, II, 250, 398; effect of the battle on the Emancipation Proclama- tion, 480. INDEX 681 Anti-Nebraska men, I, 401. Appalachicola, Fla., port of, declared closed, II, 670. Appeal to the country, dangers of, II, 191. Appomattox, Federal lines on the, II, 667. Apportionment law, .Iiidd's draft of, I, 520. Apprenticeship of negroes, II, 91, 296, GT.i. Appropriations, local, I, 124 ; $400,000,000 asked for, from Com^-irss, 60. Aquia Creek, McCIellan's niovenients Ijy way of, II, 247 ; the President near, 258, 259. Aquia Creek railroad, question to McC'lellan al.oitt cuttinir, II, 160. Arbitration, Gov. Ilieks's request to submit matters to media tio)i of Lord LA^ons, II, 36, 37; scheme for, iu the Trent affair, 108, 109; resolution of the Senate regarding, 310. Archer, Col., defeated by Allen, I, 210. Argentine Republic, relations with, II, 605. Arizona, mineral resdurccs in. II, 447. Arkansas, intcrestid in Mississippi River improvements, I, 125; part of Louisiana purchase, 182; admission of, 183, 192; Seward looks to, for revival of Union sen- timent, II, 13; repression of Union senti- ment in, 58 ; declared in state of insurrec- tion, 75, 195, 285, 2s«, ;iji, ;i22; Price's re- treat to, 86, 87 ; insurgents from, in posses- sion of Indian Territory, 100, 101 ; order for seizure of property and employment of military contrabands in, 212 ; negotia- tions for election of representatives to Congress from, 248; military operations in, 303; partial transfer of, to Grant's de- partment, 304; the Kmaneipatiou Procla- mation in, 379; reconstruction in, 443, 467, 472, 473, 475, 476,479, 4.S2-4.S4, 487, 495, .501, 515, 535, 539, 545, 612 ; emancipation in, 454 ; cleared of insurgent control, 454 ; treat- ment of freeilmeu in. 473, 474; Clay and Field undertake to cultivate plantations in, on free-lalior system, 474 ; amendment of constitution of, as regards slavery, 475 ; elections iu, 498, 501, 515 ; representatives from, refused admittance to Congress, 539. Arkansas Post, Ark., Admiral Porter's ser- vices at, II, 307. Arkansas River, McClernand's services on the, II, 305. Arlington, Va., headquarters of Department of Northeastern Virginia, II, 67; reorgan- ization of Manassas troops at, 69. Armed neutrality iu the border States, II, 59. Armies, power of Congress to raise and support, II. 389. Armistice, none granted in consequence of A. H. Stephens's presence within the lines, II, 645 ; Judge Campbell's demands for, 676. Arms, distribution of national, among Southern States, II, .55; scarcity of, 82; mixture of politics with the profession of, 307 ; order c(»ncerning exportation of, 403. Armstrong, A. N., I, 521. Armstrong, Hosea, I, 41. Armstrong, Hugh, I, 6. Army and Navy, orders to officers of, April 1, 1861, II, 28, 29; joint expedition, 80; a Constitutional lueans of suppressing re- belli(m, 363. See also U. S. Army; U. S. Nav y. Army corps, organization of, II, 149. Army of the James, II, 641, 642. Army of the Potomac, proposed forward movement, II, 92, 93 ; orders for move- ments on Feb. 22, 1862, 119; expedition to seize the railroad southwest of Manassas Junction, 119, 120; McCIellan's plans for movements of, coutraste, 635 ; invites the I'residentto attend Soldiers' Fair at Springticld, 11,619. Asia, coniniunication with, II, 2(':9. Asiatic coolie trade, resolution of the House respecting, II, 110. Assassination, raison d'etre of, I, 609; insti- gated 1).\- resistance to the draft, II, 362 ; in Missoiu-i, 507. Assemblies, suppression of, in Missouri, II, 416. Assessments for rebel outrages, complaints about, iu Missouri, II, 291, 292 ; necessity and evils of the system, 591. Assumption Parish, La., excepted from declaration of Louisiana's state of rebel- lion, Jan. 1, 1863, II, 288. Astor, J. J., Jr., letter to, regarding pro- posed mayoralty of (ion. Dix, II, 436, 437. Atchison, D. R., election and resignation of, I, 223. 682 INDEX Atchison, Kan., speech in, I, 585; growth of, 632. Athens, Ga., dispute on mail-route to Mill- eclseville, 1, 108, 109. Atherton's Ferry, I, 639. Atkinson, Gen. H., I, 5. Atkinson, , question of removal of, II, 533. Atlanta, Ga., Sherman near, II, 555, 561; capture of, 571-573 ; Sherman at, 577, 582 ; Sherman's march to Savannah from, 622. Atlanta, 111., I, 274. "Atlanta," the, Confederate ironclad, en- gagement with the Weehawken , II, 456, 457. Atlantic Ocean, the, II, 224 ; proposed in- ternational telegi-aph line across, 263, 447, 605. Atlantic seaboard, proposed telegraphic communication between Washington and forts on the, II, 447. Attainder, provision of U. 8. Constitution asaiust, II, 211. Attorney-General, proposed opinion of, on (piestiou of habeas corpus, II, 60 ; opinion of, on rights of colored ti'oops, 519. Auburn, N. Y., speech by Seward at, II, 586 ; Seward at, 593, 594. Augusta, III., Lincoln speaks at, I, 361. Aurora, 111., platform of Republican Con- gressional Convention at, 1854, I, 465, 466. Austria, Bui-lingame proposed as minister to, II, ■.4; coiTespoudeuce with, regard- ing the Trent attatr, 113; relations with, 263. Autobiography of the President, I, 638-644. Avarice, overborne by patriotism, I, 14. Averell, Maj.-Gen. W. 'W., success at Lewis- burg, II, 437. Avery, , disputed mail contracts of, I, 109. Aves Island, settlement of claim, II, 604. Babcock, Lt.-Col. O. E., II, 649. Backus, Abner L., letter to, II, 360-363. Bailey, Joshua F., collector of customs at New York, II, 481. Bailey, Capt. Theodoras, recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 151. Baily, Gen., reports stai'vation in Louisiana, II, 578, 579. Baird, Isaac P., case of, II, 222, 490. Baker, Col. E. D., I. 39, 100, 152-154, 158, 214, 594; 11,130; nominated for Illinois Senate, I, 41 ; defeated for senatorship, 43 ; signer of Whig circular, 47; counsel in Fisher murder trial, 49; signs call for Whig State Convention, 54 ; defeats Lincoln as dele- gate to district convention, 79; Campbel- ute influence for, 80 ; alleged election tac- tics of, 81 ; candidate for Congress, 82, 644 ; service in Mexican war. 111, 146; interest asked in favor of Gen. Taylor, 118 ; influ- ence in Illinois, 131 ; candidate for Cabinet office, 149 ; desires to be heard by Secre- tary of the Treasury on Illinois appoint- ments, 151 ; arranjre'nient with, concern- ing nominees for Ucneral LandOftice, 154; in Congress, 643; commanding California regiment, II, 107 ; patriotism of, 258 ; killed in battle, 510. Baker, Jehu, speaks at Waterloo, 111., I, 338, 404 ; speaks in Monroe County, 433, 438. Baldwin, Abraham, I, 600-602. Baldwin, Commander Charles H., recom- mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Baldwin, D. S. D., note to, II, 566, 567. Ballot, reliance on, for solution of domestic ditticulties, II, 56, 57 ; no successful appeal from, to the bullet, 398. Ball's Bluff, battle of, II, 107. " Baltic," the, movements of, II, 136. Baltimore, Md., conventions at, I, 123, 138, 140, 278, 336, 399, 645, 650, II, 527, 528 ; passage of troops through, 36, 215, 512 (see also Maryland) ; French 8. Evans lecom- mended for appraisership at, 42,43 ; policy regarding the holding of, 69; arrest and in)prisonment of police commissioners of, 70, 79 ; Gen. Dix commanding in, 127 ; Hal- leck's troops ordered to Richmond by way of, 189; riot in, 215; Gen. Wright at, 230; straggling soldiers in, 248 ; troops sent from, to intercept enemy threatening Pennsylvania, 330 ; defense of, yes, 546, 547 ; Gen. Schenck in command of department at, 365, 369, 428, 430 ; the President's passage through, to Gettysburg, 439; address at Sanitary Fair in, 512-514 ; changes in, 512 ; Gen. Wallace at, 521, 617; Sanitary fairs in, 534 ; salute flred at, 573 ; negroes of, pre- sent a Bible to the President, 574 ; meeting at, to ratify new Constitution, 584. " Baltimore," the, the President on board of, II, 259. " Baltimore American," quoted, I, 139, II, 191. Baltimore and Ohio railroad, defense of the, II, 142; clearing the, 377; proposes ar- rangements for trip to Gettysburg, 439; exposure to attack, 655. Baltimore Convention of 1844, members in- structed for Van Buren, 1, 140. Baltimore Convention of 1848, indorsefl Polk's vetoes of public improvement bills, 1, 138. Baltimore Conventions of 1852, approve Compromise of 1850, 1, 278. Baltimore Convention of i860, Douglas's Southern votes at, I, 645. Baltimore Convention of 1864. See UNION National Convention. Bancroft, George, correspondence with, II, 90. Bangor, Me., s]»eech of Jefl'erson Davis at, I, 494 ; military line extended to, II, 85. Banishments, complaints about, in Mis- souri, II, 291, 292. Bank charter, power of Congress to grant, I, 31. Bank circulation, taxation of, II, 301. Banking law, national, II, 448. Bank-notes, Icijislation regarding circula- tion in District of Columbia, II, 186. Bank of United States, use of public money by, I, 25; overthrow of, 25 ; constitution- ality of, 136, 455. Bank paper, use of, in collecting revenue, I, 22. Bankrupt law, question of establishing, I, 137. Banks, issue of notes by, II, 18G; suspen- sion of specie payments by, 264; the na- tional banking sy.stem, 264, 265, 301 ; issuefj of, suspended, 301. Banks, Maj.-Gen. Nathaniel P., leader in Abolitionist Party, I, 364,403; suggested for Cabinet position, 657, 061; his forces to be strengthened, II, 69; to command Fifth Corps, Ai-my of Potomac, 131 ; at Manassas Junction, 142 ; division of his corps, 142; critical position of, 157-160; Confederate pursuit of, 158; Fremont ordered to the relief of, 159; correspon- dence with, 160, 161, 170, 171, 174, 175, 177, 185, 256, 257, 318, 319, 380, 381, 435, 436, 465, 466, 469,476, 477, 509, 510, 560, 601-603,668; Confederate operations on his line, 160; proposed movement to Strasburg, 160; engaged with Ewell, 160; at Winchester, 160, 177; requested to furnish informa- tion, 161 ; driven north. 161 ; retreat to Harper's Ferry, 162 ; retreat to Winches- INDEX 683 ter, 162 \, inquiry regarding his position at Martinsburg, 162 ; danger to, at Harper's Ferry, 162; Confederate atteniitt to get to tlie uortliward of, 163; strength at Strasburg, 163; beaten at Wiucliester, 163 ; retreat to Williamsport, 166 ; oflicial report from, 166; reports having saved his command, 167 ; safe from pursuit, from fatigue of the enemy, 169; at Williaius- port, 170, 171, 173, 174; at Harper's Ferry, 173 ; directed to cooperate with Fremont, 173, 179, 182. 184; Sigel ordered to report to, 174; ordered to move to Front Royal, 177 ; questiDU of retreat from Front Royal, 179; waitiui;- tor Fremont's arrival, 179; criticism in regard to his movements op- posing Jackson at Strasburg and Front Eoyaf, 180; Sigel's corps with, 182; at Wa'shington, 184; at MiihUctinvu, 185 ;_ ex- pects movement of enemy from the West, 185; Gen. Scott's views as to disposition of his troops, 187; to connnand Second Army Corps, Army of Virginia, 188 ; in command of Sheuandoah Department, 188; cousolidation of his forces with the Army of Virginia, 188 ; letter to, regarding impedimenta, 2o(i; troops of, 197; opera- tions on the Mississippi. 304; to join Grant at Vieksburg, 304; relations with Butler, SOU; commuuication to, re- garding the raising of a colored brigade, 318, 319; inquiry as to his comnnuiica- tions with (iiant, 343; proposed junction of Grant and. 368; alleged incapacity '• to run an omuibus on Broadway," 378; the President's thanks tendered to, for open- ing the Mississippi, 380; to confer with citizens of Louisiana regarding recon- struction, 11,380; question of withdrawing troops from, for service in Missouri, 422 ; communications to, regarding reconstruc- tion in Louisiana, 435, 436, 465, 466, 469, 477, 560; conflict of authority between Gov. Shepley and, 465; at New York, 668; ab- solute control confided to, 465, 466 ; not to ■withdraw from Texas, 466 ; thanks to, for operations in Texas, 466; relations with C 8. Hawkes. 476 ; submission to U. 8. Senate of paper relating to Louisiana by, 625, 626 ; opinion on reconstruction, 673 ; case of Gen. Stone referred to, 509, 510 ; matter of church seizure left to, 498 ; ex- pedition up Red River, 578; proposed res- ignation of, 601-603 ; fitness for work m Louisiana, 603. Banks's House, Sheridan's headquarters at, II. 667. Baptist delegation, reply to a. May 14, 1864, II 522. Barbary Powers, relations with, II, 606. Barbour County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation. II, 195. Barboursville, Ky., ZoUicoffer's force at, II, 83. Bardstown, Ky., I, 639. Barnburners, support Gen. Taylor, I, 122. Barnes, Gen. H., petition of. II, 628. Barney, H. M., petition for relief from loss by burning of his post-office, 1, 115. Barney, Hiram, collector of customs atNew York, rumored retirement of, II, 469 ; pro- posed as Minister to Portugal, 481; re- moval of, 539. Barren County, Ky., assessments m, II, 590, 591. Barret, , Democratic partizan, I, 153, 156 ; Columbus Machine Mfg. Co.'s claim against, I, 536. Barrett, Col. Jas. A., ordered to New Mexico, Barry, W. T., favoritism by, m postofflce contract, T, 34; appointment to Spanish mission, 35; Postmaster-General, 109. Bartlett, W. O., invited to Washington, II, 631. Bartley, T. W., letter to, June 29, 1863, II, 360-363. Bassett, Richard, I, 600. Bates, Edward, letters to, I. 660, fifi7, 670, II, 25,260,261, 536; otter of Ciibinet positioiito, 1,660; iuvitation to, to join Lincoln on jour- ney toWashiugtou, (ITO ; Attoruey-Geueral, opinion on Fort Sumter, II, 21, 22, 27, 28; appears in Dr. McPheeters's case, 290; opinion requested respecting colored troops, 536. Battle of the Thames, Gen. Cass at, 1, 141, 142. Baxter's Fire Zouaves, II, 222. Bayonets, voting under, no test of popular sentiment, II, 64. Beardstown, 111., I, 640, 641 ; I'eceipt for arms given at, 4; newspaper support for Lincoln in election of 1846,84; proposed Whig convention at. 85. Beaufort, N. C, exception of, in list of States declared in state of rebellion, II, 322 ; des- ignated as place of purchase of products of insurrectionary States, 580 ; relaxation of blockade of, 670. ' Beaufort, S. C, raising of blockade of, II, 150; port declared closed. 670. " Becca," Lincoln's pseudonym, I, 69. Beck, Mrs., Globe Tavern, Springfield, I, 82. Bedell, Grace, letter to, I, 652. Bedford, Pa., Stanton at, II, 403. Beecher, Henry W., invites Lincoln to lec- ture in Brooklyn, I, 633; asks for release of Howard, II, 567 ; visit from, 655. Behring's Straits, proposed telegraph line across, II, 605. Belgium, King of, arbitrates between Chili and the United States, II, 445 ; seizure of papers in the Belgian consulate at St. Louis, 532 ; treaties with, 625. Bell, David, condemned to be shot at St. Louis, II, 392. ^ ^ Bell, Commander Henry H., recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 151. Bell, John, American Party's candidate for President, Douglas's manipulation of his followers, I, 648, 649. Bell, W. M., arrested as a hostage m Ten- nessee, II, 507. " Belleville Advocate," quoted, I, 120. Belmont, August, letter to, II, 217. 218. Bennett, James Gordon, proposed nomina- tion of, as Minister to France, II, 653. Bennett, John, I. 83, 85. Benning, Brig. -Gen. Henry L., wounded at Chickamauira, II, 412. Berkeley County, Va., excepted from dec- laration of state of rebellion, II, 288. Berks County, Pa., the Lincoln family iu, I, 117, 596, 638. Berlin, Prussia, signing of treaty with King of Hanover at, II, 123. Bermuda Hundred, Va., Butler at, II, 524, 577, 582. 583. Berrett, J. G., imprisonment of, II, 145; con- templated withdrawal of his nomination as commissioner in District of Columbia, 145 ; draft of letter to, 145. Berry, Nathaniel S., governor of New Hampshire, telegram to, II. 78 ; requests the President to call for vohmteers, 194. Berryville, Va., the enemy reported at, II, 352. Bertinatti, Commander, envoy from Italy, II, 5.52. f>,53. Bethlehem, Pa., Gen. Schurz at. II, 561. Bible, a cure for the blues, I, .53; a strange text in the, 174, 175 ; quoted, 259, 576, II, 684 INDEX 526, 574, 657 ; as autliority for slavery, I, 563. Big Black River, Grant drives Peraberton over the, II, 339 ; Graut's movements on the, 368. Big Blue River, Ind., Josiah Lincoln's resi- d(Mice on, I, 177. Bigler, W., dci'laration about conference in rejiiird to Eiialdiug Act for Kansas, 1,371, 372, 376, 377, 381-385, 392. 411. Bingham, John A., II, 395; appointed U. 8. solicitor in Court of Claims, 557. Birchall, C, I, 68. Birchard, M., letter to, II, 360-363. Birdsall, , on Van Kureu's rejection of Baltimore Convention of 1844, I, 140. Bird's Point, Mo., Federal forces at, II, 84. Birney, Gen. David B., meritorious conduct at Chancel lorsville, II, 492 ; nominated major-general, 492. Bishop, Capt., editor of "Charleston Cour- ier,"!, Ill ; i)osition on Mexican war. 111. Bissell, William H., goNcrnor of Illinois. I, 341; action on McCallister and Stcbbins bonds, 536. Bixby, Mrs., mother of five sons killed in battle for the Union, II, 600. Black, William J., I, 210. Blackburn, Eng., address fi-om distressed operatives of, to people of the United States, 11,312. Black Hawk war, soldier's discharge from, I, 5 ; Lincoln's service in, 142, 597, 641 ; land-grants for service in, 641. Blackmail, seizures of cotton for, II, 554. Black Republicanism, Douglas's declara- tions of, I, 257 ; Southern deUuition of, 608. Blacksmith trade, Lincoln contemplates learning the, I, 641. " Blackstone's Commentaries," I, 651. Blackwater River, supplies for the enemy on the, II, 659. Blackwell, R. S., indorses Lincoln's fee-bill against Illinois Central R. R. Co., I, 219. Blair, Austin, governor of Michigan, re- quests the President to call for volun- teers, II, 194. Blair, Frank P., Jr., gradual emancipation scheme, I, 464, 510, 615, 623 ; a turncoat, 471 ; crusade in Missouri against slavery, 471 ; defeated for Congress, 615, 623 ; correspon- dence with, II, 47, 48, 254 ; desires to raise troops in Missouri, 72, 73 ; desires to join McClernand, 254; prospects of, 433, 434; possil>ility of election as Speaker, 434; military talents, 434; Grant requested to And command for, 497 ; asks for active service, 515 ; withdrawal of resignation of, 515, 517; military sei'vices of, 516; at relief of Knoxville, 516 ; in battles before Chattanooga, 516 ; seeks and obtains com- mand of a corps, 517; transmission of papers relating to, to House of Represen- tatives, II, 518. Blair, F. P., Sr., II. 79; letters to, 378, 629; documents and tiansaetions relating to meeting of the Tresideiit and Confeder- ate couimissiouers in Hampton Roads, 623, 629, 631-633, 640, 641. 643, 644, 646, 648. Blair, Montgomery, Postmaster-General, opinion on Fort Sumter, II, 20, 21, 27; visit to Gen. Fremont, 79 ; invites border slave-State representatives to confer -with the President, 132 ; correspondence with, 374, 375, 433, 434, 438, 571, 579; letter to, re- f:arding his brother Frank, 433, 434; letter o, regarding misconduct of military offi- cers at elections, 438 ; course on emanci- pation, 479, 481 ; alleged offensive remarks by, concerning military ofHcers on duty about Washington, 547, 548; question of dismissing from the Cabinet, 548; sum- moned from Portsmouth to Washington, 571 ; the President asks for his resigna- tion, 579; the President's estimate of, 579. Blake, Marshal B., II, 228. Blatchford, R. M., empowered to act for the Secretary of the Navy in the public de- fense, II, 164; money advanced to, for public defense, 165; question of appoint- ment as Assistant Treasurer at New York, 539. Bledsoe, A. T., I, 68, 72, 79. Blenker, Brig. -Gen. Louis, his division or- dered to Fremont, II, 140, 182 ; withdrawal of his command from McClellan, 142, 182; with Fr6mont, 171. Bliss, George, letter to, II, 360-363. Blizzard, A., letter to, II, 588, 589. Blockade of Southern ports, advocated by the Attorney-General and Caleb Smith, II, 27 ; Seward advises preparing ior a, 29 ; proclamations of, April 27, 1861, 35, 38, 39, 59; conversation lu'twceii Mr. Dallas and Lord .John Russell regarding, 48; instruc- tions to Minister Adaius regarding, 49, 50; to be made effective, 68;' case of the Perthsliire, 95 ; maintenance of, 97, 450 ; preferred to closing ports by proclama- tion, 103; resolution of the House re- specting, 107 ; rights of, 107 ; seizure of the FroiiUlencia, 118; instituted, 124; procla- mation of i)artial raising of, May 12, 1862, 150 ; order concerning, Nov. 12, 1862, 253 ; mistakes and injuries resulting therefrom, in enforcement of the, 262; question re- garding government mail of neutral power captured on vessel breaking, 326, 327; relaxed as to Alexandria, Va., 412; adjustment of international questions arising out of, 445; number and value of vessels captured, 450 : proclamation con- cerning, Feb. 18, 1864, 484-486 ; to be strictly observed at Mobile, 594 ; raised in Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola, 599 ; effect en price of cotton, 616; fears of an attempt to raise, by forgery, 617. Blockade-running, II, 606. Bloomington, 111., I, 96, 274; Douglas's speech at, 266, 267, 269 ; speeches of Lin- coln and Douglas at, 275, 276 ; State con- vention of Republican Part,v at. May, 1856, 456 ; platform of Republican Congressional Convention at, in 1854, 465. Blount, 'William, votes for prohibition of slavery in Northwest Territory, I, 600. Blow, H. T., correspondence with, II, 337, 368. Blue Ridge, the, Geary reports "no enemy this side of," II, 168; McClellan's cross- ing the Potomac in relation to, 246; gaps through, 247; question of McClellan's movement by, 247. Blue River, Ind., residence of Josiah Lin- coln on, I, 117, 638. Blunt, Maj.-Gen. James G., complaints by Gov. Carney regarding actions of, II, 328, 371-373; encourages Judge Lynch in Kan- sas, 371, 373, 394 ; question of taking Kansas out of his department, 373 ; letter to, con- cerning affairs in Kansas, 393, 394; the President's dissatisfaction with, 394; ad- vice to Gen. Schotield regarding, 417. Boggs, Commander Charles S., recom- mended for thanks of Congress, II, 151. Bogus despatches, II, 584. Bohlen, Brig. -Gen. Henry, patriotism of, II, 258. Boker, George H., communication to, re- garding election to Philadelphia Union League, II, 429. Bolivia, relations with, II, 605. INDEX 685 Bond, Benjamin, T, 151, 152. Bonds, proposal to issue, for compensated eniaucipation, II, 207. Boone County, Va., excepted from insurrec- tiou proclamntiou, II, 195. Boone County, Mo., exiles from, II, 292. Boonville, Mo., Ann Todd married and settled in, I, 82. Border States, demoralized by sympatliy for the slave States, II, 13 ; ditt'erences in, re- garding tlie qiiestion of Federal Union, 58; armed neutrality in, 59; Confederate hopes of support from, 133; influence of, 204; appeal to Kei)reseutative8, to favor compensated emancipation, 204, 205; Union feelins in the, 235 ; appeals to, for compensated emancipation, 508. Border warfare, I, 217. Borrowed money, views on, I, 7. Boston, Mass., proposed Sul)treasnry sta- tion at, 1,28; invitation to attend festival at, on Jefferson's birthday, with Halleck, 206; questioned coneeriiimr Nel- son's force, 229 ; questioned concerning wherealii)ut-i of Bragg, 230; questioned regarding situation at Louisville, 233 ; questioned regarding Bnell, 245 ; aflTair of Senator Powell referred to, 308. Bradford, A. W., governor of Maryland, II, 499 ; requests the President to call for volunteers, 194 ; letter to, regarding elec- tions in Maryland, 434, 435. Bragg, Gen. Braxton, Inquiry concerning whereabouts i>f, II, 230; inquiry concern- ing his presence in Shenandoah Vallej, 230; pursued by Buell, 244; Rosecrans asked to keep him from helping Johnston against Grant, 341 ; sent to Johnston's assistance, 385 ; the President's views as to Rosecrans's duty to attack, 385 ; tele- gram to Gen. Cooper from Chickamauga, II, 411 ; his account of Chickamauga given in the Richmond papers, 411. Bramlette, Thomas E., governor of Ken- tucky, communications to, concerning affairs in Kentucky, II, 407, 470, 471, 601 ; conversation with, regarding working of emancipation, 508, 509; reports arrest of Gen. Houston, 596; des]iatch to, concern- ing Thirteenth Amendment, 636. Branch, Gen. L. O'B., defeated at Hanover Court House, II, 167 ; opposed to Porter, 169. Branham, , letter to, I, 666. Braxton County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Brayman, M., letter to, I, 177. Brazil, prohibition of sljive-trade with, I, 202; mission unfilled, II, 24; capture of the FJiiridd off the coast of, 594; political difficulties in ports of, 606. Brazos de Santiago, Texas, port of, declared closed, II, 670. Breckinridge, John C, indorses Douglas, I, 568 ; injiu-ed in his canvass by Douglas's tactics in Kentucky, 648; political.pros- pects in 1860, 645; treason of, II, 348; order of, borne by Col. Robert J. Breck- inridge, 654. Breckinridge, Col. Robert J., 11,654. Breckinridge County, Ky., Mary Lincoln and her dt;scendants in, I, 639. Breese, Capt. K. Randolph, recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Breese, Sidney, opposes Douglas in discus- sion, I, 338 ; supports Trumbull, 338 ; Ab- olitionist worker, 364, 403; stumps Illi- nois against Douglas, 401. Brentsville, Va., proposed operations at, II, 92. Brewster, Benj. E., correspondence with, regarding arrest of Simon Cameron, II, 145. Bridges, R. T., sentenced to death, II, 621. Bridges, burning in Missouri, II, 113; ques- tion of building, 244. Brigadier-generals, ignorance and lack of fitness tor command among, II, 113. Briggs, H. M., 1, 41. Briggs, James A., letter to, I, 585. Bright, Jesse D., Vice-Presidency of, I, 220, 223. Brimfield, 111., burning of post-office at, I, 115. Bristow Station, Va., affair at, Oct. 14, 1863, II, 427, 428. British Museum, publicalhms presented by, to the Library of Congress, II, 281. British North America, boundary of the great interior of the United States, II, 269; arrest of U. S. consul-general to, 483 ; exportation of goods in bond to, 565, 626, 627. Broadhead, James O., II, 291 ; communica- tion to, regarding arrest of McKee, 370; provost-marshal-general of Department of Missouri. 420, 421 ; supersedes F. A. Dick, 420, 421. Broadhead, John M., candidate for second comptroller of the Treasury, II, 340. Broad Run, Va., proposed operations on, II, 93. Brockman, J. M., letter to, I, 651. 686 INDEX Brooke County, Va., excepted from insur- rectiou proclamation, II, 195. Brooklyn, N. Y., invitatiou to lecture in Beecher's cburcli, I, 633 ; Sanitary fairs In, II, 534. " Brooklyn," the, sent with troops to rein- force Fort Picliens, II, 56, 57. Brooks, Edward P., matter of exchange of, II, 501. Brooks, Preston S., opinion on the Consti- tution, I, 208; on slavery, I, 347, 480, 511, 516, 615. Brooks, Gen., in command at Pittsburg, Pa., II, 355. Brough, John, governor of Ohio, correspon- dence witb, II, 510, 515, 525, 535 ; communi- cation to, of pardon of soldiers of the 12th Ohio, 510 ; sends offer of troops from Ohio, 515 ; transmission to, of news from Grant, 525; advised to watch ^■;lllau(li.^i•ham, 535. Brougham, Lord, supposed speecli of George M. Dallas to, I, 649. Brown, , nominated for Illinois House of Representatives, I, 41. Brown, Senator Albert G., his son wounded at Gettysburg, II, 377. Brown, B. Gratz, gradual emancipation scheme, I, 464, 510; crusade in Missouri against slavery, 471 ; telegram to, concern- ing affairs in Missouri, II, 294; proposes to nominate Gen. Schofleld as major-gen- eral, 462 ; relations with Senator Hender- son, 462 ; opinion on the difficulties in the Department ()f Missouri, 4C3. Brown, Brig. -Gen. Egbert B., complaint against, regarding bushwhackers, II, 537. Brown, George T., elected secretary of Illi- nois Senate, I, 212. Brown, George W., mayor of Baltimore, the President desires consultation with, re- garding preservation of peace in Mary- land, II, 36. Brown, Col. Harvey, expedition under, 11,29. Brown, James, I, 409. Brown, John, peculiarity of his Insurrection, I, 609; raid at Harper's Ferry, 607-609 ; his raid charged to Republican party, 615, 616 not a Republicau, 624 ; war-cry of Demo- crats against Republicans, 624, 625. Brown, Brig. -Gen. John C, wounded at Chickamauga, II, 412. • Brown, Gov. Joseph E., II, 582. Brown, W. H., letter to, I, 595. Brown, Rev. William Y., II, 106. Browning, O. H., I, 19, 118, 151, 167, 252, 282, 341, 403 ; indorses Lincoln's tee-bill against Illinois Central R. R. Co., 219 ; letter to, II, 80-82. Browning, Mrs. O. H., letter to, I, 17-19. Brownsville, Tex., J. E. Johnston's camp near, II, 339; relaxation of blockade of, 485; port of, declared closed, 670. Brumfield, William, marries Nancy Lin- coln, I, 639. Brunswick, Ga., capture of, II, 140 ; port of, declai'ed closed, 670. Brussels, Belg., ratification of treaties at, II, 625. Bruzual, Bias, reception as representative of Venezuela, II, 574. Bryan, Thomas B., sends lithographed copies of Emancipation Proclamation to the President, II, 471 ; letter to, 471. Bryant, John H., letter to, respecting mon- umeut to Lovejoy, II, 526, 527. Bryant, William Cullen, letters to, I, 644, 662, II, 337, 537, 538 ; requests reappoint- ment of Sigel, 337; letter to, respecting Henderson, 537, 538. Buchanan, Comm. Franklin B., treason of, II, 348. Buchanan, James, Presidential candidacy, I, 221 ; Pennsylvania 8upi)ort of, 224; Pierce's opinion of his election, 225; likened to Lear, 225 ;differeuce with Douglas, 236-238 ; elec- tion as President. 241. 477 ; inaugural ad- dress, 241, 242 ; indorses Dred Scott deci- sion, 242, 243 ; on the point at issue in the Lecompton Constitution matter, 262, 263; Lincoln's charge of conspiracy against, 303, 313, 328, 396, 397, 466, 467, 485 ; on adop- tion of State constitutions, 346; Minister to Euglaud, 397, 467 ; ideas about the slavery question, 425 ; connection with Lecompton Constitution, 442 ; supported by Douglas, 475, 477, 478, 494 ; democracy of, 477, 478; Douglas on the President's policy, 492, 493; on slavery within Terri- tories, 494; principle on which he was elected, 495; Douglas's attack on, at Quincy, 496, 497 ; charged by Republican National Convention of 1860 with section- alism, 636 ; conference with Gen. Scott as to preservation of order, 664 ; refuses to allow provisioning of Fort Sumter, II, 16, 17 ; weakness of, 20 ; effect of his policy, 21 ; message to Senate, Feb. 21, 1861, re- garding proposed arbitration of boundary question with Great Britain, 23 ; quasi- armistice of his administration, 57 ; rec- ommendation regarding claims against China, 95 ; political separation between Douglas and, 344. Buchanan administration, condemned by Republican National Convention of 1860, I, 636 ; policy of, II, 13 ; connivance at se- cession, 20 ; responsible for the Fort Sum- ter affair, 29. Buchanan County, Mo., troubles in, II, 432, 520. Buckingham, William A., governor of Con- necticut, correspondence with, II, 78, 297, 298; requests the Presideut to call for volunteers, 194 ; conveys resolutions of Connecticut legislature, 297, 298. Buckner, Gen. Simon B,, memorandum to, July 10, 1861, II, 66; commissioned briga- dier-general of volunteers, 76 ; movements around Louisville, 83 ; Thomas and Sher- man to watch, 84 ; force near Muldraugh's Hill, 84 ; treason of, 348. Buell, Gen. Don Carlos, movement on Bowl- ing Green, II, llO; correspondence with, 110-112, 116, 123, 136, 230, 248 ; to cooperate with Halleck, 110-112, 123, 126, 136; con- templated movement toward Nashville, 111; communication between Halleck and, 113; difficulties in the way of Halleok's assisting, 113, 114 ; similarity of his posi- tion in Kentucky to McDowell's at Bull Run, 114 ; Halleck's ignorance of his movements, 114 ; proposed scheme for movements, 116 ; directions to, Feb. 9, 1862, 123 ; position regarding Nashville, 126 ; at Louisville, 131 ; instructions to, concerning commercial intercourse, -131, 132; part of his command merged into the Department of the Mississippi, 137 ; the President's ignorance of his condition, 206; questioned concerning whereabouts of Bragg, 230 ; inquiry as to his where- abouts^ 233, 245 ; in pursuit of Bragg, 244 ; to make East Tennessee the main object of his campaign, 248; at Mount Vernon, 248 ; the President's dissatisfaction with, 258 Bueria Vista, battle of, 1. 121. Buffalo, N. Y., sugar transported from New Orleans to, via canal, I, 125, 126; address, Feb. 10, 1861, at, I, 681, 682. Bullet, no successful appeal from the ballot to the, II, 398. INDEX 687 Bullitt, Cuthbert, letter from Thomas J. Du- rant to, II, 215 ; letter to, 215-217 ; the Pres- ident's desire to nominate liim as collec- tor of customs at New Orleans, 284. Bull Run, Va., memoranda of military pol- icy siiiriicsted liy the defeat at, 11,68,69; Btratei;ie error prodiuiii^ disaster at, 114; cai>tiire of ueyroes under Hag of truce at, 235 ; report of l)attle at, denied, 427 ; Pope's disaster at, 4H0. Bunker Hill, Va., Jackson and Ewell near, II, 169. Bunn, Jacob, letter to, II, 341. Bunn, John, letter to, II, 341. Bunn, Brig. -Gen. , wounded at Chlcka- mauga, II, 412. Burbridge, Gen. Stephen G., correspon- dence with. II, 533, 559, 573, 581, 691,596; at Lexington, 533, 573, 581, 596 ; action at Cyntliiana, 533 ; letter to, respeeting ar- rest of Mrs. Helm, 559; despateli to, re- garding arrest of Harris, 573 ; desimteh to, respectiiiirdiscliariic of Meade, nm ; matter of assessments in Keiitneky for rebel outrages referred to, .'I'.ii ; orders arrest of Gen. J. B. Houston, 596; expels Lt.-Gov. Jacol) from Kentucky, 624. Bureau for employment of disabled and dis- charged soldiers, II, 655, 656. Bureau of Construction, contemplated change in office of, II, 44. Bureau of Ordnance, changes in, necessary, II, 118. Burlingame, Anson, I, 598; proposed as Minister to Austria, II, 24. Burnet, David G., President of Republic of Texas, treaty with Santa Anna, I, 107, 108. Burnley, J. Hume, British ch.arg^ d'affaires, transmits offer of sword to be presented by British government to Captain Stellwar gen, II, 639. Burnside, Maj.-Gen. Ambrose £.,at capture of Roanoke Island, II, 125 ; the road to Richmond open to, 152 ; in communication with Wool, 152; correspondence with, II, 178, 189, 192, 221, 258, 281, 284, 294-296, 329, 342, 375, 376, 406, 410, 413, 414, 437 ; at Fortress Monroe, 178 ; despatch of, relating to gim- boats, 178; at Newbern, 189; ordered to send reinforcements to .Tames River, 189; ordered to reinforce McClellan, 189, 198, 199; order to, 200; at Newport News, 207; de.spatch to McClellan respeeting. 212; questioned concernini,'' King's division, 221 ; reports of Gov. Stanley's administra- tion in North Carolina, 243; aiijxiinted to command Army of Potomac, 252; at Fal- mouth, 258; strength of, 259; scheme of movement for, 259; conference between the President and, 259 ; rejects the Presi- dent's ])lan of moxeiiient, 260; invited to Washington, 281 ; instructed not to move army without notifying the President, 284; desires to cross the i;ii])iiahaimoek, 288, 289; Halleek desired to confer with, 288, 289; sends resinuatiou (if commission, 294; Halleek advises liis crossing the Rappahannock, 295; interview with Hal- leek at War'rcnton, 295; the President re- fuses to accept his resiiiuation, 296; dis- sension among his jrenernl olticers, 296; relieved from comin;ind (d' the Army of Potomac, 306; relations with Hooker, 307 ; commanding Department of the Ohio, 329; at Cincinnati, 329, 338, 342, 375, 376; letter to, regarding sale of captives of war, 329 ; ordered to send C. L. Vallandig- ham beyond the military lines, 338 ; sup- ported in arrest of Vallandisham, 342 ; the President has no wish to supersede, 342 ; questioned regarding whereabouts of John H. Morgan, 375 ; communication to, concerning the Ninth Corps, 376; engaged In effort to relieve lOast Tennessee, 383; victories in Tennessee, 403; question of his resignation,406 ; ordered to Rosecrans's assistance, 410-412, 414; at Greenville, 410, 413; at Knoxville, 410, 413-415, 437; on the TeuTiessee Uiver, 413; at Carter's Station, 413; at Kingsttm, 413; at Loudon, 413 ; at Morristown, 413 ; draft of letter re- lating to mo\ cnients alleged to be in sup- port (d' Kosecrans, 413, 414 ; incomprehensi- ble nn>vemeidsof,aliei;'i'ester's money, 583; supervises exehiinge of naval prison- ers through (;r;nd"s lines, r)S4 ; despatch to, concerning dismissal ateh to, lesiiecting election on the Kastern Shore, (i2;) ; des- patch to, respeetiiiir Wilmington expedi- tion, 627; summoned to Wasiiingfon, 628; charges of despoiling against, 629, 630. Butler, Evan, I, 41. Butler, Rev. John G., II, 106. Butler, Pierce, I, 600. Butler, Pierce, causes arrest of Simon Cam- eron, II, 145. Butler, William, 1,20, 44, 67, 154, 210; pro- phesies "cominir events," 81; challenged by Shields, 71 ; telegram to, Apr. 10, 1862, II, 144. Butterfield, Maj.-Gen. Daniel, bearer of despatch from Gen. Hooker, II, 323; chief 688 INDEX of staflF, 331 ; information from, 331 ; tele- grani to, Miiy 3, 1863, 331; despatolies from, May (>, I8(i3, 332. Butterfield, Justin, 1, 155-157, 159, 160. Cabaniss, J. M., I, 68. Cabell County, Va., cxrepted from Insurrec- tion proclamutioii, II, 195. Cabinet, rumors regarding Linooln'8, 1,658; toriuatiou of, 660-606 ; meetiug of, on ques- tion of relieving Fort Suuiter, 11, 26-28; Seward declares that there must be union in the, 29, 30 ; the President entitled to the advice of the, 30 ; call for meeting of, 54 ; resignation of Secretarj^ Cameron from the, 114, 115; treason in, 124; meeting of, 164 ; asked for opiniondcnce witll Gen. Hurlbut re- gardiiii; attairs in l^ouisiana, 597; in coni- ma7id of l)('i)artnieut ottiie Gulf, 603; dif- ticultx about displacing, 603 ; letter to, ^eJiardin^' affairs in Louisiana, 616, 617; ■\voundcd, 617. Canisius, Theodore, letter to, I, 534; memo- randum for letter to, II, 250. Cannon, J. R., invites the President to rati- fication meeting at New Albany, II, 582; telegram to, 582. Cape Girardeau, Mo., slavery in, I, 571. Capen, F. L., weather prognostications of, II, 329. Capital, investment of, presupposes pros- pect of return, 150 ; relations of labor and, 573; 574, 581, 625, II, 105, 106, 502 ; rights of, 502. Captives of war, II, 329. Carbondale, 111., M;y.-Gen. John A. Logan at, II, 596. 597. Caribbean Sea, IT, 224. Carlin, Gov. Thomas, decision against his power to remove a Secretarv of State, I, 481. Carlin, W. H., candidate for Illinois Senate, I, 481. Carlinville, 111., postniastersliip at, I, 43. Carlisle, Pa., niovcnieiits of troops near, II, 367; Uen. Smith's march to Gettysburg from, 3G9. Carmichael, Judge, case of, II, 188, 189. Carney, Thomas, governor of Kansas, com- plains of military officers in Kansas, II, 328; instructions to the Secretary of War and to J. H. Lane regarding rights and privileges of, 371; coutro\ciMV w ith <4eii. Blunt, 372, 373, 393, 394; h'lter to, eonccrn- iug his prerogatives in Kansas, and (Jen. Blunt, 372, 373 ; indorsement of letter of, 621, 522; opposition to Senator Lane, 522. Carpenter, F. B., account of theEmancipa^ tion Proclamation, given by the President to, II, 479. Carpenter, George, I, 5. Carpenter, Col. William, I, 5, 1.58. Carriage of merchandise, useless labor, I, 90, 93, 679. Carroll, Daniel, I, 600. Carroll County, Mo., disturbances in, II, 520. Carter, Jas. T. P., letter to, II, ,588, 589. Carter, John P., question of release of, II, 602. Carter, Timothy J., appointed director of Pacific Railroad, II, 423. Carter County, Tenn., Lincoln family in, I, 178. Carter's Station, Burnside at, II, 413. Cass, Gen. Lewis, nominated for Presi- dency. I, 123 ; alleged opposition to bank- rui)t law, 137; position on internal im- provements, 138 ; how slaverv question attected by possible election of, 138; in- dorses resolutions of Baltimore f^onven- tion, 139 ; invasion of Canada, 141. 142 ; po- litical i)rinciples of, 142, 143 : position on the Wilmot Proviso, 142, 143; likened to Van Buren, 143 ; eating and working ca- pacities of, 143-145; Governor of Micliigan territory, 144; Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 144; drafts on U. S. Treasury, 144, Vol. II.— 44. 145; Michigan support of, 224; position on Compromise measures of 1850, 278, 322. 335, 398, 399, 475, 477, 493; position on Chase's amendment to Nebraska bill. 304, 312. 316 ; replied to, by Fred Douglass, 337, 400 ; author of Nebraskaism, 425." Cass County, 111., position in election of 1846, I, 84. Catlettsburg, Ky., II, .596. Catron, Judge John, asks discharge of W. M. Bell, II, 507. Caucus for Speaker, II, 316. Cavalry, to be raised among volunteers, II, 41 ; increase of, inU. S. armv, 42 ; strength of McCIellan's, 201; McCiellan's and Stu- art's contra.sted, 250; question of forming reserve corps for Army of Potomac, 293. Cavalry raids, counsel to Hooker concern- ing, II, 337. "C. E. Hillman," steamer. Federal seizure of, near Cairo, 111., II, 39, 40. Census. See U. S. Census. Central America, Seward advises sending agents to, 11,29; (piestioii of negro e(do- uizatifm in, 224; political condition of. 225. Centreville, Va., iiroposed operations at, II, 92. 93 ; Jackson's movement toward, 158. Cerro Gordo, l)attle ot. I, 111. Chaffee, Dr. C. C, owner of Dred Scott, I, 397, 41)7. Challenged voters, opinion on, I, 176. Chancellorsville, Lee's troops near, II, 352 ; Gen. David B. Birney's meritorious con- duct at, II, 492. Chandler, L. H., action in Wright miu'der trial. II, 405. Chandler, Louis W., I, 110. Chandler, Zachariah, correspondence with, concerning tlie message, II, 440. Chaplains, lor hospitals, II, 85, 97, 106. Charleston, III., residence of Thomas Lin- coln, I, 117; joint debate at, see Joint Debates. Charleston, S. C, proposed Sulitreasury station at, I, 28; Deinoeiatie eoii\('iition in. in 1860, 595, 650; Confederate seizure of forts in harbor of, II, 13; duty of the goveinraeut to maintain fort at. 15 ; strength of Confederate batteries, 16; the defenses of, 17 ; obstruction of the harbor, 17 ; Welles recommends sending armed force to, 26 ; R. S. Cliew ordered ito, to in- terview Gov. Pickens, 32; Major Talbot refused permission at. to deliver des- patches to Maj(U- Anderson. 32; tiring on the Slur of I he West, 115; importance of occujiatioii of, 187; the blockade of, 2C.2; breach of ))loekade at, 305 ; orders to Adm. Du Pont regarding operations at, 323, 324; demonstration ai;ainst, planned, 324, 325 ; instiuetions toCrcn. Hunter and Adm. Du Pont regardiiigoiierationsltefore, 324, 325; question of oiieralipeal of Gov. Hoad- ley to, in behalf of dcKcrter Andrews, 468; co'mmuuicatious to, regarding vacancy at New Yorli custom-hoiiHC, 469, 481 ; inquiry of, regarding new provisions for trade in cotton and sugar, 474; suggesticms to, re- garding the new trade i-egulations, 476; position on Emancipation Proclamation, 479; illness of, 482 ; question of his resig- nation, 489, 490; linancial suggestions to, 523 ; suggestions to, regarding removal of Atlfinsou and appointment of Sill, 533; letter to, regarding appointment of assis- tant treasui-er at New York, 538, 539; resig- nation of, 540; nominated for chief justice of the Supreme Court, 016 ; bereavement of, 623. Chatham, Lord, position followed by Sew- ard, II, 14. Chattahoochee River, Sherman at, 11,551. Chattanooga, Tenn., Halleck's movement upon, II, 177, 189 ; importance of occupa- tion of, 187, 190; expedition against, 193; importance of movement against, 194, 197, 200; Koseerans at, 410-413," 415, 419, 424, 427; Importance of holding, 410, 419; im- portance of holding line Irom Cleveland to, 410 ; Burnside's difficulties In getting troops to, 413, 414 ; Grant's success at, 457 ; Grant at, 402 ; Gen. Blair's services before, 516; Shcriiiau at, r>i',t ; Stocdman at, 577. Cheap buying and dear selling not necessa- rily a favorable condition for a nation, I, 91. Cheatham County, Tenn., election in, II, 486. Chemistry of agricnlture, I, 583. Cheney, T. A., letter to, I, 647. Chenoweth, Rev. G. D., representative of the East Baltimore Methodist Conference, II, 152, 153. Cherokee Indians, regiments of, under Gen. S. E. Curtis, II, 245. Cherokee Nation, overrunning of the terri- tory of, II, 240 ; letter to John Ross con- cerning loyalty of, 240; treaty relations with, 240; "complaints against the United States by, 267. Cherrystone, Va., port of, declared closed, II, f.70. Chesapeake Bay, no insurrection east of, II, 104; Gen. McClellan's plans for move- ments of the Army of Potomac via, 120; to be freed from the enemy's batteries, 131 ; use of gunboats on, to remove loyal refugees from Virginia, 291. Chester, Augustin, candidate for second comptroller of the Treasury, II, 340. Chester Gap, II, 247. Chew, Henry, beneficiary of order for furni- ture given by Lincoln, I, 412. Chew, R. S., instructions to, April 6, 1861, II, 32. Chicago, 111., Cass's superintendence of In- dian aKeuey at, 1,144; meeting of Repub- lican State Central Committee at, Nov. 17, 1854, 209, 210; fragment of speech at Re- publican banquet in, 225, 226 ; speech at, July 10, 1858, 247-260; Douglas's speech at, 266 ; debate between Lincoln and Douglas at, 263 ; speeches of Lincoln and Douglas at, 275, 276 ; city council votes to nullify Acts of Congi'css, 365, 399; Douglas vindi- cates Compromise of 1850 at, 365, 399 ; Trumbull attacks Douglas at, 370, 374, 388, 391 ; Douglas perverts Lincoln's position in speech at, 419 ; Lincoln's peroration at, on equality of the human race, 432 ; Doug- las's speech in, July 10, 1858, 486 ; Lincoln's reply to Douglas, July n, 1858, 486 ; Doug- las's garbled version of Lincoln's speech at, 498, 499; speech at, March 1, 1859, 528- 532; Douglas denounces a " fatal heresy " at, 590; Republican National Convention at, 635 ; platform of Republican National Convention, May 16-18, 1860, 635-637, (159 ; proposed meeting between Lincoln and Hamlin at, 653 . reply to committee from religious denominations of, asking the President to issue a proclamation of eman- cipation, II, 234-236 ; course of the Demo- cratic newspapers of, on the repeal of the Missoiui Compromise, 344 ; Sanitary fairs in, 429, 534; convention at, regarding pro- positions for communication between the Mississippi and the northeastern sea- board, 453. " Chicago American," the, supports John T. Stuart, I, 44. Chicago Convention of i860, question of the taritf coming before, I, 634; nominates Lincoln for Presidency, 634; Lincoln's Southern votes at, 645. Chicago Convention of 1864, Confederate plots in regard to, II, 553 ; McClellan the candidate of, 562 ; adjournment of, 586. "Chicago Evening Journal," letter to, I, 159. Chicago platform, the tariff plank of, I, 678, 679. Chicago " Times," I, 275, 394, 410, 422, 500, II, 343, 344, 525; revocation of order sus- pending the, 343; foundation of, 344; a supporter of S. A. Douglas, 344; letter to the Washington "Chronicle," correcting misstatements concerning the, 344; sus- pension of, 525. Chicago " Tribune," I, 238. Chickahominy River, bridges over, con- sti'ucted by McClellan, II, 158 ; advice to McClellan "regarding the, 175; flood in, 190; McClellan's position near, 191; fight- ing on the, 191, 192 ; interview between Col. Key and Gen. Cobb on the, 626. Chickamauga, battle of, II, 410-413; effect of defeat at, on position in East Tennes- see, 414. I Chickamauga River, telegram from Bragg to Gen. Cooper from, II, 411. Children, to he taught reverence for the laws, 1, 12. Chili, njission unfilled, II, 24; relatione with, 263, 605 ; controversy -with, touching seizure of treasure in Peru, 445, 446 ; set- tles claim of the hrig ilarcfJoii ia» , £05. China, mission unfilled, II, 24; claims of American citizens against, 95; trade with, 95,606; relations Avith, 263; death of Gen. Ward in, 309 ; consular service in, 447 ; sup- pression of rebellion in, 606; judicial consular establishment in, 606. "Chitty's Pleadings," I, 651. Choate, Joseph H., invites the President to attend the festival of the New England Society, II, 619 ; letter to, 619. Chrisman, John, letter to, I, 050. Christian Commission, benevolent labors of, II, 534. INDEX 691 Churches, dissensions in, caused by tlio slavery question, 1, 507 ; the government's position as to, II, 291, 464, 465, 480, 481, 491, 498, rvil, 543. Churchill, Samuel B., II, 121 ; question of as- sessment on, 658. Cincinnati, Ohio, Buchanan nominated at, I, 477; spcccli at, 8eiit. 17,1859. 558-576; ad- dress to iiKiyor anil citizeusof, 674-676; ad- di-ess to (ifiioaus at. im6 ; projected move- ment on East rtiiucsscc tiom, II, (59; rail- road to Lexiii^toii tiuiii.iii li'cdcial hands, 83; rcint'orccHu-uts iroui, for Camp I»ick Robinson, 8:i : prt'iiaiatioiis at. for ino\(>- menton CuiulicrlaiKKiaii, S4 ; (Jen. Wriiiht , at, 230. 232, 236; (icn. Wrij^lit rospoiisihle for, 233 ; Kuniside at, 329, 338, 342, 375, 376; defeat of Mr. Menziesfor Congress in Ken- tucky district opposite, 382; Rosccrans at, 438; Fn.ster at, 441; Freednien's Aid So- ciety, 461 ; needed comniuiiieat ion lietween Knoxville and, 516; Sanitary lairs in, 534; Hooker at, 627, 628. Cincinnati platform, Douglas's position on, I, 256, 257 ; position on power of Congress to charter a national bank, 270, 299^ 421, 447 ; as to Congressional interference with slavery, 307; principle of, in regard to slavery in Statics and Territoi'ies, 475, 477, 47K: IJnchaiiau's definition of, 477. Cinnabar mines, discovery of, II, 611. Circuit courts. See Illinois ; U. 8. Circuit Courts. Circuit judges, proposed provision for, II, 98. Circulating medium, duty of the National Government to provide a sound, II, 186 ; long-felt want of a uniform, 264. See also CUHRENCT. Circulation, basis of, I, 24. Cisco, John J., question of appointment of successor to, II, 539. Citizens, protection to, I, 637 ; patriotism of, II, 165. Citizenship, position of Republican Nation- al Convention of 1860 in regard to, I, 637; the oath as a preliminary to exercise of rights of. II, 507; forfeiture of rights of, by desertion, 660. City Point, Va., news from, II, 334 ; Grant at, 547, 549, 551, 556, 557, 561, 563, 583, 585, 623, 624, (!28, 632, 634, 635, 637-639, 642, 643, 654- 656, 659, 664; Capt. R. T. Lincoln at, 664; the President at, 665-668. Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation Bill, speech on, 1, 122-131. Civil and religious liberties, II, 148. Civil law, reason for existence, 1, 178. Civil tribunals, jurisdiction over military piisoners, II, 127. Civil war, dei)lored, T, 692, 694; effects of, 11, 6, 513; the initiative on the South, 12, 347; a national and deplorable calamity, 12, 19, 22; a divine instrument to root out slavery, 90; eflect on the administration of justice, 99; increase of claims against the government by reason of, 99 ; effect on the business of the Interior Department, 100; the President's general idea of the, 116 ; cost of, 132 ; comparison of cost with that of emancipating slaves, 137, 138 ; un- necessary and injurious, 195 ; effect on social conditions of foreign nations, 261; resolnlion of the Senate, regarding its tirniination by mediation, etc., 310; do- mestic allliction consequent on, 370. 613; its magnitude, 418, 657; the iieii)]exities and e\ ils of, 420; rights of aliens in time of, 446 : causes a regeneration of the na- tion, 448 ; remarkable features of the, 500; its effect on the soldier, 500 ; slavery not the whole issue of the, 501-503 ; a war upon the first principle of i>opular government, 502; its object, 534; the far-reaching re- sults of, 566, 567, 570; proposals for cessa- tion of, 568 ; the destruction of the Union the object of its commencement, 575 ; progress in, 612 ; its cause, 657 ; its incep- tion, 657. Claims, ag.ainst the U. 8. government, II, 99 ; international, 448 ; for cotton destroyed by the Federal army, 600. Claims convention with New Granada, II, 299. Clark, , on the veto power, 1, 135. Clarksburg, W. Va., McClelland at, II, 232. Clarksville, Tenn., contemidatcd movement to destroy the bri(lg(> at, II, 126. Clay, Brutus, elected to Congress, 11,382; guarantees his son and brother-in-law to cultivate plantations on free-labor system, 474. Clay, Cassius M., capture of, I, 111 ; position on Mexican war. 111 ; speaks for Republi- can ticket in Indiana, 645; invited to speak in Illinois, 646; arrangement for speeches in Illinois, 647; letters to, 645, 647, II, 221, 222 ; proposed as Minister to Spain, 10; desire to return home from St. Petersburg, 114; question of reappoint- ment as Minister to Russia, 221, 222; his brother and nephew elected to Congress, 382. Clay, Christopher P., undertakes to culti- vate plantations on free-labor system, II, 474. Clay, Clement C, Peace Commissioner from Confederate States, II, 549. Clay, Henry, 1, 393, 400, 498, 686 ; invitation to, to visit Illinois, 68; public-lands bill, 72; land bill indorsed by Whig Party, 75, 76; campaign work for, in Indiana, 86; on annexation of Texas, 100; Presidential possibilities, 118; influence on Taylor's nomination, 118 ; an old horse turned out to root, 140 ; eulogies of, 140, 167-176 ; fam- ily loss in Mexican war, 146; rewards a supporter, 155; sketch of his life, 169, 170; his eloquence, 170, 171, 173; "The Great Pacificator," 183; position on Missouri Compromise, 209, 278, 322, 335, 398, 399, 475, 477, 489 ; failure to effect gradual emanci- pation, 215; pnsitifm on slavery, 271, 272, 500-502, 510; Dcmglas at the death-bed of, 271,272; beiinest of his mantle, 272; Lin- coln's beau-ideal, 299; hero of the Whig Party, 330; eulogized by Douglas, 398 ; re- turn to puldic life in 1850, 399, 493, 515; on principle of State rights, 435; views as to slavery in Territoi-ies of New Mexico and Utah, 440; answer to objection to the Col- onization Soeiet,\-, 44S; Lincoln's position on negroes' rights under Declaration of Independence boriM' out by, 459; on equal- ity clause of the Declaration of Indepen- dence, 483 ; petition to, to liberate his ne- groes, 500; Douglas charges Lincoln with planning against, 515 ; on liberty and idti- niate emahcipatitm, 557; Lincoln a fol- lower of, on tariff" question, 634 ; Lincoln a supporter of, 641 ; vote for, as against Jackson, ()41 ; campaign of 1844, 642 ; pa- triotism of, II, 221. Clay, John M., letter to, IL 220,221; gift of smiff-box from, 220, 221. Clay, Thomas H., asks that Gen. Morgan's command shall be sent to Kentucky, II, 244 ; letter to. Oct. 8, 1862, 244. Clay Club, L 68. Clay County, 111., election matters in, I, 210. Clay County, Mo., banishments from, 11,630, 651. 692 INDEX Clay County, Va., excepted from insurrec- tiou proclamation, II, 195. Clay electoral ticket, Liucolu on the, I, 642. Clay Whigs, I, 514, 515. Cleburne, Maj.-Gen. Patrick R., wounded at (,'liiekaniaiiga, II, 412. Clements, Dr., reports troubles in East Ten- nessee, II, 383. Cleveland, Ohio, acceptance of invitation to visit, I, 671; address at, Feb. 15, 1861, 680, 681 ; importance of capturing railroad at, II, 194 ; importance of holding Uue from Chattanooga to, 410. Climate, influence on slavery, 1, 192, 487, 531, 562, 570-572. Clinton, 111., Douglas's speech at, I, 295. Cliquism, the evils of, II, 459, 476, 492, 498. Clymer, George, I, 600. Coalter, John D., letter fi'om, concerning Dr. McPheeters, II, 464. Coast, importance of guarding the, II, 22. Cobb, Gen. Howell, interview with Col. Key on the Chickahominy, TI, 626. Codding, Ichabod, letter to", I, 209 ; calls the " Black Republican Convention," 300, 301, 320 ; position on equality of negroes with whites, 486. Code of Tennessee, II, 588. Cody, H. H., I, 354. Coercion, what is ? I, 673. Coffee, tarifi" on, I, 90. Coffing, Churchill, signs call for Whig Con- vention at Springfield, 1851, 1, 167. Coin, II, 264. Colchester, Va., question of crossing thfe Occoquan at, II, 120. Coleman, Dr., extract from Gen. Jackson's letter to, I, 73. Coles County, 111., claim of partizan ap- pointments in, I, 51 ; AVhig defeats in, 77 ; the Lincoln and Hanks families in, 117, 639, 641 ; doubtful between Lincoln and Douglas, 451 ; riots in, II, 540, 552. Colfax, Schuyler, letters to, I, 535, II, 8, 9 ; letter from Hamlin to, I, 649, 650; uum- tioned for the Cabinet, II, 8, 9 ; supposed suppoi'ter of Donglas in senatorial cam- paign of 1858 in Illinois, 9 ; Speaker of the House of Representatives, 626. CoUamer, Jacob, nniendnieut relating to public lands in Wisconsin, 1, 119. College of New Jersey, confers a doctor's degree upon the President, II, 622. Colleges, reverence for laws to be taught in, 1,12. Collingsworth, James, Secretary of State of Republic of Texas, I, 108. Colonies, originally all slave-holding com- munities, I, 344, 434 ; did not contemplate emancipation at signing of Declaration of Independence, 501] rebellion of the, 517, 518; controversy with Great Britain on slavery question, 543. Colonization of negroes, question of, II, 102, 144, 205, 262, 203, 271, 274, 275, 495; address to deputation of colored men on, 222; the Island of Vaclie exporiniont, 477. Colonization Society, Clay's answer to an objection to the, I, 448. Color, as test of right to enslave, I, 179 ; partiaUty based on, II, 559. Colorado Territory, organization of, II, 101; patriotism of, 101 ; development of, 269 ; mineral resources of, 447 ; Gen. Curtis's standing in, 462. Colored troops, question of utilizing for garrison purposes, II, 298; Gen. Ullman's enlistment of, 318, 319 ; at Jacksonville, Fla., 321 ; their weight in the Union scale, 321, 397, 405, 562, 564, 565, 576 ; raising of a force to serve under Fremont, 342, 343; telegram to Gen. Schenck regarding, 365 ; raising, along the Mississippi, 372, 394; retaliation for outrage on captui'ed, 378 ; emi)loyment of, 398, 453, 513, 564; enlist- ment of, in Missouri, 417 ; trouble with, on the Patuxeut River, 428 ; recruiting by, 428 ; the President desires appointment of Jacob Freese to a regiment of, 438 ; or- ganization of, 449, 454 ; recruiting of, in Massachu.se tts, 484 ; enlistment of, in Kentucky, 506 ; massacre of, at Fort Pil- low, 513 ; the duty of the government to- ward, 513, 514; resolution of the Senate respecting rights of, 519 ; use of, indorsed by Union National Convention, .530; full protection for, claimed by Union National Convention, 530; complaints about en- listment of, 532, 533 ; opinion of the At- torney-General sought, respecting pay, bounty, and clothing for, 536 ; Northern recruiting for, 551 ; their disbandment de- manded by the Democratic Party, 562; numbers in the Union service, 562, 564, 576 ; their hope of reward, 564 ; alleged cruelty in enlisting, 637 ; attempted em- ployment of, by Confederates, 662. Colt, Judge, desires release of his stepson, II, 394. Columbia, Mo., Rev. John Robinson ban- ished from, II, 292. Columbus, Ky., proposed movements on, II, 110, 111, 114, 116; danger of reinforce- ments for the enemy from. 111 ; move- ments around, 113, 114; Confederate strength at, 113, 114; no danger to Grant from, 126; Halleck's troops ordered to Richmond by way of, 189. Columbus, O., speech at, Sept. 16, 1859, I, 538-557; Douglas speaks at, 570, 599; ac- ceptance of invitation to visit, 671; ad- dress, Feb. 13, 1861, to Ohio legislature at, 676, 677. Columbus Machine Mfg. Co., claim against Barret, I, 536, 537. Commanders, orders to, Dec. 23, 1864, II, 621. Commerce, share of burden of tariif, I, 90; regulation of, by Congress, 127 ; the bene- fits of, 506 ; its influence in the question of foreign intervention, II, 94; embarrass- ment of, 94 ; value of annual reports on, 101; efi'ect of the war on, 261; the cur- rency and, 265; destruction of, by Con- federate ships, 453; proclamation con- cerning, Jan. 10, 1865, 626, 637. See also Foreign Commerce. Commercial depression, I, 654. Commercial intercourse, by railroad, I, 1; forbidden with States in I'cbellion, II, 75; restoration of, 127 ; order relating to, 127, 128; instructions to Buell concerning, 131, 132; resumption of, with Beaufort and Port Royal, 8. C, and New Orleans, 150; partial restoration of, 320 ; license of, 320 ; proclamation about, 321, 322; reopening of, at Alexandiia, 412 ; resumption of, with Brownsville, Tex., 485. Commercial prosperity, I, 637. Commercial regulations, order concerning, Sept. 4, 1863, II, 403 ; modification of order of Nov. 21, 1802, concerning, 403; procla- mation concerning, Aug. 18, 1864, 565, 566. See also Tr.ade Regulations. Commercial treaties, II, 95, 96, 263. Commissary-General, report of, II, 449. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, the, assur- ances to, by loyal Indians, II, 101. Commissions, antedating, II, 316. Committee, reply to a, Jan. 24, 1865, II, 631. Committee on the Conduct of the War, sum- mons Gen. Butler to Washington, II, 628. INDEX 693 Committees. See U. S. House of Repre- sentatives. Compensated emancipation, recoinmendecl to C'liunrcsK, II, 129, VM), 155, 156, 276 ; ohjec- tioiis to, ia2, 3i)7 ; rerounizcd in tlic District of Coliiinbia, 144; |>rrliiiiiii:ii\- prixbiiiiii- tion regarding alisdliitr, j:;;, 2;i.s; sclicnie for, set forth in the Presiileiit's annual nicss[i-f, Dec. 1, 1862, 268-277; economy of the scheme, 272; would shorten the war, 274. Compensation for property and negroes taken for military purposes, IT, 213. Compromise, deflnitiou of the word, I, 206; imjiossihle to frame one for maintenance of the I'uion, II, 396. Compromise of 1850, I. 207, 209, 322, 398, 489, 546 ; a full settlement of the slavery ques- tion, 1H5. 407, 618, 630; did not repeal the Missouri Compromise, 189, 349; priiiciido of, 190, 399, 435, 468, 493; what was meant by, 191; a system of equivalents, 206; Clay's iind Webster's support of, 209; agreement of Whig and Democratic par- ties on, 278, 349 ; foundation of, 335 ; Donglas and the, 365. 427, 475-477; slavery the cause of, 407. 506, ,507; Lincoln denies that tile prineii)le of the Nelnaska hill existed in, 440, 441; a system of .separate measures, 441. Compromises, their utility, II, 65. Compromise with rebels, plank of the plat- form of the Union National Convention respecting, II, 530. Conciliation, advised by Seward. II, 12; policy of the Buchanan adniinistratiou, 13. "Confederate scrip," (piestion of exchang- ing for cotton, II, 257. Confederate States of America, organization of. II, 11 ; seizures of forts, etc., 11 ; Chase's policy toward, 15 ; Union sentiment in, 22 ; possible withdrawal of U. S. mails from, 33 ; no relinquishment of military posts in, by the U. 8. government, 33 ; re- quest from the Virginia Convention for outline of the President'.s policy regard- ing, 33 ; representatives in London, 48, 49 ; not de facto a self-sustaining power, 50 ; what is a recogTiitiou of, by a foreign power, 50; secession of, 55; armed iusiir- rection in, 55 ; question of aid and recog- nition from foreign powers, 55, 94, 107; Virginia Joins the, 58; form a Constitu- tion, 63 ; proclamation forbidding inter- course with, 75; hatred of the President's name in the, 92; diliicullies of iidminister- ing justice in the, '.»'.) ; liopcs of aeliuow- ledgment of indeiiendence liy the United States, 129; hope for supixirt from Mis- souri, 131; preparations for secession, 347; their independence not recognized, 364; raising troops in, 3S2 ; otlicers and agents of, e\c<'pted from i)roclaination of ani- lU'sty and reconsi ruction. 413; jiroixised visit of peace couintissioners fi-oui. 548, 549 ; plots of coiuniissioni'rs respecting the Cliicago conventiou, 553; commissioners from. 5.')3 ; refusal of the President to rec- ognize independence of, 560; restoration of slavery would bring success to, 562, 564 ; question of reunion and abandon- ment of slavery by, .564, 565; desire for peace and reunion in, 614; the issue with, distinct, simple, and intlexi'ole, 614 value of cotton to, 616 ; scheme of appropriation of money for, 636. Confederate troops, prayer among, II, 234. Confiscation, of yoods and vessels, II, 75, 76 ; Fremont cautioned as to, 77; change in Fremont's proclamation regarding, au- thorized, 78, 79 ; a political measure, not military, 81 ; Fr(5mont's proclamation re- garding, discussed. HI, H-2: of ])roperty of absent minor children by the (dnieder'acy, 91,92; of property used for insurrection- ary purposes, 102, 103; in Missouri, 417; declared by Congress, 442 ; a matter for the courts to adjudge, 471, 472 ; remission of, 668, 669, 676. See also SLAVES. Confiscation Act, order concerning the, Nov. 13, 1862, I L 253. Congressional disbursements, fiscal year ls61-(;2, II, 265. Congressional districts, inequality of, IT, 391. "Congressional Globe," I, 96, 132, 135, 357, 376-378, 381-383, 389, 395, 410, 411, 444, 042. 643. Congress of Paris, declaration of, regarding privateering, II. 51. Congress of the Confederation, question of prohibiting slavery in the Northwest Ter- ritory. I, 51)9, 600. Conkling, F. A., recoinniends Marshal B. Blake as ctdlector, II, 22s; h'tter to, 527. Conkling, James C, ou W'liig Slate Central Committee, I, 72; .signs call for Whig Convention at Springfield, 167 ; letter to, regarding Union mass-meeting to be held at Spriugrteld, 111., II, 396-399. Conkling, Roscoe, nomination of, II, 563; letter to, rcigardiug cmplovment of col- ored troops, 564, .565. Connecticut, moli law in, 1,10; ownership of Ohio lands, 18I ; abolition of slavery in, 488; views 011 slavery in, 619, 630; politi- cal situation in, in 1860, 633; Gen. Butler proposes to raise troops in, II, 78 ; gover- nor of. recpiests the President to call for volunteers, 194; api>ointnieiit of collector in, 213; formation of districts in. 220; tax commissions for, 220, 22(i; poinilation of, 273; resolutions of legislature, Dec. 24, 1862, 298; Presidential election in, 613. Conscription, question of its necessity, II, 124. See also Draft. Conservatism, what is, I, 606, 607, 627. Conspiracy, euphemism for, I, 297; evidences of. 243, 292. Constantinople, E. J. Morris recommended as minister to, II. 43. "Constellation," the, services rendered to the pietyei/, II. 639. Constitutional conventions, advantages of. ^ II, 6. Constitutional government, importance of the principle of, II, 235. Constitutional guarantees, suspension of. II, 216. Constitutional powers differ in times of peace and of rebellion, II, ;t49, 350. Constitution of United States. See U. 8. Constitution. Consular convention with New Granada, II, 299. Consular pupils, report of the Department of State oil, II, 284. Consular system of the United States, II, 447. Consular treaty with Liberia, II, 263. Consuls, taxation of incomes of foreign, in United States, II. 448. Continental Congress, views of, on local self-go\ernment, I. 546. Contraband and leasing business, Gen. L. Thomas directed to see to, on Mississippi Kiver, II, 489. Contraband intelligence, restraint of, II, 421. Contraband of war, exi)ortation of articles for use of French army in Mexico, 11,303; what is, 485; transportation of , forbidden, 580. 694 INDEX " Contrabands," note, Feb. 15, 1862, concem- ing, II, 126; military eiuitloyment of, 211- 213. 8eo also Negroes ; Slaves. Contraband trade, restraint of, II, 421. Contracts, jurisdiction of government in cases of, I, 180; not to be rescinded by less than all contracting parties, II, 3; jobs and, 325. Convention system of nomination, I, 72. Converse, Geo. L., letter to, II, 360-363. Cook, B. C, I, 214; head of Illinois delega- tion to Baltimore convention, 527, 528. Cook, Isaac, I, 354. Cooper, Henry, letter to, II, 588, 589. Cooper, Gen. Samuel, ad,iutaut-geueral of Confederate forces, II, 411. Cooper Institute, New York, speeches at, I, 599-612, 633. Cooper Shop, the, II, 534. Copperheads, II, 124. Corinth, Miss., Halleck near, II, 159; cap- ture of, 171, 192; Confederate evacuation of, 172, 190, 198; Halleck at, 173,176, 177, 184, 193, 194, 197, 199, 200, 204, 206, 207 ; Con- federate troops from, iu front of Rich- mond, 200 ; reinforcements for Rosecraus at Chattanooga, ordered from, 411 ; proba- ble Confederate raid into Kentucky from, 589. Corn, despatch from Sherman concerning, II, 577. Corning, Erastus, letter to, II, 345-352. Corn line, the, II, 269. Corwin, Thomas, speech in Congress on Mexican war. I, 514; as a speaker, 538; proposed as minister to Mexico, II, 10. Coryden, Ind., the Lincoln family in, 1, 117. Costa Rica, relations with, II, 263, 605; asks for survey of the river San Juan, 604. Cothran, Capt., case of, II, 175. Cottman, Thomas, correspondence with, regarding reconstruction of Louisiana, II, 356. 458, 459. Cotton, its influence on the question of for- eign intervention, II, 94 ; correspondence with Portugal regarding culture of, in Africa, 128 ; question of exchanging Con- federate scrip for, 257 ; provisions for for- feiture of, 322 ; the fever for trading in, 358; matter of Gen. Curtis's transactions in, 462 ; scheme of Wright and Hawkes for getting, within the rebel lines, 468; seizal>le for military reasons, 472 ; new provisions regarding trade in, 474 ; seizures of, 553, 554 ; shipment of, from Galveston and Sabine Pass to Treasury agent at New Orleans, 560; despatch to (ieii. Sherman regarding sliipment of, by railnnid, 561; order con- cerning, 569; iteiiiiit toliriugout,569; claim for, destroyed hy the Federal army, 600; effect of tlie blockade on the price of, 616 ; the goveriniH'iit's purpose as to, 616, 617. Cotton-gin, effect of its invention on sla- very, I, 268, 347, 480, 511. Cotton line, the, II, 269. Cotton manufacture, anomalies of, I, 93, 94. Cotton traders, the President cannot write letters of recommendation for, II, 511. Couch, Gen. D. N., inquiry addressed to, re- garding enemy's movements, II, 358 ; dila- toriness in march to Gettysburg, 369. Country, the interests of, aliovo party, II, 12. Court of Claims, question of giving ttnal au- thority to, II, 99 ; resignation of Mr. Gib- son from, 557 ; appointment of John A. Bingham as solicitor in, 557. Courts-martial, inconvenience of, II, 406. Courts of justice, ineflicacy of, in times of relielliou, II, 347, 348. Covington, Ky., military execution at, II, 468. Cox, — , repudiates English bill, I, 429. •" Craig, C. W., signs call for Whig Conven- tion at Springfield, 1851, I, 167. Craig, Mr. and Mrs., permit to, II, 463. Craven, Capt. Thos. T., recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 151. Crawford, Andrew, Lincoln's schoolmas- ter, I, 639. Creditors, rights of, in the Union, II, 63. Creswell, John A. J., letters to, regarding emancipation in Maryland, II, 492, 498; invited to Washington, 663. Crime, effect of punishment as deterrent from, I, 29 ; jurisdiction of government in cases of, 180. Criminal law, reason for existence, 1, 178. Crisfield, John W^., at conference at the White House, II, 134 ; opinion as to feel- ing iu Maryland respecting slavery, 134; expression of eontidence in the Presi- dent's patriotism, 135 ; memorandum of Interview between the President and slave-State Representatives, March 10, 1862, 132-136; letter to, 188; appeal of, in behalf of Judge Carmichael, 188, 189 ; complains of misconduct of military of- licers at elections, 438. Crittenden, John J., I, 151; correspondence with, 246, 247, 519 ; on the Nebraska bill, 503 ; introduces bill for admission of Kan- sas, 530; indorses Douglas, 568; at con- fei-ence at the White House, II, 136 ; death of, 382. Crittenden, Maj.-Gen. Thomas L., on line between Louisville and Lexington, II, 83. Crittenden-Montgomery bill, the, I, 530, 592, 593. Crocodile, Douglas's estimate of the negro and the, I, 563. 564, 590, 614, 620-622. Crook, Maj.-Gen. George, service with Gen. Hmiter, II, 550 ; movements of, 664. Crops, the yield of, I, 577-580, 583. Crosby, Lieut. -Comdg. Pierce, recommend- ed for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Crosby & Nichols, letter to, regarding ar- ticle in " North American Review," it, 470. Crouse, Asst.-Surg. William, complains of dismissal by Gen. Butler, II, 582. Crozier, Col.,'l, 177, 178. Crystal Springs, Loring driven to, II, 339. Crumblin, Chas. See Crdmpton. Crume, Ralph, marries Mary Lincoln, 1,638; descendants of, 639. Crumpton, Charles, sentenced to death, II, 512. Cuba, question of annexation of, I, 664 ; col- lision between the oi)art- ment of Missouri, 420, 421 : sniierseded l)y (ien. Sclioticld, 420. 421 : dithculties with the system of searches, seizures, contri- butions, etc., in Department of Missouri, 421; proposed conmi and for, 462 ; matter of transactions in cotton, 4G2; letter to, con- cerning Dr. Mel'heeters, 464; matter of arranging Dei)ai'tnient for, 466; Fort Smith" to be include, 1 in Ills Department, 466; to give- atteiitn)n to iiiiin-eliended troubles neiir Kansas City, i';:^: instruc- tions to, as to governmenfs position re- garding churches, 480 ; flghtiug Price, 588 ; at Fayetteville, Ark., 593; in pur.suit of Price, 593. Cushing, Lieut. W. B., recommended for thanks of Conuress for destruction of the Albemarle, II, 604. Cushion, presented to the President, II, 386. Custom-houses, Confederate seizures of, II, 11, 55. Cuthbert, John, report on financial system of Hamburg, I, 23. Cutts, , Second Comptroller of the Trea- sury, death of, II, 340. Cuyler, , I, 690. Cynthiana, Ky., action at, II, 533, Dabney's House, Va., tigliting at, II, 665. " Dacotah," the, movements of, II, 136. Dade County, Price's ret reat through, II, 86. Dahlgren, Adm.John A., account of explo- sive material referred to, II, 250; im- provements in ordnance, 203; recom- mended for thanks of Congress, 203; Geu. Gillmore to confer with, 463. Dahlgren, Col. Ulric, liearer of despatch to Geu. Hooker, II, 351; killed at King and Queen Court House, 492: telegram to Gen. Butler resi)ecting remains of, 498. Dahlgren guns, II, 172. " Daily Register," quoted, 1, 176. Dakota Territory, organization of, II, 101; development of, 269. Dallas, George M., supposed speech to Lord Brougham, I, 649; despatch from. May 2, 1861, II, 48; proposal to, of unofficial in- tercourse between British government and the United States, 49; lovaltv and fidelity of, 49. Dalton, Ga., reports of Ewell at, II, 424. Dana, Charles A., letter from Gen. Hurlbut by, II, 379; rei)()rts Gen. Grant's views on the Emancipation Proclamation. 384. Dana, Maj.-Gen. N. J. T., instructions to. regarding order issued by, II, 624; letter to, Jan. 6, 1865, 624, 625 ; telegram to, Feb. 18, 1865, 653; despatch to, concerning statement of facts by Secretary of the Treasury, 653. Danforth, J. B., Jr., prefers charges against T.J. Picketl. 11.326. Daniel, Peter Vivian, Justice of the U. 8. Supreme Court, death of, II, 97. Darien, Ga., port of, deelared closed, II, 670. Darneille, . nominated for Illinois House of Representatives, I, -ti. Davidson, Gen. J. W., at Cairo, II, 489; question of his going to Washington, 489. Davis, Judge, asked for report on Coles Count,\- riot cases. II. 540. Davis, Capt. Chas. Henry, services on the Mississipi)! Kiver, II, 203; recommended for thanks of Congress, 203. Davis, Judge David, I, 215, 529, 669. Davis, Eliza, I, .53, 64. Davis, Gen., request to have him sent to Kansas, 11, 141. Davis, G. T. M., position on Mexican war, I, 111. Davis, Henry Winter, suggested for Cabinet minister, I. 665; communication to, re- garding election of Speaker, II, 316. Davis, Jake, I, 481. Davis, Jefferson, on value of slave property in Territories, I, 494; slavery advocate, 556; his position leads to nationalization of slavery, 588,614, 622; perilous j)ositiou of, II, 334; commiuiiciition from, to the President, 364; alleged propositi(m tor peace, 546; guarantee of safc-coniluct to emissary of, 546 ; denies peace errand of A. H. Stephens, 560; question of his oflfer- ing i)eace and reunion, snying nothing about slavery, 565; proposed conference between H. J. Raymoml and. 5i;8; visits Hood, 582; inutility of negotiation witli, 614; intimation to, regardinu- peace nego- tiations, 629, 631, 632; cori-es])ondence of, etc., concerning meeting of the President and Confederate commissioners in Hamp- ton Roads, 629, 631, 632, 640, 641, 643, 648, 650. 696 INDEX Davis, John W., indorsement on letter of, II. 79. Davis, Levi, sijms call for Whig Convention at Spriufftield, 1851, 1, 167. Davis, Walter, recommended for office of Receiver of Land Office at Springtield, 111., I, 152, 155-157. Dawes, Henry L., II, 535. Dawson, John, recommended for marshal- .ship, I, iS. Day of Prayer, proclamation for a, July 7, 1864, II, 543, ,544. Dayton, Jonathan, I, 601. Dayton, William L., I, 135, 219 ; opposition to, on account of sectiouali.sm, 221-224; propo.sed as Minister to Eui;land, II, 10 ; proposed as Minister to France, 24 ; corre- spondence concerning presentation of American citizens at court of Prance, 122. Dayton, Ohio, invitation to visit, I, 671. Death, the only etfectual punishment of desertion, II, 349. Debt, getting iuto and getting out of, 1, 164, 165. Debts, collection of, hy loj'al citizens, from those of insurgent States, II, 99. De Camp, Comdr. John, recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 151. Decatur, Ga., dispute on mail route between Warrcuton and, 1, 108, 109. Decatur, 111., settlement of Lincoln family near, I, 640. Declaration of Independence, I, 167 ; jus- tifiable criticism of, 186 ; the fundamental principles of, 195, 258, 259, 272, 273; the negi'o's share Ju framing, 230: mutilation of, 231 ; Lincoln's interpretation of, 232, 233; Douglas's construction of, 233, 258, 259; its ultimate purpose, 232; origin of Popular Sovereignty, 250; critici.sm of, 288; rights, equality with whites, status, etc., of negroes under, 289, 300, 320, 405, 413, 432-434, 437, 438, 448, 451, 458, 469, 470, 483, 486, 495, 499-501, 539, 556, 557, 562, 589, 614, 619, 621, 630; the Abolitionists' charter, 343; signers all represented slaveholding constituencies, 434 ; slavery at signing of, 501 ; its truth denied, 614; indorsed by the KepuVtlicau party, 635; wellspring of Lin- coln's political sentiments, 691; continued the Federal Union, II, 3 ; adopts the name of States, 62; the principal fi-amer and sup- porter of, 366. " Deep snow," the, I, 640. Definitions: "All men," I, 621 ; "conser- vatism," 627; "distinctly," 610; "ex- pressly," 610; "malicious slander," 624; " sectionalism," 627. Deist, Lincoln suspected of beinc a, I, 80. De Kalb County " Sentinel," I, 355. Delafield, Gen. Richard, appointed to ex- amine into quotas of the States, II, 637. Delahay, M. W^., letter to, I, 534. Delaware, slavery in, I, 192; the only slave State which responded to the call for vol- unteers, II, 58 ; pi-oposed bill for com- pensated abolishment of slavery in, 91 ; loyalty of, 103 ; the President seeks con- ference with representatives from, 132; estimated cost of emancipation in, 132, 137, 138; negro population of, 137, 138, 275; Third Rcsriment, 226 ; Presidential election in, 613,614. Delevan, 111., proposed visit to, I, 84. Democracy, abuse of the name, I, 23 ; foun- dation of, 304. Democratic Party, vulnerable point of, I, 35; attitude on public land question, 76; Baltimore platform on nomination of Gen. Cass, 123; principles of, 138, 532; favors partyplatform, 139; shelteredunder Gen. Jackson's military coat-tail, 140, 141; dictates to Gen. Cass, 143; indorses Com- promise of 1850, 185, 322, 399, 400; despera- tion of, 211 ; policy in regard to Presi- dency, 223, 224 ; strength of, 224 ; supports Douglas's measure for repeal of the Mis- souri Compromise, 224; in Kansas elec- tion, 227; po.-e!s support Lincoln for U. 8. Senate, 521 ; antislavery niemliers of, 556; position on slavery in Territories, 588 ; de- bating-ground between Republicans and Douglas branch of the, 599 ; given to bush- whacking, 615; defeats in Ohio and Penn- sylvania, 615 ; demands cessation of oppo- sition to slavery, 616; claiuis to have settled the slavery que.stion, 617; degra- dation of negroes by, 621, 622; exultation over defeat of Blair in Missoui'i, f>23; de- feats of. 625; condemned Ity Republican National Convention of 18G0, 636 ; threats of disunion from members of, 636 ; strength of, in 1860, 645 ; ambition of its leaders, II, 20; favors restoration of slavery, 562; de- mands disbandment of colored troops, 562; danger of destruction of the Union by adoption of its program, 562. Democratic representative government, its great living principle, I. 140. Democrats, Douglas's definition of, I, 474. Democrats ? — or American citizens? 11,350. Denio, Hiram, I, 320. Denmark, correspcmdence with, regarding the bark Jargcn Lorentzoi, II, 138; rela- tions with, 263 ; navigation dues of, 445. Dennison, George, candidate for naval of- fice at New York, II, 46, 47; charges against, 47. Dennison, William, correspondence with, I, 671, II, 581, 582; collector at New Or- leans, cooperation with Gen. Banks in reconstruction of Louisiana. 469; requests a letter of recommendation for a cotton trader, 511; on committee of Union Na- tional Convention, to notify the President of his reuomination, 538; appointed post- niaster-mneraJ, 581, 582; recommends sub- sidies for mail steamships, 610, Denver, Gen., despatch to Halleck regard- ing, II, 140; sent to Kansas, 141. Department of Agriculture, organization of, 11,267; reiiort of the commissioner, 453; benefits of, 612. Department of Northeastern Virginia, II, 67. INDEX 697 Department of State, resignation of Secre- tary (Sfward, II, '282 ; i'<'i)i)rt of, ou the sub- ject of fouMuhii- impilrt, 2-,4 ; to Liiive cus- tody of ret-oids (if oath of alleiciauee, 505. Department of the Interior, wtatistics of, II, lOo; cil'rct of till' fivil war on tlic IniMiiicss of, 100; suppression of the African slave- trade eoniuiittcd to, 101 ; disluirsenieutH for, tiaeal year l8(;i-()2, '265 ; proposed rec- ords of naturalization in, 446; report of the secretary, 451-453 ; documents regard- ing Union Pacific Railroad filed in,' 493; question of transferring French's office from control of the, 504. Department of the Mississippi, creation of the, II, 137 ; in couiuiaudof Ilalleck, 137. Department of *he Missouri, Gen. 8cll0- tield's command in, II, 338; Gen. Curtis relieved from, 340; Geu. Schofleld as- signed to command of, 340; demand for removal of SclioHcld and appointment of Butler to command the, 4i'J; piovost-mar- shal-generalshipof, 420, 421; Ilalleck levies contributions on noted rebels in, 4'21 ; sys- tem of searches, seizures, etc., in, 421 ; re- straint of contraband intelligence and trade in, 421 ; abuses of the contribution, etc., system in, 421 ; (Ten. ^chotield to be relieved from command in, 401, 462 ; propo- sal to put Rosecrans in command of, 462; comuuinication with Secretary Stanton concerning, 463 ; effect of social influence of St. Louis ou affairs in, 463 ; (ien. Rose- crans's success in conduct of affairs in, 507 ; bushwhackers in, 537. Department of the Navy, II, 42. See U. S. Navy Department. Department of the Potomac, McClellan in command of, II, 137. Department of the Rappahannock, McDow- ell to retain command of, II, 154. Department of the South, (ien. Hunter's or- der of military emancipation, II, 155; chauLce of commander in the, 364. Department of the Susquehanna, defensive operations assigned to Ilalleck, II, 555, 550. Department of the Treasury. See U. 8. TuEASURY Department. Department of War. See U. S. WAR DE- PARTMENT. Department of the West, under command of Gen. Harney, II, .52; instructions to commander of, Oct. 24, 1861, 86, 87. Department of Washington, II, 5.55, 556. Department of West Virginia, II, 555, 556. Deportation of negroes, I, 608, II, 274, 275. See also Colonization of Negroes; Ne- groes; Slaves. Darrickson, Capt., the President's guard at the Soldiers' Retreat, II, 251. Deserters, II, 407 ; Gen. Sickles commis- sioned to make investigation tour con- cerning desertion from the ('n('m\-, 483. Desertion, II, 124; gravity of the ottense of inducing, 347, 349 ; the only effectual pun- ishment of, 349; incitements to, 362, 363; penalties of, OGO. Deshler, Brig. James, killed at Chickamau- ga, II. 412. Despatch, draft of an unused, proposing ar- Ijitration in the Trod affair, II. 108, 109. Despotism, alternative to the rifle of the majority, II, 5 ; danser of returning, 502. Dick, Franklin A., Provost-Marshal-General of Department of Missouri, II. 4'20, 421; supcrscdid liy.T. O. Broadhead, 420, 421 ; ar- rest of Dr. McPheeters by order of, 464, 465. Dickinson, , I, 85. Dickinson, Gov. D. S., interest on behalf of E. J. Westcott, II, 318 ; letter of, concern- ing D. 8. D. Baldwin, 566. Dictators, who can set up, II, 307. Dictatorship, Fremont's proclamation an act of, II, 81. Dictionary of Congress, hrief autobiography for, I, 240. Diller, J. R., a Democratic partizan, I, 153. Dimmick, Mrs., death of, II, 575. Diplomatic Corps, reply to the, II, 8. Diplomatic service, treason in the, II, 124. Discoveries, inventions, and improvements, lecture on, I, 522-528. Discovery, stimulation of, I, 577. Disloyalty in the branches of government, II, 165. District of Columbia, slavery and slave-trade in, their exist cncc and aliolition, 1,15, 147- 149, 185, 190, 192, 280, 302, 306-308, 337, 355, 441, 463, 465, 642, 659, 609, II, 144, 145 ; favorable opinion of gradual emancipation in, 1, 190 ; local option of people as to abolition of slavery, 042; question of extendinjr, II, 100; suft'eringsof the inhabitants l).\- reason of the war, 102; Hrig.-(;en. Wadsworth appointed military go\x'rnor of, 131; esti- mated cost of emancipation in, 132, 138; nmnber of slaves in, i:iS; (luestion of cur- rency in, 186; nejivo population of, 275; benevolent institutions of, 612. Disunion, threats of, during War of 1812, I, 516 ; Repul>licau abhorrence of, 635, 636 ; threats of, made by Democrats, 636; tm- pi'obability of a majority of voters of the Union being in favor of disunion, II, 63; no remedy for differences between North and South, '268; the folly of, 274. Divine interposition and favor, its guidance of current events, II, 342. Divine mercy, II, 418. Divine power, II, 509, 519, 544, 571, 573, 587. Divine purpose, II, 657, 661. Divine truth and justice, II, 7. Divine will, meditation on the, II. 243, 244. Divorce, not to be compared to secession, II, 0. Dix, Maj.-Gen. John A., on commission re- garding State prisoner's, II, 127 ; money advanced to, for public defense, 165 ; sent to Fort Monroe, 174, i;i:!, 200, 254; personal feel- ing of, 180; correspondence with, 191, 193, 200, 254, 282, 298, 335, 441, 523, 524 ; his pickets at New Kent Court House, 192 ; troops of, 197 ; inquiry addressed to, as to forces of enemy. 254 ; Gen. Busteed recommended to, 282; inquiry addres.sed to, conceiTi- ing garrisoning fortresses with colored troops, 298; calls the President's atten- tion to th(^ omission of the Eastern Shoi-e of Virginia from exemptions in Emancipa- tion Prorlaniation, 327; sends war news from liichiuoiid jiapei-s, 332; interrogated concerniiiK railroads Ijetween Fredericks- burg and Richmond, 335; paroles rebels in Accomac and Northampton counties, 394, 395 ; course in Maryland elections, 435; proposal to tender tiie mayoralty of New York to, 430, 437 ; the President's I'ec- ognition of his services, 436, 437 ; ordered to arrest publishers and .seize offices of " New York World " and " J ournal of Com- merce," 523. 524. Dixon, Senator James, speech on Mexican war, I, 132 ; letter to, .Inly 24, 1862, II, 213; recommends Edward (ioodman for col- lector at Hartford, 313; agreement with Secretary of the Treastiry regarding col- lectorship at Hartford, 314; conversation with, cmicerning emancipation, 508, 509. Dockyards, eniployiiient of slaves in, 1, 659 ; Confederate seizure of, II, 55. Doddridge County, Va., excepted from in- surrection proclamation, II, 195. G98 INDEX Dodge, Maj.-Gen. George M., at 8t. Louis, 11,617,629,630; orders to, iii the case of Mrs. Thompson, 617 ; despatch to, respect- ing violence in northern Missouri, 629 ; de- spatch to, conceruins Mrs. Price, 630. Dodge, Wm. E., Jr., letter to, March 1, 1865, II, 655, 656. Dole, George W., letter to, I, 595, 598. Domestic policy, Seward's scheme for, II, 29; declared iu the inaugural address, 33. Donaldson, Lieut. Edward, recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 1.52. Doniphan, Col. A. W., position on Mexican war, I, 111. Doniphan, speech in, I, 585 et seq. Donnelly, Neil, 1,354. Doolittle, , II, 480. Doolittle, Senator, announces a Wisconsin "slate," II, 211; letter to, May 30, 1864, 526. Doremus, John C, on Whig State Central Committee, I, 72. Dorsey, Azel W., Lincoln's schoolmaster, I, 639. Dougherty, John, 1,520; supports Trumbull, 338; in conveution at Bpriuglield, 351; an anti-Nehraska man, 401; Abolitionist worker, 403. Douglas, Stephen A., an opinion of, 1, 21 ; on the Whig party, 21, 514, 515; on errors of the administration, 31-35; fracas with Francis, 40; Lincoln's speech at Peoria, 111., in reply to, 180-209; position on the Missouri Compromise, 183, 184, 224, 349, 497, 566; Senatorial bill for extension of Mis- souri lines, 184; the Nebraska bill, 186, 218, 231, 407, 408, 419, 420; debate with Lincoln, 204 ; disposal of his argument that Illinois was admitted as slave State, 205; discussion with, 210 ; Democratic support of, 211 : re- ply to, at Springfield, 226-235 ; on the Kan- sas election, 227; position on the Dred Scott case, 228, 229, 231-234, 249, 270, 271, 299, 421, 551-557 ; respect for Supreme Court de- cisions, 228, 229, 269, 447, 455, 473, 512, 518; position on U. S. Bank question, 229, 256, 271 ; construction of the Declaration of In- dependence, 233, 258, 259, 272; movement for reelection of, 236 ; relations with Bu- chanan, 236-238, 344, 475, 477, 478, 492-494; Greeley's opinion of, 238; suspicion of his becoming a Free-Soiler, 238; Seward's opinion of, 239; position on the Lecomp- ton Constitution, 242, 250, 251, 256, 264-266, 422, 442, 490-492, 503, 513 ; avowed mission of, 245 ; letter to Crittenden on reelection of, 246, 247 ; roceptiou at Chicago, 247 ; al- leged couibiuatioii against, 247, 248; doc- trine of popular sovereignty, 249, 250, 262, 482, 541, 542, 544-548, 554-557, 564, 570, 573, 586-589, 592, 607, 620, 657, 660; attacks Lin- coln's speech at Sjiringfleld, 251-255; ac- cuses Lincoln of inciting war, 252-254; posi- tion in regard to the Itcpulilicau party, 256; the Cincinnati platform and, 256, 257, 270; contrast of personal appearance with that of Lincoln, 261 ; renown of. 261 ; possi- bilities for the Presidency, 261; Lincoln's personal feelings toward, opinion of, and relations with, 266, 281, 417, 418, 483, 484, 529, 537 ; result of his claims for powers of the Supreme Court, 270; at Clay's death- bed, 271, 272; the mantle of Henry Clay on, 272; on equality of negroes and whites, 272, 273, 284, 434, 469, 470, 495, 498, 499, 508 ; purpose to nationalize slavery, 273, 298, 447, 448; correspondence with Lincoln in regard to joint debates, 273-277 (see also Joint Debates and topics of discus- sion); arrangements with Illinois Demo- cratic Central Committee, 274; influence in the .'South, 277 ; on slavery in the Terri- tories, 277, 356, 357, 415, 475-479, 508, 511- 513, 518, 566, 567, 599 ; bill to organize Kansas and Nebraska, 278; Trumbull's candidacy for his seat iu Senate, 279, 282 ; questions addressed to Lincoln, 280; early life of, 281, 366; opposition to negro citizenship, 284, 434 ; prophesied dissolution of Union if Lincoln and the Republican party suc- ceed, 286; question of veracity between Lincoln and, 293 ; speech at Clinton, 295 ; on newsjiaper criticisms, 296, 297; the Washington " Union " on, 296, 297, 317, 475- 478, 493 ; influence of, 298, 422 ; charges Lin- coln with evading questions in debate, 300-304, 364 ; Lincoln's charge of conspiracy against, 303, 396, 397, 466, 467 ; Lincoln's in- terrogatories to, at Freeport, 308, 309; views on acquirement of additional ter- ritory, 317, 318, 449 ; position on admission of States, 327, 468, 488-492 ; Union princi- ples of, 327, 328; accused of turncoat prin- ciples by Lincoln, 334-, charges collusion between Lincoln and Trumbull, 337, 364, 461 ; on status of negro, 343-345, 495 ; posi- tion i"egarding status of slavery accord- ing to the fathers and the Constitution, 347, 348,446,480, 505, 516, 551; position on the Compromise of 1850, 349, 441; answers to Lincoln's interrogatories propounded at Freeport, 356; birthplace and early life, 366 ; question propounded by Lincoln. 367 ; Douglas's answer, 367 ; position as to Con- gressional interference with slavery, 367; holds that aftirniative law is necessary to make Dred Scott decision available in Ter- ritories, 368; attacked by Trumbull at Chicago and Alton, 370, 371, 374; Trum- bull's charge of participation in plot to form constitution for Kansas, 371 1'^ seg'.; charges against Trumbull, 376 it set/., 380, 460,461; extract from syicech at .Tackson- ville, and refen-ed to by Lincoln in open- ing speech at Charleston, 385-390; the ad- mission of Kansas, 392, 414; statement as to reason for Lincoln's nomination for the U. S. Senate, 402; claim that U. S. gov- ernment was established on white basis, 405; position on status of negro under Declaration of Independence, -105; claims condition of free and slave States as es- tablished by the Ct>nstitutiou, 406; re- opens slavery questions seitled by Com- promise of 1850, 407 ; charges Lincoln and the Ilepultlieans with varying speeches and principles according to locality, 407, 431, 433, 434, 438, 450, 451, 454, 457-459, 462, 408-470,483, 486, 487; aieuse.s Lincoln and Trumbull of personal attacks, 409; charges against Lincoln in reference to Mexican war, 409, 410; charges responsiliility for Trumbull's statements on Lincoln, 410; charged by Trumbull with preventing people of Kansas from voting on constitu- tion, 411 ; argues against equality of men, 413 ; Lincoln's interrogatory to, m regard to power of States to exclude slavery from their limits, 416, 417, 445-448 ; denies hav- ing consulted with Chief Justice Taney as' to decision in Dred Scott case, 419; perverts Liucoln's position in various speeches, 419 ; share in prostitution of Su- preme Court of Illinois, 421, 447, 481, 567 ; desire to lead a party, 423 ; did not help to get free- State maiority into Kansas, 423; characteiizes the i;eii"'>l'cau party as a sectional organization, 4:ii : denies citizen- ship of negro, but does not insist on his being a slave, 434; Lincoln's comment on statement that the Kepublieau party dare not call their meetings by their name, 437, INDEX 699 438; the National Democracy and, 488; Lincoln's reply to charges of sectionalism, 439, 440; charged hy Lincoln with Kcction- alisu],440; oijpiiseil to fUstinguiNhiug be- tween free and shive Htates, 441 ; views on slavery. 441, 442, 464, 480, 507, 509-511, 530, 544-546, 561. 573, 586-590 ; difference between Rejniblican Party and, 442 ; charge of com- bination between National Democrats and Reiiiiblieans, 442, 443; acknowledges be- ing misled in matter of Springtleld anti- Nebraska State Convention, 443, 452 ; charges of fraud and forgery agaiust, 443- 445, 452, 453, 460, 461 ; attack "on Lincoln at Ottawa in regard to Springfield conven- tion, 443-445, 452 ; repeated charges against Lincoln and Trumbull, 444, 445 ; origin of title of judge, 447, 481 ; views on acquiring additional territory in connection with slavery question, 448, 449 ; horror of an in- ferior race. 449 : doctrine of State rights, 454, 603 ; attenii)t to hold Lincoln responsi- ble for resolutions passed anterior to Springfield convention, 456, 457.460; Lin- coln's interrogatory to, on hypothetical decision of U. S. Supreme Court. 459, 460, 473, 481 ; charges Lincoln with personal- ities, double-dealing, etc., 461, 462, 465, 466, 469; Lincoln disclaims desire of personal dittioulty with, 462 ; leader in Democratic Party, 464; vouches for Harris's and Lan- phier's integrity, ic>i\ ; denies Deujoeratic ownership of Dred Sciitt,467; purjiose in quoting Springfield resolutions, 467 ; iiiter- rogatofies to Lini'oln at Ottawa, 467, 468; refuses to answer Lincoln's questions as to slavery being right or wrong, 472; ap- peals to mob law, 481 ; Lincoln's answer to his statement in regard to oliligaticms binding on Democrats and Republicans, 482 ; Lincoln's reply to, in regard to Lan- phier-Harris forgery. 484; attempts to use Springfield i-esolutions against Trum- bull, 484 ; speech in Chicago, 486 ; Lincoln's reply, 486; i-eviews the joint debates, 486-489; on State sovereignty, 487; on the English bill, 491, 492; on equality among States, 491; resists executive in- terference with duties of legislators, 492 ; charged with l)eing no Democrat, 493, 494 ; on sectionalism, 424, 493, 496, 516, 518; on value of slave jiroperty in Territories, 494 ; attack on adminisfiMtion at Quincy, 496, 497; charged by Lincoln with misrepre- sentation, 497 ; attempts to place Lincoln in extreme Abolition attitude, 498; garbles Lincoln's speech at Chicago, 498, 499; claims that negroes were not included in Declaratitm of Independence, 499, 500, 562, 614, 621; partiality for Crittenden, 503; offended with Lin"e an Abolitionist, 513; charges use of federal patronage in Illinois. 513; Lincoln charges him with slander, 514; success of, 521 ; strength of, 529 ; supported by the New York " Tribune," 530 ; Republi- can feeling in Illinois in favor of, 529-532; essay in "Harper's ."Magazine," 542-544,546- 550, 553; views on status of States and Territories under the U. S. Constitution, 544, 546; views as to power of federal gov- ernment over Territories, 545 ; position on the African slave-trade, 555, 565, 566; speaks at Cincinnati, 558; misrepresenta- tion as to Lincoln's deel.aratlon of non-in- terference with slavery, 559; Lincoln rec- ommends his nomination for the Presi- dency, 560, 568, 569, 675 ; don't-care policy, 561, 620, 621 ; speaks at Memphis, 561, 563; position as between negro and crocodile, 563,564,590,(122; peculiarity oi' his support for the seuatorsliip, 5(;s ; clainis to have "squelched" the "irrepressiiile conflict" Idea, 568; views on the ( )i'diiiance of 1787, 570; viewp on local and federal questions of government of Territoru's, 573; an am- bushed foe of the Republican I'arty, 588; his position leads to nationalization of slavery, 588, 589; denounces tlu'. "fatal heresy," 59(); claims the Kcjiublican vote on Ci'ittendcn-Moutgoniery bill, 592: elec- tion to U. S. Senate. 592; alisorbing pow- ers of, 593; publication of speecJies of, in .joint debates, 597; speech at Colunilius, Ohio, 599; sedition law, 611, 628; attributes shoemakers' strike in Massachusetts to sectional warfare, 615; rage at Seward for speaking of "irrepressible conflict ,"624; organ in Washington, 624; speaks at State Agricultural Fair at SjiriHghcld, 111., 644; political prospects in ihco, (i4r>; Southern votes for, at lialtimori' Ciuivention in 1860, 645; strength in New York, 648; manipula- tion of tlie Hell Party, 648.649; George D. Prentice's sU)(port of, 652; Colfax's sup- posed support of, in 1858. II, 9; prominent in founding the Cliicago "Times." 344; senatorial contest with Lincoln, 344; par- ticipates in debates on refunding fine im- posed on Gen. Jackson. 351. Douglas, Mrs. , memorandum of advice for, Nov. 27, 1861, II, 91, 92. Douglass, Fred., I, 279. 281. 2S4, 364. 403, 470; S. A. Douglas's eriticisnison,31s; Abolition leader, 322; outrages Senator Douglas's sense of propriety, 337 : stmnps Illinois for Abolition Party, 400 ; speaks at Pough- keepsie, N. Y.. in support of Lincoln, 401. Doyle, Thomas A., candidate for postmas- tership at rrovidence, H. 1., II, 45. Draft, popular deiuand for, 11,218; question of postponement of, 226 ; the exercise of the, 239 ; penalty of resisting the, 239 ; re- sistance to the, 362, 363. 388, 407 ; Working of, in New Jersey, 371, 375 ; conduct of, by townships, 375, 376; in New York State, 381, 382; reason for, 388; opinion on the, 388-391 ; fairness of the, 390 ; money ex- emption and sulistitntes. ,390; the prin- cipleof the, 390,392; duringthe Revolution, 391 ; in the War of 1812, 391 ; correspon- dence with Gov. Seymour regarding the, 399, 400,488; correspondence With ollieials of Chicago concerning, 401 ; correspon- dence with Sherman and Hayes concern- ing the, 401, 404 ; operation of the act, 404, 449; volunteers to be credited on quota of, 425 ; to be employed for deticieiiey of volunteers, 425, 426 ; memorandum relative to the, 433 ; effect on the navv. 451 ; order for a. of 500,000 men. Feb. 1, 1864, 477, 478; question of quota af Kentucky, 505, 506; provision for. in the case of hundred-day troops from \arions States. 515; iirovision for, 550. 551. CIS; in Indiana, 578; ((uestion of exemptions from, in I'ennsyh auia, .592, 593 ; order to make raska ))ill, providing for regulation of slavery in 8tatcs and Ter- ritories by their i)eoiile. 420; its eftect on slavery in tlie Territories, 435, 551-555, 557, 610 ; its essence, 445 ; influence of elections on, 446; nou-eoncurrent opinions in, 460; unappealable, 472 ; principles of, fre- quently previously attirmed, 473; how to rcvei'se it, 481 ; slaves' property under, 494 ; Lincoln's positioti on, in regard to citizen- ship of negro, 497,498 ; portion of scheme to nationalize slavery, 497, 498; status of ne- gro under U. S. Constitution, according to, 497, 498; th(^ Declaration of Independence construed )>y, ~A)ir. I>incoln denies consti- tutional powcrto hold slave in "Territor.y, 512; on power of Congress to prohibit spread of slavery into Territories, 540, 541; Lincoln's criticism of Douglas's posi- tion on, 551-557 ; synopsis of, 553 ; Douglas's idea of rendering nugatory, 566, 567 ; bear- ing on Douglas's Popular Sovereignty, 586; relation to doctrine of Territorial legisla- tion luifriendly to slavery, 589, 590 ; gi'oimd of decision, 603. Driggs, J. F., forwards a Maclcinaw trout to the President, II, 635 ; letter to, 635. Drummond, , debate on Peoria election case, I, 42. Drunkenness, in the army, II, 415, 416. Dryer, , U. S. minister at Honolulu, II, 139. Dubois, Jesse K., I. 40, 594, 598, 633; corre- spondence with, II, 936, 341; telegram to, concerning the positionof Lee's army after Gettysburg, :;c,i ; letter from, in behalf of Gen. McClernand, 387; inquiry addressed to, as to results of election, 598. Dudley, Thomas H., U. S. consul at Liver- pool, despatch from, regarding distressed operatives at Blackbnrii, Eng., II, 312. Duel, arrangements for, with Gen. Shields, I, 70. Duff Green building, appropriated by the AVar Dei)nrtnient, II, 289. Duffie, Brig.-Gen. Alfred N., brilliant action near Millersburg, II, 357 ; action with Stuart's cavalry, 357; success at Lewis- burg, 437. Du Pont, Adm. Samuel F., recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 122, 140; ser- vices on coast of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, 140 ; ordered to take measures for defense of the capital, 164; orders to, as to operations at Charleston, 323. Durant,ThomasJ.,letter to Cuthbert Bullitt from, II, 215 ; supposed to take registry of citizens in Louisiana for constitutional convention, 380, 436 ; to confer with Gen. Banks regarding affairs in Louisiana, 381. Duties, proclamation concerning discrimi- nating, II, 460. 461. Duty, devotion to, I, 612, 616, 629, 631. Dwelling-houses, seldom liable to military seizure, II, 472. Early, Gen. Jubal A., at deadlock with Sheridan, II, 577; probability of Lee re- inforcing, 583. East, E. H., Secretary of State in Tennes- see, II, 487, 488. East Baltimore Methodist Conference, reply to resolutions of, II, 152, 153. Eastern seas, action against pirates in the, II, 95. Eastern Shore. See MARYLAND ; VIRGINIA. Easthouse, , death of, I, 64. Eastman, M. E., II. 1312. East Tennessee Relief Association, the, II, .516. Eaton, John, banishment of, from Missouri, II, 651. Eccles, Joseph T., signs call for Whig Con- vention at Springfield, 1851, I, 167. Eckert, Maj. T. T., instructions to, corre- spondence, and transactions respecting meeting in Hampton Roads between the President and Confederate commis.sioners, II, 632, 634, 642-649. Economy, necessity of, II, 96; demanded by Union National Convention, 531. Ecuador, convention for adju.stment of claims pending between the United States and, II, 497. Edenton, N. C, port of, declared closed, II, 670. Edgar County, 111., insurrection in, II, 491. Education, importance of, I, 3; reverence for laws to be one of the flrst branches of, 12; Jeff"erson's iiroposed application of Treasury surplus to, 127 ; influence of dis- covery of printing on, 527 ; free labor in- sists on universal, 582 ; combination of labor and, 582, 583 ; its uses in agriculture, 582, 583; Lincoln's early and limited, 597, 640 ; for negroes, II, 380. Edwards, Qtr.-Gen., I, 4. Edwards, Dr. B. F., recommended formar- shalship. I, 43. Edwards, Benjamin S., report on partizan appointments in Illinois, I, 51, 52; signs call for Whig Convention at Springfield, 167; opinion on Illinois election law, 176. Edwards, Cyrus, defeated f(U- senatorship in 1840, 1,43; canilidacy for Comniissiiuicr of General Land OlHce, 151, 153, 154, 157, 160. Edwards, Ninian W., I, 7, 72. Edwards Station, Grant defeats Pemberton and Loring near, II, 339. Egypt, punishment of persecutors of mis- sionary agent in, II, 84; letter to viceroy of, 84, 85 ; "question of indemnity from, for outrage on missionary agent, 157; consu- lar service in, 447 ; death of U. 8. minister in, 605 ; relations with, 605, 606. Egypt of the West, the, II, 270. Election clubs, I, 131, 132. INDEX 701 Election expenses, I, 521. Election laws of Illinois, opinion of, I, 519. Election of 1834, Lincoln elected to legisla- ture of Illinois, I, 041, 642. Election of 1840, I, (■>42. Election of 1844, I. 642. Election of 1852, I, 64:i. Election of 1856, I, ()44. Election of i860, views on fusion for, I, 534, 535; (laiiiiiT of local issues in, 535, 537; needs of tlic Kciniblican Party tor the, 575 ; Presidential timber from the South, 575, 576; impdrtaiicc of Peuusylvania to the Eepublicau Fart v in, 5H4, 585 ; importance of Illinois to Kepublicau Party in, 585; possibility of a union ticket for the, 591, i 592 ; proposed natiooal convention in Illi- ' nois, 595; services of Storrs iu, 598; use of money in, 631 ; i)r<>si)('(ts of success, 632 ; nomination of LiiK-olii for tbe Presidency, 634; accciitanci' of iKiiuinatiou, 635; form ■ of letter used for reply to a class of letters received durinu^ the, i;38; short autobiog- raphy prepared for use in, 638-644; Cas- sius M. Clay's speeches in, 647; fears for result, 649;" combinations to defeat the Rei'Ublican ticket, (Ml); meetinirat Spring- tield. 111., to celebrate, c^ri; dilHculties ap- prehended in regard to counting the votes, 663. Elections, resolutions in Illinois legislature relatins to fraudident practices at, I, 42; convention systeui of nominating candi- dates recommended, 76, 77; personal en- deavor in, 79; vote cast in 1840, 79; con- tested cases in Kentucky, North Carolina, aiul New .Jersey, 79; liannouy in parties, 81 ; proposed change of plan of selecting Congressional caiulid.ite for district of IlUnois, 84 ; mode of choosing delegates, 85; in Kansas, 227; canvassing for, 597; what constitutes a majority of voters iu, II, 286; in Missouri, instructions to Gen. Schofield regarding, 417; demands for regulation of, in Missoiu'i, 419; Mary- land, Xoveuilter, 1863, 434, 435 ; use of tests at, in Maryland, 434, 435; use of military in, 435 ; loyalty in, 435 ; alleged misconduct of military ofticers at, 438; favle results of, 440; encouraging re- sults of, 4rii; regulations for, in Arkansas reconstruction, 472, 47:i: in Arkansas i-e- constructiou, 475; (|ualiticationsof voters, 477; anticipated etl'ect of Eniancipatin of, 234-230; its in- fluence in Europe, 235 ; disastrous effects of immediate, 272; ett'ect on free white labor, 274. 275; the Missouri plan, 379 ; the contract plan of, 380; Importance of its recognition in Louisiana, 380; in Tennes- see, 4()5; the general govei'ument had no power to etlect, in the States, 453; followed by dark and doubtful days, 454 ; brings on the crisis of the contest, 454; unaccom- panied by servile insurrection, 4.54 ; by State action, 456 ; adojition of the policy of, 479; letter to John A. J. Creswell regarding, in Maryland, 492; danger of quarrels among friends of, 492; the Presi- dent's preference for gradual, over im- mediate, 492; the President's views as to. iu Maryland, 498; dangers of quarrels among friends of, 498; appeals to Bor- der States for, 508; conversation with Gov. Bramlette and Senator Dixon on working of, 508, 509 ; letter to A. G. Hod- ges concerning the working of, 508, 509; the test for cdmplainers of, 509; results of a year of trial, 509 ; power of the policy to subdue rebellion, 562, 564, 565; its purpose to save the Union, 564; augmen- tation of free population by, 587 ; in Lou- isiana, 673. Emancipation policy, effect of, II, 397. Emancipation Proclamation, as tirst sub- mitted to the Cabinet, July 22, 1862, II, 213; draft of, as submitted to the Cab- inet for final re\'ision, 285 ; issued Jan. 1, 1863, 287, 288; a military measure, 296, 398, 403, 453, 454 ; not to be retracted by the President, 296, 379, 380, 455, 459, 615; effect of, 298; omission of the East- ern Shore of Virginia from exemption of, 327; question of military officers in- dorsing, 330 ; application to Arkansas, 379; Gen. Grant's opinion of, 384; notice of, given beforehand. 397; alleged to be un- constitutional, 397 ; dislike of, 397 ; appli- cation of, in Virginia and Louisiana, 402, 403; original draft of. transmit ted to North- western Fair of the Sanitary Commission at Chicago, 429; must be recognized in Louisiana, 436 ; issue of. 453 ; lithographed facsimiles of original draft of, 471 ; antici- pated ett'ect on fall t'lectious, 479; Secre- tary Chase's position on, 479; account of, as given to Artist Carpenter, 479; Love- joy's views on, 479 ; the possible eft'ects of Union defeats on, 479. 480 ; second draft of, 480; final publication of, 480; ett'ect of the battle of Antietam on the, 480 ; indorsed 702 INDEX by Union National Convention, 530 ; falls short of the Thirteenth Amendment, 633, 034. Embree, E., letter to, T, 157. Employment, constant, more profitable than cheap buying and dear selling, I, 91. Emulation, I, 577. Enclosure of farms, I, 578. Engineers, chief of. repr)rt of, II, 449. England. See (iKEAT I>I{ITAIN. English, William H., ]>o,sition on the ad- mission of Kansas, I, 42'.), 491. English bill.LccciiiiptoH < (institution passed in the, I, •2(;5; r((iiusitcs for admission of Kansas uiuler, 414, 42H, 41)1 ; introduced as substitute for Lecomptou Constitu- tion, 428; support of, made a test of po- litical faith in Illinois, 429; repudiated and abandoned iiy Democrats, 429; Dong- las on the, 42S, 42'.», 4'Jl, 492. English grammar, study of, I, 640. English language, on the, I, 525. Enlistment, to be made for three years or the war, II, 167; discouragement of, 362, 363; motives ,ij,<>\-eruing, 388. Enterprise, iiiipmtauce of, I, 3. Enthusiasm, misplaced, I, 609. Envy, overborne by patriotism, 1, 14. Equality, what is, I, 232. See also Decla- KATiON OF Iniiependenck; Negroes. . Equality of men, the central idea in politi- cal public opinion, I, 225 ; the fundamen- tal principle of government of free States, 613. Equal rights of men, foundation of our government, 1, 178, 179. Erie Canal, memorial regarding locks of, II, 180. See also Canals. Escambia Bay, Ala., Federal raid at, II, 593. Estray laws, I, 3. Etheridge, E., letter to, II, 588, 589. Ethiopia, supposed attitude of the United states toward, II, 479. Euclid, study of, I, 640. Europe, no arhitration by monarchies of, desired by tlie United States, II, 37; atti- tude of nations of, regarding the situa- tion in the United States, 49; results to, from the War of Independence, 51 ; possi- bility of war l)etween the United States and nations of, 51; question of interven- tion of powers in Mexico, 107; railway systems in, resolution of the Senate re- garding, 136; troops of, contrasted with those of the United States, 218 ; importance to, of Federal military success, 219 ; effect of emancipati(m on the American P'ederal cause in, 235; visit of Edward Everett to, 239; proposed cable connection with, 263; communieatioi) witli, 2(59; area of, 273; population statistics of, compared with the United States, 273; sufferings in, 302 ; expression of pity in, for the Federal cause, 453. European intervention, Seward advises vig- orous policy against, II, 29. European powers, no danger to United States from, I, 9. Europeans, Douglas's limitation of provi- sion of Declaration of Independence to, I, 272. European States, relations with, II, 263. Evangelical Lutherans, response to. May 6, 1862, II, 148. Evans, French S., recommended for ap- praisership at Baltimore, II, 42, 43. Evansville, Ind., II, 80; Gov. Morton asks for troops and guus for, 83 ; Federal forces at, 84. Evarts, William M., empowered to act for the Secretary of the Navy in the public defense, II, 164. Evasion of laws, 1,3. Events, the Pi-esident controlled by, II, 509. Everett, Edward, 1,66; letter introducing, Sept. 24, 1862, II, 239 ; visit to Europe, 239 ; correspondence with, regarding Gettys- bm-g celebration, 44(i; congiatulated by the President on Gettysburg- address, 440; congratulates the President on Gettys- burg address, 440; transmission to, of MS. of tlie President's remarks at (Gettysburg, 478; tribute to American women, 631. Evidence, the law of, not affected by mili- tary arrests in time of rebellion, II, 350, 351. Ewell, Lt.-Gen. R. S., Fremont ordered against, 11,159; engaged with Banks, 160; McDowell ordered to move against, 160; probable northward dash of, 162; near Winchester, 168 ; Fremont ordei-ed to at- tack, 168; forces Saxton's advance from Charlestown, 168 ; near Bunker Hill, 169 ; at Winchester with Jackson, 171 ; posi- tion. May 31, 1862, 173; assignment of the Army of Virginia to the o\crcomiug of, 188; uncertainty aliout his movements, 352, 428; reported at Dalton, 424; disposi- tion of his troops, 425; statements that he has gone to Tennessee, 428; (luestion of Imboden's joining, 429. Ewing, Gen. Hugh, Gov. Carney asks that his department be extended to cover Kan- sas, II, 371. Ewing, Thomas, Minister of the Home De- partment, I, 159; Binder on, 160. Ewing, Gen. W. L. D., recommendations about circuit courts, I, 46; U. S. senator from Illinois, 76 ; opjiositiou to Whig mea- sures, 76; supports Butterfleld for General Band Office, 157. Exchange of prisoners, II, 449, 478; inter- view between Col. Key and Geu. Cobb re- specting, 626. Exchange of thought, on the, I, 524-527. Executions, laws respecting, I, 3. Executive clemency, II, 177. Executive disbursements, fiscal year, 1861- 1862, II, 265. Executive order No. 2, Feb. 27, 1862, relat- ing to State prisoners, II, 127. Exhibition of 1862, representation of the United States at the, II, 102. Existing institutions, difficulty of uproot- ing, I, 193. Expediency, JelTerson on, II, 102. Expunging Resolution, the, I, 32. Extraordinary arrests, II, 125. Extravagance of Buchanan administration condemned bv Kepublican National Con- vention of 1800, I, 636. Eye, on the power of the, I, 526. Fairbanks, Erastus, governor of Vermont, telegram to, II, 78. Fairfax Station, Va., Hooker at, II, 353. Fairfield, Pa., concentration of rebels near, II, 365. Fairs for relief of soldiers, II, 500. See also Sanitary Commission. Falls Church, Va., movement of Federal troops by, II, 67. Falls Village, Conn., manufacture of guns at, II, 415. Falmouth, Va., McDowell at, 11,160, 166; Burnside at, 258. " FalstafF," J. H. Hackett's presentation of , II, 392. " Family controversies," II, 304. Faris-el-Hakim, missionary agent in Egypt, II, 84 ; outrage on, 157. INDEX 703 Farmer, Lewis W., discharge certificate of, 1,5. Farmers, as a class, I, 577. Farmington, , visit to, 1, 52. Farms, uiammotli. I, 57'J. Farm work, the Presidcut's early life in, I, 597. Farnsworth, John F., Aholition leader. I, '284, bl8, 322 ; uinioscd to admission of sla^•e States, :i6'i, :mi.irr,i; caiivusscs tor Lincoln, 403; cautlidate for Cougress iu Chicago district, lOt. Farnsworth, Gen., letter from Gen. Hurl- hut to, II, 518. Farragut, Adm. David G., operations on the Mississippi Kivcr, II, 151 ; reconnueuded for thanks of Con^iirss, 151; national thanks to, for operations at Mobile, 572; despatch to, reganhii^' Idorkadc, tU7. Fast-Day, appointment of a. national, Aug. 12, 1861, II, 73, 74; proclamation appoint- ing a national, March 30, 1803, 319, 320. See also Prayer. " Father of the Constitution," the, I, 74. Fathers of the Constitution, the, I, 599. Fauchet, Mr., attempted seizure of, by the commander of the Africa, II, 278. Fayette County, 111., act for hcnetit of clerk of circuit court of, I, 20 ; claim of parti- zan appointments in, 51, Fayette County, Ky., removal of Thomas Lincoln (the President's grand-uncle), to, I, 6.")0. Fayette County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Fayetteville, Ark., (ien. Curtis at, II, 593. February 22, 1862, orders for general move- ment of forces on, II, 119. Federal authority, its division from local authority, 1, 599 et seq. ; must be respected by foreign agents, 50. Federal government, powers as to restric- tion of slavery, I, 355, 608, 609, II, 133, 134; bou7id to defend the Union, 12 ; an agency for the States, 440. Federal offices, how opposition to holders of, is to be met, II, 4. Federal Union, Clay's zeal for the, I, 171 ; devotion of the people to, 185, 680, 681, 683, 689, II, 12, 613 ; Lincoln's devotion to, I, --V 199. 220, 678, 687, 688. II, 227, 564, 565 ; intlu- ■' ence of slavery on the stability of, I, 2iu ; dangers to, from scetionalism, 221, 222; a house diviih'd auainst itself, 290; Doug- las's cliai,i;'es of Lincoln's desire to over- throw, 293; Douglas on the miiintenance of, 327, 328; cannot exist divi(h'd into slave and free States, 327, :i32, 341, 342, 347 40.5-407, 426, 436, 471, 485-487, 543, 558, 567, 590; Lincoln does not expect it to be dis- solved, 426. 543, 558 ; slavery the only qnes- ti(Ui that has menaced a dissolution of, 450; slaverx tln' root of diseord in, 587; Douglas asserts it can endure half free and half slave States, 487; union of half slave and half free States a violation of the law of t4od, 487; commerce its ce- ment, 506: slavery a menace to, 509, 574, 613, 619 ; threatened secession by the South in event of election of a Repiibli- cau President, 5()'.i; threatened 7 ; sentiment in Vir- ginia, 58; the Confederate \icwof, 61 ; the fonuation of, serve, failing his reelec- tion, 568; its destruction the object of the commencement of the war, 575. Fell, J. W., letter to, I, 596. Fencmg, I, 578. Fendall, P. R., asks release of Senator Brown's sou, to be nursed after wound at Gettysburs, II, 377. Ferguson, Benjamin, sickness of, I, 56. Ferguson, R. L., provost-marshal at War- rensbur.i,% Mo., II, 625 ; directed to suspend proceedings m Ilicklin's case, 625, Fernandina,Fla., capture of, 11,140; relaxa- tion of blockade of, 599, 606, 670. Fessenden, S. C, candidate for Congress in INtaiue, I, 649. Fessenden, Senator W. P., to consider the matter of oriianization of Hcmse of Repre- sentatives, il, 433; Secretary of the U. 8. Treasury, 569. Few, William, votes for prohibition of sla- ' very in Northwest Territory, I, 600; a framer of the Constitution, 600, 602, Ficklin, Orlando B., oil Lincoln's position during the Mexican war, I, 409, 410, 514 ; letter to, concerning Coles County riots, 552. Field, A. P., letter to, I, 20. Field, Christopher F., luidertakes to culti- vate plantations on free-labor system, II, 474. Field, Maunsell B., question of appoint- ment as Assistant Treasurer at New York, II, 538, 539. Fifth Corps, success of, II, 666, 667. " Fifty-four forty or fight," I, 643. Figaniere e Moral, J. C. de, dean of the Dip- lomatic Corps, II, 8 ; Portuguese Minister, 652. Filisola, Gen. Vincente, I, 108, Filley, O. D., interested in ease of Dr. McPheeters, II, 291, 463, 464; letter to, re- 704 INDEX warding position of government in relation to the churcheH, 480. Fillmore, Pres. Millard, I, 398, 399 ; cbai-ses of diBiiuiuiiisiu bj% 220; Presideutial chalices iu lUiuois, 221 ; division of Dem- ocratic party between Fremont and, 443. Finance, over.sliadowed by the question of shivery, I, G17. Finance and revenue systems of foreign conntries, II, 141, 142. Finances, condition of the government, II, 264. Financial depression, I, 654. Financial embarrassment of the govern- ment, II, 301. Finck, W. E., letter to, II. 360-363. Findley, Capt. Joseph R., dismissal of, 11,585. " Fingal," the, Confederate ironclad, en- gagement with the Wec/iaipL-en, II, 450, 457. Finney, A. D., letter to, I, 672. Fishback, William M., communications to, concerning reconstruction in Arkansas, II, 483, 484, 495. Fisher, Archibald, supposed murder case, I, 48-51. Fisher, C. H., letter to, I, 649. Fisher, G. P., letter to, II, 226, 227. Fisheries, proposal of a jdiut commission, ■with Great Britain and I'^rancc. II, 68. Fisk, Gen. Clinton B., curnspdiidcnce with, II, 432 ; question of his administration, 652. Fitzsimmons, Thomas, a framer of the Con- stitution, I, GOO; reports bill to enforce the Ordinance of 1787, OOO. Flanders, B. F., appointment as agent, II, 335; actions regarding reconstruction in Louisiana, 381, 436 ; letter to, regarding re- constructi(m, 437. Flatboat, work on a, I, 80, G25. Fleming, Lieut. Charles E., naval court of inquiry in tliecasc of, II, 14G. Fleming", John M., bearer of petition to the I'residcnt regarding troubles iu East Ten- nessee, II, 383. Fletcher, Gov., letter to, on affairs in Mis- souri, II, 653-655. Florida, opposed to Clay, 1, 118; acquisition of, 183; obstruction of U. S. laws iu, II, 34; state of insurrection iu, 35,45, 55, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; ))lockade of ports of, 35,39,485,670; suspension of habeas cor- pus iu, 45 ; cost of relieving it of the In- dians, 63; lack of U. S. circuit court in, 98; Capt. Dii Font's services on coast of, 140; proclamation of martial law in, by Gen. Hunter, 155; order for seizure of property, and employment of military "contrabands " in, 212 ; colored trooijs iu, 321 ; reconstruction of, 443, 470 ; reopening of ports of, 606. See also .Iacksonville. " Florida," the, capture of, II, 594. Florida war, cost of, I, 33. Fogg, George G., report to Lincoln regard- ing elections in Maine, I, 649. Folancy, — — , appeal for mercy, II, 401. FoUett, Foster, & Co., publish Lincoln's speeches in joint debates, I, 597. Foote, Solomon, president pro tempore of the Senate, II, 208; letter to, 208. Foote, Adm. Andrew H., commandant at Brooklyn Navy Yard, orders to, to tit out the Po'irhafdu', II, 28; recommended for thanks of Coni;ress. 196. Foote, Henry S., attempted escape from Richmond to Washingtim, II, 628. Ford's " History of Illinois," I, 299, 409. Foreign affairs, correspondence relating to, submitted in auuual message, Dec. 1, 1862, II, 261. Foreign appointments, Seward's scheme for dealing with, II, 29. Foreign arbitration, not needed in the United States, II, 37. Foreign commerce, resolution of the House, July 31, 1861, respecting, II, 107. Foreign intercourse, II, 93. 124; disburse- ments for, for fiscal year 1861-62, 265. Foreign intervention, II, 93, 124. Foreign policy, the President's. II 30. Foreign postal service, negotiations for im- provement of, 11,266. Foreign powers, actions of, in view of sup- posed approaching dissolution of the Union, II, 60; relations with, 94, 302, 418, 445, 509, 604. Foreign slave-trade, threatened revival of, II, 6 : enforcement of the law against, 6. Forfeitures, declared by Congress, II, 442. Forgiveness, the Christian principle of, II, 478. Forney, John W., mvited to Washington, II, 556 ; trip to Europe, 556. Forrest, , inquiry addressed to Eose- crans concerning, II, 33'.>. Fort Beauregard, capture of, II, 122. Fort Brown, I, 105; erected ou Mexican territory, 121. Fort Clark, Capt. Silas H. Stringham's services in capture of, II, 203. Fort Corcoran, II, 67. Fort Donelson, letter to Halleck regarding, II, 12('>: proposed bombardment of, 126; importance of success at, 126 ; Capt. Foote's services at, 1-96. Fort Gaines,. leductiou of, II, 571, 572. Fort Hatteras, N. C, raising troops at, II, 80 ; Capt. Striugham's services in capture of, 203. Fort Henry, Capt. Foote's services at, II, 196. Fort Holt, Federal force at, II, 84, 113. Fortification of sea-coast and lakes, II, 109. Fort Jackson, capture of, II, 151 ; Com- mander Porter's services at, 203. Fort Jefferson, exempt from Confederate seizure, II, 55. Fort McHenry, imprisonment of police com- missidncrs of Baltimore in, II, 70; Gen. Wool sent to, 174. Fort Morgan, re]iorted capture of, II, 569; reduction of, 571, 572. Fort Moultrie, II, 16, 17, 22. Fort Pickens, propo-sal to strengthen, II, 22; its maintenance advised by members of the Cabinet, 26, 27; Lieut. Porter ordered to prevent attack ou, 28; its situation compared with that of Fort Sumter, 30; exempt from Confederate seizure, 55; at- tempt to reinforce, 56, 57 ; impossibilitj' of reinforcing it before the fall of Sumter, 57. Fort Pillow, Capt. Davis's services at, II, 203 ; massacre at, 513 ; question of retri- bution for the massacre, 514 ; the Cabinet consulted regarding the massacre, 518, 519. Fort Powell, reductitm of, II, 571, 572. Fortress Monroe, Va., intention to hold, II, 38; Carl Schurz desires to proceed to, 46; the troops at, to be drilled, 69 ; orders for move- ment of troops at, 119; Gen. Wool at, 148; the President at, 149, 150, 510 ; Gen. Dix at, 174, 193, 200, 254 ; suggestion as to Sigel's command at, 174; transportation on the Rappahannock from, 176 ; Burnside at, 178; Goldsl»orough at, 191 ; possibility of Mc- Clellan's falling back to, 196; order con- cerning permits to pass lilockade from, 253; question of garrisoning with colored troops, 298 ; Dr. Gray ordered to, to ex- amiue into sanity of Dr. Wright, 404, 405; Gen. Butler at, 492, 495, 498, 501', 511, 512, 623, INDEX 705 627,628; the President's visit to, postponed, 511 ; Gen. Grant invited to meet the Presi- dent at, 554; arriin.i^eiiicuts for meeting between the President and Gen. Grant at, 556; negotiations, eti'., for meeting of the Pi-esident with Confederate commis- sioners at, 633-635, 643-649 ; Secretary Seward at, 635. Forts, ('(infcdcrate seizures of, II, 11, 55 ; the repossrssioii of, the first Service assigned to tile militia, 34. Fort St. Philip, capture of, II, 151; Com- mander D. D. Porter's services at, 203. Fort Scott, Clierokce regiments at, II, 245. Fort Smith, proposal to include in Gen. Cur- tis's department, II, 466; Gen. Thayer at, 482. Fort Sumter, ^Fajor Anderson's iiosition at, 11,9,10; question of ri'int'orciiiu-.snlniiitted to General .Scott, '.>, lo ; recinest for Cab- inet oi>iuions on, 11; ifuestion of provi- sioning, 11-22 ; a monument of the United States authority, 13 ; in a state of siege, 13; weakness of, 13, 17; rumors of evacu- ation of, 18; Cahinet meeting on question of relieving, 26-28; question of occupa- tion or evacuation of, regarded as slavery or party question, 29; question of, com- pared with that of Fort Pickens, 30; prep- aration of expedition to relieve, 31 ; R. S. Chew's errand to Charleston regarding, 32; attempt to provision the fort, 32 ; the President's declnred intentions I'egitrding, 33; the President's in\it;ition to the otii- cersof,40 ; failurcof atti iniitto provision, 41 ; position of, 55 ; exempt from Confed- erate seizure, 55 ; Major Anderson's re- port on the situation at, 56; liombard- ment and fall of, 57, 58, 164 ; effects of the assault on, 103 et seq. ; hopes of capturing, 324 ; the firing upon, 346, 575 ; question of date of its faU, 065. Fort Taylor, exempt from Confederate seiz- ure, II, 55. Fort Trumbull, F. B. Loomls offers to garri- son, II, 520, 521. Fort Wayne, Ind., Cass's superintendence of Indian agency at, I, 144. Foster, Col. C. "W., appointed to examine into quotas of the States, II, 637. Foster, Gen. J. G., asked to adjust difficul- ties at Norfolk and Portsmouth, 11,383; at Cincinnati, 441 ; despatch from, re])ort8 fighting at Knoxville, 441; complaint against, by Gov. Bramlette, 467, 471 ; with Gen. Grant at Knoxville, 471. Foster's division, gallanti'y of, II, 667. Fourth of July, I, 216, 258. 11,366; the deaths of Thomas Jefl'ersou and John Adams on, 360. Fox, Capt. Gustavus V., opinion on provi- sioning Fort Sumter, II, 16-18; plan to provision Fort Sumter, 21 ; informs the President regarding Fort Sumter, 31 ; let- ter to, 41 ; A ssistant Secretary of the Navy, 136; instructions to, I3(i; sent with de- spatches to Hooker, 332. Fractional currency, issue of, II, 186. Fragments : notes for speeches, Sept. 16, 1858, I, 369; opinion on election laws of Illinois, 519. France, purchase of Louisiana from, 1, 102, 105, 182 ; ownership of Northwest Terri- tory, 571 ; Fremont proposed as Minister to, II, 10; W. F. Dayton proposed ;is Min- ister to, 24 ; Seward advises demanding explanations from, or declaring war against, 29 ; understanding with Great Britain as to recognition of the Confed- erate States, 48, 49 ; proposal of a joint fisheries commission, with Great Britain Vol. IL— 45. and the United States, 68 ; correspondence with, on the Trent affair, 110; resolution of U. S. Senate regarding the presentation of American citizens ;it court of, 122; propo- sition to, for intern;ition:il convention to settle disiiuted questions, 1^62; relations with, 263; consul of, at Havana, decides case of the Stni Jariiifo and the Jules et Marie, 277 ; affairs in Mexico, 292, 538 ; ex- portation of eontr;il)and of war for use of her army in Mexico, 303; Emperor of, prevents departure of hostile expcilitions, 445; claim of owners of ship La Manclie on U. 8. Government, 483 ; proposed nomi- nation of James Gordon Bennett as Min- ister to, 6.53. Francis, J. N., signs invitation to Henry Clay, I, 68. Francis, Joseph, nominated for Illinois lei^islature, I, 41. Francis, Simeon, I, 21, 40, 83, 159 ; fracas with Douglas, 40. Franklin, Benjamin, I, 283; an antislavery man, 603. Franklin, Gen. W. B., relations with McClel- lan, II, HO; delay In reaching McClellan, 157; memorandum, July 9, 1802, of ques- tions and answei's in interview between the President and, at Harrison's Landing, Va., 201 ; strength of, 202 ; loss in battles before Richmond, 202 ; opinion of posi- tion, 202 health of camp, 202 ; letter to, 283; interview with the President at Harrison's Landing, 283; plan of operft- tions for the Army of the Potomac, 283 ; relieved from duty in Army of Potomac, 306. Franklin, La., port of, declared closed, IT, 670. Franklin, W. Va., Fr(5mont at, II, 153, 159, 163, 182; cautionary orders to Fremont re- garding, 177. Fraternity, the element of Union, II, 14. Frazer, W. E., letter to, I, 584. Frederick, Md., Meade at. II, 367 ; expulsion and imprisonment of citizens of, 557. Fredericksburg, Va., evacuation of, II, 145; proposed movement of McDowell from, 156, 167 ; Confederate movements from, 158; McDowell at, 159, 163, 166, 3.57 ; orders to McDowell regarding movement of troops at, 100 : Secretary Chase at, 162 ; McCall at, 173; Inquiry as to McCall's withdrawal from, 173; nothing to justify a panii' at, 173; instructions to McDowell as to defense of, 176; Gen. King at, 184; Gen. Scott's views as to disposition of troops at, 187 ; victory by McClellan near, 236; question of McClellan's movements by way of, 247 ; Lee's position near, 259, 352; proposed movements near, 260; battle of, 282; difficulties of operations on the line of, 283 ; Buruside advised to cross the Rappahannock above, 295; failure of at- tempt to cross the river at, 295; Confed- er.ate reoccupation of heights above, 331 ; inquiries concerning condition of rail- roads between Richmond and, 335 ; advice to Hooker concerning movements at, 344. Free Democracy, the, I, 338, 433, 438 ; meet- ing at Waterloo, 111., 404. Freedmen, provision for, II, 436, 444, 459, 472 ; treatment of, in Arkansas, 473, 474. See also Free-Labor System. Freedmen's Aid Societies, letter from, II, 461. Freedom, the rock of, I, 15. Freedom of speech, I, 605. Freedom of the press, not affected by mili- tary arrests during time of rebellion, II, 350, 351, 706 INDEX Free government, maintenance of, II, 333. Free institutions, I, 76-1. Free labor, I, 581 , 582 ; contrasted -with sla- very, 179 ; wronf,^ul effect of slavery upon, 613. Free-labor system, military encouragement of, II, 474 : introduction of, on Mississippi plautations, 48!), 490. Free mail-matter, II, 100. Free negroes, colonization of, II, 102. Free people, the true sovereign of a, II, 5. Freeport, 111., Fred. Douglass at, I, 337 ; Lin- coln's answers at, to Douglas's interroga- tories at Ottawa, 467, 468; joint debate at, see Joint Debates. Free speech, the right of, not affected by military arrests in time of rebellion, II, 350, 351 ; in Missouri, 416. Freese, Jacob, the President desires his ap- pointment as colonel of colored regiment, II, 438. Freese, J. R., proposed appointment as pro- vost-marshal, II, .578. Free States, right of people of, to interfere with slavery, I, 253 ; the majority in the Union, 488 ; feeling in, with regard to Fort Sumter, II, 29. Free trade, compared with j)rotection, 1,90- 95 ; supposititious cases of effect of, 90, 91, 93-95. Fremont, J. C, Lincoln's support of, I, 219; Presidential candidacy of, 221 ; opposition to, on account of sectionalism, 221-224; free-State support of, 223; division of Democratic Party between Fillmore and, 443; proposed as Minister to France, II, 10; question of assigning him to a posi- tion, 55 ; to push operations in the \\'est, 69; correspondence with, 72, 74, 77, 80, 153, 159, 166-172, 177-184 ; troops for, 74, 84, 140, 181, 182; proclamation of, Aug. 30, 1801, 77 ; need of assistaiice, 78 ; orders to, Sept. 11. 1861, 78 ; authorized to make change in his proclamation, 78, 79 ; visit of M. Blair to, 79; no imputation against his honor or integrity, 79 ; his proclamation discussed, 81, 82; question of his i-emoval, 82; con- templated action for, 84; operations in Missoui'i, 84; orders to report to head- quarters, 85; insubordination of troops organized by, 113; to command Mountain Department, 137; proposed advance on Kichmond by, 1.53; at Franklin, 153, 159, 163 ; ordered to move against Confederate attack on Harper's Ferry, 157; ordered against Ewell, 159; promptness of, 159; ordered to move against Jackson, 159; ordered to relief of Banks, 1.59; Mc- Dowell ordered to coo])erate with, 160; movement to Harrisonburg, 163, 166; at Moorefleld, 166, 168-172 ; ordered to attack Jackson and Ewell, l(i8; iiiarelies to Moorefleld instead of to Harrisonburg, 168; ordered to halt'at Moorefleld, 167; or- dered to siiove upon the enemy, 169; or- dered to Strasburg, 170; apprehensions as to his strength, 171; strength of ff)rce, 171; inquiry as to position of his force, 171; supposed position near Strasburg, 171 ; copy of despatch to McDowell sent to, 172 ; promise to be at Strasburg, May 31. 1862, 172, 173; Banks directed to coop- erate with, 173; probable engagement near Harper's Ferry or Front Royal, 174 ; cautionary orders to, regarding Strasburg and Franklin, 177 ; ordeicd to halt at Har- risonburg, 177 ; desi>;itehes regarding po- sition at Mount Jackson, 178, 181, 184; to protect western Virginia, 179; orders to, not to fall back on Harrisonburg, 179; orders to, regarding movement toward Winchester, 179; Banks waiting for his arrival, 179 ; inquiry f lom, as to reinforce- ments for, and position of Jackson, 179; defeats Jackson, 180, 181, 183 ; proposal to send Sigel to, 180 ; criticism of his move- ments in opposition to Jackson at Stras- burg and Front Royal, 180; ordered to halt at Harrisonburg, 181 ; at Mount Jack- son, 182, 184 ; orders'to, regarding attack by Jackson, 182 ; promises regarding the railroad at Knox\dlle, 182; Banks to as- sist, 182 ; Blenker's cpmniaud turned over to, 182; supposed promise of 35,000 men to, 182, 183; instructions to, regarding movement toward Strasburg, 184 ; Banks to support, at Strasburg, 184 ; Gen. Scott's views as to disposition of his troops, 187 ; consolidation of his forces with the Army of Virginia, 188 ; to command First Army Corps of the Army of Virginia, 188; in Shenandoah Valley, 197; raising of col- ored troops in the North to be commanded by, 343 ; pressiire on the President to give command to, 388; administration of De- partment of Missouri, 420, 421 ; attempt at military emancipation, 508. Fremont, Mrs. Jessie, letter to, II, 79. Fremont Party, Pierce's charges against, I, 225. French, B. B., letterto, on intrigues of pub- lic othcors, II, 504, French, Maj.-Gen. W. H., the President's dissutistaetion with, II, 365; success on the Rappaliannock, 437. French, desperation of the, at battle of Wa- terloo, I, 624. French indemnity, Douglas's claims of pay- lueuts under, in 1838, I, 33. Front Royal, Va., Federal line broken at, II, 158, 159, 163; Confederate movements near, 161 ; McDowell moving back to, 163 ; Jackson's stieugth near, 163; McDowell near, 170; probabilities of McDowell's movements toward, 170 ; Confederate po- sition near, 173 ; recaptured by Gen. Shields, 173 ; Shields's engagement near, 174; probable engagement by Frt-mont near, 174; McDowell at, 175; Banks or- dered to, 177 ; question of Banks's retreat from, 179; threatened ])y Jacksuri,^ 304; order expelling Jews from his department, 304: Rosecrans's icaloiisy of, in matter of rank, 316 ; excludes eorrcspoudent Knox from his headquarters, 317 ; defeats Pem- berton and Loring near Edwards Station, 339 ; inquiries addressed to Rosecraus concerning, 339; moving against Johnston, 339 ; Rosecrans asked to keei) Bragg from helping Johnston against, 341; in- quiry as to his communications with Banks, 343 ; at Vicksburg, 343 ; proposed junction with Banks, 368; receives sur- render of Vicksburg, 366; personal un- acquaiutance of the President and, 368; letter of acknowledgment lof services at Vicksbirrg, 368; hiS; business and fighting qualities, 376; promises to send the Ninth Corps to Burnside, 376; assigns an active command to Gen. Hurlbut, 379; desires to organize expedition against Mobile, 384; views on the Emancipation Proclamation, 384; investment of Vicksburg, 385; the President's anxiety tor, before Vicksburg, 385; relieves McClcrnand from command, 387; reinforcenuiits for, from Missouri, 422; question of withdrawing troops from, for service in Missouri, 422 ; reports Burn- side's loss at Rogersville, 437 ; congratula- tions to, for services, 441; thanks of the President for services, 457; resolution of thanks and medal for, 461 ; asked to find room for Gen. Milroy, 462 ; at Chattanooga, 462 ; the President's estimate of, 467, 527 ; with Gen. Foster at Knoxville, 471; ad- dress to, March 9, 1864, 493, commissioned lieutenant-general, 493. 494, 516 ; invited to dinner at White House, 494, 516; in com- mand of Army of Potomac, 494 ; order as- signing, to the command of the Armies of the United States, March 10, 1864,494; recoiiinitiuiation of M. P. Gentry to, 495; askeci to assiijn Frank Blair to command, 497 ; at Nashville, 497 ; Capt. Kinney in- troduced to, 506, 507 ; letter of thanks to, 517; provides command for Gen. Blair, 517; jurisdiction in case of Gen. Hurlbut, 518 ; successes of, 520 ; question of sending Dr. Winston to, 523 ; on the North Anna, 525; favorable pros])ects, 525; mass-meet- ing in New York city to honor, 527 ; the President asks supi)ort for, 531 ; con^Tatu- latory despatch to, 533; declaration, "I am going through on this line if it takes all summer," 534; confronting Richmond, 535 ; visited by the President and Tad Lincoln, 536; at City Point, 547, 549, 551, 556, 557, 561, 563, 583, 585, 623, 624, 628, 632, 634, 635, 637-639, 654-656, 659, 664 ; de- spatch to, concerning defense of Wash- ington, Baltimore, etc., 547: desi>atch to, concerning Longstrcct's movements, 547; despatch to Sherman ainwnuicing a con- templated desperate etfort, ">49 : despatch to, regardiuiT call for troops, 551; invited to meet the I'rcsidtnt at Fortress Monroe, 554; arraiiginients for mt'ctiug the Presi- dent at Fortress Monroe, 556 ; despatch to, concerning Sheridan's movements to the south of the enemy, 557, 558; advised to confer with Lee respecting destruction of private property, 561 ; despatch to, recom- mending a bulldog grip on the enemy, 563; proposed visit of Col. Worthing- ton to, 569; despatch to, concerning re- ported capture of Fort Morgan, 569; letter to, respecting sending troops to Sheridan, 577 ; letter to, respecting recruiting in prison depots, 579; the President expresses INDEX 709 his fears to, lest Lee reinforces Early, 583 ; letter to, conceruiug exeliiiufje of uaval prisoners tln-ou,i;h liis liiics, fis:!, 58i; in- formation for, conccrniuf; rlcctioiis, 585; satisfactory news from. fiOi; iiumiry ad- dressed to, respectinji Wilniiiit^lon expe- dition, 623 ; order to pass Liciit.-Gov. Jacob, 624; despatch to, respecting ex- Scuator Foote, 628; letter to, respect- ing Robert Lincoln's desire to cnler the service, 630; instructions to, and doc- uments relating to niccting of the Presi- dent and Confederate cotiniiissidneis at Hampton Roads, 0a2, i;34, <■,:>.-), (KW, (Ul-Oi'.t ; letters to, concerning passage of the lines, 634,637; despatch to, concern! iigexcliange of Roger A. Pryor, 654; desjiatcli to, con- cerning Sheiunidoali Valle,\', (I")!, rifiri; vle- spatch to, coueernini,'' conference witli Lee, 656; forbidden to discuss political ques- tions with Lee, ( 5(; ; tinnHinissiou to, of resolution and gold medal, (ir.H; letter to, concerning fSinuleton and ILiglies, 659; letter to, respecting discliarge of rebel prisoners on taking the oath, 65!1, 660; the President's visit to, at City Point, 664-668 ; orders attack along the whole line, 666 ; tribute to, 672. Grant, Mrs. U. S., II. 507. Gray, Dr. John P., ordered to examine into insanity of Dr. D. M. Wright, II, 404. 405. Grayson, P. W., Attorney-General of Re- public of Texas, I, 108. Great Britain, cost of war with, in 1814, I, 32; contingent approi>riatioTi for antici- pated war witli, 35; .lackson's views on United States' commercial independence of, 73; position on slavery in the Colonies, 271; cause of revolt of Colonies against, 517. 518; controversy with ('(donn-s on slavery question, 543; ownersliip of North- west 'l'errit(U-y, 571 ; the ( ;nni)owder I'lot, 608; blamed for Orsini's plot, lio'.i; war- cry against, on Oregon boundary question, 643; Dayton proposed as minister to, II, 10; proposes arl)itration in regard to houiidary question. 23; Cliarles F. Adams proposed as minister to, 24; Seward ad- ^^ses demandiiii,'' explanations from, 29; ministerial ex]»hinations in Parliament, regardiuLT tlie Anieri,-an situation, 48; imdeistaudinu' with France as to recog- nition of the Confederate States, 4S, 49; proposed unofticial intercourse witli Con- federate emissaries, 49 ; contemplated rec- ord of actions of, 49; alleged demands for explanations by government of, 49; instructions to Minister Adams regarding interecinrse with, 49; must respect the lilockaih', 50; declaration of the attitude of the United States toward, in case of her recognition of the Confederacy, 50; possibilities of war with, 51; invites co- operation of the United States at the Ex- hibition of 1862, 67; proposes a lisliory commission jointly with France and the United States, (iS; the case of tlie Pertfi- sTii/T, 95; measures to r(>pi'esent tlie I'nited States at the Kxliibition of isr,2. l(»2; posi- tion in resrard to the civil wai', 108 ; scheme of arbitration in the Trent affair, 108, 109; the Exhibition of 1802 in, 109; correspon- dence with, on the rr/'»f affair, 110, 120, 127 ; proposed chartering of \ essel to con- vey exhildts to Industrial lOxhibitiou in, 111; treaty with, for sui)pression of the slave-trade, 178, 262, 445: pro|)osition to, for international conventions to settle dis- puted questions, 262 ; relations witli, 2(13, 302 ; captirre of vessels of, with contrai)and of w^ar, for use of iusurgeu ts, 306 ; fi-ee insti- tutions of, 308; prevents departure of hos- tile expeditious, 445; treaties with, 445, 607; corresi)on(leu<-e with, regarding ])ur- suit of Indians into Hudson Lay Territo- ries, 476; presentation by Privy Council to master of schooner Hinhlunder, 486; treaty with, for settlement of claims of British-American companies, 496; pre- sents )date to Surgeon Sharp for treat- ment of Lritish naval officers at hospital in Norfolli, 514; proposed telegraphic communication witli, 605; political difH- culties in ports of, 606. Great Lakes, defens<'s of the, IT. 94; forti- hcation of, 109; use of private messengers njiou the, 165; the i)assage of gunboats fnnn tide-water to the, ."(n:; proposed iii- cri'ase of naval arnianieiit upon, (;o7. Greece, Cla\'s supiMirtof inilependeuce of, 1,174. Greeley, Horace, letter to, I, 133 ; favors Douglas for Senator, 238; Lincoln's esti- mate of, 238, 239; mentioned for U. 8. Senate, 669; reconuuends Christopher Adams for iiosition in Bureau of Construc- tion, IT, 44; letter to, 227, 228; attacks the government on account of captured ne- groes, 235; guarantee to, of safe conduct for emissary of .letferson Davis, 546; let- ter to, concerning Soutliern commis.sion- ers, 548; communication with, in regard to publication of correspondence, 559; let- ter to, respecting mission of A. H. Steph- ens to Washington, 560; proposed publi- cation of correspondence with, 563 ; letter to, respecting preservation of the Union, 564. "Greeley faction," the, II, 135. Green, Gen. Duff, letters to, I, 156, 661, 662; statement to, of Lincoln's position on amendment of the Constitution, State rights, etc., 661, 662. Greene, William G., presents letter in behalf of Gen. McCleriiand, II, 387. " Greenleaf s Evidence," I, 651. Green River, II, 80. Greenville, Burnside at, II, 410, 413. Gregg, David L., on committee for resolu- tions on death of Judge Pope, I, 161. Gregg, Maj.-Gen. John, wounded atChicka- mauga, II, 412. Gregory, Dudley S., question of appoint- ment as Assistant Treasurer at New York, II. 539. Gregory's Gap, distance from Harper's Ferry, II, 247. Grider, Henry, draft of letter to, respecting assessments in Kentucky, II, 590, 591. Grierson, Maj.-Gen. B. H., raids of, II, 422. Griffith, Ezra, sii;u8 call for Whig conven- tion at Siiringtield, 1851, I, 167. Grimshaw, ColoneL II, 226. Grimsley, Harrison, I, 131. Grinnell, Moses H., empowered to act for tlie Secretarv of the Navy in the public dctVnse, II, 164. Groesbeck, W. S., repudiates English bill, I, 429. Grosbeck regiment, the, II, 74. Grow, Galusha A., Speaker of the House of Ri'presentatives, dittieultv with, regard- ing appointments, 11,68; letter to, 208, 310. Guayaquil, meeting of commissioners at, regarding claims between the United States and Ecuador, II, 497. Guerrillas, expulsion of, from Missouri, II, 417. Guerrilla warfare in Tennessee and Ken- tucky, II, 248. Guest, Lieut.-Comdg. John, recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. 710 INDEX Gulf of Mexico, Welles advises increasing the naval force in, II, 27 ; orders tor luovemeuts of naval forces In, on Feb. 22, 1862, 119 ; proposed telesrapliic communi- cation between Washington and forts on the, 447. Gulf ports, Seward advises defense of the, II, 2'.t. Gulf States, secession of, II, 13. Gunboats, on James Kivcr, II, 148, 149, 193, 199; destruction of Confederate, 125, 151 ; Burnsidc's despatch relatiui;- to, 178; needed for relief ol Stnneinaii, 191 ; Gen. Reyes's need of, 202; on the Rappahan- nock, Pamunkey, and Mattapony, 259, 260 ; use of, to remove loyal refugees from Vir- ginia, 291; report on method of passing from tide- water to the Lakes, 506. Gunn, Lewis C, appointed collector of cus- toms at ruget Sound, II, 335. Gunpowder Plot, the, I, 808. Guns, purchase of, II, 82,415,577 ; the Ames, 415, 577. Gunther, Charles F., Lincoln collection of, I, 522. Gurley, John A., telegram to, Aug. 15, 1861, II, 74. Gurney, Mrs. Eliza P., reply to an address by, II, 243; letter to, 573. Habeas corpus, suspension of the writ, II, 38, 45, 54, 59, 85, 93, 124, 239, 336, 406, 407, 422, 541, 543 ; Gen. Scott authorized to suspend the writ, 39 ; constitutional provisions re- garding, 60, 348, 3(il ; the President's hesi- tation about suspending, 347; its influ- ence for good or evil, 347 ; the right of, not alFected by military arrests in time of rebellion, 350, 351 ; question of suspension of the writ discussed with Ohio Democrat- ic State ((invent ion, 360, 361 ; Mi". Vallan- dighaui's appeal to, 361: the President authorized to susiiend, 407, 542. Hackett, James H., letter from, accompany- ing present of 1 U, II, :!'.)'-' ; letters to, 392, 393,435; presentation of l((lsi,iff hy, a^Ji; the President's letter to, reproduced in print, comments tht^'con, 435. Hackleman, Gen., death of, II, 245. Hagerstown, Md., inquiry as to enemy's movements near, II, 231 ; victory by Mc- Clellan near, 236 ; concentration of rebels on road toward, 365 ; Lee's position near, 367 ; Gen. Smith's march fi'om Carlisle to, 369. Haggard, Col., misimderstanding with Gen. Rosecrans concerning, II, 338, 339. Hague, The, J. S. Pike U. S. Minister at, II, 141. Hahn, Michael, to confer with Gen. Banks regarding aiiairs in Louisiana, II, 381; lirst free-State governor of Louisiana, 496; letter to, 496 ; order to, 498; invested with powers of military governor of Lou- isiana, 498. Haldeman, Jacob S., recommended as Min- ister to Sweden and Norway, II, 10. Hale, John P., leader in Abolitionist Party, I, 317, 364, 403. Hale, J. T., letter to, I, 664. Hall, B. F., I, 354. Hall, D. A., U. 8. judge at New Orleans grants habeas corpus in Louailller's case and is ari'ested, II, 351. Hall, W. A., member of Congress from Mis- souri, II, 135 ; opinion on emancipation by purdiase, 135. Haileck, Maj.-Gen. Henry Wager, order to, Dec. 2, IHCil, authoriziug siisi>ension of habeas corpus, II, 93; eorrespoiidence With, 110, 111, 113, 114, 116, 117, 126, 140, 141, 146, 147, 159, 176, 177, 184, 189, 193, 194, 197, 199, 200, 204, 206, 207, 229, 259, 260, 288, 289, 293, 305, 377, 402, 407-410, 425, 428, 429, 475, 555, 556 ; proi)osed movement on C!olumbus, 110, 116 ; to cooperate with Buell, 110-112. 123, 126, 136 ; dithculties in the way of his assisting Buell, 113, 114 ; indorsement on letter from, 113, 114 ; communication with Buell, 113, 248; ignorance of Buell's move- ments, 114 ; instructions to, concerning commercial intereouise, 132; his com- mand merged in the Department of the Mississipi)i, 137 ; to command Department of the Mississippi, 1.37 ; at St. Louis, 140, 141; Gov. Johnson to communicate with, 146; at Pittsburg Landing, 146, 147; Gov. Morton asks for reinforcements for, 159; near Corinth, Miss., 159; Corinth in the hands of, 173; thanks to, 176; at Corinth, 176, 177, 184, 193, 194, 197, 199, 200, 204, 206, 207 ; movement upon Chattanooga, 177 ; Kentneky and Tennessee thrown into his department, 177 ; niovements toward East Tennessee, 184; call on, for 25,(100 troops, 189, 194 ; cannot reinforce McClellau, 198 ; request for troops from, 199; letter to, in- troducing Gov. Sprague, 200; made gen- eral-in-chief, 203; asked to confer with Gov. Johnson, 203, 204 ; at Tuscumbia, 206 ; called to Washington, 207 ; ordered to organize an army, 229; to decide mili- tary questions, 229; to communicate with Gen. Boyle, 206 ; telegraphs to Gen. Wright, 233; makes provisions for gen- erals in Pennsylvania, 233 ; forwards let- ter from Major Key, 241 ; sends instruc- tions to ISIeClellan, 244; correspondence with MeClellan, 244, 249, 250; McClel- lan's demands upon, 246 ; calls on Me- Clellan for action, 249; despatch from Gov. Johnsiui referred to, 251 ; inquiry of, as to McCleniand's expedition, 254; re- jects the President's ]>roi)osition for Burn- side's movements, 2(;o; desired to confer with Burnside, regarding proposed move- ment across the l;ai«i>ahaunock, 288, 289; requests to be relie\cd from duty, 289; consulted as to forming reserve cavalry corps for Army of Potomac, 293; inter- view with Burnside at Warrenton, 295; advises Burnside's crossing the Rappa- hannock, 295; letter to Burnside, 295; ti'ansmits proceedings in Fitz-John Porter court-martial to the President, 303 ; sends instructions to Grant, 304; relations with McClemand, 304, 305; gives instructions to Pope not to cross into British territory, 323 ; reports movements of troops for pro- tection of Penusylvania, 331; the Presi- dent's deference to, in selecting successor to Gen. Curtis, 335; letter from Hooker referred to, 343, 344; Hooker's relations with, 354; Hooker placed directly under his orders, 355 ; orders (Jen. jMilroyto re- treat from Winchester to Harper's Ferry, 359; Milroy's dislike for, 359; telegram to, expressing the President's dissatisfaction with sundry nio\ cments, etc., 365; urges Meade to inove against Lee, 366, 367; Meade asks, to be relieved of command, 368; communication to, regarding the President's desires concerning Gen. Meade, 377 ; friendship for Gen. Hurlbut, 379 ; engaged in effort to relieve East Ten- nessee, 383; corresp(mdence with Gen. Rosecrans, 384, 385; the President defers to, in regard to movement on East Ten- nessee, 385 ; action in the case of the " New Almaden" mine, 393; correspondence with Rosecrans regarding the President's feelings toward, 402 ; advice to, concern- INDEX 711 ing Gen. Meade, 407-400; question of abil- ity of tlic army, addressed to, 409; let- ter to, rcKardiiii;' KoHrcraiis's position at Chattauooua, 411); di's|iat(lics tr Rose- crans to, Iroiii ('hattaiHioua,4ii ; attempts to get Buniside to Koseerans's assistance, 413; to eoiiiiiiiiiiieate with Hnriiside re- garding relief of Uiisei lans, 414 ; despateli from Gen. Scbolield to, re.t;ar(liii.u- (Jen. Blunt, 417; adiuiuistratioii (if Department of Missouri, 420; levies contributions on noted rebels in Department of Missouri, 421; continues Fremont's system of searches, seizures, ete., in l)(»i>artiiient of Missouri, 421 ; to give orders to Uoseerans, 424; letter to, regarding positions, etc., of Lee and Meade, 42."); (•((mniuniealion to, coneerning niovenients of the enemy, and proi)osition to attack l^ee, 42s ; general- in-cliief, 400 ; fears for safety of Milroy's division, 430; report of military opera- tions, 449; asked to cooperate in" maldug place for Gen. ( Curtis, 4()J ; iiistructi(uis to, regarding troul)les expected n<'ar Kansas City, 475; orders Walhiee to defense of Baltimore, .546 ; des]i;iteli from (Jen. Grant concerning defense of Wasliington, Balti- more, etc., 547 ; reports weakness of forces for defense of Wasliinntoii, 517: letter to the Secretary of War, respectiimdH'ensivo remarks by tlie Postmas;er-( ieneral, 547, 548; Gen. Grant transfers coniinaud of departments to, 555, 556; conference rvith, 6.55. Haller, Samuel, signs call for Whig Conven- tion at Spruisilield, isr.i, I, i67. Hamburg, Germany, tinancial system of, I, 23; collection, keeping, and disbursement of public moneys in, 23 ; agricultural ex- hibition at, II, 207, 473. Hamilton, Alexander, I, 283; on constitu- tionality of United States Bank, 136 ; an antislavery man, 603. Hamilton, Andrew J., autliorized to pass blockade at Galveston and Sabine Pass, II, 560. Hamilton, Gen., relieved from command by McC'lellan, II, 14i»; petition for his rein- stati'ment, 156 ; at Harper's Ferry, 168, 169 ; despatcli from, 168, 169 ; report as to move- ments of the enemy, 169. Hamilton County, 111., act for benefit of clerk of circuit court of, I, 20. " Hamlet," the President's opinion of, II, 393. Hamlin, Hannibal, Lincoln's self-introduc- tion to, I, 645; letters to, 645, 649, 6.53, 6.5,5, 656, 661, II, 42, 242. 432, 433 : fears reg.ardiug election in Maine, 1, oiw r.no; invitation to personal iiiter\ie\v witli tlie President- elect, 653; Vice-President of the United States, II, 42 ; letter to, regarding organi- zation of the House of Representatives, 432, 433. Hammond, Henry, appointed tax-commis- sioner for Connecticut, II, 226. Hammond, James Henry, attributes to Washington early opposition to slavery, I, 615. Hampton Roads, movements of vessels to, II, 136; eiigaireuu'Ut between the Citmher- land and MiTriiiitir in, 27'.i ; doeiunents rel- ative to the meeting between the Presi- dent and Confederate commissioners in, 623, 629, 631-635, 639-651. Hancock, Gen. AVinfield Scott, confront- ing Richmond, II, 535 ; despatch to, con- cerning Gen. Crook, 664; at Winchester, 664. Hancock County, 111., the Lincoln family in, I, 117, 177, 638. Hancock County, Ind., the Lincoln family in, I, 638. Hancock County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Hanks, John, makes trip to St. Louis, I, 640, 641 ; at l)ecatur, 641 ; first cousin to Lin- coln's moth; T, (Ml. Hanks, Nancy, I, 596; marries Thomas Lin- coln, v<:i'.) ; niotlier of the President, 639. Hanks family, Lincoln's mother a member of, I, 596 ; in Illinois, 596 ; in Virginia, Illi- nois, and Iowa, 639. Hanover, treaty with, for abolition of State dues, II, 123, 262. Hanover County, Va., birthplace of Henry Clay, I, 169. Hanover Court House, Va., Fitz-.Tohn Porter defeats lUanch at, II, 167; projidsed junc- tion of McDowell and Porter at, 167; pro- posed movements near, 260 ; Federal cav- alry raid at, 332. Hanover Junction, Va., reinforcements for .Tacksoji from. If, 168. Hanscomb, Detective, II, 486. Hanseatic Republics, note from Minister of, regarding international agi'icultnral ex- hibition at Ilamlu'rg, 11, 297. Happiness, I, 57t> ; natioiud, due to preser- vation of the Union, 635. Harbors, levy of tonnage duties for im- provements in, 1, 128; Gen. Taylor on im- pr(n'(nuent of, 137. Hardie, Col., II, 675. Hardiman, B., Secretary of the Treasury of the Repul>lic of Texas, I, 108. Hardin, Brig. -Major J. J., I, 4; signer of Whig circular. 47 ; candidate for Congi-ess, 80-84 ; rumors of governorship for, 82, 83 ; service in Mexican war, 146; term in Con- gress, 643. Hardin County, Ky., birth of Lincoln in, I, .596, 638, 644. Hardy, Isaac, signs call for Whig Conven- tion at S])riiigHel(l, 1«51, I, 167. Harney, Gen. "William Selby, question of relieving him Iroiu c.immand, II, 47, 48; letter to, from Adjt.-Gen. Thomas, 52, 53. Harper's Ferry, John Brown's raid at, I, 607-609; raid charged to Itepnbliean Party, 615, 016, 024, 625; seizure ot the arsenal at, by Virginia, II, 58; line to be estal dished biitween Strasburg and, 69 ; Confederate movement on, 157; Col. Miles at, 158; danger of suddi^u attack at, 161 ; guns sent to Gen. Saxtou at, 162; danger to Banks at, 162 ; Baidvs's retreat to, 162 ; Gen. Sax- ton at, 102, 168, 172 ; datiner of the Confed- erates crossinu,- tiie Potomac at, 163; troops sent to, ic;! ; lack of cannon at, 16:! ; one of McDowell's brigades ordered to, 163 ; Gen. Hamilton at, 168, 169; doubt as to Jack- son's movements toward, 169, 170 ; Banks's troops at, to assist Fremont, 171 ; Ctmfed- erate position at, 172, 173; Confederate at- tack on, 17:;; lianks at, 173; Sigcl ordered to, 174; probable engagement by Fremont near, 174; precautions to be taken at, 175; inquiry concerninir, 2:!0; .ibscnee of lu-ws from, 233; condition of railroad to Win- chester from, 246; distances to gaps in Blue Uidge, 247; communieatiou with WiiuMiester cut off, 352: escape of troops from Martinsburg and Winchester to,:!53; Lee's return toward, :!54 : eaptnred by Con- federates, 541 ; Howe's force at, 547 ;" Hun- ter's movement toward, 547 ; Gen. Hunter at, .549, 553, 555. " Harper's Magazine," I, 542, 548, 586-588. Harrell, Lieut. -Comdg. Abram D., recom- mended for thanks of Cougi-ess, II, 152. 712 INDEX " Harriet Lane," tbe, put under sailing or- ders, II, 25. Harris, A., arrested on charge of belonging to seci'et order in Kentucky, II, 573. Harris, Senator Ira, position on appoint- ment of Assistant Treasurer at New York, II, 538, 539. Harris, Isham G., question of his governor- ship of Tennessee, II, 405. Harris, Major Thomas L., I, 319; candidate tor Congress against Matheny, 246, 247, 340, 402 ; alleged forgeiw by, 443-445, 452, 484 ; re- peated charges aga inst I^incoln and Trum- bull, 444 ; scTienic to elect to Congress, 444 ; reference to phitforni of tirst Republican State ( oiivciition in Illinois, 465 ; integrity vouched fathy with cause of, I, 158, 159. Hungary, demand for United States rec- ognition of indeiiendence of, 1, 158, 159. Hunkerism, II, 291. Hunt, , Belgian consul, seizure of papers in office of, II, 532. Hunt, Randall, suggested for Cabinet min- ister, I, 665. Hunt, Ward, letter to, respecting nomina- tion of Koscoe Conkliug, II, 563. Hunt, AVashington, I, 648, 649. Hunt, Mrs., rendition of property to, II, 511. Hunter, Gen. David, on duty in Virginia, II, 67 ; correspondence with, 78, 123, 321, 324, 325, 330, 364, 549, 550, 553, 555; asked to go to Fr<3mont's assistance, 78 ; orders sent to, in regard to retirement of Gen. Fre- mont, 86; relations with Cen. Lane, 119, 123; his coiiiniaiid merited into the De- partment of the .Mississippi, 137; order of military emaneii)ation, 1.54; atPort Royal, S. C, 155; i-e\-oeation of order of roili- tary emancipation, 155, 205; reinforce- ments for McClellan, 198, 199 ; appointed to command Burnside's corps in Army of Potomac, 252; commanding colored force at Jacksonville, Fla.,321 ; instructions to, regarding opc'rations before (liarleston, 324, 325; letter to, regarding eliange of commanders in the Department of the South, 364; pi-essure on the Trcsidrnt to give command to, 388; administration of Department of Missouri, 420; attempts military emancipation, 508; R. W. Thomp- son seeks statt position with, for his son, 525; movements toward Hariier's Ferry, 547; difficulty of union between Wright and, 547; despatch to, concerning rela- tions of Wriglit and Hunter, 549, 550; at Harper's Ferry, 549, 553, 555; inquiry ad- dressed to, as to strength, 553 ; inquiry ad- dressed to, as to nioveiHciits of theenemy, 555; order of, expelling and imprisoning citizens of Frederick, Md., 557. Hunter, R. M. T., i)apcis and incidents re- lating to the meeting of the I'jcsident with Confederate commissioners in Hampton Roads, II, 632, 633, 639, 641-044, 646, 648-6.50. Hurlbut, Gen. S. A., correspondence with, II, 318, 339, .379, 518, 597, 598; inquiry for news from, 318; at Memphis, 318, 339; news from Richmond papers sent to, 339 ; resignation of, 379; asked to reconsider liis resignation, 379; assigned to active command by Gen. Grant, 379; asks for a court of inquiry. 518 ; the President's friendship for and contidenee in, 518; let- ter to, regarding affairs in lyouisiana. 597 ; cori'espoiuleiice with Gen. Cauby regard- ing affairs in Louisiana, 597. Husband and wife, the President's views of the relation, II, 511. Hutchins, W. A., letter to, June 29, 1863, II, 360-363. Idaho, mineral resources of, II, 447 ; partial organization of, 610. Ide, Dr., letter to, II, ,526. Idleness, the ])ensionei' of meritorious labor, I, 92; etiect of uni\crsal, 95. Illicit trade, suppression of, II, 450. Illinois, .strife over election of U. 8. senator, 1836, I, 8; State aid for railroads in, 8; contest over formation of new county, 8; the pul)lic-lands (lucstion in, 19, 20, 37, 72; election (piestions in, 37, 40; circular of Wiiig State ('ouMiition of January, 1840, 38,39; internal imi)rovcment sys1('m,39; l);uik legislation, 3'.t; canal legislation, 39; State House, 39; projjosed cession of terri- tory to Wisconsin, 39; W. II. llairison's nomination in, 39, 40; discussion lieiween Whigs and Locos in. 40; Whig prospects in, 1840, 40; remarks in legislature on pay- ment of interest on State debt, 43 ; preser- vation of the State honor, 43; threatened calamities in, 45-47: apiieal to peojile of, from Whig Stat eConunittee, 45-47; changes in circuit courts in, 46; call for Whig con- vention in, 53, 54 ; invitation to Heiu-y Clay to visit, 68; recommendation to Whigs of, 72; Whig State Central Committee ap- pointed, 72 : Whiu' circular ot March 4, 1843, 72-79; expediency of Clay's land liill for, 75; John Reynolds electeiiblicaii J'arty of, 324, 325; formation of Itepublican platform in, 331 ; varying plat forms ill, 337-339, 351 ; compact against till' Deniociacy, 340; shades of principle in Itepuldican Party of, 337 ; con- vention of National Democrnts at Spring- field, 351 ; Lincoln leads Aliolitionist Party in, 400; legislature carried liy Abolition Party in 1854, 401, 403; Matheny's state- ment in regard to bargain between Lin- coln and Trumbull, 402; prostitution of the Supreme Com-t, 421, 447, 567; use of federal power in elections, 42'.), 430, 492, 513 ; energetic fight of Repnliliean Party in, 431 ; Douglas's charge that Kejiublican principles vary in different parts of state, 431, 433, 434, 453, 4r.4, 4(;s-47(»: State con- vention of Republican I'arty at Spring- field, June, lS;-.,s, i:,c<: idatfornis of Repub- lican Congressional conventions in, in 1854,465; power of Abolitionists in, 492; immigration into the free State of, 508; vote of Republican Party in, 1858, 520; Democratic sui)port for Lincidii for U. 8. Senate, 521; Itepuliliciin feeling for Doug- las in, 529-532; Mc< allister and Stelibins bonds, 536; admission as a State, 549, 571; French settlements in, 571; early owner- ship of, 571; Douglas's popular sover- eignty theory in regard to abolition of slavery in, 572 ; French slaves in, 572 ; possibility of vote of, in election of I860, 575; wheat and corn harvests in, 578; im- portance of, to Repiildicaii Party in elec- tion of 1860,585; election of D(mglas to U. S. Senate, 592; proposed iiational conven- tion in, for election of lst:o, 595 ; the Hanks family in, 596, 639; legislative experience- in, 597 ; the " deep snow " in, 640 ; I^incoln's unsuccessful campaign for election to legislature, 641 ; elected to the legislature, 641, 642; Lincoln's reelections to legisla- ture of, 642; resolutions of the legislatvtre of, regarding shnery, 642; election of Stuart to the legislature of, 642 ; Lincoln retires from tlie legislature, 642; Lincoln speaks for Gen. Taylor in, 643; vote for (tcu. Tavlor in Lincoln's disti-ict, 643; canvassing in, for Yates, 644; Douglas's electioniering tactics in, 648, 049; State Central Committee accepts Cassius M. Clay's services for campaign, (147 ; cam- paign of 1858 in, II, 9; troojis of, to be used in stopping outrages in 31issouri, 52 ; the President's home pride in, 90; gov- ernor of, requests the President to call for volunteers, 194; proposed enlargement of canals in, 267; develoiducnt of, 269; claims of, on sales of public lands, 395; I. N. Morris seeks interview regarding matters in, 408 ; insurrection in, 491 ; offer of troops from, 514, 515; to support Lin- coln in Baltimore Convention, 528; J. R. Freese in, 578: recruitingliy reiinsylvania in prison depots of, 579: national thanks to huntUed-day trooi>sof, r>s3 : Presidential election in, 613, 614 ; ratilies the Thirteenth Amendment, 633; Lincoln's residence in, 601. Sec also Sanoamdn County. Illinois and Michigan Canal, remarks in Illi- nois legislature on, 1, 44; influence on gen- eral commerce, 125, 120; proposed enlarge- ment of, II, 267. Illinois Central Railroad, suit with McLean County in relati(m to taxes, I, 177; Lin- coln's "bill for services to, 219. Illinois election law, opinion on. I, 176. Illinois House of Reoresentatives, remarks before, Jan. 17, 1839, 1, 19, 20. Illinois judiciary, part.y spirit threatening the, I, 45-47. Illinois legislature, resolutions intx'oduced in, Nov. 28, 1840, I, 42 ; remarks in, Dec. 4, 1840, 42, 43; remarks in, Jan. 23, 1841, 44; remarks in, Dec. 11, I84i», 43; remarks in, Dec. 12, 1840, 43; debate on Illinois and Michigan Canal, 44; protest in, against reorganization of the judiciary, 48. Illinois River, proposed improvement of, II, 267. Illinois State Convention, Lincoln resolu- tion reported to, II, 527, 528. Illinois Supreme Court, foundation of, I, 45; changes in, 40-48; decision as to power of Governor to remove Secretary of State, 299; prostitution of, 481 ; decision on elec- tion laws, 519. Imboden, Brig. -Gen. John D., in retreat for Harrisonburg, II, 428 ; supposition that he is sent to join Ewell, 429. Immigration, views on, I, 676; to new Ter- ritories, II, 101 ; encouragement of, 447, 530,531,607; auginentation of population by, 587 ; advantages of, 007. Implied powers, II, 388. Imports, duties on. See Tariff. Improvements, discoveries, and inventions, lecture (m, I, 522-528. Inaugural Addresses: the first, I, 647, 11,1, 217, 268; declarati(ni of policy in the, 30, 33, .55, 56; reatfirmation of, 33, 65, 103; the second, March 4, ls(;5, (;5i',, 657. Inauguration of i86o, preparations for, I, 660, 663, 664, 666-668. Independence Hall, Philadelphia, address in, Feb. 22, 1861, I, 690, 691 ; flag-raising over, 691-693. Indiana, public-land system compared with that of Illiuois, I, 20; poetry reminiscent of early life in, 86, 87 ; the Lincoln family in, 117, 596, 638, 639, 640 ; interested in Mis- 716 . INDEX slssippi River iinprovcmcnts, 125; formed from Nortliwesh'iii 'J'erritory, 181, 549; "wei^lit in I'l-csidciitial campaign of 1856, 221; position of Dciiioci-ats in, on admis- sion of Kai.sas, ■^■^'.)■, admission aw a i^tate, 549, 5!)(; ; petitions (General (iovcrnment for power to sumpcnd slavery clause of Ordi- nance of 1787, 550; influence of Ordinance of 1787 on, 505, 570, 571 ; early ovraersbip of, 571; petitions Coniiress for rijibt to own slaves, 571 ; ("assius JM. t'lay speaks for Rei)ul)l!can ticl<( t in, (U5 ; Donsias's electioneering- taelies in, r.4s. G49 ; tears regardin.LT state elections in, G49 ; accept- ance of in\ itation to visit the legislature of, 666, 667 ; e inipment of troops from, II, 74, 83, 84; ol).ieetions in, to promotion of Lt.-Col. VVooll, S3; governor of, requests tlie Presiilent to call for volunteers, 194; development of, 269; Congressional dele- gation supports Gen. Milroy for a com- mand, 402; oli'cr of troops from, 514,515; the President's anxiety concerning State elections in, 577, 578; the draft in, 578; national thanks to hundred-day troops of, 58:i; favoralile election in, 585; Presi- dential election in, oi;',, cu ; Lincoln raised in, 601 ; address to an ludiana regiment, 661, 602. Indian agents, disloyal, II, 101. Indianapolis, acceptance of invitation to visit, I, 007; repl.v to address of welcome at, 072, 073; addiess to legislature of Indi- ana at, 673, 674; criticism in newspaper of, II, 82; Gen. Hovey at, 628. Indian affairs, reports of the Secretary of the Interior regarding, II, 451-453,610; re- modeling of system, 611. Indian corn, yield of, I, 577, 578. Indian reservations, treason in the, II, 124. Indians, invasion of, I, 5; cost of removal of, 33; paymentsto.by Van ]?uren admin- istration, 33 ; I )ougl;!s"s position on citizen- ship of, 2,s4 ; kill the President's grandfa- ther, 5'.k;, 638, 050 ; elfcct of the civil war on relations with the, II, 100, 101; ques- tion of their military employment by the Confederates, 101 ; loyalty of, 101 ; direc- tions to Gov. Kamsey concerning, 228; letter to John Koss concerning the loy- alty of the Cherokee Nation, 240, 300; con- demned to death, 2"i'J : treatment of loyal, in the Indian Territory, 207 ; compelled to enter into treaties with the insurgents, 267 ; insul)ordinat ion of, 207 ; orders for execution of thirty-nine in Minnesota, 280; outbreak of, in the Northwest, 310; disturbances in New Mexico, 447 ; out- breaks, 452; the wards of the government, 452 ; removal of tribes, 452, 453 ; corre- spondence with Great Britain regarding pursuit of, into Hudson Bay Territoiies, 476; proclamation concerning, 602, 663; supply of arms to, iirohibited, 662, 663. Indian system, proposed remodeling of, II, 267, 453. Indian Territory, in the possession of tlie insurgents, II, 100, 101; rebellion of Indi- ans in, 207. Industrial classes, patriotism of the, II, 96. Industrial exhibition. See GREAT Britain. Industry, importance of, I, 3 ; prosperity of, II, 41H. " Inevitable conflict," the, II, 103. Infantry, increase of, in U. S. army, II, 42 ; advantaues of, 191. Inflation of the CTUTency, II, 300, 301. Ingalls, Col. Rufus, despatch from, II, 192; instructions to, 332. Ingham, Samuel, commis-siouer of customs, II, 44. Inland waters, regulation of commerce on the, II, 128; prize on, 610. Insurrection, declared to exist, II, 39; ques- tion of policy to be ptirsued in suppress- ing, 103; largely a war njion the rights of the people, 104 ; the President's lulief in Its culmination and subsidence, 125; in- ception of. Kit ; proclamation, July 1, 1862, aeti) existence of, 195. Insurrectionary States, order concerning the purchase of the products of, II, 579- 581. Insurrections, the Republican Party charged with stirring up, I, 607-609, 624, 025, 628. See Slave Insurrections. Intellect, as test of right to enslave, 1, 179. Intemperance, in the army, II, 415, 410; a disease, 410; the evils of, 416. See also Te:\ipici;an(;i;. • Intercourse with rebel States, in-oclama- tion forbidding, II, 75. Interest, an incentive to honesty, I, 27 ; blinding efl'ect of, 146; as test of right to enslave, 179. Interior region, development of, II, 269. Internal-improvement convention at Van- dalia, I, 8. Internal improvements, value of, I, 1 ; Con- gressional i;rantsof jiulilic lands to States for, 119, 120; speech, June 20, 1848, in U. 8. House of Representatives, on, 122-131; Democratic theory as to, 123 ; compared with protection of commerce on high. seas, 125; Caas i>arty opposed to, 138. See also PURLIC IJIPROVEMENTS. Internal polity, synonymous phrase for sla- very, I, 546. Internal revenue act, joint resolution re- specting, returned to House of Represen- tatives without iipproval, II, 624. Interstate slave-trade, interrogatory ad- dressed to Thompson Campbell in regard to, I, 352; Campbell's reply, 352; Repub- lican pledge to prohibit, 405 ; Lincoln's position on, 059, 669. Invalid corps, organization of, II, 449. Invasion, wliat is, 1, ]>osed to Clay, 1, 118; interested in Mississippi liiver improvements, 125; ap- pUcation of Missouri Compromise to, 183; organization and admission of, 182, 183, 187, 192, 349; the Hanks family in, 639; lands granted to Lincoln for service in Black Hawk war, 641 ; troops of, to be used in stopping outrages in Missouri, II, 52 ; troops of, under Fremont, 84 ; lack of U. 8. circuit court in, 98; allotment commis- sioners for, J 12; development of, 269; Gen. Curtis's standing in, 402; the Union Paci- fic railroad in, 493; otter of troops from, 514,515; nati()nal tliaideaks at, 515. Jacob, Lt.-Gov. Richard T., 11, 601 ; ordered from Kentucky by General Burbridge, 024; invited to Washington. 624; permit- ted to return to Kentuckv, 629. James, B. F., letters to, I, 82-85. James, Major, position on Mexican war, I, 111. James River, gimboats on, II, 148, 149, 193, 199 ; opening of, 152 ; question of McClel- lan's falling back toward the, 188; Mc- Clellau drixen liaek toward, IW; Burn- side ordeied tit send reintoreements to, 190; McClcUan's position neai, and move- ments on, 191, 193; necessity of keeping open, 199; question of ojieratious on, 283; contest about route into i;icliniondby the, 322; services of the National Guard of Ohio on the, 575. Jamestown, Va., abandonment of battery at, II, 148. Japan, letter to Tycoon of, II, 70, 71 ; ques- tion of opening" of treaty ports, 70, 71 ; relations with, 2ri3, 147, OO6 ; enlightened policy of the T.moou, 447 ; consular ser- vice in, 447; measures designed to bring the coimtry into the society of nations, 447; acljustment of claims against, 606; I'copening ot the inland sea, OO6. Jaquess, Rev._ Dr. J. P., telegram to Gen. Rosecrans concerning contemplated visit of, II, 339 ; proposed mission for. 341 ; telegram to Gen. Schenck regarding, 369 ; informed as to Southern terms of peace, 553. "Jargen Lorentzen," the, seizure of, II, 138. Jay, John, a framer of the government, I, 283 ; views on slavery, 515. Jayne, William, I, 598. Jefferson, Thomas, relative cost of his ad- ministration, I, 32 ; letter to Benjamin Austin, 73; on protection of American in- dustries, 73; on public improvements, 127, 128 ; on the veto power, 136 ; on con- stitutionality of United States Bank, 136 ; position on slavery, 173, 181, 291, 292, 434, 437, 545, 546, 608, 624 ; on admission of Missouri, 173; on gradual emancipation, 173, 608; sponsor and author of the text of liberty, 174, II, 64, 366; distinguished services of, I, 181 ; position in regard to the Northwest Territory, 181 ; a slave- owner, 181, 434, 437; on the force and ef- fect of Supreme Court decisions, 270, 298, 421, 447 ; a framer of the government, 283, 569, 675 ; oracle and expounder of the Democratic faith, 353; his principles the definitions and axioms of free society, 533 ; drafts Ordinance for government of Northwest Territory, 549; Lincoln ac- cused of using language derogatory to- ward, 651; scruples as to acquisition of territory, II, 102; d(^alh of, 366. Jefferson City, Mo., II, 71, 294. Jefferson Parish, excepted from declaration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, .Ian. 1, 1863, II, 288. Jews, expulsion of, by Grant from his de- partment, II. 304. Johnson, Andrew, governor of Tennessee, I, 178 ; U. S. senator from Tennessee, II, 112; to communicate with Halleck, 146, 203 ; correspondence with, 146, 176, 177, 203, 248, 251, 253, 297, 318, 341, 404, 405, 408, 507, 556, 557, 602, 628, 631, 637; measures of reprisal, 176 ; question addressed to, as to release of rebel prisoners, 170; despatch to, regarding seizure of rebels to exchange for Union men, 177 ; question as to exer- cise of executive clemency by, 177 ; re- quests the President to call for volunteers, 194; troubled about raid into Kentucky, 204; letter to, i-egarding election of repre- sentatives to Congress from Tennessee, 248; despatch from, concerning trooiis for Tennessee, 253; inciuiry addressed to, concerning Capt. Todd, 2',)?; inquiiy ad- dressed to, regarding effects of battle of Miu'freesboro, 297; proposal to raise a 718 INDEX negro military force, 318 ; coTninimication to, coiK-eruiiiic (icn. (ietti's division, 341; reports tronlilcs iu East Teniieesee, 383 ; urjjed to collect troops, 404 ; to act iu cooperation with military authorities, 404; notified that Tennessee is clear of armed insurrection, -tori ; letter to, regard- ing the Tennessee Constitution, 408; course as ti> reconstruction, 482,486-488; oath prescribed by, 486, 488; case of W. M. Bell referred to, 507 ; despatch to, re- specting ( ;ener:ils (iillam and Schurz, 556; desiiat('l) to, concerning Gillam and Heis- kell, 557; his dntv to preserve the peace, 588; proclanialio'n 1)V, Sept. 30, 1864, re- garding Presidential election, 588, 589; cases of Kinney, Carter, and Owens re- ferred to, 602 ; eondeums Young, Mallory, and Bridges, 621, 622; annoimees ordi- nance of'emaucipation, 628; asked for suggestions as to military .governor, 628; arrangements for the inauguration, 631; despatch to, concerning the McKendree Church, 637 ; diseluuge of rebel prisoners on representations of, 6G0. Johnson, Bradish, correspondence 'With, II, 356; on couiinittee of Louisiana planters to seeli recognition of the State, 356. Johnson, Gen. Edward, proliable northward dash of, II, 162; position. May 31, 1862, 173. Johnson, J. M., position on raising addi- tional military force, March 29, 1848, 1, 116, 117. Johnson, Reverdy, letters to, II, 37, 38, 214, 215 ; report of, 283. Johnson, Richard M., favors social and polit- ical ectuality between negroes and whites, I, 370, 540. Johnson, , State Senator of Kentucky, letter to. II, 43. Johnson, William S., a framer of the Consti- tution, I, 600. Johnson's Island, O., release of prisoners at, II, 603 ; Lieut. John A. Stephens prisoner of war at, 635 ; telegram to officer com- manding at, 635. Johnston, -, letters to, I, 85-89. Johnston, John D., letters to, I, 160, 164-166; makes trip to New Orleans, 640, 641 ; re- moves to Coles County, 641. Johnston, Gen. J. E., Grant moving against, II, 339 ; camped between Brownsville and Lexington, 339 ; war news from, in Rich- mond papers, 339 ; Eosecrans asked to keep Bragg fi-om helping him against Grant, 341 ; treason of, 348 ; Bragg sent to Ms assistance, 385 ; menaces Grant at Vicksburg, 385, 422; services, of hundred- day troops against, 583. Johnston, Sally, married to Thomas Lincoln (Abraham Liucoln's father), I, 639. Johnsonville, Confederates destroy gun- boats at, II, 593. Joint debates : Challenge and arrangements for, I, 273- 277. Ottawa. 111., Aug. 21, 1858, I, 277-305 (Douglas's opening, 277-286 ; Lincoln's re- ply, 286-300; Douglas's reioiuder,300-305). Freeport-, 111., Aug. 27, 1858, 1, 305-335 (Liu- coln's opening, 305-313 ; Douglas's reply, 313-329 ; Liucoln's rejoinder. 330-335). Jonesboro, 111., Sept. 15, J858, I, 335-369 (Douglas's opening, 33.5-S46; Lincoln's reply, 346-362 ; Douglas's rejoinder, 362- 369). Charleston, 111., Sept. 18, 1858, I, 3G9-412 (Lincoln's opening, 369-390; Douglas's reply, 390-406-; Lincoln's rejoinder, 406- 412). Galesburg, 111., I, 427-455 (Douglas's open- in^;-, 427-437; Lincoln's reply, 437-450; Douglas's rejoinder, 4.50-455). Quincy, 111., Oct. 13, 1858, I, 456-485 (Lin- coln's opening, 456-465 ; Douglas's reply, 465-479; Lincoln's rejoinder, 480-485). Alton, 111., Oct. 15, 1858, I, 485-518 (Doug- las's opening, 485-496; Lincoln's reply, 496-513; Douglas's rejoinder, 513-518). Eequests for eoi>ies of, I, 596. Joliet, 111., Democratic convention at, I, 3C3. Jonas, A., letter to, I, 646. Jones, Thos. D.,rceommeudedforconsulate, II, 658. Jonesboro, IU., joint debate at, see Joint Debates. Jonesboro, Burnside ordered to neglect, and go to Rosecrans' as.sistance, II, 410. Jordan, Warren, telegram to, II, 486; ap- pointed to hold election in Cheatham County, Tenn., 486; telegram from, con- cerning reconstruction in Tennessee, 486 ; telegram to, concerning election in Cheat- ham County, Tenn., 487. "Journal," I, 277, 642, 643. Judd, Norman B., against the Nebraska bill, I, 214 ; indorses Lincoln's fee-bill against the Illinois Central R. R. Co., 219; makes arrangements for the joint debates between Lincoln and Douglas, 273, 274; expectations of nomination as U. S. Sena- tor, 403; letters to, 520, 594, 598; draft of apportionment law, 520; pecuniary trans- actions between Lincoln and, 521 ; charged with having played Lincoln false in sena- torial cout(;st, 594, 595 ; loyalty to Repub- lican Party, 595. Judicial decisions, force, eflfect, and value of, I, 228, 229, 255, 256, 270, 298, 299, 421, 446, 447, 455. Judicial disbursements, fiscal year, 1861-62, II, 265. Judicial machinery, open to charge of trea- son, II, 124. Judicial system, proposed reorganization of, II, 97, 98. Judiciary, Jefferson on the, I, 270. "Jules et Marie," the, collision with the Sati Jacinto, II, 277. Juries, weakness of, II, 347. Jurisdiction, the exercise of, a test in Mex- ican question, I, 105. Jury, right to trial by, II, 346. Kanawha County, Va., excepted from in- surrection proclamation, II, 195. Kansas, formation of, 1, 182 ; application of Missouri Compromise to, 183 ; bill for Ter- ritorial government, 186 ; the slavery ques- tion in, 192. 217, 218, 287, 408, 415, 423, 424, 454, 636 ; Speed's position on border war- fare, 217 ; Constitutional convention, 227 ; Douglas on the election, 227 ; the liccomp- ton Constitution, 242, 296, 297, 346, 407, 408, 430, 490, 636; formation of State constitu- tion, 249-251 ; Douglas's bill for organiza- tion of, 278; plans of Republican Party in regard to, 280; question of, and xilans for, admission into the Union, 314, 315, 356, 364, 367, 372 ct seq., 383, 387, 392, 414, 427-430, 468, 489-491, 530, 691 ; conference among U. S. senators in regard to Enabling Act for, 371 et seq. ; Trumbull's charge of plot to fonn constitution for, 371 et seq., 411; Bigler's declaration about conference in regard to Enabling Act tor, 411 ; the Eng- lish bill, 491, 492; Douglas on the popula- tion question, 491, 492; how far self-gov- ernment en,ioyed by, 503; squatter sover- eignty in, 535; speeches in, Dec. 1-5, 1859, 585-594; Republican convention in, 588; INDEX 719 instructs delegates for (Reward in 18fi0, 633; claiiu of Republican National Cou- ventiou of 1860 for adiriinMiou of, 637; in- quiries a))out api>oiiitnieiits in, II, 10; troops from, to ))(> used in stoi>piii}i out- rayos in Missouri, ">•_'; (icn. Lane to raise Yolnntc(isiii,r>4 ; question of ai)pointment of iSenator Lane as lirijradier-;;'eueral, 72; troops under Fremont, 8-t ; Lane's opera- tions on border of, 87 ; lack of U. 8. circuit court in, i»8 ; troops sent to, 113 ; question of sending,' Gen. Denver to, 140, 141; de- velopment of, 269; request for considera- tion for governor of, 328; J. H. Lane asked to adjust affairs in, 328; complaints of military intei'ference in elections in, 328; tbe governor of, to be placed on same footing as governors of other loyal States, 371; question of taking the State out of Gen. Blunt's department, 373; Judge Lynch in, 3'.U : demands from, forremoval of Gen. 8chotl(>ld, 401 ; outra.j^e in, 402; Gen. Curtis proposed aa militai'y com- mander in, 462; question of exceptional treatment of troops of, captured by Con- federates, 469 ; matter of appointment of assessor in, 520; indorsement on letter of Gov. Carney, respecting affairs in, 521, 522; faction in, on question of raising troops, 522 ; offers to furnish troops, 522 ; the President's estimate of the people of, 522; request to governor of, to send re- turns of Presidential election, C02 ; Presi- dential election in, 614. Kansas City, troubles expected near, II, 475. Kansas-Nebraska bill, the, 1, 278, 279, 427, 435, 474-478, 493-495, 546, 636. Kaskaskia, 111., slavery in, I, 204, 571. Kearny, Maj.-Gen. Philip, patriotism of, II, 258. " Kearsarge," the, destruction of the Ala- bama hy, II, 603. Keenan, Mrs., desires a pass through the lines, II, 511. Kelley, Judge W. D., question of renomina- tion to Congress, II, 536 ; the President's estimate of, 536; opposition of the Phila- delphia postmaster to his renomination, 558. Kellogg, 'William, letter to, I, 657; inquires as to compromise on the"vexed question," 668 ; recommended to the Secretary of the Treasury, II, 358; letter to, concerning trading "in the army, etc., 358; letter to, 358, 359. "Xelly's Ford, Va., Meade's success at, II, 437. Kelsoe, John A., bill for surveying, I, 6. Kendall, Amos, Postmaster-General, I, 109. Kennedy, Dr., apprehensions of, concerning Louisiana elections, II, 255. Kent, Chancellor James, on powers of Congress in regard to public improve- ments, 1, 127, 128 ; eulogized as a lawyer, 128. Kentucky, contested election cases, I, 79; the Lincoln family in, 116, 117, 177, 596, 638, 639; interested in Mississippi River im- provements, 125 ; election of Henr3' Clay to legislature, 169; Henry Clay elected Speaker, 169; formerly part of "Virginia, 181; slavery in, 192; failure of gradual emancipnti effect of his operations in Missouri, 113; relations with Gen. Hunter, 119, 123; corresixindence with, 123, 328, 371, 401; asked to adjust affairs in Kansas, 328; comnumieation to, regarding Gov. Car- ney, 371; demands the removal of Gen. Seiiofleld, 401; opposition to Gov. Carney, 522. Lane Expedition, the, plan of, II, 119. Langdon, John, I, 600-602. Langford, . in Fisher murder case, I, 51. Lanphier, Charles H., aliened forgeries by, in re.tjard to Siiriiiglield resolutions, 1,319, 443-445, 452, 465, 466, 483, 4H4. Lardner, Capt. John L., services at Port Royal, II, 203; i-ecommended for thanks of Congress, 203. Larned, Major , difficulty over appoint- ment as paymaster in Rosecrans's army, II, 315, 316. La Rue County, Ky., birth of Lincoln in, I, 638, 644. La Salle, Tex., port of, declared closed, II, 670. Latin, a high accomplishment in Spencer County, lud., I, 596. Law, necessity of regard for, I, 9-15 ; notes for lecture on, 162-164; Lincoln's study and practice of, 597, 641-643; how to study, 651 ; the intention of the lawgiver, 11,2. Law of nations, institution of blockade in accordance with, II, 35; privateers and the, 50. Lawrence, 111., claim of partizan appoint- ments at, I, 51. Lawrence, Rev. , supports Lincoln for U. 8. Senatorship, I, 213, Lawrence, Kan., outrage at, II, 402; mas- sacre at, 422. Lawrenceburg, Ind., Gov. Morton asks for troops and guns for, II, 83. Laws, reformation of, 1, 3 ; repeal of bad, 12 ; effect of moral sense of the people on enforcement of, II, 6, 268 ; a class of, whose object is to distribute burdens or benefits on the principle of equality, 391. INDEX 721 L,aws, , prevented from passing the lines, II, 634. Lawyers, advice to, I, 162-164. Leary, , memberof Cousress from Mary- laud, II, 133; attends conference at the Wuite House, 133. Leavenworth, Kan., speech in, I, 585 et seq. ; growth of, 632 ; complaints of military interferen(ie in election at, II, 328. [ Leavitt, Judge, case of habeas corpus be- fore, II, 336. " Lebanon," river voyage on the steamer, I, 52, 53. Lebanon, Ky., proposed railroad connec- tions with. II, 95. Le Blond, F. C, letter to, II, 360-363. Lecompton Constitution, rights of the peo- ple of Kansas to make, I, 242; Douglas's connection with, 250, 261, 256, 262-266, 345, 346, 383, 422, 427-430, 442, 490-492 ; difference between BuchMuaii and Douglas over, 263, 264,407, 408, 503: Lincoln on, 204-266,424; its primary defeat and Unal passage, 265; provision for amendment of, 296, 297 ; the Washington "Union" and, 296, 297, 333, 334; split in Democratic Party over, 442, 443; Biichiiiiaii urgr,s adoption of, 425; question as to adtiiissioii of Kansas undci', 427; rejected by Kansas, 4:i0; tlic Kn^lish bill, 491, 492; Crittenden mcasiiic for suli- mission of, 530; Monti^onu ly lacasurcfor submission of, 530; designed to settle the slavery question, 613, 617; Democratic action in regard to, condemned bj' the Republican National Convention of 1860, 636. Lecture, on discoveries, inventions, and improvements, I, 522-528. Lee, Judge-Advocate, letter from the Presi- dent's private secretary, JohuG. Nicolay, to, II, 175. Lee, Gen. R. E., position in front of Burn- side, II, 259 ; his defeat the main object of the Army of Potomac, 295, 345, 409 ; de- spatch of, in Kiclimond papers, announc- ing defeat of Hooker. 3;.i; losses of, 334; advice to Hooker couccrniiii;- nioveraents of, on the IJaiipaliannoek.iUl, 345; treason Of, 348 ; McCiellau's lost elianee to defeat, 354; his return toward Harper's Ferry, 354 ; Meade in pursuit of, 3G7 ; movements after Gettysburg, 367 ; Meade urged to attack, 366, 367; retreat across the Poto- mac, 367, 369, 373 ; the nia;;intude of the misfortun(^ involved in his escape after Gettysburg, 369; the President's \iews as to Meade's course with, after (iettysbnrg, 377; reinforcenjcnt of, 377; his chaiie<'s against Meade, 396; ad visaldlity of Meade's nio\ in;;- asiainst, 408, 409; strength of his army defending i;ielimo7ul, 409; numeri- cal infeiiority to Meade, 409; withdrawal of Lonustree't from, 425; Meade ;i voids a collision with, 425; estimated strength of, 425; destroys the Alexandria and Or- ange rai!ro;id', 428; movement against Meade, 428 ; proiiosition that the Army of Potomac attack, 429; (irant advised to confer with, respecting destruction of private property, 561; ]>rohal)inty of his reinforeinu Iviil,\', 5S3 ; inst met Ions to Grant re.i;:ii'dinu' eonferenee witli. (■,.■>(•, ; returns the Kussell letter, &'ui; surrender of, 672. Lee, Rear-Adm. S. P., recommended for thanks of Congi-ess, II, 151 ; draft of tele- • gram to, 364 ; telegi-am to, 364. Leesburg, Va., threatened by the Con- federates, II, 161 ; war news from, 356, 358. Legal decisions, uses of, I, 255. Vol. II.— 46. Legal precedents, I, 228, 229. Legal tender, II, 264. Legislation, should be free from influence of Presidential elections, I, 139 ; veto powers of the President in regard to, 492. Legislature, cannot do by indirection what it cannot do directly, I, 567. Lellyett, John, letter to, II, 588, 589. Lending money, 1, 164, 165. Lester, John H., contiscatiou of money of, II, 583. Letcher, R. P., contested election case, I, 79. Letter, publication of a, without consent of writer or receiver, as cause for arrest, II, 36S. Letter of acknowledgment, II, 386. Letters, the President's views on the publi- cation of his, II, 368; publication of the President's, in 8t. Louis, 372. For letters to and from Abraham Lincoln, see the names of their authors and recipients, 2>assiin . Letters of marque. Confederate issue of, II, 35. Lewis, Alpheus, communication to, regard- ing treatment of freedmen in Arkaiisas, II, 473, 474. Lewis, James T., governor of Wisconsin, II, 515 ; telegram to, respecting hundred-day troops, 524. Lewis, Thomas, on committee of re.solu- tious in favor of Hungarian freedom, I, 158. Lewisburg, Va., success of Averell and Duffl6 at, II, 437. Lewis County, Va., excepted from insurrec- tion proclamation, II, 195. Lexington, Ky., Thomas Lincoln's residence near, I, 117; settlement of Ilcnrv Clavin, 169; Mrs. Lincoln's iiirtliidai-e and resi- dence, 177,642; railroads to Cineiniiati and Louisville from, in l"c(h'ial liiinds, II, S3; Federal and ( 'oiifeder:ite forces near, .S3, 84; conteniplaced eciieenlration of troops at, 84 ; propi >scd railroad connections with, 95; J. E. .lohustou's camp near, 339; Bur- bridKC at, 533, 573, 581, 596. Liberia, neuro coloulzation in, 1, 187, 268, 288, II, 263; recognition of indepeudeuce of, 95,96; colony of, 224; commercial treaty with, 263; lu'oposal to furuish a gun- boat to, 605; oftlcial correspondence with, 605. Liberties, civil and religious. II, 148. Liberty, pillais of the temple of, I, 14, 15; Clay's love of, 171, 174; definitions of the word, II, 513. Liberty of speech, II, 347. Liberty of the press, II, 347, .525. Library of Congress, pulilicat ions presented to, by tlie IJritisli 3Iusenni, 11, 2«1. License, of coinniereial intereouise, 11,320; to pass hloekadc at IJrownsville, 485. " Life of Washington " (Weems), I, 688. " Life of W. H. Harrison," I, 39. Lima, Peru, joint commission at, for settle- ment of claims, II, 446. Lincoln, Abraham. For incidents of his life, transactions, corresi)ondence, etc., see the various topics throughout this Index. Lincoln, Mrs. Abraham, 1, 89, II, 575; " com- ini;- events," I. 82; conllnement, 1851, 165; letters, telegrnms, etc., to, II, 382, 413, 517, 536, 540, 569, 575; letter to. giviiii; account of l)atfle of t'liielcam:iu;;a. 413 : cousins of, 430; invites Cens. (irant and Meade to dinner at White House, 494 ; visit to For- tress Monroe, 510; sickness of, 511; mes- 722 INDEX sage to, about Tad and the goats, 517 ; in New York, 517, 540; at Boston, 536; tele- gram to, 536 ; despatcb to, concerning the tamily, 509, 575 ; at Manchester, Vt., 569, 575; accoiiii>ani('s tlie President to City Point, 664 ; lea \cs ( ity Point for Washing- ton, 666. Sc(! also '1\)DD, Maky. Lincoln, David, letters to, I, 116, 117; first cousin of the President's father, 177. Lincoln, Edward Baker, death of, I, 161. Lincoln, Isaac, i^reat-iuacle of the President, I, 117, 177, Oas, 650. Lincoln, Jacob, frreat-uncle of the President, I, 117, 638, <■,.-)(»; descendants of, 638. Lincoln, Jesse, letter to, I, 177. Lincoln, John, great-uncle of the President, I, 117, 638, 6.5(»; desceii(huits of, 638. Lincoln, Josiah, uncle (if the President, I, 117, 177; settled in Hancock County, Ind., 638. Lincoln, Mary, aunt of the President, mar- ries Ralph Crume, I, 639 ; descendants of, 639. Lincoln, Mordecai, uncle of the President, I, 117; settled in Hancock County, HI., 117; family legend of, 177; descendants of, 638. Lincoln, Mordecai, cousin of the President, I, 117. Lincoln, Nancy, aunt of the President, mar- ries William Brumfleld, I, 639. Lincoln, Nancy (mother of the President), care for, I, 166; death of, 639. See also Hanks, Nancy. Lincoln, Robert T., II, 569, 575; anecdote of early life, I, 89; education, 645; at Cam- bridge, 585 ; the President's uneasiness as to his health, 585 ; is gi-aduated at Harvard, 630 ; desires to enter tht; military service, 630; with Grant at City Point, 664; tele- gram to, March 21, 1865,664. Lincoln, Thomas, father of the President, I, 117 ; letter to, 147 ; death of, 177 ; removes from Kentucky to Indiana, 596; lack of education, 596, 639; birthplace of, 638; early life of, 639; settles in Kentucky, 639; makes a cle;iriii.u- in Indiana, 639; resi- dence at Kno)) (i-eek, Ky., 639; migi-ates from Indiana to Illinois, 640; removes from Macon County to Coles Coimty, 041 : born in Rockingham County, Va., 650. Lincoln, Thomas (Tad), SOU of the Presi- dent, II, 509, 575; message to, about the goats, 382; visits Grant, 536. Lincoln, Thomas, cousin of the President, I, 117. Lincoln, Thomas, great-uncle of the Presi- dent, I, 117,038, 650. Lincoln, Thomas, imcle of Jesse Lincoln, I, 177. Lincoln, hatred of the name of, in the South, II, 92. Lincoln, 111., I, 274. Lincoln collection, of Charles F. Gunther, I, 522. Lincoln family, early settlements of, 1, 116, 117; in New England, 596; emigrated to Virginia from Pennsylvania, 596; origi- nally Quakers, 638. Lincoln's administration, begins with ad- verse majorities in House and Senate, II, 12. Linder, U. F., letter to, I, 112; speech in IlUnois lei;:islature on Ewing and Butter- field, 159, 160. Liquor traffic, views on, I, 58-60. Little, S., accepts Lincoln's guarantee of Henry Chew for furniture. I, 412. Little, S. H., signer of Whig circular, I, 47 Littl^ickory, I, 141. Little River turnpike, Jackson's movements on, II, 158. Little Rock, Ark., reconstruction experi- ment at, II, 467 ; provisions for qualifying governor ,at, 472 ; Gen. Steele at, 487. Live-stock, order concerning exportation of, II, 403. Living, increased cost of, through inflation of the currency, IT, 301. Lloyd, Robert, bill for surveying, I, 6. Loans, to government, I, 73, 74; Treasury receipts from, fiscal year 1861-62, II, 265 ; raising money by way of, 301. Local affairs, a Representative's duty in re- gard to, 1, 1. Local appointments, necessity of attending to, II, 29. Local issues, danger of, in national conven- tions, I, 535. Local self-government, I, 541, 573, 586. Local uprisings, II, 87. Locke, Erie, letter to, I, 667. Locofoco Party, opposition to, 1, 110; posi- tion on Mexican war, 110; disgruntled members support Gen. Taylor, 122 ; effect of nomination of Taylor on, 122. Logan, Gen. John A., extended leave for, II, 387 ; at Carbondale, 596, 597 ; invitation to, to visit Washington, 596, 597. Logan, Stephen T., I, 45 ; on Whig com- mittee, 72 ; signs Whig circular, 79 ; drafts resolutions on death of Judge Pope, 161; opinion on Illinois election law, 176- action on McCallister and Stebhins honds> 536. Logan County, 111., weight in Congressional election, I, 80 ; position in election of 1846, 84. Logan County, Va., excepted from insurrec- tion prochuiiatiou, II, 195. London, Eng., representatives of theCoufed- eratc Stiite.'- in, II, 48, 49; the Exhibition of 1862 at, 67, 102, 109, 111 ; ratificaticm of treaty regarding supxiression of African slave-trade at, 178; letter to the working- men of, Feb. 2, 1863, 308, 309. Long, Alexander, letter to, II, 360-363. Longstreet, Lt.-Gen. James, inquiry as to his positiou, II, 171 ; at Winchester with Jackson, 171; position of, 201; reported battle with Hooker, 332 ; marching toward Richmond, 334; uncertainty ai>out his jiiovemeuts, 352; uioveiiieut to Tennessee, 411; withdrawal I'roni Lee's army, 425; rumor of his movements toward Washing- ton, 547. Loomis, Dwight, recommends Edward Goodman for collector at Hartford, II, 313. Loomis, F. B., letter to, II, 520, 521 ; patriot- ism of, 520, 521 ; offers to garrison Fort Trumbull, 520, 521. Loring, W. W., defeated by Gi'ant near Edwarils Station, II, 339 ; driven to Crystal Springs, 339. Lost sheep, parable of the, I, 265. " Lost Townships," the, I, 69, 70. Louaillier, , denounces Gen. Jackson's martial laM' in New Orleans, II, 350. Loudon, Va., Burnside's success at, 11,403; Burnside at, 413. Loudon and Hampshire railroad, troops ordered over the, II, 67. Louisiana, mob law in, I, 9, 10; interested in Mississippi River improvements, 125; • admission of, 182 ; slavery in, 182 ; the Whig Party in, 278; sugar-raising in, 562; ob- struction of U. S. laws in, 11, 34 ; insurrec- tion in, 35, 55 ; blockade of ports of, 35, 39, 485, 670 ; declared in state of insurrection, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; order for seizure INDEX 723 of property, and employment of military " contrrtbiinrts" in, '212; Union feeling in, 2U; coiiiiilaiiitanaiiistCieu. Phelps in, 214; passaiic of scfessioii ordinance in, 215; coiiiplaintM oi Ui;i<)U men in, 215-217; invited to rejoin the Union, 217 ; letter re- gardiufi' election of Representatives to U. S. CoTii^ress, 247 ; CNtal)lis]niH'iit of pro- visional coHit in, 248, .!4.»; aiipichciinious conceruiui,^ clcclions in, 25."); the Presi- dent's desire for elections in, 25(i ; (;ol. Ull- man desires to organize hlacks in, 293; movement to secure the return of the State to full allegiance, S'lO; (>uiaucipation in, 380,673; relations of \\liit,-s and negroes in, 380; proposed Constitutional (•ou\cn- tion in, 380, 43(5; prosi)ective return of members to Congress from, 380; impor- tance of anew Constitution for,380; letter from Gen. Banks to Gov. Boutwell regard- ing affairs in, 380 ; application of emanci- pation proclamation in, 402, 403; letter to Gen. Banks regarding affairs in, 435, 43G; loyalty in, 436 ; recousti'uetiou in, 436, 443, 465, 466, 46;), 477. 545, SCO, 5'.)7, 598, 603, 612, 616, 617. 625, 626, 673-675 ; provision for homeless and landless freedmen in, 436 ; Gen. Butler recommends convention to repeal ordi- nance of secession, 437; first free-State goveruorof, 496; convention in, 4',)(;; negro franchise in, 496, 597, G74; Gov. Ilahn in- vested with full powers in, 4!)8; adoption of new Constitution, r.co, ct:!; starvation in, 578, 579; njilitary opposition to tlie new State government of, 597, 598; military protection in, 597, 598; Banks's ability for work in, 603; military operations in", 616, 617; submission to Semite of i)aper by Gen. Banks relating to. 02.">, (126; letter to Lyman Trumbull respecting affairs in, 625, 626; opening of public schools in, equally to black and white, 674; ratifies the Thirteentii Amendment, 674. Louisiana Purchase, the, II, 102; slavery in, I, 172, 182, 191, 601. Louisiana Territory, organization of, I, 601 ; pro\'isious as to slavery in, in act of or- ganization, 601. Louis Napoleon, Orsini's attempt to assas- sinate, I, 609. Louisville, Ky., situation of, II, 83; dan- ger of ZoUieoffer's moving on, 83; rail- road to Lexington from, in Federal hands, 83; troops from, Ki: preparations at, for movement on Cumlierlaud (Jap, 84; rail- road to Nashville from, in Federal hands, 84; Gen. Anderson at, 84; Gen. Buell at, 110, 112, 123, 131 ; (Jen. Boyle at, 206, 229, 230, 233, 245; appeals from, against with- drawal of troops from, 232; (ieu. Wright responsible for, 233; Gen. Boyle ques- tioned regarding the situation at, 233; sale of negroes at, 329; Gen. L. Thomas at, 489, 490, .532 ; arrest of Harris at, 573 ; discharge of Meade at, 581 ; Gen. Palmer at, 654; S. B. Chui chill banished to, 658. " Louisville Journal," the. I, 653. Lovejoy, Owen, nomination of, I, 219 ; Abo- litionist leader, 279, 281, 284, 318, 322, 324, 339, 364. 401, 403, 431, 470,483; complaints against I>iucoln, 287; share in formation of Itepubliean Party, 287; frames pre- amble and resolutions for Republican Party in Senatorial contest, 324, 325 ; op- poses Douglas in di'^cussion, 338; resolu- tions, 363 ; o]tposed to admission of slave States, 366; stumps Illinois against Doug- las, 401; canvasses for Lincoln, 403; can- didate for Congress in Bloomington dis- trict, 404; pledged against admission of more slave States, 453 ; explains Lincoln's position on admission of new States, 468; views on Emancipation Proclamation. 479; position on »'(iu.ility of negioes with whites, 486; erection of luonuujeut to, II, 526, 527 ; character of, r,27 ; the President's acquaintance with, 527. Lowe, F. P., letter to, regarding the "New Almaden" mine. II, 393. Lowe, J. G., letter to, I, 671. Lower California, proposed seizure of , 1, 106. Loyal citizens, rights of, II, 65. Loyal governors, inqiiir,y addressed to, as to results of election, II, 598. Loyalty, the President's appeal to, II, 34; test of, 487, 488. Lucas, J. M., letters to, I, 155, 23G, 598. Luck, the secret of, I, 583. Lusk, E., letter to, I, ,519. Lutheran Reformation, on the, I, 526. Luxuries, taxation of, I, 74. Lynch, Judge, Gen. Blunt's encouragement of, in Kansas, II, 394. Lynch law, horrors of, I, 9-12. Lynchburg, Va., ])roposed raid to break the railroad at, II, 429. Lyon, Brig. -Gen. Nathaniel, patriotism of, II, 258. Lyons, Lord, proposition from Gov. Hicks to ask him to act as mediator, II, 36, 37; correspondence regarding the Trent affair, 120; correspondence with, regard- ing African sla\e trade, 178; note from, respecting trei'tnient of Briti.sli naval officers at ho.siiital in Norfolk, 514. " Macbeth," the President's opinion of, II, 393. McCall, Gen. G. A., telegrams to, II, 173; the President's expectations from, 173; in- (piiry as to his withdrawal from Freder- icksburg, 173; at Fredericksburg, 173; his division ordered to McClellan, 176 ; jtmc- tion with McClellan, 181. McCallisterand Stebbins bonds, I, 536. McClellan, Gen. George B., to have tlie forces of western Virginia under his com- mand, II, 69; contemidated aetiim for, 84; troops for, 84; order apiiointing him to succeed Gen. Scott, ss; in(iuiries from, about the Potomac ca:ni)aign, 92, 93; ap- pointment to be gencral-in-i liief, 104; cor- respondence with, 107, 120, 121. 140-143, 145, 147, 149, 152, 154, 156-158, 161, 163, 166, 167, 169, 173-175, 180, 181, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190, 196,198-200, 206, 207,212, 221,228-233, 236,244- 247, 249-251; sickness of, 110, 111; letter to Buell, 112, 116; relation of the Lane expe- dition to, 119; hisidans for movements of the Arm>' of the Potomac contrasted with the President's, VJO; letter from T.uell, 1'23; inpursuit of the enemy, 13(;; relieved from command of departments othei' than that of the Potomac, 137 ; head of tlie Army of Potomac, 137; to make foiw.iid move- ments, 141 ; complains of l)eiiigim]>r(qierly sustained, 142, for<-es uii<1er Ins eonimand, 142,143; urged to action l»y the rresident, 143; requests giiiil)oats on the .lames, 148; relations with his g<'iierals, 149 ; opposition to army-corps organization, 149; loss of confidence in 149; at Cumberland, 152; sketch of instructions to, 153 ; McDowell to cooperate with, 1.53, 154. 181, 182; pro- posed .jimction with Army of the Rai)pa- hannock, 154; requested to restore (Jen. Hamilton, 156; relations with McDowell, 156, 158; Gen. Franklin's delay in reach- ing, 1.57 ; advised to cut off Anderson's sup- plies from Richmond, 158; question of his attacking Richmond or moving to defense of Washington, 161; (luestion regarding 724 INDEX cutting Aquia Creek railroad, 166 ; plans of luovemeuts, operations, etc., before Rich- mond, 166, 184, 192, 246 ; reports action at Hanover Court House, 167; inquiry con- cerning Porter's expedition, 167; Gen. Marcy with, 169 ; thanked by the President for the seizure of points on the Richmond and Fredericlisburg railroad, 170; the Pres- ident's advice to, 173, 174; Wool's depart- ment turned over to, 174; Sigel ordered to report to, 174 ; congratulatory message to, 174 ; advice to, regarding the Chiclia- hominy, 175 ; McCall's division ordered to, 176; reports as to reinforcements for Jackson, 179; matter of putting Gen. Wool under his control, 180, 181 ; troops from Gen. Wool's conamand for, 181 ; rein- forcements for, 181, 190, 198, 199, 244 ; junc- tion of McCall with, 181; Blenker's divi- sion tiiken from, 182; information fi-om, regarding reinforcements for Jackson, 184 ; request to, for information regarding military affairs, 185; quiescence at head- quarters of, 185 ; Gen. Scott's views as to reinforcements for, 187; fears of being overwhelmed, 187 ; the Army of "Virginia to relieve, 188; serious reverse before Richmond, 189 ; IJuniside ordered to his relief, 189; driven back toward the James River, 189; dangc^rs attending reinforce- ment of, from the West, 190 ; outnumbered in Richmond, 190; between Chickahoniiny and James rivers, 191; communication with, cut off, 191 ; telegram to Goldsbor- ough, 192 ; communication with, inter- rupted, 192 ; movements on James River, 193; remonstrance against his demand for 50,000 troops, 196; possibility of falling back to Fortress Monroe, 196; reinforce- ments from IIunterfor,198; Halleckcannot reinforce, 198 ; instructions to, July 4, 1862, 199; order to Gen. Burnside, 200; thanks to, 200 ; Confederate troops from Corinth fighting, 200; opinion of position, 201; memorandum, July 9, 1862, of questions -and answers in interview between the President and, at Harrison's Landing, Va., 201; health of camp, 201; strength of, 201,206 : dcsi>atrh ti). n'spcctingUiirnside, 212; dirtcrcncf lu'twi'iti the Secretary of War and, 219, 2'io; question as to his force, 220; at Alexandria, 228; inquiry of, as to news, 228, 229; to open communication with Pope, 229; at Rockville, 230, 231; at Clarksburg, 232 ; victory in Maryland, 236 ; despatch from, 236; inquiry of Gov. Cur- tin regarding movements of, 236 ; over- takes the enemy at Sbarpsburg, 237 ; pros- pects of his moving up the valley of the Shenandoah. 244; overeautiousness of, 245, 246; dread of Confederate invasion of Pennsylvania, 246; diliiculties in subsist- ing his army at Winchester, 246; demands upon Halleck, 246; re<'i)inniended to fight at Wincliester, 216 : called on for action, 249; su]>))ly of horses to, 2r)0; beirins cross- ing the Potoina<-, 'jriii; desiiateh from, con- cei"nlngsore-tongue(l and fatigued horses, 250; sharp question to, resi)e(ting action, 251; relieved fi-oni conuiiannts on Kielimond, 4(i'.i ; report to, in Gen. ^stone's ease, 510; at Washing- ton, 510; candidate of tlie Dcuiocratie Party forthePresidency,562; favors crushing the rebellion by force, 562 ; the President's re- solve to coojierate with, in the event of Ills failure of reelection, 568; Seward's estimate of, 568 ; alleged purpose to seize control of the government as soon as elected, 586. McClernand, Brig. -Gen. John A., correspon- dence with, II, 89, 90, 296, 304, 305, 387, 388, 621, 622 ; thanks to, for services in the field, 89, 90; relations with Halleck, 304, 305 ; services on the Arkansas, 305 ; opin- ion in case of Thomas W. Knox, 317 ; the President's inquiries as to charges against, 385 ; no charges against, 387 ; let^ ters in behalf of, 387 ; letter to, regarding Ms relief by Gen. Grant, 387, 388 ; at Spring- field, 406 ; letter from Secretary Stanton, 406; asks for a court-martial, 406; seeks release of Young, Malory, and Bridges, 621, 622. McClure, A. K., influence of, in regard to re- jection of Cameron for the Cabinet, 1, 663. McCook, Col., with Gen. Schenck atYienna, II, 67. McCurdy, Robt. H., letter to, II, 208. McDonell, Charles, I, 354. McDonough County, 111., Lincoln accused of having used derogatory language toward Jefferson in, I, 651. McDougall, J. A., letter to, II, 137, 138. McDowell, Maj.-Gen. Irvin, II, 114; the President's confidence in, 116; to com- mand First Corps of the Army of the Potomac, 130; to remain in front of Washington, 141 ; movements of, 142; on the Rappahannock, 145; memorandum of proposed instructions to, 153; Inquiry as to strength of his force, 153; to co- operate with McCIellan, 153, 154; corre- spondence with, 153, 159, 160, 166, 167, 170- 172, 175, 176 ; to retain command of Depart- ment of the Rappahannock, 154 ; ordered to march on Richmond, 154; assigned to defense of Washington, 154 ; relations with McCIellan, 156, 158; ordered to move against Confederate attack on Harper's Ferry, 157; opposed by Gen. Anderson, 158, 169; the President's visit to his camp, 158; at Fredericksburg, 159, 160, 163, 166; alacrity of , 160 ; ordered to cooperate with Fremont, 160; ordered to move against Jackson and Ewell, 160; ordered to sus- pend movement on Richmond, 160; at Fal- mouth, 160, 166; suggestion that he cut off Ewell, Jackson, and Johnson, 162; forces moving back to Front Royal, 163; Shields assigned to his command, 163; why his force withheld from McCIellan, 163 ; one of his brigades ordered to Harper's Ferry, 163 ; needed at Manassas Junction or Alex- andria, 166; despatches from Gen. Geary sent to, 166 : question of making a junction with Porter, 167; at Manassas .)unctloses charter of United States Bank, 136; position on sla- very, i'.U, 292 ; a f ramer of the Coustitution, 600." Madison, 111., claim of partizan appoint- ments at, I, 51. Madison, Ind., Gov. Morton asks for troops and guns tor, II, 83. Magoffin, Beriah, governor of Kentucky, letter to, 11, 76. 77. Magrath, Rev. F. M., II, 106. Magruder, Maj.-Gen. John B., position of, II, 201 ; treason of, 348. Mail contracts, frauds in letting, I, 34. Mails, question of iuviolability of, captured on blockade-runner, II, 326, 327. See also U. S. Mails. Maine, contrasted with South Carolina, in national legislation, I, 198; qualities ne- groe-i as vorcrs, 285 ; status of negro in, 345 ; feiu's regarding elections in, 649, 650 ; Gen. Butler proposes to raise troops in, II, 78; correspondence with the governor, re- garding the fortitication of seacoast and lakes, 109 ; governor of, requests the Presi- dent to call for volunteers, 194 ; inquiry as to election in, 598 ; Presidential election in, 613. Maine boundary question, contingent ap- propriation for anticipated war over, 1, 35. Majority, the only rightful ruler, I, 677 ; rule of the, 11,5. Malhiot, E. E., letter from, II, 356 ; letter to, 356; on committee of I>ouisiana planters to seek recognition of the State, 356. Mallory, James, sentenced to death, II, 621. Mallory, Robert, at conference at the \\ hite House, II, 136. Maltby, Harrison, letter to, I, 221. Mammoth farms, I, 579. Man, elevation of, I, 534. Manassas, line to be established between Washington and, II, 69; troops lately be- fore, to be reorganized, 69; reinforce- ments from Winchester for, 116; Confed- erate movements from, 121; troops from, for possilile defense of Nashville, 126 ; the President ad\ ocates action at, 143; Gen. Ricketts ordered to move to, 166. Manassas Gap, distance from Harper's Ferry, II, 247. Manassas Gap railroad, McDowell ordered to move by way of, II, 160; Confederate movements on, 161; Gen. Geary on the, 163. Manassas Junction, Va., to be seized and held, II, 69; expedition to seize the rail- road .southwest of, 119, 120 ; troops to operate at or toward, 141; Banks at, 142; troops for defense of, 142 ; McDowell needed at, 166 ; McDowell at. 167, 168, 170, 171 ; troops at. 187 ; McClellan questioned regarding news from, 229 ; engagement near, Oct. 14, 1863, 427, 428. Manchester, Eng., letter to the workingmen of, Jan. 19, 1863, II, 301, 302; sufferings at, 302. Manchester, Vt., Mrs. Lincoln at, II, 569, 575. Mangum, W. P., Vice-Presidency of, I, 222. Manierre, Benjamin F., on committee of meeting at Cooper Institute to promote raising of volunteers, II, 441; letter to, HI, 442. Manly, Miss, refusal of, to take oath of allegiance, IT, 495. Mann, Mrs. Horace, letter to, II, .509. Mansfield, Gen. J. K. F., letter to, II, 53; patriotism of, 258. Manufacturers, adequate reward for their enteri>rise, I, r.37, 679. Manufactures, impoitance to United States, I, 73 ; Calhoun's views on, 73 ; comparison of conditions under free trade and protec- tion, 90-95; Congressional power to en- coura.ge and protect, 127 ; value of annual reports on, IT, 101. Manumission, deeds of, issued by Fremont, 11,81. MapleVaIley,Va.,dangerof attack at, 11,121. Marauders, expulsion of, from Missouri, II, 417. Marcy, Gen. R. B., telegrams to, II, 169, 170; at McClellau's headquarters, 169; repre- sents McChdlan's po.sition, 199. Marion County, Va., excepted from insurrec- tion i)roclaniation. II, 195. Maritime nations, relations of the Confed- erate States with, II, 606; proclamation to, in regard to privileges and immunities for U. S. ships of war, 671, 672. Maritime war, attempts to meliorate its rigors, II. 95. Markets, extension of, I, 91. Marsh, George P., proposed as minister to S.nrdinia, II, 24. Marshall, . service in Mexican war, I, 146. 726 INDEX Marshall, James F. B., conference regard- ing Honolulu Commission, II, 130. Marshall County, 111., weight in Congres- sional election, I, 80 ; position in election of 1846, 84, 85. Marshall County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Martial law, incompatible with slavery, II, 155; proclaimed by Gen. Hunterin Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, 155; pro- claimed hy Gen. Jackson in New Orleans, 351, 352. Martin, Wesley, banishment of, from Mis- SOlU'i, II, 651. Martin, William, proposed as collector in New York, II, 227. Martinsburg, Va., inquiry about Banks's position at, II, 162 ; Banks's retreat to, 163 ; Confederate operations near, 169 ; danger to Fremont from enemy at, 171 ; absence of news from, 233; commimication with Washington and Winchester cut off, 352; Lee's troops at, 352 ; Tyler surrounded at, 352; besieged, 353; in possession of the enemy, 353; escape of troops from, to Harper's Ferry, 353 ; reportfrom, concern- ing Iinboden's movements, 428, 429 ; cap- tured by Confederates, 541. Maryland, slavery in, I, 134, 192 ; weight in Presidential campaign of 1856, 221 ; pos- sibility of action in election of 1860, 575; chaucee of Republican votes in, 592 ; Lin- coln speaks for Gen. Taylor in, 643; Seward looks to, for revival of Union sentiment, II, 13 ; the President desires consultation with Gov. Hicks, regarding preserva- tion of peace of, 36 ; Gov. Hicks's action regarding the passage of troops through, 36, 37 ; patriotism in, 37 ; possible suspen- sion of the writ of laabcas corpus in, 38 ; probable intention of the legislature to arm the people against the United States, 38; orders to dim. Scott regarding action in, 38; difticulty of holding, 81; disaffec- tion of, and subsequent loyalty, 103 ; Union . sentiment in, 103, 215; troops from, 103; the President seeks conference witli rep- resentatives fi-om, 132; estimated cost of emancipation in, 132, 138 ; number of slaves in, 138 ; treasonable resistance to passage of U. 8. troops through, 164 ; governor of, requests the President to call for volun- teers, 194 ; passage of troops through, 215 ; probability of Confederate withdrawal from, 233 ; victory by McClellan in, 236 ; call for troops from, 353; negro popula- tion of, 275; threatened inroads of the enemy into, 353 ; correspondence with Thomas Swann regarding elections in, 431 ; elections in, 434, 435 ; no just cause of offense to. in Federal preservation of order at the polls, 435 ; emancipation in, 454, 492 ; the PrcHident's views as to emancipation in, 498; killiui;- of a rccruiting-offlcer in, 499, 500; ee's retreating army, 366, 367; correspondence M'ith, '366-369, 376, 387, 401, 424, 437, 506; pursuit of Lee, 367; at Frederick, 367 ; asks to be relieved of command, 368 ; loss of a golden oppor- tunity, 369; the Piesident's gratitude to, for success at Gcttyslmrg, 369; the Presi- dent's views as to his course of action after Gettysburg, 369, 373, 377; draft of letter to, explaining the President's dis- satisfaction with, 368, 369; the President's confldenco in, 373 ; correspondence with, concerning Gen. Hooker, 376, 387; pro- posed movements against Lee, 396, 408, 409, 425; at Waricuton, 401; asks advice from Halleck and tlie government, 407- 408, 409; numerical superiority over Lee, 409; strength of his army before Rich- mond, 409 ; transmission of news from Rosecrans to, 424; avoids collision w.ith Lee, 425 ; Lee's supposition of weakening of his force, 425; Lee's movement against, 428; gains at Rappahannock Station and Kelly's Ford, 437; congratu- lations to, for operations on the Rappa- hannock, 437 ; reports Col. Uahlgren's INDEX 727 deatli, 492; asks court of inctuiry, 506; controntiug Richmoud, 535. Meade, R. K., member of Congress from Virginia, 1, 129. Meade, , discharge of, at Louisville, II, 581. Meadville, Pa., Col. Huldeltoper at, II, 570. Mechanic arts, act to provide for colleges of, II, 313. Mechanics, I, 583, 637. Mediation, resolution of the Senate regard- ing, II, 310. Medical department of the army, reorgani- zation of tlie, II, 183. Medill, Joseph, alarm over Doufflas's posi- tion, I, '238; correspoiuU-nce with Lincoln rcgardinu: Maine elections, (;50. Meditation on the Divine Will. II, 243, 244. Meeker, Geo. W., on cuiumittee tor resolu- tions on death of Judge Pope, I, 161; signs call for Whig convention at Spring- tield, 1851, 167. Meigs, Maj.-Gen. M. C, suggested for coun- cil regarding war at Pen.saeola and in Texas, II, 26; his fjualities, 53; desire of the President to a^>i)oint him quarter- master-general, 53; indorsements on pro- posed instructions to McDowell, 153; quartermaster-general, 162. Memoranda, regarding defeat at Vienna, II, 66; to Gen. Buckner, 66; of militai-y policy suggested by the Bull Run defeat, 68, 69 ; about guns, 82 ; for a plan of cam- paign, 83, 84; of advice to Mrs. ]>ouglas, 91, 92; accompanying letter to McClellan, 120,121; of questions and answers in in- terviews between the President and Gen. MeClellan and other officers at Harrison's Landiug.Va., 201 ; concerning T. J. Carter, 423; rehitive to the draft, 433; about churelies, 491 ; for Mrs. Keenan,' 511 ; for INIrs. Hunt, 511; concerning release of a religious man, 603. Memory, verses on, I, 86, 87. Memphis, Tenn., Douglas speaks at, I, 561, 563,590; projected movement from Cairo on, II, 69; advance on, abandoned, 87 ; in- quiry as to movements near, 176 ; Capt. Charles Henry Davis's services at, 203; Grant at. 304 ; Hurlbut at, 318, 339 ; mili- tary interference witli church at, 521; matter of the Presbyterian Clmrch in, 543; designated as plaee of purchase of products of insurrectionary States, 579, 580; Gen. AVashburu at, 589; permit to James Harrison to trade to and from, 621. Menard County, 111., claim of partizan ap- pointment in, I, 51; supports Lincoln, 79. 80; weight in Congressional election, 80; opijosition to convention system in, 83; position in election of 1846, 84; Lin- coln's experience in a store and mill in, 597, 641. Menzies, John W., member of Congress from Kentucky, at conference at White House on emancipation by purchase, II, 134, 136; defeated for Congress, ;iS2. Mercer, Capt. Samuel, order to, II, 31; de- taclied from command of the J'mrliatan, 46. Mercier, Henri, visit to Richmond, II, 309. Meredosia, 111., denial, in speech at, of mem- bership in Know-Notliing Party, I, 519. " Merrimac," the, telegram to Flag-Oflficer Goldsborough regarding encounter with, II, 149; fight with the Monitor, 278; ea- gagement with the Cii'iilxtitDtd, 279. Merriman, H. O., signs call tor Whig con- vention at Springflelil, 185], I, 167. Merryman, Dr. E. H., in Fislier murder in- vestigation, I, 49; Lincoln's second in Shields aflfair, 70, 71 ; challenged by Gen. AVliitesides, 71. Merryman, Lieut., charges against. II, 336. "Mersey," the brigantine, services ren- dered to, by Capt. Stellwagen, II, 639. Messages. See U. 8. CoNGKESS ; U. 8. House of Rei'kesentatives ; U. 8. Sen- ate. Methodist Church, division of the, I, 507; order of the War Department relating to, II, 481. Methodist delegation, reply to a, 11,522. Methodist Episcopal Church, the Presi- dent's reply to resolutions of the East Baltimore Conference, II, 152, 153; pa- triotic services of, 522. Mexican question, speech on, Jan. 12, 1848, in U. 8. House of Representatives, I, 100- 107 ; interchange of views with Herndon on. 111, 112. See also Mexican Wab ; Mex- ico. Mexican war, expensesof, 1, 106 ; injusticeof, 106 ; briUiant suecesses of U. 8. arms In, 107 ; Paredes's part in, 121 ; origin justified by Rev. J. M. Peck, 121 ; Lincoln's position on, 121, 122, 281, 289, 290, 452, 514, 642, 643,11, 360 ; embarrassments of U. S. Treasury con- sequent on, I, 124 ; origin of, 132 ; national debt created by, 134 ; best way to termi- nate, 134; losses in, 146; connection of the Wilmot Proviso with, 184 ; treaty of peace, 184 ; Douglas's criticism of Lincoln's posi- tion on, 409, 410, 513 ; Ashmun's resolution in regard to, 409, 514, 643; charge against Henry in regard to, 410; api)ro]iriations for, 514; virtually over when Linroln took seat in Congi-ess, 642 ; unconstitutionally and unnecessarily begun, 643. See also Mexico. Mexico, resolutions in House of Representa- tives, Dec. 22, 1847, I, 97, 9s ; war with, un- necessary and unconstitutionally com- menced, 100 et seq. ; revolts against Spain, 105, 183; Texas revolts against, 105, 183; question of indemnity from, 106; treaty with Texas, 107, 108 : Col. Doniphan's ser- vice in. 111 ; treaty of peace with, 184, 642 ; slavery the cause of troul)les in acquisi- tion of territory from, 407 ; laws as to slavery, 440 ; acquisition of territory from, 449; boimdary dispute with Texas, 643; Gen. Taylor's invasion of, 643; Thomas Corwin proposed as minister to, II, lO; Seward advises sending agents to, 29; question of Kuropean intervention in, 107; resolntionot the llouseot' liejireseiitatives regarding conditio)! of, 144; resolution of the House of i;ei)rese7itatives of Alay 22, 1862, regarding affairs in, ir)7 ; resolution of the Senate. M;\\ 22, ]S(;2, relative to att'airs in, 161 : relations with, 2t::i, 6()4 : alleged in- terference of U. 8. minister to, in favor of the French, 292; export at ion of contraband of war, for use of French army in, 303; atfairs in, 309; action of France in, 538; civil war in, 604; important events in, 380, 381, 384. See also Mexican War. " Miami," the, the Pi'csident on, II, 149. Michigan, formed from Xortliwestern Ter- ritory, 1, 181, 549 ; 8upp(U'ts Cass, 224 ; admis- sion as State, 549; intluence of Ordinance of 1787 on, 565; early ownership of, 571; declination of invitation of State Central Committee to visit. 667 : governor of, re- quests the President to call for volun- teers, 11,194 ; signiature of i>apers for, 220; development of, 2<',9; retinest to governor of, to send returns of Presidential elec- tion, 602; Presiilential election in, 613. Michigan Territory, Gen. Cass governor of, I, 144. 728 INDEX Michigan troops for Gen. Anderson, II, 84. Middleburg, Va., tirinj? near, II, 356. Middle Department, under command of Gen. Wallace, II, 546 ; defensive operations of, assigned to Halleck, .555, 556. Middleport " Press," I, 633. Middle States, ariiied neutralitv in the, II, 59. Middletown, Banks at, II, 185. Mifflin, Thomas, votes for prohibition of slavery iu Northwest Territory, I, 599, 600. Miles, Col. Dixon S., court of inquiry re- garding, II, 109; telegram to, 158; at Har- per's Ferry, 158. Miles, Gen. Nelson A., II, 667. Military arrests, condemned hy public meeting at Albany, II, 345-352 ; advice concerning, at Pittsburg, 355 ; their pur- pose, 361. Military bounties, lands granted for, II, 452. Military Division of West Mississippi, com- manded by Gen. Cauby, II, 560. Military emancipation. See EMANCIPATION. Military glory, I, 106. Military land warrants, II, 611. Military law, II, 81, 82. Military matters, Lincoln's knowledge of, I, 666. Military merit, politics disregarded in mat- ters of, II, 252. Military necessity, II, 81 ; alone excuses the assumption of the civil power by a depart- ment commander, 620, 621. Military officers, the President's deference to their kJiowledge of the actual situation in the field, II, 351; cannot be detached from the ariny for political purposes, and then returned, 504. Military Order, Nov. 7, 1862, TI, 252. Military possession of railroads, II, 161, 162. See also Railroads. Military posts, the possessions of the U. S. government, II, 33; treason in, 124. Military propriety, II, 364. Military seizures, II, 471, 472. Military service, negroes to be employed in, II, 285, 288. Military tail of the great Michigander, the, I, 141, 142. Militia, proclamation, April 15, 1861, calling out 75,000, II, 34 ; reasons for calling out, 37 ; Tennessee's action in response to the call for, 40 ; called out, 75 ; raising forces in Missouri, 88, 89 ; scheme for organizing, 96; sent to Harper's Ferry, 163; to be re- lieved, 167 ; question of drafts from, 212 ; to be called into service by the U. 8. Gov- ernment, 231 ; the draft among the, 239 ; call for 100,000 to serve for six months, 353 ; in Missouri, 417 ; call for 12,000 from New York, .541 ; troubles with, iu Missouri, 422. Milledgeville, Ga., dispute on mail route to Athens, I, 108, 109. Miller, Horace, sisms call for Whig Conven- tion at SpriuK-fleld, 1851, 1, 167. Miller, Senator J. W., on Cass's position in regard to Wllmot Proviso, 1, 142. Miller, James, letter to, I, 536. Millersburg, Va., action between Stuart's cavalry and Col. Dufti^, II, 357. Milliken's Bend, La., 11,430. Mills, John T., interview with, 11,561, 562. Milroy, Maj.-Gen. Robert H., reports Lee's losses, II, 334 ; surrouuded ;it Winchester, 352; outnumbered, 352 ; (icii. Schenck or- dered to his relief, 352; private letter to, regarding defeat at Winchester, 358; his animus against West-Pointers, 359-360; letter to, 35'.t, ;«;() ; disaster at Winchester, 359; protests against order to i-etreat from Winchester, 359; dislike for Halleck, 359; knowledge of Halleck's fears for his divi- sion, 430; arrest of, 430; court of inquiry for, 430 ; charged with disobedience of or- ders, 430 ; not guilty of disoliedience, 431 ; the President's opinion on the loss of his division, 430, 431; personal traits, 462; seeks to reenter active service, 462. Milwaukee, Wis., address at, Sept. 30, 1859, before Wiscousiu State Ai,a'i(ultural So- ciety, I, 57(i-ri84 ; (4eu. I'tqie at, II, 323. Mineral discoveries, rcconuneiMlation of the Secretary of the Interior respecting,II,610. Mineral lands, proposal to raise revenue from, II, 4.52. Mineral regions, proposed scientific explora- tion of, II, 264. Mineral resources of the Territories, II, 264. Mines, deticieucy of laborers in, II, 447. Mines and miners, policy of the government toward, II, 393. Mining, I, 524, II, 418. Minnesota, formation of Territorv, I, 182, 183, 187, 192 ; application of Missouri Com- I)romise to, 183 ; rule adopted as to State Constitution, 346 ; Constitution submitted to people before admission as State, 478 ; lack of U. 8. circuit court in, II, 98; gov- ernor of, requests the President to call for volunteers, 194 ; outbreak of the Sioux . in, 267 ; development of, 269 ; Indian bar- barities in, 279 ; Presidential election in, 613. " Minnesota," the, movements of, II, 136. Minnesota Territory, Dred Scott case in, I, 358. Minnesota troops, under Frdmont, II, 84. Minority, must yield to majority, II, 5; im- possibility of a rule of the, 5; rights of the, 63. Mints, Confederate seizures of. II, 11 ; ex- penses of, fiscal year 1861-62,265. Miscegenation, natural disgust at, I, 231; Douglas on, 234, 257, 423, '424; Lincoln's views on, 273, 369, 370, 432, 438, 457, 470, 483, 539, 540. Misdemeanors, jurisdiction of government iu cases of, 1, 180. Misrepresentation, I, 286. Mississippi, suspected negro insurrection in, 1, 10; horrors of mob law in, 10; inter- ested in Mississippi River improvements, 125 ; former ownership of, 181, 601 ; organi- zation of Territory of, 601 ; provision as to slavery in deed of cession, 601 ; obstruc- tion of U. S. laws in, II, 34; insurrection in, 35, 55 ; blockade of ports of, proclaimed, April 19, 1861, 35, 39,485,670; declared in state of insurrection, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322; order for seizure of property, and employment of military "contrabands" in, 212 ; Col. Ullman desires to organize blacks in, 293 ; provision for reconstruc- tion of, 443 ; Clay and Field undertake to cultivate plantations in, on fi-ee-labor system, 474. Mississippi River, improvements on, 1, 125; the line of deniarkation between slavery and free territory, 204; the seat of the real struggle of the war, II, 22; Farra- g-ut's operations on, 151; inquiry as to movements on, 176; importance of open- ing of the. 190, 306 ; Capt. Davis's services on, 203; threatened outbreak of Indians be- tween Rocky Mountains and, 267 : Banks's operations on, 304; Grant's operations on, 304 ; a negro force on, to end tlie rebellion, 318 ; inquiries addressed to Kosecrans con- cerning operations on, 339 ; raising colored troops along, 372 ; opening of, 380. 384, 398, 454; proposed communication between INDEX 729 the northeastern sealioard and, 453; Craiisc's plantation oii,4r):i; Gtni. t^icklee's tdur ot'iiisin'cf ion oil, 4.S7 ; (icii. L. I'lioiiias (lircctud to sec to coiitiMliaiid ;iu(l Icasiiii^ IjusiucsK ou, 489 ; iiiti'odiictioii of fief-labor system on plantatious on, 4y(); massacre of colored troops ou, 513 ; i)erniit to James Harrison to pass on, 021. Mississippi squadron, commanded by Por- ter, II, 307. Mississippi Territory, proliibition of Afri- can slave trade in, I, 202 ; organization of, 601 ; reLailation of slavery in. 601. Mississippi Valley, interest of tlie people of, in the mouth of the riv(a-, II, 22; Gen. Thomas to raise colored troops in, 384. Missouri, interested in Mississiiipi Kiver improvements, I, 125; admission of, 173, 548, 549, 571; attempts to cuter the Union, 182 ei seq. ; formation of, 182 ; admission as a slave State, 188, 191 ; slavery in, 192 ; liro-slavery forces of. 200; Ordinance of 1787 aud, 204, 571 ; Speed's position on border warfare, 217 ; trial of Dred Scott case in, 241 ; emancipation movement in, 464, 510, G23; rights in regard to slavery, 478; Lincoln denies that he claimed .slaves should be emaneipated in, 502; French settlements iu, 571 ; iuorease of slavery in, 572; or.iranizatiou of the Territory, 601; the Lincoln t:nuily in, 638 ; Seward looks to, for revival of Union sentiment, II, 13; outrages on loyal citizens in, 52; loyalty of State government not to be relied ou, 52, 53 ; Fremont to give special attention to, 69 ; letter from Secretary Cameron to the governor, 71, 72; CLuestion of raising troops in, 72, 73 ; declaration of the gov- ernment as to loyal citizens in, 72; diffi- culty of holding, 81 ; Fremont's opera- tions in, 84; retreat of the Confederates from, 86; protection of, 87; proposal to raise State militia, 88, 89; suspension of the writ of habeas corpus iu, 93 ; loyalty iu, 103, 104 ; effect of the operations of Lane and Jennisou in, 113 ; insiu-rection- ary spirit in, 113 ; majority against gov- ernment in, 113; Price's operations in, 113 ; precarious position of the Federals in, 113, 114 ; troubles with German troops in, 113, 117 ; a boundary of rebellion, 131 ; estimated cost of emancipation iu, 132, 138; the President seeks couference with representatives from, 132 ; how slavery regarded in, 133, 134; Confederate hopes of'support from, 134; number of slaves iu, 138; call from, for appointment of Gen. Schotleld to independent comniaud iu, 147 ; local troubles in, 147 ; exposed to Coufede'-atc attack, 190; governor of, requests the President to call for volun- teers, 194; question of railroad construc- tion in, 221 ; question between Gov. Gamble and the War Department con- cerning .status of troops of, 260 ; develop- ment of, 269; resolutions regarding, 277; order to Gov. Gamble regardlnn troops of, 284, 285; trouble with afTairs'iu, 291; arrests, banishments, and assessments in, 291, 292 ; requests for exiles to return to, 292; telegram to B. Gratz Brown, concerning alFairs in, 294; trouble with slaves in, 297 ; suspension of orders of provost-marshals in, 298, 299; military oiierations iu, .JOS; distress in southwest, 303; ninnlers iu, 320 ; the postniastership at St. Louis, 325; ap)iointment of Gen. Schotielil causes trouble in, 337,338; fac- tional disputes in, ?37, 340, .345; disturb- ances among Union men in, 340; letter to Gen. Schofield regarding gradual emanci- pation iu, 357; arrests of slaveain, 374; fears of outrages ou l)order of Kansas, 402: ne- cessity of maintaining military force in, 416; arrcstsand suppression of newspapers and assemblies iu, 416 ; free speech in, 416; no organized military force in, iu avowed opposition to go\ eiiiinent, 410; letter of advice to Geu. SchoHcld regard- ing affairs in, 416, 417; couliscation of ludperty in, 417; enlistment of colored troops in, 417 ; militia in, 417 ; restoration of peace iu, 417 ; expulsion from, of guer- rillas, marauders, and murderers, 417 ; wrongs and sufferings of Union men in, 419; demands for regulation of (dections in, 416; addresses regaiding affairs in, 419; de- mand for abolition of enndled militia in, 419,420,422; (lei>aiture of the r(dicl army from, 420; advantage of releasing troops from service iu, 422 ; threatened raids from Kansas into, 422; question of sub- stituting national forces for the enrolled militia, 422; troops from, for relief of Gen. (iraiit, 422; habeas corpus in, 422; the President's course in, 422, 423; in- stallation of provisional government in, 427; domestic violence threatened in, 427 ; rise of party iu, oj)pose(l to the pro- visional government, 427 ; the President's attitud(^ toward the provisional govera- incnt of, 427 ; letter to Gen. Schofleld re- garding affairs in, 431, 432; similitude of conditions attending elections in Maryland and, 434; tests for voters in, 434; emancipation iu, 454; method of healing difficulties in, 462 ; Gen. Cur- tis's standing in, 462; affairs in, 406; troubles expected iu, near Kansas City, 475; moditication of order of War De- partment relating to Methodist Church in, 481; assassihations in, 507; com- plaints about enlistment of negroes in, 507 ; contested scats from, in Baltimore Convention of 1864, 528 ; riglit of soldiers to vote at election in, 581, 582; instruc- tions to Schofleld concerning elections iu, 582 ; request to governor of, to send returns of Presidential election, 602; formation of new Constitiition in, 612 ; crops in, 612; Presidential election in, 613; violence in northern, 629; abuses by provost-marshals in, 651 ; violence in, 653, 654 ; discharge of rebel prisoners from, 660; despatch to Gen. Pope regarding affairs in, 663. See also Department of ^IlSSOUKI. ■ Missouri Act, eflfectof Kansas-Nebraska bill on, I, 476. Missouri Compromise, I, 272, 506; Clay's part in, 170; its provisious, 183; declared inoi^erative and void, 186 : repeal of, 186- 189, 199, 209, 217, 224, 268, 287, 288, 597, 617, 618, 021, 644; Douglas's position in regard to, 186, 497, 566 ; its restoration advocated, 200; speecb on, at Peoria, 111., 181-209; origin of, 304 ; cause of agitation result- ing in, 407 ; disregarded in Kansas in re- gard to holding negroes in slavery iu Kan- sas, 415; unconstitutionality of, 548, 549; hoped to settle slavery qnei*tion, 630; course of Chicago Democratic newspapers upon the repeal of, II, 344. " Missouri Democrat," I, 660. Missouri legislature, (|uestion as to Gen. SchoHeld's interference with, II, 401. Missouri question, I'lay's position on, I, 171-173; the danirer to the Union in, 173. " Missouri Republican," I, 360, 379, 519, 520. Missouri restriction, I, 269. Missouri River, II, 277 ; construction of railroad and telegraph line to the Pacific 730 INDEX Ocean from, 423; hranch of Union Pacific railroad trom, 493. Mitchel, Maj.-Gen. O. M., troops for, 11,84; at Cincinnati, 84. Mitchell, Rev. J., Commissioner of Emigra- tion, introduces deputation of colored men on colonization, II, 222. Mitchell, , bears letter to Gen. Sherman respecting Indiana elections, II, 585. Mobile, Ala., importance of occupation of, II, 187 ; Confederate retreat on line fi-om Corinth to, 172 ; Gen. Grant desires to or- ganize expedition against, 384; capture of. 571-573, salute fired at, 573; Federal raid nesir, 593 ; close blockade ordered at, 593, 594 ; port of, declared closed, 670. Mob law, I, 9-12. Molina, Don Luis, Minister from Nicaragua, reply to, March 16, 18S1, II, 23 ; arrariges matters of duties and imposts on Nicara- guan vessels, 460. Molony, R. S., nominated for Congress, T, 353; i)osition on slavery question, 353, 365; elected, 354; appointed to office, 354; denounced by Douglas, 365. Monarchy, inclinations toward, in the South, II, 105 ; as a refuge from the power of the people, 502. Money, only valuable when in circulation, 1, 22 ; purchasing power of, 91. " Monitor," the, precautions for, II, 136 ; Bght with the Mcrrimac, 278. Mohocacy, Md., inquiry concerning battle at, II, 546 ; defeat of Wallace at, 547 ; the Ohio National Guard in the battle of, 575. Monongahela River, the, I, 678. Monongalia County, Va., excepted from in- surrection proclamation, II, 195. Monroe, James, views on slavery, I, 624; death of, II, 366. Monroe County, 111., the Free Democracy of, 1, 338, 403, 404, 433 ; Douglas's claim that Republican Party dare not use their name there, 433, 438 ; Trumbull and Baker speak for Lincoln in, 438. Monroe Doctrine, indorsed by Union Na- tional Convention, II, 531, 538. Montana, partial organization of, II, 610. Montgomery, Ala., Confederate CongTess at, II, 58 ; provisional government organ- ized at, 164. Montgomery, 'William, introduces bill for admission of Kansas, I, 530. Moore, , remarks in Illinois legislature on Illinois and Michigan canal, I, 44. Moore, Thomas P., contested election case, 1,79. Moorefield, W. Va., Fremont at, II, 166-172. Moorhead, J. K., instructions to, regarding military aflfairs at Pittsburg, II, 355. Morality, importance of, I, 3 ; not to be in- troduced into politics, 622. Moral reforms, how eflected, I, 57-59. Moral sense of people, effect on enforcement of laws, II, 6. Morel, , sues out habeas corpus for Louaillier in New Orleans, and is arrest- ed, II, 351. Morgan, E. D., governor of New York, let- ters to, I, 668, 669 ; reply to, Feb. 18, 1861, at Albany, 683 ; empowered to act for the Secretary of War in the public defense, II, 164 ; requests the President to call for volunteers, 194 ; telegram to, 196 ; position on appointment of Assistant Treasurer at New York, 538, 539. Morgan, George D., empowered to act for the Secretary of the Navy in the public defense, II, 164. Morgan, Brig. -Gen. George W., force near Cumberland Gap, II, 177; leaves Cumber- land Gap, 244 ; i^equest that he be ordered to Kentucky, 244; movements in defense of the Ohio River, 244 ; question of mov- ing his command, 251. Morgan, Brig. -Gen. John H., inquiry ad- dressed to Gen. Burnside regarding, II, 375 ; raids of, 421 ; raids into Kentucky, 511. " Morgan " candidates, I. 80. Morgan County, 111., oiiposition bv, to for- mation of new county, 1, k; Whig defeats in, 77 ; position in election of 1846, 84. " Morning Light," the, seizure of the Jargen Lorentzen by, II, 138. Morocco, relations with, II, 263; consular service in, II, 447. Morrill, Senator L. M., to consider the mat- ter of organization of House of Represen- tatives, II, 433. Morrill tariff bill, I, 679. Morris, E. Joy, recommended as Minister to Constantmople, II, 43. Morris, Lt.-Comdr. George U., defense of the Cumberland by, II, 279 ; recommended for thanks of Congi-ess, 279. Morris, Gouverneur, an autislavery man, I, 603. Morris, Capt. Henry 'W., recommended for thanks of Ctmgress, II, 151. Morris, I. N., letters, II, 400,408. Morris, James R., letter to, June 29, 1863, II, 360-353. Morris, Martin M., letters to, I, 79-81, Morris, Robert, I, 600. Morris, W. M., letter to, I. 532. Morris Island, S. C, batteries on, II, 22; hopes of capturing batteries on, 324 ; or- ders to Admiral Du Pont concerning, 324, Morrison, Col. J. L. D., service in Mexican war, 1, 146; candidate for General Land OlMce, 151, 154, 157, 160; vote for U. S. Senatorship, 214. Morrison, Col. W. R., letter to, II, 251, 252. Morristown, Tenn., Burnside at, II, 413. Morrow, R., letter to, Aug. 9, 1863, II, 383; bearer of petition to the President regard- ing trou)>les in East Tennessee, 383. Morton, Mrs. Mary E., seizure of her prop- erty by provost-marshal, II, 471, 472. Morton, Oliver P., governor of Indiana, asks for gunboat, II, 80; correspondence with, 74, 82, 83, 524, 585; asks for reinforcements for Halleck, 159; requests the President to call for volunteers, 194 ; offers one-hun- dred-day troops, 515 ; introduces Dr. Wins- ton to Gen. (Trant, 523 ; telegram to respect- ing one-hundred-day troops, 524 ; despatch to, concerning elections, 585. Mosquera government of New Granada, II, 299. Mott, Maj.-Gen. Gershom, recommended for promotion, II, 561. Moulton, , consplnints against, in the Provost-Marshal-cieiierars Department, II, 378 ; letter to, .luh' 31, 1863, 378, 379. Mound City, 111., Federal forces at, II, 84. Mountain Department, creation of, II, 137; assignment of Fremont to, 182 ; troops of, to constitute First Army Corps of Army of Virginia, 188. Mount Jackson, Va., despatch to Fremont regarding position at, II, 178, 181, 184; Fremont's pret'ercncc for, over Harrison- burg, 179; Fremont at, 182, 184; Schurz at, 183 " Mudsill " theory, the, I, 581, 582. Mulattos, 1, 234 ; slavery the principal cause of their existence. 235. Muldraugh's Hill, Federal force at, II, 84. Mules, order concerning exportation of, II, 403, INDEX 731 Munfordville, Ky., orders for movement of troopH ue;ir, II, liy. Munitions of war, trausportation of, II, 162, 1()4 ; order coiiceiiiini; exportation of, 403. Murderers, expulisiou of, from Missoiu'i, II, 417. Murders in Missouri, II. 420. Murfreesboro, Tenn., battle of, II, 293 ; Rose- craus at, 293, 310, 328, 339, 341 ; Inquiry of Gov. Johnson as to effect of battle on prospects of Tennessee, 297 ; bravery at, 398. Murillo, Seflor Manuel, question as to his recoected on route between Kansas City and, 47r) ; pioposed api)oiutment of Judge 8eatcs as chief justice at, 664. New Orleans, La., sugartransportedto Buf- falo from, \ ia canal, I, 125, 126; slavery in, 182, 601 ; Douglas (leiKiuuccs a " fatal her- esy" at, 590; tlatl)oat trip to, 640, 641 ; rais- ing the blockade of, II, 1.50, 670; capture of, 151, 192; Gen. Butler at, 198; Comdr. Porter's services at, 203; proposed ap- pointment of Bouliguy as siu-veyor at, 208 ; complaints from, 217; feeding of slaves In, 234, 235 ; tendency to famine at, 235; port of, 269; Gen. Twiggs's swords sent from, 280; the President desires to nominate Cuthbert Bnllitt as collec- tor of customs at, 284 ; excepted from declaration of Louisiana's state of rebel- lion, 288, 322 ; Gen. Butler to return to, 305, 306; J. PI Bouligny's mission to, 324; proc- laTnation of martial law in, by Gen. Jack- son, 350, 351; Dennison collector at, 469; reconnnendations from, for C. 8. Hawkes, 476; Gen. Sickles commissioned to make tour of observation via, 482, 497 ; Gen. Can- by at, 560, 593; salute fired at, 573; desig- nated as place of purchase of products of insuiTcctionary States, 579, 580; Constitu- tional edUNcntiou ill, 597; arrest of an edi- tor at the Constitutional convention, 597; military interference in, .597, 598; Banks ordered to, 602 ; permit to James Harrison to trade to and from, 621. New Orleans " Picayune," II, 2.52. Newport, Ky., salute lired at, II, 573. Newport, Vt., regulations regarding ship- ment of goods in bond to British North America from, II, 565, 566. Newport News, Va., suggestion as to Sigel's having command at, II, 174 ; Burnside at, 207. New Salem, 111 ., Li ncoln' s interest in mill at , I, 2 ; aunounconieiit of political views at, 7; Lincoln's mill and store experience in, 597, 641 ; Lincoln appointed postmaster at, 641. Newspaper criticisms, Douglas on, I, 296, 297; the President's views of, II, 435, 538. Newspapers, subseriptiims for, to be paid tlirougli post-oiliee, I, 113-115; probable erroneous reiKiiting in, 644 ; suppression of, in Missouri, II, 416. New York city, proposed Subtreasnry sta- tion at, I, 28; Douglas's work in, 262, 266; letter in regard to si)eaking in, 585 ; ad- dress, Feb. 27, 1860, at Cooiier Union, 599-612,633; address at, Feb. 19, 1861, 686, 687 ; reply, Feb. 20, 1861, to the mayor of, 687, 688 ; naval preparations at, IT, 25 ; Bates advocates line of fast vessels be- tween Key West and, 27, 28; Lieut. Porter ordered to, 28 ; Lt.-Col. Keyes ordered to, 31 ; movements of troops to ancl from, 42; question of appointing David Welib ap- l)raiser at, 46; ([uestion of appointing George Dennison na\al otiicer at, 46, 47; military line lietween Wasliiiigton and, 54; meeting in, for relief of loyal sutt'erers of Hatteras, 90; the President's gratitude to journals of, 132 ; niovennnts of vessels to Hamilton Koadsfroiii, 136; orders to the comniaudaut of the n;i\ >-yar(l at, to arm steamships fonlefense, 164 ; i'stal>lishment of coniiiiuuieatioii between Washington and, k;-) ; Seward at, 191, r.i2 ; invitation to attend mass-iiieetiiig at, 'Jos; reeinitiiigin, 217; port of, 'J(;9 ; iiileniatioiial arbitration commissi (1 11 at, couce ruing the San .huinto SMAJulcset Alaiic,Ttl; assistant-collector- shipat,313; anxiety aboutthedr.aft in, 380; Mrs. A. Lincoln in, 413, 517, 540 ; iiroposed mayoralty of Gen. Dix, 436, 437 ; meeting at Cooper Institute to i)roniote raising of volunteers, 441 ; I'reednieu's Aid Society, 461 ; retirement of Hiram Barney from custom-house at, 469 ; letter to Secretary Chase concerning the custom-house at, 481 ; propo.sed appointment of new col- lector at, 481 ; the draft in, 488; replj" to a committee from tlie Wdikingmen's As.so- ciation of, 501-503; riots in, .503; spurious proclamation circulated in, 523, 524 ; mass- meeting in, to honor Gen. Grant, 527 ; San- itary fairs in, 534; question of appoint- merit of Assistant Treasurer at, 538, 539 ; movement in, against Barney, 539; salute fired at, 573 ; N. P. Banks at, 668. New York " Day-book," I, 413. New York " Evening Post," II, 538. New York " Herald," I, 633, II, 317, .506 ; cor- respondent of, excluded from Gen. Grant's headquarters, 317. New York "Journal of Commerce," impris- onment of publisher, and seizure of office of, II, 523, 524. New York legislature, address to, Feb. 18, 1861, .at Albany, I, (!84. New York Relief Committee, address from di.stressed operatives of Blackburn, Eng., to, II, 312. New York " Senate Journal," I, 39. New York State, Democratic victory in, in 1842, I, 78; probable vote for Clay, 118; condition of the Democratic Party in, 147 ; position on public-land question, 150; free-negro vote in, 230; qualities uegro voters, 285; Abolition convention held in, 336; status of negi-o in, 344; abolition of slavery in, 488; Democratic hope for advantage in, 625; Douglas's strength in, 648; Douglas's electioneering tac- tics in, 648, 649 ; Hunt movement in, 648, 649 ; acceptance of invitation to visit legislature^ at Albany, 66S-670; population of, 683; (ieriiian troops raised in, II, 46; memorial from, regarding tlie Erie and Oswego canals, ISO; governor of, requests the President to call for volunteers, 194 ; proposed enlargement of canals in, 267; population of, 273; necessity of its coop- eration with the government, 317; Gov. Seymour asks suspension of the draft iu, 379; the draft in, 381, 382, 386, 387, 488; share in ojiening the Mississippi River, 398; correspondence with (iov. Seymour, regarding the draft in, 399, 400; resolution of the legislature in regard to canal sur- veys, 423 ; troops from, for defense of Washington, 547; Presidential election in, 613. New York "Times," reports Douglas's speech at Columbus, O., I, 599; states Lincoln's reasons for not coming before 734 INDEX tlic public, f)56 ; the President's gratitude to, II, 132; true to tlie Union, 525. New York " Tribune," error in, in relation to Texas boundary, I, 133; circulation in Illinois, 238 ; I'avorsDoiisias for t he i^cuaTe, 530; favors emancipation by purchase, II, 134 ; letter to the President from Horace Greeley in, 227. New York " World," imprisonment of pub- lisher, and seizure of office of, II, 523, 524. Niagara Falls, fraKuienliuy notes for a lec- ture on, 1, 1<>1, 1G2; Confederate commis- sioners at, 553; proposed publication of correspondence relating to meeting at, 563. Nicaragua, reply to Minister fiom, II, 23; relations with, 2C3 ; interoeeimic transit through, 44(!, 604 ; arrangement with, re- garding (hities and imposts, 4C0, 461; re- quests survey of the river Ban Juan, 604. Nicholas County, Va., excepted from iusur- rectiou proclamation, II, 195. Nicholasville, Ky., proposed railroad con- ncctiiuis with, II, 95. Nichols, Lieut. -Comdg. Edward T., recom- mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Nicholson, Senator A. O. P., letter from Cass to, on Wilmot Proviso, 1, 143. Nicolay, John G., private secretary to the President, I, 638, 645, 666-668, 670, II, 40; telegram toOen. Fr('-mont, 72; letterfrom, to Judge-Advoeat(> ]>ee,175; letter to Sec- retary 8tanton, i'.n ; letter to \Vm. Denni- son, 511 ; letter to John Hay, 527, 528 ; note to D. S. D. Baldwin, 566, 567 ; at St. Louis, 588; inquiry addressed to, concern- ing whereabouts of Rosecrans, 588; de- spatch to II. A. Swift resi>ecting petition of Gen. Barnes, 628 ; telegraphs Gov. An- drew concerning the Thirteenth Amend- ment, 634. " Niles's Register," I, 103, 143. Ninth Army Corps, II, 641, 642. Ninth Corps, should have been sent by Grant to Bimiside, II, 376. Noble, Warren P., letter to, Juue 29, 1863, II, 360-363. Noell, , member of Congress from Mis- souri, views on emancipation by pur- chase, II, 133, 134. Noggle, Charles L., cashiering of, II, 221. Nolin Creek, I, 644. Non-intercourse, proclamation of, II, 75. Norfolk, Va., naval preparations at, II, 25; Atty.-Gen. Bates advocates line of fast ves- sels between Key West and, 27, 28; seizure of the navy-yard at, by Virginia, 58 ; the Monitor's passage to, 136; suggestion of Sigel's having comniand at, 174; capture of, 192; order regarding blockade at, 253; excepted from declaration of Virginia's state of rebellion, 2sk; destitution in, 383; trial of Dr. Wright at, 404; execution of Chas. Crnmpton at, 512; desigi>ated as place of purchase of products of insurrec- tionary States, 580; the l>lockade raised in, 599 ; reopening of port of, 606 ; letter to Gen. Butler regarding affairs of , 620; ne- cessity of military occupancy of, 620; re- laxation of blockade of, 670. Norfolk County, Va., excepted from declara- tion of Virginia's state of rebellion, II, 288. North, domination of moral principle in, I, 223; Presidential greed in, 224; allega- tions of sectionalism against, 224; at- tempts to array against the Soiith, 286; position on slave-trade, 288; no natural antagonism against the South, 291, 292; electoral strength of the, 488; numerical superiority of, to South, 570; loss of Southern trade in, 626; views on slavery in, 630; danger of a divided sentiment in, II, 19 ; Southern opinion of courage in, 20; courage of, 21; Southern expectations of help from, 103; invited to declare for the Union as it was, 217 ; effect of eman- cipation in, 235 ; effect of the prelimin- ary Emancipation Proclamation in, 242; shares in the responsibility for slavery, 272; reason for negro immigration to, 275; raising of colored troops in, 342, 343. " North American Review," article in, on " The President's Policy," II, 470. Northampton County, Va., renewal of alle- giance in, II, 104 ; excepted from decla- ration of Vimiuia's state of rebellion, 288; question of exemption of, in E;niancipa- tion Proclamation, 327 ; rebels i)aroled in, by Gen. Dix, 394, 395. North Anna, inquiries concerning condi- tion of railroads crossing the, II, 335 ; Grant on, 525. North Atlantic blockading squadron, ser- vices on North Carolina coast, II, 125. North Carolina, contested election cases in, I, 79; the formation of Tennessee from, 181 ; free-negro vote in, 230 ; cedes to Fed- eral government the territory now Ten- nessee, 600, 601 ; Seward looks to, for revival of Uniou sentiment, II, 13; acts of rebellion in, 39; blockade of iiorts of, 39, 412, 670; repression of Union senti- ment in, 58 ; declared in state of insurrec- tion, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; raising troops in, 80; meeting in New York, to relieve loyal sufferers of, 90; proposed railroad connections between Kentneky and loyal regions of, 94, 95; Federal sentiment in, 104; the blockading squadron on the coast of, 125; Stanley's governorship of, 175, 243; Comdr. Rowan's services in waters of, 203; order for seizure of prop- erty and military employment of " con- trabands" in, 212; Congressional elections to be held in, 243; hope that she may re- sume self-government, 243; provision for reconstruction of, 444. Northern Central Railroad, arrangements for trip to Gettysburg, II, 439. Northwest, effect of The civil war on the settlement of the, II, 100 ; outbreak of Indians in, 310; share in opening the' Mis- sissippi River, 398. Northwestern Fair, Sanitary Commission, transmission of original draft of Emanci- pation Proclamation to, II, 429. Northwestern frontier, defense of, I, 5. Northwest Territory, slavery and the, I, 172 ; Jefferson's opposition to slavery in, 181 ; States formed from, 181 ; prohibi- tion of slavery in, 202, 324, 599, 600, 603, 604, 606, 627; freedom from slavery, 204; slavery in, 253 ; Ordinance of 1787 for gov- ernment of, 549; Jefferson's Ordinance for government of, 549 ; part of Virginia, 571 ; early ownership of, 571. Norton, J. C, signs call for Whig Conven- tion at Springfield, 1851, 1, 167. Norton, • , alleged fraud upon, by T. L. Harris, I, 444, 484. Norway. See SWKDEN and Norway. Norwich, Conn., abstract of speech, March 9, 1860, at, I, 630, 631. Nueces, Taylor's march across the desert of, 1, 121. Nueces River, boundary question, I, 101- 105, 133. Nullification question, T, 493; Clay's part in, 170, 173; slavery at bottom 'of, 506; disturbing element in the Union, 515, 516. Nullification rebellion, how checked, II, 20. INDEX 735 Oaks, Col., report of Coles County riots, II, 552. Oath, the Presidential, II, 1, 2. Oath of allegiance, the, II, 4i3, 454. 458, 486- 488, 499, 50(1, 505, 507, 511, 570, 571, 625, 659. Oaths, the Pi'csideut's views of, II, 478. Observation, habits of, I, 524. Occoquan River, proposed movements on the, II, 92, 93, 120. Ocracoke, N. C, i)ort of, declared closed, II, (170. Office-holders, effect of collection of reve- nue in specie on, I, 23. Officers, dismissal of, II, 499. Office-seeking, I, 261, 506. Offutt, Denton, hires Lincoln for flathoat trip to New Orleans, I, 640, 641 ; emjiloys Lincoln to run a store and mill, 641 ; fails in husiness, 641. Oglesby, Maj.-Gen. R. J., inquiries after con- dition of, II, 245. Ohio, public-land system comjwred with that of Illinois, I, 2(); interested in Missis- sippi Riveriraproveiuents, 125 ; position on public-land of ( )i-(linance of 1787 on, 565, 570, 571; antislavery clause in Constitution, 570; earl,\ ownership of, 571; publication of speeches in joint de- bates in, 597; Democratic defeat in, 1859, 615; Lincoln's political supporters in, 632; Lincoln invited to \isit lejj;islature, 668; acceptance of invitation, 671; use of private messengers through, II, 165; governor of, requests the President to call for volunteers, 194; develop- ment of, 269; piipulatiou of, 273; threat- ened inroads of the enemy into, 353 ; call for troops from, :i."i:S ; her military contri- butions to tlu' liOveriiHient, 362 ; no insult to, in arrest of V^illaudigliain, 362; Val- landighaui noiiiiuated ior governor of, 362, 363; offer of troops from, 514, 515; re- ply to a serenading delegation from, 531 ; remarks to a regiment from, 532 ; watch- ing Vallandigliam in, 535; order of thanks to hundred day troops from, 575; services of National (iuard of, 575; favorable elec- tion ill, .'>«,'); ie(iuest to governor of, to send returns of Presidential election, 602; Presidential eh'ctiou in, 613. Ohio County, Va., exce])ted from insurrec- tion proclamation, II, 195. Ohio Democratic State Convention, resolu- tions of, presented to the President, II, 3(;0-363. Ohio Regiments, address to the 148th, II, 570 ; address to the 164th, 566 ; address to the 166th, 567. Ohio River, the boundary line of the Ordi- nance of 1787, I, 189, 204, 549 : botindary be- tween slav<'aiid free States, ,")(;!, 570; to be vigilantly guarded, II, s(t; Federal gun- lioats on. Hi; Ilalleck's troops ordered to Rieliiuoiid by way of, 1m9; Morgan's move- ments ill defense of. 244. " Ohio Statesman," the, I, 538. Ohio troops for West Viiiiinia, II, 84. Okolona, -, Confederate retreat to, II, 172. Olden, Charles S., letter to, I, 670; governor of New Jersey, re(iuests the President to call for volunteers, II, 194. *' Old Hickory," the Democratic standard- bearer, 1, 140, 141. Old horses and military coat-tails, 1, 139-141. " Old Rough and Ready," I, 122. Oldroyd, O. H., I, 5. Old Sangamon, 111., building a boat at, I, 641. " Old Soldier," the, I, 40. Old Whig Party, Douglas's affection for, I, 271. Oligarchy, Jefferson's forebodings of, 1, 270, Olive-branch ? — or sword ? II, 14. Olustee, Fla., <'olored troops at, II, 562. Omaha, the Union Pacitic Railroad and, II, 493, 611. O'Neill, John, letter to, II, .360-363. Opdyke, George, recommends George Den- nisou as naval officer at New York, 11.47; money advanced to, for public defense, 165; mayor of New York, 404; on com- mittee of meeting at Cooper Institute to promote raising of volunteers, 441 ; let- ter to, 441, 442. Oporto, Portugal, International Exhibition at, II, 652. Ord, Maj.-Gen. E. O. C, instructions to, cotrespondenee, and transactions respect- ing the meeting of the President with Confederate commissioners in Hamp- ton Roads, II, 632, 641-644; in action, 667. Order of Retaliation, July 30, 1863, II, 378. Ordinance of 1787, restraint of slavery by, I, 182, 196, 204, 549, 550, 555, 587; the Missouri line an extension of the line of the, 189; not i-epealed by Washington Territorial law of 1853, 207 ; importance of, 549 ; Ran- dolph reports against violation of, 550; influence on Northwest Territory, 565; Douglas's views on, 570; passage of, 600; passage of act enforcing, 603, 604. Ordinance of secession, the President's opinion of, II, 437 : recommendation that it be repealed in Louisiana, 437. Ordinances of secession, II, 55. Ordnance, Comdr. John A. Dahlgren's im- provements in, II, 203 ; report of chief of, 449. Oregon, offer of governorship to Lincoln, J, 159 ; Ordinance of 1787 in, 207 ; question of admission to the Union, 314, 315, 468; boundarv question, 643; the election of 1860 in, 644, (!5o ; lack of U. S. circuit court in, II, 98 ; request to governor of, to send returns of Presidential election, 602 ; Presi- dential election in, 613. Organic laws, limitations in framing, II, 4. Orleans, Va., Confederate strength near, II, 163. Orleans Parish, La., excepted from declara- tion of Louisiana's state of rebellion, Jan. 1, 1863, II, 288. Orr, James L., view.s on rights of slave- owners in Territoi'ies, I, 436, 474 ; Speaker of House of Representatives in 18.56, 474 ; construction of Kansas-Nebraska bill, 494, 495. Orsini, Felice, attempt on Louis Napoleon's life, I, 609. Orton, William, proposed as collector, II, 228. Osgood, , vote for U. 8. senatorship, I, 214. Ospina, Manuel, relation with, as President of New Granada, II, 299. Osterhaus, P. J., Gen. Sherman complains of his appointment, II, 555. Oswego canal, memorial regarding locks on, II, 180. Ottawa, 111., Douglas's attack on Lincoln at, in regard to Siu'inglield convention, I, 443- 445, 4.52; Douglas's interrogatories to Lin- coln at, 467, 468 ; joint debate at, see Joint Debates. 736 INDEX Overflowed lands, granted to tLe States, II, 45'J. Overland mail, necessity for a dally, I, 637. Overland telegraph. Bee Telegraph. Owen, , surgeon, dismissal of, II, 499. Owens, Mary, letters to, I, 8, 15-17. Owens, Samuel A., question of release of, II. 602. Owensborough, Ky., in possession of seces- siouists, II, SO. Pacific Ocean, necessity of a railroad to the, I, 637 ; exportation of live-stock from ports on, II, 403 ; construction of railroad and telegi-apli line from the Missouri River to, 423. Pacific Railroad, construction of, 11,267,453, 611; question of soveriiment supplying iron for, 494 ; supported l>y Union National Convention, 531 ; recouinnudations of the Secretary of the Interior resjiecting, 610. See also Union Pacific Railkoad. Pacific Railroad of California, location of, II, 611. Pacific slope, wealth of, II, 269. Paddock, Orville, recommendation of, for pension asent, I, 155. Paducah, Ky., Gov. Morton asks for gun- boat from, II, 80; Federal force at, 84; Halleck's strength at, 113 ; possible move- ments of Buell's troops fi-om, 114; simi- larity of the position of the troops at, to Patterson's at Bull Run, 114. Paine, E. A., I, 521. Palmer, Maj. -Gen. John M., opposes the Ne- • braska bill, I, 214; passed over for Lin- coln as nominee for the Senate, 341, 403 ; at Lomsville, II, 654 ; despatch to, respect- ing John C. Breckinridge, 654. Pamunkey River, proposed movements near, II, 154; brids^es over, 158; proposal to accumulate troops on, 260 ; gunboats on the, 260. Panic, danger of, II, 191. Panizzi, Antonio, principal librarian of the British Museum, II, 281. Paraguay, relations with, II, 605. Pardoning power, exercise of the, II, 442, 443, 615. Pardon to deserters, proclamation olfering, March 11, 1865, II, 660, 661. Paredes, Mariano, part in the Mexican war, I, 121. Paredes, Victoriano de Diego, representa- tive of New Granada, II, 299. Paris, France, international postal confer- ence at, II, 451. Parke, Maj. -Gen. John G., correspondence, etc., relating to meeting of the President with Confederate commissioners at Hampton Roads, II, 641, 642 ; breaks the enemy's lines, 667. Parker, Gov. Joel, letter to, II, 371, 372; let- ter to, regarding raising troops in New Jersey, 37.5, 376. Parks, , I, 213. Parrott, , I, 632. Parrott guns, call for, fi'om Gen. McClellan, II, 147. Parsons, George M., letter to, 1, 595 ; under- takes publication of speeches in joint de- bates, 597. Partizanship, 1, 45-48, 152-154, 156 ; complaint atjaiust Henry Wilton for, 51, 52 ; corrupt, 636. Partridge, James R., secretary to executive committee of ludustrial Exhibition, II, 111. Party, must be sacrificed to country and hu- manity, II. 12 ; cainiot be held responsible for utterances of individ iial members, 427. Party divisions, I, 226. Party platform, a step higher than, II, 350. Party lines, transformed into geographical lines, I, 335 vt seq. Party questions, Seward's views on, II, 29. Party spirit, dominance of, I, 45-47. Paschall, N. P., letter to, I, 654. Passes, system of, in Department of Mis- souri, II, 421. Passports, new regulations, II, 124. Patent controversies, II, 494. Patent laws, I, 526-.528, 577. Patent Office, eliect of the civil war on the business of, II, loo. Patents, reports of the Secretary of the In- terior regarding, I, 451, 610. Paterson, William, a framer of the Consti- tution, I, 600. Patrick, Gen., II, £67. Patriotism, I, 14, II, 65, 96 ; importance of substituting, for party questions, 29 ; the President's esteem for, 3,51, 352 ; want of, not implied by dislike of draft, 388 ; real, 459; unexhausted, 534. Patriots of 1776, their example, 1, 12-15. Patronage, Lincoln's principles in regard to, I, 657, 659, 669 ; applications for, II, 29 ; distribution of, to soldiers or their fam- ilies, 374, 375 ; demoralization in struggles for, 522. Patterson, Maj. -Gen. Robert, his forces to be streiifitliened, 11,69; similarity of his position at Bull Run to that of Buell's troops at Paducah, 114; the President's feelings toward, 116. Patuxent River, trouble with colored troops on the, II, 428. Paul, E. A., note to, respecting loyalty of the New York " Times," II, 525. " Pawnee," steamer, put under sailing or- ders, II, 25. Paxton, Gen. E. F., killed, II, 332. Paymaster, complaint of Gen. Rosecrans regarding appointment of a, II, 315, 316. Paymaster-General, report of, II, 449; letter to the, June 25, 1864, 537 ; suggestion to, respecting service in unhealthy climates, 537. Paymasters, temptations of, II, 315, 316. Pay-system, the, II, 315. Peabody, Charles A., apjiointed judge of provisional court in Louisiana, II, 249. Peace, prospects of, II, 398; with foreign nations, 418 ; announcement concerning terms of, July 18, 1864, 550 ; the President's desire for, 575 ; the President's inflexible conditions for, 615, 633, 645. 668 ; intimation to Jefferson Davis regarding negotiations for, 629,631,6.32; abortive scheme of pe- cuniary tenns of, 636; Jefl'erson Davis's willintrness to treat for, 640 ; the Confeder- ate scheme for, 650. Peace Commissioners, safe-conduct guar- anteed to, II, 550. Pearce, Senator J. A., II, 133 ; appeal of, in behalf of Judge Ciirmichael, 188, 189. " Pearl," the, services rendered to by schooner Jli(jfil(iiirovenieiits. I, 125; weiiilit in Presidential eanipaiun of isrn;, 221 : sup- ports Bueliaiian, 221 ; abolition of slavery in, 488; iniporlaiiee to i;ei>ul)licaii Party in contest of isiio, 5si, 585; tlie Lincoln family in, 596, Ciii.s, (i5ii; l)eniocr;itic defeat in, 615 ; fears reyardin?;- folate •■leetil(io(l, up to the ripe harvest, and then let the crop go to waste," 11,373. "Uncle Sam's web-feet," II, 398. "A short and feeble existence, as an ani- mal . . . with a thorn in its vitals," II, 410. " You could board at home and menace or attack fthi^ enemy] any day," II, 419. "Every foul bird comes abroad and every diity reptile rises up," II, 420. "A grandson of Milliken's Bend," 11,430. Knowledge of color of Julius Csesar's hair immaterial as qualifleation for colonelcy of colored regiment, II, 438. " A new nation, conceived in liberty, . . . Those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. . . . From these honored dead we take increased devo- tion to that cause for which the.v gave the last full measure of devotion. . . . That these dead shall not have died in vain; tliat this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that governmeiitof the peojile, by the people, for the peojile, shall not perish from the earth," II, 439. " Our last shriek on the retreat," II, 479. " It is best not to swap horses while cross- ing the river, ... I am not so poor a horse that they might not make a botch of it in trying to swap," II, 532. "No man knows so well where the shoe pinches as he who wears it," II, 539. " Hold on with a bulldog grip, and chew and choke as nuu'li ;is possilile," II, 563. "Holding these smoky localities respon- sible foi- the eontlagrations within them has a very siilntary etlect," II, 591. "The witnesses m;iy commit perjury, but the smoker cannot," II, 591. "We all know where he [Sherman] went in, but I can't teU where he will come out," II, 615. "Until all tlie wealth piled by the bond- man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, . . . With malice toward none ; with charity for all ; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, ... To bind up the nation's wounds, to eai'c for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and liis orphan," II, 657. "Bad promises are better broken than kept," II, 673. " We shall sooner have the fowl by hatch- ing the egg than by smashing it,'"' II, 675. Piatt, John J., recommended for consulate, II, 658. " Picayune," New Orleans paper, II, 252. Pickens, Gov. Francis W., R. 8. Chew sent with message to, II, 32. Pickett, Maj.-Gen. George E., troops sent to Tennessee, II, 411. Pickett, Thomas J., letter to, I, 533 ; quarter- master's agent at Rock Island, II, 326; charges against, 326. Pierce, Franklin, Presidency of, I, 220; no sectionalism in election of, 222, 223 ; sup- ported by New England, 224; annual mes- sage of 1856, 225 ; Lincoln's charge of con- spiracy against, 303, 313, 328, 396, 397, 466, 467; nominated for Presidency, 399. Pierce, H. L., letter to, I, 532. Pierce, Gen., commanding troops in pursuit of Lee, II, 367. Pierpoint, F. H., governor of "Virginia, re- quests the President to call for volun- teers, II, 194 ; the President's reliance on, 620 ; invited to Washington, 670. Pierrepont, Edwards, on commission re- gardmg State prisoners, II, 127. Pike, J. S., U. 8. Minister at The Hague, 11, 141. Pilcher, Moses, I, 41. Pinckney, Prof., supports Lincoln for U. 8. Senatorship, I, 213, 326. Pinckney, Charles, a franier of the Consti- tutiou, I, 601, 602 ; votes against slavery prohibition and against compromises in Missouri, 602. Piqua, Ohio, Cass's superintendence of In- dian agency at, I, 144. Piracy, supi)ression of, compared with in- ternal improvements, 1,125; interference with U. S. vessels to be deemed, II, 35 ; pri- vateering is, 50. Pirates, action against, in the Eastern seas, II, 95. Pittsburg, Pa., address, Feb. 15, 1861, at, I, 677-679; remarks at, 694; shipment of mor- tars, etc., to Cairo from, II, 118; Gen. Brooks in command at, 355; Sanitary fairs in, .534 ; salute fired at, 573. Pittsburg Landing, Tenn., battle of, II, 146 ; Halleck at, 146, 147. Plantations, cultivation of, on free-labor system, II, 473, 474. Plaquemines Parish, La., excepted from declaration of Louisiana's state of rebel- lion, Jan. 1, 1863, 11,288. Platform of Republican National Conven- tion of 1860, I, 035-637. Platforms, the kind on which the early Pres- idents were elected, I, 592. Piatt, P. W., I, 354. Piatt County, Mo., disturbances in, II, 520; banishments from, 651. Pleasants County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Plunder, spirit of, among the troops, II, 113. Plymouth, N. C, ev.acuation of, II, 593; de- struction of the Albemarle at, 604; i)ortof, declared closed, 670. Plymouth emigrants, the work of the, II, 619. " Pocahontas," steamer, put under sailing orders, II, 25. Poetry, difference between poetical feeling and poetical expression, I, 86 ; reminis- cences of early life in Indiana, 86, 87 ; on Matthew Gentry, 87, 88 ; publication of, 89. Point Isabel, Tex., port of, declared closed, II, 670. Point Lookout, discharge of prisoners from, II, 290. INDEX 739 Police regulations, how to exclude slavery from Territories by, I, 512 ; iu armies, II, 155. Political prisoners, proclamation of am- nesty for, II, 125 Politicians, tampcriiia: with troops, II, 113. Politics, iniitortaiicc of young men iu, 1, 131, 134, 1:h5 ; slavery dissonslous in, 507; not to be brought into leli'ziDU, 622; morality not to be iTitroduccd into, 622; use of money in, 631 ; diMrc.Lfardccl in matters of military merit, II, 252; mixture of, with profession of arms, 307. Polk, James K., President of United States, message of May 11, 1846, I, 97, 101; mes- sage of Dec. 8, 1846, ; inexpedient c[uotation of Jeffei-son by, 127 ; vetoes of improvement measures indorsed by Gen. Cass, 139. Polygamy question in Utah, I, 227. Pomeroy, Senator S. C, complaint to, re- garding arrests of slaves in Missouri, II, 374; iiaper iswued by, 487, 491 ; letter from, 489; committee of , and secret issues and agents, 489; letter to, 520; matter of ap- pointment of assessor iu Kansas, 520; peculiar dispositiduof, 520. Pope, Alexander, quoted. I, 576. Pope, Maj.-Gen. John, achievements of, II, 144; assigned to command Army of Vir- ginia, 188; in charge at tlie capital, 188; views as to !>r<'( lellan's jxisition, 188; Inquiry concerning King's division, 221; McClellau to open communication with, 229; correspoudence with, 252, 323, 651, 652, 658, 663 ; at 8t. Paul, 252, 279 ; re- ports as to Indian exeeutions, 279; at Milwaukee, 323; iustructions to, regard- ing crossing Into Itritish territory, 323; social influences of Ht. Louis ui the way of, 463; disaster at BuU Run, 480; at St. Louis, 651, 658, 663; complaint to, about provost-marshal abuses in Mis- souri, 651, 652 ; inquiry addressed to, con- cerning Gen. Fisk's administration, 652; despatches to, concerning affairs in Mis- souri, 658, 663. Pope, Nathaniel, letter to, I, 158; resolu- tions of Illinois bar on death of, 161. Popular government, II, 7 ; question of its stability, 65 ; the first principle of, 502 ; strength of, 595. Popular sovereignty, Douglas's doctrine of, I, 248, 249, 294, 428-430, 482, 541, 542, 544-548, 555-557, 564, 570, 573, 586-589, 592, 607, 620, 627, 657, 660; its origin in Declaration of Independence, 250; war-cry of Douglas's campaign against Lincoln, 262-264; de- scent of the genius of, 271, 272; rights of, 285, 286; wliat is, •I'.n, 292; Lincolu's views on, 537 ; definition of a genuine, 541 ; Doug- las's doctrine of, cariied to logical cori- clusiou, revives African slave trade, 564; Douglas's tluorv of, in reiiard to abolition of slavery in Illinois. r.VJ : the real, 673,586; the sugar roated name for policy oif in- differeiu'c regarding slavery, 620, 631 ; road t() nationalization of slavery, 622; Eli Tliayer's doctrine of, (;58, 660. Population of United States, increase of, I, 583, If, 106, 269, 272, 2*^3, 418, 610; propor- tion of slaves in, 613, 618, 630 ; increase due to the preservation of the Union, 635 ; aug- mented l>y iiniuigi-ation, II, 587. Porter, , in Fislier nuirder case, I, 51. Porter, Adm. D. D., confidential instruc- tions to, April 1, 1861, II, 28 ; orders, April 1, 1861, to proceed to Pensacola, 28; cre- ated captain, 46 ; relieved from special service, 46; recommended for tlianks of Congress, 152, 203, 307; services at New Orleans, 203 ; services at Arkansas Post, 307. Porter, Gen. Fitz-John, relations with Mc- Clellan, II, 149; inquiry conccruinghis ex- pedition, 167 ; question of makingjniiction with McDowell, 167; defeats Kranch at Hanover Court House, 167, 168; opposed to Gen. Branch, 169; in action, 191 ; mem- orandum of questions and answers be- tween the President and, at Han-ison's Landing, Va., 201; strength of, 202, 232; ordered to Join McClellan, 232 ; Ellet or- dered to report to, 252 ; relieved from com- mand in Army of Potomac, 252; instruc- tions to the judge-advocate general, to revise i)roceediugs of the court-martial, 298; indorsement on ])roeeedings and sen- tence of the court -martial on, 303, 304. Port Gibson, Miss., capture of, II, 368. Port Hudson, La., lianks's operations at, II, 304; colored troojis at, ',(;>. Portland, Me., collectorship at, tendered to (iov. Washburne, II, 430. Port Leon, Fla., port of, declared closed, II, 670. Port Royal, N. C, proposal to accumulate troops at, II, 259 ; excepted from declara- tion of .'States in state of rebellion, 322. Port Royal, S. C, Federal possession of, II, 104; capture of forts at, 122 ; " contrabands" at, 126; raisini,'- t lie blockade of. 150; Gen. Hunter's heail(|uarteis at, 155; C apt. John L. Lardner's services at, 203; designated as place of jjurchase of itroducts of insur- rectionary States, 580 ; relaxation of block- ado of, 670. Portsmouth, Va., excepted from declara- tion of Virginia's state of rebellion, II, 288 ; destitution in, 383. Portugal, correspondence with, regarding cotton culture iu Africa, II, 128 ; relations with, 263 ; Hiram Barney projjosed as Min- ister to, 481 ; invites co(">))cration in Inter- national Exhibition at Oporto, 6.52. Portuguese, status under the Declaration of Independence, I, 272. Postal convention, proposal for a, II, 266. Postal revenue, international postal confer- ence, II, 451. Postal service, treason in the, II, 124 ; im- provement of, 266. Postmasterships, distribution of, to soldiers and their families, II, 374, 375. Post-Office, Douglas's claims of payments for, in 1838, I, 34; extravagant expendi- tures for, by Van Bureii administration, 34; transmission of free mail-matter, II, 100; regulations to prevent treasonable correspondence through the, 124. Post-Office Department, suliscriptiims for newspapers, etc., through agencv of, I, 113-115; statistics of, II, 99, ino; linancial cundition, 1S61-62, 265, 266 ; prosperity of, 451; resignati(m of Mr. Blair, 579, 581; re- ceipts and exi>endituies of, c.IO. Potomac campaign, iu(iuiries from Gen. Mc- Clellau regarding, II, 92, 93. Potomac River, justification of a possible military crossing of the, II, 38; camps on, 69; (piestion of extending the Di.sfrict of Columbia across, 100; no insurrection north of, 104; to be cleared from the en- emy's l)atteries, 131; defense of, 142, 181, 187, 295; pro])osed movements on, 1.54; the Federal line l)roken on the upper, 15?; danger of the Confederates crossing, at Harper's Ferry, 163; forts on, 187; d;in- 740 INDEX gers on, 193 ; Jackson crosses, at Williams- port, 233; McClclliiii ordered to cross, 244; McClellau's crossiim' of the, 24G, 250; Mc- Clellan's movemeuts by way of, 247 ; use of ^mboats ou, to remove loyal refugees from Virsiiiia, 291 ; advice to Hooker con- cerning Lee's movements toward the up- per, 345 ; the enemy crossing, at Williams- port, 353 ; Confederate retreat across, 365, 367, 369, 373 ; Lee's inability to cross, 367 ; floods in, after Gettysburg, 369 ; the Pres- ident's belief that Lee could not escape from north of, 373 ; the President's desire that Meade should pursue Lee across, 377; Gen. Stone commanding division on, 510; Confederate crossing of, 547. Potter, Howard, letter to, II, 655, 656. Poughkeepsie, N. Y., Fred Douglass speaks at, in support of Lincoln, I, 401 ; address at, 685. Powell, E. N., on committee for resolutions on death of Judge Pope, I, 161. Powell, Senator, Lazarus W^., letter to, Feb. 4, 1862, II, 121; matter referred to Gen. Boyle, 308. " Powhatan," steamer, Lieut. Porter or- dered to command, II, 28. Prall, J. A., matter of release of G. W. Bow- en referred to, II, 592. Prayer, a day of, recommended by Con- gress, and proclaimed by the President, Aug. 12, 1861, II, 73, 74; the President's faith in, 148; appointment of day of, 543, 544. Preble, Lieut. -Comdg. George H., recom- mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Precedents, limitati(m of, II, 287. Precious metals, the yield of, II, 418. Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, Sept. 22, 1862, II, 237, 238. Prentice, George D., letter to, I, 652; sup- ports Douglas, 652. Prentiss, — -, represents Herman Koppel, in blockade case at Charleston, II, 305. Presbyterian church, slavery dissensions in, I, 507. Presbyterian General Assembly, reply to memliers of the, II, 342. Presidency, alleged "burden to the many, and benetit to the few," 1, 126 ; suggestion of Lincoln's name for, from Rock Island, 533; Lincoln's opinion of his fitness for, 533,538; nominatiou to, 634 ; responsibili- ties of the, 672, 676, 677, 681, 684-695 ; a sec- ond term suggested by E. B. Washburne, II, 430 ; the President'.s policy of non-inter- ference respecting his renomination for, 528, 536. Presidential campaign of 1840, labor in, 1, 642. Presidential election of 1856, Pierce's opin- ion of, I, 225. Presidential elections, how far representa- tive of the people's wishes, 1, 138; should be distinct from general country legis- lation, 139; Liuei tin's policy of non-inter- ference with, II, 589; tiie President's opinion, 589, 599; evidence of the popu- lar voice, 612, 613; national strength ex- hibited in results of, 613, 614. See also Elections. Presidential nomination, convention for, I, 72. Presidential oath, the, II, 7 ; limitations of, 60, 508. Presidential office, a public iTUSt, II, 66; limitations on the powers of, 81; rights, duties, and liabilities of. 361 ; the Presi- dent's views of the rc(|uirenients of, 508. President of United States, Tiiilitary powers of, I, 111, 112; iiolicy of, in regard to legis- lation, 134; a representative of the peo- ple, 137 ; no power to levy war, 643 ; source of his authority, II, 6 ; no author- ity to provide for sei)aratiou of the States, 6, 7 ; duty of, 7 ; wisdom of short tenn of, 7. Presidents, former, II, 2. Press, encouragement of the, 1, 113 ; misrep- resentations by, 656. Preston, , 1, 157. Preston, Maj.-Gen., wounded at Chleka- mauga, II. 412. Preston, William Ballard, member of com- mittee from Virginia Convention, II, 32; treason of, 348. Preston County, excepted from insurrec- tion proclamiition, II, 195 Price, , defakation of, I, 26, 35. Price, Margaret C, asks release of her son, II, 591. Price, Philemon B., application for his re- lease, II, 591. Price, Maj.-Gen. Sterling, retreat to Arkan- sas, II, 86, 87 ; Halleck's operations against, 113; fighting Curtis, 588; pur- sued by Curtis, 593. Price, Mrs. 'Winifred E., proposed banish- ment of, II, 630. Princess Ann County, Va., excepted from declaration of Virginia's state of rebellion, Jan. 1, 1863, II, 288. Printing, on the invention of, I, 526, 527. Prison depots, recruiting in, II, 579. Prisoners of war, II, 407 ; discharge of, from Point Lookout, 290; exchange of, 478, 499, .501; question of dealing with those desii-ing to take the oath, 499. not entitled to amnesty under proclamation of Dec. 8, 1863, 505. Privateering, abolished by the Congress of Paris, II, 51 ; Confederates announce in- tention to resort to, 59 ; resolution of the House respecting, 107. Privateers, to be tTeated as pirates, II, 50 ; report of Secretary of State regarding those of insurgents in foreign ports, 146. Private messengers, use of, at outbreak of the insurrection, II, 165. Private property, destruction of, II, .561. Prize courts, question of jurisdiction over government mail of neutral power cap- tured on vessel breaking blockade, II, 326, 327 ; adjudications of, 445. Proclamations : 1861, Apr. 15, calling out 75,000 militia, and convening Congress in extra session, II, 34. Apr. 19, declaring blockade, II, 35. Apr. 27, proclaiming blockade of South- ern ports, II, 38, 39. May 3, calling for volunteers, II, 41,42. May 10, suspending habeas corpus in Florida, II, 45. Aug. 12, of national fast-day, II, 73, 74. Aug. 16, forbidding intercourse witli rebel States, II, 75. 1862, Feb. 19, for celebration of W^ashington's birthday, II, 126. Apr. 10, recommending thanksgiving, II, 143, 144. May 12, raising the blockade of certain ports, II, 150. May 19, revoking Gen. Hunter's order of military emancipation, II, 155, 156. July 1, concerning taxes in rebellious States, II, 195, 196. July 25, warning against rebellion, II, 214. Sept. 24, suspending habeas corpus, II, 239, INDEX 741 Proclamations — continued. Dec. 30, clratt of the Emancipation Proclamation as .submitted to the Cabinet for Hnal revision, II, 28&. 1863, Jan. 1, Emancipation, II, 287, 288. Feb. 28, convening the Senate, 11, 312, 313. Mar. 10, granting amnesty to soldiers absent without leave, II, 314, 31.5. Mar. 30, appointing national fast-day II, 319, 320. Apr. 2, about commercial intercourse, II, 321, 322. Apr. 20, admitting West Virginia into the Union, II, 320. May 8, concerning aliens, II, 333, 334. June 15, calling for 100,000 militia for six montlis, II, 353. July 15, for Thanksgiving, II, 370. Sept. 15, suspending habeas corpus, II, 406, 407. Sept. 24, opening the port of Alexan- dria, Va., II, 412. Oct. 3, for Thanksgiving, II, 417, 418. Dec. 8, of amnesty and reconstruction, II, 442-444. Dec. 16, concerning discriminating du- ties, II, 460, 401. 1864, Feb. 18, concerning blockade, II, 484- 486. Mar. 26, about amnesty, II, 504, 505. May 18, (Howard's bogus), II, 523, 524, 567. July 5, suspending habeas corpus, II, 541-543. July 7, for a day of prayer, II, 543, 544. July 8, concerning bill to guarantee re- publican form of govt ruiiu'ut, and concerning reconstruction, II, 545. July 18, calling lor 500,000 volunteers, II, 550, 551. Aug. 18, conccruiug commercial regu- lations, II, 505, 500. Sept. 3, of Thanksgiving, II, 571, 572. Oct. 20, of Thanksgiving, II, 587. Oct. 31, admitting Nevada into the Union, II, 592. Nov. 19, concerning blockade, II, 599. Dec. 19, calling for 300,000 volunteers, II, 617. 1865, Jan. 10, concerning commerce, II, 626, 627. Feb. 17, convening the Senate in extra session, II, 652, 0.53. Mar. 11, offering pardon to deserters, II, 660, 661. Mar. 17, concerning Indians, II, 662, 663. Apr. 11, respecting opening of poi-ts, II, 670, 671. Apr. 11, concerning U. 8. vessels of war in foreign ports, II, 671, 672. Production, share of burden of tariflf, I, 90. Property, love of, conlli(^ts with conscious- ness of right and wrong, I, 013 ; its quality and relation to laltor, II, 503. Property idea of slavery. See Slavert. Pro-slavery theology, I, 413, 414. Prosperity, signs of, I, 680 ; the national, II, 319. Protection, I, 678, 679 ; Lincoln's views on, 584, 651. Protection of American industry, I, 72, 73, 89-95, 134; compared with fi-ee trade, 90- 95 ; supposititious cases of ett'ect of, 90, 91, 93-95 ; Congressional power in, 127 ; po- sition of Republican National Convention in regard to, 637. Protection of commerce on high seas, 1, 125. Protective War Claim Association, II, 656. Providence, tlie President's anxiety to know the will of, 11, 234; an cvir-watchful, 418. Providence, R. I., postniastirsliip at, 11,45; meeting of Society of Friends at, 139. " Providencia," the Spanish bark, award to, for seizure by blockading scpiadron, II, 118. Provost guards, their use in Maryland elec- tions, II, 434. Provost-marshal, not the judge as to confis- cated property, II, 471, 472. Provost-Marshal-General, the, complaints against Moulton, II, 378; report of, con- cerning the draft in New York State, 380; direction of the draft by, 40ii; jurisdic- tion in matter of the draft, 400, 401 ; report of, 449 ; to assign quotas on call for volun- teer.s, 618 ; orders to, concerning the draft, 637. Provost-marshals, suspension of, in Mis- souri, II, 299 ; limitations on their duties, 471, 472, 625 ; abuses by, in Missouri, 651. Prussia, correspondence with, regarding the Trent affair, II, 117; proposition to, for international convention to settle dis- putcil (juestious, 202 ; relations with, 263; arraiii;(iiient for equalizing duties on ves- sels of. 400. Pryor, Roger A., author of phrase "irre- prtssilile conflict," T, 568, 624; editor of the Kichniond "Enriuircr," 590; statement by, that go\-ernnient cannot endure half slave and iialf free, 5iio ; editor of the " States," 590; question of exchange of, II, 654. Public credit, the, II, 204, 265; support of the, 301. Public debt, interest on, fiscal year 1861-62, II, 205; payment of. fiscal year 1861-62, 265; national laith to ))e, kept inviolate for ri'iloiii|ilioii of, 5:!i ; advantage of gen- eral distriliiilioii of, (;(18; amount of, 60S; proposed exemption of securities of, from taxation, oos. Public discussion, the right of, not affected 1)V military arrests in time of rebellion, li, 350, 351. Public domain, the question of disposition of, overshadowed by the slavery question, I, 617. Public dues, necessity of a currency in which they may be paid, II, 301. Public improvements, not local in char- acter, I, 125, 126; Kent on powers of Con- gress, 127, 128 ; Jett'erson on, 127, 128; per- sonal or local interests hindrances to, 130; suggestion of rational way of i)rovidiug for, 130; joint action of States and Federal go\ernment in prosecution of, 131; Gen. Ta\lor'si)eech on railroad and canal grants of, 149-151; status of trespassers upon, 546, 547 ; i)osi- tion of Republican National Con^■l>ntion of 1860 in regard to, 037 ; receipts from sale of, II, 100; proposed conference between the Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of the Interior regarding, 259 ; report of the Secretary of the Interior re- garding, 1801-62, 266; Treasury receipts from, fiscal year 1861-62, 206 ; claims of 742 INDEX IlUnois on sales of, 395: report of the Sec- retary of the Interior as to, 1863, 451, 452; increase in sale of, 452 ; settlement of, 452 ; recommendations of the Secretary of the Interior in regard to, 610 ; disposition of, 611 ; surveys, 611 ; sales of, 611. Public moneys, collection, keeping, and dis- bursement of, in foreign countries, I, 23. Public officers, dangers of intrigues among, II, 504. Public opinion, T, 225, 298, 422, 557, 560, 613, 619, II, 5. Public safety, powers of the executive to preserve tlie, II, 361. Public schools, opened equally to blaclr and white in Louisiana, II, 674. Public servants, misunderstandings be- tween the public and, to be avoided, II, 388. Puget Sound, appointment of L. C. Gium as collector at, II, 335; removal of collector of customs at, 335. Puget's Sound Agricultural Co., treaty with Great Britain conccrniug claims of, II, 496, 497; adjustment of claims of, 607. Punishment, failure to prevent crime, I, 29. Purple, Norman H., disputed election case of, I, 42 ; on committee for resolutions on death of Judge Pope, 161 ; indorses Lin- coln's fee-bUr against Illinois Central R. K. Co., 219. Putnam County, 111., weightin Congression- al election, I, 80. Putnam County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Quaker ancestry, I, 117, 596. Quartermaster-General, report of, II, 449. Queen, Lieut. -Comdg. Walter 'W., recom- mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Quincy, 111., arrangements for Joint debate with Douglas in, I, 275-277 ; Douglas's at- tack on the administration at, 496, 497 ; Lin- coln's statement in regard to Know-no- thing lodges at, 646 ; joint debate at, see Joint Dehates. Quincy, Josiah, letter of counsel from, II, 406 ; letter to, 400. Quito, Ecuador, convention signed at, con- cerning claims between the United States and Ecuador, II, 497. Race prejudice, I, 257-260. Raids, Confederate, II, 310, 311, 421. Railroad corporations, legislation in regard to, I, 239. Railroads, opinion of, I, 1. 2; views on con- structing, 7 ; State aid for, 8 ; speech on grants of public lands to, 149-151; Con- gressional provision for, invited, II, 94 ; destruction of, in Maryland, 103; taking military possession of, 161, 162 ; question of repairing, 244; construction of, con- centrating Upon Washington, 303; com- pletion of that to Springfield, Mo., urged, 303; construction of line from Missouri River to Pacific Ocean, 423 ; lands granted for, 452; agricultural scrip certified to States for, 611; transcontinental, 611. Railway systems in Europe, resolution of the Senate respecting, II, 137. Raleigh County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Ralston, Judge, I, 46. Ramsey, Alexander, governor of Minne- sota, requests the President to call for volunteers, II, 194; telegram to, 228. Randall, Gov. A.W., suggests that the Pres- ident take a vacation, II, 561; tran.smits letter from C. D. Robinson to the Presi- dent, 563. Randolph, Edmund, on constitutionality of United States Bank, 1, 136. Randolph, George W., member of commit- tee from Virginia State Convention, II, 32. Randolph, John, reports against violation of Ordinance of 1787, 1, 550. Randolph, , pardon of, II, 501. Randolph County, Va., excepted from insirr- rection proclamation, II, 195. Rank, military jealousy of, II, 316. Ranney, Nathan, letter from, concerning Dr. McPheeters, II, 464. Ransdell, Capt., witness in Fisher murder trial, I, 49. Ransom, Lieut. -Comdg. George M., recom- mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Rapidan River, II, a25. Rapides Parish, La., starvation,in 11,578,579. Rappahannock River, Gen. McClellan's plans for movements by way of, II, 120; the Confederates on, 142; McDowell's movements on, 145; transportation on, 176; Gen. Franklin's opinion as to line of operations, 202; proposal to accumulate troops on, 259 ; gunboats on, 259, 260 ; Bum- side desires to cross, 288, 289, 294 ; Halleck favors Burnside's crossing, 295; chances of victory on, 295 ; contest about n mte into Richmond by, 322 ; report of Hooker's re- treat across, 332; advice to Hooker con- cerning movements on, 336, 337, 344, 345 ; engagement near, Oct. 14, 1863, 427, 428; Meade's successes on, 437. Rappahannock Station, Va., Meade's suc- cess at, II, 437. Rawlins, Gen., II, 554. Ray, Dr., I, 236; elected clerk of Illinois Senate, 212. Raymond, Henry J., letters to, I, 656, II, 132; communication to, resjiecting pub- lication of correspondence with Greeley, 563 ; draft of instructions to, 568 ; proposed conference with Jefferson Davis, 568. Read, George, I, 600-602. "Rebecca," Lincoln's pseudonym in "San- gamon Journal," I, 69. " Rebellion," or " secession," II, 61. Rebellion, the root of, II, 271; a gigantic case of, 347 ; inadequacy of coiu'ts of jus- tice in times of, 347, 348 ; the existence of a, 362, 363 ; the army and navy constitu- tional means for suppressing, 363; the strength of the, 396. Rebel prisoners, question of release of, II, 177. Receipt for arms, I, 4. Receivers-general, proposed appointment of, under subtreasury scheme, I, 28. Reciprocity with the Sandwich Islands, II, 478. See also Canada. Recognition of the Confeder.ate States, what constitutes, II, 50 ; of the insurgents' belligerent rights, 261. Recommendations for office, I, 151-158. Reconstruction, proclamations of, II, 442- 444, 454-456, 545 ; in Arkansas, 479, 545, 612 ; in Tennessee, 482, 631 ; Gen. Sickles com- missioned to make tour of investigation concerning, 483; in Louisiana, 545, 560, 597, 598, 603, 612, 616, 617, 625,626,673-675; diflBculties of, 672, 673. Rectortown, Va., McDowell at, II, 171, 172. Reddick, William, I, 354. Red River, Banks's expedition up, II, 578 ; permit to James Harrison to trade on, 621. Reed, Rev. Alexander, invites the Presi- dent to preside at meeting of the U. S. Christian Commission, II, 311 ; letter to, 311. Reed, J. H., letter to, I, 651. Reeder, A. H., I, 217. INDEX 743 Reese, Rev. A. A., representative of the East Baltimore Metliodist Oouference, II, 152, 153. Reeside, James, mail-contract frauds, I, 34, lO'J. Reformation, on the, I, 526. Refugees from Virginia, II, 291. Regiments : 3tt Delaware, II, 226. 32d Illinois, II, 598. 6th Kentucky, II, 297. 4th Michigan Volunteers, II, 73. 78th New York Infantry, II, 293. 189th New York, II, 590. 12tli Ohio, II, 510. 14:8th Ohio, II, 570. 164th Ohio, II, 566. 166th Ohio, II, 567. 72d Pennsylvania Volunteers, II, 222. 76th PenuBvlvania Volunteers, II, 585. 18th U. 8. Infantrv, II, 501. 6th Wisconsin, II, 501. Regiments, recruiting old, with drafted men, II, 251. See also TKt)OPS. Reid, Whitelaw, at Baltimore Convention, II. 528. Religion, the national political, I, 12; sla- very dissensions in, 507; politics not to be introduced into, 622. Religious denominations of Chicago, reply to committee from, asking the issuance of emancipation proclamation, II, 234- 236. Reno, Maj.-Gen. J. L., patriotism of, II, 258. Renomination, letter accepting the, June 27, 1864, II, 538. Renshaw, Comdr. William B., recommended for thanks of ConsiTess, II, 152. Renwick, G. W., I, 354. Representation, slaves as a basis of, I, 623. Representative government, its great living principh^, I, 140. Representatives, their duties, 1, 1, 7. Reprieves, power of President to grant, II, 442. Reprisal, Gov. Johnson's measures of, II, 176. Republican Party, points of difference with, 1,210; position on the Dred Scott case, 234, 285,463; position on the status of the ne- gro, 235; dangers of secession to Douglas, 238; prospects for Convention of 18.58, 239; struggle against Leeomptoii Constitution, 242, 250, 2.51; strength of, 245, 529; alleged combination against Douglas, 247, 248; po- sition on popular sovereignty, 250, 530; Douglas's position in regard to, 256, 257 ; its inception, formation, etc., 256, 279, 287, 322, 423 ; position on slaverv, 257, 302, 363, 423, 467, 468, 488, 508, 509, S.^i, 569, 588, 591, 599, 605, 608-616, 619, 020, 623, 630, 675 ; dis- advantages in Illinois, 260-262; the stan- dard-bearer of, 261 ; princii)les of, 279, 280, 530, 532, 533, 541; Douglas's iirojiheey of resultsof its success, 280; alleged platform of, 286, 287; position as to acciuirenient of additiounl territory, 317, 318; foiinationof platform in Illinois, 331 ; formed from the Whig Party, 336; demand for reiteal of fugi- tive-slave law, 337 ; demands of their plat- form, 337, 339; names Lincoln as ■' first, last, and only choice" for U. S. Seimtor, 341, 403; Douglas's statement as to why it nom- inated Lincoln for the U. S. Senate. 402; policy of, 424; making energetic ti:;ht in niinoig, 431; charged with sectionalism, 431, 439, 440, 471,60.5,606,626,64.'. ; iiriuciples of. do not obtain in the South, 43'.t ; differ- ence between Douglas and, 442; Douglas's charge of combination between JJational Democrats and, 442, 443 ; State convention atBloomington, 111., May, 1856, 4.56 ; nation- al convention at Philadelphia, .lune, 1856, 456: Illinois State convention at Spring- field, June, 1K.">8, 451;; nominates Lincoln for Senator, 4.'ii; ; platform of Congression- al convention at liockford, 111., in 1854, 465; platfin'm of Congressional convention at Blooujington, 111., in 1854, 465; pledges of, 465; platform of Congi'essional conven- tion at Aurora. 111., Sept., 1854, 465, 466; bounded bv i^^eograpliical lines, 470; nom- ination of' Lincoln for U. S. Senator, 485; vote in Illinois, 1858, 520; danger to, 531 ; Lincoln's views on fusion with opposition elements, for I860, 534, 535; must guard against divisions, 535 ; the standard must be kept up, 535; dan,ger to national con- vention from local issues, 537 ; chief dan- ger to the, 541; deterniimitiou of, 569; needs of, for the election of I860, 575; im- portance of Pennsvhauia to, in contest of 1860, 584, .585 ; Lincoln's zeal for, 585; im- portance of Illinois to, in election of 1860, 5H."); purpose of organization, 585, 586; the cement of the party, 591 ; mistaken ideas about, 591 ; resiUts of the tight against Douglas in, 592; possibility of a Union ticket with the South, in 1860, 591, 592; ul- timate triumph of the principles of, 593, 594 ; loyalty of N. B. Judd to, 595 ; debating ground between Douglas Democrats and, 599 ; Southern opinion of, 605 ; charged with being revolutiimarj^, 606, 6'27 ; position of non-interference with slavery where it exists, 607, 608, 611, 612, 619, 620, 628-631 ; charged with stirrin.g up insurrections, 607-609, 624, 625, 628 ; charged with connec- tion with .Tohu Browii's raid, 607-609,615, 616, 624, 625; propose no violation of the Constitution, 60;»; what the South demands of, 611, 612; duty to i)reserve peace, 611, 6'28; duties before, 616,617; the most im- portant question in the organization of, 616, 617 ; charged with hostility to the Union, 619 ; claims to be the only true Union party, 619 ; signs of approaching tri- umph of, 624; charged with invading the South, 624, 625, 6'28; charged with being de- structive, 627; conservatism of, 627; must conciliate the South if possible, 628; vindi- cation of principles of, 631; nomuiates Lincoln for President. 6:14 : indorses the Declaration of Indepindence, 635; raison d' ctre, 635; adheres to the Constitution, 635; po.9ition on State rights, 635, 636; ad- heres to the Union. 635, 636; position on lawless invasion of States and Territo- ries, 636; Cassius M. Clay labors for, 645; prospects of success in l.s60, 64.5,650; po- sition of, in Jannaiv, 1861, 664; the tariff plank in the Chicago platform, 678, 679; apprehensions in the South regarding its accession to jiower, II, 1; clause in plat- form regardiiiic state riglits, 1 ; effect of a policy of conciliation on, 12: responsibility of maintaining the Union on, 12; temper manifested by, regarding Fort Sumter, 29. Republican institutions, the preservation. of, I, 635. Republicanism, a principle of, I, 1. Republican National Convention at Chicago, i860, letter of acceptance of nomination to, I, 635 ; platf(U-ni, 635-6:i7 ; condemns the Democratic administration, 636. Republican platform of 1854, Lincoln ques- tioned by Douglas as to approval of, 1, 300 et scq. Republican platform, against admission of more slave States, I, 453 ; principles must be kept up, 534. 744 INDEX Republican platform of i860, Lincoln's ap- proval of, I, 651, 659. Republican State (111.) Convention of 1854, 1, 300, 301, 319, 320. Republican ticket of i860, I, 534. Republics, is there au inherent weakness in •'. II, 58. Restriction of 1820, I, 220. Retaliation, II, 77, 420; order of, July 30, 1863, 378; execution in, 600. Revenue, means of collection and deposit of, I, 21-31 ; Whig doctrine of a national hank for handlinu' the public, 72; tariff for, 72-74; exces.s of expenditure over, 73, 74; position of Repulilicau National Con- vention of 1860, in regard to raising. 637 ; use of force in collection of, II, 14; in- quiry of the Secretary of the Treasury as to importations of goods contrary to rev- enue laws, 24; incpiiry of the Attorney- General as to collection of duties and reg- ulating importations, 25; Caleb Smith advocates collection with all the power of the government, 27 ; impossibility of col- lecting in Southern States, 35; obstruc- tion of collection of, in Southern States, 39 ; Confederate seizures of the public, 55 ; statistics of, 96; ((uestiou of providing, 264; licucticial legislation affecting, 607. Revenue and finance systems of foreign countries, II, 141, 142. Revenue service, inquiry as to using naval ships to aid the, II, 24, 25 ; treason in the, 124. Revolution, the right of, 1, 105 ; what would justify a, II, 4. Revolution of 1775, influence of the scenes of the, 1,14, 15 ; battle-fields of the, in New Jersey, 688 ; the di-aft in the, II, 391. Reynolds, Dr., I, 537, 538. Reynolds, John, governor of Illinois, I, 76 ; opposition to Whig measures, 76; sup- ports Truiubull, 338; iu convention at Springlicld, 351; Abolitionist worker, 403 ; stumps Illinois against Douglas, 401. Reynolds, Gen. J. J., instructions to, regard- ing seizure of property by military au- thorities, II, 471, 472. Rhett, R. B., objection to census statistics, I, 130. Rhode Island, abolition of slavery iu, I, 488; political situation in, in 1860, 033; Gen. Butler proposes to raise troops in, II, 78; letter from the Society of Friends in, 139 ; Gov. Sprague of, 200; formation of dis- tricts in, 220; population of, 273; Presi- dential election in, 613, 614. Rice, A. H., despatch to, giving ox to sail- ors' fair, II, 594. Richardson, \Villiam A., I, 231 ; resolutions iu regard to Mexican war, 101, 104, 110. Richardson, , author of story of Lin- coln's connection with Know-nothing Party, I, 646. Richardson, Maj.-Gen. Israel B., patriotism of, II, 258. Richmond, Dr., candidate for Speakership of Illinois House of Representatives, I, 212. Richmond, Va., Convention of the State of Virginia, at, II. 33, 58 ; establishment of the Confederate eai)ital at, 58, 59; Washing- ton thrfatciicd from, 142, 190; the road to, open to Wool and Bumside, 152; question of Frem(mt's advance on, 1.53; proposed movement on, 154; McDowell ordered to march on, 1.54; suspension of Mc- Dowell's movement on, 160 ; McClellan be- fore, plans for movements and his opera- tions, 161, 163, 166, 184, 189, 192, 197, 206, 246, 409; concentration of enemy at, 168, 189, 190, 192 ; reinforcements for Jackson from, 179, 181, 184, 185; pendency of battle at, 180; Jackson's schem(>8to assist, 181 ; Gen. b'cott's views on availability of troops for attack on, 187 ; importance of capture of, 187, 192-194; the Army of Virginia to oper- ate against, 188 ; Halieck ordered to send 25,000 troops to, 189; ConfcdcrMtc move- ment from, 190; no forniiilabk' insurgent force except at, 193; Confederate strength at, 198; Confederate troops from Corinth in front of, 200; moral efl'cctof battle, 218; counsel to McClellan in regard to advance on, 246, 247 ; inquiry of Gen. Dix as to en- emj''8 force at, 254 ; scheme of march to, 260 ; not the main object of the Army of the Potomac, 295, 322, 409 ; visit of M. Mer- cier to, 309; plan of campaign against, 322; no eligible route into, 322; Federal cavalry raid to within five miles of, 332 ; condition of, as reported by Gen. Willich, 334; inquiries concerning condition of railroads between Fredericksburg and, 335 ; inquiry addressed to Hooker for news from, 340; advice to Hooker on the investment of, 345 ; defense of, 409 ; the President repudiates the idea of lighting the enemy back to, and then capturing him, 409 ; Ewell's avoidance of, 428; Capt. Ten Eyck a prisoner at, 501 ; Grant's de- termination regarding, 535; services of the national guard of Ohio before, 575; Lt.-Gov. Jacob in, 624 ; attempted escape of ex-Senator Foote to Washington fi'om, 628; F. P. Blair seeks to visit, 640; Single- ton and Hughes in, 659 ; evacuation of, 667, 672; the President at, 668, 669; Gen. Weitzel at, 669, 675, 676 ; port of, declared closed, 670. Richmond and Fredericksburg railroad, in- quiry about seizure of, II, 168; Federal seizi'ire of. 170. " Richmond Enquirer," I, 225, 413, 568, 590, 624; inventor of phrase " State equality," 225. Richmond newspapers, war news from, II, 332, 339 ; accounts in, of Confederate losses at Chickamauga, 412 ; report Federal raid at Hilton, Ala., 593; confirm destruction of the Albemarle and evacuation of Ply- mouth. N. C. 593. Richmond " Sentinel," the, II, 492. Rickard, John, I, 41. Rickard, Noah, I, 41. Ricketts, Maj.-Gen. James B., at Alexan- dria, II, 166 ; ordered to move to Manassas, 166. Ridgely, , I, 654, 655. Right, eternal conflict between wrong and, I, 511 ; makes might, 612 ; love of property conflicts with consciousness of wrong or, 613. Rights of the people, the first principle of popular government, II, 502. Right to trial by jury, II, 346. Riney, Zachariah, Lincoln's first schoolmas- ter, I, 639. Rio Grande, disputed boundary of Texas, I, 101-105, 108, 133, 643 ; march of U. S. troops to, 121 ; outbreak of hostilities on, 132. Rionese, , appeal for mercy, II. 401. Risley, H. D., .signs call for Whig Conven- tion at Springfield, 1851, 1, 167. Ritchie County, Va., excepted from insur- x'ection proclamation, II, 195. Rivas, Don Rafael, relations with, as repre- seut.ative of New Granada, II, 299. River and harbor improvements, appropri- ations for, I, 124; position of Republican National Convention of 1860 in regard to, 637. INDEX r45 River defenses, II, 94. River patrolling, II, 310. "River Queen," the, iiit'otiu.a: between the PrcHideiitaDdCoiitcilfratc coiiiniissioiiers on board of, in Hauiptou Koadn. II, C50. Rivers, clcaiiuK of, I, 1; Jefferson's pro- poHed apidiciition of Treasury surplus to improveniint of, 127 ; Gen. Taylor ou im- provemeut of, 137. Rives, W. C, opiniou of subtreasury sclienie. I, 25. Roads, utility of, I, 1 ; tlefferson's i)ro])osed application of Treasury sui])lus to iiublic, 127; construction of, in new States, 149, 150. Roane County, Va., excepted from insurrec- tion proelanaation, II, 195. Robbery, spirit of, anaonj? the troops, II, 113. Roberts, J. J., president of Liberia, II, 224. Robertson, George, letters to, I, 215, 216, II, 255, 259. Robinson, Charles D., letterto, on preserva- tion of the Union and terms of peace, II, 563-565. Robinson, Dick, possible movements around Cumberland Gap, II, 83. Robinson, H. R., I, 131. Robinson, Rev. John M., exiled from Mis- souri, II, 292. Rochester, N. Y., address, Feb. 18, 1861, at, I, 682. Rockford, III., resolutions adopted by Con- vention at, I, 320, 321 ; platform of Repub- lican Congressional convention at, 1854, 465. Rockingham, Va., birthplace of Thomas Lincoln, I, 116; Mrs. Keenan desires to pass to, II, 511. Rockingham County, Va., Lincoln family in, I, 177, 596, 638, 650. Rock Island, invitation to lecture at, de- clined, I, 533; Calvin Truesdale, postmas- ter at, II. 326; charges of fraud at, 326; ease of \V. M. Bell at, 507 ; proposed enlist- ment in the Union service of rebel pris- oners of war at, 570, 571. Rockport, 111., I, 646. Rockville, Md., McCleUan at, II, 230, 231; firing near, 547. Rocky Mountains, threatened outbreak of Indians lietween the Mississippi and, II, 267 ; boundary of the great interior region of the United States, 269; mining in, 611. Rogers, Capt. John, recommended for thanks of Congress, for services in engage- ment between the Fingal and the Wce- Jtdwh-cii, II, 456. Rogersville,Tenn.,Burn8ide'slossat, II, 437. Rolla, Mo., Federal force at, II, 87; Pacific railroad at, 494. Rolling Fork, the, I, 639. Rollins, James S., member of Congress from Missouri. II, 292 ; requests permission for exiles from Missouri to return, 292. Roman Catholic chaplains, appointment of , to hospitals, II, 85. Rome, mission unfilled, II, 24; relations with, 263. Romney, W. Va., instructions to Fremont regarding the enemy's movements at, II, 167. Roosevelt, R. B., letter to, regarding pro- posed mayoralty of Gen. Dix, II, 436, 437. Roosevelt, Theodore, letter to, II, 655, 656. Rosecrans, Maj.-Gen. W. S., hopes for his action coneeriiing Tennessee, II, 251 ; con- gratulations to, after Murfreesboro, 293; correspoiideiiee with, 293, 3li), 311, 315, 316, 328, 338, 339, 341, 384, 385, 402, 410-412, 414, 415, 419, 424, 427, 428, 438, 494, 507, 514, 520, 529, 532, 537, 581, 582, 600 ; at Murfreesboro, 293, 310, 328, 339, 341 ; suggestion to, to or- ganize eounter-raiding corps, 3(t9, 310; de- spateli from, regaraiiig liver-patiolling, 310; eoniidains of non-fiiltihiieut of j)rom- ises by the Secretary of ^\ ar, 315 ; letter to, regarding military and personal matters, 315, 316; matter of antedating his commis- sion, 316; jealousy of Grant m matter of rank, 316; alleged complaints of, 328; C. L. Vallandigham turned over letter to, put beyond military lines. 338; to, to bi; correetuii; misunderstanding about Col. Haggard's ease, 33K, 339 ; inquiry of, con- cerning news from (4rant, or from the Missis.sippi, 339; inquiry addressed to, concerninff Forrest's headquarters, 339 ; communications to, eoneeruing Dr. Jaquess, 339, 341; asked to keep Bragg from helping .lohnston against Grant, 341 ; engaged in effort to relieve ICast Ten- nessee, 383; correspondence with Gen. Halleck, 384, 385 ; the President disclaims dissatisfaction with, 384, 385 ; the Presi- dent's views as to his duty to attack Bragsr. 385; opportunity for attacking Bragi;- ai>pari'utly lost, 385 ; the President's inquiries aliout his strength, etc., 385; the President's appreciation of, 385, 402; Hal- leck gives idea to, of the President's dis- satisfaction with, 402; correspondence with, regarding alleged dissatisfaction of the President with, 402 ; Gov. Johnston urged to forsvard troops to, 404; at Chat- tanooga, 410, 411, 412, 415, 419, 424, 427 ; rein- forcements for, 410-414 ; importance of his holding position at Chattanooga, 410; cheering telegram to, at Chattanooga, 410 ; ignorance of his whereabouts, 411 ; tele- gram to, giving Bragg's account of Chick- araauga, 411 ; telegr'ain to, giving list of Confederate losses at Cliickamauga, 412; position at Chattanooga, 413; leVter to, regarding reinforcements for, and the relations of Gens. Hooker and Slocum, 414 ; method of communication with Burn- side, 415 ; advice to, concerning East Ten- nessee, 419; question of withdrawing troops from, for service in Missouri, 422 ; reports Ewell at Dalton, 424; advice to, as to position at Chattanooga and situa- tion in East Tennessee, 424; Sherman go- ing to his relief, 424; communication to, regarding engagement at Bristow Station, Va., 427, 428 ; court of inquiry for, 438 ; at Cincinnati, 438 ; proposed for connnand of Department of ^Missouri, 4(;2; to give at- tention to expected tioul)les near Kansas City,475; question of supplying iron for Pa- cific railroad referred to, 494 ; success in conduct of affairs in Department of Mis- souri, 507; suggestions to, regarding Spe- cial Order No'. 61, 507 ; case of Mrs. Ward referred to, 514; communication to, regard- ing disturbances in Department of Mis- souri, 520; suggestion to, regarding secret messages, .529; Maj. Ilay sent on mission to, 532: instructions to, respecting papers of the Belgian Consulate, r.iij : at St, Louis, 514, .520, 529,532, .537; complaint to, respect- ing bushwhackers, 537 ; instructions to, regarding the voting of soldiers, 581, 582; inquiry as to his whereabouts, 588; satis- factory news from, 594 ; the case of Major Wolf referred to, 600. Ross, John, letter to, II, 240; exiled in Washington, 245; desires to rooccnpy the Cherokee country, 245; complaints of treatment of the Cherokees by the United States 267. Rough and Ready Clubs, 1, 131. 746 INDEX Rowan, Comdr. Stephen C, services in wa- ters of North Carolina, II, 203; recom- luended lor tbauks of Coii}i:res8, 203. Rowley, George A., cashiering of, II, 221. Rules and Articles ofWar, II, 188. Rush, Richard, candidacy of, I, 222. Rusk, Gen. T. J., commander of army of Texas Republic, I, 108. Russell, Lord John, iuterview with Mr. Dal- las, II. 48 et scq. ; correspondence regard- ing the Trent affair, 120. Russell, Lieut. -Comdg. John H., recom- mended lor thanks of Congres.'s, II, 152. Russia, Seward advises demanding expla- nation from, II, 29 ; revocation of exequa- tur of consul enlisting with insm-gents, 50 ; jiost of Minister to, offered to Secre- tary Cameron, 114, 115; correspondence with, regarding the Trent affair, 127 ; ques- tion of reappointment of Clay as Minister to, 221, 222; question of resignation of 8. Cameron as Minister to, 222 ; relations with, 263; proposed overland telegraph through, 263, 447, 605. Russians, status under the Declaration of Independence, I, 272. Rutledge, John, I, 603. S , complains of misconduct of military otHcers at elections, II, 438. Sabbath observance, order for, II, 254. "Sabine," the, receives troops from the Brooldyn to transfer to Fort Pickens, II, 56, 57 ; movements of, 136. Sabine River, boundary in Spanish treaty of 1819, I, 102. Sac Indians, invasion of, I, 5. Sacramento, Cal., location of Pacific rail- road eastward from, II, 611. Safe-conduct, II, 580. Said Mohammed, Viceroy of Egypt, II, 85. Sailors and soldiers, patriotism among, II, 65. Sailors' Fair at Boston, congratulations to, II, 594 ; presentation of an ox to, 594. St. Albans, Vt., pi-ivileges of port of, in re- gard to exportation of merchandise in bond to British North America, II, 627. St. Augustine, Fla., capture of, II, 140; port of, declared closed, 670. St. Bernard Parish, La., excepted from dec- laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, II, 288. St. Charles Parish, La., excepted from dec- laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, II, 288. St. Domingo, relations with, II, 30. St. Genevieve, Mo., slavery in, I, 571. St. James Parish, La., excepted from dec- laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, II, 288. St. John Parish, La., excepted from decla- ration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, II, 288. St. John's, Fla., port of, declared closed, II, 670. ■ St. Joseph, Mo., letters from, concerning troubles in Missouri, II, 432. St. Louis, Mo., horrors of mob law in, 1, 10; proposed sulitreasury station at, 28; Lin- coln at, 52; Col. Doniphan condemns Polk's administration at. 111; slavery in, 182; Douglas denounces a "fatal heresy" at, 590; anxiety about situation at, II, 47; Gen. Harney in command at, 52 ; Indiana troops despatched to, 74; Montgomery Blair at, 79 ; Gen. Halleck at, 110, 113, 126, 140, 141; insurrectionar.v feeling in, 113; Gen. Curtis at, 221, 245, 278, 297, 298; order of Gen. Curtis's provost-marshal in, sus- pended, 298; appointment of postmaster at, 325; arrest of editor of the "Dem- ocrat," 368; Schotield at, 368. 401, 419; tele- gram to H. T. Blow, regarding arrest at, 368; condemnation of MoGuire and Bell at, 392 ; social iulluence on affairs in De- l)artment of Missouri, 463 ; petition from citizens of, regarding Dr. McPheeters, 463, 464; aiTcst of Dr. McPheeters in, 464, 465 ; action of the provost-marshal I'egarding church matters at, 480; Rosecrans at, 514, 520, 529, 532, 537 ; banishment of Mrs. Ward from, 514; Sauitary fairs in, 524, 534; sa- lute fired at, 573; J. G. Nicolay at, 588; exercise in, of policy of holding smoky localities responsible for conflagTations, 591 ; Gen. Dodge at, 617, 629, 630. St. Louis County, Mo., suspension of assess- ments in, II, 292; assessments in, 652, 658. St. Louis " Democrat," editor of, appointed postmaster at St. Louis, II, 325 ; arrest of editor of, 368, 372 ; letter to Gen. Schotield published in the, 374. St. Mark's, Fla., port of, declared closed, II, 670. St. Martin Parish, La., excepted from dec- laration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, II, 288. St. Mary Parish, excepted from declaration of Louisiana's state of rebellion, II, 288. St. Mary's, Fla., capture of, II, 140. St. Mary's, Ga., port of, declared closed, II, 670. St. Paul, Gen. Pope at, II, 252, 279, 651, 658, 663 ; memorial from citizens of, regarding Indian massacres, 280. "St. Voltaire," I, 174. Salem, 111., Lincoln's early life in, I, 281. Salem, N. C, question of operations near, II, 153. Salomon, Edward, (governor of Wisconsin, requests the President to call for volun- teers, II, 194. Salt Creek, I, 6. Saltmarsh and Fuller, disputed mail con- tracts of, I, 108, 109. Salt works, Federal destruction of, at Hil- ton, II, 593. See also Gocjse Creek. Sanders, Geo. N., Peace Commissioner from Confederate States, II, 549. Sanderson, , I, C65. San Domingo, question of its incorporation with the Si)anish monarchy, II, 66 ; civil war in Spanish part of, C05. Sands, , charges against, II, 384. Sands, Nathaniel, letter to, regarding pro- posed mayoralty of (4en. Dix, II, 436, 437. Sandwich Islands, question of appointment of commissioner for, II, 130; reciprocity with, 478. Sandy Hook, N. J., reestablishment of tel- egraphic communiiation with, 11, 541. San Francisco, i>r()posed eduuecticm with Pacific and Russian telegraph lines, II, 263 ; port of, 269. Sangamon County, 111., address to, I, 1-4; needs of, 1 ; report on new road in, 6 ; con- stituents in, 7 ; protest from members for, on subject of slavery, 15; act for benefit of clerk of circiut court of, 20; nominat- ing convention in, 1840, 41 ; Lincoln cast off by people of, 79 ; weight in Congression- al election, 80 ; residence of Abraham Lin- coln, 117 ; Whig losses in, 131 ; Lincoln's representation of, in Illinois legislature, 212, 281 ; Democratic 8Ui)port for Lincoln for U. 8. Senate, 521 ; the President's ex- perience in a store in, 597, 641 ; Lincoln's first entrance into, 640; surveyor's work in, 641. " Sangamon Journal," letter to, I, 7 ; its ed- itor attacked by Douglas, 40 ; quoted, 41, INDEX 747 83, 85, 132 ; supports John T. Stuart, 44 ; re- ports a temperam-e speech l>y Liucoln, 66; article otfeiisivc to (icu. Shields iu, 69, 70. Sangamon River, iiuproveiiiciit of, I, 2, 3; boat-buildiugoii, 2, G41 ; settlenicut of Lin- colu family ou, 640; cauoe trip dowu, 640. Sanitary Commission, the, II, 656; North- ^Yestern Fair at Chicago, 429; benevolent labors of, 534. Sanitary Fairs, remarks on closing one in Washington, II, 500, 501 ; address at fair iu Baltimore, 512-514 ; speech at one in Phil- adelphia, 533-535 ; inception of, 534 ; benev- olent labors of, 534. " San Jacinto," the, stoppage of the Trent by, II, 110, 120, 127, 128; movements of, 136 ; collision with the Jules et Marie, 277. See also "Trent " ; Wilkes. San Juan, survey of the river and port of, II, 604. San Salvador, relations with, II, 605. Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de, treaty with Texas, I, 102, 103, 107, 108. Santa Rosa, Fla., order regarding suspen- sion of habeas corpus at, II, 45 ; Lieut. D. D. Porter ordered to prevent seizure of, 28. Santiago, Chili, destruction of church by tire at, II, 473. Sardinia, G. P. Marsh proposed as Minister to, II, 24. Sargent, Horace Binney, I, 671. Sargent, Nathan, nominated for sergeant- at-arms, U. S. House of Representatives, I, 96 ; candidate for coramissionership of customs, II, 44. Saunders, P. A., signs invitation to Henry Clay, I, 68. Savannah, Ga., Federal foothold near, II, 104; captured by Sherman, 622; port of, declared closed,"670. Saxton, Gen. Rufus, telegram to, II, 158; guns sent to, at Harper's Ferry, 162; at Harper's Ferry, 162, 168; inquiry as to troops, 162, 163; reports his advance forced from Charlestown, 168 ; advices for, 170; despatch from, at Hai-per'sFerry, 172. Scates, Walter B., bearer of communication from Gen. McClcrnand, II, 206; proposed appointment of, as chief justice in New Mexico, 664. Schaadt, Capt., indorsement in the case of, II, 330 ; character and services of, 330. Schaefer, Louis, letter to, Juno 29, 1863, II, 360-363. Scheldt dues, liquidation of, II, 445; extin- guishment of, 625. Schenck, Maj.-Gen. Robert C, movements at Vienna, Va., II, 66; commanding Ohio brigade, 67 ; facts regarding his disaster at Vienna, 67; qiU'stion of transfer of, 182; reports movement of troops for i>rotfction of Penusylvauiii, :i3l ; ordered to get Mil- roy from Wincliester to Harper's Ferry, 352 ; acting at Wiuchcster under Gen. Hal- leck, 359 ; orders Gen. Milroj' to retreat from Winchester to Harper's Ferry, 359; Milroy acting under orders of, 359, 360; no West Point prejudice against Milroy, 360; telegram to, regarding negro regiments, 365; at P.altiiiiore, 365, 369, 428; telegi'am to, regiirding Mr. .laquess, 369 ; letter to, 374; the President disclaims discourtesy toward, 374 ; orders to, regarding colored troops on the Patuxent River, 428; de- partment-commander at Baltimore, 430; knowledge of Halleck's fears for Milroy's division, 430 ; opinion on Milroy's position at Winchester, 431 ; opinion as to violence in Maryland elections, 434, 435; revocation of part of his orders relating to elections in Maryland, 435 ; resignation of commis- sion by, 516; seat in the House of Rep- resentatives, 516. Schermerhorn, L M., untiuished draft of letter to, II, 575, 576; iii\ itis the President to attend Union mass-meeting at Buffalo, 575; letter to, decIiTiiug to write a general letter to political meetings, 576. Schley, , appeal from, concerning order of Gen. Hunter, II, 557. Schofield, Maj.-Gen. John M., call from Mis- souri for his appointment to independent command therein, II, 147 ; at St. Louis, 368, 401, 419; assesses secessionists, 278; possible successor to Gen. Curtis, 335 ; his appoiutmcTit causes trouble in Missouri, 337, 338; correspondence with, 340, 357,368, 372-374, 401, 416, 417, 41'.), i?,\, 432; counsel to, concerning his appointment to the De- partment of the INIissoiui, 340: letter to, explanatory of motives in apj)ointmentto Department of the Missouri, 344, 345 ; let- ter to, regarding gi-adual emancipation in Missouri, 357 : communication to, regard- ing arrest of editor of the St. Louis "Democrat," 368; conuimnication to, re- garding proceedings against McKee, 372; telegram to, regarding arrests of slaves in Missouri, 373, 374 ; publication of letter to, from President, in the St. Louis " Demo- crat," 374; despatch to, regarding feeling in Kansas, 401 ; demands for removal of, 401, 419 et set/. ; matter of suggestion to, concerning outrages in Kansas, 4(t2 ; letter of advice to, regarding affairs in Missouri, 416, 417 ; advice to, regarding Gen. Blunt's case, 417 ; despatch to Gen. Halleck from, regarding Gen. Blunt, 417; supersedes Gen. Curtis, 420; not responsible for wrongs in Missouri, 420 ; charges against, 420-422; publication of private letter of advice from the President to, 421 ; sends trooiis to relieve Grant, 422; charges against, of shielding the Lawrence mur- derers, 422; the President declines to re- move, 422; instructions to, regarding matters in Missouri, 427; letter to, con- cerning affairs in Missouri, 431, 432; to be relievexl from conunand in Missouri, 461, 462 ; proposed nomination of, as major- general, 462,463 ; ditlicnlty about retaimng, temporarily, in Department of Missoivri, 463; instructions to, concerning elections in Missouri, 582. Schooler, , letter to, 1, 149. Schools, reverence for laws to be taught in, I, 12. Schurz, Maj.-Gen. Carl, representative of German element, II, 24; desires to go to Fortress Monroe as brigadier-genei'al of German t roops, 46 ; at Mount .laekson, 183 ; correspondence with, ]s:i, -i:,!, 258, 323, 496, 603,561; letter to, regarding ele<'tions, 257, 258; requests separation of his division from Ai-my of Potomac. :i'S.',; tlie Presi- dent's estimate of, 496; desire foi' service in a civil capacity, 496, 503, r.oi; ditliculty of finding a place for, 556; letter to, from Major Hay, 561; at Bethlehem, 561; or- dered to report at Washington, 561. Schuyler County, 111., residence of Dorsey family, I, 639. Science, I, 583. Scott, Dred. See Dred SCOTT. Scott, Thomas A., Assistant Secretary of War, asks for reinforcements for Halleck, II, 159. Scott, Gen. Winfield, in disfavor with Pres. Polk, I, 107 ; Presidential possi- bilities, 118 ; Presidential campaign, 643 ; correspondence with, 653, 664, II, 9, 10, 30, 38,39, 53, 54, 80, 186, 187, 655, 656; instruc- 748 INDEX tions to, to prepai'e for the inauguration, I, 6G0, 664; cout'erence witli President Bu- cliiiuan as to preservation of order, 664 ; reliance on, 666; note on message from War Department, II, 8; order to, regard- ing mainteuauce of places in military de- partment, y ; opinion on provif^ioniiii;' Fort Sumter, 15, 16, 18, 21 ; Blair's opinioii ol liis patriotism, 27 ; asked by the President for daily reports, 80 ; orders to, to maintain forts, 30; orders for marching troops around Baltimore, 36; militar.y move- ments couhded to, 37 ; empowered to sus- pend the writ of habeas < oipns, as, 39, 54, 85; question of s'iviug t'ol. JoKiph Hooker a (•(immand, relVrred to, ">:! ; consulted re- sardiui,' (ieii. Kn'jiiont, r,.') ; concurs with Major Anderson ;is to the situation at Fort Sumter, 56 ; relieves Fremont from com- mand, 86 ; retired from active command, 87, 88; retirement of, 104; opinion as to movements of troops, 186 ; president of Bureau lor Employment of Disabled and Disoharii^ed fSoldiers, 655. Scott County, 111., position in election of 1846, I, 84. Scott electoral ticket, Lincoln on the, I, 643. Scrip. See CONFEDERATE SlRIP. Scripps, John L., letter to, II, 540, 541 ; com- plaints airainst, of using otHcial power to defeat Arnold's nomination to Congress, 540, 541 ; complaint by, 552 ; letter to, 552. Scroggins, John, I, 41. Scroggins, T. J., I, 41. Sea-coast, fortitication of. II, 109. Seamen, enlistment of, II, 42; number in the public service, 450. Searches, system of, in Department of Mis- souri, II, 421. Sebastian, William K., senator from Ar- kansas, oflers to resume his seat, II, 379; emamnpation aud, 379. Sebastopol, Charleston likened to, II, 16. Seceding States, apprehensions of military (H>ercion in, II, 13. See also Confederate States. Secession, threatened in event of election of a Republican President, I, 569; views on, 660, 674; invalidity of ordinances of, II, 3; the central idea of, 5 ; logical conse- queuces of, 5 ; not to be compared to di- vorce, 6 ; passage of ordinances of, 11 ; Southern determination on, 11 ; apprehen- sions of possible evil the excuse for, 12 ; connivance of Buchanan's administration at, 20; dangers of recognition from abroad, 20 ; ordinances of, 55 ; is it consis- tent with the Constitution ? 63 ; its prin- ciple one of disintegration, 63; injurious effects of, 274; grounds of, 346; right of, 346, 347; a gash through the heart of, 454; does not absidve States or people from their obligations, 470. " Secession ? " — or " driving out? " II, 63. " Secession? " — or "rebellion ? " II, 61. Secretary of the Interior, letters to, I, 152- 156; report of, 1861-62, II, 266; question as to jurisdiction of, 400. Secretairy of the Navy, report of, 1861-62, II, 265. See also Welles. Secretary of State, letter to, I, 151. See also Seward. Secretary of the Treasury, letter to, I, 151 ; report of, fiscal year 1861-62, II, 265. See also Chase. Secretary of War, conference with Gen. Scott as to preservation of order, I, 664; report of, liscal year 1861-62, II, 265. See also Stamton. Secret societies, formation of treasonable, II, 124. Sectionalism, fragment On, 1, 221-224 ; Doug- las on, 424, 493, 496, 516, 518 ; Lincoln's re- ply to Douglas's charge of, 439, 440; charged against Repubbcan Party, 471, 605, 606, 626, 645; what constitutes, 606; Washington's warning against, 606, 627; what is, 627; Repuljlicah National Con- vention of 1860 charges the Democratic administration with, 636. Sectional prejudices, I, 431. Sectional warfare, Douglas attributes shoe- nuikers' strike in JNIiissat'husettsto, I, 615; Senator Mason's action in consequence of, 616. Sedalia, Mo., Federal force at, II, 87. Sedgwick, Maj. -Gen. John, in(iiiiry of Gen. Buttertield for iuformiitioii of, II, 331 ; re- ports successes on the K;ij)i)aliauuock,437. Sedition law, Douglas's, I, 611, 628. Segar, Joseph, communication to, regarding the Eastern Shore of Virginia, and the emancipation proclamation, II, 327. Seizures, system of, in Department of Mis- souri, II," 421. Self-evident truth a self-evident lie, I, 215, 216. Self-government, the experiment of, 1,13; the sacred right of, l!i5, 241 ; what is, 425 ; Douglas on, 427 ; a deceitful cloak, 427. Self-interest a governing piinciple, I, 186, II, 225. Senate of the United States. See U. S. Sen- ate. Senter, George B., letter to, I. 671. Serenades, responses to, Sept. 24, 1862, II, 240; July 7, 1863, 366 ; May 9, 1864, 519,520; Oct. 19, 1864, 586, 587 ; Nov. 9, 1864, .594, 595 ; Nov. 10, 1864, 595, 596; Dec. 6, 1864, 615; Jan. 31, 1805, 033, 634. Servile war, the horrors of, II, 22. Seward, Clarence A., desires a commission in North Carolina troops, II, 80. Seward, F. W., Acting Secretary of State, II, 196. Seward, W^. H., 1,317, 515, .592, 598; position in regard to reelection of Douglas, 239; on slavery as element of discord in the Union, 542, 544, 586; opinion on spread or extinction of slavery, 558; use of phrase " irrepressible couflict," 567, 613, 615, 619, 624, 631 ; belief of, that government can- not endure half slave aud half tree, 590; political prospects of, in 1800, 633; sup- ported in Kansas, in i860, 633 ; offer of Sec- retaryship of State to, 656, 657; correspon- dence with, 657, 663, 664, 668, 695, II, 7, 8, 10, 24, 43, 54, 130, 139, 190-192, 282, 326, 327, 440, 441, 593, 594. 635, 658 ; selected for the State Department, I, 665 ; Lincoln requests re- consideration of his propo.sed withdrawal from the State Department, II, 7, 8 ; opin- ion on Fort Sumter, 11-14; advises con- ciliation, 12; advises against provoking war, 14 ; opinion on relief of Fort Sumter, 26; thoughts for the President's consid- eration, 29; scheme of domestic policy, 29; advises vigorous policy, 29, 30; Lin- coln's reply to his memorandum, 30; let- ter to Gov. Hicks, April 22, 1861, 36, 37; diplomatic despatch to Minister Adams, May 21, 1861, with the President's correc- tions, 48-51 ; correspondence with Arch- bishop Hughes, 85 ; at New York, 191, 192 ; appoiutment of James Bowen as briga- dier-general referred to, 229; attempted resigTiation of office by, 282; report of Burnside's position seiit to, 440 ; position on emancipation proelaniatiou, 479; posi- tion on nomination of Uoscoe Conkling, 563; estimate of McClellan, 568; speech at Auburn, 586; at Auburn, 586, 593, 594; INDEX 749 communication of news to, 593, 594; In- structions to, correspondence of, and trausactioue relating to the meeting of tlie President and Confederate commis- sioners at Hampton Koads, 633-035, 614- 647, 649-051 ; at Fortress Monroe, 035 ; thrown from his carriage .and iiyurcd, 608. Seymour, Gov. Horatio, letter to, for tlie puriiose of becoming better acquainted, 11,317; correspondence with, concerning the draft, 379-382, 380, 387, 392, 399, 400, 404, 488; invites the President to nominate surveyor in canal matters, 423 ; letter to, from the Provost-Marshal-Generiil, 433; letter from Secretary Stanton to, 541; called upon for ij.ooii militia, 541. Seymour, Captain Truman, opinion on provisioning Fort Sumter, II, 15, 16. Shaffer, ."complaints of, in regard to seizures of cotton, II, 554. Shakspere, the President's acquaintance with, II, 393. Shaler, Lt.-Col. Alexander, of the 7th New Yorl£, II, 107. Sharp, Surgeon Solomon, presentation of plate to, l)y British government, II, 514. Sharpe, Brig. -Gen. Jacob, statements of his men regarding Ewell's movements, II, 428. Sharpsburg, Md., McClellan overtakes the enemy at, II, 237 ; matter of dismissal of Major John J. Key for utterances regard- ing battle of, 241, 242. Sheahan, James W., letter to, I, 597; first editor of the "Chicago Times," II, 344; leaves the " Times," 344. Shenandoah Department, troops of, to con- stitute Second Army Corps, Army of Vir- ginia, II, 188. Shenandoah River, McDowell ordered to move troops to the, II, 100 ; crossed by the Confederates at Front Royal, 163 ; Banks ordered to, 177 ; Jackson's position on the, 179, 180 ; McClellan's crossing the Poto- mac in relation to, 240. Shenandoah Valley, jilan of campaign in, II, 177 ; protection for, 183 ; inquiry cou- ceruiug Bragg's presence in, 230; pros-, pects of McClellan's movement up, 244 ; services of the national guard of Ohio in, 575; Sheridan's operations in, 589; danger of exposure of, 6.55. Shepley, Gov. George P., II, 214; letter to, Oct. 14, isii2, 247 ; letter to, regarding Lou- isiana elections, 235 ; gives information relating to election of Constitutional con- ventioii in Louisiana, 380; conduct of affairs in Louisiana, 435, 436 ; conflict of authority between Gen. Banks and, 465, 466 ; his status in Louisiana defined, 485, 486. Sheridan, Lt.-Gen. Philip H., Grant's de- sire for his movement to the south of the enemy, II, 557, 558; at deadlock with Early, 577; telegrams to, 578. 589; victory at Winchester. 578 ; the President's fears of his being outnumbered, 583 ; reported diminution of his force, 586; national thanks to, for operations in Shenandoah Valley, 589; notifies (irant of his move- ments, 054 ; despatch from, 655 ; hot fight- ing by, 666 ; success of, 666, 667 ; removes his lieadquarters, 667." Sherman, F. C, I, 354; mayor of Chicago, II, 401 ; correspondence with, concerning the draft, 401, 404. Sherman, Roger, votes for prohibition of .slavery in Northwest Territory, I, 599, 600 ; a framer of the Constitution, 'ooo, 602. Sherman, Gen. W. T., joint expedition of army and navy under, II, 80; reinforce- ments for, 83; force at Muldraugh's Hill, 84 ; to watch ZoUicoffer and Buckner. 84 ; plan of action during movement on Cum- bei'land Gap, 84; matter of nominating Charles E. Ho vey brigadier-general of vol- unteers, 373; ordered to liosccrans's as- sistance, 412, 424 ; appoints Frank Ulairto command a corps, 434; provides eoujmaud for Gen. Blair, 517; at Chattanooga, 519; suggestion to, regarding Order No. 8, 519 ; correspondence with, 519, 551, 555. 561, ,577, 578, .582, 622 ; su.staining his lines with hun- dred-day troops, 524; at Chattahoochee River, 551; despatch to, respecting North- ern agents recruiting near his camps, 551 ; complains of appointment of Hovey and Osterliaus, 555 ; near Atlanta. 555, 501 ; thanked by the President lor the Atlanta campaign, 5.55; desx^atch to, repardin.g shipment of cotton by railroad, 561 ; achievements of, in Georgia, 571, 572 ; na- tional thanks to, for achievements in Georgia, 572; despatch from, concerning corn "and sorghum, 577 ; suggestions to, concerning Indiana election, 577, 578; at Atlanta, 577, 582 ; services of hundred-day troops with, 583 ; instructions to, respect- ing Indiana election, 585; satisfactory news from, 594 ; uiatter of granting leave of absence to Gen. I^ogan, 590, 597 ; march to the sea, 612 ; " We all know where ho went in, but I can't tell where he will come out," 615 ; .good news from, 619 ; con- gratulations to, for capture of Savannah, 622. Shields, Gen. James, correspondence about hostile meeting with, I. 68-70; vote for U. S. Senatorship, 214; expiration of Senatorial terra, 279. 282 ; alleged deal to fill the place of, 286, 287, 400 ; election of his successor in U. S. Senate, 324; career, 3:J9; his division to be formed into the Fifth Army Corps, Army of Potomac, II, 131 ; with Gen. McDowell, 1.58 ; withdrawn from Banks's command, 163; assigned to McDowell's command, 163; recapture of Front Royal by, 173; engagement near Front Royal, 174; inquiry regarding his liosition, 175; deplorable condition of his command, 181; question of Jackson's de- feat of. 183. Shieldsborough, Miss., port of, declared closed, II, 670. Ship Island, Miss., Federal possession of, II, 104. Shipyards, strikes in, IT, 403. Shoemakers' strike in .Alassachusetts, I, 615, asserted by Douglas to lie caused by with- drawal of "Southern votes, 025, 626. Shoe trade, relations with the South, I, 626. Short, James, I, 80, 81. Shufeldt, R. W., consul-general at Havana, correspondence of, concerning collision of .S'«/( Jacinto and Jules el Marir, II, 277. Siam, gifts from, and coiTespondeuce with, the major King of, II, 127. Siberia, proposed overland telegraph through, II. 005. See also Russi.v; Tele- graphs. Sibley, Gen. H. H., order to, for execution of Imlians, II. 280. Sickles, Maj.-Gen. Daniel E., correspon- dence with, regarding a California land claim, II, 395; commissioned to make a tour of ol)servation and information, 482, 483, 487, 497. Sierra Nevada, mining in, II, 611. Sigel, Maj.-Gen. Franz, ordered to report to McClellan, IT, 174; ordered to report to Banks, 174; ordered to Harper's Ferry 174; suggestions as to his command, 174.' 750 INDEX iuqiiiry from, as to reinforcements for Jackson, 179 ; at Winchester, 179, 183 ; pro- posal to send him to Fremont, 180 : acting with Banlvs, 182 ; tele.urani from .Secretary Stanton to, 183; information from, con- cerning reinforcements for Jackson, 185; question of sending him to McClellan's relief, 232 ; question of forming liis cavalry into reserve corps for the Army of Poto- mac 2'.):!; \V. C. Bryant requests his reap- pointnicnt, 337; pressure on the President to liive command to, 388; asks for inquiry, 569. Sign-language, I, 525. Sill, , (luestiou of appointment of, II, 533. Silliman letter, I, 242. Silver mines, discoveries of, II, 611. Simmons. Walter C, recommended for post- mastership at I'rovidence, R. I., II, 45. Singleton, Jas. W., signs cull for Whig Con- vention at Springfield, 1H51, I. 167. Singleton, Gen., proposes to bring Sonthem produce through Grant's lines, II, 637,638, 659. Sioux, outbreak of, in Miunesota, II, 267. See also India>'S. Sitana, Peru, seizure of treasure at, by Chilian oflicers, II, 445. Slave-breeders, an abhorred class, I, 218. Slave children, petition praying for free- dom of, II, 509. Slave code, Lincoln's question to Douglas as to voting for a Territorial, I, 475; strength of its advocates, 590. Slave-dealer, the, I, 194. Slave-holders, Northern recruits among, I, 186, 288 ; their position in regard to slavery, 478. Slave insurrections, frequency of, I, 608; hindrance to, 608 ; at Southampton, 608 ; in Hayti, 608. Slave labor, an injury to whites, I, 564, 619. Slave-owner, rights of, in Territories, I, 474. Slavers, capture and condemnation of, II, 101. Slavery, protest on subject to Illinois legis- lature, 1, 15 ; chains and fetters, 52 ; negro temperament a paradox, 52, 53 ; extension of, 134, 216, 224, 231, 271, 273, 528, 531, 574, 588, 593, 605, 612, 616, 619, 629, 659 ; how af- fected by possible election of Cass, 138; Liuctdn's views on, 138, 210, 442, 467. 468, 471, 472, 488, 489, 518, 652, 659 ; Cass on the Wilmot Proviso, 142, 143 ; Cass on local right to regulate, within newly acquired territory, 143 ; bill to abolish, in District of Colnhibia, 147-149; Clay's position on the Missouri question, 171-173; provisions rcgardini,'- Northwest Territory, 172; Jef- ferson's views on, 173, 437, 545, 546, 624; gradual emancipation, 174-176, 510; Clay's views on, 174-176, 500-502. 510; fragments on. 178,179; Jetl'erson's opposition to, in Northwestern Territory, 181; speech on Missouri Compromise and, at Peoria, 181- 209; excluded by California, 185; boun- dary question of Texas and, 185, 190; self- intt'rested position of both North and Soutli in regard to, 186; Lincoln's expres- sion of hatred toward its extension, 186; the South not wholly responsible for, 187 ; climate as a factor in, 192; in Delaware, 192; in District of Columbia, 192; in Ken- tucky, 192 ; in Marvland, 192 ; in Missouri, 192; "in Virginia. ]i)'2; anticiuity of, 192, 193; perpetuated by opcninii of new countries sanctioning. 193 ; Southern sympathies for wrongs of, 194; representation of slaves in the national lesislatui-e, 197; its moral aspect. 202, 2.54, 508-511, 528, 560, 619,620; the moral principle of, 202 ; the argument of "necessity," 202; world-wide warnings against, 203 ; a rigllt, 203, 619, 620, 629, 631, 659, 661; argument of the slave-holder's responsibility, 205; popular view of, 208; Lincoln's opposition to, 210 ; idtimate ex- tinction of, 215, 216, 2.52-254, 267, 268, 341, 342, 408, 421, 471, 472, 502, 503, 511, 531, 543, 558, 560, 587, 615 ; its influence on the sta- bility of the Union, 216; hatred of, 216; restriction of 1820, 220 ; restriction of, 220, 543, 620, 631 ; extension of, the iiiiestion lie- tween Buchanan and Frt^mont parties, 222; value of Southern slaves, 223; the election of 1856 a struggle to extend and perpetuate, 225 ; doctrine of self-govern- ment for Territories but a benefit to, 226; the Dred Scott decision, 228-235: power of masters over female slaves, 234, 235; source of amalgamation of whites and ne- groes, 234, 235 ; opposititm of Kopublican Party to its extension, 235,257, 541, 585, 612, 614 ; a wrong, 235, 530, 531, 574, 589, 593, 608, 611-613, 616, 620, 622, 626, 628-631, 659, 661; Increase of agitation against, 240, 544 ; Con- gressional prohibition of, in the Territo- ries, 240-245 ; constitutionality of, in Terri- tories, 241-245 ; in tlie Territories, 242, 277, 294, 629, 631 ; a matter of property, 245. 408, 415, 416, 442, 552-554. 557, 566, 567, 631 ; influ- ence of Dred Scott decision on power of Congress to legislate for Territorial, 246 ; effect of formation of State Constitution for Territory in which it already exists, 249, 250 ; right of Territory to legislate for, 249, 250 ; Lincoln's hatred of, 252 ; its future predicted, 252 ; right of fi-ee States to in- terfere in slave States, 253, 254; a moral wrong, 254, 528, 560, 619, 620; Lincoln's po- sition on influence of Dred Scott deci- sion on Territorial, 255 ; its influence ujion the Constitution, 259; question of popular sovereignty and, 262, 263; position in the United States, 267 ; nationalization of, 268, 270-273, 291, 298, 502, 503, 605, 530, 531, 541, 554, 558, 560, 574, 588, 589, 593, 612, 614, 622, 629 ; Douglas's views on, 270-273, 422, 423, 425, 441, 442, 447, 480, 505, 516-518, 561, 573, 586-590; introduction of, into Territories, 271, 273. 288 ; fundamental in our govern- ment, 273, 436, 480, 498, 623, 624 ; Lincoln's charge of conspiracy to nationalize and perpetuate, 273, 292-297, 418-421, 466, 467, 485, 497, 498; agreement of the two old parties on, 278: Douglas's views on sla- very in Territories, 279, 436, 518, 545, 546, 551-555 ; Lincoln questioned as to his po- sition on, 280; exchisicm from Territories, 280,295,540; iuevitableuniformity of, under the Constitution, 283; right sjeserved to the States in the question of, 283; what shall be done with the free negro? 285; Doug- las on State rights in regard to, 285; pro- hibited in Illinois, 285, 472,478; admission into Kansas and Nebraska, 287; dilticiil- ties of abolition of, 288 ; injustice of, 288 ; Lincoln's policy as to existing, 289; no bond of union between the States. 290; views, action, and purpose of th(> fathers in regard to, 290,291,347, 480,504,505,516,517, 551, 565, 623, 631 ; provisions of Lecompton Constitution in regard to, 296, 297; posi- tion under U. S. Constitution, 296-298, 426; tendency of Dred Scott decision toward nationalization of, 298: jdedges of Repub- lican Convention of 1854 as to exclusion from Teri'itories, ;102 : question of abolition of, in Nebraska bill, 304 ; cannot exist with- out local police regulations, 315 ; such regu- lations depend on popidar will, 315; power of Territories over, 315, 316; Whigs and Democrats on common platfonn in regard INDEX 751 to, 322 ; Lovejoy'sdeclarationsinregardto, 324, 325; pio'hibitioii of, iu Northwest Ter- ritory, 3'i4, 5'.»'.i, CiOd, r,i»;i, {-AH, mc, ()27 ; Ne- braska policy tciiilcil to spread of, 330; policy of fouiiders of government to pre- vent' spread into Territories, 347; geo- graphieal Hue of, 347, 4(ir., 530, 531, 501, 562, 589, 614, 620, 621 ; etlect of invention of cottou-gin ou, 347, 480, fill ; a constant source of quarrel and ditlicnlty, 350; Ver- mont Deujoeratie i-CKolutions in regard to, 355 ; po\v(n- of i)eopIe of Territory to exclude it, i)rior to fonuation of 8tate Constitution, 35(;, 357; etlect of "police regulations" on status, 357, ;t5H ; vigor of, 358; extra-judicial decision of Supreme Court that Territories cannot exclude, 360; Democratic claim that Congress should not interfere with it in States or Territories, 307 ; Douglas's position as to Congressional interference with, 367; a violation of declaration of ecpuility, 369 ; the leading issue bef(U'e the connfiy in 1858, 3',»8; a constant source of disjiute, 407, 408; radical measures necessary to Stop tile agitation, 408; the rule of, 413; pro-slavery theology, 413,414; cannot be excluded from any place by non-action, 415; Douglas's provision iu Nebraska bill to leave question of, to peopl'' of States and Territories, 419, 420; not justiUed under any principle, 425 ; a matter of gen- eral interest, 425 ; importance of the issue, 425, 426, 534, 607, 613, 616, 617, 618,630; in- fluence of the question ou the church, 425, 426; intent of Kansas-Nebraska bill as to, 427; Lincoln's iiosition as to ex-* ieting conditions, and its introduction into new territory, 439; laws in Mexico, 440 ; provisions as to slavery in New Mexi- co and Utah when admitti'd as States, 440; effect of Texas boundary (luestiou on, 441; Douglas prcjiaring for n.itionaliza- tionof, 447, 448; Lincoln's views as to ac- quisition of niore territory with regard to, 448-450; the one ureal disturbinu' element iu United states )(olitics, 449.450; Doug- las's claim that States have riglit to set- tle question forthenrselves, 454; Lincoln's claim that Dred Scott decision would carry slaverv into free states, 454; effect of Dred Scott decision on, 459, 460; Judge Nelson on power of States over, 460 ; a disturbing and dangerous element in the nation, 462 ; views of Republican Party on, 462, 463, 465, 508, 509; Repuldican ideas on extinguishing, in District of Co- lumbia, 463; Democratic views on, 463- 465, 509-511; effect of compromise of 1850 on, 468 ; course toward ultimate extinc- tion or nationalization, 471, 472; rights of States in regard to, under U. 8. Consti- tution, 472; Speaker Orr's views on, in Territories, 474; effect of Dred Scott de- cision on States and Territories as to, 474 ; policy of Demooi-atic Party in regard to non-intervention by Congress with, in States and Territories, 475, 476 ; Douglas's position on slavery in States and Terri- tories, 475-479; rights of States and Terri- tories to legislate concerning, 476; Bu- chanan's views on slavery in States and Territories, 477,478; Brooks on,4.s0; riirlits of States as to, 487, 516, 517 ; how abolished in Northern States, 488; Lincoln's posi- tion in regard to slav(n\v iu States and Territories, 488, 4S9 ; Douglas's questions to Lincoln as to admission of States in regard to, 489; contract with Texas iu re- gard to, 489; principle of the Kansas-Ne- braska act in regard to, 493 ; Davis on the fallacy of forcing it on a community, 494 ; Buchanan on Territorial, 494; Southern views as to slavery iu Teri-itories, 495; Dred Scott decision portion of scheme to nationalize, 497,498; Lincoln's declaration of non-interference with existing, 499, 517, 539, 540, 559; coiidition at signing of Dec- laration of Independence, 501 ; looked-for end to agitation aliout, 502, 503 ; Lincoln's views on al)olition of, 502-512; magnitude of agitation in ls5«, 503; Lincoln's hope for its extinction, 504, 505; language of U. 8. Constitution iu regard to, 504, 615, 623, 624; the word avoided in U. S. Consti- tution, 504, 62;t ; agitation not alone spring- ing from olHce-seeking, 506 ; at l)ottom of NuUitication question, 506; an element of discord in tlie Union, 506, 507, 509, 542- 544, 586, 587 ; climatic conditions as a factor in, 506, 531, 562, 570-572 ; Douglas recom- mends a passive attitude tow,ard, 507 ; responsible for church dissensions, 507 ; Lincoln's position in regard to slavery iu the Territories, 507, 517, 659, 660, 668, 669; immigration into free States or Ter- ritories to l)e rid of, 508 ; how to deal with it, 509 ; discussiou of, forbidden, 510 ; Brooks's declaration in regard to the persistence of, 511, 516 ; Douglas's views on Lincoln's i)laii of extinguishing, 517; a moral, politi<'al, and social wrong, 528, 619 ; Montgomery and Crittenden measures for its adoption in Kansas, 530; Douglas's claim that it must always exist, 530 ; the all-important (luest ion in 1860, 534; preven- tion of its spi-ead and nationalization, 534, 535; nationalized ))y popular sovereignty, 537; repeal of law prohibiting it in Terri- tories, 540; prohibited in majority of States, 540,541; controversy liefweenGreat Britain and colonics on, 543; period of comparative peace with, 543, 587; Hick- man's views on, 544; not regarded by Douglas as a moral question, 544-546; a menace to our political existence, 545; synonym for the word. 546 ; prohibited in Jefferson's draft of ordinance for govern- ment of Territories, 549; the Ohio River a boundary line of, 549, 561 ; etl'ect of Or- dinance of 1787 in regard to spread of, 555 ; Democratic haters of, 556 ; danger of its revival in the free States, 556 ; only hope for peace iu connection "^ith sla- very agitation, 559; U. S. Constitution confers no power to interfere with, 559 ; a moral and political wrong. 5C(); the Bible as authority for, 5t;.) ; right to have, in Ter- ritories, 564": attitude of i;epul)liean Party toward, 569, 675; jireseuce ill Territory a hindraiu'etoestalilisliinga free State, 570; in French settlements, 571 ; iu Illinois. 571, 572; increase of, in ."Missouri, 572; distin- guished from hired la)ior,574; interference with, forbidden by V. S. ( '(Uistitution. 574 ; fears of the llepublicau ]'art.\- of natior.ali- zationof,5H5; opi)osiiion to nationalization of, 588; Territiuial legislation uufrieniUy to, 589, 590; the South weary of agitation, 591 ; Republican Party deems it a wrong, 591, 615, 616 ; perpetuation of, 593 ; must not be disturbed iu States where it exists, 593 ; impairs the general warfare, 593 ; question of power of U. S. government to control it in Territories, 599 ct sn/. ; its x>resence in Louisiana, 601 ; pro\ ision as to, in deeds of cession of Alabama. Mississippi, and Teun- essee. 601; provisions i-egarding.iu Missouri Territory, 6()l.6i»j; position of Keimlilicau Party as to power of U. S. G(*vernment to control, in Territ<»ru>s, 605 ; the guaranties accorded by the fathers to be fairly main- 752 INDEX Slavery — continued. taiueil, 605 ; imrpose of Republican Party not to iutertere with, wliere it exists, 007, 608, Gil, 612, 619, 620 ; Jefferson on the grad- ual extinction of, 608; revolts of slaves a natural result of, 608 ; powers of U. 8. Gov- ernment as to restrictinii of, (!(i8, oon ; na- tional feeling agniList, con ; dctlaratioDs of free-State constitutions that itisa \\roiiii-, 612, 629; called a right by the South, 612, 629 ; the question supposed to reach a set- tlement through the Lecomptou Constitu- tion, 613, 017 ; influence of value of slaves as property on, 613 ; antiquity of the ques- tion, 613 ; a wrong to whites and free la- bor, 613 ; proved a wrong by natural the- ology, 613; a question of dollars and tents, 613, 621, 622 ; a menace to the l^nion, C13, 619; likened to a venomous snake, or a wen, 6U ; abolition of, in seven States, 615 ; prevention of spread of, in Territories, 615 ; difticidty of dealing with, 615 ; South- em views on, 615; Brooks on early extinc- tion of. 015 ; Democrats demand cessation of opposititm to, 016 ; no middle ground be- tween riulit and wrong, 616; the claini of the iJcniocratic Party to have settled the question, 617 ; no wrong, 618, 619, 630 ; policy toward, on idea that it is right, 619, 620; views of Kepublican Party as to, in Terri- tories, 619, 620; as dependent on soil, 620; policy towawl, on idea that it is wrong, 620; policy o* indifference toward, 620-622 ; tender h.andling of the question, 622, 623; prohibited in the Territories, 623 ; desire of Kepublican Party to place it where the fathers placed it, 623 ; Jay's views on, 621 ;, Monroe's views on, 624; Washington's views on, 624, 627 ; one reasou for opposi- tion to, 625 ; proposal to maintain in the Territories through the judiciary, 627; proposed Congressional legislation for, in the Territories, 627 ; the root of the diffi- culty, 629 ; obstacle to settlement of ques- tion, 630; American people desire settle- ment of the question, 630 ; views on, in the North, 630 ; policy of indiflference toward, 631 ; only two policies regarding, can be maintained, 631 ; no power to bririg it into Territories, 636; abolition of, fi-om nation- al territory, 636 ; dogma that the Constitu- tion carries slavery into Territories, condemned by Republican National Con- vention of 1 860, 630 ; a cause of the Lincolns' removal to Indiana, 639; tendency of pro- mulgatiiui of A b(dition doctrines toward, 642; Congress has no power to interfere with, whirc it exists, 642; founded in in- justice and bad policy, 642; resolutions of legislature of Illinois regarding, 642 : pro- test against, tiled in the " Illinois House Journal," 642 ; a peculiar view of the " ne- cessity" of, 649; Lincoln's opposition to compromise regarding extension of, 657, 658; in District of Columbia, 659 (see also District of Columbia); clause in Republican i)latform regarding, II, 1; Lincoln's position in regard to interfer- ing with, 1, 296; limitations of the Con- stitution in regard to Territorial, 4, 5; the only substantial dispute, 5 ; proposed amendment of Constitution regarding Federal interference with, 6; Southern belief regarding Northern policv touch- ing, 20; advisability of substituting the Union or disunion issue for that of, 29; civil war a divine instrunieiit to root (mt, 90; proposed bill for comiiensated abolish- ment of, in Delaware, 91 ; diselainier of right of Federal government to interfere with, within the States, 129 ; gradual aboli- tion of, 129, 130, 155, 237 ; how regarded In Missouri, 133, 134; how regarded in Mary- laud, 134 ; the rights of property growing out of, 135; the President's feelings in re- gard to, 135; suggestions as to emancipa- tion by purchase, 138; abolition of, in the District of Columbia, 144, 145; incompati- ble with martial law, 155; the question of abohtiou one for the President, 155; tem- porary measures for relief of. 199 ; will be abolished liy incidents of war, 204; the lever of rebellion's power, 204 ; draft of bill to compensate, Julj^ 14, 1862, 207 ; efiects on white race, 223 ; the President's atti- tude between the Union and, 227, 564 ; cap- tured negroes reduced to, 235; the root of the rebellion, 235, 271 ; alleged intention to make compromise and save, 241 ; diversity of opinion regarding, 271 ; shares of the Nortli and the South in, 272 ; the only great element of national discord, 274; expecta- tions of its being supported by European nations, 302; letter to Gen. Schotield re- garding gradual emancipation, 357; the selling of'captured eolorcd sohliers into. 378; the President's tiini position asainst, 380,615,033: the President refuses' to re- turn emancipated slaves to, 380, 455, 615; a perplexing eonijiound of Union and, 420; advocates of gradual and immediate extinction of, 420; must not be rei'stab- lished in Louisiana, 436; constitutional amendment regarding, in reconstruction of Arkansas, 472, 475 ; not the sole issue of the civil war, 501-503 ; a wrong, 508 ; the Pi-esident's views on, 508, 509 ; elTect of the * war on, 513; plank of the Union National Convention in regard to, 529, 530; effect of restoration of, 562 ; the Democratic Party's policy of restoration of, 562 ; its destruc- tion necessary to a restoration of the Union, 562, 564; question of Confederate abandonment of, and reunion, 564, 565; extirpatiou of, in Mar\ land, 584, 586; pro- posed amendment to tlieC^onstitution abol- ishing, 612; abolished by constitutional amendment, 633. See also Emancipa- tion ; Fugitive-slave Law ; Negroes ; Slaves; Wilmot Proviso. Slavery dynasty, must be overthrown, I, 244. Slavery question, demand for its settle- ment, I, 617; declared fln.ally settled by Compromise of 1850,618; the only compro- mise that would settle the, 664; the ques- tion of evacuati(m of Fort Sumter regarded as a, II, 29. Slaves, provision for purchase of, by United States, 1, 148 ; contrasted Mith hired labor- ers, 179, 581 ; shipment of, to Liberia, 187 ; relation of master to, 196; freedom of will of, as decided by Supreme Court of Virginia, 268; placed by Taney on footing with other property, 368; question of right of property in, 442, 445, 446, 474, 494, 510, 512, 518, 552-5.54, 557, 566, 567, 610, 618, 619, 630, 630, II, 397 ; Clay's views on ultimate emancipation of, I, 448; limita- tion of power of Congiess to prohibit im- poitation of, not; tlu word avoided in the U.S. Constitution, 504. oio. r,-r.',. 021 ; charge against Republicans of stirring n\) insur- rections amoug. 607-609 ; allection for mas- ters, 608; revolts of , a natuial I'csult of slavery, 608; hindrance to insurrectiims by, 608; Jefferson on i;radual deiiortation of, 608; gradual emancipation of, 008, 615, 623; value of, in United Slates, reckoned as property, 613. Ois; ]iroi)ortion of. in population of United States, 613, ois, 630; are human beings. 019. 030; as a basis of representation, 623; runaway, 628; Lin- INDEX 753 coin's position on, 652: Lincoln's position on employment of, in arsenals ainl doek- yards, 659; Lincoln's attitude toward slaves and slave-owners in tlie South, G(jl ; jurisdiction of States or Conjiress over fugitive, II, 2 ; pi-otectiou to allejfed fugi- tive, 2; question of liberating those of traitorous owners, 77 ; change in Gen. Fremont's proclamation regarding liber- ation of, autliorizcd, 7H, 7'.i ; liberation of, a political nicasine, not military. 81; Fremont's proclamation regarding lil)er- ation of, discussed, 81, 82 ; proposed sys- tem of apprenticeship for minors born in Delaware of slave mothers, 91 ; lib- eration of , 102 ; emancipation of, by pur- chase, 129 ; question ot cost of emancipa- tion of, 132 ; annoyan<'f from, in the army, 133; temporary measures for relief of, 199 ; proposal to issue bonds for emancipation of, 207; power of Congress to liberate, 210; provisions regai-diug lii)erafioii of, 210; military neccssitv dictates actions regard- ing, 216"; Hock to New Orleans to be fed, 234, 235 ; escaped, to be deemed captives of war, 238 ; compensation for loss of, bj' loyal citizens, 238, 274 ; the liberation of, a destruction of property, 272 ; proclaimed free by proclamation of Jan. 1, 1863, 285, 287, 288 ; apprenticeship for, 296 ; trouble with, in Missouri, 297 ; arrest of, In Mis- souri, 374; instructions to Gen. Schofleld regarding, 417 ; liberation of, declared by Congress, 442 ; proclamations of liberation of, 443; transformed into United States- troops, 454; return of, to loyal owner, 500; Southern interest in, the cause of the war, 657 ; Confederates proi)ose to arm the, 662 ; provisions for roclaiiiation of fugitive, see Fugitive Slaves, Fuuitive-slave Law, U. 8. Constitution ; share in Declaration of Independence, see Declaration of Independence; Negroes. Slave States, question of their admission, I, 363 ; failure to respond to the call for volunteers, II, 58 ; unanimity of sentiment among, 129; the President's attitude to- ward, 133. Slave trade. Clay on, I, 175 ; in District of Columbia, 185; abolished in District of Columbia, 190, 441 ; obligations of free to slave-holding States, 197 ; prohibition of outgoing, 202 ; declared piracy, 203; power of Congress to abolish, 273 ; Lincoln ques- tioned as to his position on, 280 ; Lincoln's position in regard to ))rohibition of, be- tween different States, 306, 30s,659; demand of Republican Party for its suppression between States, 337; dangers of reviv- ing the African, 423; Rci)ulilican pledge as to prohibition of inter-State, 465 ; aboli- tion of, 480; existed at formation of the Constitution, 623 ; suppression of, II, 101 ; capital conviction of Gordon for partici- pation in, 122 ; foreign slave-traders should he prevented from acquiring domicil or facilities for trade in the United States, 606. See also Inter-State Slave Trade ; Slavery. Slidell, John, in Europe, II, 597. Slocum, Maj.-Gen. Henry W., question of forming his cavalry into reserve corps for Army of Potomac, II, 293; relations with Gen. Hooker, 414; sent to reinforce Rosecrans, 414. Smith, Lieut. -Comdg. Albert N., recom- mended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Smith, Benjamin G., order annulling the sentence against, March 18, 1865, II, 663. Smith, Caleb, reasons for his Cabinet ap- pointment, II, 9; Secretary of the Inte- Vol. n.— 48. rior, opinion on Fort Sumter, 18-20 ; opin- ion on relief of Fort Sumter, 27. Smith, Enos W., 1,354. Smith, Franklin W., order annulling the sentence against, March is, isr,,-), II, G63. Smith, Green Clay, defeats Mr. Meuzies for Congress, 11, 3H2. Smith'^ Rev. John C, II, 106. Smith, Gov. J. Gregory, letter to, II, 638, 639. Smith, Lisle, I, 155. Smith, Comdr. Melancton, recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 151. Smith, Brig. Preston, killed at Chlcka- mauga, II, 412. Smith, Samuel, views on slavery in Terri- tories, I. 475. Smith, Truman, letter to, I, 654. Smith, Victor, collector of customs, Puget Sound district, II, 335; charges against, 335 ; removal of, 335. Smith, Lieut. -Comdg. Watson, recommend- ed for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Smith, Gen. W. F,, letter to, II, 283; plan of operations for tlie Army of the Poto- mac, 283; major-generalship of, 314; fail- ure to arrive at (Gettysburg, 369; the President's feelings regarding the con- duct of, after Gettysburg, 369. Smithson, , case of, II, 500; referred to Secretary Stanton, 600, 601. Snicker's Gap, Va., 11, 247. Society of Friends, letter from those of Rhode Island, II, 139. Soil, not a factor in slavery question, 1, 571 ; cultivation of the, 578-580, 583; slavery as dependent on, 620. Soldiers, amnest.v to those absent without leave, II, 314, 315 ; distribution of patron- age among, 374, 375 ; merit due to the, 500; rights of, 534; voting by, 614. See also Troops; U.S. Army; Volunteers. Soldiers' Fair, at St. Louis, II, 524; at Philadelphia, 526 ; letter to a, at Springfield, Dec. 19, 1864, 619. Soldiers' Home, the President's sojourn at, II, 480. Somers, J. W., letters to, I, 246, 631. Sons of Temperance, address from, II, 415 ; reply to, 415, 416. Sorghum, despatch from Sherman concern- ing, II, 577. South, the, mob law in 1, 10 ; Lincoln's ab- sence of prejudice toward. 186, 288 ; domi- nation of self-interest in, 223 ; Douglas's influence in. 277 ; attempts to array agtiinst the North, 286, 292, 293 ; no natural antag- onism against the North, 291, 292 ; does not take hold of principles of Republican Party, 439; opinion in, as to slavery in Territories, 495; threat'Cned secession of, in event of election of a Itcpulilican Pres- ident, 569, 610; numerical inferiority Of, to North, 570; Presidential timber in the, 575, 570, 591 ; possibilitv of a Union ticket in 1860, 591, 592 ; opinion of the Republi- can Party in, 695 ; chai'ges sectionalism against the Republican Party, 605, 606; threatens to destroy the Union, 610; de- mands of, from the Republican Party, 611, 612; public opinion of, as regards slavery, 613; Republicans never made war upon, 616; Republican Party charged with in- vading, 624, 625, 628 ; duty of the Republi- can Party to conciliate, if possible, 628; not likel.v to break up Union, 648 ; assur- ance given to people of, through A. H. Stephens, of Lincoln's feelings toward, 661 ; apprehensions in, regarding a Repub- lican administration, II, 1 ; opinion of Northern courage in, 20; feelings of Union- ists in, regarding Fort Sumter, 29 ; Seward 754 INDEX advises maintaining every fort in, 29; Union feeling in, 77; expectations of, of lielp from the North, loa; measure of its responsibility for slavery, 272; question of sending representatives to Congress, 280, 281 ; alleged purpose of the President to enslave or exterminate the whites of, 296 ; influence of colored troops in, 321. South America, scheme for negro coloniza- tion in, II, 205; communication with, 269; States of, support proposed overland telegraph through Russia, 605. South American Republics, Clay's support of, I, 174. Southampton, slave insurrection at, I, 608. South Anna, seizure of, hy Federal forces, II, 170 ; inquiries concerning condition of railroads crossing the, 335. South Carolina, political (•(•ceiitricities and heresies in, 1, 174; foiiiu'r cxttiisinn of territory, 181; contrasted with Maine in national legislation, 198; conditions con- trasted with those of New Hampshire, 283; "invasion" and "coercion" as ap- plied to, 673; Union feeling in, II, 12; in- itiates the revolution, 13 ; hostile atti- tude, 18; expected to resist attemi)t to provisitm Fort Sumter, 18; insurrection In, 19, 35, 55 ; seizes government property, 19 ; act of war by, 22; the head and front of the rebellion, 27 ; obstruction of U. 8. laws in, 34 ; blockade of ports of, 35, 38, 39, 485, 670 ; notification to the governor of, that Fort Suiuter would be provisioned, 67 ; declared in state of insui-rectiou, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; Capt. Du Font's ser- vices on the coast of, ]40; proclamation of martial law in, by Gen. Hunter, 155; provision for reconstruction of, 443. Southern, , kills a recruiting-olHcer in Maryland, II, 499, 500. Southern mail, remarks in U. 8. House of Kepresentatives, Jan. 5, 1848, on detention of, I, 98, 99. Southern States, secession of, II, 55. Southside railroad, torn up by Wright, II, 067. Southwest, services of hundred-day troops in the, II, 583. " Sovereignty," definition of, II, 62. Spain, treaty of 1819 with, I, 102, 105; revo- lution of Mexico against, 105, 183 ; acquires Texas, 183 ; Cassius M. Clay proposed as Minister to, II, 10; Seward advises de- manding explanations from, 29; Seward advises declaring war against, 29; ques- tion of incorporating the Dominican Re- public, 66; correspondence with, relating to the bark J'ruridcnriii, 118; proposition to, for international convention to settle disputed questions, 262; relations with, 263; question of jurisdiction of, in Cuban waters, 445 ; threatened war with Peru averted, 605. Spanish- American Republics, protest against tlie colonization of negroes in their territories, II, 262, 203. Sparta, Va., Lincoln family ,at, 1, 177. Speaker, election of a, II, 316. Special commissions, regarding State pris- oners, II, 127; "to revise the enrolment and quotas of the City and State of New York," 488. Specie, question of collecting revenue in, I, 22-24; amount in United States, 23. Specie payments, suspension of, II, 186, 264 ; necessity of speedy return to, 264. Speech, on the use of, I, 524-527 ; freedom of, 605. Speed, James, appointed attorney-general, II, 602 ; asked for opinion as to duties of Secretary of the Navy, II, 623. Speed, Joshua F., I, 39, 41; letters to, 48-51, 54-57, 64-68, 71, 79, 81, 82, 88, 89, 151, 216-219 ; signs call for Whig State Convention, 54 ; position on slavery question, 216. Speed, Mrs. Lucy, mother of J. F. Speed I, 64, 82. Speed, Miss Mary, letter to, I, 52. Speer, W. S., letter to, I, 652. Spencer County, Ind., Lincoln's education in, 1, 596; wild features of, 596; removal of Thomas Lincoln from Kentucky to, 596, 639. Spies, II, 125, 407. Sprague, William, governor of Rhode Is- land, letter to, II, 45; telegram to, 78; elected to U. S. Senate, 200 ; introduced to Halleck, 200. Spriggs, Capt., contemplated execution of, II, 185. Springer, Francis, letter to, II, 341, Springfield, 111., proposition to remove seat of government to, I, 8; adtU-ess before Yoiing Men's Lycemn, Jan. 27, 1837, 9-15 ; dull life in, 15 ; sundry speeches by Lin- coln at, 21-37, 226-235, 260-273, 418, 502, 647, 648; call for Whig Convention at, 53, 54; address before Washiugtouian Temper- ance Society, 57-64 ; duelling fever in, 71 ; Whig meeting at, March 1, 1843, 72; Lin- coln boards at Globe Tavern at, 82; Lin- coln's residence, 117, 177 ; recommendation of Walter Bavis tor receiver of land office at, 152; recommendation of T. R. King for register of land office at, 152, 153 ; rec- ommendation of A. Y. Ellis for postmas- ter at, 153; cholera at, 165; eidogy of Henry Clay at, 167-176 ; discussions with Stephen A. Douglas at, I, 204, 210, 275, 276 ; RepubUean conventions at, platforms, etc., 279, 287, 341, 439, 456, 485; Lincoln's speech at, to convention nominating him for the Senate, 282, 283; Douglas's criti- cisms of Liuroln's speech at, 291-293; con- vention of National Democrats in, 351; anti-Nebraska meeting at, 401; Douglas perverts Lincoln's position in speech at, 419 ; Douglas's attack on Lincoln in regard to convention at, 443-445 ; Douglas's attack on Lincoln in regard to convention at, 452 ; Lincoln's speech on his nomination, 486; Lincoln's statement, in speech at, in re- gard to negro citizensliii), 497. 498; lecture on Discoveries, Inventions, and Imi)rove- ments, delivered at, 522-528; practise of law in, 597 ; rendezvous for flatboat trip to New Orleans, 640; Douglas speaks at State AgriciUtural Fair at, 644; meeting at, to celebrate Lincoln's election, 655; farewell address at, Feb. ll, 1861, 672; ap- pointment of quarteruiaster and commis- sary at, II, 341; proposed meeting of mi- conditional Union men at, 396. Springfield, Mass., letter to Soldiers' Fair at, Dec. 19, 1864, II, 619. Springfield, Mo., question of railroad con- struction nt, II, 221 ; completion of rail- road to, urged, 303; McClernand at, 406; Pacific railroad at, 494. Springfield resolutions, Douglas's purpose in quoting them, I, 467 ; Lincoln's reply to Douglas in regard to, 484, 485. Squatter sovereignty, 1,241, 242, 248, 249, £31, 535. Staflford, E., letter to, I, 632. Standing army, reason for, I, 178. Stanley, Edward, military governor of North Carolina, II, 175 ; letter to, 243. Stanton, Edwin M., coiTespoudence with, II, 73, 117-119, 138, 139, 141, 212, 217, 222, 229, 289, 305-307, 312, 335, 336, 343, 355, 357, 371, 372, INDEX 755 376, 377, 385, 392, 394, 395, 399, 400, 402, 403, 438, 401-4(13, 466, 480, 481, 488-492, 499, 500, 505, 506, 515, 547, 548, 561, 5()9, 592, 593, 600, 601, 629, 630, 665-667; correspoudciice with Gen. Hal- leck, 146, 189, 555, 556 ; telegram to Gen. J. E. Wool, 148 ; telegrams to Gen. Fremont, 153, 167-169, 178, 184; letter to Gen. Mc- Clellan, 154; attempt of Col. Hicks to ex- cite the President against, 157 ; telegrams to Gen. Banks, 160, 161, 174, 175 ; telegrams , to Gen. McDowell, 160, 176; telegram to Gen. J. B. Ricketts, 166 ; telegram to Gov. Andrew, 167; telegram to Gen. McCall, 173 ; telegram to Gov. Johnson, 176, 177 ; corresi)oudence with Burnside, 178, 329; telegr;inis to Gen. Sigel, 179, 183; letter to (ien. Butler, 198, 199; diflfei'enco between McCltllau and, 219, 220 ; telegram to Gen. Cnrtis, 2;i8, 299; the President's deference to, in selecting succes-sor to Gen. Curtis, 335; telegram to Gen. Herron, 337, 338; telegraniH to Gen. Rosecrans, 339, 532; in- struL'ti'd to give governor of Kansas the same privileges as those of other gov- ernors of loyal Rtiites, 371, 372; question of reap[)i>iutuiriit atriot- ism of, 140; Barretfn attacks on, 156; Douglas charges Lincoln with planning against (lay in favor of, 515; inaugura- tion of, OlJ; invasion of Mexico, 643; vote for, in Lincoln's fljstrict in Illinois, 643; Lincoln's activitv in securing his election to the Presidency, 643. Taylor County, Va., excepted from insurrec- tion proclamation, II, 195. Teche, La., port of, declared closed, II, 670. Telegraphs, projected Atlantic cable and Pacific and Russian lines, II, 263 ; con- struction of line from Missouri River to PactHe Ocean, 423; projuised line across the Atlantic ( )ceau, 447 ; i>roposed line be- tween Washington and lorts on the sea- board and the Gidf of Mexico, 447; proposed line through Asiatic Russia, 447, 605; transcontinental. Oil. Temperance, views on, I, 57-64, II, 415 ; in the army, 415, 416. Temple, J. B., president of military board of Kentucky, requests the President to call for voliTnteers, II, 194. Ten Eyck, Capt. T., exchange of, II, 501. Tennessee, (lay's loss in, 1, 118; interested in Mississippi River improvements, 125; foruiei'ly part of Korth Carolina, 181 ; pro- vision as to slavery in deed of cession of, 601 ; the territory now. ceded by North Carolina to Federal government, 600, 601 ; Seward looks to, for revi\'al of Union sen- timent, II, 13; seizure of steamer and munitions of war belonging to, 39,40; let- ter (draft of) to governor of. May 1. 1861, 39, 40; call upon, for troops, 40; loyalty presumed, 40; response of the goverimr to the call for troops from, 40; reiiressiou of Union sentiment in, 58; piolialily a^ majority in, in favor of Union, 64 ; de- clared in state of insurrection, 75, 195, 321, 322 ; contemplated movement to seize railroad between Virginia and, 83; pro- posed railroad connections between Ken- tnck.\' and loyal regions of, 94. 95; Union sentiment in, 104; Wtferings of loyalists in, 112; inquiry of (^ov. Johnson regard- ing release of rebel prisoners, 176; in- cluded in IlaUeck's department, 177 ; Hal- leck's movements in, 184; exposed to Confederate attack, 190; governor of, re- quests the I'resident to call for vohmteers, 194; value of (ios. .Johnson in, 204 ; guer- illa warfare in. 24S; nemitialions tor elec- tion of representatives to Congress from, 248; hopeful outlook in, 251; tiooiis from western Virginia for, 253; de\eloi>nieut of, 209 ; inquiry as to effect of battle of Murfreesboro on jirospects of,297; Burn- side's victories in, 403 ; clear of anued in- surrection. 405 : letter to Gov. .Tohnson re- garding (iri;anizat ion of loyal government, 405; ((uestion of Harris's liovernorsliip, 405: Union government for, 405; emanci- pation in, 405, 454; reconstruction in, 405, 408, 443, 486, 487, 612, 631; Andrew Johnson created military governor of, 408; importance of keepinir State clear front enemy, 410; Confederate troops sent to. 411: importance of liolding, 419; cleared of insurgent control, 454; successes in, 457; massacre of colored troops in, 513; 758 INDEX Mrs. McElrath banished from, 577; pro- test agaiust in'oolamation by Gov. Joliu- son, 588, 589 ; the Presidential election in, 588, 589 ; crops in, 612. Tennessee, East, movements against, II, 69, 111, 189, 193; arms for. Ill ; proposed scheme for Buell's menacing, llC ; neces- sity of capturing, 190 ; importance of cap- turing railroad in, 194 ; BueU to make it the main object of his campaign, 248; troubles in, 383; military difficulties in, 383 ; the President's anxiety about, 385 ; settlement of affairs in, 406 ; perils of, coDsequent on defeat at Chickamauga, 414; perilous position of, 424; temporary withdrawal of troops from, discussed, 426; speculations as to Ewell's presence in, 428; announcement of Union success in, Dec. 7, 1863, 442 ; sufferings of the peo- ple of, 516. Tennessee, 'West, communication to com- manding olBcers in, Feb. 13, 1865, II, 651, 652. Tennessee River, capture of negroes from boat in, II, 235 ; Buell to secure the valley of ttie upper, 248 ; Biu-nside on, 413 ; Con- federates destroy gamboats on, 593. Terre Bonne Parish, La., excepted from dec- laration of Louisiana's state of rebel- lion, IL 288. Territories, question of slavery in newly acquired, 1, 143; seK-government for, 22G, 477-479, 495, 503 ; constitutionality of slav- ery in, 241-245, 273 ; slavery in, 242, 277, 291, 294, 311, 312, 315, 316, 622, 629-631 ; effect of the Dred Scott decision on slavery in, 246, 255, 263, 368, 414,435, 474, 498, 551-555, 557, 610; right to decide slavery questions for them- selves, 249, 250, 315, 316, 322, 494, 511-513, 551- 555 ; introduction of slavery into, 271, 273, 288, 289, 636 ; Douglas's position on slavery in, 279, 518, 566, .567 ; exclusion of slavcr.y from, 280, 295, 302, 408, 540; restrictions against slavery in, 290, 291, 480; admis- sion of, as States with or without slavery, 304; right of Congress to prohibit slavery in, 306. 308, 357, 367, 498; admission of, 314, 315; views of framers of U. S. Constitu- tion as to slavery in. 347, 565; resolutions of Joliet convention regarding slavery in, 353; power of Federal government over slavery in, 355, 599 et seq., 605 ; power of people of, to exclude slavery from, prior to formation of State constitution, 356, 357, 414, 551 et seq.; extra-judicial de- cision of Supreme Court that legislature of, cannot exclude slavery, 360 ; unfriendly legislation toward slavery Viy, 414-416, 435, 436, 482, 512, 513, 518, 553, 566, 567, 589, 590; their sovereignty held in trust for the peo- ple until admitted as States, 415; Doug- las's provision in Nebraska bill to leave question of slavery in, to people, 419, 420 ; practice of government under U. S. Con- stitution to exclude slavery from, 421; position of Republican Party as to slavery in, 424, 465, 588, 619, 620 ; U. 8. Constitution protects slaves as projjerty in, 426 ; Doug- las's position on ailniission of, on basis of popubitioii, 428, 429 ; protection of property in, depends on local and municipal law, 435, 436 ; provision as to admission of New Mexico and Utah as States, 440 ; Lincoln's views on acquisition of further, with re- gard to the slavery question. 448-450; Lin- coln's position in regard to admission of. with slave constitutions, 468; Lincoln's views on slavery in, 471, 472, 489, 507, 508, 517, 6.59, 660, 668, 669 ; rights of slave-owners in, 474, 609-612 ; policy of Democratic Party in regard to slavery in, 475-479 ; Douglas's position on slavery in States and, 475-479, 544, .546; Buclumairs \ icw's on slavery iu, 477,478, 494; sul)uiis.siou of constitution to people before admission as State, 478; Douglas's questions to Lincoln on admis- sion of, 489 ; Douglas's position on admis- sion of, 489, 490 ; value of slaves in, 494 ; Southern views as to slavery in, 495 ; Lin- coln's claim to follow Clay's principles in organizing new, 501, 502 ; the slavery ques- tion to be removed to the, 503 ; an outlet for surplus population, 508 ; Lincoln denies constitutional power to hold slaves in, 512 ; rights of self-regulation of domestic institutions, 516; status of slaves in, 518; repeal of prohibition of slavery in, 540; Douglas's theory of popular sovereignty applied to, 542 ; Douglas's views as to power of Federal government over, 545 ; slavery in, a national question, 545, 620; Douglas on the power of Congress to or- ganize, 547 ; right to have slavery in, 564; presence of slavery in, a hindiance to forming a free State, 570 ; Douglas's views on local and federal questions of govern- ment of, 573; proposed Congi-essioual slave-code for the, 575, 585, 586, 588, 607, 627 ; distinguished from States, 587 ; posi- tions of Republican and Deuiocratic parties on slavery in, .588; prevention of spread of slavery into, 593, 615 ; duty of Republican Party to prevent extension of slavery into, 612 ; slavery prohibited in the, 623; proposed maintenance of slavery in, through the judiciary, 627; Republican position on lawless invasion of, 636 ; dogma that the Constitution carries slavery into, condemned by Republican National Convention of 1860, 636; armed invasion of, denounced by Republican platform, II, 1 ; limitations of the Con- stitution in regard to slavery in, 4, 5; effects of the civil war on settlement of, 100; treason in the governments of, 124; prosperous condition of, 263, 610 ; mineral resources of, 264; proposed scientific ex- ploration of, 264; condition of, 447; in- crease of population in, 614. Texas, Mexican invasion of, I, 97, 98 ; Gen. Taylor's attitude as to defense of, 98; Clay on annexation of, 100 ; boundary question, 101-105, 107,185; revolts against Mexieo,105; ti-eaty with Mexico, 107, 108 ; opposed to Clay, 118; error of New York "Tribune" in regard to boundary, 133 ; admission of, 183; slavery in, 183, 185; revolution of, 183; Spanish acquisition of, 183; settle- ment of bomidary question, 185, 190, 441 ; slavery question at annexation of, 350, 489, 506 ; slavery the cause of ti-oubles at annexation of, 407 ; construction of States from territory of, 468, 489 ; Douglas i-eports bill for adjustment of boundary, 476; Douglas's question to Lincoln in regard to slavery in, 489; boundary dispute with Mexico, 643; Seward advises to prepare for war in, II, 26 ; obstruction of U. S. laws iu, 34 ; declared in state of insurrec- tion, 35, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; blockade of ports of, proclaimed, 35, 39, 485, 070; joins the Confederacy, 58 ; peculiarity of its entrance into the Union, 62 ; the only State ever possessing a sovereignty, 62 ; the debts of. 63; lack of U. S. circuit court in, 98; insurgents from, in possession of the Indian Territory, 100, 101 ; order for seizure of property and employment of military " contrabands " in, 212 ; Gen. But- ler's wish to go to, 306; proposed expe- dition to western, 377, 378; necessity of military operations in, 380 ; importance of INDEX 759 reestablishing national authority in west- ern, 384; provision for rccoiiHtructiou or', US; Banks tliaiila-(l lor opciatious in, 466 ; Banks not to withdraw Ironi, 46(). Thanks and rejoicing, orders of, Sept. 3, 1804, II, 572, 573. Thanksgiving, proclamation recomnieud- ing, April 10, 1862, II, 143, 144; i)roclama- tiou for, July 15,1863,370; pi'oclaiiiation for, Oct. 3, 1863, 417, 418 ; for Union suc- cesses in East Tennessee, 442 ; reconmien- dation of. May 9, 1864, 519; iiroclamation of, Sept. 3, 1864, 571, 572; proclamation of, Oct. 28, 1864, 587 ; preparation of a call for a national, 672. Thayer, , consul-general at Alexandria, II, 84. Thayer, Maj.-Gen. J. M., presides at court- martial on Thomas W. Knox, 11,317; at Fort Smith, 482; communication to, re- garding reconstruction in Arkau8as,5482. Thirteenth Amendment. See U. S. CONSTI- TUTION. Thomas, , recommended for oflice of U. S. marshal, 1, 151, 152. Thomas, E. M., II, 222. Thomas, Gen. George H., force at Camp Dick Robinson, II, 83, 84; to watch Zolli- cotl'cr and Bncltuer, 84; prniioscd cavalry movenii'ut fin-, toward Kiioxvillc, 126; satisfactory news from, 4'.U ; ilcspatch to, announcing probalile reliel raid into Ken- tucky, 589 ; at Nashville, 5S9, 617 ; national thanks to, for services, 617; good news from, 619 ; services in Georgia, 622. Thomas, Adjt.-Gen. L., letter to Gen. Har- ney, May 27, 1861, II, 52, 53; statements by Carl Schurz rci,^ariliiig siiliordlnatcs of, 258 ; at Harrisliiiri;-, M' ; nri;c(l to hurry Ms forces in pursuit of I.cc, 367 ; instru- mental in raising colored troo](s, 372 ; to raise colored tro()])s in the Mississippi Valley, 384; directed to see to contraband and Icasinu-liusiuess on Mississippi River, 489; at Louisville, iS'.). I'JO, 532 ; letter to, March 1, 1864,4'.i0; instructions to, regard- ing Mr. Lewis, .MJ ; jurisdiction in case of Gen. Hurlluit.riis; instructions to, regard- ing enlistment of negroes, 532, 533. Thomas, R. S., appointment of, as aide- de-camp, desired by Gen. Rosecrans, II, 316. Thomasson, William P., recommended as agent of Goose Creek salt-works, II, 307. Thompson, Ambrose W., financial scheme of, II, 507 ; letter to, 507. Thompson, Gideon H., II, 617. Thompson,Jacob, Peace Commissioner from Confederate States, II, 549. Thompson, Mrs. Nancy, charges against, II, 017. Thompson, R. W., indorses J. A. Wright for Terre Haute district, II, 218 ; telegram to, 525 ; desires to place his son on Gen, Hun- ter's staff, .525. Thompson, Col. Samuel M., T, 5. Thornton, Capt.S.B.,captiu-ed by Mexicans, I, 121. Three-months men, to be discharged unless they reenlisf , II, 69. Tillman, J. W., letter to, I, 667. Title to soil, not a simple fact, 1, 101. Tobacco, provisions for forfeitiu'e of, II, 322. Tobey, Dr. S. B., letter to, II, 139. Tod, David, governor of Ohio, requests the President to call for volunteers, 11,194; nominated as Secretary of the Treasury, 540. Todd, Ann, I, 55, 82. Todd, Capt., killed, II, 297. Todd, Dr., on conniiittee of resolutions in favor of Hungarian freedom, 1, 158. Todd, Gen., emissary from Gov. Cnrtin in regard to exemptions from the draft, II, 593. Todd, Mary, Lincoln married to, I, 642. See also LlN( OLN, Mks. Abkaham. Todd, Robert S., father of Mrs. Lincoln, I, 642. Tonnage duties, levy of, by States, 1, 124, 128. Toombs, Robert, introduces bill in regard to admission of Kausas, I, 372, 387, 392 ; re- ply to Douglas, 317, 332, 454. Tortugas, the, order regarding the suspen- sion of hal)eas corpus at, II, 45. Totten, Maj.-Gen. Joseph G., opinion on pro- visioning Vint Sumter, II, ir., 16, 18. Townsend, E. D., Assistant Adjutant-Gen- eral, II, so. 229, 254, 306 ; Gen. Meade wi-ites to, asking coiut of iiHpnry, 506. Trailer, Archibald, accused of murder, I, 48-50. Trailor, Henry, accused of murder, I, 48-50. Trailor,WiIliam,accusedof murder, 1, 48-50. Treason, contemplated, I, 636; success in the field, II, 124; the whole government pervaded by, 124 ; in branches of govern- ment, 105; bill to punish, 209; under the Constitution, 346; personal liability for, 472. Treat, S. H., opinion on Illinois election law, I, 176; asked for report on Coles County riot cases, II, 540. Treaties, veto power of U. S. Senate in re- gard to, 1,492; commercial, II, 95; with New Granada, Dec, 12, 1846, 299 ; with New Grainida, Dec. r., 1861, 299; witli (^reat Britain for sniiprcssiou of African slave- trad(>, 445 ; with (ireat Britain for settle- meut of claims of British-American com- panies, 496. "Trent" affair, the, sclieme of arliitration in, II. lOH, 109; corresi)on(lcnce with Great Britain and France regarding, 110; corre- spondence with .\nsti-ia regarding, 113; correspondeiK'c with I'russia ct)ncei'ning, 117; corresiiondenee wifli Great Britain regarding, 120; correspondence with Rus- sia regarding, 127 ; correspondence with Italy regarding, 128. See also San Ja- cinto; WiLKi:s. Trial by jury, right of, not afTected by mili- tary arrests in time of rebellion, II, 350, 351. Trimble, Gen. Isaac R., captured at Gettys- burg, II, 434; status as a voter in Mary- land, 434. Triplett, Capt., contemplated execution of, II, 185. Troops, Congress asked for 400,000 men, II, 60 ; offer faster than they can be employed, 61 ; intelligence and education among. 64 ; response to call for, 96 ; from Missouri, 103, 104; provision for transportation of, 164; necessity f(u-, 190; call for, June 30, 1862, 192, 193; relative value of old and new, 198 ; value of rafiid levies of, 198, 212 ; delay in raising, 242; payment of, 264; question of using colored, tor garrison purposes, 298; recruiting, 426; Gen. Ull- man's enlistment of colored, 318, 319; rais- ing of colored, in the North, 342, 343 ; en- rolling and calling out, 449; offers of, from various States, 514, 515 ; Kansas offers to furnish, 522 ; (ien. Sherman objects to Northern recruiting near his eauips, 551 ; despatch to Gen. Grant respecting call for, 551 ; right of voting, 581, 582 ; order of thanks to hundred-day, 583. See also Sol- diers; Volunteers. 760 INDEX Troy, Kas., speecli in, I, 585 et seq. Troy, N. Y., address at, Feb. 19, 1861, I, 685. Truckee River, Nev., Pacific railroad at, II, 611. Truesdale, Calvin, to examine charges against T. J. Pickett, II, 326. Triiett, Myers, I, 40. Trumbull, Senator Lyman, I, 241, 251, 265, 317, 322, 403, 656, 668 ; elected U. 8. senator, 214, 340, 401, 402 ; one of the founders of the Republican Party, 279 ; candidate for Douglas's senatorial seat, 279, 282 ; com- mented on by Douglas, 281, 282; alleged deal with Lincoln, 286, 287, 348, 364, 401, 461 ; position on admission of States, 314, 315; attempts to dissolve the Democratic Party, 323 ; alleged bargain for Douglas's senatorship, 324 ; alleged cheating of Lin- coln in senatorial election, 324 ; leader in Abolition movement, 336, 400; opposes Douglas in discussion, 338 ; speaks at Wa- terloo, 338, 404 ; elected by Abolition votes, 339 ; how elected to U. S. Senate, 340 ; in- terrogates Douglas as to power of Terri- tory to exclude slavery prior to formation of constitution, 357; speaks at Chicago and Alton against Douglas, 370, 371, 388 ; indorsed by Lincoln, 370 el seq., 396, 408- 410, 520; charges Douglas with participa- tion in plot to form constitution for Kan- sas, 371 et seq. ; extract from speech at Alton referred to by Lincoln in opening speech at Charleston, 379-385; charges against Douglas, 385 et seq. ; stumps Illi- nois against Douglas, 401 ; Matheny's at- tack on, 402; charged by Douglas with bringing false charges against him, 403; Lincoln's comments on story of bargain between himself and, 408, 409 ; charges Douglas with preventing people of Kan- sas from voting on constitution, 411 ; speaks in behalf of Lincoln in Monroe County, 433, 438; attempted fraud upon, by Douglas, 444 ; charged by Douglas with forgery, 460, 461 ; Douglas's attempt to use Springfield resolutions against, 484 ; vote of Judd for, 594, 595 ; on political situation in 1860, 633 ; letter to, 661 ; induces revoca- tion of order suspending the Chicago "Times," II, 525; letter to, respecting re- construction of Arkansas, 535; letter to, respecting affairs in Louisiana, 625, 626. Trust, the Presidential ofHce a public, II, 66. Tuck, , suggested for Cabinet position, I, 661. Tucker County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Turkey, relations with, II, 263 ; commercial treaty with, 263 ; U. 8. consular courts in, 305; consular service in, 447. Turner, Maj. Levi C, judge-advocate of court-uiartial trying Major Key, II, 241 ; testimony concerning Major Key's con- duct, 241. Turner, T. J., T, 213 ; opposed to slavery ex- tension, 211; elected Speaker of Illinois House of Representatives, 212, 323; drafts resolutions at Rockford Convention, 323; voted for Lincoln for senator, 326. Tuscumbia, Ala., Halleck at, II, 206. Twenty-fourth Corps, silccess of, II, 667. Twiggs, Gen. David E., note regarding his successor, I, 695; disposition of swords belonging to, II, 280. Tybee Island, Ga., Federal possession of, II, 104. Tyler, Gen. E. B., movements near Vienna, Va., II, 66; surroimded at Martinsburg, 352. Tyler, Pres. John, effect of policy on Whig Party, I, 78 ; defeats national-bank mea- sm-es, 78; friends support Gen. Taylor, 122 ; elected Vice-President, 220 ; succeeds to Presidency, 220, 222. Tyler County, Va., excepted from insurrec- tion proclamation, II, 195. Ullman, Col. Daniel, desires to organize blacks in Mississippi and Louisiana, II, 293 ; to raise a colored brigade, 318. 319. Ulster County, N. Y., William Martin pro- posed as collector in, II, 227. Unconditional Union men, i)roposed meet- ing of, at Spring-field, 111., II, 396. Underwood, Judge John C., case of Mrs. Keenau referred to, II, 511. Underwood, J. R., draft of letter to, re- specting assessments in Kentucky, II, 590, 591. Union, the secret of strength, I, 77 ; frater- nity the element of, II, 14. See also Fed- eral Union. Union County, Ky., matter of refunding money collected in, II, 308. Union Democrats welcome Clay, I, 515. Union League, Philadelphia, the President elected honorary member of, II, 429. Union National Convention of 1864, plans for a radical platform, II, .528; contested seats in, from Missouri, 528 ; the President's non-interference with, 528; Lincoln's re- nomination conceded by the radicals, 528 ; question of the Vice-Presidency in, 528; renominates Lincoln for President, 529- 531; platform of, 529-531; indorses Lin- coln's policy, 530; communication of the nomination to the President, 538 ; remem- brance of the army and navy by, 538. Union Pacific Railroad, the President's in- terest in, II, 441; message to the Senate concerning the line of, 493. Union sentiment, in the South, II, 11,104; Seward looks for revival of, 13 ; in Mary- land, 103. Union Volunteer Refreshment Saloons, II, 534. Union Whigs welcome Clay, I, 515. Unitarian Church, slavery dissension in, I, 507. " United Colonies," the, II, 62. United States, advantages of, I, 9; dangers threatening, 9-15; importance of manu- factures to, 73 ; evil influence of slavery in, as a republican example to the world, 186; home rule principles at incep- tion of, 196; population of, 258; growth, strength, and progress of, 258, 286, 342, 406, 479; two gi'eat political parties in, prior to 1854, 278, 398; likened to a hive of bees, 318; separate States stand on an equality, 428 ; varying status of iiegi-o in different States, 435 ; State rights the fun- damental principle of the government of, 436; power of acquiring additional ter- , ritory, 449; slavery a disturbing and dangerous element in, 462, 506, 507 ; rights of several States, under U. S. Constitu- tion, in regard to slavery, 472 ; immigra- tion, 479; veto i)ower of the President, 492; prohibition of slavery in new terri- tory, 504 ; l>asis of representation in, under the Constitution, r>(i4; Lincoln denies de- sire to set up conflict )iet\\r(>n the several, 505 ; variation of domestic institutions in the several, .505, 506; parties not strong enough to disturb general peace of the country, 507 ; commerce, 522 ; slavery prohibited in the several States, 540; in- fluence of public opinion in, 5.57, 613; people supreme over Congresses and courts, 575, 593 ; value of slaves in, reck- INDEX 761 oned as property, 613, 618 ; proportion of slaves ill poimhitiou, 613,618,630; intent of ConstitiitKiii not to show trace of exis- tence of slavery in, 624; desiratiility of peace lu, 628 ; normal condition of all ter- ^■itory of, 636; strenRtb of our political fabric, 636; perpetuity of tlie Union, II, 3; acts of violence against authority of, insurrectionary or revolutionary, 3 ; hos- tility to, how to be met, 4; needs no for- eign arbitrament, 37; attitu(h- regarding European nations, 49; war revolting to the sentiments of the people of, 51 ; possiliility of war between European uatious and, 51 ; the authority of, par- amount, 53; proficiency in industrial arts, 67 ; claims against, 99 ; a people jeal- ous of their rights, 108; vjopulation sta- tistics of, compared with those of Europe, 273; area, 273; ratio of increase of pop- ulation by decades, 273 ; address of the distressed operatives of Blackburn, Eng., to the people of, 312 ; the birthday of, 366; rights of citizens of, abroad, 446; mineral resources of, 447 ; consular sys- tem of, 447 ; should pursue liberal jiolicy in regard to iutcniatioual commerce, 448; mineral lands of the, 452 ; a severe test of the republic, 595 ; financial aflfairs, 607- 609; President of, see President of the United States. See also Population; States, and the names of the several States. United States Army, to be increased, May 3, 1861, II, 41, 42; MaJ. Anderson ordered to raise troops lor, 43; defection of offi- cers of, 55 ; calls for additions to, 59; res- ignations in, coutiucd to the officers, 64; question of apptiiutmout of James H. Lane to gincralship, 71; strength of, 96; Sabbath ulisi-ivauco in the, -254; provi- sions for payment of, 300, 301. 448 ; temper- ance and drunkenness in, 415, 416 ; tributes to, 456, 587; punishment of withholding payment. 491; Gen. Grant commissioned lieutenant-general in, 493, 494; no loss in, by eiiiauciiialifin. ;-(»9: thanked by the Union National Convention, 530, 538; pro- hibition against trading with the enemy, 581. United States Bank, the subject discussed, I, 21-31 ; constitutionality of, 229, 270 ; Con- gressional action on, 2J'.i; re-charter Act, 255, 256; Douglas's i)osition on, 271; the Cincinnati platform on, 299; Jackson's course in regard to, 299. See also Bank OF United states. United States bonds, and the national bank- ing system, II, 264, 265, 301 ; proposed is- sue of, for compensation for liberated slaves, 270, 271. United States census, partizanship in ap- pointing deputies for that of 1840, I, 51; Rhett's objection to, 130; the seventh, II, 106. United States Christian Commission, meet- ing at Washington, II, 311. United States Circuit Court of California, resolution of House of Representatives regarding, II, 17s, 179, United States circuit courts, uniform dis- tribution of, II, 98; proposed abolition of, 98. United States commerce, protection of, I, 125. United States Congress, powers of, to con- trol slavery, I, 15, 273, 280, 042 ; powers, at- titude, and actions of, respecting creation of a national bank, 30, 229, 270^ 299, 455; organization of, Dee. 6, 1847, 06 ; position on the Mexican ri;itcs money for cfdonization pur- poses, Jl'J : impossibility of uniting on pol- icy of enianciiiation, 234 ; negotiations for election of reincscntatives to, from Louisi- ana, 247; resohition of, July 11, 1862, re- spectinff i>ronioti(m of naval officers, 278; submission of papers to, regarding inter- national agricultural exhibition at Ham- burg, 297; joint resolution, Jan. 14-16, 1863, providing for payment of army and navy, 300, 301 ; power to regulate tlie cur- rency, 301; the restraining hand of, 303; transmission of j)apers to, relating tfi con- sular coiuts ill Turkey, 305: submission to, of despatch from U. S. consul at Liv- erpool, rcuardini;- ilistresscd operativi's at Blaclfbnrn, Eui;-., 312; submission to, of New Mexico's acceptance of licnetits of act to ])rovide for colleges of agriculture and mcclianic arts, 313; refunds tlie tiiie imposed(Ui (ien. Jacksoum New Orleans, 351 ; prospective return of iiicmliers from Louisiana to, 380; power to provide means to do things ordered by the Constitution, 762 INDEX 389 ; the conscription act passed by, 389 ; autliorizes the President to suspend ha- beas corpus, 407, 542; question of Frank Blair's membership in, 433, 434 ; declares forfeitures iiud confiscations and libera- tion of slaves, 442; jirovisiou as to mem- bers returned to, by recouKtructed States, 444; recommended to legislate, in regard to public lands, favorably to soldiers and sailors, 452 ; Capt. John liogers recom- mended for thanks of, 456; subject of Freedmen's Aid Societies brought before, 461; advised to make appropriation for indemnity for schooner (ilcii, i*)H; corre- spondence submitted to, concerning pi-es- entatiou to master of schooner High- lander, 486 ; transmission to, of report of Hanil)urg agricultural exhibition, 473; message to, regarding claims pending be- tween the United States and Ecuador, 497 ; right to arrange ofHces, 504 ; submis- sion to, of report of Engineer Stuart on method of passing gunboats from tide- water to the lakes, 506; transmission to, of note from Lord Lyons, regarding treat- ment of British naval officers at Norfolk, 514; transmission to, of papers of the East Tennessee Relief Association, 516; question of Judge Kelley's renomination to, 536; declines to admit representatives from Arkansas, 539 ; nomination of Ar- nold to, 540, 541 ; concurrent resolution of, regarding day of hmniliation and prayer, 543, 544; bill to guarantee a republican form of government, 545; authorizes ap- pointment of State recruiting agents, 551 ; efforts of postmaster of Philadelphia to defeat renomination of Judge Kelley to, 558 ; authorizes the purchase of prod- ucts of the insurrectionary States, 579; passes act for admission of Nevada, 592; Capt. Winslow recommended for thanks of, for destruction of the Alabama, 603; Lieut. Gushing recommended for thanks of, 603, 604 ; provides for remodeling In- dian system in California, 611 ; provisions lor pensions, 611; proposed amendment to the Constitution al)olishiug slavery, €12; admission of menil)ers irom Confed- erate States, 614, 615 ; transmission to, of treaties between United States and Bel- gium, 625; passage of constitutional amendment for abolishment of slavery, 633 ; draft of message to, recommending appropriation of money for Southern States, 635, 636; joint resolution declaring certain States not entitled to representa- tion in the Electm-al Collegia 639; com- mittee from, announces result of electoral count, 640; question of admission to, of members from reconstructed States, 673. See also Congress of the Confedera- tion; U. 8. House of Representatives; U. 8. Senate. United States Constitution, reverence for, I, 15; what constitutes "express au- thority," 30; general authority conferred by, upon Congress, 30 ; its phrase " neces- sary and proper," 31 ; powers conferred by, 30, 31 ; interchange of views mth Herndon on Mexican question. 111, 112 ; Democratic theory as to powers of gen- eral government over internal improve- ments, 123; amendment of, ijt; the qttes- tion of public improvements in regard to, 126, 127; Story on powers conferred on Congress, 127 ; Jefferson's proposed amend- ment to, in regard to public improve- ments, 127 ; advisability of amending, 129; question of grant of power to Con- gress to legislate on slavery in newly ac- quired territory, 143 ; supersedes Articles of Confederation, 181 ; rights of slavehold- ers under, 187 ; representation of slave- holders under, 197, 198 ; Lincoln's adherence .> to, 198, 678, 687, 695 ; language of , in regard to slaves and slavery, 202, 504, 010, 615, 623, 624 ; position of slavervimder, 202, 249, 280, 296-298; position on slave-trade and slaveholding, 206; provisions of, as to Presidential candidates, 222; no restric- tions on polygamy in, 227 ; interpretation of amendments to, 228 ; Douglas on as- saults on, 229; Pres. Jackson on inter- pretation of, 229, 256, 482; the negro's share in framing, 230; position of negro under, by virtue of Divd Scott decision, 242, 285, 405, 445, 446, 497, 498 ; the Dnnl Scott decision and, 243; restraint of, upon power of States over slavery, 244; its framers and their position regarding slavery, 253, 273, 487, 488, 504, 505, 511, 599, 600 : influence upon, 259 ; Jefferson on, 270 ; limitations of, on State rights, 278, 279, 294 ; formation of free and slave States under, 283; recognizes property in slaves, 357- 359, 426; what it means to support the, 358, 359 ; declaration of equality the funda- mental principle of free institutions, 369 ; must be supported, 369, 575, 593; g^uaran- tees right to hold 8la^•es in Territories, 414-417 ; courts will find remedy for eva- sion of right gitaranteed by, 415; ritrht of property under tlie I<'iftli Amendment, 416,417; Lincoln's dcTiial of tlie Suprcnio Court's correct coustiuction of, in Dred Scott case, 417 ; text of the Fifth Amend- ment, 417 ; the supreme law of the laud, 417, 431, 445, 473, 474, 553, II, 389; prac- tice of early government under, to ex- cltide slavery from free Territories, I, 421; how negro is excluded from bene- fits of art. 4, sec. 2, 426; art. 6, sec. 2, discussed, 445-447; goveras alike in free and slave States, 451 ; slavery in Dis- trict of Columbia and the, 463; rights of States tinder, in regard to slavery, 472; rights of States and Territories under, in regard to slavery, 477, 478 ; Dred Scott de- cision opposed to art. 4, sec. 2, 4S0 ; rights of Kansas under, 489, 490 ; Senate and E xec- utive independent of each other under, 492 ; basis of representation under, 504 ; provision for reclamation of fugitive slaves, 504, 512, 513, 593, 658-660, II, 2 ; Lin- coln denies authority to hold slaves in Territories under the, I, 512 ; disregard of, by Ohio Republican Convention, 537; change in government from the Con- federation to the, 550 ; how affected by the Dred Scott decision, 552 ; no power under, to interfere with slavery, 559 ; African slave-trade and, 565 ; contains nothing in regard to slavery in Territories, 565 ; Re- publican Party's attitude toward slavery under, 569, 636, 675; forbids interference with slavery in States where it exists, 574, 593; the patent claitse in, 577; the frame of our government. "I'.io; qitPStTonoT its restraint on Federal go\erument as to slavery in Territories, rM> ct ncq.; passage of the early amenilnients to, 603; pro- visions for amending, 603; no violationof, proposed by liepulilican Party, 609; no right guaranteed liy, to carr^ slaves into Territories, 609-612; "does not (tistinctly and expressly affirm the right of property in a slave, 610; framed to exclude the idea of property in man, 610, 615 ; slave-trade ex- isted at formation of. 623; slavery existed at formation of, 623, 624 ; intent of, not to show any trace of slavery in the country, 624; INDEX 763 indorsed by the Reinibliean Party, 035; ploflije to support tlio, 6315 ; orrtinutiou of Filtii Aiui'iidiiifUt, o:!!'.; iiiuiiitaiiii'il !>>• Re- pul)lic:iii Xatioiial Convt'iitioii of iNi.o, (')36; autliorizt'H CoiiKi'i'ss to make appropria- tious for river and hurhor iiiiprox emoiit, 637 ; authorizes Coustckk to abolisli wlavcry iu District of Colinnl)ia, 64-'; liiiiitatiou upon power of CoiiiiTcss to iiitcrftre witli, 642; power of Icvyiun' war nudcr, 643; support of tile people for tlie, 677, 680-6*<3, Cis'.i; power of the Executive uuder, 679; Presidential oath prescribed by, II, 1; fealty of members of Cougress to, 2 ; en- forcement of art. 4, sec. 2, 2; the Union older than, 3 ; contains foundation of per- petuity of Federal Union, 3 ; have con- stitutional rights been denied? 4; does not expressly provide regarding slavery In the Territories, .5; riglit of amendment of, 6 ; proposed amendment as to l<\Mleral interference with domestic institutions of States, 6; provision for uniformity of duties throughout the country, 35; pro- visions regarding habeas corpus, 60, 347, 348, 361, 406; defines and limits the rights and powers of the several States, 61, 62 ; does not contain the term "State sover- eignty," 62; the author of, 64; its guar- antee" to each State of republican govern- ment, 65, 333, 408, 454, 455 ; power under, to acquire territory, 102 ; powers conferred on the President by the, in case of insur- rection, 164 ; provision as to attainder, 211 ; proposed amendments to, 270, 271. 276; .^preservation of. 3()J, :!70, 508; definition of treason. 346; restrictions of, counted on by the plotters of the secession, 347 ; makes no distinction of lines within which mili- tary arrests may be made, 348 ; sanctions punishment of "desertion by death, 349; distinnuishes between times of peace and times of rebellion, 350, 300, 361 ; strictures of Ohio State Democratic Convention on the President's position regarding difference of, in peace and in insurrection, 360 ; provisions in, for preserving the pub- lic safety, 361; express power to draft in, 388, 389; invests commander-in-chief with law of war in time of war, 397 ; the bond of service lietween the President and the people, 397 ; power of President under, to grant reprieves and pardons, 442 ; authorizes the Executive to use the pardoning power, 454; the I'residential oath regarding, 508 ; its oneness with the nation, 508 ; proposed amendment to, pro- hibiting slavery, 529. 530; paramount authority of, recognized l)y the Union National Convention, 529,530; authoriza- tion of the President to demand opinions, 536; the President has no power under, to Interfere with conduct of Presidential elections, 588; proposed amendment to, abolishing slavery. 6i2. 613; passage of amendment to, abolishinj,'' slavery, 633; ratitication of Amendment by the States, 633, 634; ratiflcatiouof Thirteenth Amend- ment, 674. United States consuls, increased labors and responsibilities growing out of the war, II, 447. United States courts, treason in the, II, 124. United States forts. Confederate seizures of, II, 346. United States government, foundation of. 1, 178, 599 ; not necessarily made for white men, 257; made for white men, 284, 343, 405, 434, 495; no right in Federal power to influence State matters, 491 ; use of Fed- eral power to control elections, 491, 492 ; principle of, 541 ; functions of, 593 ; the slavery question as treated by the fathers of, 599 et seq. ; question of its control over slavery iu the Territories. r>w rl srrj. ; flow- ers as to restriction of sla\ery, 6(ts, 609; should aid in construction of a Paeiflc railroad, 637 ; must not run the churches, II, 291, 464, 465, 491, 498, 521, 543 ; financial embarrassment of, 301; must be perjietu- ated, 342; has no motives of revenge in ptuiishmeut, 499; the President's strug- gles to maintain, 586; advantage of citi- zens being creditors of, 608 ; should control bank-note circulation, 609; strength of, 640. United States House of Representatives, Lincoln elected to, I, 89, 597, 642; nomina- tion of Winthrop for Speaker, McCorniick for postmaster, Sargent for seigeant-at- arnis, and Homer for doorkeeper, 96 ; re- marks in Jan. 5, 1848, on carriaiie of mails, 98, 99 ; speech in, Jan. 12, 1848, on Mexican question, 100-107 ; report from Committee on Post-Oftice and Post-Roads, Jan. 19, 1848, 108, 109 ; reports, March 9, 1848, from Committee on Post- Office and Post-Koads, 113-115; remarks on report from Com- mittee on Public Lands, March 29, 1848, 111), 117 ; remarks on report from military Committee, March 29, 1848, 116, 117; re- marks on report from Committee on Judi- ciary, March 29, 1848, 116, 117; remarks. May 11, 1848. tm admission of Wisconsin, 118-120; Committee on Puldic Lands, bill before, for grant to Illinois for Internal im- provements, 120; Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, speech, June 20. 1848, on Civil and Diplomatic Appro- priation bill, 122-131; Whig caucus, 131; remarks, June 28,1848, on salary of judgeof Western Virginia, 133, 134 ; speech in, July 27, 1848, on sundry topics, 135-147; Com- mittee on District of Columbia, instruc- tions to, for bill to abolish slavery in the District, 148, 149 ; speech, Feb. 13, 1849, on railroad and canal grants of public lands, 149-151; election of Henry Clay to, 169; Clay elected Speaker, 169, 170; votes for prohibition of slavery in Missoiu'i, 182 ; defeats Senate bill for extension of Mis- souri line, 184, 188; Democratic need of electing Speaker, 211 ; action on acquisi- tion of territory from Mexico, 449; messa- ges to, II, 66, 69-71, 107, 110, 128, 141, 142, 144, 146, 157, 175, 178-180, 183, 205, 292, 299, 300, 309, 310, 483, 490, 516-518, 624, 626, 640-649 ; treason in, 124; censures Secretary Cameron, 165; memorial to, regardinir Erie and ( )swego canals, 180; leKislatiou rei;ardingcirculat- iug medium in District of ('oluml)ia, 186; requested to postpone adjournment, 208; asks for correspondence relating to for- eisrn affairs, 261; election of Speaker in, March 18, 1863, 316; iirineiple of its con- struction, 391; act relal inn- to election of mendwrs of, 395, 396: act providing for formalities of organization of, 432, 433; oriranization of . 4.')7 ; committee of , to in- vestigate New York custom-house, 481 ; communication to, regarding resigna- tions of Gens. Blair and Schenck, 516, 517; transmission of papers to, relating to resignation and reinstatement of Gen. Blair. 51s; fails to yiass Amendment to the C(mstitulion ab(dishini,^ slavery, 612; return of joint resolution respectiui:' in- ternal revenue act to, w ithout ai)proval, 624 ; transmission to, of papers respecting inter\iew between Col. Key and Gen. Cobb, 626 ; resolutions : 764 INDEX 1847, Dec. 22, Mexican affairs, I, 97, 98. 1861, July 9, San Uoiningo, II, 66. July 13, blockatliuic, privateering, and recognition, II, 107. July 13, Asiatic coolie-trade, II, 110. July 22, requesting copy of correspon- dence with foreign powers relating to insurrection in the South, II, 69. July 24, imprisonment of police com- missioners of Baltimore, II, 70. July 25, requesting copy of coiTespon- dence with foreign powers respecting maritime rights. II, 69. July 31, foreign commerce, II, 107. Aug. 1, imprisonment of loyal citizens by Southern force, II, 71. Dec. 4, European intervention in Mexi- co, II, 107. 1862, Jan. 22, II, 128. Feb. 24, insurgent privateers in foreign ports, II, 146. Mar. 3, condition of Mexico, II, 144. Apr. 4, financial measures in foreign countries, II, 141. May 20, Egyptian indemnity, II, 157. May 22, Mexican affairs, II, 157. June 2, Gov. Stanley, of North Carolina, II, 175. June 9, U. 8. circuit court for Califor- nia, II, 178, 179. June 9, reorganization of medical de- partment of the army, II, 183. July 9, foreign relations, II, 205. Dec. 5, affairs in Mexico, II, 309. Dec. 22, affairs in Mexico, II, 292. 1863, Jan. 5, affairs of New Granada, II, 299, 300. 1864, Feb. 8, touching arrest of U. 8. Con- sul-General to British North Ameri- can Provinces, II, 483. Feb. 26, reenllstment of veteran volun- teers, II, 490. See alse U. 8. C<.)NGREss. United States lands, remarks on purchase of, by Illinois, Jan, 17, 1839, I, 19, 20. United States laws, obstruction of, in South- ern states, II, 34. United States mails, remarks on carriage of, in U. S. House of Representatives, Jan. 5, 1848, I, 98, 99; to be maintained, II, 4; possibility of withdrawal of, from the seceded States, 33 ; continuance of, promised in inaugural address, 56 ; stop- page of, 164; suspension of, in insurrec- tionary States, 266. United States Military Academy, recom- mendations for, II, 97. United States moneys, Confederate seizures of, II, 11. United States Naval Academy, services of, II, 451. United States Navjj, general benefits of, I, 125; its raison d'etre, 125; scattered dis- position of, II, 16; inquiry as to using ships of, to reinforce the revenue service, 24, 25; Seward advises recall of, from foreign stations, 29; defection of officers of, 55; scattered at foreign stations, 55 ; calls for additions to, 59; resignations in, confined to its officers, 64; proposed reorganiza- tion of, 97 ; creation of a new, 97 ; opera- tions of, 97, 449; detailing officers from the retired list for activr sfr\ice, 122, 125; act to promote the etticiency of, Dec. 21, 1861, 125; Sabbath observance in, 254 ; regulations for iiromotion in, 278; pro- vision for payment of, 3(X), 301; prompt payment of, 448; strength of, 450; river force of, 450; suggestions in regard to the training of seamen, 451 ; effect of the draft on, 451; tributes to, 456, 587; ques- tion of its operations against Charles- ton, 463; gain by emancipation, 509; thanked by the Union National Conven- tion, 530, 538 ; prohibition against trading with the enemy, 581 ; proposed extension upon the Great Lakes, 607 ; strength of, 609 ; captures by, 009 ; proceeds from sale of condemned prizes, 009; refusal of priv- ileges and immunities to ships of, in for- eign ports, 671, 672. United States Navy Department, Captain Porter ordered to report to, II, 46 ; Cab- inet meeting at, April 21, 1861, 164; Sec- retary of, emiiowers citizens of New York to act for his department in the public defense, 164; disbursements for, fiscal year 1861-62, 265 ; report of the Sec- retary, 609, 610; expenditure of. 609, 610; question of creating rauk of vice-adiniral in, 610 ; question as to duties of the Sec- retary, 623; question as to proceeding of naval courts martial, 623. United States notes, issue of, II, 186, 264; directions to the Secretary of the Treasury to issue one hundred millions of dollars, 300, 301. United States of Colombia, formation of, II, 300 ; diplomatic intercourse with, 446 ; claims convention with, 604. United States officers, arrested in South- ern States, II, 39. United States Post-Office, statistics of, II, 99, 100. United States property, seizure Of, in South- ern States, II, 39, .55. United States Senate, investigation of Post- Offlce Department, 1834, 1, 34 ; bill appro- priating public lands for internal improve- ments in Illinois, 119, 120; elections of Henry CUay to, 169, 170 ; votes against pro- hibition of slavery in Missouri, 182; de- feats Wilmot Proviso, 184 ; obstructs Cali- fornia's admission, 185 ; its position on the slavery question, 201; Lincoln's aspira- tions to a seat in, 209, 211, 520; Lincoln's candidacy for, 209, 240, 485 ; duty of a mem- ber, 212; competition of candidates for senatorship in Illinois, 274, 275 ; arrange- ments for tilling Shields's place, 279, 282, 286, 287 ; action on legislation by Territo- ries in regard to slavery, 476 ; question in, of admission of States in regard to popu- lation, 491; veto power of, 492; Ex- ecutive no right to control. 492; Pettit's statement about the Declaration of Inde- pendence, 499, 500; Lincolu'w preference for a term in, rather than the Presidency, 594 ; Senator Mason weai'S homesinin in, 626 ; messages to, II, 23, 25, 70, 72, 109, 122, 137, 146, 147, 161, 186, 197, 278, 279, 283, 303, 306, 309, 310, 312, 457, 459, 466, 467, 469, 473, 476, 478, 493, 495, 515, 649-651 ; treason in, 124 ; legislation regarding circulating medium in District of Columbia, isd : liofitied of the President's disai>iir(>\'al of act to pro- vide for additional medical oHicers of the volunteer service, 197 ; requested to post- lione adjournment, 208 ; proclamation con- vening, Feb. 28, 1863, 312,313; requests the President to appoint national fast-day, 319; question of Senator Sebastian's re- sumption of his seat, 379; convention sub- mitted to, 445 ; transmission of papers to, 457 ; resolution of, March 11, 1863, relating to persons in government employ, 459; transmission of documents to, relating to pursuit of Sioux Indians into Hudson Bay Territory, 476 ; passes Amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery, 612 ; nom- ination of Chase, as chief justice, sent to, 616 ; paper relating to Louisiana submitted INDEX 765 to, by Gen. Banks, 625, fi2G ; question of adiuissiou ot Senators from Louisiana, 626; proclamation coiivciiiiig in extra ses- sion, Feb. 17, l«'>2. (i');); resolutions: 1839, Jan. 4, liamlliuf; of public moneys in foreign eountries, I, 23. 1861, July 19, quasi-armistine, II, 70. July 23, imprisonment of John L. Wor- den, II, 70. July 25, instructions to U. 8. Ministers abroad, II, 70. July 31, appointment of Gen. Lane, II, 71, 72. (Dec. 14), regarding Dixon 8. Miles, II, 109. 1862, Feb. 5, presentation of American citizens at the French court, II, 122. Mar. 11, railway systems in Europe, II, 137. Mar. 13, attempted seizure of Mr. Fau- chet, II, 278. Apr. 17, Lieut. Charles E. Fleming, II, 146. Apr. 22, Brig.-Gen. Stone, II, 147. May 22, Mexican affairs, II, 161. Dec. 5, Indian barbarities in Minnesota, II, 279. Dec. 15, requesting report of Reverdy Johnson, II, 283. 1863, Jan. 13, capture of British vessels with contraband of war for use of in- surgents, II, 306, (Jan. 20), exportation of contraband of Wiir for French army in Mexico, II, 303. Jan. 30, II, 309. Feb. 5, death of Gen. Ward in China, II, 309. Feb. 9, visit of M. Mercier to Richmond, II, 309. Feb. 10, mediation and arbitration, II, 310. Feb. 12, II, 310. Feb. 26, correspondence with worMng- men of England, II, 312. Mar. 11, persons in government employ, II, 459. Dec. 16, treatment of Kansas troops captured by Confederates, II, 469. 1864, Jan. 20, fire at Santiago. Chili, II, 473. Jan. 26, exchange of prisoners, II, 478. Jan. 28, colonization of uegroes, II, 495. Feb. 4, reciprocity with the Sandwich Islands, II, 478. Mar. 1, Union Pacific railroad, II, 493. Apr. 30, rights of colored troops, II, 519. See also U. S. Cdnguess. United States Statutes, revision of, II, 98. United States Supreme Court, decisions of, on constitutionality of a national banlv, I, 30, 229, 255, 270 ; sanctioned national )ianks, 74; arbiter of the Constitution, 220; Doug- las on resistance to decision in Dred Scott case, 228, 229; the Dred Scott case in, 241- 244, 263,603,610; former decisions contrary to that in the Dred Seott case, 255 ; .lack- sou's position on right to govern coordi- nate branch of government, 256; Jefferson on, 269, 270; Lincoln's opposition to Dred Scott decision, 283, 284 ; mandatory aspect of a decision of, 298 ; Lincoln's charge of conspiracy against, 303, 313, 328, 396, 397, 466, 467, 485 ; decision as to rights of Terri- tories to exclude slavery, 311, 360; Doug- las's adherence to its decisions, 317, 447, 473,518; Douglas's criticism on Lincoln's strictui-es on Dred Scott decision, 343; de- cision astoCongression.il prohibition of slavery in Territories. 357 ; status of negro under decision in Dred Scott case, 405-407 ; decides against power of Territory to ex- clude slavery, 415, 416 ; Lincoln's denial of its correct construction of the Constitu- tion in Dred Scott case, 417 ; power to enforce slavery in free States, 420, 421 ; decision that Congress has power to char- ter a national bank, 421; Jeflerson's and Jackson's position on Ijinding political authority of decisions of, 421, 440, 447, 455; interrogatory i)ropounded to Douglas by Lincoln as to his acquiescing in a pos- sible decision of, 445-448, 459, 460 ; Douglas charges Lincoln with attempting to bring the Court into disrepute, 454, 455; the court of last resort, 455, 472; constituted ■ to expound the Constitution, 473; efleet of Territorial " unfriendly legislation " on decisions of, 566, 567 ; decision of con- stitutional questions by, 11, 5 ; vacancies * on the bench, 97 ; case of the " New Alma- den" mine, 393; S. P. Chase nominated for chief justice of, 616. See also Deed Scott Decision. United States Treasury, embarrassments of, consequent on Mexican war, 1, 124 ; Jef- ferson's jiroposed application of surplus, 127 ; Gen. Cass's drafts on, 144, 145 ; provi- sion for purchase of slaves by, 148 ; plunder of, by Democratic partizans, 636; diffi- culty over filling the second and fifth audi- torships, II, 68 ; business of the, 96; report of the Third Auditor of, 147 ; receipts and disbursements of, for fiscal year 1861-62, 265 ; balance in, July 1, 1862, 265; attempted resignation of Secretary Chase, 282 ; to issue $100,000,000, 300, 301 ; vacancy in the second comptrollership, 340 ; depositof pri- vate funds in, 382 ; successful operations of, 448 ; fiscal statement, 448, 449 ; reports of Secretary of, 449, 607-609; question of Secretary Chase's resignation, 490; fljian- cial schemes of, 523; resignation of Secre- tary Chase, 540; David Tod nominated as Secretary, 540; trade regulations of, 553, 554, 580, 581; W. P. Fesseuden Secretary of, 569; regulations of, concerning pur- chase of products of insurrectionary States, 579-581 ; appointment of agents for purchase of products of insurrectionary States, 580 ; satisfactory condition of, 609 ; trade permits, 659. United States Treasury agents, bonds and compensation of, II, 470. United States troops, resistance to their passage thi-ough Maryland, II, 164. United States volunteers, appointment of Gen. Lane, II, 72. United States War Department, message from, 11,8; to issue orders for moljiliza- tiou of militia, 34 ; General Orders of, 43 ; resignation of Secretary Cameron from, 114, 115 ; consideration of cases of military prisoners, 127; question ))et\veen Gov. Gamble and, as to status of Missouri • troops, 260; disbursements of, fiscal vear 1861-62, 265 ; appropriates the Dutt' (;"reen building, 289 ; reports of Secretary of, 449, 609 ; order from, regarding Methodist churches, 481. Upshur County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Urbana, Va., Gen. McClellan's plans for movement of troops to, II, 120. Usher, John P., indorses J. A. Wright for Terre Haute district, II, 218 ; letter to, re- garding Illinois claims on public lands, 395. Usury, opinion on, I, 3. Utah, acquisition of, 1, 184; demand for Ter- ritorial government, 185 ; slavery ques- tion in, 185, 189, 206-208; reply to Douglas on, 226, 227 ; polygamy question in, 227 ; the Compromise of I8o0 and the organization 7G6 INDEX of the Territory of, 440, 441 ; Douglas re- ports bin tor Territorial goverumeut, 476. Utica, N. Y., address at, Feb. 18, 18G1, I, 682, 683. Utley, Col., slaves in liis camp, II, 259. Vache, Island of. See Island of Vache. Vallandigham, C. L., arrested aud sent be- yond military liues, II, 338. 349-351, 361- 363 ; necessity of Ms arrest qiiestioued, 342; the President's private position on arrest of, 351 ; appeal to the writ of habeas corpus, 361 ; candidate for Democratic nomination for governor of Ohio, 862; nominated for governor of Ohio, 362, 363; claims for his release, 362 ; his arrest no insult to Ohio, 362 ; the President's belief in his responsibility for hindrance to the military, 3S2, 363 ; proposal to grant revo- cation of the order concerning, 363 ; to be watched in Ohio, 535. Vance, W. L., di'aft of letter to, Nov. 22, 1862, II, 257. Vancouver's Island, the boundary question of, II, 23. Vanderbilt, Cornelius, presents the Vander- bilt to the government, II, 209. Vandever, , indorsement for, regarding allotment commissioners In Iowa, IT, 112. Van Dyke, John, letter to, I, 219. Venezuela, commercial aud political impor- tance, 11,574; reception of Minister from, 574 ; reply to Senor Bias Bruzual, Minister from, 574; relations with, 604. Vermont, resoUitions relative to slavery question, passed by Democratic conven- tion in, 1,355; Douglas's birthplace, 366; governor of, requests the President to call for volunteers, II, 194 ; signature of pa- pers for, 220 ; Presidential election in, 613 ; complaint by, concerning the draft, 638, 639. Veto power, the, I, 134-136, 492, 679. Vicksburg, Miss., gamblers lynched at, I, 10 ; purposed junction of Banks and Grant at, II, 304; inquiry from Gen. Hurlbut for news from, 318; Grant at, 343; invest- ment of, 385 ; fall of, 366, 376, 385 ; Missouri troops at, 422; port of, declared closed, 670. Victoria, Queen, esteem for, II, 302. Vienna, Va., memorandum about defeat at, II, C6 ; mo vemeut of Federal troops by, 67. Villard, , call from, in relation to the Pomeroy circular, II, 491. Virginia, the Lincoln family in, 1, 116, 117, 177, 596, 638, 650; interested in Mississippi River improvements, 125; discussion in U. 8. House of Representatives as to sal- ary of judge of western, 133, 134 ; owner- ship, and cession to Federal government, ; of Northwest Territory, 181, 182, 571 ; slav- ery in, 192 ; mulattos in, 234 ; Supreme Court of, on the status of negroes, 268; JeflFerson on the gradual extinction of slavery in, 608, 609 ; the Hanlis family in, 639 : Seward looks to, for revival of Union sentiment, 1 1, 13; h ostile action by , to be re- pelled, 38 ; no purpose of invasion of, 38 ; acts of rebellion in, 39 ; blockade of ports of, proclaimed, 39, 412, 670; Major Anderson ordered to raise troops from western, 43 ; repression of Union sentiment in, 58; State convention on the question of dis- rupting the Union, 58 ; movements toward secession, 58; seizure of arsenal at Har- per's Ferry by, 57 ; loyal citizens of, con- stitute the State, 59; gives a home to in- surrection, 59 ; probably a ma,iority in favor of Union, 64 ; movement of troops into, 67 ; forces in western, to act under McClellan, 69 ; declared in state of insurrection, 75, 195, 285, 288, 321, 322 ; contemplated move- ment to seize railroad between Tennessee and, 83; Ohio ti-oops lor western, 84; question of recovering territory from, lor the District of Columbia, 100; condi- tion of loyal citizens in western, 104 ; renewal of allegiance in the Peninsula, 104; the President seeks conference with representatives from, 13?; Gen. Anderson supposed to have entered the valley of, 173; defense of western, 178, 179, 183; troops in, 185 ; Gen. Scott's views on res- toration of, to the Union, 187 ; duty of the Army of Virginia to protect, 188 ; gover- nor of, requests the President to caU tor volunteers, 194 ; order for seizure of prop- erty, aud militarj^ employment of " con- trabands " in, 212 ; inquiry as to Bragg's presence in, 230 ; troops from western, tor Tennessee, 253 ; development of, 269; ne- cessity of consent of the legisljiture of, to separation of West Virginia, 285, 286 ; loyal i-efugees from, 291; question of ex- emjition of Eastern Shore of, in Emanci- pation Proclamation, 327 ; the enemy's movements in, " on the skewhorn princi- ple," 329; matter of ccuiipulsory oath to be taken on EaKtcrii Shore of, 402 ; appli- cation of Emaucipatidu I'roclamation in, 402, 403; recruiting colored troops in, 484; success of the relicllion in, 542 ; pol- icy on the Eastern shore of, of holding smoky localities responsible for conflag- rations, 591 ; proposed election on the Eastern Shore, 620; despatch to Gen. Butler respecting election on the Eastern Shore, 623; probable cessation of resis- tance, 669 ; limitation of powers of the so- called rebel legislature, 676; despatches to Gen. Weitzel respecting the rebel leg- islature of, 675, 676 ; Army of, see Army OF Virginia. Virginia and Tennessee railroad, question of operations on, II, 153. Virginia Central railroad, capture by Gen. Stoneman, II, 167, 168. Virginia Convention, resolutions of, II, 32, 33 ; reply to a committee from the, April 13, 1861, 32, 33 ; action of, 58. Volunteers, call for 42,034, May 3, 1861, II, 41, 42 ; gratifying result of the call for, 58; calls for thi'ee-years men, 59; to be brought forward as rapidly as possible, 69 ; Buokner commissioned as brigadier- general of, 76; disaffection among, conse- quent on Fremont's liberation of slaves, 81 ; caU for 300,000, July 1, 1862, 194 ; dif- ference between drafted men and, 218; penalty of discouraging enlistment of, 239 ; raising regiments of, in New Jersey, 371 ; to be credited on draft, 399, 425 ; ex- piration of term of, 425 ; call for 300,000, Oct. 17, 1803, 425, 426 ; meeting at Cooper Institute, to promote raising of, 441 ; pay- ment of bounties to veteran, 466, 467 ; re- enlistment of veteran, 490; expiration of commissions in, 524; proclamation call- ing for 500,000, July 18, 1864, 550, 551 ; call for 300,000, Dec. 19, 1864, 617, 618. See also Soldiers ; Troops. Voss, Arno, I, 354. "W^achusett," the, captures the Florida, II, 594. Wade, B. P., I, 538. Wadsworth, Brig. -Gen. James S., ap- pointed military governor of District of Columbia, II, 131; assigned to defend Washington. 131 ; sent to 'Alexandria, 166. Wainwright, Lieut. Comdg. Jonathan M., INDEX 767 recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 152. Wainwright, Comdr. Richard, recom- nieurted for tliauks of CougresH, II, 152. Wakeman, Abram, lettei' to, concerning Confederate ((luiinisf^ioners, 11,553; des- patch to, concerniiii; \V. O. Bartlett, 631. Walborn, C. A., (•(iiiiniuuicatiou to, regard- ing Fair in Pliiladelpliia, II, 526. Walker, Fort, capture of, II, 122. Wallace, Edward, letters to. I, 584, 634. Wallace, Gen. Lew, telegram to, II, 521; at Baltimore, 521, 617 ; reliance on his discretion, 521; commanding Middle De- partment, 546; ordered to d(»fense of Bal- timore, 546; defeated at ISIonocacy, 547; instructions to, regarding Waters, 617-619. Wallace, W^illiam, letter to, I, 667. Wallace, Dr. Wiiliam S., I, 584, 634; recom- mendation of, tor pension agent, 155. Walter, , appeal for mercy denied, II, 401. Walthall, Brig. E. C, reported killed at Cliiekamanga, II, 412. Ward, Gen. F. T., deatli of, in China, II, 309. Ward, Capt. James H., opinion on provision- ing Fort Sumter, II, 16. Ward, Mrs., desires to take the oath and return to St. Louis, II, 514. Waring, , question of his reoccupation of his property, II, 601. War-making power, I, 111, 112. War of i8i2, cost of, I, 32 ; bounty lands for volunteei's of, 116; Clay's position on, 171, 172 ; ratification of the treaty of peace, II, 351: the draft in, 391. War of Independence, the, II, 51. Warren, W^. B., letter to, I, 153, 154. Warren, Maj.-Gen. Gouverneur K., engage- ment at Bristow Station, II, 428. Warrenton, Va., Bnruside draws up plan of movement at, II, 294 ; interview between Halleck and Burnaide at, 295; Meade at, 401. Warwick River, proposc/d operations on, II, 142. Washburn, Gen. C. C, leave of absence for, II, 430 ; at Memphis, 589 ; advised of prob- able Confederate raid into Kentucky, 589. Washburn, Israel, Jr., fears regarding his election as governor of Maine, I, 649, 650 ; governor of Maiue, telegram to, II, 78; reqtiests the President to call for volun- teers, 194; letter to, 198; tendered the col- lectorship at Portland, Me., 430; to con- sider the matter of organization of House of Representatives, 433. Washburne, E. B., letters to, I, 118, 210-215, 235-^238, 637, 650, 658, 660, II, 430, 401 ; signs call for Whig Convention at Springfield, 1851, 1, 167 ; resolutions of nominating con- vention at Rockford, 320, 321 ; opposed to admission of slave States, 366; candidate for Congress in Galena district, 404, 405; pledged against admission of more slave States, 453; interview with, II, 90; letter to, referring to second Presidential term, 430; commnnicatnm to, regarding resolu- . tiou of thanks and medal for Gen. Grant, 461. Washington, George, I, 283, 286, 569, 612, 629, 672, 675, 677, 693 ; reverence for, 15 ; on con- stitutionality of a national bank, 30, 74, 136 ; cost of his administration, 32 ; the glory of, 63, 64; position on slavery, 291, 292. 615; signs the bill to enforce the Ordi- nance of 1787, 600, 627 ; warning against sectionalism, 606, 627 ; Farewell Address of, 606, 627, 11, 126 ; hope for a confederacy of free States, I, 624 ; expresses views on slavery to Lafayette, 627 ; the first lieuten- ant-general of the U. 8. army, II, 37 ; one of the framers of the Constitution, 64; celebration of his birthday, 1862, 126; hardships sutlered by, 224; words quoted from, regarding vice and immorality, 254. Washington, D. C, local benefit from public ofltices in, I, 126; provision for aliolition of slavery in, 148. 149; sla\ (-tiud<' in, 185; Douglas's organ in, 624; frauds and cor- ruption at, 636 ; reply to mayor of, Feb. 27, 1861, 694; reply to serenade at, Feb. 28, 1861, 694, 695; naval preparations at, II, 25; the bringing of troops to, lic. ; defense of, 38, 119, 130. 131, 141, 142. 154, 164, 187, 188, 190, 193, 197, 229, 244, 283, 2!!5, 303, 365, 409, 546, 547, 575 ; military line between Phila- delphia and, 39; military line between Kew York and, 54; line to be established between Manassas and, 09; the enemy within sound of, 83 ; headquaiters of the army at, 88; ignorance at, of ditticulties in Missouri, 113; besieged, 124 ; danger of its sack, 142; question of calling IMcClel- lan to defense of, 101 ; put in a state of siege, 164 ; establishuieut of communica- tion betweeu New York and, 165 ; trans- portation on the Rapi)ahannoek from, 176; Gen. Pope in charge at, 188; Halleck's troops ordered to Richmond by way of, 189 ; peril of, 190 ; Gen. Keycs's anticipa- tions of attack on, 202 ; address at a Union meeting in, Aug. 6, 1862, 219, 220; con- struction of railroads concentrating upon, 303 ; possibility of raids toward, 322 ; A. H. Stephens not to be allowed to visit, 364; invitation to J. H. Hackett to visit, 393 ; returned colonists from Island of Vache to be brought to, 47v ; Halleck gen- eral-in-chief at, 430 ; cam^ -i for negroes around, 477 ; the President's sojourn at the Soldiers' Home at, 480; Massachusetts desires to bring negroes through, 484; question of Gen. Davidson's going to, 489; remarks on closing a Sanitary Fair in, 500, 501 ; McClcllan at, 510 ; city government of, appeals to the President in behalf of Henderson, 537 ; New York militia called to, 541; the enemy moving on, 546; rumors of Longstreet's moving tm, 547: interrup- tion of communication between Gen. Grant and, 555 ; John \V. Forney invited to, 556 ; attempted mission of A. H. Steph- ens to, 560; Gen. Schnrz ordei-ed to report at, 561 ; salute to be tired at arsenal and navy-yard, 572, 573 ; services of the Ohio national guard in defense of, 575; sere- nade by loyal Marylanders in, 586 ; invita- tion to Gen. Logan to visit, 596, 597; the capitol, 612; Gen. Butler siunmoned to, 628; attempted escape of ex-Senator Foote from Richmond to, 628. ■Washington, N. C, port of, declared closed, II, 670. Washington County, Ky., the Lincoln fam- ily in, I, 117. Washingtonian Temperance Society, ad- dress l)efore, I, 57-64. Washington Territory, question of slavery in Territorial Act, I, 207, 208 ; provisions of act of admission, 208 ; convention for adjustment of Territorial claimssubmitted to the U. S. Senate, II, 445. Watauga, residence of Isaac Lincoln, I, 117, 639 ; Thomas Lincoln's early life at, 639. Waterbury, Judge-Adv.-Gen., report of, re- garding draft m New York, II, 386. Waterloo, 111., meeting of the Free Democ- racy at, I, 338, 404. Waters, Levin A., case of, II. 617-619. Watson, B. A., letter to, II, 341. 768 INDEX Watson, P. H., Assistant Secretary of War, k'ttor to, II, 328. Watterman, Henry, sifius call for Whig C'ouveutiou at Spriugfielil, 1851, I, 167. ■Wayne County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Webb, David, applicant for appraisership at New York, II, 46. Webb, E. B., signer of Whig circular, I, 47. ■Webb, Gen. J. W., offered Ministry at Con- stantinople, II, 43. ■Weber, George, supports Lincoln for Sen- ate, I, 521. ■Weber, George R., letter to, 11, 341. ■Weber, John, sui)ports Lincoln for Senate, I, .521. Webster, Daniel, I, 272, 278, 322, 335, 398, 400, 686; family loss in Mexican war, 146; hero of the Whig Party, 336 ; defended Uonipro- inise measures of 1850, 322, 398, 399, 475, 477. ■Webster, Col. J. D., report of, concerning waterwa.YS in Illinois, II, 267. Webster, Thomas, answer to, regarding sit- uation at Philadelphia, II, 230, 231. ■Webster County, Ky., matter of refunding money collected in, II, 308. Webster County, Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Weed, Thurlow, letters to, I, 648, 659, 669, II, 308, 424, 425, 504, 661 : connection with dispensation of patronage iu New York, I, 669 ; recommends Christopher Adams for position in Bureau of Construction, II, 44 ; valedictory to the patrons of the Al- bany " Evening Journal," 308 ; irritated ■because his suggestions not followed, 504 ; compliments the President on his inaugu- ral address, 661. " ■Weehawken," the, U. S. ironclad, engage- ment with the Aflanta, II, 456, 457. ■Weimer, John M., II, 514. Weitzel, Maj.-Gen., at Richmond, II, 669, 675, 676 ; instructions to, regarding rebel legislature of Virginia, 669, 675, 676. Welles, Gideon, suggested for Cabinet po- sition, I, 661 ; Secretary of the Navy, opin- ion on Fort Sumter, If, 17, 18, 26, 27 ; let- ters to, 24, 25, 291, 326, 327, 462. 463; order to, May 11, 1861, 46; consulted as to Gen. Gillmore's proposition of independent service, 462, 463; matter of dismissal of Henderson, 537. Welling, J. C, letter to, regarding resigna- tion of Gibson, II, 554. Wentworth, John, I, 323, 341, 365, 403 ; on Gen. Cas.s's cauiidacy, 138; supposed aspira- tions for governorship, 239; supports Trumbull, 338. Westcott, Edward J., difficulties at New- bern, N. C, II, 318. West Point Military Academy, jealousy of officers from, II, 359, 360. West Virginia, movements to protect, II, 181; act for admission of, 283; constitu- tionality of its admission, 283; expediency of its admission, 283, 286, 287; the Presi- dent's opinion on the admission of, 285- 287 ; excepted fi-om declaration of States In rebellion, 285, 288, 322 ; proclamation ad- mitting into the Union, April 20, 1863,326; admission of, 326, 620; threatened inroads of the enemy into, 353; call tor troops from, 353; request to governor of, to send returns of Presidential election, 602; Presidential election in, 613. ■Wetmore, Prosper M., on committee of meeting at Cooper Institute, to promote raising of volunteers, II, 441; letter to, Dec. 2, 1863, 4tl, 442. Wetzel County, ■Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195, ■Wheeler, B. G., signs call for Whig Conven- tion at Springfield, 1851, I, 167. ■Whig Party, position on Snbtreasury scheme, I, 21, 22; difference between Van Buren party and, 35 ; prospects in Illi- nois, 1840, 40 ; advice to, regarding conven- tions, 72; meeting at Springtield, 111., March 1, 1843, 72 ; recommended to con- test elections regardless of chances of success, 72, 76 ; address to people of Illi- nois, March 4, 1843,72-79 ; demand a nation- al bank, 74 ; Democratic attacks on. 76 ; recommends convention system of nomi- nating candidates, 76, 77; factions in, 77, 147 ; effect of Gen. Harrison's death on, 78 ; its position in 1843, 78, 79 ; victory of 1840, 78 ; a majority of the nation, 79 ; honesty iu, 81 ; Congressional caucus, Dec. 4, 1847, 96 ; majority in U. 8. House of Represen- tatives, 96 ; favor Gen. Taylor for Presi- dency, 118; position on Texas boundary, 133; believes iu self-government, 139 ; po- sition on Mexican war, 110, 132, 145, 146, 643 ; losses in Mexican war, 146 ; call for convention at Springfield, 111., 167; in- dorses Comprouiise of 1850, 185, 322, 398, 399; national policy of, 202; Lincoln's con- nection with, 252, 500, 597 ; position jirior to 1854, 278; dissolution of, 279; alleged plan of Lincoln to Abolitionize, 279, 287, 461 ; alleged deal of Lincoln to sell out, 287; on common platform with Demo- cratic Party on slavery, 322 ; Douglas's re- view of its course and principles in Jones- boro joint debate, 335, 336 ; rule of action adopted at Convention of 1858, 336 ; mem- bers become Abolitionists, 400; Douglas charges Lincoln with attempt to deceive the, 408; alliances with Democrats, 493; Douglas on the, 514, 515 ; supports Jackson in Nullitication times, 515; convention at Philadelphia in 1847, 515; members against Lincoln's party, 521 ; defeated on tariff' question, 584. ■Whig State Convention of Illinois, 1840, cir- cular of, I, 38, 39. Whig State Convention, 1841, representation at I 53 54. White, c! A.', letter to, II, 360-363. ■White, Hugh L., support of, I, 7. White, J. ■W., letters to, II, 208, 360-363. ■White House, Va., Stoneman driven back on, II, 191 ; communication with McClel- lan by, cut off", 191 ; limit to enemy's ad- vance, 192 ; removal of sick and wounded from, 192; condition of affairs at, 193; question of communication with, 193. White men, slave labor an injury to, I, 613, 619; Lincoln's position as between ne- groes and, 614; no struggle between ne- groes and, 614, 621, 622 ; Douglas's views as regards negroes and, 620-022 ; effect of slavery on, II, 223. White Plains, Gen. Geary at, II, 161 ; firing near, 356. ■Whiteside, Brig. -Gen. S., I, 4, 5. Whitesides, Gen., connection with Shields- Lincoln duel, I, 69-71 ; Shields's second in Butler affair, 71 ; challenges Merryman, 71. Whitney, , letter to, I, 219. Wickliffe, C. A., governor of Kentuclcy, II, 135; intcrrog;ites the President as to con- stitutionalitv of scheme of emancipation by puichase, 135 ; defeated for governor- ship, 382. Wiegand, Charles, matter of appointment to command of a brigade, II, 317. Wilcox, Gen., at Cumberland Gap, II, 441; reports tlghtimr at Knoxville, 441. Wilcox, Maj.-Gen., C. M., correspondence, etc., relating to the meeting of the Presi- INDEX 769 dent with Confeclorate commissioners at Hampton Roarts, II, 642. Wilder, A. C, demiuuls removal of Gen. 8chotleld, II, 401 ; telegram to, 401. Wildman, Frederick S., II, 226. Wilkes, Capt. Charles, tentative disavowal of bis action, II, 108; action in nuaid to the Trrnt, 110, 113, 117, 120, 127, 12«. See also "Trent" affair. Williams, , sends Mackinaw trout to the President, II, 035. Williams, Archibald, I, 282, 341, 403; letters to, 118. 122 ; presents resolutions on death of Judfre Pope, 161 ; indorses Lincoln's fee-bill against Illinois Central E. R. Co., 219. W^illiams, E. B., I, 354. Williams, Lt.-Col. J. M., colonel of colored troops in Kansas, request by the gover- nor tor his removal, II, 328. Williams, John, correspondence with, II, 341, 426, 588, 580; telcfiram to, regardin,^' withdrawal of trooi)8 from East Tennes- see, 426. Williams, Overton, estate of, I, 110. Williamsburg, question of communication between White House aud, II, 193. Williamson, Elizabeth, I, 64. Williamson, Hugh, votes for prohibition of slavery in Northwest Territory, I, 600. Williamsport, Banks's retreat to, II, 166, Maj.-Geu. Banks at, 170, 171, 174; Jackson crosses the Potomac at, 233; the enemy crossing the Potomac at, 3.53, 367; Lee's position near, 367 ; possibilities of Meade's action with Lee at, 377. ■Willich, Gen., news brought in by, II, 334. Wilmington, N. C, expedition to, II, 623, 627 ; port of, declared closed, 670. ■Wilmot, David, author of the Wilmot Pro- viso, I, 184. Wilmot Proviso, Gen. Taylor's position on, I, 136, 138 ; origin of, 184 ; Lincoln's votes for, 218, 515; Lovejoy's resolutions in re- gard to, 325 ; application claimed by the Republican Party, 337 ; indorsed by con- vention at Ka.pervilJe, 354. Wilson, Charles L., I, 236-238. Wilson, Gen. Edwin C, letter to, I, 666. ■Wilson, Henry, I, 317, II, 234. Wilson, James, ease against Campbell, 1, 96. Wilson, J. L., sijiiis cull for Whig Conven- tion at Springtield. 1851, I, 167. Wilson, Maj., murder of, II, 600. Wilton, Henry, complaint of partizanship against, I, 51, 52. Winchester, 111., Douglas's early life in, I. 281. ■Winchester, 'Va., reinforcements for Man- assas from, II, IIG; Biinks's position near, 142; inquiry regarding Confeilcnite move- ments near, 158 ; tigliting between Banks and Ewell near, ir.O; Banks at, 160, 177; danger of sudden at tack at, 161 ; danger to Banks's stores and trains at, 161 ; Banks's retreat to, 102; Banks's race witli tlie Con- federates for, 163; Banks defeated at. 163; Ewell and Jackson near, 168; Confc^derate operations near, 169 ; Jackson between Charlestown and, 169; danger to Fremont fi'om enemy at, 171 ; estimate of Confed- erate force ;it, 171 ; .Tackson's force at, 171 ; Confederate jtosition near, 173; Sliields's engagement ne;ir, 174 ; orders to Fremont regarding movement toward, 179; Sigel at, 179, 183; task of keeping .lackson from returningto, 180; >1(( 'Icllan recommended to tiiclit at, 24('>; condition of railroad from Harper's Ferry to, 246; McClellan's diffi- culties in subsisting his army at, 246 ; Gen. Schenck ordered to Milroy's relief at, 352 ; inquiry addressed to Hooker concerning Ewell's position at, 352; Milroy sur- rouncled at, 352; conunnnication with Martinsburg and Ilarjier's Ferry cut oflf, 352; in possession of tlu; cneni.N, 353; be- sieged, 353; Gen. Milroy's defeat at, 359; Gen. Milroy ordered to retreat to Harjier's Ferry froni, 359 ; ilalleck's feais for safety of Milroy'sdivision at, 431); loss of Milroy's division" near, 430, 431 ; Sheridan's victory at, 578; Maj. -Gen. Hancock at, 664. ■Winslow, Capt. John A., recommended for thanks of Congress, II, 603. Winston, F. S., letter to, July 14, 1862,11, 208. Winston, Dr., desires to go to General Grant, II, 523. ■Winthrop, R. C, nominated for Speaker of House of Representati\'es, I, ;)6. Wirt County, ^Va., exceided from insurrec- tion proclaniation, II, 195. Wisconsin, i)roiiosc(l cession of Illinois ter- ritory to, I, 39; opposed to Clay, 118; re- marks in U. S. House of Keprcsentatives, May 11, 1848, on admission to I'niou, 118- 120; interested in MissLt^sipiii liiver im- provements, 125 ; formed from Xorf liwest- ern Territory, 181, 549; admission of, 182, 549 ; influence of Ordinance of 1787 on, 565 ; early ownership of, 571 ; lack of U. S. cir- cuit court in, II, 98; governor of, requests the Presideut to call for volunteers, 194 ; a " slate " (or, 211 ; development of, 269 ; offer of troops from, 514, 515; national thanks to hundred-day troops of, 583 ; re- quest to governor of, to send returns of Presidential election, 602; Presidential election in, 613. Wisconsin State Agricultural Society, ad- dress before, at Milwaukee, I, 576-584. Wisconsin troops under Fremont, II, 84. Wofford, Brig., killed at Cblckamauga, II, 412. Wolf, Maj., sentenced to death in retali- ation, II, 600. Wolford, Col. Frank, despatch to, concern- ing order of judge-advocate-general, II, 558. Woman suffrage, opinion on, I, 7. ■Woman's work, on, I, 525. Women, Lincoln's feelings toward, I, 16; ministrations to wounded soldiers, II, 440; question of their passing the lines, .500. ■Women of America, II, .500, 501. Wood, Fernando, letter from, regarding overtures from the South, II, 280, 281 ; let- ter to, 280, 281. Wood, Lieut. -Col., objections to his being made brigadier-general, II, 83. ■Wood, John T., letter to, I, 667. ■Woodbury, Levi, Secretary of Treasury, 1, 23. ■Woodbury's Brigade, under McClellan's or- ders, II, 142. Wood County, 'Va., excepted from insur- rection proclamation, II, 195. Woodruff, T., indorsement of letter of, II, 325. Wool, Gen. John E., letters to, on preserva- tion of the Union, I, 666 ; acting with Mc- Clellan, II, 142, 143; telegram fr(un Secre- tarv Stanton, 148; at Fortress Monroe, 148; the I'residetlt with, 149 ; the road to Riclimond open to, 152 ; in coinniunication with r.urnside, 152 : sent to Fort ."Me Henry, 174; his deiiartnient niirired into McClel- lan's, 174; (luestion of putting him under McClellan's control, 180, 181 ; troops from, forMcClellau, isi ; troops of. I'.i7 ; at Balti- more, 230; inquiry of, concerning Har- per's Ferry and Bragg, 230. 770 INDEX "Woolworth, Act. Lt.-Comdg. Selim E., rec- (iiiimeudc'd for tliauks of Cougress, II, 152. Worden, Lieut. John L., iuiprisomuent of, II, 70; i;;ill;Mitry in action between the Monitor ;\]id Mi-rrimac, 218; recommended for thanks of U. S. Conia-ess, 278. Working-men, basis of all governments, I, 076. ■Working-men of England, Senate resolution rcKardin^-, II, 312. Working-men of London, Eng., address from, II. 3(H ; letter to, Feb. 2, 1863, 308, 309. Working-men of Manchester, Eng., send ad- dress and resolutions to the President, II, 301 ; letter to, 301, 302. Working-men's Association of New York, the President's lionorary membership in, 11,501; replytoaenmiiiittee from, 501-503. Worthington, Col.T., desires to visit Grant, II, 569. Wright, A. R., claim for cotton destroyed by Federal army, II, COO; telenram to, 600. Wright, Craft J., "scheme for f,'-ettinK cotton from within the rebel lines, II, 168 ; letter to, 468. Wright, Dr. David M., sentenced to deatli for murder, II, 401 ; inquiry into his san- ity, 101, 105. ■Wright, Gen. H. G., telegrams to, II, 230, 232, 236; infiuiry of, concerning vrhere- abouts of Bragg, 230; at Clincinnati, 230, 232, 236 ; withdrawal of troops from Louis- ville by, 232 ; Halleck telegraphs to, 233 ; responsible for Louisville, 233 ; despatch from, 236 ; movements for defense of Washington, .547; relations with Gen. Hunter, 549, 550 ; breaks the enemy's lines, 667. ■Wright, Joseph A., letter to, II, 218; asked to stand for the Terre Haute district, 218 ; reports on Hamburg agi-icultural exhibi- tion, 473. "Wright, Silas, 1,130; drafts first Subtrea- surv bill, 22. ■Writing, on the art of, I, 525-527. ■Wyoming County, excepted from Insurrec- tion proclamation, II, 195. ■Yates, Richard, governor of Illinois, II, 515 ; votes for Washington Territorial law, 207 ; candidate lor Congress in 1854, 301, 644; Lincoln's la))ors iu his campaign, 644; tel- egram to, 144 ; requests the President to call for volunteers, 194 ; letter from, in behalf of Gen. McClernand, 387; reports insurrection in Edgar County, 111., 491 ; telegram to, respecting hundred-day troops, 524. Yates, William, letter to, II, 341. Yazoo Pass expedition, success of the, II, 368. Yeatman, James, Gen. Grant's opinion of, II. 665. Yeddo, Japan, destruction of the U. S. Le- gation residence at, II, 447. Yocum, , case of, II, ,500; referred to Secretary Stanton, 600, 601. York County, Va., excepted from declara- tion of Virginia's state of rebellion, Jan. 1, 1863, II, 288. York River, proposed movements on the, II, 120, 154, 187, 188. Yorktown, 'Va., pi-oposed operations at, II, 142; question of garrisoning, with colored troops, 298; port of, declared closed, 670. Young, Judge , U. S. senator from Illi- nois, I, 76 ; opposition to Whig measures, 76. Young, Capt. Francis G., letter to Gen. Mc- Clellan regarding, II, 107. Young, John S., sentenced to death, II, 621. Young men, their importance in politics, I, 131, 134, 135. Young Men's Lyceum, Springfield, HI., ad- dress before, Jan. 27, 1837, 1, 9-15. Zagonyi, Col. Chas., bearer of despatches from Fremont, II, 181. Zollicoffer, Gen. F. K.. operations around Cumberland, Gap, II, 83; Thomas and Sherman to watch, 84. Zwizler, Lewis, I, 131. , letters to, I, 160, 631, 633, II, 10, 625. Lb D 25 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 007 639 298 5 V.;: