'.*^' sv .i ..'.* ^ :■•■- ♦•^ ^:-5!*- {• ■ I ^>, ■v-„.^ ■CiC tc r kC c^src c cc r-c, <:<: c.'C d' CC'a: "Xlv x3x«A cc y^. -e^srt ex iCC i CO ^ COM .< ctc ■ ■ -^vi>cc_^<^^>,,*^^:c c - cC; . tC c c v_v; < i^^^«JCc<;p i!^A ^3EQ .^^ 3 IS c_« f^ ABBRES8 TO XUE PEOPLE OF NEW- YORK.. The Republican Represen-tatives of the various counties of this great State, acting under a deep sense of duty to their Constituents, a becoming respect for a long established usage of the party, and an anxious regard for the true in- terests of our common country, liaving with great unani- mity recommended to the electors of New-York, for the office of President of the United States, their illustrious fellow- citizen GEN. ANDREW JACKSON, and having now re- tired to their respective homes, the time has arrived when it becomes every friend of our Republican Institutions to be actively employed in the support and advancement of a cause which involves high and vital principles. Upon the eve of the mighty conflict in which we are soon to engage, the Republican Committee of Young Men of the City of New- York, impressed with tlie momentous consequences which hang upon its issue, feel themselves called to make a solemn appeal to their brethren of the Republican family, with a view of arousing all the energies of the party in defence of those principles, which have been the subject heretofore of many an anxious struggle, and for the preservation of which no toils can be too heavy, no sacrifices too great. Our strength is in the spirit and intelligence of the American People. By the aid of these, we have triumphed in limes that are past — in these we repose our confident hope for the future. The contest to which we summon you is not a mere dis- pute about men. Were it so, it would be uri worthy of our own dignity, and an unwarrantable interference with your rightful predilections, thus to address you. The question which now agitates the union is one which involves more^ (4) Imi^ortaiit cojiskierations. Ii concerns the national policy, the purity of our government, the vigour, and, it may be, the existence, of our invaluable institutions. Are our high- est destinies then at stake, and can any friend of his country be an inactive spectator 1 The most powerful inducements conspire to incite us to exertion. We are contending in the cause of freedom and the Constitution. The foundations of our Liberty, which no human strength can shake, are gra- dually becoming undermined. The illustrious Jefferson, and a host of patriots, who have finished their services upon earth, and now " rest from their labours," are looking down upon us, their descendants, to whom they transmitted, at their departure, the richest legacy that man could bequeath, in those pure principles of government which have guided our country for years in a path of unequalled prosperity and pro- mise. To us they have committed the precious palladium of that country's freedom. We are urged by our duty to them, to ourselves, and to posterity, to show ourselves worthy of the sacred trust. Let a solemn regard to these considerations operate upon your minds and influence your conduct at the approaching Presidential election. You are called upon to choose be- tween two candidates for that high and important office, both of whom have been long before the public. We earnestly invite you to lend us your attention, while we pursue a candid and temperate investigation of their respective claims to the confidence of their fellow-citizens, and the support, more especially, of the Republican party. In conducting this ex- amination, while we, on our part, disclaim every motive ex- cept a sincere regard for the preservation of our Republi- can institutions, we entreat you, on yours, to lay aside all prepossession, which may interfere with correct judgment, or close the rnind against honest conviction. We speak the language, we are persuaded, of a very large proportion of the Republican party, when we say, that the present administration has never possessed, and has never me- rited, the confidence of the great body of the American Peo- ple. We do not assert that Mr. Adams was unconstitutionally elected, so far as meveform was concerned — but we do can- ( ^ ) didly uiid deliberately declare our settled conviction, that his election was in violation of the spirit of that sacred instru- ment. We know that Gen. Jackson received a plurality of the electoral votes ; and we are satisfied that Mr. Adams did not receive the free and unbiassed suffrages of the Con- gressional Representatives of a majority of the States. The extraordinary, and otherwise unaccountable, conduct of Mr. Clay — the reserve and mystery which marked his demean- our almost to the day of election, and kept the public notori- ously in doubt what part he intended to act — his sudden tran- sition from behig the enemy and public reviler of Mr. Adams to become his advocate and supporter, and this in direct op- position to the known will of his Constituents, and the instruc- tion of their representatives in the Legislature — his accept- ance, under such peculiar circumstances, of the highest office in the Cabinet — his inconsistency in declaring the elevation of the Secretary of State to the Presidency to be a ^'safc precedent," which he had, not long before, in reference to this very case, pronounced to be a dangerous one — his own declarations at various times, which cannot otherwise be re- conciled — and, above all, the numerous and repeated confes- sions of his colleagues and friends : — all unite to form a mass of testimony, which an unprejudiced mind can hardly resist. Upon the investigation, which recently took place before the Legislature of Kentucky, a series of facts was exhibited in testimony utterly incompatible with his innocence. It was there distinctly proved, that several of the Representatives from that State, who voted for Mr. Adams, acknowledged, and endeavoured to justify their conduct to their constituents by the acknowledgment, that they supported him in order to obtain for Mr. Clay the Secretaryship of State ; and that they had ascertained that this appointment might be depend- ed on as the result of his election. It remains for them to say, from whom the fact could have been ascertained, except from Mr. Adams himself. It was also proved, that Mr. Clay, just before setting out for the seat of government in the fall of .1824, endeavoured to prevent any instruction from the Legislature ; declaring that he was uncommitted, and that there was no obstacle to his voting for Gen. Jackson, whom (6 ) he had invited to travel in company with him to Washington : while he himself has affirmed, that he had previously an- nounced his intention of voting for Mr. Adams. It was fur- ther shown, that Mr. Clay, in the year 1823, had paid One Hundred Dollars out of his own pocket, towards the publica- tion of a pamphlet, which was written for the purpose of showing Mr. Adams's hostility to the West, and his attempt to barter away the navigation of the Mississippi during the ne- gotiations at Ghent. It was proved, that Mr. Blair, a confi- dential friend of Mr. Clay, had declared, before the election, that, if Mr. Adams were successful, Mr. Clay would be Se- cretary of State, and that he obtained his information by a private letter from Washington ; which letter, circumstances rendered al :.ost certain, was written by Mr. Clay himself. Upon being called before the Legislature to give testimony, he absolutely refused to answer ; and declared, that he would rather go to prison than submit to be questioned upon the subject of this communicati^on. It cannot have been forgot- ten, that, after Mr. Adams had replied to the letter of Mr. Russell, charging him with the design of conceding to Great Britain, in the Treaty of Ghent, the right of navigating the Mississippi, Mr. Clay published a card, in which he accused Mr. Adams of making erroneous statements upon this subject in his answer, and pledging himself to expose them — lisat the publication of this card was followed by a challenge frovn Mr. Adams to produce the exposure — but that, wliile the public were looking for the opening of the controversy, the opposing champions suddenly became reconciled, and their weapons were sheathed. It is well known that Mr. Adams received at his election the votes of Illinois and Missouri. These States had each but one representative in Congress, and their suffrages were also given in direct opposition to the will of the People, for whom tliey jirofessed to be acting. Tiie electors of these three States have since proclaimed their sentiments, v. ith a tone of thunder, in the ears of the men who, on this important occasion, were deaf to their voice. But several of those, whom their constituents cast off, the administration took up ; and more than one of them have received lucrative offices under government, as a rev/ard (7 ) lt)r their Ireacliery. Cook, who disposed of the vote of Illi- nois, was sent upon a secret embassy to Cuba ; and Scott, who was unfaithful to the people of Missouri, was rewarded with the appointment of a c611ector of the Land Office. Bat independently of these facts, how stands the case 1 Mr. Adams unquestionably obtained the Presidency by the influence of Mr. Clay. The latter undoubtedly knew, that the acceptance of office from a President of his own creation, under such circumstances, would throw suspicion upon his integrity. A liigh-minded man, conscious of his innocence, would have disdained the empty splendour of an office, which could only be acquired at the expense of his character. Free from guilt, he would have sought also to be above suspicion. The conduct of Mr. Clay was regulated by other prhiciples, and an unsullied reputation he no longer enjoys. That Mr. Adams was ever a sincere convert to the Re publican party we do not believe. In April, 1806, he presided at a Federal meeting hi Boston. In 1807, the State of Massachusetts, which he then represented in the Senate of the United States, became democratic. In the same year, he deserted his party, upon the pretence that they were treating with Canada for a dismemberment of the Union — a charge which, however just it might have been at a period long subsequent to the time of which we speak, was then a gross aspersion of his political friends. No man had been better acquainted with the pohtics of the country than he. The policy of Mr. Jefferson had been uniform, and by none more uniformly and bitterly opposed than by him. He could have received no new light upon the subject. He did not even pretend that the administration had changed its course. No extraordinary crisis of events existed: and yet, all of a sudden, he was transformed, from a relentless opponent, into a most zealous supporter of the then predominant party. The ex- planation is obvious. He was no longer entrusted with office ty the general government, and his own State had left him. His ambition overcame his principle. He joined the Republi- can party, to crush it if he could, and to rise with it if he could not. In an unfortunate hour, it received and cherished him; and his viper sting is now turned against the bosom of his benefactor. He had no sooner assumed his new station in the Republican ranks, than he sought to recommend himself to his adopted friends, by an act of fanatical zeal. Mr. Jef- ferson proposed to Congress the passage of an act declaring an Embargo. This grave Senator, who, a few days before, had refused to the Administration the smallest share of his confidence, then arose in his place, and used this remarkable language — " The President has recommended the measure " on liis high responsibility. / would not consider — / would " not deliberate — / would act. Doubtless, the President pos- « sesses such further information as will justify the measure.'" Thus forgetful of his duty to his constituents and to his coun- try, and disregarding the sacred trust committed by the Con- stitution to the body of which he was a member, he endea- voured to lull suspicion, and evince the sincerity of his con- version, by urging the adoption of an important measure upon the mere recommendation of the executive, without the necessary information, without examination, and even with- out dehberation. To those who have observed the character of the man through his long and diversified political course, it will be no matter of surprise to hear, that, within twenty days after the passage of the Act, he moved the appoint- ment of a Committee to consider the propriety of its repeal. His motion was rejected by an almost unanimous voice- To those who were advocates of the war of 1812 — who saw, in its origin, the last resort of a peaceable people, driven to arms by a long course of insult and oppression, with no alternative left them but disgraceful submission — who hailed with pride, in its progress, those many triumphs by sea and by land, which shed a lustre over American bravery — who witnessed, in its conclusion, the character of our country elevated in the eyes of the world, and our happy confedera- tion more firmly knit together — to all those, (and among them is to be found every genuine Repubhcan,) we present, without comment, an extract of a letter, which was written by Mr. Adams, during the negotiation at Ghent, and address- ed to the American Consul at St. Petersburgh. These are his words, (and a volume could not better exhibit the cha- racter and sentiments of the man) — " Divided among our- ( 9 ) '■^selces, more inpassions than interest, with half the nation- " SOLD by their prejudices and their ignorance to our enemy^ *' with a FEEBLE AND PENURIOUS GOVERNMENT, With fivC « frigates for a navy, and scarcely five efficient regiments ^'- for an army, how can it be eocpected that we should resist *' the mass of force, which that gigantic power has collected *'t0 CRUSH us AT A BLOW ?" Yet the author of this letter is now President of the United States. And what have been the fruits of his administration? We call, in the name of the People, we call upon its friends and supporters, where ever they may be : We call upon the adm/mistration itself, and those who are fattening upon its bounty, to point out to us one important measure of their adoption, which has redounded to the honour or advantage of the country. But our call will not, for it cannot, be an- swered. Would that we could stop here ! Happy would it be for the Nation, if its rulers possessed even the negative merit of having done nothing to advance its interest. But even to this praise, poor as it would be, they are not entitled. No sooner was Mr. Adams seated in the Presidential chair, than he threw off his disguise, and appeared in his true character. He declared, in 1806, that the only way of destroying the Republican party was by uniting with it : and he was not long in verifying the declaration of Josiah Quincy, that those who fell with the first Adams, had risen with the second. From the moment of his obtaining the office, he has been surrounded and influenced by Federalists ; and the very men whom, upon his pretended conversion in 1807, he denounced as traitors to their country, have again become his bosom friends and confidential counsellors. Whether it be in fulfil- ment of a pledge, as there is too much reason to believe, or merely the effect of a revival of old partialities, certain it is, that, in the distribution of offices, the federal party has not been forgotten. He has disregarded and trampled under foot the rights of the separate States, upon the preservation of which, above all things else, our liberties depend ; and, following up the monarchical views of his father and instructor, he has done 2 ( 10 ) nil in his power to strengthen and consolidate the geneval jgovernment. He has warned the Representatives of the People against suffering themselves to be " palsied by the will of their Con- stituents ;" and has asserted the power of the Executive to create missions, without the consent of the Senate. By his neglect of duty, by the injudicious appointment of a minister to England, and by a conceited fondness for diplomacy, he has lost our colonial trade. By the most unjustifiable and relentless persecution of the spirited and gallant Porter, he has driven from the service of our country that brave defender of her flag. He has wasted the public money, and brought ridicule upon the nation, by his Quixotic and abortive mission to Pa- nama. He has left our country for a long time past unrepresented at the Court of St. James', save by an inexperienced youth, from a strong desire, which it is believed he cherished but feared at last to gratify, of giving that important appoint- ment, after the rising of Congress, to a distinguished and favourite Federalist. He has tamely submitted to insult and depredation from the petty government of Brazil, and has indirectly censured the Minister, who, to save the honour of his country, de- manded his passports, and left the kingdom. Thus meek and patient under foreign injury, he, whose duty it is to watch over and soothe, with paternal care, the grievances and complaints which must sometimes, of neces- sity, spring up in our great political family, has goaded one of our sister States almost to desperation under her supposed wrongs ; and, instead of using argument and persuasion, has assumed a frowning aspect and warlike attitude, and has threatened to invade her lerriiory with the military force of the Union. While, with his vision fixed upon the clouds, he has gravely recommended tc Congress the erection of « light-houses of the skies," he has overlooked, in his last message, the more impartant but less elevated subject of tke tarifF, which, while ( n ) it agitated the whole country from Mahie to Georgia, and, from its decided character and extensive operation, must necessarily be productive of great good or great evil, was passed over in extraordinary silence, by hira, to whom the nation properly looked for instruction and advice, and who is bound by the Constitution and his oath of office to " give to Congress information of the state of the Union," and to " re- commend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." We have seen economy neglected, and executive patron*- age increased — the public money squandered upon useless officers, and with selfish views, until the national expendi- ture has already exceeded, by nearly seven millions of dol- lars, the expenses of the same period of Mr. Monroe's ad- ministration. The conthigent fund, for which the President is particularly accountable, exliibits, for the same space of time, an increase of Three Hundred Thousand Dollars — and the " secret service" money, which, during the last three years of Mr. Monroe's term, amounted to but Forty Thousand Dollars^ and which, for four or five of Mr. Jefferson's ad- ministration, was altogether uncalled for, already amounts, for the first three years of Mr. Adams's term, to One Hun- dred AND Ten Thousand Dollars : while the expenditures of the last year exceed the income, by the sum of Nine Hundred Thousand Dollars. We have seen the President himself, and the members of liis Cabinet, deserting their posts, and scouring the country upon electioneering excursions ; bending their exertions first to one State, and then to another ; kindling a feverish ex- citement, by every plan which their ingenuity could contrive ; disturbing the peace of the community, and interfering, in the most shameless manner, witii the sentiments and elec- tive rights of the People. We have seen Mr. Adams, upon one of these occasions, forgetting the magnanimity of the American People, exult, in barbarous and unfeeling triumph, over the grave of a gal- lant enemy — and tliis, in a manner scarcely less ludicrous, than the sentiments he ex:\ressed were shocking it fie feelings of humanity. ( 12 ) We have seen the Orst officer of the Cabinet challenge lo mortal combat a member of the Senate, who had dared to express his political opinions with an unpleasant freedom upon the floor of Congress — thus insulting the feelings of a free and christian People, and carrying the recollection back to the horrible days of the French Revolution, when political animosity could only be appeased by human blood. But we close this painful detail of error and misconduct. The mind of the Republican patriot, as he listens to the gloomy recital, reverts to the golden days, when a Jeffer- son and a Madison presided over the Councils of the Na- tion ; and he sighs over the departed glories of his country. But he does not despond. He knows that there is a re- deeming spirit in the People : and he casts his eye to the Hermitage at the West, where he beholds, in dignified re- tirement, the man of their choice, who, neither seeldng nor refusing office, is soon to come forth at their call, to restore the faded honours of his country, and to renew the triumphs of his party. But this man is a " Military Chieftain." The key-note was sounded by his arch-enemy at Washington, and the strain "has been taken up and prolonged by his more humble oppo- nents from one end of the Union to the other. Is it meant by this, that his elevation to the Presidency will place the country in danger of having its liberties supplanted by a mih- tary despotism 1 The idea is an absurdity. Grant that he has the disposition, where are the means ? Are they to be found in a standing army of six thousand men 1 Mr. Clay himself, in his speech on the direct tax in the year 1816, ridi- culed this opinion, and declared, that "unless gentlemen "" were afraid of spectres, it was utterly impossible that any " danger could be apprehended from Ten Thousand men « dispersed on a frontier of many thousand miles." Where then is the force with which Gen. Jackson is to subjugate and enslave ten millions of people 1 It must be raised and paid by the People themselves through their representa- tives. And are the American People come to tliis pass, that they will quietly lay their heads'upon the block, and furnish the ejfeciitioner with the ax:e to strike the fatal blow ? The sup- ( 13 ) position is a base libel upon the spirit of intelligence and love of freedom wiiich characterize our countrymen. And yet, without it, the apprehension of danger from military usurpa- tion must ever be chimerical. Our Constitution, with its checks and guards, ])os?esses a self-preserving power ; which, although it may be frittered away by gradual encroachments from pretended friends, is proof against the ambitious attacks of open enemies. There is infinitely more to fear from lati- tude of construction, than from military violence. But is Gen. Jackson a " military chieftain," in the only sense of the term, which, under any circumstances, could imply danger from the character ? Has he been bred in a camp ] Has his life been military 1 Does he belong to a body of men possessing a distinct and different interest from the mass of the community ? Happily for our country, such a character is here almost unknown. We have no standing army which is worth the name. Every soldier is a citizen, and every citizen may be said to be a soldier. With the ex- ception of a few hundred men, who are enlisted for a term of years, to garrison our forts, the militia of the United States are their only soldiers. And who are the militia but the Peo- ple themseh^es 1 Seven or eight years at most of Gen. Jackson's life have been spent in the army. It is doubtless true that he has been a distinguished military commander. His services in this capacity a grateful nation will never forget. The man^ whose bosom does not swell with pride at the recollection of his brilliant exploits, possesses not an American heart. The history of our country will be a monument to his fame, more enduring than the triumphal arch, and will perpetuate to the latest generation the memory of his deeds. And who were the chief partners of his glory 1 The volunteers and militia of the West — his fellow-citizens and neighbours. And where are they now ? and where is their commander 1 Do they stand with arms in their hands, prepared to destroy the liberties of their country 1 No. Both they and he, like Washington and Cincinnatus, have returned to their farms, and mingled long since with the mass of citizens. But suppose Jackson to possess the power, has he ever evinced ( 14 ) the disposition of an usurper ? The man who, in the vigour of his days — at the head of an army flushed with victory and devoted to his person — amidst a people amazed at his successes and enthusiastic in his praise — could throw off his military character, and, in citizen's attire, subject himself patiently to the unjust condemnation and punishment of a civil tribunal, and venture his personal safety in defending the Judge, who pronounced sentence, from the fury of an exasperated populace — is he, when drawn forth from his re- tirement by the solicitation of his countrymen — in time of profound peace — in the decline of life — without an army at his command, and without the means of raising one — to conquer and enslave the People, whose gratitude and esteem have bestowed upon him the highest mark of their confi- dence 1 We leave it to the candour and common setose of the community to answer the question. It is repeatedly asked, " Why will you elevate a man to the Presidency solely on account of military services and mili- tary talents ?' The question is as uncandid, as it is easy of answer. The friends of Gen. Jackson have never asserted that his military achievements, however glorious, or his mili- tary genius, however great, are sufficient of themselves to entitle him to the office. They do, however, contend, that to exclude him from civil appointments, as his enemies would do, on account of the services which he has rendered to bis country in the field, would be a most odious and impolitic proscription. They do contend, that, when eminent civil qualifications are added to splendid military services, the man, in whom they are united, possesses a double claim to the support of his fellow-citizens. And they are prepared to show that this union exists in the person of Gen. Jackson. When this objection is made, we shall never cease to recur to the example of WASHINGTON, whose character and usefulness, he must be bold indeed who dares to assail. The principle upon which our opponents proceed, could not but have excluded him, and preferred the elder Adams. The latter, like his son, was a learned man, an experienced states- man and diplomatist. Washington, like Jackson, was a " military chieftain," and much less experienced than, lie ia ( 15 ) cml affairs. But the discernment of our fathers, unseduceJ by artificial splendour, knew well how little the value of the diamond depends upon its polish. Undeceived by the sound of learning and diplomacy, they saw, and prized, in the Hero of Monmouth and Yorktown, those intrinsic and substantial qualities, which their sons appreciate in the Hero of New- Orleans ; qualities whicli fit a man equally for civil, as for military, rule : strong native sense — correct and discrimina- ting judgment — wisdom in contrivance, and promptness and firmness in execution — a knowledge of mankind, and un- bending integrity. Were Jackson destitute of civil qualifica- tions, and dangerous as his enemies represent him, think you for a moment that he would receive the support of many of the first men of the country 1 men, whose patriotism and talents none will dispute, and who cannot be ignorant of his character — of such men as Macon, and Berrien, and Tazewell, and Van Beuren, and Hayne, and Crawford, and the late lamented Clinton ] and that, too, when they had the whole Union before them for a choice 1 Listen to the opinion of Mr. Crawford, as expressed in a letter, written a few weeks since to a political friend of Gen. Jackson — " 1 think with you, that the People have deter- *' mined who should be President, and I should be the last *♦ man in the United States who would wish to unsettle that " determination ; for 1 am one of the People, and approve their « choice.'^ To another friend of the General he says — " You *« da me justice in supposing I am with you, in the struggle ■" now making in relation to the Presidential election: thougli " I am informed, by letters from Washington, that I have " written a letter to Mr. Clay, approving of Mr. Adams's ad- " ministration. But, I am confident, his name is mentioned " but once in the letter ; and then, onli/ to say, that he is -' destined to undergo the fate that befel his father y Hearken to the honest sentiments of Henry Clay, uttered in one of his speeches, in reference to him, whose elevation to the Presidency he now contemplates with more horror than "w;ar," ^^ pestilence,''^ or '^'famine.'''' — "Towards that dis- "tinguished Captain, who has shed so much glory on our '= country, whose renown constitutes so great a portion of its ( 16 ) moral propenif, I never had, I never can have, any other FEELINGS, THAN THOSE OF THE MOST PROFOUND RESPECT "AND OF THE UTMOST KINDNESS." Hear the unprejudiced opinion of Mr. Adams himself, as expressed in 1822, in one of his official letters, written during our controversy with Spain, in which he vindicated the con- duct of Gen. Jackson wliile Governor of Florida. — " In pass- *' ing unnoticed this and other mere invectives against an *?< officer, WHOSE services to this nation ENTITLE HIM TO " THEIR HIGHEST REWARDS, AND WHOSE WHOLE CAREER HAS "BEEN SIGNALIZED BY THE PUREST INTENTIONS AND THE MOST « ELEVATED PURPOSES, I wish to be uuderstood as abstaining *'• from observations, which, however justified by the occasion, «' could but add to the unpleasantness of the discussion." Hear him again in his reply to the Committee which was appointed by the House of Representatives to inform him of his election to the Presidency — " It has been my fortune to *' be placed, by the divisions of sentiment prevailing among " our countrymen on this occasion, in competition friendly « and honourable, with three of my fellow-citizens, all justly « enjoying, in eminent degrees, the public favour ; and of ^^ whose WORTH, TALENTS AND SERVICES, no One entertains a « higher and more respectful sense than myself The names " of two of them were, in the fulfilment of the provisions of « the Constitution, presented to the selection of the House, "in concurrence with my own — names, closely associated «' with the glory of the nation, and one of them, further re- «« commended by a larger minority of the electoral suffrages " than mine." We are told that Gen. Jackson is rash — of ungovernable temper — and that he has trampled under foot the laws and constitution of his country. A tyrannical disposition in his private intercourse is utterly irreconcilable with the ex- traordinary admiration and love which are entertained for him in his own State and neiglibourhood, among those who can- not be ignorant of his cliaracter ; and with the known attach- ment to his person, which prevails, in a most striking degree, among those who have ever been under his command. But his opponents, disregarding this infallible testimony to Ills private Worlli, and poiiiiing to his public life, refer us in conrmnation of their' assertion to his conduct at New-Orleans. To this scene of his triumph we gladly bear them company ; but with impressions, and for purposes, widely different from thdrs. Rarely has any man been placed in a situation of greater difficulty, and never was difficulty more gloriously overcome. An enemy, formidable by number and discipline^ v.'as hovering upon the coast. The City of New-Orleans, which was, doubtless, to be the object of attack, was in the most defenceless condition — without fortifications, without arras, without soldiers. The inhabitants were overwhelmed with terror, and well nigh sunk in despair. Made up of heterogeneous materials, the country was occupied by a disaffected population ; and the city, as the Gover- nor himself declared, was filled " with spies and traitors." Jackson arrived, and, in a few days, the whole aspect of things was changed. Cool and undismayed amidst the thou- sand difficulties which surrounded him, he assumed, without a moment's hesitation, the fearful responsibility of defending, at all hazards, the great key of the Western country ; and an- nounced his firm determination to save the city, or perish in the last ditch. The disaffected were silenced. The timid, inspired with courage, buckled on their armour, and has- tened to the field. All the resources of the country were brought into active operation. His own private fortune was pledged to provide means of defence. The unprotected city became a warlike camp, and every citizen a soldier. The enemy had scarcely landed, when they were attacked by an inferior force, and beaten in the open field. The decision of the commanding General was equalled by his prudence. Instead of rashly following up the victory he had gained, he retired towards the city, and, having carefully selected the most favourable ground, he made use of the time he had gain- ed by this important check, in throwing up those lines of en- trenchment, behind which he calmly awaited the arrival of his expected reinforcements and the advance of the enemy. It is needless to mention by what almost superhuman exer- tion this last hope of the city was raised — how for four days and nights, every hour, as it passed, found him wakeful at 3 ( 18 ) sorne point of the line, animating his men, and urging on their labours : — how wise and cautious, and yet how speedy, were all his arrangements — how brilliant and decisive was the result. Who can paint the mingled horrors and glories of that day 1 All united in honouring the hero, whose pru- dence and skill had rendered the raw militia and volunteers of the West superior to the veteran troops of the peninsula, and, in the triumphant defeat of her ruthless invaders, had " filled the measure of his country's glory." One tide of applause rolled its uninterrupted course from Louisiana to Maine. Instead of censuring him for his rashness, the whole country joined, with one consent, in praising him for his cool- ness and presence of mind. Instead of condemning him for his ungovernable temper, they agreed in admiring that ex- traordinary reflection and self-command, which hiduced him, out of a tender regard for the Uves of his men, and in pur- suance of a strictly defensive policy, to restrain his eager troops from pursuing the routed enemy. Then the nation spoke in the honesty of their hearts. But when the enthu- siasm excited by his wonderful exploits had in some mea- sure subsided, envy, which ever attends upon greatness as its shadow, commenced its dark operations at undermining his character. Then it was remembered, that, in order to the defence of New-Orleans, martial law had been declared, the deliberations of the Legislature for a time suspended, and a judge arrested.— If the first measure were justifiable, then those which followed must be conceded by all to have been indispensable. It would have been worse than useless to pro- nounce martial law, and not to enforce it. The propriety of declaring it had been discussed in the presence of the Judge, without his making a single objection. If its existence were essential, then he who attempted to defeat its regulations, mo'ie especially after an acquiescence in its expediency, was very properly arrested, and sent without the limits of the camp. No further restraint was attempted to be put upon his person. The Judge himself, bending to the necessity of the time, had, in direct violation of law, discharged, without bail or recognizance, a number of persons indicted for capi- tal offences. When, then, he opposed the course which the ( 19) commanding General tliought fit to pursue, he was guilty of the obvious inconsistency of denying the influence of that reason, in the case of another, the sufficiency of which he had acknowledged in his own. — The Legislature of Louisiana had been for some time meditating the destruction of ail Gen. Jackson's plans of defence, by proposing terms of capitula- tion to the enemy. Had the officer, to whom the genera! government committed the defence of the district, quietly permitted this unconstitutional exercise of power, he would have been guilty of the grossest neglect of his duty, and ren- dered himself liable to the severest censure. As the least objectionable, and yet the most effectual, means of prevent- ing the fatal consequences which would result from the adoption of the contemplated measure, without interfering in any manner with their discussions, he directed the Gover- nor to place a guard before the Hall ; and, in case such a re- solution should be passed^ to prevent the members from leav ing the chamber in which they sat. The Governor, mistaking, or purposely disobeying the order, excluded them from the Hall. That the precaution, intended by the General, was, under the circumstances, just and necessary, no one, we think, can honestly deny ; as to the rest, the responsibility is with the Governor — not with him. — But for tlie adoption of the decisive course, for which Gen. Jackson has been so much reviled, no human exertion could have saved the city. New-Orleans must inevitably have fallen : and with it, in all probability, the whole Western country. The case was an extraordinary one, and required extraordinary sacrifices. The Legislature, impelled by existing necessity, had set the example, by assuming a power which did not belong to them, and declaring an embargo upon the vessels in port. The firmness and decision of Jackson were equal to the emer- gency. He had already pledged his estate for the defence of the city — He now put in jeopardy his character as a citizen, and his reputation as a soldier. And what earthly induce- ment had he to stand the fearful hazard, but that which has always been the prevailing guide of his conduct — the public good 1 The Governor (as we have before observed) had in- formed him, and his own experience had afforded a lament- ( 20 ) able con/irmalioii of the report, that the city was filled with spies and traitors. The population was a mixed and discor- dant mass of Frenchmen, Spaniards, native Louisianians, and Americans; — some, disposed to receive the enemy with open arms — others, lukewarm and indifferent as to the issue — with scarce any attachment to the government, and none to one another. Every day the enemy were made acquaint- ed with what was passing in the city, and in the army. Even the Legislature itself was tainted with disaffection, and meditating a surrender. The constitutional authorities were at an immense distance. The property, the liberty, and the lives, of thousands of his fellow-citizens, were en- trusted to his protection, and imposed upon him an awful responsibility. The whole prospect was shrouded in dark- ness, save only one path, upon which a beam of hope stil! rested. This course he determined, at whatsoever hazard, to pursue. He summoned all the energies of his great soul, and resolved, for a short time, to suspend constitutional forras, for the preservation of constitutional rights. He included the city and its environs within the limits of his camp. Never were his greatness of mind and superiority to ordinary men more strikingly exhibited, than in this decisive act. The re- sult was worthy of the sacrifice. The government of his Coun-try, whose Constitution had been violated, approved of his conduct ; and signalized its approbation by a vote of thanks, and a medal. The city of New-Orleans — the oppressed city, for whose grievances so many of our citizens, at a dis- tance of hundreds of miles, after a lapse of thirteen years, feel fresh emotions of sympathy, as the election approaches — ■ hailed him as her deliverer, and showered upon his head her thanks and honours ; and now enjoys the pride and satisfac- tion of having her name enrolled among those of his warm- est supporters. Driven from this ground of objection, the opponents of Sen. Jackson fly to the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambris- ier. But, unfortunately for them, the man whom they most admire, before rivalry or jealousy had stepped in to warp his •judgment or influence his feelings, produced an able and complete vindication of the hero from this unfounded charge. ( 21 ) He has conclusively shown that this act, which was founded in principles of self-preservation, was justified by the law of nations, and required by the policy of civil society. These men had cut themselves off' from the civilized world, to asso- ciate with savages for purposes of plunder and profit. They had stimulated the Indians to make war upon our frontiers, and to commit the most shocking cruelty, at the bare men- tion of which the heart sickens, and the blood chills in the veins. Wherever these monsters came, desolation marked their path. The sound of the deadly rifle, as it singled out its victim, often broke the noontide stillness of the forest, and often was its midnight scenery lighted by the blaze of the burning cabin. The terrified mother, waked from her slum- ber by the hideous yell, drew her babe more closely to her beating bosom, and awaited, in breathless despair, the ap- proach of those inhuman invaders, against whom neither age nor sex afforded the least protection. Whole families, with- out discrimination, were tomahawked and scalped. Unof- fending infants, while they instinctively stretched out their little hands as if imploring mercy, were seized by their legs, and their brains dashed out, within sight of their distracted parents. The whole frontier was made a scene of inde- scribable suffering. Mr. Adams, in the defence above alluded to, after recounting some of the inhuman acts which tlie savages had committed, thus expresses his feelings and opi- nions. " Contending with such enemies, although humanity " revolts at entire retaliation upon them, and spares the lives of " the feeble and defenceless women and children, yet Mercy " herself surrenders to retributive Justice the lives of their " leading warriors taken in arms — and still more the lives of ^^ the foreign white incendiaries, who, disowned by their own "governments, and disowning their own natures, degrade " themselves beneath the savage character, by voluntarily " descending to its level. Is not this the dictate of common " sense ? Is it not the usage of legitimate warfare ? Is it not " consonant to the soundest authorities of national law ?" He further declares, that " as accomplices of the savages, *'and, sinning against their better knowledge, worse than >«' savages. General Jackson, possessed of their persons and ( 22 ) *« of the proof of their guiU, might, by the lawful and ordinary *' usages of war, have hung them both without the formality " of a trial." These men were taken prisoners ; one of them actually in arms, and leading on a corps of Indians. Al- though, as you have heard from Mr. Adams, they might have been lawfully hung without a trial. Gen. Jackson gave them the benefit of a respectable Court of Inquiry. The authority of this court, like that of a jury under our civil laws, was confined to a determination of the guilt or innocence of the prisoners ; and did not extend, as in the case of a Court Martial, to the punishment of the offence. This was the pe- culiar provhice of the commanding General. Notwithstand- ing thjs defect of power, they not only pronounced the pri- soners guilty, but unanimously awarded against them a sen- tence of death. After the court had been legally dissolved, the members again assembled, without the shadow of autho- rity, and revoking their sentence of death against Ambrister, the more flagrant offender of the two, they substituted in its place the punishment of whipping. Gen. Jackson was not so insensible to his character as an officer, or so indifferent to his duty, as to sanction, by submission, so unauthorized, so irregular, and so unreasonable a proceeding. The blood of the murdered inhabitants of the frontier, and the safety of those who survived, called, with an imperative voice, for the exemplary punishment of these outlaws, who stood before him, without excuse, and reeking with the gore of innocent families. He exercised his authority with a becoming firm- ness, and the offenders were executed. Quiet and security were restored to the settlements upon our border. The British government, whose subjects these men had been, after a parliamentary inquiry into their case, made no com- plaint, but acquiesced in the justice of their fate. Yet the recklessness of party spirit, in our own country, in order to subserve temporary purposes, has dared to hold up to the American community these atrocious murderers, red with the blood of American citizens, as objects of commiseration ; and to stigmatize the author of their punishment as himself a murderer. Another charge brought against General Jackson, is his ( 23 ) having, at two difTerent periods, invaded Florida, while it formed a part of the territories of Spain, a nation with which the United States were then at peace. The first invasion was in 1814, and the second in 1818. They v\'ere made un- der similar circumstances, and with the same view, and are justifiable upon the same grounds. No person, at all ac- quainted with the law of nations, can be ignorant, that neutral rights are inviolable only so long as strict neutrality is ob- served. Besides being subject to this general and invariable principle, the Spanish government had contracted a parti- cular obligation, by the terms of a treaty entered into with the United States in the year 1795, by which they had en- gaged to prevent, by force if necessary, all excesses by the Indians within their territories. In 1814 the seventh military district was entrusted to the defence of Gen. Jackson; its pro- tection at the period spoken of involved a tremendous re- sponsibility. The expected descent of a powerful force upon New-Orleans spread consternation through the country. All eyes were turned to General Jackson and his small band of followers, as the only hope amid threatening dangers. At this crisis a British detachment was landed in Florida. The British flag was seen flying upon a Spanish fort. Pensacola was made a place of rendezvous by our enemies. There munitions of war were collected, soldiers disciplined, the hostile Indians assembled, armed, protected, and fed. Thence an infamous proclamation was issued by the British com- mander, calling upon the inhabitants of Louisiana and Ken- tucky to become traitors to their country. Thence an attack was finally made upon an American fort, which was bravely and successfully defended, but at the expense of the lives of many gallant soldiers. It had now become obvious that this hold of the enemy must be broken up, or New-Orleans must be lost. Gen. Jackson's conduct, instead of exhibiting the rashness with which he has been charged, was charac- terized by eminent prudence and forbearance. He had com- municated all the facts to his own government, and request- ed their direction — but no direction came. He had repeatedly remonstrated with the Spanish Governor — but his remon- strances were disregarded. A crisis had arrived which re- ( 24 ) quired immediate action. The defence of his dl'^trict called imperatively for the adoption of a decisive course. It was justified by the law of self-preservation ; and whh the reso* lution of a great mind, it was adopted. The British were expelled — the Indians dispersed — and New-Orleans was eventually saved. We have said that Gen. Jackson sought direction in vain from our own government. It afterwards appeared that a letter, authorizing a descent upon Florida, was written by the Secretary at War, in July ; but, from some unaccountable cause, was not received until the 17th of January following. It has the effect, however, of show- ing, that the judgment of the Secretary, as to the expediency of the measure, under the circumstances of the case, coin- cided with that of Jackson. Had the commanding General shrunk from this step, had he longer hesitated, in all human probability the city would have been captured and pillaged — its female inhabitants would have become a prey to the brutal lust of the soldiery — the country would have been overrun by desolating invaders. The occupation of Pensa- cola and St. Marks in 1818 took place under a similar neces- sity, and rests for its justification upon the same principles. The Spanish authorities in these places had become accessory to those heart-rending cruelties, which, characterized by all the horrors of savage warfare, had bathed the frontier settle- ments in the commingled blood of tlieir men, women, and children. Our barbarous enemies, and their more barbarous instigators, had been received, entertained, and encouraged by the Spanish officers ; and were permitted to make the Spanish territory a depository and a market for their plun- der. It is an error prevalent among the friends as well as the opponents of Gen. Jackson, to suppose that, in entering the Spanish territory, he was governed solely by his own judgment of the necessity of the case. This is not true. Previously to his taking the field, our army in that quarter was commanded by Gen. Gaines. This officer received an order from the War Department, dated on the 16th of De- cember, 1817, containing the following direction : " Should "the Seminole Indians still refuse to make reparation for " their outrages and depredations on the citizens of the United ( 25 ) . *' States, it is the wish of the Fresideiii, that you consider " yourself at liberty to march across the Florida line, and " attack them within its limits.'^ Very shortly afterward, Gen. Jackson was ordered to take the command ; and was inform- ed by the Secretary at War, under date of December 26th, 1817, that the government had been made acquainted witli " the increasing display of hostile intentions by the Seminole "Indians," and that Gen. Gaines had been '-directed to *' penetrate from Amelia Island through Florida to the Semi- " note towns.'''' The Secretary then instructs the commanding General, " with this view,'''' to " concentrate" his " force," and to adopt the necessary measures to terminate the conflict. Jackson was influenced, theii, in this case, not by his own opinion, but the opinion of the government — he acted, not upon his own discretion, but under orders from the Depart- ment of War — and cannot, upon any principle of justice, be held responsible for a course, which was pursued in obedience to superior authority. This ground of justification is com- plete and immoveable. But had it no existence, the conduct of Gen. Jackson, in this respect, would not be justly liable to censure. Upon this subject, however, let us be silent, while Mr. Adams speaks. His opinions, although expressed in immediate reference to the invasion of 1818, are equally applicable to that of 1814. We quote from the letter ad- dressed by liim, as Secretary of State, to the American Min- ister at the Court of Spain, in the year 1818. Speaking of thfr papers produced on the trial of Arbuthnot before the Court of Inquiry, he says — " You will find these papers in the printed "newspaper enclosed, and in the proceedings of the Court " Martial, and will point them out to the Spanish govern- " ment, not only as decisive proofs of the unexampled com- '^pliances of the Spanish Officers in Florida to foreign intru- " sive agents and instigators of Indian hostilities against the " United States, but as placing beyond a doubt that participa- "tion of this hostile spirit in the Commandant of St. " Marks, which Gen. Jackson so justly complains of, and of " which we have so well founded a right to demand the pun- " ish7/\e?it." In another part of the same letter he says — " This exposition of the origin, the causes, and the character 4 ( ^6 ) "of the War with the Seminole Indians and part of the "Creeks, combined with M'Gregor's mock patriots and "Nicholl's negroes, which necessarily led our troops into " Florida^ and gave rise to all those hicidersts, of which Mr. " Pizarro so vehemently complains, will, it is hoped, enable " you to present other and sounder views of the subject to " his Catholic Majesty's government. It will enable you to " shew, that the occupation of Pensacola and St. Marks was " occasioned neither by a spirit of hostility to Spain, nor with "a view to extort prematurely the province from her pos- *' session — that it was rendered necessary, by the neglect of " Spain to perform her engagements of restraining the *'* Indians from hostilities against the United States, and by '■'■the culpable countenance, encouragement, and assistance '■'■given to these Indians, in their hostilities, by the Spanish " Governor and Commandant at those places." " Finally, in " restoring Pensacola and St. Marks to Spain, the President " gives the most signal proofs of his confidence, that, here- " after, her engagement to restrain, by force, the Indians of « Florida from all hostilities against the United States, will be " effectually fulfilled." " If the necessity of self defence " should again compel the Uiiited States to take possession of " the Spanish forts and places in Florida, declare, with the " candour and frankness that becomes us, that another un- " conditional restoration of them must not be expected.''^ We cite these opinions of Mr. Adams as entirely conclusive of the question, so far as respects his own supporters. If Gen. Jackson be guilty of this charge, then the person who re- fused satisfaction or apology to the injured government of Spain, and defended and justified the acts of which they com- plained, has become of necessity an accessory to the guilt — as clearly so, as the man who utters a counterfeit bill, know- ing it to be forged, becomes a virtual participator of the ori- ginal offence. But we have not yet done with the subject. In the letter above referred to, we find the sentiments of Mr. Monroe, then President of the United States ; which are thus detailed by Mr. Adams — " The President will neither inflict ^■^ punishment, nor pass a censure, upon Gen. Jackson, for *Hhat conduct, the motives for which were foimded in the ( 27 ) '•PUREST FA.TR10T1SM, of the necessity for which he had the "most immediate and effectual means of forming a jiidg- " ment, and the vindication of which is written in every page ♦' of the law of nations, as well as in the first law of nature — *' self defence. He thinks it, on the contrary, due to the "justice which the United States have a right to demand " of the Spanii h govenimen:, *Jiai inquiry shall be instituted " into the conduct of Don Jose Masot, Governor of Pensaco- *' la, and of Don Francisco C. Luenzo, Commandant at St. "Marks; and a suitable punishment inflicted on them, for "having, in defiance and violation of the engagements of "Spain with the United States, aided and assisted those " hordes of Savages in those very hostilities against the " United States." We cannot better close this i)art of the defence, than by inserting a note, addressed to Gen. Jackson by the venerated Jeiferson ; containing, not only an opinion of his proceedings in the Seminole War, but an expression of sentiment in relation also to the general character of the man, who has been so bitterly reviled by many of those v»iio profess to have been brought up in the school of this great founder of RepubUcanism. " Thomas Jefferson returns his " thanks to Gen. Jackson for the copy he has been so good as " to send him, of the vindication of the proceedings of the Semi- " nole War. If doubts on those proceedings have existed in " candid minds, this able vindication can scarcely fai! to remove " them. In addition to what had before been laid before the " public, it brings forward some new views and new facts of " srreat weight. On the whole, he cannot doubt but that the *^ gratitude of his country for former achievements, will be ^^ fortified by those new proof s of the salutary energies of " THEIR GREAT BENEFACTOR. He salutcs thc General, with " assurances of his constant and affectionate attachment and " esteem.'''' After reading this cordial and unequivocal testimo- nial of approbation from so distinguished a man, who can place the least confidence in the accusations of the enemies of Jackson 1 No one knew him better than Mr. Jefferson. He had seen him by his side in the great contest for popular rights, during the Presidency of the elder Adams — he had been long familiar with his principles — he liad been an eye- ( 28 ) witness of his concluct, during the most trying period in our political history. Where has there been found a more acute discerner of human character — a purer patriot— a more sincere man 1 And yet, he approves of the measures of Jackson, and expresses for him a warm and " affectionate attachment and esteem." On another occasion, in a conver- sation with a friend who complained of some of Jackson's proceedings, he zealously vindicated and entirely justified his conduct as Governor of Florida, and his measures at New- Orleans ; and with a manner strikingly emphatic, he made this memorable declaration — " be assured, sir, that Jackson *' has more of the Roman in him — more of that devoted " feeling, which, in the love of country, forgets self, than any " man now living." When this illustrious statesman was made acquainted with the sentiments avowed by Mr. Adams in his first message to Congress, he shuddered for the security of our free institutions, and uttered the most gloomy apprehensions. He thought he heard the knell of state lights sounding in that document, and saw, in sad prospect, a consolidated government about to rise upon their grave. What disciple of his — nay, what American patriot, can reflect, unmoved, upon the scene which was exhibited, when the venerable author of the Declaration of our Independence, sinking under the weight of years, casting his view back over the long course of an eventful life, which had witnessed the great struggles that had given birth to our Republican insti- tutions, and had subsequently restored them to. their original purity ; and looking forward, with fearful apprehension, lest all ihose struggles should have been in vain ; a gleam of hope lighted up his countenance, while, as he thought upon his favourite people, with his eyes raised towards Heaven, and with the impressiveness of a departing prophet upon his lips,, he pronounced Jackson to be " almost the last hope''' of his beloved country. The imputation of misconduct while Governor of Florida, like most of the accusations preferred against Gen. Jackson, is founded upon misrepresentation. There is no reasoning required to show the strict propriety of his treatment of Cal- lava. Nothing is necessarv, but a plain statement of the (29 ) particulars of the transaction ; and the inference may be safely left to the understanding of the community. The treaty, by which Florida was ceded to the United States, pro- vided, that all the public records, which related to private property, should be surrendered to the new authorities. Cal- lava, the former Spanish Governor, but who was now a private citizen, retained in his possession, contrary to the pro- visions of the treaty, a;-id in violation of every rule of justice and humanity, the documents which were necessary to sub- stantiate the title of a family of female orphan children to a large estate, which had been left to them by will. He was summoned before the Governor, as the highest judicial officer of the territory, and ordered to deliver up these important papers. He obstinately refused to obey this decree ; and, by the exercise of a power w^hich is inherent in every judicial tribunal, he was imprisoned for a contempt of the authority of the Court. Judge Fromentin, under a mistaken concep- tion of his power, interposed a writ of habeas corpus — a pro- cess which, at that time, was totally unauthorized within the territory, and which, of course, was properly disregarded. The papers were seized — the property in question was secured to its rightful owners — and the fraudulent ex-Governor w^as shortly afterwards released. Upon this statement of facts, there cannot, we conceive, be two opinions. It was a struggle between justice and fraud : in \vhich the former, under the resolute administration of Jackson, could not fail to triumph. This transaction was also approved by the government, and conclusively vindicated by Mr. Adams. The adversaries of Jackson, as unwearied in their efforts to destroy his popularity, as they are unscrupulous about the means of accomplishing their purpose, have lately discovered a new ground of complaint, in his refusal to pardon the six militia-m.en, who were condemned to death at Mobile in 1814. The most extraordinary exertions have been made to excite the feelings of the community upon this subject also, by a total and most illiberal misrepresentation of the facts of the case. A mere statement of the truth, as it has lately been made to appear by public documents, upon a full investigation of the complaint in the House of Representatives of the United (30) States, will afford a complete justification of the commanding officer, on this occasion, in the eyes of every candid man. It appears, by the muster-roll of the regiment, and hy a letter of Governor Blount, of Tennessee, to the Secretary at War, that tliese men were called into service expressly for the term of six months, commencing on the 20th of June, and termi- nating on the 20th of December, 1814. An act of Congress provides, that the militia, when called into actual service, shall be subject to the rules and articles of war. One of these articles declares, that the crime of which these men were found guilty, shall be punished by death, or such other penalty as by a Court-Martial shall be inflicted. The persons in question, with about two hundred others, were charged with mutiny, and with exciting mutiny in the army, pre- viously to and upon the 19th day of September ; a period at which, if they had been detailed for three months only, they ivould not have been entitled to a discharge. After a delibe- rate and full investigation of these charges by the Court, they were found guilty. The punishment of death was awarded by the Court: but all, except the six ringleaders, were re- commended to mercy; and were pardoned, or but slightly punished. These six, whose guilt was of the blackest die, and one of whom, by the name of Harris, had actually carried about the camp a subscription paper, to obtain the signa- tures of those who would agree to desert, were left to tha sentence of the Court; and were executed accordingly. We have thus given a plain unvarnished detail of the facts, established by the clearest proof; and we appeal to every lionest man in the community, be he friend or foe, whether, if he had been placed in similar circumstances, his conduct would not have been the same as that complained of in Gen. Jackson. Numbers of men were executed during the late v/ar with Great Britain, for the same offence, under the orders of Harrison, Brown, M'Arthur, and the various officers who, at different times, and in different places, were at the head of our armies; but upon the subject of these, not a murmur is heard : nor would there have been in relation to those six offenders, had not Gen. Jackson been brought forward as a candidate for the Presidency. In all ages, and in all countries, (31 ) the crime of mutiny has been considered of the most heinoua nature, and worthy of death. It strikes at the root of all military subordination — it endangers the safety of whole countries, and the lives of whole armies — it is a violation of that alle- giance, which is due from the citizen to his government for the protection he receives, without which civil polity cannot exist — it is an offence the more unpardonable, from its being, in almost all cases, and from its nature, deliberately com- mitted. Had Gen. Jackson, from motives of false compassion, in disregard of his duty, and of the rules of wholesome disci- pline, extended a pardon to these atrocious offenders, the very men, who now complain of his severity, would have been the first to censure him for his weakness, and would have had it in their power to present a much stronger case before an intelligent community. Obvious as the reason and necessity of this enforcement of military subordination must be, to the mind of every man possessed of the least reflection, we will not pass by the opportunity which it affords, of again referring to the example of the illustrious chieftain of our Revolution, who, in the year 1781, when a partial revolt of the Jersey troops took place at Pompton in that state, caused the two principal actors to be executed upon the spot ; and hesitated not, in the succeeding year, to suppress a contemplated mu- tiny in the Connecticut line, by consigning the ringleaders to a similar fate. After this explanation and defence of the conduct of Gen. Jackson, in relation to the six militia-men, we need only ob- serve, with respect to the execution of Woods, which is also made a subject of accusation, that this man deserted, and was pardoned — that, within a few days after, he again de- serted, and that a pardon was again offered him, upon the condition of his promising future good conduct — that he re- jected the offer, defied theCourt-Martial and the commanding General, and died with mutiny upon his tongue. We are aware of but one remaining charge, which is worthy of notice, in this defence of the conduct of Gen. Jackson. It is said by his adversaries, that, in the year 1819, he waited in the ante-chamber of the Senate of the United States, on the last evening of the session, for the purpose of doing violence (33 ) to the person of one of the Senators ; from the commission of which, he was restrained by Commodore Decatur. It will surely be sufficient for any candid inquirer after the truth to know, that this charge was made after the death of Commo- dore Decatur, and without citing any responsible authority; and that the particulars were, for the first time, pretended to be given to the public in a newspaper paragraph, by John Binns, the editor of the Democratic Press of Philadelphia: a man, to whom, we think, we do no injustice, when we express our conviction, that any ingenuous member of his own party would be mortified to have it thought, that he gave credit to a statement solely upon his authority. It was clearly per- ceived, that, according to every principle of reason and justice, it was incumbent upon the party preferring so foul an accusation, to bring forward some proof to substantiate it : and Mr. Tyler and Mr. Tazewell, of Virginia, were subse- quently referred to, as haviiig been informed of the fact by Com. Decatur; but both these gentlemen, upon being ap- phed to, denied that they ever heard from the Commodore a syllable upon the subject. Gen. Call, now a resident of Flo- rida, v/as the only person living at the time the complaint was made, who was said to have been present on the occasion, but he was never called upon by the accusing party, to com- municate his knowledge of the transaction. These three distinguished men were known to be strenuous supporters of Gen. Jackson for the Presidency — a fact which, taken in connection with their high character, was nearly conclusive as to t'leir disbelief of so heinous a charge. Under these circumstances, in the absence of all proof to support the accusation, and with the strongest presumption existing against its correctness. Gen. Jackson himself was appealed to ; and solemnly declared, that he was not once in the Senate chamber or ante-chamber during the year spoken of — an assertion which, if false, might certainly be contradicted by many witnesses, and for the truth of which he referred to Gen. Call, who, at the time alluded to, was his aid and almost constant attendant, and who was saidby tlie complaining party to have been present at the altercation. He further declared, that not a harsh word ever passed beUvcen himself and Com. j>ecatur, during the whole course of theu' acquaintance. Skice this statement was made by Gen. Jackson, Gen. Call, becoming apprised of the controversy "through the medium of the newspapers," has vokuitarily stepped forward, and set the v/hole matter for ever at rest. With the best means of knowing the truth, he pronounces the accusation to be ''an unqualified tissue of falsehood and misrepresentation ;^^ and confirms, in every particular, the answer which was given by Gen. Jackson .himself. But we will present the testimony of this witness in his own words, by quoting from a letter written by him, and dated at Tallahasse, December 23d, 1827. In this letter he says — " I accompanied General Jackson to Washington City, "in the year 1819, during the memorable Seminole debate. "I usually attended him wherever he went; and to the best "of my recollection and belief, he ivas 7iot in the Senate *' Chamber^ or fu the ante-room of the Senate, at any time *' during his visit. I remember frequently to have heard him "invited by the members to visit the Senate while in session, "and always heard him decline doing so, from motives of "delicacy, as his official conduct was at that time a subject of "investigation before that body. On the last evening of the ^'session of the SeivUe, I remember distinctly that I was not "in the ante-room of the Senate, and am equally confident *'that Gen. Jackson was not there. While at Washington, I "witnessed, with the highest gratification, many interviews "between Gen. Jackson and Com. Decatur. The cordiality "of feeling, and the respectful deportment of those gentlemen "towards each other, was such as might have been expected "from the chivalry and generosity of their dispositions. What "man of common understanding can believe for a moment, "that an angry controversy could have taken place between "Gen. Jackson and Com. Decatur, in the ante-chamber of the " Senate, without its being immediately knov.ni to the public ; ^'and yet /, as the aid-de-camp of Gen. Jackson, though said to " have been present on the occasion, never heard of the occur- *'rence, until informed of it through the medium, of the news- " papers.'''' The authors and propagators of this accusation, unsupported by a single particle of evidence, and with their own witnesses testifying directly against them, stand ctin- 5 (34) victed, before the tribunal of public judgment,'of the most odious and deliberate falsehood. Having thus discharged the unpleasant duty of discussing, and, we humbly trust, of satisfactorily refuting, all the objec- tions urged against the elevation of Gen. Jackson to the Presidency, which are calculated to have the least weight with any serious mind ; we proceed to the more agreeable task, of submitting to our Republican fellow-citizens, the va- rious reasons by which we are influenced in supporting him for that distinguished office. But, before we enter upon this part of the subject, we cannot refrain from expressing the deep mortification and regret which we experience, as American Citizens, jealous of the honour of our country in the eyes of foreign nations, at the illiberal course which many of our op- ponents have chosen to pursue, in order to destroy the pre- tensions of this eminent individual to an office, the competition for which, it is the pride of our Constitution4o proclaim, as open to all. It might have been hoped, that respectability of character, at least, would have been conceded to him, who has received so many proofs of the admiration and gratitude of his countrymen, and who, but a few years since, obtained a plurality of their suffrages for the very distinguished station, for which he is now a candidate. It might have been hoped, that, after every public and every private act of his own life had been rigidly scrutinized and vilely slandered, his accusers would have stopped upon the threshold of that sanctuary, into which it has ever been considered ungenerous and unmanly to intrude. But such hopes, if indulged, were vain. The vocabulary has been searched for epithets the most foul and calumnious, with wiiich to vilify and denounce the man, who was honoured by the confidence and esteem of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. He has been pronounced a murderer, an adulterer, a traitor, a slanderer, a fool. Even the most delicate relations of his domestic life have been vio- lated ; and the pious and amiable partner of his bosom has been dragged forth to the public gaze, as a vile harlot. The commonest acts of his most private intercourse have been basely and wantonly misrepresented ; and the grossest for- geries have been resorted to, for the purpose of blackening his (35) reputation. All this he has endured with u meek and digni- fied patience. Conscious of his own innocence, secure of the public trust and esteem, and relying upon the intelligence and honesty of the great mass of the People, he cultivates his farm in retirement, and smiles at the impotent and shame- less efforts of his adversaries. The confidence of this exalted patriot is not misplaced. Envy and jealousy may rage around him, but vain is all their fury. It is his good fortune to be elevated far beyond their reach. The envenomed shafts, which, with ineffectual aim, are directed at his charac- ter, expend their force in air, only to descend upon the heads of his assailants. Washington and Jefferson, like him, were reviled. Sustained by the strength of an enlightened and virtuous people, like them, he shall not fail eventually to triumph. Gen. Jackson is one of the few remaining soldiers of the Revolution. The love of liberty, and of his country, which has shed so brilliant a lustre over the meridian of his life, ' dawned brightly upon his early youth. At the tender age of fourteen, he was found in arms, defending the rights of man against British oppression ; and, to this day, he bears upon his person the honourable memorial of a wound, re- ceived in the great struggle for American freedom. In all human probability, he is the last of that venerable band, upon whom you will have it in your power to bestow the highest of earthly honours. And is it nothing to have bled in the achievement of National Independence? Revolutionary fathers ! the small remnant whom time has spared ! we ap- peal to you — to you, who retain in Uvely remembrance the toils, and dangers, and sacrifices of that eventful period, we appeal — is it nothing to you, that he, who is now a candidate for your suffrages, shared with you in the labours, and suffer- higs, and glories of that memorable contest 1 Children of the heroes of the Revolution ! is it nothing to you, that Jackson was an associate of the venerable " band of brothers," who bore " the heat and burden" of that momentous day, and from whom, you deem it the proudest of all titles to have derived your descent ? To all those who now enjoy the rich fruits of Independence, we appeal, and ask — is it nothing to ( ^^^ ; 1l6Ui that Jackaaii shejcl his youthful blood, to purckase for you that bright inheritance, with which the wealth of the In- dies wouM be poverty in comparison ? We know the answer of every generous bosom. While our liberty endures, we have constantly before our eyes an impressive memorial of Ihe debt of gratitude which is due to those fearless patriots, who, in the face of death, declared themselves and their descendants free. Thus honourably commenced the career of Jackson. Since that time, and within the memory of most of us, it was our fate to become involved in a second War, for the preservation of those rights which were acquired in the first. It was then that a powerful nation, not con- tent with directing against us, by sea and by land, the suffi- ciently dreadful means of legitimate warfare, let loose upon our South Western frontier all the horrors of savage bar- barity. Who then stepped forward to stay its murderous ravages ? It was Jackson. Quitting the peaceful cultivation of his farm, and leaving to others the field where glory was XT) be won by open fight with civilized combatants, he plunged into the depths of the Wilderness. Here, amid the gloomy and trackless waste,with the heavens for his covering and the ground for his bed, he submitted to privations and sufferings almost beyond human endurance. His course was obstructed by the mountain torrent, and the lowland marsh— the rugged steep, and the icy river. Hunger and thirst, cold and wet, mutiny among his men, and ill health in his own person, con- spired to discourage his advance. But his was a spirit not to be broken by physical suffering. His energy and ardour rose with his difficulties. With courage and fortitude, worthy of a Roman, he stood aloft, a tower of encom*agement to his followers, and of terror to his enemies. The frontier inhabi- tants received him with transport, as their deliverer from the jaws of a horrible death. The almost total extermination of their savage invaders, brought back peace and security, once more, to their rude dwellings. — The most gloomy pe- riod of our contest with Great Britain now arrived. The conflict, which had been hitherto marked by m«ny brilliant Sjipcesses. shedding. glory^ipon the American arms, had been / ( 37 ) attended by its reverses too. The government had been forced, not only to contend with an external foe, but to en- counter also the virulent opposition of a powerful minority at home. Peace had been suddenly concluded among the Nations of Europe ; and a large army, well disciplined, and practised in fight, who had followed their renowned leader to victory, until tliey bore the proud name of the " luvincibles of Wellington," had just been deprived of employment in the great continental war, and a considerable body of them were known to be on their way to America. A feeling of apprehension, increased by the dark forebodings of the op- ponents of the Administration, spread, like a dark cloud, over the face of the community. Even the moral courage of Mr. Adams was now overcome : and his heart sunk within him for very fear, while his terrified, vision called up before liim, " the mass of force" which the " gigantic power" of Great Britain had " collected, to crush us at a blow." But, suddenly, light broke in upon the darkness. The formidable force had landed near New-Orleans, confident of success ; and, with " beauty and booty" for their watchword, threaten- ing fury and desolation to the devoted city. They had been met and conquered. The bodies of three thousand of their number strewed the battle-field. Their leader was slain : and the remainder of the army was driven from our soil. Jackson was there, with his brave volunteers. He had never desponded. When all around was consternation and dismay, tliis was his memorable language — " Our watchword is Vic- " tory or Death — our country must and shall be defended — " We will enjoy our liberty, or perish in the last ditch." It was a noble resolution, and nobly was it kept ! After the lapse of a few years, we find this indefatigable man, instead of reposing upon the laurels he had acquired, again braving the hardships of an Indian War upon the frontier, and again successful. No one can deny, that he has " done the State some service" — but he is a " Military Chieftain'' — and so, say his enemies, he is disqualified for civil office. Detestable doctrine ! that would thus disfranchise a faithful servant of the public, because he has done too much for his country! Jackson is a man of inflexible integrity. It is remarkable (38) that, amid the torrents of abuse which have been poured upon liim from every quarter by his poUtical opponents, un- til they have left him little better than a fiend, his stern honesty has never been questioned. Corruption trembles at his name. And never, since the organization of our govern- ment, was the firm exercise of this quality more called for, than at the present period. A super.^uity of offices, unlaw- ful exactions, and a profuse expenditure of the public money, are evils which call aloud for correction. That great abuses have been suffered to creep into the bureaux of the different departments at Washington, no one, at all acquainted with the state of tilings there, can deny. And never will these abuses cease, while the line of " safe precedent" is followed, and the President taken from the cabinet. Never will they cease to exist, until the people shall place at the head of af- fairs, a man taken directly from their own bosom, possessed of discernment to discover the corruption which prevails, of perseverance to ferret it out from all its secret recesses, and of firmness to destroy it, when brought to light. And who is better fitted for this task than Jackson 1 Already is his eleva- tion anticipated, and his terrible scrutiny dreaded, by the swarm of officers at Washington. Already they see " the hand-writing upon the wall;" and, like Belshazzar of old, as they read their fate, their "thoughts are troubled" — their " knees smite together." Many an arrow have they dis- cliarged from their ambush near the capitol, against the object of their terror — but liis well tried character has been his shield, and the love of the people his impregnable rampart. But Jackson is recommended to the support of his fellow- citizens, not more by his integrity, than by his capacity. He possesses, in an extraordinary degree, that native strength of mind, that practical common sense, that power and discrimi- nation of judgment, which, for all useful purposes, are more valuable than all the acquired learning of a sage. He is remarkable for his knowledge of human nature, and an intui- tive penetration into the characters and motives of men. He lias a mind fertile in resources — great promptness of de»sion, when required — and inflexible firmness in the discharge of (39 ) ills duties. These are the very qualities by which General Washington was recommended, and the very qualities in which Mr. Adams is deficient. Accordingly, it has been the uniform policy of his supporters to keep them as much as possible out of view. AVhile advocating the cause of their favourite candidate, they do not contrast his correctness of judgment, his knowledge of mankind, or his steadiness of purpose, with the same qualities in Gen. Jackson. If they did, stubborn facts would contradict them. If they talked of \\\s judgment, a series of indiscretions would stare them in the face. True judgment consists in selecting useful objects of exertion, and in the proper adaptation of means to secure the ends in view. Here, they would be reminded of his choice of Secretary of State ; which, even if Mr. Clay were perfectly innocent of the charges made against him, was, to say the least of it, under the circumstances of the case, an inexpedi- ent measure, and set the country in a blaze. They would be reminded of the Panama Mission : which consisted in sendinsr Ministers at great expense to a Congress, which could never be found, and- at which, if it had existed, they could have been of no earthly use to our country. They would be re- minded of the loss of the Colonial trade ; which, by proper measures adopted in time, might undoubtedly have been secured — of the degrading comparison which he has insti- tuted between the gallant officers of our navy, and those of other maritime nations — of his design to interfere with the religious opinions of the Catholics of South America — and so, of many other senseless projects, and unnecessary failures, which, with the absence of one single important object effect- ad, either for the good of the nation, or their own popularity, prove the present to be, either a most unfortunate and ill- fated, or else a most feeble and ill-judging administration. Did his friends boast of his knowledge of mankind, they would be met in the very teeth by his Ebony and Topaz toast, and the explanatory speech that followed it ; Avhich, instead of answering the purpose for which they were in- tended, of increasing his favour with the people, and remov- ing the impression created by his letter to Leavett Harris, accomplished neither the one thing nor the other, but, on the ( 40 ) contrary, excited the ridicule of his opponents, and the in- dignation and disgust of many even of his friends. They would be met by liis harsh exasperation of the Governor of Georgia, w^hich well nigh threw the country into the horrors of a civil war — by his rash and ungentlemanly persecution of the chivalrous Porter, whose wounded feelings compelled him to leave the service of his country — by his selection of a man broken down by the infirmities of age, as our Minister at the Court of St. James, at a crisis which called for vigorous exertion — and by his numerous appointments to office, which have been evidently made with a view of strengthening his cause, but which, in almost every instance, have had the effect of alienating his friends, without conciliating his ene- mies. Were his advocates to praise him for his steadiness of purpose, they could not conceal from the public, the notorious fact, that the present administration has been characterized by vacillation and inconsistency — that they have trimmed their sails to every appearance of a breeze, from whatever quarter it was expected ; whilst, with their repeated veering, they have evidently been carried backward instead of forward, and are at this moment drifting, with frightful rapidity, upon a lee shore. These are all vulnerable points in Mr. Adams's character. His friends know it, and keep them in the shade. They talk, in swelling strains, of his learning, and diplomatic skill. That he possesses diplomatic experience we do not deny : but his diplo- matic skill is subject of serious question. He has been so often and so boldly pronounced a great diplomatist, that many have taken it for granted that the assertion must be true. But let us not be led away by mere sound. Where are the proofs of his skill ] What benefit has the country thus far derived from his diplomatic talents % We call upon his supporters to answer these questions. We know that in ne- gotiating the treaty for the purchase of the Floridas, from neglect or oversight in one instance, and from a gross ignor- ance of the Constitution of Spain in another, he failed to effect one important object, which he fancied he had rendered secure ; and has left the title of the United States and their grantees, to immense tracts of land in that territory, extreme- ly doubtful, if not clearly invalid. We know that, in negotia- 1 41 ) ting the treaty of Ghent, he endeavoured to barter the naviga- tion of the Mississippi for an unimportant interest in the fisheries ; from which he w^as restrained by his colleagues. We know that he lost the Colonial trade ; which, at his own request, was left to his negotiation ; when, by the passage of an act of Congress, it might have been retained. We know that our government has been insulted, the property of our citizens illegally seized, and our seamen imprisoned, by the insignificant state of Brazil ; and that no satisfaction has been obtained ; but that both the insult and the injury have been quietly submitted to. That Mr. Adams is possessed of learning too we are willing to admit. We are not ignorant that he has received a college education — that he has been a professor of rhetoric — that he can round a period, dress out a figure, and exhibit in his writing many oi' the graces of classical composition. He may be a philosopher, a lawyer, an elegant scholar, and a poet too, forsooth, (we know he wrote doggrel verses upon Mr. Jefferson,) and yet the nation maybe little better offfor all these endowments and accomplishments. That he is learned we are willing to admit : but his wisdom we take leave to question, and again call for proof. It is not displayed in his public measures, as we have already seen. Where else are we to look for it % It may exist ; but, if so, it has remained thus far in a latent state. We confess our attachment to the homely doctrine, thus happily expressed by the great Englis poet : — That not to know of things remote '• From use, obscure and subtle, but to know " That which before us lies in daily life, " Is the prime wisdom." This wisdom we believe that Gen. Jackson possesses in an eminent degree — and that he is destitute of that useful and practical learning, which is necessary to qualify him for the Presidency of the union, we utterly deny. Were he ignorant and illiterate as his enemies represent him, it is an absurdity to suppose that he would have been elevated to the first offices in his own State, and hi the Union ; or that he could have filled those offices even with respectability. After a ( 42 ) previous course of study, he was regularly admitted to the bai' of North Carolina ; whence he removed to Tennessee. Be- fore he had attained the age of twenty-six years, he was ap- pointed by Gen. Washington, Attorney General of the terri- tory. At the age of twenty-nine, he was chosen a member of the Convention, to frame a Constitution for the State. Du- ring the same year, he was elected a representative to Con- gress. In 1797, when only thirty years of age, he was ap- pointed a Senator of the United States. Two years afterward, he was made a Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, and remained in that office for six years. In 1814, he was ap- pointed by Mr. Madison to negotiate a treaty with the Indians. By Mr. Monroe he was created Governor of Florida ; was offered the Secretaryship at War ; and, subsequently, an em- bassy to Mexico. He has since been, a second time, one of the Senators of the United States from Tennessee. Few men can exhibit more numerous and striking proofs of public confidence ; especially when it is considered, that they were ^o many acts of homage paid to merit, and all conferred without solicitation or request. In the whole course of his service, in the various offices ivhich he consented to accept, no man can adduce a single complaint of his want of integrity or ability, by the authority from ivhich the appointment em- anated : whether it be his constituents in Tennessee, the Le- gislature of that State, or the general government. On the contrary, he has received from them all, at various times, the most flattering marks of their esteem and approbation. Not- withstanding these facts, it has been lately discovered, if the friends of the present administration are to be believed, that he can neither write grammatically, nor spell : but that, both in syntax and orthography, he is decidedly inferior to an or- dinary school-boy of twelve years of age. This is too heavy a tax upon public credulity. The attempt at imposition is as senseless, as the charge is malicious, and the evidence dis- graceful. The preposterous accusation was endeavoured to be sustained by the basest forgery ; which, if it had not been obvious in itself, could not fail to be detected by means of the many public documents, and the thousand private letters, which hav2 >:333e from liis pen in the course of a long and ( 43 ) active life, and which have accordingly sprung up, in all parte of the country, for public inspection, to fasten upon his as- sailants the double charge of slander and forgery. Is it not equally futile to suppose, as his enemies assert, that he has had a literary friend ever at his elbow, to prepare his most private and confidential communications — or, if he had, that he should himself defeat this elaborate scheme of deception, by waving this assistance in two or three instances, and those the very communications which would be most likely to meet the public eye 1 But vv^e owe an apology to the feelings and intelligence of the community, for having dwelt so long upon a charge which is repugnant to the common sense of every man in society. The truth is, that the productions of Gen. Jacksob are not only correct in point of grammar and or- thography, but are marked by a manly and nervous style^ strikingly characteristic of their author. Not to mention other instances, his farewell address to his troops at New- Orleans, and his replies to the various addresses which Avere made to him upon his re-visiting the scene of his glory at the commencement of the present year, will bear a safe compari- son with any similar productions from the pen of Mr. Adams, In addressing Republicans, we trust that we present no unimportant claim of Gen. Jackson to their support, when we say, that he has been, ever since the formation of the party, an uniform Republican. He has been always found upon the side of the People, from the day when he poured out his youthful blood for their Independence, through the disastrous period of the Alien and Sedition laws, up to the present time, when a grateful country is seeking to confer upon him a glorious reward for all his services, by elevating him to the proud pinnacle of human honour. Viewed in this light, what a shining contrast does his character present, when opposed to that of John Quincy Adams. Who dare assert that Mr. Adams has been an uniform Republican? Had he been a consistent Federalist, he would be entitled to some respect as a politician : but even this praise he forfeited, by his pretended apostacy from that party in 1807. Amidst all the fulsome eulogiums which have been lavished upon srto. ( ^-^ ) by liis political adherents, (for personal adliereuts he never had, and never will have while the laws of repulsion continue to exist,) no one of them has been bold enough to rank steadiness of principle among his commendable qualities. The high-toned federal spirit, which was lighted at the parental fire in his youth, and which burned with an almost monarchical flame hi the essays of Publicola, although for many years it was carefully smothered, was never extinguished in liis bo- som ; and has again blazed forth, with all its " original bright- ness," in his first Presidential message. The snake was " scotched, not killed ;" and is now entwining its venomous folds around every branch of the government. The doctrines avowed in the document referred to, are ultra-federal ; and evince a determination to establish a powerful, a magnificent, and a costly general government, at the expense of the in- dividual sovereignties which compose the confederation. If these doctrines have not been followed up to theii- full extent, the thanks are due, not to the forbearance of the President, but to the salutary restraint imposed upon him by the ap- proaching popular election. It should never be forgotten, that the present administration has not yet been seen in its worst character. Let the dread of popular resentment be removed by a re-election, and all its terrors will then be un- folded. Then will come the redemption of pledges, the pro- motion of favourites, the creation of new offices, extravagant expenditures, misconstructions of the Constitution, invasions of State rights, arbitrary assertions of pov/er, and all the train of evils attendant upon a sumptuous and high-handed government. Then will come the second " Reign of Ter- ror." We doubt not the Vessel of State will survive the storm : but she that set out in stately trim, with streamers and pennons flying, will be returned to her owners weather- beaten, and strained in every seam. Fellow Republicans, We have now laid before you our views in relation to the existing political controversy. We again entreat you to give them a candid consideration. We should not have discharged our duty, had we not animadverted, with freedom, upon the ( 45 ) public character and public acts of Mr. Adams. Although strongly urged by feelings, which are natural to the human breast, to retaliate upon our adversaries for the abusive and unmerited attacks, which, without shame and without provo- cation, they have seen fit to make upon the /^nya^e transactions and relations of a great and good man ; and though abundant materials presented themselves to our hands, and seemed to invite us to the task ; we have thought it more magnanimous in ourselves, more worthy of the noble minded personage whose cause we have espoused, and more respectful to the feelings of a generous community, to desist from the inquiry, and to leave the personal failings of our political opponent, to the secret retribution of his own conscience. If it be thought that, at any time in the course of this address, an undue degree of warmth has been exhibited, we trust it will be imputed, not to malevolence of spirit, but to a generous indignation, at wit- nessing the conduct and course of an administration, whose origin and progress we strongly disapprove ; and to an unaffected regret, at seeing the Republican party, once so powerful, laid prostrate, for a time, at the feet of its opponents, by the ungrateful treachery of pretended friends. Fellow Republicans, With these feelings, we exhort you to vigilance. The power which has been obtained by hypocrisy and corruption, can only be preserved by intrigue and deception. Every artifice has been employed, and will continue to be used, for the purpose of blinding your eyes to your own interests, and the character of the present coalition. Their cause can never be truly yours. Yet, they have endeavoured to persuade you, that their usurpation of the government has been coun- tenanced by those, in whom you justly repose your highest confidence. -You have been told tJiat Mr. Crawford was their supporter. But his sentiments you have heard. They have sought to make you believe, that they possessed the sanction of the venerable ex-Presidents, Madison and Monroe ; and have endeavoured to keep this fraud alive, by nominating those gentlemen as Electors for the State of Virginia, and delaying, for several weeks to inform them of the nomination. ( 46 ) But this bubble has also burst. Those distinguished men could not be induced to prostitute their well-earned reputation, to secure the continuance of a dynasty, so anti-republican in its inception and progress. Be avatchpul, and there is nothinjy to fear from these attempts at imposition. You are too enlightened to be again deceived, and too virtuous to be ever seduced. Once more we call upon you to arouse in your strength, and recover the ground you have lost. It is not yet too late. Adversaries and false friends have announced your dissolution: but in this they either deceive themselves, or seek to deceive others. Your glory is obscured, but not extinguished. Your sun is eclipsed, but it is only by a passing cloud. Be active, and your foes shall soon perceive, that they have roused the sleeping lion. The party is not dissolved. The noble superstructure was not erected upon the perishing politics of a day, nor upon the transient popularity of a favourite individual. Its foundations were laid in those solid principles, which have an enduring nature ; which are co-existent with our government ; and which can only fail, when the glorious fabric of our liberty, raised, under Providence, by the toils and sufferings of our fathers, and consecrated by the blood of martyrs in the cause of freedom, shall become a heap of ruins. Do you ask" what those principles are 1 Contrast the first Presidential message of Mr. Jefferson with that of Mr. Adams, and you can no longer doubt. Compare the measures of the present Administration with those of Mr. Jefferson, and those principles will stand in bold relief. If we have not fallen short of our design, we have already presented them to you in this, address. FeUoto Republicans of the State of J^eiv-York, Much, very much, in the approaching struggle, will depend upon yoii. Upon you the eyes of the whole Union are ear- nestly fixed. He, who has intruded himself into the chief- magistracy of the Union, looks with anxiety to you, as those by whom his doom is to be pronounced. The sound of that portentous voice, which issued from New-York in 1800, still vibrates on his ear. He feels that an Administration, which lias not the favour of the people, cannot endure. He heard ( 47 ) the knell of his political death in the result of the last Con- gressional election. But he is resolved not to surrender without a struggle. The most desperate efforts have been made, and are still making, in various parts of the Union, to avert his destiny. His footsteps have been seen even among yourselves. A casual excitement, which originated in com- passion for the fate of an unfortunate individual, and which had nothing political in its nature, has been kept alive and cherished by the most unhallowed means, and sought to be made subservient to party purposes. Money has been ex- pended, appointments have been made, and every contrivance, which the ingenuity of man could devise, has been used to attach you to the present Administration. But all has been in vain. You came forward in your strength at the late elec- tion, and spread consternation and terror through all the do- mains of the coalition. The throne of the usurper shook as with an earthquake. One effort more, and it will tumble into ruin. Do not rest in a false security. You are contending with a crafty and vigilant foe. Do not be satisfied with a bare victory. The enemy must be routed and dispersed. It is only in this way that you can be secured from the danger of subsequent attack. Look around you, and see who your ad- versaries are. Look at the metropoUs of your state. Who are the friends of the Administration there 1 Are they the old, consistent members of your party, who stood by their country in her days of triaH No! You observe among them men of all sorts and opinions, ranged under the same parti-coloured flag, and headed by whom 1 by the famous Dartmoor Agent, and the Secretary of the Hartford Convention. How must the Republicans of New-York have degenerated from the spirit of former times, if they can consent, without scruple and without shame, to be conducted to defeat, or even to victory, by leaders such as these ! We conjure you by all that you most highly value — by your remembrance of the past, and your hope for the future — by the achievements of your fathers, and the welfare of your posterity — by the glo- rious destinies of our country, and the inestimable principles of our party — by the Constitution, and the freedom it secures — that you. steadfastly resist, and resolutely put down, the en- (48) croachments which are making upon tlie rights of the people. Union and activity will ensure your success. The followers of Jackson have been once betrayed, but they have never been defeated. Marshal all your forces then — unfurl the banners of the Republican party — and let the campaign com- mence. Our opponents are already in the political field. Our cause is the cause of Freedom and the Constitution. Our watchwor<] is "JACKSON AND VICTORY." AARON O. DAYTON, WILLIAM H. BUNN, CHARLES L. LIVINGSTON, JOHN HILLYER, ISAAC DYCKMAN, JOHN HARRIS, ABRAHAM V. WILLIAMS, ELIJAH J. ROBERTS, JACOB S. BOGERT, ALEXANDER MING, Jun. ABRAHAM LE FOY, JOHN COX, CHARLES J. DODGE, EDWARD M. MURDEN, Corresponding Committee. JOHN MONTGOMERY, Chairman. RICHARD GRANT, Jun. Secretary. ZC tec ' c vc.t. c C'C ^ c «: «c. etc c . CMixccc^ccrcz'cxcc XB ^(TC ■ CCKC C^ C^CC _xc^- r . c^ <:r cc CCC3 ^5 - ^c -cc c!C cc ' cc ccc:; ^c jf'c«c ccf'-tc «r'c^^cc "X«C' i c <: dec cc ^cca^c Tec ttt j^e CCXCC CjC" ^-^ :' iccCCC. ^S' ^S CCCCC'COXC ^ XT ccc "V'C '^ CCC .;X^. 'd CCCC- C CL-'iCCl CSCCCCC ■ -CC c xCTcc - ' etc cccc c c c ccc cccc C Ccr;ecr* CiC C CO C ...ccc cccc- -dL.Cvd C ccc cfiC CCfovCC . i " CC CC.C 'V v' CC' -•■,-C'' «. <: C< ^CCC ' ' ^ *' c -I <- c Ill LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 895 452 A ,-*-