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ESEK HOPKINS 

Commander-in-Chief 



The Continental Navy 
during the american revolution 

1775 to 1778 



MASTER MARINER, POLITICIAN, 
BRIGADIER GENERAL, NAVAL 
OFFICER AND PHILANTHROPIST 



EDWARD FIELD A. B. 



PROVIDENCE 

THE PRESTON & ROUNDS CO. 
189S. 



Hdition limited to too copies 

1 ^4. 

of which this is No. J-'^^^*-. 



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CoPVKir.HT, 1898, 

15 V 

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DEO 1 6 Mil 



I'KESS OK 

K. I.. FREEMAN a SONS, 

FROVIDENCK, K. 1. 



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WAP iSSfihD WITH THIS 

PLiSLICATiC;.' i:j \u iijg 

MAP DlViSiON 



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ESEK HOPKINS 



BOOKS BY EDWARD HELD. 



Tax Lists of the Town of Providence during the 
Administration of Sir Edmund Andros. 1686- 
1689. 

Sq. 8vo. §1.00 net. 



Revolutionary Defences in Rhode Island. 

With Mats, Plans, and Ilhstkath 
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The Colonial Tavern: A Glimpse of New England 
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Esek Hopkin.s : Commander-in-Chief of the Con- 
tinental Navy during the American Revolution, 
1775 to 1778. 

Illustrated. Svo. S3. 00 net. 



TO MY FRIEND 

HORATIO ROGERS, LL.U., 

JUSTICE OF THE 

SUPREME COURT OF RHODE ISLAND 



NTRODUCTION 



But slender justice has been rendered to 
the services of Esek Hopkins in the Ameri- 
can RevoUition. Historians could not omit 
all reference to the first Commander-in-Chief 
of the American Navy, but the manner in 
which some of them have mentioned him 
would seem to indicate that they wrote not 
from their fulness; but from their lack of 
knowledge concerning him. The only 
positive information most writers had of 
him, apparently, was that he had been dis- 
missed from the naval service, and hence 
they inferred that he must have deserved 
his fate. The more satisfactory method of 
historical portrayal would have been to have 
narrated the causes that led to that treatment 
and let the reader draw his own conclusions 
as to the justice of it. 



yl IXTRODUC/J'IOA' 

The narrow escape of various eminent 
characters in our national history from super- 
sedure or condemnation, warns us that ofificial 
action is by no means a sure guide to a just 
judgment. The machinations of a cabal of 
discontented generals at one time fomented 
trouble for Washington in the Continental 
Congress, while the jealousy of Halleck, 
when commanding our army in the late Civil 
War, well nigh accomplished the displace- 
ment of Grant. 

Whatever my own estimate of Esek Hop- 
kins may be, however, I have presented the 
facts just as I have gleaned them, that each 
may judge for himself what x..anner of man 
he was. 

I have drawn my material entirely from 
official records, manuscripts and standard 
authorities. Of the very highest value have 
been the [iopkins Papers, preserved in the 
Rhode Island Historical Society, consisting 
of the official orders and letters of Hopkins 
while Commander-in-Chief, covering the 
whole period of his connection with the 
navy, and of a number of volumes of corre- 



INTRODUCTION yi i 

spondence and other papers relating to other 
parts of his life. 

The Hopkins Papers were deposited in 
the Rhode Island Historical Society, with 
the consent of the Hopkins heirs. It is 
remarkable that so many of them have 
been preserved after the years of neglect 
which they suffered, being stored in old 
attics and taken from place to place and 
exposed for sale. Some, doubtless, have 
disappeared, but those remaining comprise 
the greater part that relate to Hopkins' 
naval service. 

These papers are preserved in four volumes 
the first being the letters and orders of the 
Commander-in-Chief, 1776-1777; the second 
consists of letters and miscellaneous papers 
1728-1786; the third contains similar docu- 
ments, 1 776-1 778; the fourth is a volume 
of type-written copies of various papers de- 
posited in the national archives. 

These copies were made some years ago 
at the suggestion of Richard S. Howland, 
Esq., editor of the Providence Journal, many 
inquiries having been made regarding the 



VI 11 



I.YTRODUCriON 



official record of Hopkins service in the 
navy. Mr. Howland requested that a search 
be instituted at the several departments at 
Washino^ton for all the material relatins^ to 
Hopkins in possession of the national govern- 
ment, and that it be brought together for 
historical purposes. In response to this 
request, the departments very courteously 
forwarded typewritten copies of all documents 
bearing on the subject and they were en- 
trusted to the Rhode Island Historical 
Society for safe keeping. 

Besides these papers, the writings of John 
Adams contain much in regard to the pro- 
ceedings in Congress when Hopkins was 
under investigation by that body, while the 
records of the State of Rhode Island testify 
to his unremitting labors in the public service 
for a long term of years. But it is no part 
of my purpose to weary the reader by here 
detailing all my authorities ; suffice it to say 
that those I have mentioned form the chief. 

In preparing this volume the exact lan- 
guage of letters, orders, and official proceed- 
ings has been preserved as far as possible, as 



IN TROD UC TION \ x 

it seemed to me to impart a clearer signifi- 
cance than when smoothed up or rounded 
out by a revising hand. 

I desire to acknowledge my obligations 
to the Hon. Amos Perry, Librarian of the 
Rhode Island Historical Society, for his 
kindly courtesy in aiding me in procuring 
material, and to Mr. Fred A. Arnold, of 
Providence, who has permitted me to use 
his valuable collection of old prints in 
making many of the illustrations for this 
work. 

Edward Field. 

Providence, R. /., November, i8g8. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I 

PAGE. 

Ancestry and Early Life i 

CHAPTER II 

Military Services and the Beginning of 

THE American Revolution .... 36 

CHAPTER III 

The Origin of a Navy and the Appoknt- 

ment of a Commander-in-Chief ... 63 

CHAPTER IV 

The First Cruise of the American Fleet 103 

CHAPTER V 
The Congressional Inquiry 141 

CHAPTER VI ^ 

The Conspiracy and Dismissal . . . . 17S 

CHAPTER VII 
Closing Years 237 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



Esek Hopkins, Poi trait Plate 6 . . . Frontispiece 
Scene in a Public House in Surinam .... 28 

Esek Hopkins, Portrait Plate i ^zj. 

Captain Abraham Whipple 68 

Captain Nicholas Biddle .83 

Esek Hopkins, Portrait Plate 3 104 

Esek Hopkins' Spy Glass in 

Map of the Island of New Providence showing- ,,«,-,,..« „„,. 
Operations of the First American Naval Ex-gm m gi NOIlVOnSflf 

pedition S}4J^H1IM GnSSI 6W 

Esek Hopkins, Portrait Plate 3 136 

Order for Prize Money 166 

Esek Hopkins, Portrait Plate 4 iSo 

Lieutenant Seth Chapin 308 

Esek Hopkins, Portrait Plate 5 234 

Esek Hopkins' Sword . 33S 

Home of Esek Hopkins 343 

Home of Esek Hopkins (interior, librarv) . . 24S 
Home of Esek Hopkins (interior, parlor) . . 356 
Hopkins Statue 260 



ESEK HOPKINS 

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE CONTINENTAL NAVY 



CHAPTER I 

ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE. 

EARLY in the affairs of Rhode Island, 
appears the name of Hopkins. Thomas 
Hopkins, the ancestor of many of those in 
New England who now bear the name, was 
one of thirty-eight men who joined in an 
agreement for a form of government for the 
little settlement which Roger Williams estab- 
lished at the head of Narragansett Bay, and 
to which he gave the name Providence. 

It was an unpromising settlement at first, 
as all new ventures are apt to be, for it was 
the first free government to be established 
in the civilized world. Enemies without its 
borders scoffed at the idea of a government 
so unstable. Enemies within its borders, 
by intrigues with the neighboring authorities, 



2 ESEK HOPKINS 

sought to overthrow it, yet though tauntingly 
alluded to as a "nest of unclean birds" and 
said to be made up of those with minds too 
weak or too strong to assimilate with the 
other colonies, it grew and flourished, and 
from within its limits was quarried the foun- 
dation stone on which our national fabric 
rests — civil liberty. 

With this infant community Thomas 
Hopkins identified himself, and ere the set- 
tlement had seen four years of existence, was 
already participating actively in its affairs. 
Called upon by his fellow townsmen to fill 
many ofiices of public trust, he served succes- 
sively as Commissioner, Deputy and Town 
Councilman. He was also for a time Town 
Sergeant; an ancient manuscript is yet pre- 
served signed by Roger Williams, directing 
Sergeant Hopkins to warn certain townsmen 
to appear at the " Towne House" and give 
testimony in a case then pending, between 
Thomas Angell and Robert West. Thomas 
Hoi^kins was born in England, April 7, 1616, 
was the son of William and Joanna (Arnold) 
Hopkins, and, at his coming to Providence, 
was a young man twenty-four years of age. 

The date of his marriage is not known, 
the name of his wife even is a subject of 



ESEK HOPKINS ^ 

conjecture, his great grandson,' who was six- 
teen years old at the time of his grandfather's 
death, noted in his family record that she was 
a daughter of William Arnold and a sister of 
Governor Benedict Arnold. This has gener- 
ally been admitted to be the case although 
Austin in his Genealogical Dictionary of 
Rhode Island makes no mention of it, but 
another careful historical writer and genealo- 
gist* has found that while there was nothing 
to absolutely disprove this theory, there was 
enough to create a doubt as to its accuracy. 
Thomas Hopkins had three sons all of whom 
married and had children. William Hopkins, 
the eldest son, was a surveyor, a man of learn- 
ing, and held numerous tow^n ofifices. At the 
time of King Philip's War w-hen the Colo- 
nial authorities warned the people of the va- 
rious towns to remove to Newport by reason 
of its greater security from the depredations 
of the savages, William Hopkins "stayed and 
went not away," as the records quaintly note 
this act of heroism. His father, however, on 
the breaking out of the war, being well ad- 
vanced in years, "with a part of his family 



' Governor Stephen Hopkins. 
"^ The late Albert Holbrook. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



sought an asylum abroad to escape the perils 
incident to the struggle," and took up his resi- 
dence at Littleworth, in the Township of 
Oyster Bay on Long Island, where he died 
in 1684. 

In 1698 William Hopkins was commis- 
sioned "major for the main land," which gave 
to him the command of the military forces 
of the mainland settlements in the colony. 
He married Abigail Dexter, the widow of 
Stephen Dexter, who was a son of Reverend 
Gregory Dexter, pastor of the First Baptist 
Church in Providence, and by her had one 
child, a son named William. But few facts 
relating to him have been preserved; there is 
no record of the date of his birth, marriatre or 
death, thous^h his wife was Ruth Wilkinson, 
a daughter of Samuel and Plain ( Wickenden) 
Wilkinson, her father being a son of Reverend 
William Wickenden, the successor of Rever- 
end Gregory Dexter. W^illiam Hopkins 
junior was for a time in Providence, but he 
removed to what afterwards became the town 
of Scituate in Rhode Island, where he died 
some time between the eleventh of June and 
the ninth of October, 1738. 

William and Ruth Hopkins had nine chil- 
dren, their names being William, Stephen, 



ESEA' HOPKIXS r 

Rufus, John, Hope, Esek, Samuel, Abigail 
and Susanna, two of their sons, Stephen and 
Esek, becoming conspicuous by reason of 
distinguished public service. Four of these 
sons, William, John, Samuel, and Esek fol- 
lowed the sea, and all but one were masters 
of vessels. William, the eldest son, "was re- 
markable for his dash and enterprise, his 
career being marked by many characteristics 
of a resolute and reckless nature." In evi- 
dence of this there is a well established fam- 
ily tradition that when a young man but 
nineteen years of age, being in London at 
the time of a riot which threatened the safety 
of the Royal Family "he promptly organized 
a force of sailors and loyal citizens, under the 
inspiring cry 'Fall in and protect the King', 
and rushing to the onset, quelled the disturb- 
ance, to the great gratification of the imperilled 
dignitaries." For this act of heroism he was 
the recipient of many royal favors. He was 
commissioned a colonel by King George I, 
but service in America being more to his 
liking he sold his commission and returned 
home. There is yet preserved among the 
possessions of the Rhode Island Historical 
Society a fragment of a coat which originally 
formed a part of a court suit presented to 



5 ESEK HOPKINS 

William Hopkins for his gallantry on this 
occasion. This suit was carefully kept by 
him, and after his death the desire to secure 
this interesting relic became so great among 
his numerous descendants, that it was cut into 
pieces, and the parts distributed among them. 
The piece thus preserved came into the pos- 
session of the late Stephen Randall, who mar- 
ried one of the descendants, and by him was 
presented to the society where it now remains. 
Another brother. Captain John Hopkins, died 
atsea, while yet another. Captain Samuel Hop- 
kins, died at Hispaniola while on a voyage. 
The services of Stephen Hopkins to the 
colony of Rhode Island and to America are 
a part of the nation's history. Esek Hopkins, 
another son of William and Ruth Hopkins, 
w^as born April 26, i 718, within the territory 
now included in the town of Scituate, R. I., 
but then a part of the town of Providence. 
The neighborhood about the Hopkins home- 
stead farm was called by the Indian name of 
Chopomisk, and was in the midst of a wild 
and sparsely settled country. His boyhood 
days were spent upon the farm, but upon his 
father's death, being then "a stout, tall and 
handsome young man," twenty years of 
age, he journeyed to Providence, where he 



ESEK HOPKINS y 

obtained a berth on a vessel then about to sail 
for Surinam, and entered upon a seafaring 
life. Two of his brothers, John and Samuel, 
were at this time masters of vessels which no 
doubt influenced him in taking to the sea. 

At this period the commercial activity of 
Rhode Island was evidenced by ships from 
her waters in all ports of the world. There 
was hardly a vessel engaged in the carrying 
trade in the colonies but what numbered 
among its crew, or had for a master, a Rhode 
Islander. Born and brought up within a col- 
ony with a navigable coast line of more than 
two hundred miles, dotted here and there with 
ships loading and unloading at the wharves, 
or keels stretching out upon the sandy beach- 
es, it was but natural that a spirit of adventure 
should have been awakened among her people 
for a life which offered so many opportunities 
for advancement and gain, as well as affording 
means for acquiring greater knowledge by 
contact with the great world outside. " It 
was no accident," says a learned writer, "that 
from a period long preceding the War of the 
Revolution, the term ' Rhode Islander' had 
come to be synonymous with 'a born sailor.'" 

Hopkins entered upon his new life with 
all the spirit and zest which characterized the 



g ESEK HOPKINS 

seamen of those days. He soon rose to the 
command of a vessel and took a prominent 
rank among New England master mariners. 
When twenty-three years of age he married 
Desire Burrous^hs, a daus^hter of Ezekiel Bur- 
roughs, a leading merchant and ship master 
of Newport, R. I., the ceremony being per- 
formed in that town, by the Reverend Nicholas 
Eyres, on November 28, 1741. At this 
time he was living in Providence, but upon 
his marriage he took up his residence at 
Newport, from which port he sailed in com- 
mand of various ships engaged in the carrying 
trade. About the year 1748, Hopkins re- 
moved from Newport to Providence, and at a 
general town meeting held on August 30 of 
that year, was propounded as a freeman of the 
town of Providence. It does not appear how- 
ever, that he took the oath of fidelity required 
of all freemen until January 14, 1750, nearly 
two years later. During these years he was 
doubtless at sea, which precluded his appear- 
ing in open town meeting and swearing alle- 
giance, as was the custom. 

He early became interested in the cause 
of education, and almost the first official duty 
which he performed for the town was on a 
committee to have the care of the "townes 



ESEK HOPKINS n 

schole and of appointing a schole master/' 
Associated with him on the committee were 
Nicholas Cooke, who afterwards became Gov- 
ernor of the colony, Joseph Olney, Elisha 
Brown, and John Mawney, and all leading 
men in the town affairs. The deep interest 
which the committee gave to the duty of hiring 
the school master, and the earnestness with 
which they regarded the matter of education, 
is shown in one of the articles of the indenture 
executed by the committee and George Tay- 
lor, who was selected to direct the young 
ideas in this town school for the year 1753, 
for it was provided "he school or teach one 
poor child such as said committee shall rec- 
ommend gratis or for nothing during said 
term." How much credit is due Hopkins 
in this movement for the establishment of a 
town school cannot of course be determined. 
It is certain however, that up to this time there 
had been no official action taken towards the 
education of the youth of the town. William 
Turpin many years before had served as 
schoolmaster under some town sanction and 
had carried on his instructions at his tavern, 
but so far as any evidence is found, this was 
the first school committee appointed to estab- 
lish a place for instructing the children, and 



lO 



ESEK HOPKINS 



from this small beginning developed the 
splendid system for which this town subse- 
quently became widely noted. 

Long years after this Hopkins was called 
to give his services in the cause of education, 
and for twenty years he was a trustee of Rhode 
Island College, now Brown University, and 
was highly esteemed by Manning, its distin- 
guished president. 

During what is generally termed the "Old 
French War," from 1754 to i 763, privateer- 
ing was largely engaged in by the people of 
New England ; Rhode Island merchants es- 
pecially, fitted out at great expense numerous 
vessels to prey upon the commerce of the 
enemy ; so enthusiastic were the privateers- 
men at this period and so intent were they 
upon the capture of desirable prizes, that not 
only ships hailing from ports of France and 
her colonies but those hailing from other 
countries were attacked, captured and taken 
into New England. Spain especially suffered 
from these captures, until at last formal com- 
plaint was made, through Mons'r d'Abreu, 
envoy extraordinary from His Catholic Maj- 
esty, to the King, and Rhode Island was 
promptly rebuked for these outrages or dep- 
redations, as they were plainly called, by 



ESEA' HOPKIXS 



I I 



William Pitt, the Home Secretary, in his 
letter to the Governor of Rhode Island. 

It is during this period that most of the 
references to Hopkins' early maritime ad- 
ventures are found, and these are nearly all 
connected with the year 1757. That he com- 
manded a privateer and was eminently suc- 
cessful in his cruises seems certain. Moses 
Brown of Providence, afterwards a leading 
merchant, wrote on February 23, 1757, 
" Capt. Esek Hopkins has Taken and sent 
in here a snow of about 150 tons, Laden with 
wine, oil, Dry goods &c to ye amount of about 
^6000 ye greater part of which will be Ex- 
posed to publick Vendue ye Tuesday next." 

On the fifteenth of September John Brown 
of Providence, a brother of Moses Brown, and 
later his business partner, writing from Phila- 
delphia says, "by a man from New Providence 
have heard that Capt Esek Hopkins & Ch- 
Waterman put in there about the middle of 
Aug Last to Cleane there Vessel & that they 
both saled on there Cruse about the 20th of 
Augst but had Taken nothing before, but 
what have heard of." Among the private 
papers left by Hopkins is an " acct sales of 
Sundry prize goods sold at Vendue taken by 
Capt Esek Hopkins and condemned in the 



12 



ESEK HOPKINS 



Court of Vice Admiralty of Connecticut," It 
is dated at New London, November, 1 75 7, and 
certainly indicates that the days succeeding 
the 20th of August were not spent unprofit- 
ably. From these it would seem that he 
was identified with vessels belonging to the 
Browns. It was during the year previous to 
these privateering ventures that Hopkins 
established himself on a farm consisting with 
subsequent purchases of more than two hun- 
dred acres, situated in the northern part of 
the town. He had doubtless accumulated 
a substantial store of this world's goods from 
his voyages and from mercantile pursuits, for 
he is called in deeds both mariner and shop 
keeper, and was thus able to establish a com- 
fortable home for his family which at the time 
of this purchase, June 26, 1756, consisted of 
his wife and six children, the youngest a 
daughter not yet two months old. 

He did not however remain ashore to pur- 
sue the life of a farmer ; the dash and excite- 
ment incident to life on board a privateer, 
the enticing visions of greater profit from 
successful voyages to the Spanish main and 
the Indies proved more attractive than the 
less exciting occupation of a country gentle- 
man and farmer. His house, while he was 



ESEK HOPKINS t -, 

ashore, was a popular gathering place for his 
large circle of acquaintances and friends and 
he delighted in entertaining them ; there were 
hunting trips in the wild woods, shooting at 
marks and other sports to occupy the time 
on such occasions, but with all these pleasures 
he found time to devote much attention to 
carrying on his farm, employing many negroes 
in this work. If he had slaves the fact has 
not been handed down. There is an old in- 
denture, dated in the year 1 764, yet preserved, 
that testifies to his taking one Edward Abby, a 
free negro, one of the poor of the town, to 
learn the art of husbandry. He doubtless 
found the duties of farm life irksome and unin- 
teresting, compared with the life at sea. Dur- 
ing this time ashore his services had been 
at the disposal of his fellow men, and he filled 
many positions of honor and trust, being school 
committee-man, fire ward, tax assessor, and, in 
1762, with Moses Brown, John Smith, Benoni 
Pearce, Nicholas Tillinghast and Benjamin 
Man, served as director of a lottery author- 
ized by the General Assembly, to raise ^6000 
for paving the streets of Providence. 

In the field of political strife Hopkins took 
a firm stand. He was uncompromising and 
positive. In the election for colony officers. 



I^ ESEK IIOPKIXS 

in the spring of 1763, Elisha Brown, "a man 
of great ability and enterprise," and a promi- 
nent politician, was a candidate for the office 
of Deputy Governor, John Gardner, of New- 
port, being the opposing candidate. Hopkins 
entered into the campaign with activity and 
acrimony. It was in the days of what has 
been known as the Ward- Hopkins contro- 
versy, when Samuel Ward and Stephen Hop- 
kins, the two great leaders in the political life 
of the colony, were arrayed against one 
another, each advocating political opinions 
and principles which kept the freemen of the 
colony in a ferment of party strife. So evenly 
were the forces of these two great leaders 
matched that the elections were always close, 
Hopkins being the successful candidate at one 
time to be succeeded by Ward the next. Dur- 
ing the period from 1758 to 1768 Stephen 
Hopkins held the office of Governor from 
March 14, i 758, to May, i 762 ; from May, i 763, 
to May, 1765; and from May, 1767, to May, 
1768; while Samuel Ward held the office dur- 
ing the intermediate years. It was in the 
midst of this ten years struggle that Esek 
Hopkins became a prominent figure, Elisha 
Brown was on the ticket with Ward and the 
fight was bitter. In addition to this, Hopkins 



ESEK HOPKINS j r 

had a personal interest in the campaign : he 
was one of the candidates for representative 
to the general assembly from the town of Prov- 
idence. The relations between Esek Hopkins 
and his brother Stephen were always most 
affectionate and friendly, and w^ith the ties 
of brotherhood he naturally became a strong- 
supporter of the Hopkins' ticket. Besides this 
the relations between Mr. Brown and himself 
were strained, the former having published 
certain offensive information " in a Boston 
Paper." In the midst of the contest Hopkins 
prepared and caused to be published, in the 
columns of the Providence Gazette, the fol- 
lowing open letter: 

"Providence, April i6, 1763. 

The public cannot but remember that 
about two Years since Elisha Brown, Esq ; 
advertised in a Boston Paper, that Mr. Hop- 
kins had two Sons at the Island of Hispaniola, 
Masters of P"lags of Truce. Now tliis very 
identical Mr. Brown, who is at this Time a 
Candidate for Deputy Governor of the Col- 
ony, has in this great Scarcity of Provision, 
when one Half of the Country is almost ready 
to starve for Want of bread, sent one of 
his Sons in his large noted Brig called the 



J 5 ESEA' HOPKINS 

Wainscot, with about Six Hundred Barrels of 
Flour,and other Provisions on board, directly 
to Port-Louis, on the Island of Hispaniola, 
one of the most bare-faced Things that has 
ever been done in the King's Dominions; but 
what cannot a Man of Mr. Brown's Stamp do? 
I would likewise observe, that this very 
Mr. Brown, in his Piece which he published 
before the Town Meetings' in the year 1760, 
entitled, Reflections upon the present State 
of affairs in this Colony; boasted, "That he 
had not since the first Commencement of 
the War, transported a single barrel of Pro- 
vision, nor so much as a Firkin of Butter 
contrary to law''; and avers, among several 
other Things of the like Nature, that "the 
Exportation of such large Quantities of Pro- 
vision, is one principal Cause of the great 
Scarcity of bread in the Colony." I would 
refer the Public to that whole Piece, and 
they will soon perceive the Views he had 
in altering the Administration, by comparing 
his present Conduct with the Pretentions he 
there makes ^^^^ Hopkins. 

N. B. The Brig Wainscot, sailed from 
thence about the Month of September last." 

' No mention of this is found among tlie Town Meeting records. 



ESEK HOPKINS j y 

It no doubt had its effect and contributed 
to the defeat of the Ward ticket, for the spring 
campaign of 1763 resulted in the election of 
Stephen Hopkins of Providence, Governor, 
and John Gardner of Newport, Deputy Gov- 
ernor. 

In his relations with his fellow men Hop- 
kins was frank and outspoken, he made no 
attempt to conceal his opinion on subjects 
which aroused his interest or appealed to his 
sympathies, aggressiveness seems to have 
been a prominent trait of his character; it led 
him into controversies early in his political 
life, and it grew and increased in magnitude 
as his years advanced. 

He was quick to penetrate trickery or de- 
ceit and quicker still to expose it, there was 
a strong individuality to his make up which 
sometimes operated more to his own discom- 
fort and disadvantage than to right the sup- 
posed grievance or to elevate himself in the 
estimation of his fellow men. With a char- 
acter strong and positive, coupled with the 
dictatorial manner of the master mariner of 
the times, he naturally made enemies and 
became easily drawn into controversies. 

Not long after he had entered into political 
life this controversial tendency asserted itself; 



jS ESEA' HOPKINS 

perhaps in these days he would be called a 
reformer, for, notwithstanding the bitterness 
of his attacks on persons and measures, his 
shafts were aimed at wrongs against his fellow 
men althouQ^h it must be said that insinuations 
aofainst those near and dear to him, as the 
charges brought by Mr. Brown against his 
sons, sometimes prompted him to defend if 
not to revenge himself. In 1753 Hopkins 
was a member of a committee appointed by 
the town to arrange for opening a town school. 
This committee selected George Taylor for 
the position of instructor, and he entered upon 
his duties. Taylor, besides gaining support 
in this venture from the town and his pupils, 
received also a salary of ^10 a year from the 
"Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
in Foreign Parts," he being the " Society's 
schoolmaster;" for more than forty years he 
acted not only as instructor, but as spiritual 
advisor, to the younger element in the town. 
On October 18, 1737, Mr. Taylor wrote to 
this Society "that he teaches twenty-three 
whites and two black children and catechises 
them on Wednesdays and Saturdays, explains 
to them the principles of religion which they 
have learned by heart," and the Society in 
its report for that year adds " this with Mr 



ESEK HOPKINS jn 

Taylors' good life and conversation, comes 
attested by Dr. McSparran." In 1776, nearly 
forty years later, the Society's report says, 
" Mr. Taylor, the Society's schoolmaster, not- 
withstanding his advanced age, gives con- 
stant attention to his school." With the 
Reverend John Checkley, Reverend Doctor 
McSparran and the Reverend James Honey- 
man, all ministers of the Church of England, 
Taylor was on the most intimate terms, 
while his daughter, married the Reverend 
John Graves, some time " Vicar of Chaplin, 
in Yorkshire, in the Diocese of Chester, 
a most pious and worthy clergyman," and 
brother to the Reverend Matthew Graves, 
missionary at New London, Conn. Taylor 
seems to have carried on the school satisfac- 
torily and, in addition to his duties as pedagog, 
he filled the positions of justice of the peace, 
member of the town council, and for several 
years was president of that body. He acted 
also as scrivener for the townspeople, and 
many ancient documents, now preserved, 
testify to his excellence as a penman. In 
1762 Hopkins became involved with Taylor 
in a bitter quarrel. It is difficult to ascertain 
how it came about or the direct cause: it was 
started however, by Hopkins in an open letter 



20 



ESEK HOPKINS 



signed by him and circulated about the town, 
there being no newspaper printed in Provi- 
dence at that date to serve as a medium 
between the two disputants. Only one of 
the letters in this controversy has come to 
light, and as it furnishes all the information 
known regarding the trouble, it is here re- 
peated in full from the original, on file with 
the Hopkins papers, in the possession of the 
Rhode Island Historical Society. 

" To THE Public. 

A Brief Reply to a Paper signed by George 
Taylor, Esq., dated April ii, set forth as an 
Answer to one of mine, dated April 2. 

I Observe a great Deal of Scurrility thrown 
out against me, and several Gentlemen in 
this Town ; but all the answer I shall return 
Mr. Taylor, in respect to myself, and of my 
not writing my Piece, which he insinuates, 
is this, That whoever exposes the evil Prac- 
tices of a Miser, may expect to receive ill 
Treatment: And as for the Gentlemen he 
hints at in his Piece, no Doubt they are able 
to Answer for themselves. — But this much 
I must suppose, that Mr. Taylor has taken a 
Suit for a Mortgage, in the Room of a Bond, 
and that seems evident from the Number of 



ESEK HOPKINS 



21 



Papers in the Case he has produced, which 
are Fifteen, and in a Case for a Bank Bond 
there should be but Three, Mr. Taylor says, 
he drew but Thirty-two or Thirty-three of 
the Bills of Cost, and Mr. Jackson the Rest, 
as attorney to the Treasurer; but had Mr. 
Jackson any Thing to do with them as an 
Officer } for the Clerk examined, and the 
Judge taxed them, no Doubt more than what 
the Law allowed, in order to Colour their 
own. Now let us see what Mr. Taylor says, 
in Answer to my Charge against him, which 
was, that he as an Officer took more than 
double the Fees the Law allowed. Why 
truly he says, some other People had done 
wrong before him } And I answer, that every 
Man that has behaved ill might say the same, 
that there has been bad Men before them. 
Mr. Taylor seems to confess that he had 
done wrong, by being new in the Business ; but 
all that are acquainted with him, know that 
he has held more Justice's Courts within 
Twenty Years, than all the other Justices in 
the County. — I would advise, that whenever 
a Miser is put into an Office, that in the 
Room of his being: sworn to observe the Laws 
of the Government he should be sworn to 
follow his own Interest. Upon the Whole, I 



22 



ESEK HOPKINS 



think it is high Time there was a Stop put 
to the exorbitant Fees not only of the 
Judges but the Sheriffs also, who now exact 
as much as will satisfy their avaricious Ap- 
petites, without any Regard to the Laws 
they are sworn to observe. 

EsEK Hopkins. 
Providence, April i8, 1762:" 

Both these men emerged from this conflict 
without apparent injury to their character or 
standing in the community. Taylor lived 
for several years, enjoying the highest confi- 
dence of his neighbors, and was honored by 
being elected to offices of especial honor and 
trust. He died in 1778, and by his will, ex- 
ecuted on the eighth day of October of that 
year, he made his son-in-law, the Reverend 
John Graves, one of his executors. Graves 
"was the successor of the Reverend John 
Checkley, of St. John's Church, in Providence, 
and attended the service until July, 1776. 
He then declined to officiate, unless he could 
be permitted to read the usual and ordinary 
prayers for the King, w^hich he considered 
hinself bound by his ordination vows to offer 
for him. The patriotism of his hearers for- 
bade this, and the consequence was that the 



ESEK HOPKINS 2% 

church was closed most of the time during 
the war of the Revohition." 

The next year, as the time for the election 
approached, the two parties again prepared 
for the struggle. There was the same inten- 
sity of feeling, the same bitterness of political 
strife. Stephen Hopkins and Samuel Ward 
were the candidates for Governor, and the 
Ward-Hopkins controversy the issue. 

Esek Hopkins was again a candidate for 
the legislature and active in the campaign. 
He was backed by strong and substantial 
men, the Brown Brothers, Nicholas, Moses 
and John, leading men of the town, men 
too whose influence was a power in the 
community. Hopkins had commanded their 
vessels, they knew his worth, they had had 
opportunities for a study of his character 
and capabilities, they believed in him and 
that confidence was reciprocated. With the 
Brown Brothers and with Joseph Brown he 
openly made political warfare against the 
secretary of the colony, Henry Ward, of 
Newport. He was tainted with Ward heresies 
and must be removed, his influence was 
powerful, and the freemen of the colony 
were warned to cast their ballots for a 
candidate more suitable to the Hopkins 



24 ESEk' HOPKINS 

faction, and Hopkins, with the Browns, sent 
broadcast this circular: 

"Providence, April 2, 1764. 

As the present Secretary will not be satis- 
fied to enjoy his Office peaceably, but is 
constantly endeavoring, by every Means in 
his Power, to remove the Governor, Deputy- 
Governor and assistants, with whom he serves, 
from their Offices, it hath been thought just 
to set up some other Person for Secretary, 
who might be careful to do his Duty, and 
behave peaceably in his Office. And as Mr. 
William Richardson, a person every Way well 
qualified, is now Candidate for that Office, 
we ask it as a Favor of every Freeman to 

give him a vote. 

EsEK Hopkins, 

Nicholas Brown, 
Joseph Brown, 
John Brown, 
Moses Brown." 

The Brown and Hopkins candidate for 
secretary was defeated. Governor Hopkins 
however was elected, as was also Esek Hop- 
kins. Henry Ward was too firmly entrenched 
in his position to be affected by the influ- 
ences which made and unmade other colony 



ESEK HOPKINS 



25 



officials, and he served in his office with honor 
and distinction for thirty-seven years, when 
death closed his long and useful public life. 

The Browns and Hopkins had been staunch 
allies in this campaign, but a time was com- 
ing when the relation between these men 
would be strained, when all the power and 
influence which Hopkins possessed would be 
exerted against them, not on account of pri- 
vate motives or personal grievances, but 
because he believed it a duty he owed to the 
cause which he espoused. His action at this 
time shows his high patriotic character as 
no other act in his whole life ; it discloses an 
honesty of purpose, a determination to serve 
his country first, all else being subservient to 
this. 

The following year Esek Hopkins was 
again elected to the general assembly, mem- 
bers of the lower house being then designated 
as deputies, and he the fourth deputy from the 
town of Providence. He did not however 
serve the full term for which he had been 
elected, in the service of the colony. The 
attractions of the sea were more to his liking, 
and the profits of successful voyages more 
alluring than the honors and excitement of 
political life, and on the " last tuesday in 



25 ESEK HOPKINS 

August 1764," the day on which the Provi- 
dence town meeting was in session, he came 
before the freemen there assembled, and 
stated " that he was bound in a few days 
out of the King's Dominions, to abide for 
a Long time, and that he could not repre- 
sent the town any longer". His resignation 
was thereupon accepted, and the freemen 
proceeded at once to elect as his successor 
John Cole, Esq., the moderator of the meet- 
ing. Before Hopkins entered again into 
political life great events had taken place, 
and greater ones were in store. 

In February, 1765, Captain Owen, who 
had arrived in Providence on the 13th of that 
month from the West Indies, reported that 
"on the 30th ult., in Lat. 33 Long. 68, he 
spoke with Captain Campbell, in the Brig 
' Gambia ' of, and for New York, from the 
coast of Africa, who acquainted him of the 
safe arrival of Captain Esek Hopkins, of this 
Port on the Coast." 

For nearly four years he continued at sea, 
making long voyages to Africa, China and the 
West Indies ; occasionally during this period 
he is reported by vessels entering New Eng- 
land ports, and his own safe arrival in Rhode 
Island is duly chronicled in the newspapers. 



ESEK HOPKINS 2 7 

Upon returning to his native shores after 
his life at sea, Hopkins found that during 
his absence the town of North Providence 
had been incorporated, and his homestead 
fell within the lines of the new town. It was 
not long before the people of North Provi- 
dence sought his services and advice, and at 
the spring election of 1 768 he was selected 
as second deputy from the new town. Before 
this term for which he had been elected ex- 
pired, he was again on the ocean ; the Prov- 
idence Gazette for March 16, 1769, reports 
in its marine intelligence, " Capt. Esek Hop- 
kins from Surinam on the i6th ult in Lat 
30, Long 62^ spoke the Brig 'Rose' from 
Madeira for Philadelphia, out for 34 days, all 
well." 

On the third of November following Cap- 
tain Aulger, who had arrived in Providence 
that day from Surinam after a voyage of 
thirty-seven days, reported that he left at 
that place when he sailed Captains Esek, 
George and John Hopkins, all of Providence. 

It was about this time, and quite likely 
while on this voyage that the only life 
portrait of Hopkins now extant was painted. 
This picture in which his figure appears 
represents a scene in a public house at 



28 ESEK HOPKINS 

Surinam. It so happened that a large num- 
ber of vessels hailing from Rhode Island 
were at this time in port, and the masters 
and supercargoes, taking advantage of this, 
made arrangements for an evening's pleasure 
ashore, to which a few other choice friends 
were invited. It is the work of an English 
artist by the name of Greenwood', who 
was of the party, and who is said to have 
been a noted portrait painter of that day. 
All the figures are likenesses of the persons 
who actually participated in the carousal, 
and were esteemed very good likenesses 
at the time. " Indeed " wrote the owner. 
Dr. Edward Wild, many years ago, " the 
resemblance of several of them can be clearly 
traced in the features of their descendants 
of the present day." The artist represents 
himself as just passing out the door and 
vomiting. Mr. Jonas Wanton, of Newport, 
fat, round faced, asleep, and just being bap- 
tised ; Captain Ambrose Page, vomiting 
into the pocket of Wanton ; Captain Nicholas 
Cook, afterwards Governor of Rhode Island, 
under a broad hat, with a long pipe, seated 
at table talking with Captain Esek Hopkins, 

' Probably John dreenvvood. an engraver and painter. 



,1- ■■' ;ftlki.4-»4^ 




r:. •:*-'*'f>mfi>''yf.tr!mrvf-miP7^jr '^?!,is^ 



ESEK HOPKINS 20 

wearing a cocked hat and left hand suspi- 
ciously holding a wine glass. Mr. Godfrey 
Malbone, of Newport, dancing, the shorter one 
receiving the lesson, while Captain Nicholas 
Power is acting as instructor; a Dutchman 
seated on a chest nursing his leg, doubtless 
having received a kick from one of the roys- 
terers, and several others whose features are 
not now identified. Several of the party, some 
six or eight, were members of the Jenckes 
family, through which family the picture 
has descended to its present owner, Edward 
J. Gushing, Esq., of North Providence. The 
picture came into the possession of Mrs. Mary 
J. Wild, whose mother was a Jenckes, soon 
after her marriage, in 1819. It was then taken 
from North Providence to Brookline, and 
in 1825, as it had become somewhat defaced, 
was turned over to a man by the name of 
Laughton, a carriage and sign painter, of 
Brookline, to be repaired. His touches were 
of the crudest character, and before varnish- 
ing it he took the liberty of repainting the 
floor a dull yellow, thereby obliterating the 
date and spoiling the perspective. It was 
returned to North Providence to the old 
mansion, the home of Mr. Gushing, in 1858, 
where it now rests, and where it has been 



^Q ESEK HOPKINS 

nearly all of the time since 1800. It has 
received some injury since that time, yet it 
is still in good preservation. It is painted 
on bed ticking and is seventy-three and three- 
quarters inches long by thirty-six and one- 
half inches wide. 

Besides being interesting as containing 
this portrait of Hopkins, it has some addi- 
tional interest from containing a portrait of 
Hopkins' life-long friend, Captain Ambrose 
Page,' even though he may be represented 
in a rather undignified position. 

The year 1771 again found Hopkins the 
choice of his townsmen for the legislature, 
and for the next three years he was returned 
as the first deputy from North Providence. 

At this time he seems to have abandoned 
the sea, which he had followed for nearly 
thirty-five years. He had acquired a com- 
petence, and he doubtless felt that he could 
well afford to settle down on his farm and 
enjoy the companionship of his wife and 
family, from whom he had been separated 
much. He had earned a well merited repu- 
tation as a master mariner of great success, 

' Capt. Ambrose Page married Sarah (Jenckes) Hopkins, the 
widow of Capt. Christopher Hopkins, who was the son of WilHam, 
brother of Esek. 



ESEK HOPKINS ^j 

skill and ability, and his name was a familiar 
one in all the ports of the maritime world. 

During these years momentous questions 
were agitating the minds of the American 
Colonists. 

It was a critical period in the affairs of 
America, " the third and final period of the 
constitutional revolution, the period which sep- 
arated the colonies from the mother coun- 
try." Already overt acts of violence against 
British authority had taken place in Rhode 
Island. July 19, 1769, the revenue sloop 
" Liberty " had been seized by a party of New- 
port citizens and destroyed. In Massachu- 
setts, the Boston riots had taken place, and 
these conflicts between the populace and the 
military authority showed plainly enough the 
temper of the colonists, and that " oppression 
drove wise men mad." North Carolinians 
had nursed their grievances until patience 
had become exhausted, and, on the i6th of 
May, 1 77 1, a large number of the people, 
under the leadership of able and distinguished 
men, became involved in conflict with the 
governor at the head of a military force, re- 
sulting in the death of twenty of the citizens 
and nine of the soldiers of the King's army. 
Following this, the people of Boston had 



^2 ESEK HOPKINS 

answered John Rovves' significant query, as to 
how tea and salt water would mix, by a prac- 
tical illustration in the waters of the harbor, 
while the proceedings of the house of Bur- 
gesses, of Virginia, had been the subject of 
argument and action by Hopkins himself, in 
connection with his associates in the legisla- 
ture of the colony of Rhode Island. 

And all these acts were like the low mut- 
terings of the distant thunder, a warning of 
a cominor storm. 

During this period, too, had occurred that 
daring attack made by certain of the towns- 
men of Providence, on the British armed 
sloop ''Gaspeer This exploit was instigated 
and carried out by a leading merchant and 
a party of master mariners, aided b}^ a 
number of daring young men. The out- 
rages that had been committed by the 
«' Gaspee'' commanded by Lieutenant Dud- 
dingston, had borne particularly hard upon 
the vessels sailing in Narragansett Bay, as 
he had " made it his practice to stop and 
board all vessels entering or leaving the 
ports of Rhode Island, or leaving Newport 
for Providence." So incensed had the people 
of Providence become at this high handed 
and unwarranted action of the British officer. 



ESEA' HOPKINS 



33 



that the most heroic measures were taken 
to rid the bay of this pestiferous craft, and 
on the night of June 9, 1772, eight large 
whale boats, containing upwards of forty bold 
and resolute men, rowed quietly down the 
bay to Namquit Point, just below the present 
village of Pawtuxet, where the " Gaspee'' had 
grounded during the day. The vessel was 
boarded and set on fire, and before daylight 
the next morning burned to the water's edge. 
During this attack Lieutenant Duddingston 
was wounded. The audacity of the under- 
taking was widely commented upon at the 
time, and every effort was made by the Brit- 
ish authorities to apprehend those connected 
with it, but, notwithstanding the large num- 
ber of persons involved, the secret was care- 
fully kept, and to this day but few of the 
names of tliose who took part in that summer 
night's work are known. In later years, when 
all danger had passed, the names of a few 
became public. The leaders in this expe- 
dition were personal friends of Hopkins, 
he had commanded vessels in which John 
Brown, the instigator of it, was interested, 
and Brown had taken great interest in 
Hopkins' doings for many years. Abraham 
Whipple, who commanded the party, was a 



-^ ESEA' HOPKINS 

near relative'; he had sailed in the same ship 
with Hopkins on many privateering ventures, 
and there was between the two a w^arm friend- 
ship, while Hopkins' own son, John B. Hop- 
kins, at the time a young man thirty years 
of age, took a prominent part in the affair. 
This expedition was hurriedly conceived and 
carried out, there was no time to send mes- 
sengers to distant parts to secure recruits, 
and Hopkins, at his quiet home far away 
from the sound of the drum, which summoned 
the party together, heard nothing of this 
water side proposition, but it is quite certain 
that the doings of that night, and the names 
of those participating, were well known to 
him ere the last spark of the smouldering 
hull of the Gaspee had ceased to burn. 

The year 1774 was a year of preparation, 
and the proceedings of the legislative bodies 
in the colonies w^ere significant of deep pur- 
poses. There was great interest exhibited 
in the military force. This alone might have 
caused a suspicion that there was a rebellious 
spirit in the minds of the people if no other 
signs were apparent, but there was no lack of 



' Abraham Whipple married Sarah Hopkins, daughter of John 
and Catherine Hopkins, Aug. 2, 1761. 



ESEK HOPKINS ^c 

such signs. Resistance to British authority 
and oppression was on the Hps of every man. 
Night after night the taverns were thronged 
witli men with determined looks on their 
faces, treasonable sentiments were the sub- 
ject of their discourse. Men were associating 
themselves together and obtaining charters 
for independent military companies. Inflam- 
ing articles were being printed on circulars 
or in the columns of the colonial press, and 
scattered throughout the land. "A recipe 
for making gunpowder was included among 
the useful information in the household al- 
manack," The colonies of America were the 
abiding place of a restless, indignant and 
excited people. Rebellion was rampant. 
The year closed and his Britannic Majesty's 
good subjects in America united in the time 
honored supplication, " God save the King." 



CHAPTER II 

MILITARY SERVICES AND THE BEGINNING OF 
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

BEFORE the winters snows had entirely 
disappeared from behind stone walls and 
other sheltered spots, the storm burst that 
had been brewing so long. In the grey of 
early morning, on April 19, 1775, the yeoman 
soldiery of Massachusetts and the King's 
troops met in a bloody encounter in the high- 
ways of Concord and Lexington. Actual 
warfare had commenced. Three days later 
the General Assembly of Rhode Island met 
at Providence; it was the last session previous 
to the May session, when the new govern- 
ment took its seat for the ensuing year. 

There is no stronger way of showing the 
temper of the people at this moment than 
by the proceedings of this session. Every 
measure considered was for the defence of 
the colony. Committees were appointed to 
procure lead, bullets and flints ; the charters 
of two of the independent military companies 



ESEK HOPKINS ^y 

were amended and the two organizations 
consolidated. A committee previously ap- 
pointed to proportion the powder, lead and 
flints among the several towns made its 
report. The eleventh day of May was set 
apart as a day of prayer, fasting and humilia- 
tion. A committee was appointed to wait 
on the General Assembly of Connecticut " to 
consult with them upon measures for the 
common defence of the Five New England 
Colonies." A committee was appointed to 
take the care of the cannon, powder and other 
warlike stores in the magazine, at Providence. 
An army of fifteen hundred men was ordered 
raised " to repel any insult or violence that 
may be offered to the inhabitants and also, 
if it be necessary for the safety and preserva- 
tion of any of the Colonies, to march out of 
the Colony, and join and cooperate with the 
forces of the neighboring Colonies." 

The passage of this resolution was not 
without opposition. Joseph Wanton and 
Darius Sessions, Governor and Deputy Gov- 
ernor respectively, opposed it, as did also 
Thomas Wickes and William Potter, two of 
the Assistants. The grounds of their oppo- 
sition, as stated in the protest which they sub- 
sequently filed, being "that such a measure 



38 



ESEK HOPKINS 



will be attended with the most fatal conse- 
quences to our Charter priviledges; involve 
the country in all the horrors of a civil war; 
and as we conceive is an open violation of 
the oath of allegiance which we have severally- 
taken, upon our admission into the respective 
offices we now hold in the Colony." At the 
spring election Wanton had been reelected 
Governor; he refused to issue commissions 
to the officers appointed to command the 
troops to be raised ; to attend the General 
Assembly or take the oath of office, and even 
neglected to issue the proclamation for the 
observation of the day of fasting and prayer 
designated by the legislature. 

His position at this critical period was at 
once discovered, and measures w^ere taken 
to deprive him of all his powers. Every 
authority was forbidden to administer to 
him the oath of office, and, that the business 
of the colony might not be hampered, the 
Secretary, Henry Ward, was authorized to 
sign all commissions to officers, both civil 
and military; the Deputy Governor was 
clothed with certain powers, and the affairs 
of Rhode Island went on under the leader- 
ship of Nicholas Cooke, who had been elec- 
ted Deputy Governor. 



ESEK HOPKINS ^g 

The excitement caused by this action of 
the Governor was soon followed by more 
important and alarming events; the busi- 
ness of the government however was soon 
straightened out, and the officers elected to 
command the army of observation, as this 
military body heretofore ordered to be raised 
was called, received their commissions, duly 
signed by Henry Ward, in time to assume 
their positions and participate in the fight 
of Bunker Hill. The result of this emyaofe- 
ment filled the people of Rhode Island with 
alarm, but its effect throughout the colonies 
was encouraging and significant, and Frank- 
lin wrote, " Americans will fight, England 
has lost her Colonies forever." 

The alarm felt in Rhode Island was not 
that of fear for the success of the cause, but 
a fear that from her exposed situation, and 
the proximity of the enemy, she would be 
surrounded and made helpless before any 
effort could be made at resistance. British 
ships of war were cruising about in Narragan- 
sett bay, a formidable army was only a day's 
march to the northward. It was time for im- 
mediate action for defence. Already the first 
naval engagement of the revolution had 
taken place. On the fifteenth of June one 



^O ESEK HOPKIiYS 

of the sloops belonging to the colony, com- 
manded by Captain Abraham Whipple, had 
attacked a tender of the British frigate Rose, 
chased her ashore on Conanicut Island and 
captured her. 

On the 28th of June, 1775, the General 
Assembly met in Providence, to which place 
all the records and treasure of the colony 
had been removed some time before, from 
Newport, then the seat of the colony offi- 
ces. 

A signal station was ordered established 
at Tower Hill, a commanding eminence in 
the southern part of the colony, and Job 
Watson appointed signal officer, to give in- 
telligence if any "squadrons of ships should 
be seen off." Beacons were also ordered set 
up in various parts of the colony, to alarm 
the country in the case of the approach of 
an enemy. On the 20th of July the people 
awoke to a stern realization of the situation 
of affairs. James Wallace, commanding the 
British fleet in Rhode Island, assembled his 
ships in line of battle before the town of 
Newport, and threatened to fire upon it un- 
less the authorities complied with his re- 
quest for provisions for his men. 

At Providence this news was the subject 



ESEK HOPKINS 



41 



of great concern, and, on the 31st of 
July, the Providence town meeting was 
convened, and Deputy Governor Cooke elec- 
ted moderator. Steps were at once taken 
to defend the town, and fortifications were 
ordered erected on a high hill, called Fox 
Hill, -commandins; the harbor. The con- 
struction of this work was placed under the 
control of Captain Nicholas Power, and he 
was ordered to consult and advise with Cap- 
tain Esek Hopkins, Ambrose Page, Captain 
John Updike, Samuel Nightingale, Jr., Cap- 
tain William Earle, and Captain Simon 
Smith, who were appointed a committee to 
regulate the conduct of the battery to be 
established at this point. Most of these 
men were sea captains who had sailed on 
privateers, and were doubtless selected on 
account of their experience in the handling 
of heavy guns on ship board. Esek Hop- 
kins thus entered upon a quasi military 
career remarkable as it was brief. The 
knowledge of the handling of great guns 
was limited almost entirely to that obtained 
on ship board ; there was but one fort in the 
colony at this time, located on Goat Island, 
in Newport harbor. This committee pre- 
pared a set of rules or regulations for the 



^2 ESEK I/OPK/XS 

conduct of this fort, which, in itself, is a 
strong defence of the charge that they were 
mihtary men. It was nearly a month after 
their appointment before they evolved these 
regulations and submitted them for the ap- 
proval of the town, before putting them into 
effect; such were the crude methods in the 
early days of the Revolution. 

" Regulations of the Fox Point Battery, 
Drawn by committee, Presented to the 
Town in Town Meeting August 29 1775, 

Voted one capt E Hopkins be appointed 
to commd the Battery at Fox Hill. 

Voted one luft that Samuel Warner 

Voted one gunner Christopher Sheldon 

"do 7 men to each gun Including offi- 
cers that such be select'd from the tow^n 
Inhabits, as are acq'd with the use of Can- 
non and doe not belong to Any of the In- 
dependt. Companys who Attending this 
Duty be excused from the Militia Duties. 

Voted that the Battery compy Appt a 
capt & gunner for Each Gun out of their 
compy. 

Voted that upon any person quiting the 
Battery compy the officers thereunto Belong- 
ing have power to sellect others as above 
said to keep their number complete. 



ESEK HOPKINS a ^ 

Voted that two Persons be app'd to 
Guard said Battery on Day who shall at- 
tend there on morning to Relieve the Night 
watch and Tarry until the Evening watch is 
Sett. 

Voted that the Great Guns be No & 
Each persons name who belong to said 
Guns be Wrote on a Card & stuck on the 
Gun they may belong to that they may 
know where to repair in case of an Alarm — 
Vot'd that the Capt. Lieut & Gunner of said 
Battery have the Care of preparing & keep- 
ing^ the Stores Belono^inor Thereto in Good 
Order. 

Voted that the Battery Compy Exercise 
their cannon once a month or oftener to 
Perfect themselves in the use of Great Guns. 

it is recommended that 2 more 18 pound- 
ers be mounted at the Battery at Fox Hill. 

William Earle 

Simon Smith 

John Updike Corn77iittee. 

EsEK Hopkins 

Ambrose Page 

Same Nightingale Jr." 

In order to facilitate the conduct of pub- 
lic business duringr the time when the 



^4 ESEK HOPKINS 

General Asseml^ly was not in session, a 
committee had been appointed, called the 
Recess Committee, to act during the interim 
with full power in the premises. The situa- 
tion at Newport, and indeed throughout the 
southern portion of the colony, demanded 
that a competent oflficer backed by a military 
force be located there, to protect the people 
from the outrages being carried on. This 
committee, therefore, selected Esek Hop- 
kins for the position, and he was duly com- 
missioned Commander-in-Chief, with the 
rank of Brigadier-General. 

The commission issued to Hopkins and 
to William West, his able lieutenant, is yet 
preserved. It is signed by Nicholas Cooke, 
Deputy Governor, countersigned by Henry 
Ward, Secretary, and dated October 4, 1775. 
He was not appointed to this position by his 
brother, formerly the Governor, as has been 
stated.' His peculiar fitness for the respon- 
sibilities involved was the only consideration. 
The position needed a man of judgment and 
fidelity, and such a man was Esek Hopkins. 

The position to which Hopkins was thus 
assigned was one requiring the greatest tact 

' Spears History of our Navy, Vol. I. 



ESEK HOPKINS .^ 

and the exercise of a wise discretion. The 
British commander, Wallace, backed by a 
formidable fleet, well manned, and well 
armed, was lying before the town. He was 
in a position to distress the inhabitants with 
little or no activity, and to destroy the town 
itself with comparative ease. 

He demanded provisions for his fleet, 
which the town had been prohibited by the 
colonial authorities from furnishina;. New- 
port was in a desperate situation. 

To this condition General Hopkins first 
addressed himself; with a force of about six 
hundred men he established quarters in the 
town of Middletown, adjoining Newport, 
and immediately undertook to straighten out 
the troublesome affair. Upon the refusal of 
the town authorities of Newport to furnish 
the supplies demanded, Wallace had closed 
the port. All ferry boats, market boats, 
fish and wood boats, were prevented from 
comins: to the town. Provisions, wood and 
other supplies were thus cut off, and the 
town was "exposed to all those dreadful 
consequences which must inevitably arise 
through the want of the common necessaries 
of life." So desperate had the position 
become that the town council of Newport, 



46 



ESEK HOPKINS 



after seriously considering the whole matter, 
prepared a memorial to the General Assem- 
bly, in which they prayed for some relief. 
The safety of the town demanded that some 
concessions be made, and upon the promise 
that Wallace would raise the blockade, 
negotiations were permitted, and General 
Hopkins was directed to regulate the sup- 
plying of the ships with provisions. Addi- 
tional instructions were also forwarded to 
him at this time, and there is a firmness and 
determination in these directions more sig- 
nificant than would first appear, for it was 
ordered that he, " from time to time, re- 
move the troops under his command from 
place to place as he should think may best 
tend to the general safety, and the peace 
and happiness of the town of Newport ; pay- 
ing the greatest attention to, and having the 
tenderest concern for, the true and lasting 
peace, support, and relief thereof, still having 
an eye and just preference to the general 
safety, and the common cause of America." 
A consultation was held between the town 
authorities and the British commander, and 
a plan discussed for some concessions. Both 
sides faced the situation squarely, and Wal- 
lace declared a truce, under the conditions 



ESEK HOPKINS .y 

specified in the following letter, sent to the 
town council of Newport : 

" I will suspend hostilities against the 
town till I have further orders, upon their 
supplying the King's ships with fresh beef, 
&c. Let it remain neuter. The ferry and 
market boats to supply it unmolested. If 
the rebels enter the town, and break the 
neutrality, I hold myself disengaged, and at 
liberty to do my utmost for the King's ser- 
vice. 

James Wallace. 

His Majesty's ship, RoseT 

There is no date to this letter, it was pub- 
lished, however, in the Providence Gazette, 
on December 9, 1775, in connection with 
other correspondence regarding the troubles 
at Newport ; it was written however previous to 
November 15, for it is referred to in a letter of 
Hopkins' of that date. Thus, nearly eight 
months before the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, the condition of war between Eng- 
land and the forces of the colony of Rhode 
Island had been recognized by James Wal- 
lace, commander of the British fleet in 
Rhode Island. He admits hostilities and 
rebellion, declares the people of Rhode 



48 



ESEK HOPKnVS 



Island rebels, arranges under a truce a neu- 
tralit)', and accords belligerent rights to the 
"rebels." Such a condition did not exist 
between the two opposing forces around 
Boston, but on the fifteenth day of Novem- 
ber, 1775, Esek Hopkins, commanding a 
mere handful of soldiers, of the Rhode 
Island militia, was arrayed against Great 
Britain in open warfare. 

By the terms of this truce. General Hop- 
kins was prohibited from entering the town 
with his troops, Newqoort was to supply the 
fleet with provisions; in consideration of 
which the sources of her supplies were to 
remain unmolested. In the arrangements 
for the carrying out of the town's part of the 
neutrality, Hopkins had the entire manage- 
ment and direction. He appointed Samuel 
Dyer, Esq., of Newport, to superintend the 
delivery of the provisions. 

In conducting these negotiations Hopkins 
showed himself to be possessed of sagacity, 
quiet firmness and discretion ; in character 
very different from the irascible, irresponsi- 
ble man, whom his enemies later represen- 
ted him as being. 

Without coming to an actual conflict of 
arms (which might have proved disastrous 



ESEA' HOPKINS .q 

to the Rhode Island forces), he did succeed 
in bringing about a condition of affairs in 
which the British commander tacitly recog- 
nized him as the duly commissioned com- 
mander of an army raised by the legislature 
of the colony of Rhode Island, as constitu- 
tional a body as the Parliament of Great 
Britian, and one recognized for over a cen- 
tury by British authorities as such, by sub- 
mitting to the orders and directions of Sam- 
uel Dyer, Hopkins' duly authorized agent. 

The contentions between Wallace and 
the town authorities of Newport, regarding 
supplies for the ministerial fleet, were pro- 
longed through the entire time that Hop- 
kins was in command of this station. The 
correspondence passing between Hopkins 
and the town of Newport discloses a deter- 
mination on the part of the General to 
conciliate the differences, yet to manage 
the affairs firmly, avoiding if possible ex- 
treme measures. From his " Headquarters, 
Nov 15 1775" he writes to the town of 
Newport. 

" Gentlemen 

I received a copy of a letter, 
signed by James Wallace, Commander of 
his Majesty's ship Rose, together with your 



CO ESEK HOPKINS 

approbations of the contents; In answer to 
which I am to let you know, that I will 
permit you to supply the ministerial navy 
now in your harbor, with fresh provisions, 
&c. provided the quantity be ascertained, 
and is no more than is sufficient, or has 
been heretofore made use of, and that under 
the inspection of a man that I shall appoint 
and authorize, and not otherwise, provided 
that he, said Wallace, with all the vessels 
and boats under his command and direction, 
let all the wood, market, and ferry boats pass 
&, repass together with their passengers and 
effects unmolested and unexamined, on fail- 
ure or breach of which I shall immediately 
stop the supplies. This is all that can be 
expected in supplying the ministerial navy, 
except they remove out of cannon shot of 
the town of Newport. 

I am, gentlemen, your humble servant 
EsEK Hopkins, Briiiadier General." 

These conditions the town desired mod- 
ified, and the next day sent to him the 
f olio win (J : 

"Newport, Nov i6, 1775. 

Sir 

Your proposal for settling a truce 
between the town of Newport and Capt. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



51 



Wallace we have received and examined, 
and as the word unexamined in your pro- 
posal seemes to us will not be complied with 
by Capt. Wallace, request you will leave 
the same out, as we apprehend it contrary 
to his instructions and the acts of Parlia- 
ment, and are fearful it will greatly impede 
the wished for truce. I am, in behalf of the 
Town Council of Newport, Sir, your very 
humble servant, 

William Coddington Council Clerk. 
To Esek Hopkins, Esq., Brigadier Gen- 
eral of the forces in this Colony." 

To this proposition Hopkins reluctantly 
consented in the following brief reply : 

"Head Quarters Nov. 16, 1775 
To the Worshipful Town Council of the 

town of Newport. 

Gentlemen 

I received yours this day, 
wherein your request the word unexamined 
may be left out of my proposal, which I 
now give you leave to do; but think it 
would be more for your interest to let it 
remain, 

I am, gentlemen, your humble servant 
EsEK Hopkins Brigadier General." 



£-2 ESEA' IJO/'A'/NS 

Negotiations were finally concluded and 
a more peaceful result attained than had 
been anticipated. In view of the threaten- 
ing aspect, many of the inhabitants of New- 
port left the Island, taking- all their property 
with them, and, it is said, " For four days 
the streets were almost blocked with carts 
and carriages of every sort seeking a place 
of safety," 

From that day Newport, as a commercial 
center, be^an to wane. Previous to the 
Revolution the trade of Newport was 
greater than that of New York. During the 
three months ending the loth of October, 
1769, 3,000 hogsheads of molasses were 
entered at the Custom House, to say noth- 
ing of the quantity that was " run in," as 
smuggling was sometimes delicately called. 

It is doubtful if Wallace ever intended to 
fire upon the town. It was of too much 
importance as a rendezvous and military 
station to be destroyed, and, indeed, for 
more than three years was occupied by the 
British as such. In addition to the powers 
conferred upon Hopkins as commander of 
the military force, he was specially directed, 
in the commission issued to him, to appre- 
hend George Rome, a merchant of Newport,. 



ESEK' HOPKINS c j 

lie having " greatly assisted the Enemy and 
proved himself entirely inimical to the Lib- 
erties of America." No part of the colony 
sheltered more of the Tories and Royalists 
than Newport. Many of the most wealthy 
and influential men in the town were in- 
cluded among them ; of these George Rome 
was the most prominent and bitter against 
the independent movement in the colonies. 
Georo^e Rome, " a gentleman of estate 
from Old England," was a wealthy merchant 
of Newport, where he resided winters. He 
was the owner of a fine estate in North 
Kingstown, R. I., with an elegant mansion- 
house which he occupied during the sum- 
mer. This residence he called Batchelors 
Hall, "my little country villa." The house 
and the grounds around it were the most 
elaborate of any in the colony. Here, 
surrounded by a large circle of friends, he 
entertained in a sumptuous manner. Invi- 
tations to partake of his hospitality indicate 
somewhat the nature of the entertainment 
provided, for, writing to one of his friends, 
he says: "My compliments to Colonel 
Stewart : may I ask the favor of you both 
to come and eat a Christmas dinner with 
me at Batchelors Hall, and celebrate the 



CA ESEK HOPKINS 

festivities of the season with me in Narra- 
gansett woods ? A covey of partridges or 
bevy of quails will be entertainment for the 
Colonel and me, while the pike and pearch 
pond amuse you." In the Stamp Act ex- 
citement he upheld the crovvn, and much 
bitterness was aroused against him. In 
1773, Dr. Franklin, while in London, ob- 
tained a letter of Rome's which he trans- 
mitted to this country. A copy of it was 
forwarded to Rhode Island, and Rome was 
called to account for the scandalous asper- 
sion contained in it. 

This letter was devoted to a general abuse 
of the government, in which he attacked the 
legislature, the courts and juries of the 
colony, advised that the charter be annulled 
and a governnient more dependent on the 
crown be created. He asserted that "the 
colonies have originally been wrong found- 
ed. They ought to have been regal govern- 
ments, and every executive officer approved 
by the King. Until that is affected, and 
they are properly regulated they will never 
be beneficial to themselves nor good sub- 
jects of Great Britain. ' This letter was 
written from his Narragansett home, on 
December 22, 1767. When this attitude 



ESEK HOPKINS rr 

of R(^rne's became known it produced much 
excitement in the colony. Resolutions con- 
demning" his actions were passed in open 
town meeting in several of the towns, and 
at the October session of the General 
Assembly, in 1774, he was brought before 
that body on a warrant to answer for his 
aspersions on the government. His an- 
swers, when questioned, were insulting and 
evasive, and he was adjudged in contempt 
and ordered committed to the common jail 
in South Kingstown until the close of the 
session. Here he remained for some time, 
and upon his release, in fear of bodily harm, 
for the most intense feeling had been aroused 
against him, he fled on board the Britisli 
frigate " Rose'' then lying in the bay. His 
estates were confiscated, tos^ether with those 
of others of his stripe. The order for his 
apprehension, given to Hopkins, was sub- 
sequent to this, and it is supposed that he 
afterwards returned to Newport and contin- 
ued his seditious practices What eventu- 
ally became of him is not stated. 

But Hopkins did not disregard others in 
Newport who were inimical to the cause of 
liberty. He acted on the spirit of his com- 
mission if not by direct order, and took 



56 



ESEK HOPKINS 



possession, in behalf of the colony, of the 
estates of Benjamin Brenton, the heirs of 
Andrew Oliver, deceased, Jahleel Brenton, 
and Thomas Hutchinson, as well as the 
estate of Rome, and reported his action to 
the Governor. These estates were declared 
confiscated and placed under the control of 
persons appointed by the General Assembly 
to manage, and the action of Hopkins ap- 
proved by that body; it even went farther 
and declared that all deeds executed since 
the fifth of October, 1775, by certain other 
persons of Tory proclivities, be null and 
void. A year later the property thus con- 
fiscated, belonging to George Rome, was 
sold at public vendue to the highest bidder, 
and thus, says Updike, " the great estates of 
Mr. Rome were lost to his family forever." 

The duties devolving upon Hopkins while 
in command of this military post were varied 
and perplexing, requiring the exercise of 
great judgment and a wise discretion. 

The situation of affairs was most delicate, 
and any misstep would have brought about 
a conflict between the King's forces, under 
Wallace, and the colony * troops. During 
his command on Rhode Island a sloop, with 
her carcro, arrived in the Seaconnet river on 



ESEK HOPKINS c y 

the east side of the island of Rhode Island, 
in charge of Captain Isaac Eslick, of Bristol, 
R. I., and by him was turned over to the 
care of Hopkins. The arrival of this vessel 
disclosed a spirit of adventure and daring 
which characterized the ship masters of the 
times. 

Captain Eslick, in command of a small 
trading sloop, had been captured at sea by 
one of the English war vessels cruising off 
the coast. A prize master and crew had 
been put aboard and ordered to take her 
into Boston, while Eslick had been detained 
aboard the British sloop of war," Viperr Not 
long after this the British sloop sighted and 
overhauled the sloop ''Polly',' belonging to 
New York, commanded by Captain Samuel 
Barnes, and bound thence for Antiorua. A 
midshipman, as prize master, and several 
hands, were put on board, with orders to 
proceed with the vessel to Boston. Eslick 
was also transferred to the sloop to act as 
pilot, encouraged with the promise that if he 
successfully and faithfully piloted her into 
Boston harbor he should be rewarded with 
havinor his own boat with her carsfo restored 
to him. Eslick soon established friendly 
relations with two of the original crew of the 



58 



ESEK I/OPA'/XS 



sloop, and together they determined to out- 
wit the prize master and carry the sloop into 
Rhode Island. It was a most daring project, 
and one having little promise of success. 
Wallaces ships were cruising about the 
lower part of Narragansett Bay, and even 
extending their cruises, on occasions, into 
Long Island Sound, so that the chances of 
successfully running this blockade were well- 
nigh impossible. Nevertheless, Eslick laid 
his course, and with the assistance of his 
two accomplices the vessel was successfully 
brought into the Seaconnet river and turned 
over to Hopkins. By this exploit Eslick 
lost all chance of redeeming his own prop- 
erty, which was still in the hands of the 
enemy, but at the risk of his life and the 
sacrifice of his own vessel and cargo he had 
saved valuable property belonging to others. 
The circumstances of his action were com- 
municated to the colony authorities, and 
the General Assembly soon after ordered 
two hundred and fifty dollars paid to Eslick 
and fifty dollars each to his two asso- 
ciates in the business. The payment of this 
amount was made a lien upon the sloop and 
her cargo, and Hopkins was directed to hold 
the vessel until these amounts were paid,- 



ESEK HOPKINS c^ 

which was promptly done, the owners, doubt- 
less, being well pleased to escape so easily 
from what otherwise would have been a 
total loss. The troubles which had con- 
tinued between the colony officers and the 
duly elected executive, Governor Wanton, 
were now brouo[ht to a close, the General 
Assembly passing an act declaring the office 
of governor vacant, and Hopkins, with 
Captain Joseph Anthony and Mr. Paul 
Mumford, were appointed a committee to 
receive from the deposed governor the 
charter and other state papers in his hands. 
The duties devolving upon General Hopkins 
were now becomino; so arduous that he was 
authorized to appoint a secretary ; a com- 
missary and a sutler were also ordered 
attached to the brigade under his command. 
Early in October, Wallace, having harrassed 
Newport and the farmers along the southern 
bay side, moved his fleet northward to the 
harbor of Bristol, where, on the 7th of Oct- 
ober, 1775, he assumed a threatening atti- 
tude and proceeded to make the same 
demands for provisions. In order to give 
his demand a show of determination he fired 
a few shots into the town, without doing 
any damage save producing the greatest 



6o 



ESEh' HOPK'TNS 



excitement and fear among the inhabitants. 
The town authorities wisely complied with 
his demands and furnished him forty sheep, 
and the fleet withdrew after landing a small 
force and plundering neighboring farms. 
All of the towns on the sea-coast were open 
to such attacks, and, had Wallace desired, 
he might have sailed even to Providence 
and enforced similar demands. In view of 
the unprotected situation of the colony 
Hopkins was recalled to Providence, and, 
with Joseph Brown, dispatched on a tour of 
inspection to ascertain what places should 
be fortified and in what manner. Colonel 
William West was left in command of the 
troops. The result of this committee's labor 
was a series of fortifications extending along 
the bay side at all exposed points, the mili- 
tary force of the colony was largely in- 
creased, and garrisons established composed 
of the companies in the respective towns 
where these works w^ere located.' Cannon 
were shipped to the Island, and a number of 
1 8-pound guns in the fort already con- 
structed at Providence were put on carriages 
for field artillery. 

' See my " Revolutionary Defences in Rhode Island." 



ESEK HOPKINS 5j 

The naval force of the colony was aug- 
mented and all precautionary methods of 
defence provided that were deemed neces- 
sary. Thus matters went on until Hopkins 
receiv^ed his appointment from Congress as 
Commander of the Continental Navy ; his 
services as a military commander covering a 
period of two months and eighteen days. 
During this time his services had been 
entirely administrative, the troops under his 
command had never been brought into 
action, and, so far as there is any evidence, 
not a charge of powder had been burned. 
This hardly justifies the assertion, made by a 
recent historical writer, that in the appoint- 
ment of Hopkins to the position of Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Continental fleet 
Congress erred in appointing a soldier rather 
than a sailor. Surely a service of thirty 
years and more on the sea, most of the time 
as master of a vessel, would seem to entitle 
a man to a greater proficiency as a master 
mariner than three months' service would 
entitle him to be classed as a military com- 
mander. 

Hopkins was a man of many capabili- 
ties ; as a politician he seems to have been 
wise, active and aggressive ; as a military 



^2 ESEK HOPKINS 

commander firm, careful and discreet. In 
his subsequent career, when he entered upon 
broader fields of service than those afforded 
in his own native colony, he became the 
subject of criticism and abuse, but above it 
all his noble character, high integrity, and 
pure patriotism show out distinct and clear. 



CHAPTER III 

THE ORIGIN OF A NAVY AND THE APPOINT- 
MENT OF A COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 



T 



O a maritime colony like Rhode Island, 
the importance of having a naval con- 
tingent was recognized at the beginning of 
the trouble with the mother country. As 
early as June, 1775, when the General As- 
sembly had ordered an army of fifteen hun- 
dred men raised for the defence of the 
colony, provision had also been made for 
the fitting out of two suitable vessels " to 
protect the trade" of the colony. 

The largest of these vessels was manned 
with a crew of eighty men exclusive of offi- 
cers, and equipped with ten four-pounders 
and fourteen swivel guns, and named the 
" Washino;tour The smaller vessel was 
called the '' Katy'' and manned with a crew 
of thirty men. 

Abraham Whipple, who had seen service in 
the old French War, the commander of the 
*' Gaspee " expedition, and who afterwards 



64 



ESEA' HOPKINS 



held important commissions in the Conti- 
nental Navy, was appointed commander of 
the larger vessel, and commodore of the 
little fleet which, besides these two ves- 
sels, consisted of two row galleys of fifteen 
oars to a side, mountino- each an eighteen- 
pounder in the bow and carrying a number 
of swivel guns. Each galley was fitted to 
accommodate a crew of sixty men. Hardly 
had this fleet been put in commission, in 
fact before the row galleys had been fully 
constructed, when the commodore's ship 
and a tender to the frigate ''Rose'' of Wal- 
lace's fleet, met in conflict, and in the en- 
gagement which followed, Abraham Whipple 
had the honor of discharging the first gun 
upon the ocean, at any part of his Majesty's 
Navy in the American Revolution. 

Some time previous to the fourteenth of 
June the British commander had captured 
two packets belonging to some of the inhab- 
itants of Providence ; one of these Wallace 
had fitted up as a tender, which was being 
used to intercept the coasting trade and 
annoy all craft sailing on the bay. 

This beinor brought to the attention of 
Deputy Governor Cooke, for the colony was 
without a orovernor at this time, on account 



ESEK HOPKINS 



65 



of the Wanton episode, he dispatched a 
spirited letter to Wallace on the 14th in 
which he demanded the reasons for his action 
in stopping vessels and generally annoying 
the inhabitants. He also demanded the re- 
turn of the packets thus seized. Wallace 
was always brief and to the point in his 
official correspondence, and on the fifteenth 
he sent the following answer: 

" His Majesty's Ship Rose 
Rhode Island June 15 1775, 

Sir : I have received your letter of the 
14th inst although I am unacquainted with 
you or what station you act in, suppose you 
write in behalf of some body of people ; 
therefore previous to my giving an answer 
1 must desire to know whether or not you 
or the people on whose behalf you write, 
are not in open rebellion to your lawfull 
sovereign and the acts of the British legis- 
lature 

I am sir your most humble and obedient 
servant 

Jas. Wallace 
To Nicholas Cook Esq." 

Before the ink with which this letter was 
written had fully dried, one of these very 



66 



ESEK HOPKIXS 



packets that the Deputy Governor had 
demanded restored, and which had been 
fitted as a tender, was chased ashore on 
Conanicut Island in Narragansett Bay and 
destroyed. The details of this first engage- 
ment on the sea between Great Britain 
and the colonies are obtained entirely from 
British authority, and are thus described by 
the commander of the tender, Master Sav- 
age Gardner, in his log yet preserved in the 
British archives, "About 6 o'clock as our 
tender was standing off and on between 
Gold Island and the North Point of Conan- 
icut Island they saw a sloop standing down 
the river. Our tender hove too to speak 
her. She hailed the tender and told them 
to bring too directly or he would sink them 
directly. Fired a shot which the tender 
returned and kept a smart fire on both sides 
for about half an hour when another sloop 
joining and bringing our tender between 
the fires that they had no opportunity of 
ijetting: off, tho' made two or three tacks 
right off. By accident the Swivel cartrages 
blowing up and the musquet cartridges near 
expended. Thought most prudent to run the 
Tender on shore to save the men which was 
accomplished near the N. P. of Conanicut 



ESEK HOPKINS 



67 



Island. Only a petty officer and one man 
wounded by the powder blowing up, Tho' 
constant fire on them at their landinsf. 
Night coming on they being closely pur- 
sued separated and ^got safe on board the 
ship by noon next day. 

Gunners stores lost in the sloop, viz. 
Bright musquets 11, Marines ditto 7, Cut- 
lasses with scabbords 17, Bayonettes with 
scabbords 9, Marines ditto 7, Ships pistols 
12, cartouch Boxes, with Belts and straps 
12, Swivels 4, Aprons of lead 4, Swivel 
irons and saddle one each. Pikes 8, Cases 
of wood 2, Musquet cartridge box 2, Powder- 
horns 3, priming irons 6, Powder in Swivel 
cartridges 50 Pounds cartridges, 9 Pounders 
2 do, \ Pounders 40 Round Shot, Do 40 
Grape 40, Musquetshot 15 pounds. Pistol 
Shot 9 Pound. 

Boatswains Stores viz. Rope 2 inch 30 
fem., 1 2 inch 50 fem. Blocks of 2 inch 
double 2, larger of 8 inch 3, thimbles 12, 
Marline spikes 2. i Foremast steering sail 
and a mizr. F. J. G. Sail i Hatchett, 2 
Logglines and 15 Hammocks. 

Carpenters stores viz. i driveryard, i 
fore J. Mast steering Sailyard, i Tarperline. 

Pursers stores viz. i Puncheon, i Barrel." 



58 ESEA' HOPA'INS 

This exploit of Whipple's, together with 
the knowledge that he had been instru- 
mental in the destruction of the " Gaspce'' 
greatly exasperated Wallace, and he ad- 
dressed him the following succinct and 
highly expressive letter : 

" Sir : You Abraham Whipple, on the 

loth June 1772 burned his Majestys vessel 

the Gaspcc and I will hang you at the yard 

arm. 

James Wallace." 

To which Whipple briefly replied: 

" Sir James Wallace Sir Always catch a 
man before you hang him 

Abraham Whipple." 

This little squadron was kept busily en- 
gaged in patrolling the waters of the bay, 
and at the time of the threatened attack 
on Newport was ordered to cooperate 
with the militia under Hopkins. While 
thus engaged a request was received from 
the Continental Congress to Governor 
Cooke that the Rhode Island fleet be dis- 
patched to intercept two ships, which, it was 
learned, were bound to Canada with military 
stores, but the larger ship being then on a 




ABRAHAM WHIPPLK. 

MTAIN OF THE "CUH-MBUS," FOKMERLY OF THE "kATY," AND COMMODOKE OF THE RHODE 

ISLAND NA\\'. 



From a water color in tlu- possession of the Rhode Island Historical Society. 



its \ 

resolu 

when 

to G 

tha' 

Ph 

bv 

f 



.nan, 
nental 
peace 
prin- 
^xert 
ne- 
on 

cr 



tj 

erty 
these 
mant 
O 
tio 
C. 



i; 



.id 

be 

'.', two 



tious 

^ the 

'or, 

'lie 



ESEK HOPKINS 



73 



subject might come before the Congress in 
a comprehensive manner, he offered a reso- 
lution that a committee "be appointed to 
prepare a plan and estimate of the American 
fleet." This resolution was seconded by 
the Rev. Dr. Zobly, of Georgia, who added: 
" Rhode Island has taken the lead I move 
that the delegates of Rhode Island prepare 
a plan giving us their opinion : " 

Samuel Adams suggested the difficulties 
such a committee would be under without 
knowing the wishes of Congress : "such a 
committee can't make an estimate, until 
they know how many ships are to be built," 
said he. 

The debate then became general, and is 
delicately alluded to by John Adams as 
" lightly skirmishing." Gadsden charged 
his associates with trying to throw the 
whole subject into ridicule. He believed 
that so important a suggestion should be 
seriously considered " out of respect to the 
colony of Rhode Island who desired it." 
Deane resented the attempt to make light 
of so important a subject : " let it be seriously 
debated," said he, " I don't think it romantic 
at all." 

John Adams, in his memoranda of debates 



y^ ESEK HOPKINS 

in the Continental Congress, notes that: 
" The resolution to refer the matter to a 
committee was defeated." It appears, how- 
ever, that it was subsequently so referred, 
for on the i 3th of October, Congress, taking 
into consideration the report of the com- 
mittee appointed to prepare a plan for a 
navy, after some debate, voted " that a swift 
sailing vessel to carry ten carriage guns and 
a proportionable number of swivels with 
eighty men be fitted with all possible dis- 
patch for a cruise of three months and that 
the commander be instructed to cruise east- 
ward for intercepting such transports as 
may be laden with warlike stores and other 
supplies for our enemies and for such other 
purposes as the Congress shall direct." 

A committee was appointed to prepare 
an estimate of its cost and to contract for 
the fitting out of the same ; it was also 
decided at this time that another vessel be 
fitted out for the same purpose, and that 
an estimate of the expense of this be sub- 
mitted. Mr. Deane, Mr. Langdon and Mr. 
Gadsden, were appointed on the committee. 
On the 30th of October this committee 
submitted its report, and it was resolved 
" That the second vessel ordered to be 



ESEK HOPKINS yr 

fitted out on the 13th inst be of such size 
as to carry fourteen guns and a propor- 
tionable number of swivels and men." Two 
other vessels were also ordered to be put 
into service, one to carry not exceeding 
twenty guns, and the other not exceeding 
thirty-six guns, " for the protection and 
defense of the United Colonies, as the Con- 
gress shall direct." A navy was now 
assured ; the Rhode Island plan had been 
accepted. Stephen Hopkins, Joseph Hewes, 
Richard Henry Lee and John Adams, were 
added to the committee already appointed 
to carry into effect the resolves of Congress 
with all possible speed. 

This committee, consisting of seven mem- 
bers, was known as the Naval Committee. 
This committee immediately addressed itself 
to the important duty referred to it. 

John Adams afterwards wrote : " The 
pleasantest part of the labors for the four 
years I spent in Congress, from 1774 to 
1778, was in the Committee on Naval 
Affairs. Mr. Lee and Mr. Gadsden were 
sensible men and very cheerful, but Gov- 
ernor Hopkins, of Rhode Island, above 
seventy years of age, kept us all alive. 
Upon business, his experience and judgment 



76 



ESEK HOPKINS 



were very useful. But when the business 
of the evening was over, he kept us in con- 
versation till eleven and sometimes twelve 
o'clock. His custom was to drink nothing 
all day until eight in the evening, then his 
beverage was Jamaica spirits and water. 
It gave him wit, humor, anecdotes, science 
and learning. He had read Greek, Roman 
and British history, and was familiar with 
English poetry, particularly Pope, Thompson, 
and Milton, and the flow of his soul made 
all of his reading our own, and seemed to 
bring in recollection in all of us all we had 
ever read * * * Hopkins never drank 
to excess, but all he drank was immediately 
not only converted into wit, sense, knowledge 
and good humor, but inspired us all with simi- 
lar qualities," 

Stephen Hopkins and John Adams, 
representing two important maritime col- 
onies, were the most active and influential 
members of this committee. They were 
firm friends then and they remained so 
ever afterwards. 

Christopher Gadsden, another member of 
the committee, was a friend of Esek Hop- 
kins, and was in constant correspondence 
with him. This committee at once undertook 



ESEK HOPKINS yy 

the work of procuring and fitting out the 
vessels ordered, and by the fifth of No- 
vember, 1775, had so far progressed in 
the accompHshment of the duty devolving 
upon it as to select Esek Hopkins, of 
Rhode Island, as commander of the fleet, 
and on that day he was officially notified 
of his appointment. It was undoubtedly 
the influence of Stephen Hopkins that 
brought this about, seconded by the friendly 
interest of John Adams and Christopher 
Gadsden. It is not unreasonable to believe 
that the reputation of Esek Hopkins, as a 
successful and experienced master mariner, 
was well known in Philadelphia at that 
time among shipping merchants and ship 
masters, and even with other members of 
the Naval Committee he may have had 
some acquaintance if not a closer friendship. 
A Newbern, North Carolina, newspaper cor- 
respondent, about this time, refers to Hopkins 
as " a most experienced and venerable sea- 
captain." On the day following his selec- 
tion by the committee for this important 
and honorable position, his brother sent to 
him the following letter, expressing the hope 
that he would accept the appointment. 



78 



ESEK HOPKINS 



"Philadelphia, Nov' 6, 1775. 

Dear Sir: 

You will perceive by a letter 
from the Committee, dated yesterday, that 
they have pitched upon you to take the 
Command of a Small Fleet, which they and 
I hope will be but the beginning of one 
much larger. 

I suppose you may be more Servicable 
to your Country, in this very dangerous 
Crisis of its affairs by taking upon you this 
Command than you can in any other way. 
I should therefore hope that this will be a 
sufficient Inducement for you to accept of 
this offer. Your Pay and Perquisites will 
will be such as you will have no Reason 
to complain of. Such officers and Seamen 
as you may procure to come with you, may 
be informed, that they will enter into Pay 
from their first eno-as^ino: in this service, and 
will be intituled to share as Prize one half 
of all armed Vessells, and the one third of 
all Transports that shall be taken. 

You may assure all with whom you con- 
verse that the Conq-ress increase in their 
Unanimity, and rise Stronger and Stronger 



ESEK HOPKINS 



79 



in the Spirit of opposition to the Tyran- 
nical Measures of Administration 
I am your affectionate Brother 

Step Hopkins.' 

It was while Hopkins was in command 
of the military force stationed at Newport 
that he received the notice of his appoint- 
ment to the command of the Continental 
fleet, but it was not until the latter part of 
December that he was relieved of this com- 
mand. In the meantime the situation at 
Newport remaining one of grave uncer- 
tainty, Governor Cooke applied to General 
Washington for a regiment to cooperate 
with the Rhode Island troops in the defence 
of the island. He also asked that General 
Charles Lee be sent to take command of 
the post which Hopkins was about to vacate, 
and on the twenty-first of December, General 
Lee arrived in Providence and immediately 
assumed command of the forces around 
Newport. During the time intervening- 
bet ween Hopkins' departure and the arrival 
of General Lee, Colonel William West held 
the command of the post. On the twenty- 
second day of December, the day after 

' Hopkins Mss. Rhode Island Historical Society. 



8o 



ESEK HOPKINS 



General Lee assumed the command vacated 
by General Hopkins, Congress confirmed the 
appointment of Esek Hopkins as Comman- 
der-in-Chief of the fleet to be raised, and also 
appointed the following officers for the sev- 
eral vessels : 



Dudley Saltonstall, 
Abraham Whipple, 
Nicholas Biddle, 
John Burroughs Hopkins, 
John Paul Jones, \ 
Rhodes Arnold, / 

Stansbury, 

Hoysted Hacker, 
Jonathan Pitcher, 
Benjamin Seabury, 
Joseph Olney, 
Elisha Warner, 
Thomas Weaver, 

McDougall, 

John Fanning, 
Ezekiel Burroughs, 
Daniel Vauo;han, 



Captains. 



First lieutenants. 



Second lieutenants. 



Third lieutenants. 



The rank given to Hopkins was intended 
to correspond in the navy to that held by 
General Washington in the army. The 
title bestowed upon him seems to have 



FSF.K' HOPKIXS gj 

varied : sometimes he was addressed as 
commodore, sometimes as admiral, while 
even in official communications from the 
president of Congress and the Naval Com- 
mittee he was given both these, as well as 
the full title named in the resolution of 
Congress appointing him. 

Hopkins set out for Philadelphia in the 
early part of January, in the sloop '' Katy'' 
afterwards called the " Providence'' of the 
Rhode Island navy. This vessel was com- 
manded by captain Abraham Whipple, and 
had also on board a number of seamen who 
had been enlisted in Rhode Island to serve 
in the fleet. After a voyage enlivened by 
taking a small vessel and three prisoners, the 
'' Katyi" arrived in Philadelphia, January 14. 
Her arrival was duly communicated to Gov- 
ernor Cooke by Samuel Ward, a member of 
Congress from Rhode Island, on January 16, 
who said : " Our seamen arrived here day 
before yesterday. Those concerned in the 
naval department are highly pleased with 
them. Their arrival gives fresh spirit to the 
whole fleet." 

When Hopkins arrived in Philadelphia 
he found a scene of great activity. The 
Naval Committee had promptly complied 



82 



ESEK HOPKINS 



with the directions of Congress, and the 
ships for the fleet, of which he was to take 
the command, were being assembled in the 
Delaw^are river. 

Eight vessels of varying tonnage were 
selected from the available merchantmen, 
hurriedly altered over for the accommodation 
of larger crews than they had originally 
been designed for, and pierced for heavy 
guns. The ship selected as the flag-ship 
was formerly a merchantman named the 
" Black Priuci-r She had recently arrived 
from London under the command of John 
Barry. Maclay, in his History of the Navy, 
says: "She was a small vessel, but was con- 
sidered a stout ship of her class, and was 
named the 'Alfred' after Alfred the Great 
who was commonly regarded as the founder 
of the British navy." She carried twenty- 
four guns, and Captain Dudley SaltonstalT 
was assigned to her command. The second 
was called the '"Cohtrnlnisr formerly the 



' No portrait of Captain Saltonstall can be found. His com- 
mission as captain of tiie privateer " Aliiierva." dated 21 May 
1 781, signed by Sam'l Huntington, ['resident, and John Brown. 
Secretary to the Board of Admiralty, is in the possession of Hon. 
Charles J. Hoadly, Librarian of the Connecticut State Library. 
On the back of this Commission is a description of Saltonstall, 
written and signed by Governor Jonathan Trumbull, which states 



ESEK HOPKINS 



83 



merchantman ''SallyT a thirty-six gun ship, 
twelve and nine pounders on two decks, and 
forty swivels, and carrying five hundred men, 
and was to be commanded by Captain Abra- 
ham Whipple, the captain of the "A'^'/y." which 
had brought Hopkins from Providence to 
Philadelphia. The third was a fourteen gun 
brig called the ''Andrea Doria',' after "the 
great Genoese admiral of that name," and was 
commanded by Captain Nicholas Biddle. 
The fourth was a fourteen gun brig named the 
" Cabot'' after Sebastian Cabot the discov- 
erer, and was under the command of Cap- 
tain John Burroughs Hopkins' a son of the 
Commander-in-Chief. 

The " /wz/j'," of the Rhode IsLand navy, 
upon her arrival in Philadelphia, was taken 
into the continental service and named the 
'' Providence r "She was named," says John 
Adams, " for the town where she was pur- 
chased, the residence of Governor Hopkins 
and his brother Esek, whom we appointed 



his "age 44 years, Heighth 5 ft 9 in, Sandy Colored hair, Hght 
complexion, light hazel eyes and thick set." Captain Saltonstall 
was a brother-in-law of Silas Deane, son of Gen. Gurdon Salton- 
stall and grandson of Gurdon Saltonstall, Governor of Connecticut, 
1 708-1 724. 

■■'John Burroughs Hopkins left no descendants, and no portrait 
■of him is known to exist. 



84 



ESEK HOPKINS 



the first captain." This vessel was a brig 
and carried twelve guns. The rest of the 
fleet consisted of a ten gun sloop called 
the " Hornet'' Captain William Stone, and 
the '' Wasp " and "^ Fly^ eight gun schooners. 

The " Wasp',' " Hornet " and " Fly'' were 
expected to be annoying pests to the enemy, 
and hence their names. 

On the fifth of January the Naval Com- 
mittee had formulated their directions to the 
commander of the new navy in the follow- 
ing : 
" Orders and Directions for the Commander 

in Chief of the Fleet of the United 

Colonies. 

You are to take care that proper dis- 
cipline good order and peace be preserved 
amongst all the ships, and their companies, 
under your command. 

You are to direct the several captains to 
make out and deliver monthly or oftener 
an exact return of the ofiicers Seamen and 
marines on board of each respective vessel 
noting their particular condition and cir- 
cumstance — also the quantity and quality 
of provisions and stores of every kind 
together with the state of the respective 
ships — which returns or copies of them 



ESEA' HOPKINS 



85 



vou are to transmit to Congress or a Com- 
mittee by them appointed, to receive such 
returns, as often as opportunity offers. 

You are by every means in your power 
to keep up an exact correspondence with 
the Congress or Committee of Congress 
aforesaid, and with the commander in 
chief of the Continental forces in America. 

As by your instructions you are im- 
powered to equip such Vessels as may fall 
into your power, and to appoint of^cers 
for such Vessels — as often as this shall 
happen you are by the very first oppor- 
tunity to transmit to Congress or the 
Committee aforesaid, the burthen, force and 
manner of equipment of such vessels, to- 
gether with an exact list of such officers 
as you may appoint, in order that their 
appointment may be confirmed by Congress 
or others be appointed in their stead. 

You will be particularly careful to give 
such orders and instructions, in writing, to 
the officers under your command as the 
good of the service may in every case 
require — to devise or adopt and give out to 
the Commanding officer of every ship, such 
signals, and other marks and directions as 
mav be necessarv for their direction. 



86 



ESKK J/O/'A'/.VS 



You are to take very particular care that 
all the men under your command be prop- 
erly fed and taken care of when they are 
in health, as well as when they are sick 
or wounded. You will also very carefully 
attend to all the just complaints which may 
be made by any of the people under your 
command and see that they are speedily 
and effectually redressed for on a careful 
attention to those important subjects the 
good of the service essentially depends. 

You are always to be exceedingly careful 
that your arms, as well great as small, be 
kept in the very best condition for service 
and that all your cartridges, powder shott 
and every accoutrement whatsoever belong- 
ing to them be kept in the most exact 
order: always fit for immediate service. 

You will carefully attend to such prisoners 
as may fall into your hands — see that they 
be well and humanely treated — ycui may 
also send your prisoners on shore in such 
convenient places where they may be de- 
livered to the Conventions, Committees of 
Safety or inspection in order to their being 
taken care of and properly provided for. 

You will also give proper orders and 
directions to the Captains or Commanders 



ESEK HOPKINS 



87 



of the Ships or Vessels under your com- 
mand in case they should be separated by 
stress of weather or any other accident in 
what manner and at what places they 
shall again join the Fleet. 

Step Hopkins 
Christ Gadsden 
Silas Deane 
Joseph Hewes." 

About the time that Hopkins arrived in 
Philadelphia, Gadsden, of the Naval Com- 
mittee, was suddenly called to South Caro- 
lina, which colony he then represented 
in congress, to take command of his regi- 
ment, the first regiment of foot. On the 
tenth of January he sent to Hopkins a letter, 
detailing, at some length, the situation in 
Charlestown, and advising him of the men 
there to whom he could look for advice and 
assistance. The statements in the letter 
oive unmistakable evidence that the Naval 
Committee had contemplated that the fleet 
should be used, in the proposed operations, 
against the enemy at Charlestown. This 
letter was as follows : 



gS ESEK HOPKINS 

" Philad\ io''' Janiy 1776 

D^ Sir 

Inclosed is Copy of an Order from 
the Committee to Cap'. Stone sent by 
Directions of Congress on an Application 
from Maryland w''''. it is necessary you 
shou'd have — 

I also take the Liberty to send you a 
List' of the Field Officers & Captains of 
two Regiments of Foot & three Compa- 
nies of Artillery all Provincials Station'd 
in Charles Town S". Carolina, shou'd you 
go there, upon your Arrival off the Bar 



' Among the Hopkins Papers in the Rhode Island Historical 
Society, is this list of the officers referred to, as follows : Christ 
(iadsden Colonel of the First Regiment of foot in South Carolina; 
Lieutenant Colonel, Isaac Huger; Major, Charles C. Finkney; 
Captains, William Cattel, Adam IMclJonald, Thomas Lynch Jr., 
William Scott, John Barnwell, Thomas Pinckney. Edmund Hyrne, 
Roger Saunders, Benjamin Cattel. 

SECOND KEGIMKNT. 

Colonel, William Moultrie; Lieutenant Colonel, Isaac Motte; 
Major, Alexander Mcintosh; Captains. Francis Marion, Peter 
Horry, Daniel Horry, Nicholas Eveleigh, James McDonald, 
Isaac Harleston, William Mason, Francis Huger, Charles Motte. 

OFFICKKS OF AK Til.I.F.KV. 

Lieutenant Colonel, Owen Roberts, Kscj ; Major, Hon. Barnard 
Elliott; Captains, Barnard Beekman, Charles Drayton, Syms 
White. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



89 



the Pilot will informe you what Officer is 
at Fort Johnson or any of the nearest 
Batteries to you, from whom you may 
depend on all the Assistance they can 
give, they are most of them Gentlemen of 
considerable Fortunes with us who have 
enter'd into the service merely from Prin- 
ciple & to promote & give Credit to the 
Cause, they take it by Turns to be at the 
Fort, & the Zeal &: Activity of all of them 
are such that you can't happen amiss let 
who will be there — 

In Charles Town my particular Friends 
AT. Lowndes, M'. Ferguson, Coll Powell, 
W. Benj" Elliott, Coll Pinckney, M"". Drayton, 
M"". Timothy & the Rev^ M^ Tennant a 
Countryman of yours will introduce you to 
many others, who will all be glad to have an 
Opportunity of obliging you & promoting 
the Service. 

I wrote Yesterday to M"". Ferguson one of 
the Gent" just mention'd by Way of Georgia, 
by a Gentleman I can depend on who will 
destroy my Letter should he be taken, in 
this Letter I have hinted to look out for 
you, & be ready to assist you at a moment's 
Warning — The two large ships seen off 
of Virginia the 29''' of last Month we are 



90 



ESEA' HOPKINS 



told were not bound there, however you will 
know more certainly by the Time you get 
out of the Capes I make no doubt — I hope 
you will be able to effect that Service, but 
whether you may or not, sooner or later I 
flatter myself we shall have your Assistance 
at Carolina, when you may depend on an 
easy Conquest or at least be able to know 
without Loss of Time when off our Bar the 
Strength of the Enemy, & shou'd it be too 
much for you prudently to encounter w'*' I 
hardly think probable if soon attempted \v''\ 
the assistance to be depended on from us 
you may in such Cases retreat with great 
Ease, Safety & Expedition — 

Wishing you every Success you can pos- 
sibly wish yourself — 

I am D'. Sir y'. most hble Serv'. 

Christ Gadsden 

P. S. Pray make my Compliments to 
Cap' Salterstall & the rest of your Captains, 
& I shall be obliged to you if you go to 
Carolina to introduce them to any or all the 
Gentlemen I have mention'd who I am sure 
will be glad to show them every Civility in 
their Power — I hope Cap', Whipple is 
better — 



ESEK 110 1' KINS QI 

One of the Maryland Gent". M^ Alexan- 
der a Delegate of that Colony tells me there 
is a very good Ship of about 20 guns there 
easily fitted out \v'^ he is in hopes will join 
you with the 'Hornet' & ' Wasp\ & that 
he shou'd press it to be done this I mention 
by the by, — 
To Esek Hopkins Esq. Commander in Chief 

of the Fleet of the United Colonies."' 

The letter to Capt. Stone of the ''Hornet',' 
alluded to in the correspondence, directed 
him to cooperate with Hopkins, and, for its 
importance in connection with the events 
which subsequently occured, is here pre- 
sented : 

"Philadelphia 10"' January 1776 
Sir : 

We are ordered by Congress to sig- 
nify to you that you are with the ' Hornet ' 
& ' Wasp ' under your Command to take 
under your convoy such Vessels as are ready 
for the sea as shall be committed to your 
Care by the Com of Safety at Maryland & 
see them safe through the Capes of Virginia 
and without a moments loss of time after 

' Hopkins Papers, Vol. II, p. 3. 



Q2 ESEK HOPKINS 

this service is done you are to go to the 
Capes of Delaware & proceed upwards till 
you join the fleet, or in case of its having 
sailed receive such orders as may be left for 
you by Esek Hopkins Esq Commander in 
Chief of the Fleet of the United Colonies 
W^h orders you are to Obey 

Stephen Hopkins 
Christ Gadsden 
Silas Deane 
Joseph Hewes 
To William Stone Esq Commander of the 

Sloop ' Hoinict' In the service of the 

United Colonies." ' 

The day after Hopkins' arrival, Gadsden 
addressed to him another letter ; he was 
about to depart from Philadelphia on a 
pilot boat in response to his orders to join 
his regiment. This letter gives additional 
information as to the expected operations 
of the fleet. It was as follows: 

"Philadelphia 15 Jany 1776 
Sir 

I last night received my orders to go 

to Carolina & expect to set out on Thursday 

' llopkiiis Papers, \o\. II, p. 33. 



ESEK HOPKINS gr 

seconded by the officers and men under 
your command our unnatural enemies may 
meet with all possible distress on the sea. 
For that purpose you are instructed with 
the utmost diligence to proceed with the 
said fleet to sea and if the winds and 
weather will possibly admit of it to pro- 
ceed directly for Chesapeak Bay in Vir- 
ginia and when nearly arrived there you 
will send forw^ard a small swift sailing^ 
vessel to Q-ain intellio-ence of the enemies 
situation and strength. If by such intelli- 
gence you find that the}^ are not greatly 
superior to your own you are immediately 
to enter the said bay search out and attack, 
take or destroy all the naval force of our 
enemies that you may find there. If you 
should be so fortunate as to execute this 
business successfully in Virginia you are 
then to proceed immediately to the south- 
ward and make yourself master of such 
forces as the enemy may have both in 
North and South Carolina in such manner 
as you may think most prudent from the 
intelligence you shall receive ; either by 
dividing your fleet or keeping it together. 
Having com.pleated your business in the 
Carolinas you are without delay to proceed 



96 



ESEA' //OPA'/.VS 



nortliward directly to Rhode Island, and attack, 
take and destroy all the enemies naval force 
that you may find there. You are also to seize 
and make prize of all such transport ships 
and other vessels as mav be found carrvino: 
supplies of any kind to or any way aiding or 
assisting our enemies. You will dispose of all 
the men you make prisoners in such manner 
as you may judge most safe for North 
America and least retard the service you 
are upon. If you should take any ships or 
other vessels that are fit to be armed and man- 
ned for the service of the United Colonies, 
you will make use of every method for pro- 
curing them to be thus equipped. You will 
also appoint proper officers for carrying this 
matter into execution, and to command said 
ships as soon as they can be made ready for 
the sea. For this purpose you will apply to 
the several assemblies, Conventions and 
Committees of safety and desire them in 
the name of the Congress to aid and assist 
3^ou by every way and means in their power 
for the execution of this wdiole service. 

Notwithstanding these particular orders, 
which it is hoped you will be able to 
execute, if bad winds or stormy weather, 
or any other unforseen accident or disaster 



ESEK HOPKINS 



97 



disable you so to do, 30U are then to follow 
such courses as your best judg-ment shall 
suggest to you as most useful to the Ameri- 
can cause and to distress the enemy by all 
means in your power. January 5, 1776. 
Stephen Hopkins 
Christopher Gadsden 
Silas Deane 
Joseph Hewes ' " 

There was another project, however, not 
mentioned in the orders, that had been 
discussed both by Congress and the Naval 
Committee, which was of greater importance 
to the colonies at this time than the opera- 
tions around Charlestown and other points 
on the southern seaboard, and will find its 
place in the events that subsequently took 
place. 

It was the intention of the Naval Com- 
mittee to have the fleet sail early in January, 
but a severe spell of cold weather set in, 
the Delaware was frozen over, and obstructed 
the passage of the ships down the river. It 
was about this time that the first flag ever 
hoisted on an American war vessel was flung 



1 Erom the original on file in the State Department, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 

7 



98 



ESEK HOPKINS 



to the breeze, and occurred wlien Esek Hop- 
kins, the commander of the squadron, was 
received on board the ''Alfred^' his tiag-sliip. 

Ever since Hopkins' arrival in Philadel- 
phia he had been busily at work with the 
Naval Committee, arranging the details for 
the conduct of the expedition. At last the 
day came when all these arrangements were 
completed, and Hopkins was ready to take 
command of the little squadron of the United 
colonies. 

Lying at anchor, amid the floating ice, lay 
the eight vessels of the new navy, their forms 
distinctly outlined against the winter sky. 

The morning was clear and cold. Shortly 
before nine o'clock a barge put off from the 
''Alfred'''' and was rowed to the slip at the 
foot of Walnut street, where, without an}^ 
delay, Hopkins stepped aboard and the barge 
returned through the floating ice to the flag- 
ship. Crowds of people lined the wharves 
and shore lands, while the shipping in the 
harbor was appropriately decorated as befit 
the occasion. 

As Hopkins gained the deck Captain 
Dudley Saltonstall gave a signal, and First 
IJeutenant fohn Paul Jones hoisted a yel- 
low silk flag bearing " a lively repre-^entation 



ESEK HOPKINS 



99 



of a rattlesnake " and the motto " Don't tread 
on me." 

As this standard fluttered in the cold crisp 
air the crowds along the water front burst 
into cheers, and the guns on the shipping 
and the artillery ashore pealed out its salute 
to the flag. 

With this simple ceremony the navy of 
the colonies went into commission, but it 
was a ceremony of deeper significance to 
Hopkins, for with this act he had the honor 
of beins the first who dared to unfurl the 
American flag in defiance of a powerful foe. 

This was an event, too, of such importance 
that Gadsden, on the eighth day of Febru- 
ary, presented to Congress, as a memorial of 
the occasion, "an elegant standard such as 
is to be used by the commander in chief of 
the American Navy, being a yellow flag 
with a lively representation of a rattlesnake 
in the middle in the attitude of going to 
strike and these words underneath ' Don't 
tread on me.'" It is unfortunate that the 
first flag of the navy should not have been 
preserved ; it hung for some time near the 
president's chair in the congress room, but 
it subsequently disappeared without leaving 
any trace behind. 



lOO 



ESEK HOPKINS 



The cold weather continued and the ice 
held the ships from sailing. Late in the 
month, on the 27th, Hopkins wrote to the 
Naval Committee : 

" Gentlemen 

The River holds still froze so much 
that the Pilots will not undertake to carry 
us from here But perhaps we may sail 
before the thing's can come for the small 
sloop by Water think it will be best to send 
some of the most necessary things by land 
such as some of the swivel guns Some mus- 
ket ball some old Canvas & six 20 feet oars." 

On the tenth of February, 1776, the 
squadron was ready to sail, and had rendez- 
voused at Cape Henlopen. All of the oiB- 
cers and men had not arrived on board the 
ships, and Hopkins sent from his fiag-ship 
an imperative letter for them to " make 
what dispatch you can as the fleet will sail 
the first wind." 

Hopkins now promulgated an elaborate 
code of signals, and issued the following 
orders to the captains of the vessels in his 
fleet: 

" Orders given the several Captains in 
the fieet at Sailing from the Capes of Dela- 
ware Feby 1 776. 



ESEK HOPKINS jqj 

Sir 

You are hereby ordered to keep 
Company with me if possible, and truly 
observe the Signals given by the Ship I am 
in — but in case you should be Separated in 
a gale of wind or otherwise, you then are to 
use all possible means to join the Fleet as 
soon as possible, but if you cannot in four 
days after you leave the Fleet, you are to 
make the best of your way to the Southern 
part of Abacco (one of the Bahama Islands) 
and there wait for the Fleet fourteen days — 
but if the fleet does not join you in that 
time, you are to cruise in such places as you 
think will most annoy the Enemy and you 
are to send into Port for Tryal, all British 
Vessels or property or other vessels with 
any supplies for the Ministerial Forces, who 
you may make yourself Master of to such 
places as you may think best within the 
United Colonies. 

In case you are in very great danger of 
being taken you are to destroy these orders 
and your signals 

EsEK Hopkins 

Comnir in C/iief'^ 

' Letters and orders of the Commander in chief, in Rhode 
Island Historical Society, page 5. 



I02 



ESEK HOPKINS 



A few days later, liowever, the ships were 
manned and ready to sail, and on the seven- 
teenth, the wind being favorable, the squad- 
ron got under weigh and sailed out on ta 
the broad Atlantic, and before nightfall had 
disappeared below the horizon. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE FIRST CRUISE OF THE AMERICAN FLEET. 



W 



HILE it was the intention of the Naval 
Committee that the fleet should cruise 
to the southward and operate against the 
British ships stationed along the coast as 
far down as Georgia, there was another 
project in view which had been discussed 
by the committee as w-ell as by Congress 
itself. It w^as a matter of so much im- 
portance that it had not been discussed 
outside of the secret sessions of Congress, 
and, in the Naval Committee, only behind 
closed doors. So well had the secret been 
kept that it is doubtful if it were known 
to any one in the fleet but Hopkins, and 
even to this day it has never been consid- 
ered in any account of Hopkins' first cruise 
with his squadron. In the early days of 
the American Revolution the scarcity of 
powder was one of the most alarming 
conditions with which the authorities had to 
deal. The supply from England had been 



J0 1 ESEK HOPKINS 

entirely cut off, and British cruisers swept the 
sea, interfering with its importation. Up to 
this period in the history of the colonies pow- 
der mills had not become numerous, and those 
already erected certainly were not of a capacity 
to turn out a quantity and quality suf^cient 
to meet the demands of actual warfare. 
At the very time preparations were being 
made to equip the fleet and put it in com- 
mission, Washington wrote, " Our want of 
powder is inconceivable, a daily waste and 
no supply presents a gloomy prospect." 
Already this want had been discussed by 
Congress and a plan for supplying it formu- 
lated. Nearly a month before, on November 
29, information was laid before a secret ses- 
sion of Cono;ress held that dav, that there 
was "a large quantity of powder in the 
island of Providence," and it was forthwith 
" ordered that the foregoing committee ' 
take measures for securino^ and brini^^inor 
away the said powder: and that it be an 
instruction to the said committee, in case 
they can secure said powder to have it 
brought into the port of Philadelphia or to 
some other port as near Philadelphia as can 



' Naval Committee. 




From ilie original in " Gerschichte der Kriege,'" J'jS. 
Portrait Plate 2. 



ESEK HOPKINS jqc 

be with safety." ' In the orders given Hop- 
kins before sailing this object is not men- 
tioned, but that it was part of his plan of 
action is evident from the orders which 
Hopkins issued to his captains upon sailing 
from the Capes, wherein he directs them " to 
make the best of your way to the southern 
part of Abacco fone of the Bahama Islands) 
and there wait for the fleet fourteen days." 
It would seem, therefore, from this, that two 
objects were in view when the fleet sailed ; 
first, to harrass the British ships along the 
coasts of the southern and New England 
colonies, and second, to proceed to the 
island of New Providence and secure the 
powder and such other stores as were con- 
tained in the forts located there. With 
these directions Hopkins sailed. 

At the very outset of the cruise the de- 
pressing influence of sickness was felt 
throughout the fleet, " we had many sick 
and four of the vessels had a laro-e number 
sick with the small pox," wrote Hopkins, 
some wrecks later. Soon after starting the 
wind came on " to blow hard " from the 
north east. The prospects of weathering 

' Secret Journals of Congress. 



io6 



ESEA' HOPKINS 



the capes in mid winter were no more 
promising a hundred years ago than they 
are to-day. Hatteras had its dangers then 
as now. Notwithstandino- the heavy u:ales 
the fleet kept well together until the second 
day out, when the " Hoinict " and " Fly " ' 



' " A list of Seamen and Landsmen that came out of the Capes 
of Delaware in the ' Flv.' 



Hoysted Hacker 
John Fanning 
Robert Robinson 
William W'eaver 
John Downey 
Thomas Bayes 
Joseph John ways 
Joseph Shereman 
John Young; . 
William Pierce 
John Yorke 
Joseph Breed 
Christopher Cranda 
John Cooke 
Daniel Scranton 
John Clarke 
Quaco Chadwick 
Weden Carpenter 
Stephen Fowler 
Parker Hall . 
Samuel Tyler . 
Peleg Johnson 
Reuben Daye 
Machesan Chase 
Wm McWhoton 
Lawrence Ash 
John Chadwick 



Capt 

Lieut 

Master 

Steward and Cooper 

Boatswain 

Seaman 

Landsman 

Midshipman 

Seaman 

Landsman 



Cooper 
Seaman 
Landsman 



Seaman 

Landsman 

Landsman 

Seaman 
Bov 



ESEK HOPKINS 



107 



disappeared from sight and the former did 
not again join the squadron. 

When the condition of the fleet was 
brought to Hopkins' attention, he decided 
to make his course for the Bahamas into 



I no Lon Hacker 
Lavin Dashield 
Philip Jestes 



Boy 

Mate 

Seaman 



PRISONERS 

James Huts Wm Boann 

James Towel Frank Carey 

Michael Trony Dragon & Surinam Wanton negroes" 

(From the original among the Hopkins Papers.) 
The following list of officers on board the Fleet is found among 
the Hopkins Papers in the Rhode Island Historical Society, and, 
while it has no date, it doubtless gives the personnel of the ships at 
the time the fleet sailed. 

" OFFICERS ON BOARD THE FLEET. 



Officers on 


Boar 


{ the 


^Alf 


red ' 


Benj Seabury Lieutenant 


Jonathan Pitcher 








do 


Jonathan Maltbie 








do 


John Earle 








Master 


Thomas Vaughan 








1st Mate 


Philip Alexander 








3d Mate 


Walter Spooner 








Midshipman 


Robert Saunders 








' * 


Charles Buckley 










Rufus Jenckes 










George House 










Esek Hopkins Jr 










Francis Varrel 








Boatswain 


Joseph Harrison 








Surgeon 


James Thomas 








Gunner 



io8 



ESEK HOPKIXS 



warmer latitudes ; besides this he had 
learned, previous to sailing, that on ac- 
count of the severity of the weather the 
enemy's ships had all sought refuge in the 
harbors alono- the seaboard, and that he must 



Officers 


on Board the 'A. Dor 


a ' 


James Josiah . 




1st Lieutenant 


Elijah Warner 




2d ditto 


John McDougall 




3 ditto 


Benjamin Dunn 




Master 


William IMoran 




1st Mate 


John Dent 




2d ditto 


John Margeson 




3d ditto 


William Reynolds . 




Midshipman 


William Lamb 






Dennis Leary 




" 


Evan Bevan 




" 


Alex McKenzie 




" 


Wm Darby . 




'• 


Offica 


■s on Board the ' Cabot 




Elisha Hinman 




1st Lieut 


'I"homas Weaver 




2d Lieut 


John Welch 




Capt Marines 


John Ken- 




Lieut 


John Sword 




Midshipman 


Ephraim Goldsmith 






Abel Frisbie . 




" 


Peter Richards 




" 


David Roberts 




Gunner 


Rich'd Potter . 




Boatswain 


Richard Kordham 


'Providence ' 


Carpenter 


William (Irinnell 




Lieutenant 


John Rathbun 




ditto 



ESEK HOPKINS 



109 



be the aggressor and approach a dangerous 
coast with Httle prospect of gaining any ad- 
vantage. Much had been left to his discre- 
tion by his orders, and unforeseen accidents 
and disasters liad disabled him from the out- 
set ; he therefore signaled the ships, the 
course was laid for the island of Abacco, and 
the lookout off Charlestown bar watched in 
vain for the "striped flagg half up the flying 
stay." The island of Abacco is the northerly 
of the Bahama group, and lies about thirteen 
leao^ues to the northward of the island of 



Wm Hopkins . 




Master 


Sam. Brownel 




actg ditto 


John Margeson 




1st Mate 


Joseph Brown 




2d ditto 


John McNeal . 




3d " 


Joseph Hardy 


'Columbus ' 


Midshipman 


Joseph Ohiey . 




2d Lieut 


Ezekiel Burroughs 




3d •• 


Joshua Fanning 




Master 


Daniel Beears 




Midshipman 


Rogers 


__ „ r : 


Mate " 



In addition to the names of men serving on board the '^ Alfred" 
Nathaniel Cooke, of Cumberland, R. I., and John Fiske, of 
Northborough, Mass., enlisted as marines, in October, 1776. 

Nathaniel Cooke was born in the town of Cumberland, April 15, 
1748. In June, 1776, he was drafted, and served one month as a 
private in a company of minute men commanded by Col. George 
Peck, and later in the year served a further term of one month 
In October he enlisted on board the ''Alfred " John I'aul Jones 



I lO 



ESEK HOPKINS 



New Providence, the objective point of the 
expedition. For many years this island had 
been a favorite point of attack. Seventy 
years and more before, it had been attacked 
by the French and Spaniards, the fort blown 
up, the church and other buildings burnt, 
and the governor and many of the princi- 
pal inhabitants carried away into captivity ; 
this was in July, 1703. Not satisfied wtih 
this, however, the attacking party returned 
again in October and completed the de- 
struction of the place. So completely was 
the island devastated that it is said "when 
the last of the governors appointed by the 



Commander, then lying at Holmes Hole, Buzzards Bay. Almost 
immediately afterwards the vessel put to sea, cruising to the east- 
ward. During this cruise she took seven prizes, one of which was 
the British ship '"Mellish" bound for Quebec, one of the richest 
captures of the war ; for she had on board eleven thousand stand 
of arms and the same number of suits of clothing destined for the 
British army, and several brass field pieces. Cooke served on the 
'"Alfred" for a period of nine months, and in October, 1777. 
returned to his old company commanded by Col. Cieorge I'eck. 
He took part in Spencer's expedition to the island of Rhode 
Island, and in August, 177S, participated in Sullivan"s expedition 
and the battle of Rhode Island. 

He served in various parts of Rhode Island with the militia while 
the British was in possession of Newport and was honorably dis- 
charged at the end of hostilities. He died in the town of his 
birth, September 27, 1S46. Kor this account of his service and 
for the order for prize money I am indebted to Frank A. William- 
son, Esq., the great great grandson of Nathaniel Cooke. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



I I I 



lords proprietors, in ignorance of the Span- 
ish raid, arrived in New Prov- 
idence, he found the island 
without an inhabitant." An 
excellent harbor, with deep 
channels sufificient for vessels 
drawing twelve feet of water, 
made it a safe refuse in a 
localit)^ full of coral reefs and 
numerous islands. Deserted 
and abandoned as a well reg- 
ulated community, it soon 
became the resort of pirates, 
and was a common rendez- 
vous for these buccaneers 
and ocean highwaymen, " the 
notorious Blackbeard being 
chief among the number." 

The depredations of these 
villainous crews were reported 
time after time to the mer- 
chants of London and Bris- 
tol, till at last, driven desper- 
ate by their losses, they united in a petition 
to the crown to again take possession of 
the island and restore order. In compliance 
with this petition, Captain Woodes Rogers 
was deputized as the first crown governor. 



ESEK Hcil'KINi 
SPY GLASS. 



I 12 



ESEA' //OPA'/NS 



and sailed for the island where he arrived 
during the year 1718. Captain Rogers was 
a man well fitted for the position ; while he 
cannot be classed as a pirate himself, he had 
sailed for years as master of various priva- 
teers, and during the reign of Queen Anne 
his exploits are calculated to suggest piracy 
more than anything else. He was a man of 
great force, and accustomed to rule with des- 
potic sway. During one of his cruises he 
rescued Alexander Selkirk, a Scotchman, 
whom he found on the island of Juan Fer- 
nandez, where he had lived alone for four 
years and four months. Captain Rogers 
speedily brought about a better condition 
of affairs. Many good families settled on 
the island, and it entered upon an era of pros- 
perity. Nassau was the government seat, sit- 
uated on the northern coast along the slope 
of a gentle hill facing a land locked harbor, 
and was protected by two forts, Fort Nassau 
at the west, and Fort Montague at the east. 
A dangerous bar lay off the entrance to the 
harbor from the sea, while the two approaches 
by the inside courses from the eastward and 
the westward were amph' protected by these 
forts. 

Hopkins was thoroughly familiar with the 



ESEK HOPKINS j j -> 

neighborhood. Nearly twenty years before 
he had been reported at New Providence 
cleaning his vessel, and, undoubtedly, he had 
sailed in and out between the islands time 
and time again. 

The fleet arrived at Abacco on the first of 
March, and on Saturday evening the second 
day of March, two hundred marines, under 
the command of Captain Sam.uel Nicholas, 
and fifty sailors, under the command of Lieu- 
tenant Thomas Weaver, of the ''Cabot''' who 
was well acquainted with the island, were 
embarked on some small vessels that had 
been captured. The men on board were or- 
dered to keep below deck until the boats got 
in close to the island, it being Hopkins' in- 
tention that they should land instantly and 
take possession by an assault from the rear, 
before the inhabitants could be alarmed. 
This, however, was rendered abortive, as the 
forts fired an alarm on the approach of the 
fleet. The boats then ran in and anchored 
at a small key three leagues to windward of 
the town of Nassau, and from thence Hop- 
kins dispatched the marines, with the sloop 
" Providence " and the schooner " Wasp " to 
cover their landing. 

On Sunday morning, March 3, 1776, the 



jj. ESEK HOPKINS 

whole force landed at the east end of the 
island and moved upon the smaller fort, Fort 
Montague, situated halfway between the place 
of landing and the town of Nassau. Only 
a slight resistance was made by the force 
within the fort, five guns being fired at the 
attacking party, but without doing any dam- 
age. The oarrison then withdrew to the 
larger fort, and the marines and sailors took 
possession of the abandoned work, where 
they remained and rested that night. That 
evening Hopkins received word that about 
two hundred men from the inhabitants of 
the town formed the only defence of the other 
fort, Fort Nassau. Desiring to accomplish 
his object without bloodshed or loss of life, 
Hopkins issued the following manifesto: 

" To the Gentlemen Freeman and Inhabi- 
tants of the Island of New Providence 

The Reasons of my landing an armed 
force on the Island is in Order to take pos- 
session of the Powder and Warlike stores 
belonging to the Crown and if I am not op- 
posed in putting my design in Execution the 
Persons and Property of the Inhabitants 
shall be safe, Neither shall they be suffered 
to be hurt in Case they make no resistance 



ESEK HOPKINS i j c 

Given under my hand on board the Ship 
■'Alfred' March 3rd 1776 

EsEK Hopkins 

Cr ill Chief ' 

The next morning the troops marched 
upon Fort Nassau, but this pacific measure 
had the desired effect, for a messenger ap- 
peared from the governor and told Captain 
Nicholas that "the western garrison (Fort 
Nassau) was ready for his reception and that 
he might march his force in as soon as he 
pleased." The inhabitants quietly withdrew 
from the fort, leaving the governor, Mont- 
ford Brown, as its only occupant. Hopkins 
then dispatched Captain Nicholas to the 
governor with an order demanding the keys 
to the fortress, which order was complied 
with, and the troops at once took possession 
of the work and all of its stores.' 



' Letters and orders of the Commander-in-Chief. 

•^ " Inventory of Stores ^'c taken at New Providence at Fort 
Nassau 

March 3 1776 

71 Cannon from 9 to 32 Pounders 
15 Mortars (Brass) from 4 to 11 inches 
5337 Shells 



J J 5 ESEA' /JOPKIXS 

A rich store of munition of war rewarded 
the expedition. So great indeed that it was 
found impossible to convey it all in the ves- 
sels of the fleet, and Hopkins impressed a 
large sloop called the " Endeavor,'' which he 



9837 round shot & 165 chain & dble Hd do 
140 hand grenades 
816 Fuzees or false fires 
99 Spunges Rammers & worms 
46 Copper ladles 
407 Copper Hoops & 5 Copper Powder Measures 
220 Iron Trucks for carriages 
3 Bells 
24 Casks Powder 

A quantity of match rope 

2 dble blocks with brass sheaves 
I scale beam 

1 Hammer 

3 Tanned Hides 

2 boxes tallow candles 

4 Bbls flower 4 do bread 4 do Beef 
Part of a cask of Spiritt 

I Sun diall & i English flagg 

Stores taken at Fort I\/oiitai^tit- 

March 3, 1776 
17 Cannon from 9 to 36 pounders 
1240 Round shott 
121 Shells 

81 Iron Trucks for Carriages 
22 Copper Hoops 
2 Copper Powder Measures 
I Worm I Ladle 
Some old Iron Copper & Lead not weighed." 

From the original among the Hopkins Papers in the Rhode 
Island Historical Society. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



117 



found in the harbor, for the purpose, promis- 
ing the owners to send it back and pay for 
its use, which was subsequently done. Two 
weeks were occupied in transferring the cap- 
tured property to the vessels, and it was not 
until the seventeenth that the fleet got un- 
der way for the homeward voyage. In the 
meantime, the ''Fly',' which had disappeared 
the second day out, made her appearance, and 
her commander reported that she had -'got 
foul of the ' Hornet ' and carried away the 
boom and head of her mast." In her dis- 
abled condition the " Horner made her way 
to South Carolina, wdiere she safely arrived. 
When the fleet sailed Hopkins took away as 
prisoners of war, the governor of the island, 
Montford Brown, the lieutenant-governor, 
and Mr. Thomas Arvvin, " Counsellor and 
Collector of his Majesty's Quit Rents in 
South Carolina," and " Inspector General of 
his Majesty's Customs for North America." 
Although this expedition had been so suc- 
cessful, yet its one great object had, in a 
measure, failed, for the governor, aroused in 
his suspicions at the sight of so many for- 
midable vessels approaching the island had, 
on the night before the troops landed, loaded 
one hundred and fifty casks of powder into 



I J g ESEK II or KINS 

a small sloop and sent her away, thus secur- 
ing it against capture. Taken as a whole, 
however, the descent on New Providence 
was a well planned and a successful ex- 
ploit. 

Hopkins sailed from the Bahamas on the 
seventeenth' of March, and the whole fleet 
kept in company with the exception of the 
" Waspr which soon after getting- to sea 
parted from the other vessels. 

As the fleet started upon its homeward 
course Hopkins issued the following order 
to his captains : 

" Orders given the several captains on Sail- 
ing from New Providence March i8 1776 

Sir: You are to keep company with the 
ship I am in if possible — but should you sep- 
arate by accident you are then to make the 
best of your way to Block Island Channel 
and there to cruise in 30 fathom water south 
from Block Island six days in order to join 
the fleet. If they do not join you in that 
time you may cruise in such places as you 
think will most annoy the Enemy, or go in 
Port as you think fit. and acquaint me by 

' Letter of John Paul Jones to Joseph Ilewes. Hopkins Papers, 
vol. 4, note 10. 



ESEK HOPKINS jig 



the first Opportunity so that you may re- 
ceive further orders 

Ship 'Alfred' March i8 1776 " ' 
Lieutenant Ehsha Hinman, of the " Cabot',' 
was put in command of the sloop " En- 
deavor'' which Hopkins had pressed into 
service to assist in the removal of the stores 
from the forts, and he was ordered to keep 
company with the fleet; in the event of his 
parting company, however, he was directed 
to use his "best endeavors to get into Provi- 
dence" (R. I.) "if you cant get in there," 
continued the order, " you are to go in the 
East side of Rhode Island, Howlands Ferry 
under the Fort, or into New London and 
whenever you get into port you are to Land 
your guns and stores and send to Governor 
Nicholas Cooke at Providence, or Governor 
Trumbull for further orders 'till you hear from 
me." The material secured was of inestima- 
ble value to the colonies and came at a time 
when all such munitions were sorely needed. 
But the stores secured at Nassau were not 
the only fruits of this cruise. Nothing oc- 
curred to enliven the voyage homeward until 



'••Orders and Letters of the Commander-in-Chief" in Rhode 
Island Historical Society. 



I 20 ESEK HOPKINS 

the fourth of April, when the squadron, then 
being near the east end of I-ong Island, 
overhauled the schooner ''Hawk,'' of the 
British fleet, commanded by Lieutenant Wal- 
lace, a son of James Wallace, commanding 
the fleet at Newport, with whom Hopkins 
had already had some experience. This 
vessel carried six carriage guns and eight 
swivels, and fell an easy prey to her more for- 
midable adversary. The next day " a Bomb 
brig the 'Bolton' of eight guns and two 
howitzers ten swivels and forty eight men 
well found with all sorts of stores, arms, pow- 
der etc." was captured, all of which highly 
elated the commander and all the officers and 
men in the fleet. All this had been accom- 
plished without the loss of a single man in 
action. The next morning, the sixth of 
April, about one o'clock, the fleet fell in with 
His Majesty's ship, the "Giasoozv'' a heavily 
armed vessel of twenty guns, with a comple- 
ment of one hundred and fifty men. A ten- 
der also accompanied her. By half past two, 
the "Cadof'' Captain John B. Hopkins, had 
come so near that he hailed her, and upon 
ascertaining who she was immediately fired 
a broadside ; and now, in the gloom of early 
morning, a desperate encounter took place. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



I 21 



The heavy guns of the ''Glasgozu'' played 
upon the ''Cabot'" with such effect that she 
was so damaged in her hull and rigging as 
to be obliged to retire for a time from action; 
besides, her commander and seven men had 
been severely wounded, and four of her crew 
killed outright.' 

Hopkins' own ship, the ''Alfred" now came 
into action, and for three hours the fight 
was most severe. While the "Alfred'' was 
hotly engaged, the "Coliunbus',' Captain 
Abraham Whipple, ran under the stern of 
the "Glasgow " and raked her as she passed; 



' A list of the Kill'd & Wounded on board the Brigantine 

'"Cabot " Vizt 

April G, 177G 

KII.L'I) 

No I James Hoard Wilson Lieutenant of Marines 

" 2 Charles Sinclair Seymour Master 

" 3 Patrick Kaine > 

^ ,, J r Marines 

4 George Kennedy S 

WOUNDED 

No I John B. Hopkins Esq Capt 

" 2 David Evans Landsman 

" 3 George Britt Seaman 

" 4 James Trowden '; 

■' 5 Thomas Doyle ( 

.> £ /-u • .■ r- r Marines 

6 Christian Gosner I 

'■ 7 John Curtis j 

From the original among the Hopkins Papers in the Rhode Island 
Historical Society. 



122 ESEK HOPKINS 

the ''Andrea Doria'" sailed into position on 
the larboard quarter of the "'Glasgoi^^'' while 
the ''Providence'' Captain Hazard, changing 
her course occasionally, sent shot after shot 
against the British ship. Thus the ships 
fought until day began to break, when 
" Captain Tyringham Howe, of the 'Glas- 
gow^ perceiving the force of the American 
fieet, seemingly increased by a large ship 
and a snow, which kept to windward as 
soon as the action began, and discerning 
none of Capt. Wallace's fleet to afford him 
the prospect of support, very prudently made 
all the sail he could crowd and stood in for 
Newport." " The bravery of Capt Howe's 
behavior," naturally says Gordon, an emi- 
nent English historian, "is to be commended. 
That he should have escaped from a force so 
much superior when united, does not give 
satisfaction to the Americans and is imputed 
to some failure in conduct or couraoe on the 
side of their commanders." The losses on the 
American ships were not great, however, the 
" CaboT' sustaining the heaviest loss, while 
one man on the '' Coliinibits^' lost an arm. 

Lieutenant John Paul Jones thus de- 
scribes the action in his entry for the day 
on the log book of the flag-ship : 



ESEK HOPKINS j 2 3 

" At 2 A. M. cleared ship for action. . . 
At third glass the enemy bore away, and by 
crowding all sail, at length got considerable 
way ahead, made signals for the rest of the 
English fleet, at Rhode-Island, to come to 
her assistance, and steered directly for the 
harbour. The Commodore then thought it 
imprudent to risk the prizes, &c., by pursuing 
farther; therefore, to prevent our being de- 
coyed into their hands, at half-past six made 
the signal to leave off the chase, and haul by 
the wind to join our prizes. The 'Cabot'' 
was disabled at the second broadside, the 
Captain being dangerously wounded, the 
Master and several men killed. The enemy's 
whole fire was then directed at us and an 
unlucky shot having carried away our wheel 
block and ropes, the ship broached to, and 
gave the enemy an opportunity to rake us 
with several broadsides, before we were 
again in condition to steer the ship and 
return the fire. In the action we received 
several shot under water, which made the 
ship very leaky; we had, besides, the main- 
mast shot through, and the upper works and 
rigging very considerably damaged; yet it is 
surprising that we lost only the Second 
Lieutenant of Marines and four men — we 



J 24 ESEK HOPKINS 

had no more than three men dangerously, 
and four sh'ghtly, wounded." Hopkins, in 
his report of the action to the president of 
Congress, says: "We received considerable 
damage in our ship but the greatest was in 
having our wheel rope and blocks shot away 
which o;ave the 'Glasoow' time to make sail. 
I did not think proper to follow as it would 
have brought on an action with the whole of 
their fleet and as I had upwards of thirty of 
our best seamen on board the prizes and 
some that were on board had got too much 
liquor out of the prizes, to be fit for duty, 
thought it most prudent to give over chase 
and secure our prizes and got nothing but 
the '6^ /rt'5^6'«'V tender. * * * Among the 
dead are Mr. Sinclair Seymour Master of 
the 'Cabot'' a good officer. Lieutenant Wilson 
of the "Cabot' and Lieutenant Fitzpatrick of 
the 'Alfred' The officers all behaved well 
on board the 'Alfred^ but too much praise 
cannot be given to the officers of the 'Cabot' 
who gave and sustained the w'hole fire for 
some considerable time within pistol shot." 

The use of liquor on ship board always 
annoyed Hopkins. The rules of the service 
permitted it to be served as a ration, and 
Hopkins was therefore powerless to interrupt 



ESEK HOPKINS J ^ r 

its use as such. Years before this, while 
in the merchant service, he had reahzed 
its demorahzing effect on his men, and 
while it was the universal custom to serve 
" grog " on ship board at eleven o'clock 
in the forenoon and at four o'clock in the 
afternoon, the rules of the sea forced him 
also to comply with the custom, yet it is 
said during:; his lono- life at sea and ashore 
"he totally abstained from the use of intoxi- 
cating liquor as a beverage." 

Hopkins arrived in New London harbor on 
the eighth of April, bringing in his entire fleet, 
with the exception of the prize '"HaivkT He 
at once prepared a full report of his cruise to 
Congress and dispatched it by John Avery, 
Jr., special express. On April i6 this report 
was laid before Congress, where it occasioned 
a feeling of joyous satisfaction. 

The secretary of Congress was directed 
to publish a part of it so that the colonies 
might be informed of the success of the 
enterprise and the worth of the new navy. 
John Hancock, President of Congress, on 
the next day sent his personal congratula- 
tions, together with certain directions of 
Congress, in the following letter : 



J 25 KSEK HOI'KIXS 

"Philada April 17 1776 

Sir 

Your letter of the 9th of March,' with 
the enclosure, was duly received and laid 
before Congress; in whose Name I beg 
leave to congratulate you on the Success 
of your Expedition, your Account of the 
Spirit and Bravery shown by the Men, 
affords them the greatest satisfaction ; and 
encourages them to expect similar Exer- 
tions and Courage on every future Occasion. 
Though it is to be regretted, that the ' Glas- 
cow ' Man of War made her Escape, yet as 
it was not thro any Misconduct, the Praise 
due to you and the other officers is undoubt- 
edly the same. 

I have it in charge from Congress to 
direct, that you send a compleat List and 
State of the Stores taken and brought from 
Providence with the sizes &c and that the 
Cannon and such other of the Stores as are 
not necessary for the Fleet be landed and 
left at New London. 

The following extract of a letter from An- 
tiguas, I hope will be of Service to you, with 
that view I send it 

' This is evidently an error and should be April. 



ESEK HOPKINS ■^^'i 

'Antigua March 26 1776. The Third 
Division of Transports will leave Antigua 
in a few days, it is said for New York, under 
convoy of an old East India Ship, mounting 
16 guns. There will be six in Number.' 

Wishing you the greatest success and 
happiness I am 

Sir 
Your most obed & very hble Serv 

John Hancock, Presdt. 
Commodore Hopkins at New London.'" 

The news of Hopkins' success at the 
Bahamas and his captures on the return 
voyage, together with the bravery displayed 
by his fleet in the encounter with a man-of 
war, was received with delight throughout 
the colonies. 

A contemporary poet commemorated in 
verse this triumph of Hopkins. Neptune is 
represented as being greatly disturbed by 
this affair while he lay 

' In dalliance soft and anxious play,' 

with his favorite Qroddess, and directinor the 
winds to go forth and make known who 

' Hopkins Papers. 



I2l 



ESEK HOPKINS 



dared to shake his coral throne and fill his 
realm with smoke. 

The winds obeyed, and, having- witnessed 
a battle. 

Amazed they fly and tell their Chief 
' That How is ruined past relief, 

And Hopkins conquering rode. 
' Hopkins! ' said Neptune, ' who is he 
That dares usurp this power at sea. 

And thus insult a God ?' 
The Winds reply: ' In distant Land 
A Congress sits whose martial Bands 

Defy all Britain's force, 
And when their floating castles Roll 
From sea to sea from Pole to Pole 

Hopkins directs their course. 
And when their Winged Bullets fly 
To reenstate their Liberty 

Or scouge oppressive Bands, 
Then Gallant Hopkins, calmly Great, 
Tho' Death and Carnage round him wait 

Performs their dread commands.' 

The result being that Neptune, in amaze- 
ment, resiijns his trident and crown to Con- 
gress, and says, as 

'A tribute due to such renown, 
These Gods shall rule for me.'" ' 

Hopkins' name was on the lips of all, and 
all sang his praises, but as the first burst of 

' '"Our French Allies," Stone, page ii. 



ESEK HOPKIiXS j ^q 

enthusiasm and elation began to fade away 
a change took place, and all that he had 
accomplished was lost sight of when the 
fact was fully brought to mind that he had 
allowed the ''Glasgow'" to escape. So in- 
tense was the feeling against him on this 
account that prejudice took possession of the 
minds of the people, and no amount of argu- 
ment could brush awav the feelino- that he had 
failed at the supreme moment. From this 
time a dark cloud began to gather over the 
head of Hopkins w^hich was destined to 
gradually settle down over him and obscure 
a reputation hitherto unblemished. Cap- 
tain Whipple, of the '' C o In jii bits'' had been 
severely criticised by several of his brother 
officers in the fleet for his conduct in the 
fight with the ''Glasgow^'' and, in order to 
have his acts inquired into, he demanded a 
court martial in a letter which he sent to 
Hopkins on the thirtieth of April. In this 
letter he details, at some length, the manoeu- 
vers of the ships on that memorable morn- 
inor, and oives a more detailed account of 
the part he took in the fight. He says; 

" I have had the Honor to serve you in 
the last French War and to your satisfaction 



J -Q ESEK HOPKINS 

I thought, and since my Arrival at Philadel- 
phia was appointed by the Congress to the 
Command of the Ship 'Coluvibits', I have 
strictly obeyed your Commands and have 
done all in my Power for the Honor of the 
Fleet to the best of my Knowledge accord- 
ing to your Orders. The Night that we 
fell in with the 'Glasgow' Man of War, two 
of my Lieutenants was on board of the two 
Prizes and fourteen of the best Seamen, 
when we was running down on the ship 
getting in order to Engage and Quartering 
the Men in the places of the others that was 
out, the 'Glasgow' suddenly hauling to the 
Northward brought me to the Southward 
of her and brought her right into your and 
Capta, Hopkins Wake, I hauled up for her 
and made all Sail with my three Top Gal- 
lant Sails, then Captain Hopkins beginning 
the Fire and the 'Glasgozu' returning the 
same and my being in her Wake and as far 
to Leeward as she it Instantly kill'd all the 
Wind which put it out of my Power to get 
up with her I strove all in my Power but in 
vain, before that I had got close enough 
for a Close Engagement the 'Glasgow' had 
made all Sail for the Harbour of Newport 
I continued Chace under all Sail that I had 



ESEK HOPKINS 



I^I 



except Steering Sails and the Wind being 
before the Beam she firing her two Stern 
Chaces into me as fast as possible and my 
keeping up a Fire with my Bow Guns and 
now and then a Broadside put it out of my 
Power to get near enough to have a close 
Engagement, I continued this Chace while 
you thought proper to hoist a Signal to 
return into the Fleet I accordingly Obeyed 
the Sio-nal and at our Arrival at New 
London I found that the report was from 
the 'Alfi^cd' and the 'Cabot' that I was a 
Coward and many other ill natured things 
which I say was a false report, if I did not 
do my Duty it was not out of Cowardice but 
for want of Judgement, I say all the People 
at New London look on me with Contempt, 
and here, like a Man not serving the Coun- 
try in my Station. Therefore I having a 
Family of Children to be upbraided with 
the mark of Cowardice and my own Charac- 
ter now Scandalized thro' the whole Thir- 
teen United Colonies. It is a thing I 
cannot bear and if I am a Coward I have 
no Business in the service of this Country. 
Therefore I desire that there may, by my 
own Request a Court Martial be called on 
me, and Tried by my Brother Officers of the 



TOO £SEK //O/'A'/A'S 

^ 3- 

Fleet and either acquitted with Honor or 
Broke for I want no favour, then if I am 
Broke the PubHck will have a right to de- 
spise me and reflect on me and my Family, 
If I have no satisfaction that way I will 
return you my Commission and thank the 
Congress for the Service and Curse them 
that made the false Report, I have never 
opened my Mouth to any Body concerning 
the matter, if your Honor had let me come 
to Newport when the ' Scai'boroiigh ' Man 
of War lay there as I desired I would have 
convinced the World that I was not a Coward 
but now it is out of my Power. 

Your Humble Servant 

at Command 

Abraham WE^IPPLE. 

N. B. Sir, you must observe it was in the 
Night when we bore down upon the ' Glas- 
gow \ and could not see as if it had been 
Day light when she altered her Course 

A Wnipri.E 

Pursuant to his request a court martial 



' Since T made my copy of this letter from the original in the 
Rhode Island Historical Society, some miscreant has mutilated 
it bv cutting out the postscript and signature. (Author.) 



ESEA' HOPKINS t n -, 

^ JO 

was held on board the ''Alfred','' at Provi- 
dence, on the sixth of May, and he was 
promptly acquitted of any misconduct. 

Captain Hazard, of the "'Providence,''' was 
also the subject of a court martial for mis- 
conduct during the engagement with the 
"Giaso^oiv'' which resulted in his beinor 
relieved of his command, and Lieutenant 
John Paul Jones was appointed in his stead. 

Upon the arrival of the fleet in New London 
harbor, Hopkins proceeded to dispose of the 
material which he had secured at the Baha- 
mas. Some of the captured guns were left 
at New London, in charge of Governor 
Trumbull, a number were sent by Captain 
Jennings to Dartmouth, Mass., and the 
"Cabot'' carried twenty-six to Newport to be 
used in the defence of the island. This / 
action of Hopkins provoked much criticism 
from the authorities at Philadelphia, and 
was one of the contributing causes of the 
troubles which later beset him. In a letter 
to John Hancock, President of the Marine 
Committee, he seems to have had a forebod- 
ing of impending trouble, for he says: " In- 
closed you have a copy of Capt Whipples 
request to me which suppose I shall grant 
and expect that may bring on some more 



J -, . ESEK HOPKINS 

Enquiries but do not expect anything whicli 
may now be done will mend what is past." 

Soon after the fleet arrived in New London 
Hopkins was visited aboard his ship by Gen- 
eral Henry Knox, who, in a letter to his wife,' 
makes some allusion to the personal appear- 
ance and characteristics of the commodore. 
In this letter he sa3^s : " I have been on 
board Admiral Hopkins' ship and in com- 
pany with his gallant son, who was wounded 
in the eno-aorement with the 'G/asQoivJ The 
admiral is an antiquated figure. He brought 
to my mind Van Tromp, the famous Dutch 
admiral. Though antiquated in figure he is 
shrewd and sensible. I, whom you think 
not a little enthusiastic, should have taken 
him for an angel only he swore now and 
then." Brief as the description is it conveys 
much information regarding Hopkins' per- 
sonality. 

A most deplorable condition existed on 
board the fleet on account of sickness. The 
sick men were at once sent ashore and placed 
in temporary hospitals, seventy-two being sent 
from the "'Alfred'' thirty-four from the 
''Columbus^' fifty-eight from the ''Andrea 

' Drake's Life of Knox. 



ESEK HOPKINS . ^ r 

Doria'' seventeen from the ''Cabot'' sixteen 
from the ''Providence',' and five from the 
"Fly,'" a total of 202. 

Hopkins secured one hundred and seventy 
men from the army, through the direction of 
General Washington, to replace those he had 
landed sick, and on the twenty-fourth of April 
the fleet sailed from New London for Rhode 
Island. On the way down the coast the 
"Alfred" got ashore on Fisher's Island and 
had to be lightened before she could be got 
off; with this delay Hopkins arrived at Provi- 
dence before the twenty-eighth, where he im- 
mediately proceeded to provision his ships 
and put them in condition for a three or four 
months' cruise. While thus engaged he 
received a peremptory order from General 
Washington to send the men, who had just 
been assigned to the navy, to New York. 
A discouraging and disheartening situation 
confronted him. Upon his arrival in Provi- 
dence upwards of a hundred men in the 
fleet were found sick and unfit for duty who 
had to be landed, and Hopkins says : "there 
is daily more taken down with some New 
Malignant fever." Besides this, in return 
for the twenty-six heavy guns which he had 
brought to the defence of Newport, Hopkins 



I -^5 ESEK HOPKINS 

expected to receive authority to enlist men 
from the troops there located, but almost at 
the same time the demand had been made 
for the return of the men from the army a 
demand had also been made that twenty of 
the cannon be inimediately sent to Philadel- 
phia. Under these circumstances "modesty 
forbade his asking for men," and he writes : 
" If I do I am in doubt whether it would be 
granted." On the twelfth of May Hopkins 
dispatched the sloop ''Providence''' Captain 
John Paul Jones, for New York, to take 
back the men he had secured from the 
army. 

Trouble soon broke out in the fleet over 
the neglect or inability of the authorities to 
pa}' the wages of the crews. 

All the enlisted men at least had acquitted 
themselves with honor, and now that the 
cruise was over they were clamoring for 
their ]3ay and naturally becoming more and 
more impatient as day after day went by with- 
out receivinor jt. This grrievance of the men 
on the ''Cabot',' was made known to Hopkins 
by a round robin in the following words and 
signed by probably most of the sailors and 
marines : 




From the original in Rhode Island Historical Society's collection of portraits, page go^ 
Portrait Plate 3. 



ESEK HOPKINS t -, ^ 

^ J/ 

" To the Hoii^'''-' Esck Hopkins Esqr 

The Humble Petition of the Company 
of they Sailors and Marines on Board the 
Brigg 'Cabot' Most Humbly Shovveth, 

That your petitioners having served faith- 
fully on board the said Brig in defence 
of America Since her departure from Phila- 
delphia; and her first Cruise being now out 
They humbly hope that your Hon' (Accord- 
ing to the usual Custom observed on Board 
Vessels of War) will advance them some 
money as they are much in want of neces- 
saries which they cannot proceed on another 
cruise without They humbly hope that your 
Honor will pardon this Liberty, and impute 
it to the real necessity which they now 
Labour under for the want of Cash to pro- 
cure them what's necessary for their Health 
& preservation, and your petitioners as in 
Duly Bound will ever Pray 

Please to turn over where you'll see they 
Subscribers Names are set down," and on 
the backside of this petition the following- 
names were written in a circle : 

" (Christian Gosner, Thomas Gadsly, 

Thomas Forbes, James Wilkeson, 

William Osborn, John Coates, 

John Stirlin, Anthony Dwyer, 



J -,3 ESEK HOPKINS 

Peter Cashinberg, James Bowman, 

Matthew McTee, Rudolph Ecling, 

Andrew Magee, Joseph Antonio, 

James McSorley, John Roatch, 

Thos Darby, John Patrick, 

Michael Third, Alexander Baptist, 

Abel Jons John I,ittle, 

Robert Mills, John King, 

James Hall, 'i'homas Charles, 

Joseph Wayn, John Bowles, 

Benjamin Ford, Michael Thorp, 

Richard Sweeney, James Russell, 

Thomas Clark, John Young, 

Robert Halladay, John Curtis, 

Charles Hamet, William Thompson, 

Jacob Pony, Alexander Lowry, 

Jacob Maag, William Small, 

Joseph Ravencroft, Thomas Clarke Senr, 
Thomas Goldthwaite, Christopher Reiney, 

John Harman, Lewis Reding, 

John Hall, Robert McFarling, 

George McKenny, John Connor, 
Thomas Dowd, 

We They subscribers, impatient!}' await 
your Honor's answer." 

Sickness and neglect were laying the 
foundation for much trouble to the com- 
mander. 

Only two vessels, the ''Doria " and ^'Cabof''' 
were sufficiently manned to go into service, 
and both these, on the nineteenth of May, 



ESEK HOPKINS t ^n 

sailed out of Narragansett Bay on a short 
cruise. The ''Alfred'' was disabled and 
unfit to go to sea, " she is tender sided 
and the most unfit vessel in the whole fleet 
for service and her main mast has a gib 
shot through it," wrote Hopkins. The 
"•Columbus " and the other vessels were 
short handed by reason of sickness and 
the heavy drafts made to man those already 
at sea. The fleet, as a whole, was there- 
fore practically useless. The hands of 
the commander were tied ; he had little 
authority ; there were other causes, too, 
operating against him over which he had no 
control and which will later appear. It was, 
therefore, with some discouragement that he 
wrote to Congress : " I am ready to follow 
any Instructions that you give at all times 
but am very much in doubt whether it will 
be in my power to keep the fleet together 
with any Credit to myself or the officers 
that belons: to it — Neither do I believe it 
can be done without power to dismiss such 
officers as I find slack in their duty." 

Before the fleet had arrived in Narragan- 
sett Bay from New London the British 
fleet, under Wallace, had withdrawn from 
Newport, and for the first time in many 



lAQ ESEK HOPKINS 



years the waters of Rhode Island were free 
from Britisli war vessels. 

It was about this time ' that Hopkins was 
summoned to appear before the Marine 
Committee' to answer for breach of orders. 
A powerful influence was working against 
him; whether rightfully or wrongly impelled 
future events will disclose; it was but the 
beginning, however, of a long chain of 
troubles and disasters which rapidly followed 
each other, and from which Hopkins never 
recovered. 



' May 14. 

- At different periods tlie committee in charge of naval affairs 
was known as the Naval Committee, tiie Marine Committee, and 
the Board of Admiralty. 



CHAPTER V 

THE CONGRESSIONAL INQUIRY. 

ON the eighth of May, 1776, there was 
laid before Congress, presumably by the 
Naval Committee, the whole subject of the 
operations of the fleet since it had sailed 
from the mouth of the Delaware the pre- 
vious February. It took the form, however, 
as the Journal of Congress describes it, of 
" the instructions given by the Naval Com- 
mittee to commodore Hopkins." 

Ever since the arrival of the fleet at New 
London, some weeks before, Hopkins had 
been the subject of much fault finding, and 
prejudice was strongly against him. The 
advantages gained by the seizure of so many 
valuabfe munitions of war at the Bahamas 
did not counteract the dissatisfaction that 
had been aroused by the escape of the 
''GlasgowT 

Already there had developed in Congress 
a spirit that was destined to interrupt that 
harmony so essential to the success of the 



J ,2 ESEK HOPKINS 

cause in which the colonies were then en- 
gaged. There was a lack of unanimity 
between the three factions into which the 
colonies naturally found themselves divided. 

It produced jealousies, developing into 
political intrigues, and had a tremendous 
deterrent influence in every thing with 
which Congress had to do. Sectional pre- 
judices were early manifested and later devel- 
oped alarming conditions. " Politically the 
men of Virginia," says Fiske, "had thus far 
acted in remarkable harmony with the men 
of New England, but socially there was but 
little fellowship between them. In those 
days of slow travel the plantations of Vir- 
ginia were much more remote from Boston 
than they now are from London, and the 
generalizations which the one people used 
to make about the other were, if possible, 
even more crude than those which English- 
men and Americans are apt to make about 
each other at the present day. 

To the stately elegance of the Virginia 
country mansion it seemed right to sneer 
at New Enjjland merchants and farmers as 
' shopkeepers ' and ' peasants,' while many 
people in Boston regarded Virginian planters 
as mere Squire Westerns. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



14, 



Between the eastern and the middle states, 
too, there was much ill-will, because of theo- 
logical differences and boundary disputes. 

The Puritan of New Hampshire had not 
yet made up his quarrel with the Church- 
man of New York concerning the ownership 
of the Green Mountains; and the wrath of 
the Pennsylvania Quaker waxed hot against 
the Puritan of Connecticut who dared claim 
jurisdiction over the valley of Wyoming. We 
shall find such animosities bearing bitter 
fruit in personal squabbles among soldiers 
and officers, as well as in removals and ap- 
pointments of officers for reasons which had 
nothing to do with their military competence. 
Even in the highest ranks of the army and 
in Congress these local prejudices played 
their part and did no end of mischief." ' 
This anti New England feeling was strong 
even to the degree of bitterness and showed 
itself in many measures which Congress was 
called upon to consider. It affected this 
infant navy and all concerned with it just as 
it affected the army. Another influence 
that operated against Hopkins had its origin 
in one of the acts of Congress which had 



' The American Revolution, Fiske, Vol. i, page 244. 



J , , ESEA' I/OPK/.VS 

been passed almost at the same time a navy 
had been projected. This was the author- 
ized fitting out of privateers to prey upon 
the ships of the enemy. It cannot be 
charged that it was an unwise movement, 
for " without the succor that was procured 
in this manner the Revolution must have 
been checked at the outset," says Cooper, 
yet the influence which this measure pro- 
duced robbed the navy of much of its effect- 
iveness. 

" The wages paid on the privateers were 
from one half to twice as much as Congress 
permitted to be paid on the Government 
ships which only gave a share of one third 
in all prizes taken and one half in the case 
of armed vessels while the privateers offered 
one half in all cases and occasionally more 
when there was extra hazard." 

The inducements thus offered on private 
ships deprived the government vessels of a 
class of seamen most desirable. It also 
opened the way for abuses which were 
carried on to an alarming extent; for, it 
was not uncommon for some of these priva- 
teersmen to sell their shares before sailing, 
thereby realizing something before they had 
actually left port, and, on account of the 



ESEK HOPKINS 



145 



greater share in which they would partic- 
ipate, these advancements to the men on 
private war vessels were correspondingly 
o-reater than to the crews of the government 
ships. Sometimes sailors on the govern- 
ment vessels would receive their advances, 
as was the custom, then they would ship on 
a privateer, discount their prospective share 
and desert to another section to repeat the 
offence. 

Hopkins exerted all his energies towards 
discouraging these privateering expeditions, 
arousing much animosity against himself by 
so doing, and so widespread had it become 
that he was already beginning to feel its effect. 

On the thirteenth of December, 1775, the 
committee appointed to devise ways and 
means for fitting out a navy presented a 
report to Congress, recommending that five 
ships of 32 guns, five of 28 guns, and three 
of 24 guns be fitted for sea; an appropria- 
tion was made and a committee appointed 
to carry out this measure. 

By this resolve of Congress, two of these 
ships were to be built in Rhode Island, and 
work was begun while Hopkins was at sea 
with the fleet ; they were yet unfinished 
when he returned from his cruise. 



10 



146 



ESEK HOPKINS 



TliG committee of Congress under whose 
directions these vessels were to be built, ap- 
pointed a sub-committee to have the imme- 
diate charge of building the two Rhode Island 
vessels, and its members were selected from 
among the most prominent and influential 
merchants and ship owners in Providence. 

No more representativ^e body could have 
been found among the men of Providence. 
Nicholas Cooke, the governor of the colony, 
a man of wealth and influence ; Nicholas 
Brown, the leading merchant and ship owner, 
wealthy and of such integrity that when the 
town's impoverished treasury necessitated 
the constant borrowing of money from the 
citizens of the town, one who was asked to 
loan a small sum on a town note said " no, 
but I will loan it to Nicholas Brown;" Joseph 
Russell, of the firm of William and Joseph 
Russell, merchants and ship owners; Joseph 
Brown and John Brown, brothers of Nicholas, 
and business partners; Daniel Tillinghast, 
another merchant and ship owner, carrying 
on a laroe and successful trade with the 
West Indies, and later Continental agent for 
the state; John Innes Clarke, and his busi- 
ness partner, Joseph Nightingale, also mer- 
chants ; Jabez Bowen, the deputy governor, a 



ESEK HOPKINS 



147 



man of heretofore unquestioned integrity; 
Rufus Hopkins, a son of Governor Stephen 
Hopkins "who had attained a high rank 
as a nautical commander," and all men who 
had served the colony in various important 
positions ; these were the men against whom 
Hopkins was destined to be arrayed in the 
performance of his duty. 

Two vessels, named the " Warren " and 
the ''Providence'' were built under the direc- 
tion of this committee, the'former being 132 
feet long, the latter i 24 feet. 

After Hopkins returned to Rhode Island 
from his southern cruise, he devoted much 
of his time to the work of getting these ships, 
which were then well under way, ready for 
sea. He frequently sat with the committee 
and took part in the proceedings. He was 
thus in a position to be well informed as to 
how the work was going on. 

He soon ascertained that some of the 
members of this committee were engaged 
in privateering ventures on their own ac- 
count, and were using their position and 
influence to further their own private ends. 
It exasperated ' him greatly, and he openly 
accused them of malpractice. Hopknis 
afterwards asserted that the " two vessels on 



148 



ESEK HOPKIXS 



account of this mismanagement, cost twice 
as much as the contract price, owing to some 
of the very Committee that built the ships 
taking the workmen and the stock agreed for 
off to fit their privateers, and even threaten- 
ing the workmen if they did not work for 
them," 

The friendship that had heretofore existed 
between the Browns, with whom he had been 
allied years before in his political battles, and 
whose vessels he had commanded, was thus 
severed, and Hopkins at once antagonized 
them wath all the fierceness of his nature. 
Such a disregard for the public weal at the 
very outset of a most desperate struggle was 
disheartening, and it touched Hopkins to the 
quick. Patriotism seemed to have burned 
out and selfish motives had quenched it. 

These troubles and criminal charges "bore 
haid on the character of the committee as 
merchants and as gentlemen" as it is re- 
corded in the committee's records, and they 
resented such imputations. Finally the situa- 
tion of affairs came to the ears of the members 
of the Marine Committee, under whose direc- 
tion the Rhode Island committee was working, 
and a sharp letter was sent to the latter com- 
mittee on May twenty-first, 1776, rebuking 



ESEK HOPKINS j ^g 

them for their actions. Indignantly they re- 
sented the charges, threw up the whole man- 
agement of the work, and finally turned over 
the ships to Stephen Hopkins, then a delegate 
in Congress. This affair aroused much ani- 
mosity among the parties, and only added 
fuel to the flame of discontent then burning. 

These two ships when turned over to the 
delegate in Congress were ready for sea but 
without crews. 

Petty jealousies had grown up among the 
officers in the fleet. While some of them 
w^ere Rhode Island men there were many 
from the other colonies, all clamoring for 
official advancement, and exerting all their 
influence to attain it. So strong was this 
that Hopkins strove to avoid becoming 
entangled in its attendant controversies by 
overlooking certain irregularities, thereby 
weakening himself in the estimation of his 
friends and his opponents. It seems to have 
been the first evidence of a weakness in his 
character. " I am very sensible that every 
officer has his friends " he wrote to his brother 
on June eighth, " and that has so much weight 
with me as not to order a Court Martial, 
although ever so necessary but when the 
complaint came in writing and that from the 



J CO ESEK HOPKINS 

principal officers of the fleet. I wish to 
God, and for the good of my country that 
no officer in the fleet depended on any friend 
but his own merit." Abraham Whipple had 
ah'eady been severely handled for his con- 
duct with the ''Glasgow',' 7\x\ A had demanded 
a trial by Court Martial. Dudley Salton- 
stall had pursued such a course in the treat- 
ment of his men that Kenneth MacCloud, 
writing to Hopkins for an assignment to one 
of the ships, takes occasion to interject in his 
letter " Captain Saltonstall I will not sail with " 
while John Paul Jones, on June twentieth, al- 
luded to him, in a letter, as the "ill natured and 
narrow minded Captain Saltonstall." An in- 
sight into the spirit which pervaded the offi- 
cers of the fleet may be obtained by the state- 
ments in a letter sent by John Paul Jones to 
Joseph Hewes, for he says: " It is certainly 
for the interest of the service that a cordial 
interchange of civilities should subsist be- 
tween superior and inferior officers ; and 
therefore, it is bad policy in superiors to 
behave towards their inferiors, indiscrimin- 
ately, as though they were of a lower species. 
Men of liberal minds who have been lono: 
accustomed to command, can ill brook thus 
being set at naught by others, who pretend 



ESEA' HOPKINS j r j 

to claim the monopoly of sense." That he 
does not refer to Hopkins by this pointed 
criticism is evident, for in the same commu- 
nication he writes : " I have the pleasure of 
assuring you that the Commander in Chief 
is respected through the fleet, and I verily 
believe that the officers and men, would go 
any length to execute his orders. It is with 
pain that I confine this plaudit to an in- 
dividual ; I should be happy in extending 
it to every captain and ofificer in the service. 
Praise is certainly due to some ; but, alas, 
there are exceptions." 

Meanwhile the remaining ships of the 
fleet lay in Narragansett Bay, with most of 
their crews in the hospital. Two new ships 
ready for service swung idly in the stream, 
with no immediate prospects of crews to 
man them. Insubordination among the offi- 
cers was rampant, and this important branch 
of the service, at a time when it was most in 
demand, remained practically worthless. 

For some weeks after the " instructions " 
had been laid before Congress the matter 
was the subject of consideration, and it was 
not until the thirteenth of June that action 
was taken to investigate the subject, when 
Congress ordered Hopkins and Captains 



J - - ESEK HOPKINS 

Saltonstall and Whipple to repair to Phila- 
delpliia to be tried for breach of orders. 
On the next day John Hancock, President 
of Congress, addressed a letter to Hopkins, 
wherein he says : 

"Sir: Notwithstanding the repeated efforts 
and solicitations of the Marine Board to put 
the Continental ships upon a respectable 
footing, and to have them employed in the 
service for which they were originally de- 
signed, they are constrained to say that their 
efforts and solicitations have been frustrated 
and neglected in a manner unaccountable to 
them ; and in support of their own reputa- 
tion, they have been under the necessity of 
representing the state of their Navy to Con- 
gress, and have informed them that there 
has been oreat neglect in the execution of 
their orders ; and that many and daily com- 
plaints are exhibited to them against some 
of the officers of the ships and that great 
numbers of officers and men have left the 
ships in consequence of ill usage, and have 
applied to the Marine Board for redress. 
These, with many other circumstances, have 
induced the Congress to direct you to repair 
to this city * * * As your conduct in many 
instances requires explanation you will of 



ESEK HOPKINS 



153 



course be questioned with respect to your 
whole proceedings since you left the city." 
Similar letters were also sent to Captains 
Saltonstall and Whipple ; General Washing- 
ton was also apprized of the summons to the 
three officers of the fleet. 

In response to this summons Hopkins 
and his two captains repaired to Philadel- 
phia. During the absence of Hopkins the 
command devolved upon Captain Nicholas 
Biddle, the ranking captain in the fleet. 
This officer was without any authority 
save on his own ship, and what confusion 
and insubordination existed previously was 
intensified by the departure of the com- 
mander and the two captains. It was not 
until September that Hopkins returned. On 
the eleventh of July, Saltonstall and Whip- 
ple, upon recommendation of the Marine 
Committee (the new^ name for the Naval 
Committee), were exonerated by Congress, 
Whipple being gently admonished " to culti- 
vate harmony with his officers." The trial 
of Hopkins, however, was not so soon dis- 
posed of, and it was not until August twelfth 
that he appeared before Congress. To a 
friend, about this time, he wrote : " I am 
glad that I am to be tryed by a Court that I 



J - , . ESEK HOPKINS 

can have no doubt but will judge from mat- 
ters of fact and not from any rumors propa- 
oated out doors without the least foundation." 

He certainly expected that he would re- 
ceive fair treatment in the consideration of 
his case, and that sectional prejudices and 
political differences would not be made the 
basis of the judgment of his superiors. 

Hopkins appeared before Congress, and 
on the twelfth of August, "the examination 
taken before the Marine Committee," and 
the report of the Committee were read to 
him, after which he addressed the delegates 
in Congress, giving his reasons for pursuing 
the course he had, and produced two wit- 
nesses to substantiate his statements; then 
he withdrew from the hall. 

The main points of Hopkins' defence are 
outlined in a letter to his brother, written a 
few days before he was summoned to Phila- 
delphia for trial. In this he says: 

" When I went to the Southward, I in- 
tended to go from New Providence to Geor- 
gia, had I not received intelligence, three or 
four days before I sailed, that a frigate of 
twenty-eight guns had arrived there, which 
made the force, in my opinion, too strong for 
us. At Virginia they were likewise too 



ESEK HOPKINS j j- r 

Strong. In Delaware and New York it 
would not do to attempt. Rhode Island, I 
was sensible, was stronger than we, but the 
force there was nearer equal than anywhere 
else, which was the reason of my attempts 
there, which answered no other end than the 
British force quitting the Government. 

When I attempted the fleet at Rhode 
Island, had all the commanders behaved as 
well as I expected they would, I should have 
had it in my power long before this to have 
relieved most of the Southern Governments 
from their present difficulties; but as the 
case was, it was lucky we did not fall in 
with the whole strength at first. I was not 
deceived in the strength of the enemy, but 
greatly in our own resolution ; perhaps I 
was wrong in not giving my sentiments fully 
at first, the reason of which was, I was in 
hopes then of some further action, and that 
we might retrieve the character of the fleet. 
But the inattention to business of most of 
the officers, and an expectation of getting 
higher stations in the new ships, has, as I 
think, been some hindrance to getting the 
fleet ready to sail so soon as otherwise it 
might. I had no apprehension of the can- 
non being wanted more anywhere else, which 



156 



ESEK IIOPKIXS 



was the reason of my delivering them to 
Governours Cooke and Trumbull. 

The very great sickness which then was, 
and still is, amongst the seamen of the fleet, 
rendered it impossible to undertake any en- 
terprise for the relief of any colony, although 
in ever so much distress. All that I have 
been able to do was, to send the two brigs 
on a cruise, which I acquainted them (the 
Naval Committee) with." " 

He also prepared a brief memorandum of 
his answer to the report of the committee 
" that I did during my cruise southward not 
pay due regard to the tenor of his instruc- 
tions," which was thus expressed : 

" My orders was maid the 5 day of Jan- 
uary and I did not sail till the 17th of 
February which altered the station of the 
Enemy perticulior as to the strength of the 
fleet at Virginia and all the ministerial ships 
lieing North and South Carolina as appears 
by Letters from the Naval Committee as 
also it appears to me they Did not expect I 
should strictly follow the order But my 
own judgment and prudence according to 
the last Article in my orders," 

' Hopkins Papers, vol. 4, note 26. 



ESEK HOI' KINS ^ r -r 

The report of the Committee and Hop- 
kins' answer to the charges against him 
then came up for consideration, and his 
conduct and official acts were fully dis- 
cussed. John Adams stood up manfully for 
his defence ; he recognized Hopkins' limita- 
tions and frankly admitted them; he realized, 
too, that other influences besides the conduct 
of Hopkins were working powerfully among 
his fellow members in Congress. 

Besides this Adams had been from the start 
much interested in the building of a navy, and 
the result of its first expedition had filled him 
with a pardonable pride. Writing to a friend 
soon after Hopkins arrived from the Bahamas, 
he said : " You will see an account of the 
fleet in some of the papers I have sent you. 
I give you joy of the Admiral's success. I 
have vanity enough to take to myself a share 
in the merit of the American Navy. It was 
always a measure that my heart was much 
engaged in, and I pursued it for a long time 
against the wind and tide, but at last ob- 
tained it." ' He therefore entered into the 
defence of Hopkins with a determination 
that justice should be done him if it lay in 
his power to accomplish it. 

' Hopkins Papers, vol. 4, note g. 



I - Q ESEK HOPKINS 

Under the date of August twelfth, 1776, 
John Adams afterwards wrote: " Commodore 
Hopkins had his hearing; On this occasion 
I had a very laborious task against all the 
prejudices of the gentlemen from the South- 
ern and Middle States and of many from 
New England. I thought, however, that 
Hopkins had done great service, and made 
an important beginning of naval operations. 

It appeared to me that the Commodore 
was pursued and persecuted by that anti 
New England spirit which haunted Con- 
gress in many other of their proceedings, as 
well as in this case and that of General 
Wooster. I saw nothing in the conduct of 
Hopkins, which indicated corruption or want 
of integrity. Experience and skill might 
have been deficient in several particulars ; 
but where could we find greater experience 
or skill? I knew of none to ho. found. The 
other captains had not so much, and it was 
aftewards found they had not more suc- 
cess. 

I therefore entered into a full and candid 
investigation of the whole subject ; consid- 
ered all the charades and all the evidence, 
as well as his answers and proofs ; and ex- 
erted all the talents and eloquence I had in 



ESEK HOPKINS j rg 

justifying him where he was justifiable and 
excusing him where he was excusable." 

After the trial had ended William Ellery, 
a member from Rhode Island, the successor 
of Samuel Ward, who had died in Philadel- 
phia while Congress w^as in session, came 
over to Adams and said : " You have made 
the old man your friend for life; he will hear 
of your defense of him and he never forgets 
a kindness." 

Such proved to be the case, for many 
years afterwards Hopkins visited his friend 
and defender under most distressing circum- 
stances, to show his gratitude for the interest 
Adams had taken in his behalf. 

Congress held the matter under advise- 
ment until the sixteenth day of August, and 
on that day passed the following resolution : 

" Resolved, that the said conduct of Com- 
modore Hopkins deserves the censure of 
this house and this house does accordingly 
censure him." On the day following the 
passage of the vote of censure Hopkins 
addressed a letter to the President of Con- 
gress acknowledging the receipt of the copy 
of the resolve and stating that he would 
remain in Philadelphia " to know if they have 
any further commands." On the nineteenth 



l5o ESEA- //OFA'/iVS 

Congress directed him " to repair to Rhode 
Island and take command of the fleet for- 
merly put under his care." 

Hopkins returned from Philadelphia feel- 
ing keenly the strictures of Congress ; a 
reputation heretofore unsullied had been 
attacked, and the representatives of that 
country he had used his best endeavors to 
defend, advance and protect, and in whose in- 
terest he had staked his life, had smirched it. 

Notwithstanding the great pressure that 
was brought in Congress to dispose of 
him entirely, John Adams felt that Hopkins 
had accomplished much and was entitled to 
better treatment, and he exerted himself to 
save him from the disgrace of a discharge, 
and it is certain that without his efforts 
Hopkins would have then been dismissed 
from the service. Of the result Adams 
wrote : 

"Although this resolution of censure was 
not in my opinion demanded by justice and 
consequently was inconsistent with good 
policy, as it tended to discourage an ofiRcer, 
and diminish his authority, by tarnishing 
his reputation, yet as it went not so far as 
to cashier him, which had been the object 
intended by the spirit that dictated the 



ESEK nOFA'IA'S i5j 

prosecution, I had the satisfaction to think 
that I had not labored wholly in vain in 
his defense." 

Additional information on this subject is 
derived from the following words of John 
Adams, written some months before the trial 
of Hopkins occurred : 

" There were three persons at this time 
who w^ere standing subjects of altercation in 
Congress, Gen. Wooster, Commodore Hop- 
kins and a Mr Wrixon. I never could dis- 
cover any reason for the bitterness against 
Wooster, but his being a New England 
man ; nor for that against Hopkins but that 
he had done too much ; nor for that against 
Wrixon, but his being patronized by Mr 
Samuel Adams and Mr R. H. Lee. Be it 
as it may, these three consumed an immense 
quantity of time and kept up the passions of 
the parties to a great height." 

John Paul Jones was at sea in the ''Prov- 
idence'' when he learned the result of Hop- 
kins' trial. This news he doubtless obtained 
from some ship master who had not been 
thoroughly informed in the matter. He 
may however have felt that the result was less 
harsh than had been anticipated. At any 
rate, from the ''Providence " in " N Latitude 
11 



l62 



ESEK J/OPA'JXS 



37°4o" and W. Long. 54^," on September 4, 
he sent a letter to Hopkins by the brig ''Sea 
Nymp/i,'' Capt. W. Hopkins, saying: "I 
know you will not suspect me of flattery 
when I affirm that I have not experienced a 
more sincere pleasure for a long time past 
than the account I have had of your having 
gained your cause at Philadelphia in spite of 
party. Your late trouble will tend to your 
future advantage by pointing out your 
friends and enemies. You will thereby be 
enabled to retain the one part while you 
guard aa^ainst the other You will be thrice 
welcome to your native land, and to your 
nearest concerns. After your late shock, 
they will see you as gold from the fire, of 
more worth and value ; and slander will learn 
to keep silence when Admiral Hopkins is 
mentioned." 

On the twentv-second of Au^^ust the Ma- 
rine Committee ordered Hopkins to dispatch 
four of the vessels to cruise in the neighbor- 
hood of Newfoundland, to destroy the fish- 
eries and to intercept British merchantmen 
bound for the Gulf of St, Lawrence. At 
the same time he was authorized to purchase 
the "//(?7c/'," one of the vessels captured 
bv him on his wav from the Bahamas, fit it 



ESEK HOPKINS 



163 



up and rename it the ''Hopkins^,'' and send 
this vessel with the others to Newfoundland, 
and to " hoist his broad pennant on board 
any of the vessels." Such a proposition 
seems to imply that already the committee 
w^ere somewhat ashamed of the way they 
had used him, and sought to atone for it by 
offering this honor of naming the vessel as 
a sop to his wounded feelings, for, as Judge 
Staples well says, " Such a compliment is 
seldom paid to an inef^cient or unfaithful 
officer." On account of the lack of seamen 
the ships were not sent on this expedition, 
"there are so many privateers fitting out 
which orives more encourao^ement to shares 
it makes it difficult to man the continental 
vessels," wrote Hopkins. The failure of 
this expedition to Newfoundland provoked 
much criticism from the Committee, and on 
the tenth of October, the Marine Committee 
addressed Hopkins this letter, wherein he 
was ordered upon another cruise: 

"Sir: 

We learned some time since with 
much concern that the expedition we had 
planned for you to execute would prove abor- 
tive as the ships had gone out a cruizing 
under the Struction of Governor Trumbulls 



164 



ESEK UOI'KINS 



recommendations, with which we cannot be 
well satisfied, altho, in this instance, we are 
disposed to pass it by in silence, being well 
convinced both he and the several Captains 
meant to perform Service at a time when 
the Ships were idle. 

Supposing, therefore, that you will have 
been obliged to lay onside the expedition to 
Newfoundland. We now direct, that you im- 
mediately collect the ^'Alfred,'' ''Columbus'' 
"■Cabbot'' and ''Hampden''' take them under 
your command and proceed for Cape Fear 
in North Carolina where you will find the 
following Ships of War 

The 'Falcon ' of 1 8 Guns 
'Scorpion ' of 16 Guns 
& 'Cruiser' of 8 Guns 
and a number of valuable prizes said to be 
40 in number and other vessels under their 
protection, the whole of which you will make 
prize of with ease. We understand they 
have erected a kind of a Fort on Bald Head, 
at the entrance of Cape Fear river, but it 
being only manned with a few people from 
the Ships we expect you will easily reduce 
it and put the same in the possession of the 
State of No. Carolina or Dismantle it as may 
appear best. When you have performed 



ESEK HOPKINS i5^ 

this service you had best dehver to the Con- 
tinental Agent there such of your prizes as 
may sell well or be useful in North Carolina 
others you may convey into Virginia or this 
place for we dont recommend your remaining 
in North Carolina for fear of being blocked 
up there. Perhaps you may receive advice 
that will render it eligible to proceed further 
southward to Rout the Enemies Ships at 
South Carolina & Georgia and if that is 
practicable you have not only our approba- 
tion but our orders for the attempt. 

We hope sir you will not loose one single 
moment after the receipt of this letter but 
proceed instantly on this expedition. 
We are Sir 

Your humble Servants 
RoBT Morris 
William Ellerv 

JOSIAH BaRTLETT 

Tho M Kean 
Richard Henry Lee 
Wm Hooper,, 
Arthur Middleton." ' 

This letter arrived during Hopkins' ab- 
sence and was delivered to his son, Capt. 



' Hopkins Papers, vol. 4, note 52. 



I 56 ESEA' HOPKINS 

John B. Hopkins, who had been wounded 
in the encounter with the "'Glasgow'' but 
was again on duty. He recognized its 
importance and at once dispatched it by 
special messenger to his father. He adds, 
in a memorandum wherein he excuses him- 
self for opening the letter, that "our ship 
is all ready but manning!" For the same 
causes this expedition also failed, and, so 
far as it is possible to now judge, the 
commander was powerless to act. The 
apparent disregard of these orders by Hop- 
kins only intensified whatever prejudices 
had been aroused against him in Congress. 
Changes were being constantly made in 
the personnel of the Marine Committee, 
and this committee was the subject of 
severe criticism for its inactivity. John 
Jay, on October ii, the day after the order 
of the Marine Committee was sent to Hop- 
kins, wrote to Edward Rutledge: 'What 
is your fleet and noble admiral doing. ^ What 
meekness of wisdom, and what tender-hearted 
charity ! I can't think of it with patience. 
Nothing but more than ladylike delicacy 
could have prevailed on your august body to 
secrete the sentence they passed upon that 
pretty genius. I reprobate such mincing. 



\ 



^ 



N 






V 




X 






V 





X 




1\ 


-. 






V 




V 



ESEK HOPKINS 



167 



little zigzag ways of doing business. Either 
openly acquit or openly condemn," and this 
illustrates the general trend of public senti- 
timent regarding this branch of the service. 
Hopkins endeavored to put this order of 
the committee into execution, and exerted all 
his influence and energies to this end, and a 
few days later he appeared before the General 
Assembly of Rhode Island, then in session 
at Kingstown, " and applied for an embargo 
till the Continental fleet was manned." He 
worked diligently with the members to secure 
the passage of this act, " but failed in get- 
ting it by two votes, owing to a number 
of the members being deeply concerned in 
privateering." In despair he wrote to the 
Marine Committee: "I thought I had some 
influence in the state I have lived in so lonor 
but find now that Private Interest Beares 
more sway than I wish it did," and he adds: 
" I am at a loss how we shall get the ships 
manned as I think near one third of the 
men which have been ship'd and rec'd their 
monthly pay have been one way or another 
carried away in the privateers I wish I had 
your orders w^hen Ever I found any man on 
board the privateers giving me leave not 
only to take him out But all the rest of the 



1- 



I 58 ESF.K HOPKINS 

men; that might make them more Careful of 
taking the men out of the service of the 
State." 

This power, however, was denied him, but 
on October twenty-sixth Congress did provide 
that "privateers could only fly pennants by 
permission of Continental Commanders," 
and such private vessels of war were re- 
quired to show due respect to continental 
vessels on penalty of loss of commission. 

Thus time dragged on, little being accom- 
plished by the fleet, and the spirit of dis- 
satisfaction with the commander growing 
stronger and stronger, until the early days 
of December. One disaster after another 
had occurred to cast odium upon the little 
American Navy, and it seemed as though 
the fates had conspired against it and all 
connected therewith, when, on the seventh 
day of December, 1776, a British fleet con- 
sisting of " about fifty four sail of transports 
and sixteen sail of men of war," sailed into 
Narragansett bay around the north end of 
Con anient island into the harbor of New- 
port. On the next day a force of six thou- 
sand men landed and took possession of the 
town. The news was hurriedly sent througli- 
out the colony, and excitement ran higli. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



169 



With the British fleet and troops holding- 
Newport and the adjacent territory, the 
American fleet was as completely blockaded 
within the waters of Narragansett Bay as 
was the fleet of Spain at Santiago. 

On December tenth, Hopkins, from his 
flag ship, the ''Warren',' then lying five 
miles below Providence, sent a dispatch to 
the Marine Committee explaining the situa- 
tion in Rhode Island, wherein he says: 

" Three days ago the English fleet, of 
about fifty-four sail of transports and sixteen 
sail men of war arrived in the bay and two 
days ago they landed, I believe, about 40CJO 
troops, and took possession of the island of 
Rhode Island, without opposition. The in- 
habitants of the town of Newport favored 
their operation, I believe, too much. The 
Militia are come in, in order to prevent the 
further operations. I thought it best to come 
up the river after the fleet was within about 
two leages of us, with the " Warren " ''Provi- 
cienceT ""Columbiis" brigantine ''Hampden'^ 
and sloop ''Providence'' The inhabitants are 
in daily expectation of an attack on the town 
of Providence. I have got the ships in the 
best position of defence we can make them, 
without they were fully manned, which they 



lyO ESEK HOPKINS 

arc not more than half. We lay where the 
ships cant come up that draw much more 
water than we do. If we get the ships man- 
ned, shall take some favourable opportunity 
and attempt getting to sea with some of the 
ships; but at present think we are of more 
service here than at sea without we were 
manned." The situation in Rhode Island 
at this time was a most alarming one. All 
of the state troops were called into service, 
the fortifications which had been thrown up 
all along the bay side were hurriedly man- 
ned, and the whole state became a vast 
camp confronting the enemy. For nearly 
three years the British remained in posses- 
sion of the town of Newport and the adja- 
cent territory. During this time, conflicts 
between the two contending forces were 
frequent. 

It was not long after the British forces 
took possession of Newport that an incident 
occurred .which brought down upon Hop- 
kins much criticism from the officers of his 
fleet, as well as from the people in the state. 

Whether he was justly so criticised is 
difficult now to decide, yet the incident was 
used aijainst him with tellins: force in the 
events which subsequently took place before 



ESEK HOPKINS 



171 



Congress, and was brought up again in a 
suit at law which followed. 

On the second day of January, 1777, at 
about one o'clock in the afternoon, while the 
''Warren'" was lying off Field's Point, at 
the entrance to Providence harbor, an 
orderly from Colonel Bowen, who was 
located at Warwick, came on board and de- 
livered to Hopkins a message containing 
the information that a British war vessel 
was aground near Warwick Neck, about 
half way between Providence and Newport. 
At this point there had been erected a 
battery of two eighteen pound guns and a 
permanent garrison established. 

W^hen the news was received, the ship 
''Providence'''' lay about a mile below the 
point, and the sloop "Providence " lay against 
the Pawtuxet shore, about four miles still 
farther to the southward. As soon as Hop- 
kins received this information, he endeavored 
to get down the river to investigate the sit- 
uation. Captain Allen Brown, a pilot, w^as 
at that time on board the "Warren'' He is 
described as " one of the best in the river," 
who, being consulted as to the advisability 
of taking one of the ships down to the point 
where the grounded vessel lay, informed 



172 



ESEK IIOPKIXS 



Hopkins "the wind was so far westerly and 
blowed so hard that the ships could not be 
carried down." 

Between Field's Point and Warwick Neck 
there was then, and there is now, a reach of 
circuitous channel " narrow and crooked." 
It was witliin this reach that years before the 
^'Gaspee' had met her fate after grounding 
in its dangerous shoals. Hopkins therefore 
did not venture with either of the ships, but, 
taking the " /^<f7;'/r//'\s- " pinnace with twenty- 
two men, went to the ^'Providence'' [^oo^^^). 
Captain Whipple, taking Captain Brown, 
the pilot, with him. Upon arriving on board 
the sloop and finding her fully manned, they 
immediately got under weigh and proceeded 
down the river toward the stranded vessel. 
As the sloop drew^ down upon her it was dis- 
covered that she was the Frigate "■Diamond'' 
and that she lav "on a shoal which runs off 
S. W\ from Patience about half a mile from 
that Lsland and a little more S. E. from 
Warwick Neck." There was about eleven 
feet of water at low tide, and as the tide was 
about half down she did not careen. Fying 
about a mile and a half off, about south- 
west by south, was a fifty gun ship with her 
top sails loose, her " anchor apeak," which^ 



ESEK HOPKINS , " -^ 

as the wind was, could have floated her 
within pistol shot of the ''Diamondr 

Hopkins was of the opinion that on ac- 
count of the seventy of the wind she did not 
" come to sail." From his knowledo^e of the 
river and bay, with the gale then blowing, 
he felt that it would be unwise to order 
his ships down to the ''Diamond''' and even 
if the wind had not blown so hard and the 
ships could have been brought down, he 
afterward said he should not have done so, 
for " the Enemys ships could have come to 
sail with any wind that w^e could and a great 
deal better as they lay in a wide channel and 
we in a very narrow and very crooked one." 
Arriving off Warwick Neck, Hopkins went 
ashore to the fort, where he was informed by 
Colonel Bowen that he had sent for two 
eighteen pounders, and, after remaining 
there a half hour, until the guns arrived, 
Hopkins went back to the sloop. 

What subsequently took place is best told 
in Hopkins' own words : 

" I went aboard the sloop and we dropped 
down under the ships stern a little more than a 
musket Shot off it being then a little after sun- 
set, we fired from the sloop a number of shot 
which she returned from her stern chasers ; 



jy^ ESEK HOPKINS 

the ship careened at Dusk about as much as 
she would have done had she been under 
sail, after they had fired from the shore 
about twenty six shots they ceased and soon 
after hailed the sloop and said they w^anted 
to speak with me. I went ashore and was 
informed they were out of Ammunition. I 
offered them powder and stuff for wads but 
w^e had no shot that would do, they sent to 
Providence for powder and shot and I went 
aboard the sloop and sent some junk ashore 
for wads, soon after they hailed again from 
the shore and I went to see what they 
wanted, and gave Capt. Whipple orders not 
to fire much more as I thought it would do 
but little execution it being night and could 
not take "ood aim with the ouns. When I 
got ashore the officer that commanded them 
desired that I would let them have some 
bread out of the sloop which I sent the boat 
off for but the people not making the boat 
well fast while they were getting the bread 
she drifted away and I could not get aboard 
again. The ship by Lighting got off about 
2 o'clock the same night." 

Hopkins did not regard this exploit with 
much concern until nearly two months after- 
wards, when he found that a "scandalous 



ESEK HOPKINS j y r 

account " of the affair had been sent to the 
Marine Committee by a Mr, Vesey, one of 
the prize agents at Boston. It so happened 
that this Mr. Vesey, while on his way from 
Philadelphia to Boston, stopped at Provi- 
dence to consult with Hopkins, and when 
the news that the frigate was ashore reached 
the ''Warren'''' he was on board. Desiring 
to participate in the adventure he " went 
down as a volunteer with the Commodore 
on the sloop 'Providence' " and thus became 
an eye witness to all that occurred. In his 
account he says: "she (the 'Diamond') was 
suffered to depart though the wind was 
directly down the river so that none of the 
English ships could come to her assistance." 

This story of Vesey 's was repeated from 
one to another and finally became a subject 
of such importance that it entered largely 
into the causes which finally led to Hopkins' 
discharge from the navy. 

The officers in the fleet inimical to Hop- 
kins made light of it, the people of the 
state, who were in no position to know the 
merits or demerits of the case, roundly cen- 
sured him for letting a helpless British frigate 
escape. It served also to bring back again 
to the minds of all the unfortunate affair of 



176 



ESEK iiork'ixs 



the '"Glasgow',' while many a smile was pro- 
duced at the ludicrous position of the com- 
mander of the navy rowing backward and 
forward from his temporary flag-ship at the 
whim of a military officer at a bay side bat- 
tery, until he lost his boat and was unable to 
gain his ship. 

Troubles which were "rowino- greater and 
greater seemed following closely after Hop- 
kins. 

During the early part of the winter the 
''Alfred''' and "Cabot" got to sea and suc- 
ceeded in getting around to Boston, from 
which place they cruised independently. 
About this time Hopkins wrote to William 
Ellery, then a delegate in Congress from 
Rhode Island: "We are now blocked up by 
the enemys fieet the officers and men are 
uneasy, however I shall not desert the cause 
but I wish with all my heart the Hon Marine 
Board could and would get a man in my 
room that would do the Country more good 
than it is in my power to do, for I entered 
the service for its good and have no desire to 
keep in it to the disadvantage of the cause I 
am in." 

This uneasy, inactive life of the officers in 
the fleet, was productive of no good to any 



ESEK HOPKINS j y y 

one. Bickerings and contentions occurred 
between themselves, while it also afforded a 
favorable opportunity for the completion of 
a well laid plot to get rid of their com- 
mander. It would be unfair to accuse all 
the officers of the fleet of being parties to 
this transaction ; there were many who were 
loyal friends of the commander, but among 
the officers of the " Warren^' Hopkins' own 
ship, he seems to have had few whom he 
could call such. 

These events practically close Hopkins' 
career in the naval service of the United 
States. The fleet never again got to sea, 
and, although individual ships performed 
most valuable and important service, and 
the officers won imperishable renown for 
bravery and heroic conduct, the naval squad- 
ron, which sailed so proudly on its course 
from Delaware bay nearly a year before, 
practically ended its life in Narragansett 
bay.' 



' What ultimately became of all the vessels of the first American 
fleet is uncertain. No record has been preserved of the fate of the 
^''Columbus" ''Hornet" and '''Fly." The "Alfred" was cap- 
tured by the "Ariadne" and "Ceres" in 1778. The "Cabot" 
was driven ashore on the coast of Nova Scotia by the " Milford" 
in 1777, and abandoned. She was afterwards hauled off and taken 
into the British navy. The "Andrea Doria" was burned in the 
12 



CHAPTER VI 

THE CONSPIRACY AND DISMISSAL. 

nU RING the time that the fleet was shut 
up in Narragansett Bay, and while Hop- 
kins was exerting himself to find men to 
man his ships, and strugghng against all the 
opposition with which he had been con- 
stantly confronted, a scheme was set on foot 
to strike him a final blow and crush him 
completely. He was too active in some 
respects, if he was charged with inactivity 
by those who were far removed from the 
scenes of his labors. In the rearrangement 
of the navy list, in October, 1776, a law was 
passed regulating the rank of the t^fficers 
of the navy and a list of twenty-four cap- 
tains approved. No special appointment or 



Delaware, in 1777, to prevent her falling into the hands of the 
enemy. The "Providence'' (sloop) was taken in the Penobscot, 
in 1779. 'Ihe "Wasp" is supposed to have been sunk in the 
Delaware to prevent capture by the enemy. The 'Providence" 
(ship) was captured at Charleston in 1780, and the "Warren" 
was burned in the Penobscot in 1779. (Naval History of the 
United States. Cooper, vol. 1, page 247.) 



ESEK HOPKINS j yg 

confirmation of the former appointment was 
made respecting the Commander-in-Chief. 
Hopkins held this position by virtue of his 
first appointment, and although each of his 
old captains and some new ones received a 
special assignment of rank, his name and 
rank were omitted. He was not popular 
with Congress, and a way was left open, 
when the proper time should arrive, to dis- 
pose of him entirely, and at the same time 
provide against future troubles by making- 
no provision for such an ofHcer. The time 
for such action soon came. It will be re- 
membered that the committee of Rhode 
Island merchants and ship owners who had 
the charge of building the two vessels in that 
state, the " Warren " and "'Providence^' had 
so far advanced in their work that in the 
early spring of 1776 these vessels were 
launched. 

This committee, in addition to other du- 
ties and responsibilities, had the power to 
appoint officers for the two ships. This was 
a duty not easy to perform. There was no 
lack of good men in the state for the ser- 
vice, but government service was not to their 
liking, it was less remunerative than that 
on private vessels of war, and some of the 



l8o ESEK HOPKINS 

very men on this committee were more in- 
terested in having their own privateers offi- 
cered and manned than they were to serve 
their country's interests. This feature was 
one of the most troublesome with which 
Hopkins had to deal. The privateers took 
nearlv all the available men, and the Q-overn- 
ment ships were left with insufficient crews. 
It will also be remembered that he en- 
deavored to secure from the letjislature of 
the state an embargo until his vessels were 
manned but did not succeed in so doing. He 
did succeed, however, in arousing much oppo- 
sition against him by the owners of these 
privateers, and they did not forget his inter- 
ference. In order to secure officers for the 
ships, sub-committees were appointed from 
the Q:eneral committee, to 2^0 into the various 
towns in the adjoining states and pick up 
such men as they could find who would enter 
the service. These committees visited the 
towns of Boston, Dartmouth, Mendon, Bridge- 
water, Taunton, in Massachusetts, and other 
places, and secured men evidently competent 
to assume the duties of the offices to which 
they were subsequently appointed. Among 
the men thus selected were John Grannis, 
Barnabas Lothrop, Samuel Shaw, James 




COMMODORE HOPKINS. 



Engravcii for Muri-ay's History of the American War, i'y K. Pollard, 

and /irinted for T. Robsoii, Neiu Castle-upon-Ty ne. 

From an original print. 

Portrait Plate 4. 



ESEK HOPKINS jgj 

Sellers, Roger Haddock, John Truman, 
James Brewer, Jolin Reed and George Still- 
man. There was yet another, Richard 
Marvin by name, who was a ship carpenter 
and had worked on the vessels novv about to 
be put in commission. These men were all 
assigned to the ''IVari'cu',' on which subse- 
quently flew Hopkins' broad pennant. The 
most conspicuous of these men in the plot 
which afterwards developed were Marvin and 
Grannis. Little is known of John Grannis, 
though he belonged in Falmouth, Mass., and 
was appointed captain of marines, June 14, 
1776. It appears, however, that he was a 
willing tool of Marvin's, and from his rank 
lent some force and importance to the part 
which he was called upon to perform. 

Marvin, however, is better known, for in the 
latter years of his life he kept a private school 
in Providence, and had a large number of pu- 
pils, the author's grandfather being enrolled 
among them. Richard Marvin was born in 
England, in i 750, and was, therefore, a young 
man when he entered the service of the col- 
onies; he was by trade a ship carpenter, he 
had received more than an ordinary educa- 
tion, was a fine penman, and there seems to 
be CTOod reason for belief that he had served 



J 32 ESEK HOPKINS 

in the British navy, or merchant service, in 
a subordinate capacity, where he had ob- 
tained some knowledge of seamanship and 
navigation. He received his appointment of 
third heutenant on the " Wai'i^cn^' from the 
committee appointed to build the two ships, 
on April 30, 1776. He was granted a pen- 
sion on April 4, 1S18, "for eleven months 
actual service as a lieutenant in the U. S. 
navy " during the Revolutionary War. After 
the war Marvin took up his residence in 
Providence, where he lived until his death, 
June 17, 1826. He was constantly employed 
in the ship yards, and on the public works of 
the town, until the early part of the present 
century, w^hen he gave up his trade and 
opened a school for boys, on Pawtuxet street, 
now Broad street, opposite to Fenner street, 
which school was well attended. While he 
always signed his name " Richard " he was 
known far and wide then, and even to-day is 
referred to as " Dicky Marvin." He is de- 
scribed by one who remembered him well, 
as "a large, fat man, marked in his personal 
appearance as in his mental peculiarities;" 
another calls him a " peculiar character ; " 
and another an "old time eccentric char- 
acter," while one of his old pupils says^ 



ESEK HOPKINS j3^ 

" Marvin was a very profane man, and a great 
reader of Thomas Paine." The concensus 
of opinion of this old sailor man and peda- 
gog pictures him as an irascible, meddle- 
some man, profane and vulgar in speech and 
habits. He was, however, a good school- 
master, and insisted on discipline, which he 
enforced with a birch switch ; he was also a 
most skillful penman and made this study in- 
teresting for his pupils by writing doggerel 
rhymes for them to copy. The author holds 
among his treasures an ancient copy book 
formerly belonging to his grandfather, used 
while a pupil of Marvin's, which bears ample 
testimony to his qualifications as a penman. 
There is a deal of humor, as well as reason, 
in some of the rhymes which Marvin "set 
for copy." A boy who was not prompt in 
his appearance at the regular hour for open- 
ing school, would find written in an elegant 
hand on his copy book: 

" When you are sent to school set out and run 
Dont stop to play nor join in idle fun 
But lay your course, port helm, and brace away. 
And soon you'll land in Marvin's peaceful bay." 

All of Marvin's rhymes seem to have had 
a nautical flavor. Among his pupils was 
James West, who was learning the trade of 



1 84 



ESEK HOPKINS 



a caulker. He worked part of his time in 
the shipyard, and received instructions from 
Marvin during his spare moments. Mr. 
West, in after years, well remembered this 
verse which his preceptor set for him to 
copy: 

" Be wise and be industrious Jeams, 
And drive the oakum smartly in the seams, 
Be faithful in your labors, for on you, 
Depends the lives of seamen, the ship, and Cargo too." 

Such was the man who became the ring- 
leader in a miserable conspiracy to rob Hop- 
kins of his good name, and to force his re- 
moval from the command of the American 
navy. How well this conspiracy succeeded, 
future events will disclose. 

Long before this scheme was set on foot 
Hopkins had aroused the ill will, if not the 
enmity, of many of the influential merchants 
in Providence, by his efforts to stop the sail- 
ing of privateers. It will be remembered 
that he had gone before the legislature and 
endeavored to have an " embargo laid upon 
Privateering in order that the Continental 
ships might be manned." His sensational 
charges against the foremost men of Provi- 
dence, who constituted the committee to 
build the two war vessels, had produced 



ESEK HOPKINS 



'S5 



much feeling against him, and the disorder 
with which this committee had terminated 
its career shows plainly enough that the 
members were angered and embittered by 
his interference. 

There was a spirit of unrest, too, among 
the officers and men in the ships at this 
time, and the opportunity of using this con- 
dition to the detriment of Hopkins was taken 
advantage of by some of the men whom he 
had antagonized. It was, evidently, deter- 
mined that certain charges should be made 
against him by such officers in the fleet as 
were unfriendly to their commander. Who 
these men were cannot now be definitely 
stated. Hopkins refers to them in a letter 
to William Ellery as "some of the Gentle- 
men of this Town. (Providence) I suppose 
the owners of the Privateers, who I am 
sorry to say are greatly prejudiced against 
me. 

With this substantial backing of men of 
such influence and wealth it was an easy 
matter to enlist the sympathies of these idle 
and restless men in the fleet in any proposi- 
tion to attack the commander. 

This attack came from the ship " Warren'' 
■on which Hopkins had hoisted his broad 



J 86 ESEK HOPKINS 

pennant, and came in the form of a petition 
to the Marine Committee. 

Early in February, 1777, this petition was 
drawn up and quietly circulated among the 
officers on the ''Warren',' and it was sub- 
scribed to by Roger Haddock, John Truman, 
James Brewer, John Grannis, John Reed, 
James Sellers, Richard Marvin, George Still- 
man, Barnabas Lothrop, and Samuel Shaw. 
Some of the officers to whom it was pre- 
sented, however, refused to attach their 
names to it.' All these men, with the ex- 
ception of Marvin and Haddock, were resi- 
dents of Massachusetts, Marvin being the 
only Rhode Island man among them, and he 
a resident of Providence. Haddock belonged 
in New York, and was master of the " War- 
ren ;'' Truman was a gunner, and Brewer a 
carpenter, both of Boston; Grannis was cap- 
tain of marines, and belonged in Falmouth; 
Reed was the chaplain, and belonged in Mid- 
dleborough ; Sellers was second lieutenant 
of marines, and came from Dartmouth; 
Stillman was first lieutenant of marines, 
and came from Barnstable, as did Lothrop, 
who was a second lieutenant of marines; 

' See Proceedings of Court Martial of K. Marvin, page 207. 



ESEk' HOPKINS 



187 



Shaw was a midshipman, and belonged in 
Bridgewater. This petition, to which these 
men subscribed their names, was as follows: 

"On Board the Ship "Warren' 

Feb 19, 1777. 
MitcJi Respected Gentlemen : 

We who present this petition, engaged on 
board the ship 'Waj^ren' with an earnest 
desire and fixed expectation of doing our 
country some service. We are still anxious 
for the Weal of America & wish nothing 
more earnestly than to see her in peace & 
prosperity, We are ready to hazard every 
thing that is dear & if necessary, sacrifice 
our lives for the welfare of our country, we 
are desirous of being active in the defence 
of our constitutional liberties and privileges 
against the unjust cruel claims of tyranny 
& oppression ; but as things are now cir- 
cumstanced on board this frigate, there 
seems to be no prospect of our being ser- 
viceable in our present station. We have 
been in this situation for a considerable 
space of time. We are personally well ac- 
quainted with the real character & conduct 
of our commander, commodore Hopkins, & 
we take this method not havino- a more 



J 33 ESEK NOPKIXS 

convenient opportunity of sincerely & hum- 
bly petitioning, the honorable Marine Com- 
mittee that they would inquire into his char- 
acter & conduct, for we suppose that his 
character is such & that he has been guilty 
of such crimes as render him quite unfit for 
the public department he now occupies, 
which crimes, we the subscribers can suiifi- 
ciently attest. 

P. S. Capt Granis the bearer of this will 
be able to oive all the information desired. 

Roger Haddock 
John Truman 
James Brewer 
John Granis 
John Reed 
James Sellers 
Richard Marvin 
George Stillman 
Barnabas Lothrop 
Samuel Shaw' 

To the honorable Marine Committee " 

Besides this general petition all of its 
signers subscribed to separate })apers in 



' From a copy of the original laid before Congress. See also 
Hopkins Papers, vol. 3, page 10. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



189 



which each made specific charges against 
the commander. 

By these Hopkins was charged with pro- 
fane swearing in common conversation, curs- 
in2[ the Marine Committee and cahine its 
members as well as Congress itself " ignorant 
fellows — lawyers clerks — persons who dont 
know how to oovern men;" his conduct in 
the management of the fleet was also com- 
plained of. The most temperate of all these 
individual charges was that of John Reed, 
the chaplain, and on account of some of its 
statements is important in arriving at a just 
conclusion as to what there was in the mis- 
erable scheme. 

Reed's testimony against his commander 
was as follows : 

"On Board the ' Warren' 

Feb. 24, 1777 

I the subscriber do know that our com- 
mander, commodore Hopkins, allows him- 
self to speak in the most disrespectful man- 
ner concernino^ the honorable Continental 
Congress, although I have lived in the cabin 
with him, I do not remember that he has 
ever once spoken well of those guardians of 
America, but seems to embrace every oppor- 
tunity in order to disparage & slander them. 



jQQ ESEK HOPKIXS 

He does not hesitate to call them a pack of 
ignorant fellows — lawyers clerks — persons 
that don't know how to govern — men who 
are unacquainted with their business — who 
are unacquainted with the nature of man- 
kind — that if their precepts & measures are 
complied with the country will be ruined. I 
have also heard him say that he would not 
obey the Congress. He not only talks about 
them most disrespectfully among our own 
folks but I have heard him exert himself 
earnestly in order to disparage them before 
strangers, before two prisoners who were 
masters of vessels on their passage to New- 
port in order to be exchanged. He also pos- 
itively asserts that all mankind are exactly 
alike — that no man ever yet existed who 
could not be bought — That any person liv- 
ing could be hired with money to do any ac- 
tion whatsoever. This he also asserted in 
the hearing of the before mentioned prison- 
ers, for what reason I can't determine unless 
he was desirous of making a bargain with 
Sir Peter Parker. 

He allows himself in anger & in common 
conversation to take the name of God in 
vain ; he is remarkably addicted to profane 
swearing. In this respect as well as in many 



ESEK HOPKINS 



191 



other respects he sets his officers & men a 
most irreligious & impious example. He 
has treated prisoners in the most inhuman 
and barbarous manner — I very well know by 
hearsay, how he has conducted in regard to 
his men's being paid off & being discharged 
when the term of time for which they engaged 
was expired. In this part of America peo- 
ple are afraid of him. They are jealous of 
him & he is an effectual obstacle to the fleets 
being properly manned. He is very much 
blamed by people here for not destroying a 
British frigate when aground a few days ago 
in this river. I am not prejudiced against 
the man. My own conscience, the regard I 
have for my country and the advice & earn- 
est desire of many respectable gentlemen 
have induced me to write what I have writ- 
ten. 

John Reed. ' ' 

As soon as the signatures had been ob- 
tained these documents were intrusted to 
Captain John Grannis, who, without so much 
as asking leave of absence, quietly deserted 
the ship and set out for Philadelphia to 



' From a copy of the original laid before Congress. See also 
Hopkins Papers, vol. 3, page 14. 



IQ2 ESEA' HOrk'IXS 

present the petition to the Marine Commit- 
tee. Hardly had Grannis left the '' IVarrcn,'' 
when Shaw, Reed and Haddock, who had 
signed the petition, appeared voluntarily 
before Hopkins and frankly admitted they 
had signed a petition to the committee derog- 
ative to him, and confessed that they had 
been induced to do so " by some Gentlemen 
of the town," Further inquiry brought 
Hopkins the information that Grannis was 
missing from the ship without leave and the 
names of some of the signers. With this 
information he at once addressed a letter to 
William EUery, a delegate in Congress from 
Rhode Island, in which he says: 

" I have lately understood by two or three 
officers of the ship '' JVa7^reii'' who came 
voluntarily to me ; that they had been 
Induced to sign some paper or Petition 
greatly to' my disadvantage: which they 
were perswaded to by some of the Gent-" of 
this Town, I suppose the Owners of the 
Privateers, who I am sorry to say are greatly 
prejudiced against me, since I endeavoured 
to get an Embargo laid upon Privateering 
in order that the Continental ships might 
be mann'd — And as for Captn. Grannis who 
I understand is gone to you with it, I am 



ESEK HOPKINi> t p, ^ 

well perswaded he never has been on board 
the ship three nights together, nor I beheve 
ten days this five months past — and all that 
he can have against me as we are entire 
strangers, is that after several times desiring 
him to go on board and do his duty, as the 
ship was liable to be attack'd at any time ; I 
at last threaten'd to break him and get 
another man in his Room if he did not — 
upon which he went on board but staid only 
two nights — and this single thing must Con- 
vince every Impartial Person, that for an 
officer of a Ship to leave her without the 
knowledge of the Captain or Lieutenant, 
when she was in danger of being attack'd 
every day being within ten miles of some, & 
twenty of ten or twelve Men of War, some 
of them stronger than her, two hours fair 
Wind would have brought them along side; 
and to go such a Journey without first en- 
deavouring to Remedy the Evil if there was 
any, cannot be a Friend to his Country, but 
must act upon some private View, which 
I make no doubt he did to serve some of 
the men perhaps that made him, much in 
the same manner as they finished the Ships, 
who have cost your Agent near if not quite 
^4000 — which was absolutely necessary for 



jQ, ESEA' IJOPA'/NS 

them before they could be ready for the 
Sea — and that you will soon be convinc'd 
off bv his accounts, which he savs you 
wnll have soon and they are near if not 
double the Prices first Contracted for, owing 
to some of the very Committee that built the 
Ships, taking the Workmen and the Stock 
agreed for, off to work and fitt their Pri- 
vateers ; and even threatnino- the Workmen 
if they did not work for them — I am very 
willing to come to you to answer for my 
Conduct w^ith such of the Committee who 
built the Ships as I could name — but not 
with the poor men who only acted as Ma- 
chines to a Sett of Men who I wish I could 
say I thought had any other principle but 
avarice — and it would have been full as well 
if some of the Officers had brought in such 
accounts for Enlisting men, that they might 
have been Settled with on any other Terms, 
but signing that Paper against me. And it 
will be well if you don't find them Extrava- 
gant, as the Committee did not chuse to pay 
them, but gave em Orders on the Agent for 
the Money — 

Inclosed you have a Copy of one of the 
Officers accounts — and I believe you will 
find in the Committees account whenever it 



ESEK HOPKINS 



195 



comes to hand, another large sum and all for 
Enlistinor men ; but few of whom ever came 
on board the Ships, though I can't Say they 
did not o-o on board the Privateers — When- 
ever I am call'd for I think I can Speak the 
Truth, and not Stab a man in the dark — 

What the purport of the Complaint which 
Capt Grannis may have brought is, I do not 
know, but as the Men that Sign'd it know 
but little, and are worth less as Sailors, all I 
shall say more is to Inclose a Copy of what 
three of them Voluntarily Sign'd being Con- 
scious they had done wrong — 

This one thing I can Say, and with Truth, 
that I engag'd in this dispute on no other 
design than to serve my Country — and I 
still am determined not to desert the Cause 
— but whenever you or the Congress think 
you can get a man in my room that will be 
of more service to the Cause than I can, you 
have my leave, and in Justice to the Country 
I think you ought to do it — and I shall still 
Continue to do what good I can, in a less 
Envy'd and less troublesome way — "' 

Grannis proceeded to Philadelphia and 
upon his arrival promptly appeared before 
the Marine Committee with the scurrilous 



Letters and orders of the Commander-in-Chief, page 74. 



196 



ESEK HOPKINS 



documents which had been entrusted to- 
ll im. Even with the prejudice which the 
members of the committee had against 
Hopkins the allegations contained in the 
papers presented were too serious to be at first 
believed. After deliberating over the whole 
matter for some days it was resolved to sum- 
mon Grannis before the committee and ex- 
amine him personally as to the charges that 
he and his fellow officers had made A sub- 
committee was appointed to "examine John 
Grannis on the subject matter of the petition.'" 
The testimony before this committee was not 
under oath, Grannis merely answering the 
questions put to him by the committee. 

After the usual questions as to his name, 
residence and occupation, the examination 
proceeded as follows : 

" Q. Are you the man who signed the 
petition against Esek Hopkins, Esq by the 
name of John G ranis. 

A. Yes. 

0. Do you know the other subscribers 
to said petition 

A. Yes 

O. Are any of them officers of the 
'Warren', & if officers what ofiice do the}- 
sustain 



ESEK HOPKINS jgy 

A. John Reed is chaplain & belongs to 
Middleborough & James Sellers is Second 
Lieutenant of the 'Warreii & of Dartmouth, 
both of Massachusetts Bay Richard Marvin 
is third Lieutenant & of Providence George 
Stillman first Lieutenant of Marines, Barna- 
bas Lothrop Second Lieutenant of Marines 
both of Barnstable, Samuel Shaw is a Mid- 
shipman of Bridgwater Roger Haddock is 
master of the frigate & formerly was of New 
York, & John Truman is gunner, & James 
Brewer Carpenter & both of Boston in the 
State aforesaid. 

Q. Have you a personal acquaintance 
with Esek Hopkins Esq 

A. Yes. I have had a personal acquaint- 
ance with him since I came on this ship 

Q. Did you ever hear him say anything 
•disrespectful of the Congress of the United 
States & what & when, 

A. I have heard him at different times 
since I belonged to the frigate speak disre- 
spectfully of the Congress have heard him 
say, that they were a set or parcel of men, who 
did'nt understand their business, that they 
were no way calculated to do business, that 
they were a parcell of lawyers clerks, that 
if their measures were followed the country 



198 



ESEK HOPKINS 



would be ruined & that he would not follow 
their measures. I have heard him say the 
above in company on ship board & words to 
the same effect on shore. Sometimes the 
above was spoken of Congress in general 
but more frequently of the Marine Com- 
mittee. 

O. Did you ever hear him speak dis- 
respectfully of Congress or the Marine Com- 
mittee before prisoners. 

A. No I never was in his company when 
prisoners were present. 

Q. Do you know anything about his 
treatment of prisoners 

A. I was on board the frigate 'Provi- 
dence', when there were about 20 prisoners 
on board. They were called into the cabin 
where I was & were asked by Capt. Whip- 
ple, whether they would do ship's duty. 
They answered No. Capt. Whipple said 
it was his orders from the Commodore to 
put them in irons, to keep them on tw^o 
thirds allowance & by God, he would obey 
the commodore's orders. They were sent 
out of the cabin with an ofificer who returned 
& said he had put them in irons. There 
were also some prisoners sent on board the 
frigate ' Warren', who were forced to do- 



ESEK HOPKINS jgg 

ship's duty by commodore Hopkins' orders 
& he refused to exchange them when a cartel 
was settled & other prisoners were ex- 
changed, but don't know that it was their 
turn. The reason he assigned for not ex- 
changing them was that he wanted to have 
them enlist on board the frigate 

Q. Do you know anything about a British 
friorate, being as^round last winter in the 
river or bay leading up to Providence in the 
State of Rhode Island &c, and what. 

A. I did not see the 'Diamond' frigate 
while she was on shore in Jan last I was then 
on board the 'Warren', which with the Con- 
tinental fleet lay just above a place called 
Field's Point Commodore Hopkins went 
down the river in the sloop 'Providence ' & 
sometime after he returned, I heard him say 
that the people in Providence blamed him 
for not taking the 'Diamond^ but that the 
men were not to blame, for they went as far 
as he ordered them & would have gone fur- 
ther if he would have permitted them, but 
that he did not think it safe to go with the 
sloop, for that the 'Diamond' fired over her 
I heard a number of people who said they 
were at Warwick neck, when the 'Diamond' 
was aground there, say, that commodore 



200 



ESEK HOPKINS 



Hopkins was so far off the ship, that his 
shot did not reach her, that the ship lay so 
much on a careen, that she could not bring 
any of her guns to bear upon the sloop ; and 
further I heard some American seamen who 
were prisoners when the 'Diamond' was 
aground say, after they were exchanged, that 
the ship lay so much on a careen, that they 
could not have hurt the Sloops people so 
long as they kept out of the reach of her 
small arms. They also said, that it was the 
intention of the enemy to have fired the ship 
& left her if the sloop had come near enough 
to have played upon her. One of the sea- 
men who told me the above was Weeks, 

& another of them was named Robinson 
Jones both of Falmouth aforesaid & young 
men of good general reputation 

O. Were the frigates manned when you 
came from Providence. 

A. No. There was then about loo men 
on board the ' Warren,' 8c I heard some of 
the officers of the frigate 'Providence ' say, 
that in last December they had on board 
about 170 men cs: the last of February I 
heard them say, that so many of their men 
were dead & ran away, that they were then 
not better off for men than the ']Varren^ 



ESEK HOPKINS 



20I 



Q. Commodore Hopkins is charged with 
being a hindrance to the proper manning of 
the fleet, what circumstances do you know 
relative to this charge 

A. For my part his conduct and conver- 
sation are such that I am not willing to be 
under his command. I think him unfit to 
command & from what I have heard ofificers 
& seamen say, I believe that it is the general 
sentiment of the fleet & his conversation is 
at times so wild & orders so unsteady that I 
have sometimes thought he was not in his 
senses & I have heard some others say the 
same. And to his conduct &: conversation 
it is attributed both by people on board the 
fleet as well as by the inhabitants of the 
State that the fleet is not manned. It is 
generally feared by the people both on board 
the fleet as well as ashore, that his commands 
would be so imprudent that the ships would 
be foolishly lost, or that he would forego 
opportunities of getting to sea or attempt it, 
when impracticable. The seamen belonging 
to the 'Cohtiiibus' left her when their time 
of service expired & went into the army & I 
heard some of them say that they would not 
enlist again into the Continental fleet so long 
as Commodore Hopkins had the command 



202 



ESEK HOPKINS 



of it. The character that Commodore Hop- 
kins bore was a great hindrance to me in 
o-ettino; recruits. 

Q. Had you hberty from Commodore 
Hopkins or Capt Hopkins to leave the frig- 
ate you belong to. 

A. No I came to Philadelphia at the 
request of the of^cers who signed the peti- 
tion against Commodore Hopkins & from a 
Zeal for the American cause. 

O. Have you, or to your knowledge either 
of the signers aforesaid any difference or dis- 
pute with Commodore Hopkins since you or 
their entering into the service. 

A. I never had, nor do I believe that 
either of them ever had. I have been 
moved to do & say what I have done &: 
said from love to my country & I very 
believe that the other signers of the petition 
w^ere actuated by the same motives." ' 

This testimony being committed to writing 
was signed by Grannis. It was not until 
March twenty-fifth that the committee was 
prepared to lay the matter before Congress, 
but on that day the Marine Committee "laid 
before Congress a paper signed by sundry 



' I'rom a copy of the original laul before Conj^ress. See also 
llopkins Papers, vol 3, pajje 15. 



ESEK HOPKINS ^C 

officers in the fleet containing charges and 
complaints against Commodore Esek Hop- 
kins." 

These papers were read and the whole 
matter laid upon the table. The next day 
(March twenty-sixth) the matter was taken 
up, and without any discussion it was '^ Re- 
solved, That Esek Hopkins, be immediately 
and he is hereby, suspended from his com- 
mand in the American Navy." 

About this time, while Hopkins was har- 
rassed by the contentious spirits around him, 
he learned that his son Esek, a young man 
nineteen years of age, was a prisoner of war 
at Halifax. Young Esek Hopkins had grad- 
uated from Rhode Island College in the class 
of 1775 '^'^^ almost immediately entered the 
navy as a midshipman, and was assigned to 
the ''Alfred'' the flag-ship. He rapidly rose 
to the position of lieutenant, and while act- 
ing in this position on the '"Providence " 
(sloop) he was captured by the British and 
taken to Halifax. Through the influence of 
his father the General Assembly passed an 
act requesting Major General Spencer, then 
in command of the Continental forces in 
Rhode Island, to exchange Lieutenant Otway, 
of the British frigate "Lark^' who had been 



204 ESEK HOPK/A'S 

captured by the state troops, for the son. 
No such exchange, however, took place, for 
young Hopkins sickened and died while a 
prisoner in the hands of the enemy. He 
was a young man of much promise, and his 
father, no doubt, felt his loss keenly. 

Meanwhile extraordinary proceedings were 
taking place in the fleet. Hopkins was in- 
censed at the underhanded and improper 
manner in which the complaint of his sub- 
ordinates had been brought to the attention 
of Congress. As the head of the navy he 
had been ignored and insulted, and he re- 
sented it squarely. 

Before Grannis had reached Philadelphia 
the whole plot to deprive Hopkins of his 
command and put a blot on his reputation 
had been exposed. The master of the 
'^'Warren,'' Roger Haddock, chaplain Reed, 
and midshipman Shaw, who had come to 
realize the enormity of their acts, presented 
themselves before their commander and ac- 
knowledged their offence; at the same time 
•each subscribed to a document very different 
in tone to that which had been entrusted to 
Grannis for the perusal of the Marine Com- 
mittee. 

Hopkins closely questioned the three men 



ESEA' HOPKINS ^qc 

and ascertained the true state of the whole 
business. He learned that the plot had ori- 
ginated outside of the fleet, and that the men 
on board the " Warren " had been easily 
drawn into the scheme through the in- 
fluence of the erudite Marvin. It is inter- 
esting to observe the difference in the 
declarations made by Haddock, Reed, and 
Shaw, after they had confessed their part in 
the plot, from those to which they had pre- 
viously subscribed their names. Haddock's 
was in the following words : 

"Ship 'Warren'' March ye i6 1777 

I the subscriber do hereby say that I know 
nothing either of the public or private char- 
acter of Commodore Hopkins as being a 
stranger, nor know not that he has done 
anything detrimental to the cause he is now 
engaged in at Present 

Roger Haddock. 

Witness Danl Tillinghast " 

Reed subscribed to the following: 

" This may certify 

That I the subscriber in my own person 
have been treated complacently by Com- 
modore Hopkins & don't know that he has 



206 



/s.STsA' NOPh'/XS 



designedly acted in any one instance inim- 
ically to bis country but that according to 
the best of his abilities, suppose that he has 
acted consistently therewith 
Providence 14 March 1777 Joiix Reed 
Witness at Signing Sam Lyon." ' 

While Shaw put his name to the following 
statement: 

" These may certify 

That I, the subscriber have been treated by 
Commodore Hopkins since I have been in 
the navy with the greatest politeness and 
decency and never have thought that he 
has been inimical to his country designedly, 
but has according to the best of his abilities 
acted consistent therewith 

Samuel Shaw 
Providence March 14 1777 

Witness at Signing Sam Lvon." 

For some days after Hopkins had obtained 
the information of this attack upon him he 
devoted himself to quietly investigating the 
matter. During this time he ascertained that 
Lieutenant Richard Marvin, of the "ffc?;-- 
r£7i,'' had been the prime mover in circulating 

^ — _ . 

' llopkins I'apeis, \t)I. 3. payc 14. 



ESEK' HOPKINS 207 

the scurrilous documents about the ship, 
and that his relations with certain men in 
the town gave color to the suspicion that he 
was the ringleader in the plot. Hopkins 
therefore placed him under arrest, and on 
the third day of April, 1777, he was tried by 
court martial held on board the ''Provi- 
dence^' then lying near Fields Point, in 
Providence River, for circulating a "scurril- 
ous paper or papers signed by him and sent 
away in a private manner against the Com- 
mander in Chief." 

This Court consisted of Captains Abra- 
ham Whipple, John B. Hopkins, Hoystead 
Hacker, Jonathan Pitcher, Silas Devoll and 
Joseph Hardy, and Lieutenants William 
Grinnell, Robert Adamson, William Barron, 
Philip Brown, Adam W. Thaxter, Seth 
Chapin' and Edward Burke. The Court 
organized with Abraham Whipple president, 
and Marvin was presented and asked if he 



' Seth Chapin, was the son of Ebenezer and Abigail (Perry) 
Chapin, and was born in Mendon, Mass., March 31, 1746. He 
married for his first wife Elizabeth Rawson, of Mendon. October 
27, 1767 ; she died, November 17, 1778. On October ig, 17S0, 
he married Eunice Thompson, of Medway, Mass. He had nine 
•children, four sons and five daughters. From 1786 to 1804, he 
held the office of town clerk of Mendon, and was a Deacon in the 
Congregational Church. 



2o8 ESKK J/O/'A'/.VS 

was ready for trial. Upon answering "Yes, 
— I am ready" he was then sworn and exam- 
ined as follows: 

C(7/)/ Whipple Q. " Did you ever Sign 
any paper or Petition against the Com- 
mander-in-Chief or against any officer in the 
Fleet to be sent to Congress 

A. Yes— 



During the war of the Revolution, Seth Chapin served with dis- 
tinction. He was corporal in Captain John Albees' company, 
which marched on the Lexington alarm April 19, 1775, from 
Mendon to Roxbury, and served nine days. 

December 10. 1775, he was a corporal in Captain Job Taylor's 
company of Colonel Joseph Read s regiment. 

July 9, 1776, he was second Lieutenant in Captain Sanmel Crag- 
in's First Company of the 'I'hird Worcester County regiment. 
Previous to this, on June 24, 1776, he was appointed Second 
Lieutenant of Marines on board the ship "Providence," and on 
September 14, 1776, he was ordered to Plymouth, Mass., to enlist 
men for the navy. 

He did not serve long in the marine corps, for in the same year, 
he served as First Lieutenant of Wood's Regiment of the Massachu- 
setts militia. On December 8, 1776, he was commissioned Lieu- 
tenant in Captain Samuel Cragin's Company, Lieutenant Colonel 
Nathan Tyler's regiment; he was discharged, January 21, 1777. 

July 10, 1777. he was First Lieutenant in Colonel Sherburn's 
additional continental regiment which commission he resigned 
April 19, 1780. 

His most daring exploit was on the night of December 17, 1778, 
when, in a small boat with si.x men. he captured a British brig in 
the Seaconnet river. He also carried on secret communication 
with Isaac Barker, a farmer in Middletown. R. I., while the Britisii 
held possession of Newport and the island of Rhode Island. Bar- 
ker, who was a staunch patriot, lived at his home in Middletown. 
and was in the midst of the British forces, indeed British officers 




SETH CHAPIX, 

LIEUTENANT OF MAKINES ON THE "PROVIDENCE." 

From thcpaintius in possession of his great grandson. Char/es V. Chapin. M. P., Frovidence. 



ESEK HOPKIXS 2OQ 

Q. Will you produce the Copies of such 
Papers as you have Signed and Sent to this 
Court 

A. They are not in my possession and 
if they were I would not 

Capt Whipple Q. Why did you not at 
the time you sent those papers inform the 
Commander in Chief or Captain Hopkins '' 
of it 



were quartered at his house, but by signals which he made by 
arranging his bars at a gateway, he was enabled to convey informa- 
tion to Chapin, who was located at Little Compton, R. I., across 
the Seaconnet river, which was of the greatest importance to the 
Americans. This was carried on successfully for nearly fourteen 
months, or until the British evacuated Newport. 

From official muster rolls it appears that he was commissioned 
1st Lieut. 19 July, 1777, in Capt. James Webb's Co., Col. Henry 
Sherburne's Regt. Rolls for Jan. 21 to Aug. 21, 1778 ; Nov., 
1778; Jan. -Apr., 1779; and was ist Lieut. Capt. James Webb's 
Co., Col. Henry Sherburne's Regt., for July and Aug., 1778. 
Roll dated at camp at R. L, 21 Aug., 1778, reported on guard. 
Lieut, in Col. Benj. Hawes Regt. for service at R. I.; detached 
July, 1778 ; engaged Aug. 2, 1779 ; discharged Sept. 12, 1779. 
Roll of Capt. Baker's Co. dated at Upton. Served as Lieut, im. 
I5d. in Capt. Cragin's Co., Col. Hawe's Regt. at the time the 
enemy landed on the Island; and im. I5d. as Lieut, in Capt. 
T. M. Baker's Co. during Sullivan's expedition, in 1778. ist 
Lieut, in ist Co., Capt. Phil. Ammidon, 3rd Worcester Regt., 
commissioned 27 Aug. 1779. Lieut, of 3d Worcester Co. Regt. 
(no date). Lieut, in Capt. Phil. Ammidon Co., Nathan Tyler's 
Regt.; enlisted 27 July, 17S0; discharged 8 Aug., 1780; marched 
on alarm to R. L 27 July, 1780 ; commissioned Capt. in Regt. to 
be raised for 3m. service, July, 1780. 

''John B. Hopkins was at this time captain of the " IVnrrt'n." 
14 



2 lO 



ESF.k' HOPKINS 



A, Because the act of Congress Says we 
shall quietly and decently make the same be 
known to our Superior Officer 

O. Did you Sign any Paper against any 
other Officer but the Commander in Chief — 

A. I have no answer to make to that 

Q. How many was there that Signed 
those papers with you against the Com- 
mander in Chief 

A. The Congress can make that known 

Q. What was the reason you did not ac- 
quaint the other officers in the Fleet of it as 
they might have Signed the Petition or other 
papers which you have Sent to Congress 

A. Because we thought they were not so 
thoroughly acquainted with the Facts, that 
we Sent to Congress as we were 

O. Was any person in Providence or 
within this State directly or Indirectly at 
that time knowing of any such Petition 
being Sent to Congress 

A. I believe there was 

0. What is their names — 

A. Their names will appear to a greater 
Advantage hereafter 

Q. Who was the first promoter of draw- 
ino- & sendimj this Petition 

A. I cannot tell distinctly 



ESEK HOPKINS 



21 I 



Q. Was Henry Marchant Esqr' consulted 
in drawing this Petition 

A. I am not certain — 

Capt Hopkins Q. What was the Con- 
tents of the Petition Sent to Congress 
against the Commander in Chief 

A. The facts were of such a nature that 
we thought it was our duty to our Country 
to lay them before the Congress 

Comiuodorc Hopkins Q. What Country 
was you born in 

A. I was born in England, but america 
is grown dear to me 

Q. Was there any more Signed the paper 
or Petition besides Yourself 

A. Yes there was — 

Q. How many do you think there was 

A. I cannot give you a direct answer 

Capt Whipple Q. Would you tell how 
maiiy Signed it if you did know 

A. If I knew exactly I would 

Q. Will you tell the number that you 
know Signed it — 

A. Have I not answered a Similar Ques- 
tion put to that already 

Capt Hopkins Q. What did you ever 

' Henry Marchant was a delegate to the Continental Congress 
from 1777 to 1780, and from 1783 to 1784. 



212 



ESEK I/OrA'/XS 



See in tlie Commander in Chiefs Conduet 
that gave you any cause to Sign and Send 
any paper to Congress against him or did 
he ever treat you or any Officer on board 
with any disrespect to your knowledge — 

A. Some thing that I thought was In- 
jurious to the publick Wellfare — 

Commodore Hopkins O. What was it 
that ever I did that was Injurious to the 
public Wellfare — 

A. A number of Facts coming to our 
knowledge which we thought was our duty 
to Submit to Congress 

Q. Do you remember what the facts 
were 

A. I do remember 

Capt Whipple Q. If you remember will 
you tell what they were 

A. Wlienever Congress or any body 
authorized by them, calls upon me I am 
ready to relate the Facts 

Q. Do you think you was acting in the 
character of an officer when you made & 
Signed a Complaint and sent it away privately 
against your Superior Officers — 

A. I think I was — 

Cap^ Hopkuis O. do you (personally) 
know of any F'act you ever Saw that the 



ESEK HOPKINS ^ , ^ 

Commander in Chief committed which you 
have signed and sent to Congress 

A. I refuse answering to that until such 
time as I appear before Congress or a Com- 
mittee authorized by them to inquire into 
the affair 

Mr Adamson Lt. of the 'Warren' was 
asked the following Questions : 

Commodore Hopkins Q. Was you not 
asked to Sign that paper that Capt Grannis 
carried to Congress 

A. Yes 

Q. What was the reason you did not 

A. My reason was that the Facts men- 
tioned against the Commander I did not 
know to be true. 

Commodore Hopkins Q. Do you know 
any of the facts charged against me 

A. You was charged with saying that 
there was no man but what could be bought 
and that the Congress was made up of Mer- 
chants, Clerks, Lawyers, and Boys 

Q How many do you Understand Signd 
the Petition 

A. Eight 

Mr Thaxter to Mr Marvin 

Q. Was the Chief mate of the 'War- 
ren ' asked to si^n the Petition aorainst 



^j^ ESEK HOrKINS 

Commander Hopkins that was sent to Con- 
gress 

A, I don't know that he was 

Capt Whipple O. Was there any Com- 
plaint Sent away with the Petition against 
any other Officer or by those belonging to 
the ' Warren ' 

A. None that I know off — 

Capt Whipple Q. Have you anything 
to say to the Court in your own defense 

A. I have nothing very material 

Upon the conclusion of this trial the 
Court recorded the opinion that Marvin had 
" treated the Commander-in-Chief of the 
American Navy with the greatest indignity, 
and defamed his character in the highest 
manner by signing and sending to the Hon- 
orable Continental Congress several unjust 
and false complaints against the Com- 
mander-in-Chief in a private and secret man- 
ner, and also violating the 28th 29th and 31st 
Articles for the Regulation of the Ameri- 
can Navy, which they think is acting beneath 
an officer of his station." 

The Court also rebuked him for the 



' From the original record of the court martial in Hopkins 
Papers, vol. 3, page 2. 



ESEK HOPKINS 3 I ^ 

insultino;; manner in which he had conducted 
himself before it, and for this considered him 
" unworthy of holding a commission in the 
American Navy." The order of the Court 
was, "that Lieutenant Richard Marvin forth- 
with deliver up his commission to the Com- 
mander in Chief — and in case he should 
refuse to do it that he be put under immediate 
Confinement until he comply with the Re- 
solve of this Court." 

On the same day the findings of the Court 
were confirmed by the Commander-in-Chief. 

Marvin's career in the American Navy 
terminated with this act. He had received 
his appointment as Lieutenant on April 30, 
1776, and on April 3, 1777, he was dishonor- 
ably discharged. For these eleven months' 
service, much of which time he had devoted 
to breeding discontent among his associates 
and indulging in underhand methods against 
the Commander of the Navy, he afterwards 
received a pension from the United States. 

News and the post travelled slowly in 
those days. More than a week before this 
court martial had convened Congress had 
suspended Hopkins from his command in 
the Navy, yet he was as ignorant of it as 
though such an order had never been passed. 



2 l6 



ESEK nOPKlXS 



It was not until tlie fifteenth clay of April 
that he was notified of the action of Con- 
gress, but on that clay Daniel Tillinghast, 
Continental Agent for Rhode Island, at 
half past two o'clock in the afternoon, 
placed in the hands of Esek Hopkins a 
copy of the order suspending him from his 
command, certified and attested by John 
Hancock, president. Without a hearing, 
without the privilege of saying one word 
in his own defence, and without so much as 
the formality of a trial, the Commander-in- 
Chief of the Navy had been summarily sus- 
pended from his command and his good 
name had been assailed. Such proceedings, 
however, had not been without precedent. 
Others high in ofBcial position had been thus 
served, and others were destined to feel the 
keen darts of insult. To a man of Hopkins' 
temperament, who had for years been accus- 
tomed to rule, who was working earnestly 
and fearlessly in a cause in which he had 
enlisted heart and soul, the action of Con- 
gress came with crushing force ; a weaker 
character would have succumbed with the 
shock. Hopkins, however, was made of 
sterner stuff. 

About the time that Hopkins received the 



ESEK HOPKINS 3 I 7 

formal order of his suspension he also re- 
ceived a letter from his friend William 
Ellery, then representing Rhode Island in 
the Continental Congress, in which he ex- 
pressed his regret at the action of that body. 
To this letter Hopkins responded on the 
20th of April. Notwithstanding the great 
injury that had been done him and the humil- 
iation which his suspension had brought, this 
letter shows the manly spirit with which he 
received this verdict and his undiminished 
patriotism. Thus he writes : 

" Providence, April 20th 1777 — 
To THE Hon Willm Ellery Esq. 

Member of the Coat I Congress, at 
Phil a da. 

Sir I receiv'd your esteem'd Favour of 
Town meeting day just time enough to get 
chose a deputy for this Town, — had I re- 
ceiv'd it a Week sooner perhaps I might 
have been at the head of the Prox — 

Altho' I have lost the Interest of a parcel 
of mercenary merchants Owners of Priva- 
teers, I do not think I have lost it in the 
Major part of this State — I heartily wish the 
Fleet may do well in the way you have di- 
rected it — I am obliged to you for your 



2j8 ESEh' HOPKINS 

advice to continue a Friend to my Country, 
and you may depend I sliall, should I have a 
few Friends in it — neither do I expect to 
remain Inactive — 

I can assure you it gives me great Satis- 
faction that in my own judgment I have 
done everything in my power (or would have 
been in any other mans power in my place) 
for the Service of my Country — One thing I 
must nsk, and shall think I am not well us'd 
if it is not granted — That is an attested Copy 
of a paper or petition Sign'd by some of the 
Ship 'Warrens' Officers, and perhaps some 
other men to the hon. Marine Board, or to 
Congress — Should it be in your power to 
obtain it please to send it soon — if not, 
please to let me know the reason why I am 
not to be allow'd it — and you will much 

oblige 

Sir 

Your real F"riend 

EsEK Hopkins."' 

In compliance with this request for a copy 
of the petition which had been sent to Con- 
gress, a resolution was passed, on May 14. 
directing that a copy of the complaint made 



Hopkins Papers, vol. i, page 77. 



ESEK Jl OP KINS 2IQ 

by the men on the ''Warren'" ho. delivered 
to Mr. Ellery for the use of Hopkins. He 
repeatedly requested that this order of Con- 
gress might be complied with, and it was 
not until several months afterwards that he 
received these copies and learned exactly the 
charges that caused his suspension.^ Hop- 
kins remained under suspension until Jan- 
uary 2, 1778, when he was summarily 
dismissed from the service of the United 
States. It is sometimes stated that he 
refused to appear before Congress after he 
had been suspended and answer the charges 
made against him, and for this neglect Con- 
gress rebuked him ; there does not appear, 
however, any evidence to substantiate this 
statement. The scheme of his enemies had 
succeeded, he was no longer in the way, the 
nefarious plot of a few skillful men had pre- 
vailed. Smarting under the sting, and 
knowing that he would receive no considera- 
tion from Congress, he determined to have 
justice done him in a court of law. He 
therefore consulted with Rouse J. Helme, a 
leading attorney of the state, a man of great 

' The last official letter recorded in the Orders and Letters of 
the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy is dated July 4, 1777, and 
is a request to William Ellery for a copy of these charges. 



20 ESEK nOPKlXS 

influence and activity in its affairs, and it 
was decided to bring a suit for criminal libel 
against the officers who were concerned in 
the conspiracy, with damages laid at ^10,000. 

This suit was begun by a warrant issuing 
out of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas, 
of Rhode Island, on January 13, 1778, direct- 
ing the sheriff of the county of Providence 
to arrest the bodies of Roger Haddock, John 
Truman, James Brewer, John Granis, James 
Sellers, Richard Marvin, George Stillman, 
Barnabas Lothrop, Samuel Shaw and John 
Reed, and have them before said court on 
"the third monday in June" following. 

This warrant was placed in the hands of 
Martin Seamans, sheriff, who subsequently 
made return of service on Samuel Shaw and 
Richard Marvin, the other parties, defend- 
ants, doubtless being without the jurisdiction 
of the court. Both these men gave bail, the 
former presenting Ebenezer Sprout, of 
Middleborough, Mass., the latter furnished 
John Brown, of Providence. It is significant 
that the leader in the conspiracy, who had 
been dishonorably discharged from the Navy 
for his ]Darticipation in the scheme, found a 
sponsor in the person of one of the members 
of the very committee that Hopkins had 



ESEK HOPKINS 22 1 

charged with malfeasance in office, and which 
committee it was alleged had instigated the 
charges to deprive him of his command. 
This case was heard at the June term of the 
Inferior Court of Common Pleas, to which the 
writ had been returnable. Soon after beino- 
arrested on the libel suit, Marvin and Shaw 
presented a petition to Congress, represent- 
ing that they had been made defendants in 
a suit — that they were without the means to 
defend themselves and were put to much 
trouble and charge, and asked Congress 
to defray the expense of their defence. 
This petition was considered by Congress, 
and on the thirtieth of July an act was 
passed giving them the relief prayed for, and 
on the next day the following letter from 
Henry Laurens, president of Congress, was 
sent to the petitioners transmitting a copy 
of the act of Congress : 

" Philadelphia 31st July 1778 
Gentlemen Inclosed with this you will 
receive an Act of Congress' of the 30th inst 

"'In Congress July 30 1778. 

The committee to whom was referred the petition of Richard 
Marvin and Samuel Shaw brought in a report which was taken 
into consideration whereupon 

Resolved, that it is the duty of all persons in the service of the 



2 22 ESEK IIOPKJi\'S 

for defraying the reasonable expenses of 
defending the suit against you by Capt Esek 
Hopkins, together with attested copies of 
the records of Congress respecting his ap- 
pointment & dismission to & from a com- 
mand in the Continental navy 
I am Gentlemen 
Your most obedient servant 
Henry Laurens Presd of Conm-ess 

o 

p. S. inclosed is a duplicate of the Act 
of Congress of the 30th, which if necessary 
you will deliver to the Inferior Court 

Messrs Richard Marvin & Samuel Shaw 
Providence" 



United States as well as all others the inhabitants thereof, to give 
the earliest information to Congress or other proper authority of 
any misconduct, frauds or misdemeanors committed by any officers 
or persons in the Service of these States, which may come to their 
knowledge 

Whereas a suit has been commenced by Esek Hopkins Esq 
against Richard Marvin & Samuel Shaw for information & com- 
plaint by them & others made to Congress against the said Esek 
Hopkins while in the service of the United States 

Resolved that the reasonable expenses of defending the said suit 
be defrayed by the United States. 

Ordered that the Secretary of Congress furnish the petitioners 
with attested copies of the records of Congress, so far as they 
relate to the appointment of Esek Hopkins Esq to any command 
in the continental navy and his dismission from the same, and also 
to the proceedings of Congress upon the complaint of the petitions 
against the said Esek Hopkins, presented to Congress through 
the marine committee as mentioned in their petition." 



ESEK HOPKINS 2 2'^ 

With this substantial backino- and with 
the effect it produced the defendants came 
before the court for trial. Marvin and 
Shaw secured for counsel William Chan- 
ning, Esq., of Newport, then attorney gen- 
eral of the state. Hopkins produced as 
witnesses to testify to his character and con- 
duct men eminent in the community, men 
who had known him for years on shore and 
at sea; they were: Capt. Joseph Olney; 
the Rev. James Manning, a Baptist clergy- 
man, and at this time president of Rhode 
Island College ; Captain Daniel Tillinghast, 
the Continental agent for Rhode Island ; 
Captain Ambrose Page, a sea captain, a 
member of the General Assembly of Rhode 
Island, and afterwards Judge of the Ad- 
miralty Court of Rhode Island; and Stephen 
Potter. 

The trial of this case occupied five days. 
Captain Joseph Olney, the first witness for 
the plaintiff, was engaged, and in his ex- 
amination testified : 

" Question. Captain Olney, are you ac- 
quainted with Esek Hopkins Esq, character 
as a public officer & a private gentleman, if 
so please to relate his character. 

Answer. When he commanded the fleet 



2 24 ESI-: A' //()/' AV.VS 

I always looked upon him as a commander 
always desirous to serve his country & in 
the fleet we looked upon him as a gentle- 
man 

Question. How long have you been ac- 
quainted with Mr Hopkins and what time 
did you enter the service on board the fleet 
which commodore Hopkins commanded. 

Answer. I entered on board the fleet 
under his command at Philadelphia in De- 
cember 1775 and remained there all the time 
he commanded it. My acquaintance with 
him has been from my youth up. 

Question. Have you ever heard the con- 
duct of commodore Hopkins as commander 
of the fleet censured. 

Answer. I have heard his conduct blamed 
by some in Philadelphia & in particular Mr 
Newman and Capt Shaw who left the fleet 
at New London. 

Question. Have you heard that the public 
in oeneral censured the conduct of Commo- 
dore Hopkins while he had the command of 
the fleet. 

Answer. I have heard him censured but 
by them that I thought knew nothing of the 
affairs of the fleet. 

Question. On board of what vessel was 







Frotii an original print in "An Impartial History oj the War in 
A rnrrica, (i:^i.," London, 177c}. 



Portrait Plate 



ESEK HOPKINS 22^;. 

you an officer, and was you with the said 
Esek Hopkins the whole of the time he had 
the command of the fleet. 

Answer. I was Second Lieutenant on 
board the 'Columbus' until he returned 
from Philadelphia, & then was appointed to 
the command of the 'Columbus ' until Jan- 
uary 1776. 

Question. Did you ever hear Esek Hop- 
kins Esq speak disrespectfully of the Con- 
gress or the Cause we are engaged in 

Answer. No." 

Rev. Dr. Manning was then sworn and 
examined, testifying in reply to the questions 
put to him as follows : 

" Question. How long have you been ac- 
quainted with Esek Hopkins Esq & what is 
his oreneral character. 

Answer. From more than seven years 
intimate acquaintance with said Esek Hop- 
kins Esq., I have had the highest reasons to 
esteem him a man of honor & respectable 
character amongst mankind & a zealous 
advocate for the cause & liberty of his coun- 
try & disposed to serve it with his best 
abilities. 

Question. Have you ever heard the 



226 



ESEK HOPKINS 



conduct of the said Esek Hopkins as com- 
mander of the fieet censured. 

Answer. I have heard many say that he 
oueht to have orone out with the fleet before 
the Enemy came to Newport, and others 
justified his bringing the Ships into the river, 
but whether they were quahfied from per- 
sonal knowledge of the state of the fleet, 
to form a judgment, I am not able to say. 

Question. Are you acquainted with tlie 
conduct of the said Esek Hopkins Esq while 
on board the fleet. 

Answer. No" 

Daniel Tillinghast's testimony disclosed 
another point of the libel not heretofore 
mentioned in the case, and the insinuation 
that he had been irregular in his transactions 
with his men regarding prize money met 
a prompt denial. Tillinghast's testimony 
being as follows : 

" Question. Are you acquainted with Com- 
modore Hopkins & for how long, and what 
is his o^eneral character as an officer, seaman 
and gentleman in private life. 

Answer. I have been personally ac- 
quainted with Commodore Hopkins above 
28 years & have always ( ) him to be an 



ESEK HOPKINS 227 

experienced officer & much of a gentleman 
in a private character. 

Question. Did Commodore Hopkins 
receive the wages & prize money belonging 
to the seamen under his command in the 
fleet. 

Answer. No. 

Question. As the British fleet arrived in 
the river & at Newport was the fleet under 
the command of commodore Hopkins fitted 
for sea, were they after the arrival of ( ) 

-British fleet finished & a considerable sum 
of money expended on them 

Answer. I having a personal knowledge 
of the situation of the fleet at that time, 
know they could not proceed to sea, and a 
considerable sum of money was expended 
on the Ships after the fleet arrived. 

Question. Did Commodore Hopkins ever 
call on you as Continental agent to pay off 
the seamen & make division of the prize 
money. 

Answer. He did & I paid as long as I 
had any money in my hands. 

Question. Do you conceive the conduct 
of commodore Hopkins to be any way detri- 
mental to maning said fleet. 

Answer. I did not. 



2 28 ESEK HOPKINS 

Question. What number of men had they 
on board the ship 'IVarreii & the other 
ships. 

Answer. To the best of my knowledge 
about I lo and but few seamen, among them 
on board the 'Warrcn\ on board the 'Prov- 
idence'' about lOO. & the 'Columbus' about 
30. the Sloop 'Providence' about 15 — 

Question. Are you acquainted with the 
conduct of the said Esek Hopkins when on 
board the fleet. Did you ever hear his con- 
duct censured by the public 

Answer. As to his conduct while on 
board the fleet I never heard but he behaved 
as an experienced officer, nor was I on board 
to see his conduct. I have heard him cen- 
sured often by people that I was sure did not 
know the situation of the fleet at that time " 

The examination of Captain Ambrose 
Page, who had known Hopkins from his 
boyhood days, was of much the same char- 
acter as that given by others and was sub- 
mitted as follows : 

" Question. Are you acquainted with the 
character of Commodore Hopkins as an offi- 
cer, seaman and as a gentleman in private 
life, please to relate. 



ESEK HOPKINS 2 2Q 

Answer. I have known Capt Esek Hop- 
Icins Esq from his youth, until he com- 
manded the American fleet, to my certain 
knowledge his character as an honest judi- 
cious commander ever has been esteemed 
amongst the gentlemen of this town. I 
have also known him in the W Indies on 
several voyages, where he was much re- 
spected by the merchants of my acquaint- 
ance, & I doubt not but every gentleman 
will allow him, a sincere friend in the cause 
of his Country 

Question. Did you ever hear the con- 
duct of the said Esek Hopkins Esq. as com- 
mander of the fleet, censured & by whom. 

Answer. I do not particular remember, 
but some of the then present council did not 
justify his not going to sea on the expecta- 
tion of the British fleet taking possession of 
Newport. 

Question. Are you acquainted with the 
conduct of Esek Hopkins Esq. while com- 
mander & on board the fleet. 

Answer. No. 

Question. As you was one of the mem- 
bers of the upper house of Assembly when 
commodore Hopkins requested the advice 
of the Committee who acted in the recess of 



2^0 ESEK HOPKINS 

the General Assembly, what was to be done 
with the fleet under his command as the 
British fleet then a vast deal superior in 
numbers & force were approaching what 
was the answer given by Commodore Hop- 
kins. 

Answer. As near as I remember, was 
this. His orders was on his being fitted & 
manned to go on a second expedition there- 
fore could not proceed to Boston as we ad- 
vised, but if he could take any measures to 
man his fleet; would immediately proceed 
to Sea " 

In concludino- the evidence in the case 
for the plaintiff Stephen Potter made the 
following deposition in open court: 

" The deposition of Stephen Potter Esq 
duly sworn saith that he had been acquainted 
with Commodore Hopkins & that he the 
Said Hopkins hath borne the character of 
an honest man as far as I ever knew or 
heard, & I have been acquainted with him 
for near twenty years & I never heard him 
charged with any thing criminal that dis- 
qualifies him in my opinion from serving in 
any station whatever. I have heard some 
persons fault him in some matters, that when 
they had done, I concluded they were not 



ESEK HOPKINS 2 •? I 

judges of; they were matters of his staying 
in Providence river with the fleet." 

The depositions of the three officers who 
had first warned Hopkins of the conspiracy 
were also submitted. 

The defendants rehed almost entirely for 
their case upon the proceedings in Con- 
gress. Full copies of all the acts of Con- 
gress relative to Hopkins' connections with 
the navy had been transmitted by the secre- 
tary of that body, as well as copies of letters 
from President John Hancock and others, 
to the Commander; there were also the 
depositions of the officers and men on the 
" Warren " who had signed the petition to 
Congress against Hopkins, as well as copies 
of the petition and complaint itself. In ad- 
dition to the depositions of the officers of 
the ''Warren'' heretofore presented in the 
narration of the events leading up to this 
point, there were submitted to the court 
those of Sellers, Marvin, Stillman, Lothrop, 
Brewer and Truman, and, that an impartial 
review of the case may be made, they are 
here given. 

These depositions accompanied the peti- 
tion and complaint when it was first sent to 
Congress, and were as follows : 



2^2 ESEK HOPKINS 

"On Board the Ship 'Warren' 

February 23, 1777. 

The regard which I have for my country 
has induced me to write the following accu- 
sations against commodore Hopkins : 

First. I know him to be a man of no 
principles & quite unfit for the important 
trust reposed in him. I have often heard 
him curse the honorable Marine committee 
in the very words following ' God damn them, 
they are a pack of damned fools If I should 
follow their directions the whole country 
would be ruined. I am not going to follow 
their directions, by God.' Such profane 
swearing is his common conversation, in 
which respect, he sets a very wicked and 
detestable example both to his ofificers & 
men. 'Tis my humble opinion, that if he 
continues to have the command, all the offi- 
cers who have any regard to their own char- 
acters will be obliged, very soon, to quit the 
service of their country. When the frigates 
were at Newport, before the ' British fleet 
took possession of that place, more than an 
hundred men who were discharged from the 
army, the most of them seamen, were willing 
to come on board the ships and assist in 



ESEK HOPKINS 2 •21 

-carrying them to Boston, or any other harbor 
to the Eastward, in order that they might be 
manned, but Commodore Hopkins utterly 
refused, being determined to keep them in 
this state, from which we have not been 
able after all our pains to procure a single 
man for this ship. He has treated prisoners 
in a very unbecoming barbarous manner. 
His conduct and character are such, in this 
part of the country that I can see no pros- 
pect of the fleet ever being manned. 

Ja's Sellers." ' 

"Ship 'Warren'' Feb. 24 1777. 
The following lines contain the reasons 
why we signed the petition against commo- 
dore Hopkins. We consider him on account 
of his real character, quite unfit for the im- 
portant public station wherein he now pre- 
tends to act. We know him to be, from his 
-conversation & conduct, a man destitute of 
the principles both of religion & morality. 
We likewise know that he sets the most im- 
pious example both to his officers & men by 
frequently profaning the name of Almighty 
God & by ridiculing virtue. We know him 
to be one principal obstacle or reason why 

' From a copy of the original laid before Congress. See also 
Hopkins Papers, vol. 3, page 14. 



2-^4 ESEK HOPKfXS 

this ship is not manned & people are afraid 
to engage in the fleet through fear of their 
being turned over to this ship. We have con- 
sidered it as an indispensible duty we owe 
our country sincerely to petition the honor- 
able Marine Committee, that his conduct 
& character may be inquired into, for as 
things are now circumstanced we greatly 
fear these friorates will not be in a situation 

o 

capable of doing America, any service 

Richard Marvin 
George Stillman 
Barnabas Lothrop 

Commodore Hopkins is very much blamed 
by people here for not destroying a British 
frigate when aground a few days ago in this 
river, and we suppose very justly 

Jas Sellers 
RicHD Marvin" ' 

"Ship 'Warren Feb 24, 1777 
I the subscriber have heard commodore 
Hopkins say, that the Continental Congress 
was a pack of ignorant lawyers clerks & that 
they knew nothing at all. I also have heard 
him say, when earnestly persuaded to remove 

' Hopkins Papers, vol. 3, page 14. 



ESEK HOPKINS ^^r 

the fleet to Boston, being in constant expecta- 
tion that this river would be blocked up, 
The ships shall not go to Boston, by God, 

James Brewer" ' 

"Ship 'Warren' Feb 24 1777. 
I the subscriber can attest that our com- 
mander Commodore Hopkins has spoken 
very abusively concerning the Honorable 
Congress calling that respectable assembly, 
who ought to be considered as the guardians 
of American liberty, a pack of ignorant law- 
yers clerks who know nothing at all 

John Truman "' 

The result of this trial was unfavorable to 
Hopkins, for the jury, seven of whom were 
residents of Providence, after considering the 
evidence, brought in a verdict for " the de- 
fendants and their costs," thereby declaring 
that the defendants did not " wickedly mali- 
ciously and infamously conspire together in 
order to injure the plaintiff " Notwithstand- 
ing the prejudices and opposition there was 
against him, Hopkins did not lose the confi- 
dence or respect of the citizens of the state 



' Hopkins Papers, vol. 3, page 14. 
' Ibid. 



136 



ESEK HOPKINS 



by this action of Congress and the findings 
of a jury of his peers. If he had been the 
unprincipled person that has been pictured 
he would soon have disappeared from the 
stage of public life and never more have been 
heard of ; public sentiment does not uphold 
such men ; but the situation was well under- 
stood by the people of the state. They knew 
that he was being persecuted by a set of men 
whose influence was so powerful that it was 
wiser to disregard it than to antagonize it, 
and they kept their own counsel. Congress 
had reveniied itself on the man who had 
spoken carelessly of it, and Hopkins had 
been told by twelve of his fellow men that 
no injury to his reputation or character had 
accrued by reason of the allegations made 
against him. Thus ended his troubles 
brought about by his connection with the 
American Navy, but it did not end his con- 
nection with the cause in which the colonies 
were then desperately engaged. Public con- 
fidence in him was not lessened, and upon 
retiring from his command he at once 
enlisted heart and soul in the public service 
in other fields of usefulness. 



CHAPTER VII 

CLOSING YEARS. 

IT was on the second day of January, 1778,^ 
that Hopkins was dismissed from the 
naval service of the United States, and a 
career which promised much at the outset 
came to an end. 

It was not in his nature, however, to remain 
inactive. His enemies had triumphed, surely, 
but he was not without friends. His towns- 
men recognized his abilities and his patriotic 
motives too, and at the spring election fol- 
lowinsf his dismissal from the naval service 
he was again elected a deputy to the Gen- 
eral Assembly from the town of North 
Providence, which he represented from 1777 
to 1786. The situation in Rhode Island 
during a portion of this period was most 
critical. The British forces held possession 
of Newport, and the lower bay was patrolled 
by British war vessels. Marauding parties 
from the enemy's camp frequently descended 
upon the bay side towns, and a state of 



238 



ESEA' HOPKINS 



warfare existed which kept the people con- 
stantly on the alert, and the militia of the 
state continually u n d e r 
arms. 

Soon after Hopkins 
took his seat in the leQ[-is- 
lature that body appointed 
h i m a m ember of the 
Council of War, and this 
position he held during 
the entire period of its 
service. 

During the years of the 
war he was frequently em- 
ployed on various commit- 
tees having the charge of 
mil) tar)' affairs. Particu- 
larly was he active on 
committees appointed to 
adjust the accounts of the 
several regiments of the 
state, and as late as 1791, 
some years after liis ser- 
vices in tlie legislature 
had terminated, he was 
appointed, with Benjamin 
Bourn, to examine and ad- 
just the claim of General 




L, . 

ESEK HOPKINS SWORD 



ESEK HOPKINS 3 IQ 

Ezekiel Cornell for his services durinor the 

o 

years of the Revolutionary struggle. While 
a member of the General Assembly, in 1785, 
he was elected Collector of Imposts for the 
county of Providence, and held this office for 
one year. 

It was in this year also that Hopkins' 
distinguished brother, Stephen, closed his 
career, full of years and honors. He had 
been in public life for more than forty years, 
and no man had attained a wider reputation 
in the colonies than Stephen Hopkins of 
Rhode Island.^ His influence was powerful 
from the very beginning of the struggle for 
American Independence. Of all the dele- 
gates in the Continental Conoress none in- 
spired greater respect, was so closely followed 
in debate or was so highly valued for his 
opinions as Stephen Hopkins; yet, after he 
had left that body, and at the moment when 
all these influences were so necessary to the 
future of Esek Hopkins, he was powerless to 
extend any assistance. Esek Hopkins un- 
doubtedly owed much to the influence of his 
brother, not only in official preferment but 

' For an exhaustive study of his Hfe and character see " Stephen 
Hopkins, a Rhode Island Statesman, by William E. Foster, 
Providence, Sidney S. Rider, 1884." 



240 



ESEK HOPKINS 



in the example set of patriotic duty to his 
country and unselfish service to his fellow 
men. 

It was his privilege during the last year 
of his service in the legislature to nominate 
the Rev. James Manning to represent Rhode 
Island in the Continental Congress, and he 
was elected to that body, where he served 
one year. Manning at this time was presi- 
dent of Rhode Island College, and the 
two men had strong attachments for each 
other. 

Esek Hopkins had attained the ripe age 
of seventy-three years before his public 
career terminated. For more than thirty 
years he had served in various public 
stations, and the regularity with which he 
had been chosen to represent his town and 
state is the strongest evidence of his ability, 
honesty and integrity in all his dealings. 

Not only had he been called upon to give 
of his talents and his time in managing the 
affairs of government of the state of his birth, 
but his wise counsel had been recognized b}'- 
the institution of learning which had been 
established in Providence a few years before, 
and in 1782 he was elected one of the trus- 
tees of Rhode Island college, afterwards 



ESEK HOPKINS 24 I 

Brown University, which position he held at 
the time of his death. Among the students 
in the college, graduating in the class of 
1787, was Jonathan Maxey, a young man 
from Attleboro, Mass. The same year 
Maxey became a tutor in the university, 
and served until 1791, when he was chosen 
pastor of the First Baptist Church, and in 
August of that year married Hopkins' 
daughter, Susannah. He subsequently was 
elected president of the college and had a 
distinguished career. 

Heart Hopkins, another daughter, was a 
woman of great culture, and, quite in ad- 
vance of the period, took the regular course 
of study at the college, under the special 
direction of her brother-in-law, its presi- 
dent. 

About this time the afflictions of old aee 
began to creep upon Hopkins; he partially 
lost the use of his limbs in " consequence of 
a paralytic stroke," so that he was obliged 
to go about on crutches. On the fifth of 
December, 1796, he was still further afflicted 
by the death of his oldest son. Captain John 
Burroughs Hopkins, who had served so gal- 
lantly with him in the Navy. 

Connected with the feebleness of old a^e 



2^2 ESEK HOPKINS 

there is an incident so touching that it 
arouses our sympathies and brings vividly 
before us the heart aches and sufferings of 
this venerable man. It will be remembered 
that during the proceedings in Congress 
against Hopkins no one took so firm a 
stand in his defence as did John Adams. 
We recall the scene between William Ellery 
and Adams when, at the close of the de- 
bate, Ellery advanced to the seat of Adams, 
and, giving him his hand, thanked him 
for his final plea in behalf of the Com- 
mander, and also said : " You have made 
the old man your friend for life ; he will 
hear of your defence of him and he never 
foro^ets a kindness." 

Years went by, and Adams was called to 
the highest office in the gift of the people of 
the new nation. No one watched his ad- 
vancement with greater interest or felt a 
deeper pride and satisfaction than Esek 
Hopkins. To him Adams stood out dis- 
tinct and apart from all other men in the 
whole land, the embodiment of manliness 
and honesty. In the time of adversity he 
had been Hopkins' friend ; not such a friend 
as is secured by the enthusiasm of political 
strife, but a friend, earnest and sincere, deter- 



ESEK HOPKINS 



24, 



mined to know the truth and base his whole 
judgment upon it. In the summer of 1797 
John Adams, with his family, stopped in 
Providence on his way to his Aiassachusetts 
home. It was the first opportunity that had 
been offered to the citizens of the town to 
pay their respects to him since he had been 
elected to the presidency, and great prepara- 
tions were made to honor the distinguished 
guest. The president was escorted into the 
town by the Providence Light Dragoons, a 
company which had been formed some years 
before, and his arrival was signalled by the 
ringing of bells and the roar of cannon. He 
was escorted to the Golden Ball tavern, 
where accommodations had been provided 
for himself and family. " In the evening 
the College edifice and some private dwell- 
ings were brilliantly illuminated" and the 
whole town put on a gala appearance. That 
night, while the president was resting in 
his room with his family, he was informed 
that a gentleman wished to see him. Leav- 
ing them he went to one of the waiting 
rooms and there found an old man bowed 
with years and infirmities. It was Esek 
Hopkins. In his feeble condition he had 
been driven to the inn that he might show 



^.. ESEK HOPKINS 

his respect and express his gratitude to the 
man who, years before, had stood up for him 
in the hour of trouble. Propped up by his 
crutches, his eyes overflowing with tears and 
his heart filled with emotion, he thanked the 
president for his interest taken in defending 
him from the attacks of his enemies. 

This episode made a deep impression upon 
Adams, and he detailed the occurrence in the 
diary of the events of that journey, and after- 
wards wrote as he recalled the pathetic scene 
that Hopkins said: "he knew not for what 
end he was continued in life, unless it were 
to punish his friends or teach his children and 
grandchildren to respect me," and Adams fur- 
ther adds: " The president of Rhode Island 
College who had married his (Hopkins) 
dauQ-hter and all his family showed me the 
same affectionate attachment." 

There was a social side to Esek Hopkins' 
character that was as pronounced as it was 
interesting and attractive. He was fond of 
the companionship of young people, and at 
all social functions of his friends and neigh- 
bors he was a conspicuous figure. He is 
said to have danced well, was bright and en- 
tertaining in conversation, and his company 
was always enjoyed on account of all these 



ESEK HOPKINS 



245 



attractive qualities. No party, ball, or sim- 
ilar gathering was thought to be complete 
without his presence, and only when impor- 
tant ensaoements or ill health prevented did 
he fail to be numbered among the guests. 
As he advanced in years, and sickness pre- 
vented him from taking part in any such 
pleasures, it became a source of much disap- 
pointment to him. For a long time previous 
to his death he was confined to' his bed, un- 
able to move, yet possessed of all his facul- 
ties and exhibiting a keen interest in all that 
was QToino- on about him. 

The last days of his life were attended 
with much suffering, yet he calmly awaited 
the end with marked patience and quiet 
resignation. On the evening of Friday, Feb- 
ruary 26, 1802, the long and useful life of 
this venerable man came to an end. On the 
following Tuesday (March 2) his body was 
borne to the little God's Acre on the home- 
stead farm, followed by a large number of 
"affectionate relatives and friends." 

His death w^as mourned by the people of 
the state, to whom he had become endeared 
by his years of active public service. Some 
idea of the estimation in which he was held 
by his fellow men may be derived from the 



246 



ESEK HOPKINS 



following announcement of his death, pub- 
lished in the Providence Gazette, on March 
6, 1802 : 

" On Friday the 26th ult. at his residence 
in North Providence, Esek Hopkins, Esq. ; 
in the 84th year of his age. His remains 
were on Tuesday last followed to the grave 
by a respectable concourse of affectionate 
relatives and friends. Through the different 
stages of a long life, the character of this 
gentleman was uniformly distinguished by 
an energetic mind, and a steadiness of prin- 
ciple, which age and infirmity were unable 
to impair. A genuine fortitude of mind, a 
lively sensibility of heart, and an immovable 
adherence to integrity were his general char- 
acteristics. With patience and resignation 
he continued to sustain the afflictions of dis- 
ease, till he calmly resigned his life, while 
the agonies of death could not extort a groan. 
In him his children have lost an affectionate 
parent, society a worthy member and his 
country an inflexible patriot. In the Ameri- 
can Revolution, he stood forth in the perils 
and hardships of war. He was honored with 
the command of the first naval expedition 
equipped by the Continental Congress, and 
was the first who dared to unfurl the American 



ESEK HOPKINS 247 

flag in defiance of a powerful foe. The 
duties of many important ofifices were by his 
fellow citizens confided to him, of which he 
acquitted himself with reputation and ability. 
In the Legislature of the State he long sus- 
tained a seat, and was a member thereof at 
the time of the adoption of the federal consti- 
tution, which he then strenuously advocated, 
and has uniformly continued to support." 

Of the ten children' born to Esek and 
Desire Hopkins, five were sons and five 
daughters ; all of his sons died before him, 
while all the daughters survived their father. 

On the fifteenth of September previous to 
his death Hopkins executed his will, gener- 
ously remembering his children and grand- 
children and amply providing for their future 
welfare. He left little personal estate, which 
consisted mostly of household furniture, cattle 



I The ten children of Esek and Desire Hopkins were : 

John Burroughs Hopkins, b. Aug. 25. 1742 ; d. Dec. 5, I7q6. 

Heart, b. Sept. i, I744; d. July 11, 1825. 

Abigail, b. Oct. 25, 1746; d. April 25, 1S21 

Samuel, b. Feby. 19, T748; d. Sept. 22. 1750. 

Amey, b. Jan. 26, 1751; d. Dec. 14, 1835. 

Stephen, b. March 6, 1753; d. July 3 1761. 

Susanna, b. May 10, 1756; d. 1803. 

Esek, b. June g, 1758; d. I777- 

Samuel, b. d. Dec. 1782. 

Desire, b. May 17, 1764; d. May 20, 1S43. 



248 



ESEK IIOPKIXS 



and farm implements, but his holdings of real 
estate covered more than two hundred acres 
in the neiohborhood of his homestead. To 
his three daughters, Heart, Desire and 
Susanna, he bequeathed the mansion house 
where he had lived so long. This house is 
situated in Providence on Admiral street, 
named in Hopkins' honor many years ago. 
It still remains in the possession of one of 
his descendants, being now owned by Mrs. 
Frederick L. Gould, of Cambridoe, Massa- 
chusetts, a great great granddaughter. 

Originally it was a two story gambrel roof 
house, not an elaborate or imposing struc- 
ture, but from time to time additions have 
been made until now it is full of quaint cor- 
ners and little ells. The old well, with its 
substantial well house in the rear of the 
kitchen, yet supplies water for the household 
as clear and sparkling as it was when Esek 
Hopkins first came there to dwell. Nearly a 
mile away to the northward is the graveyard 
where the remains of the distinguished Com- 
mander lie buried with others of his kindred. 
This tract of land, or as it was called, " the 
burying place," was conveyed ' to the town 



I'avvtucket Record of Deeds, Book 2, page 377. 




■n 



w 



<I 



ESEA' HOPKINS ^ , „ 

of North Providence by Esek Hopkins, on 
September 20, 1791, "for a burying place 
for that use only." When a part of North 
Providence was annexed to the city of 
Providence this burying ground was brought 
within the city limits and is now known as 
" Hopkins' Park," proceedings having been 
taken by the municipality towards this end. 
A bronze figure, heroic size, has been reared 
over his grave through the liberality of a de- 
scendant ' and the municipality, representing 
the Commander in his uniform of the navy. 
On the pedestal is inscribed this legend, pre- 
pared by the author of this work : 

ESEK HOPKINS 

Commander in Chief 

OF THE 

Continental Navy 

During the 

American Revolution 

From Dec 22 1775 to Jan 2 1778 

Born April 26 17 18 Died Feb 26 1802. 



The late Harriet N. H. Coggeshall. 



2 CO ESEK HOPKINS 

It is doubtful if there was any more ex- 
perienced seaman or skillful navigator to be 
found in any of the colonies at the outbreak 
of the American Revolution than Esek Hop- 
kins. He was then a man of mature years, 
had commanded ships for more than thirty 
years, comprising merchantmen and priva- 
teers, and no American ship master was 
better known in foreign parts. It is not 
too much to say that there were other ship 
masters who possessed similar capabilities, 
were skillful navigators and brave seamen. 
It was not these qualifications alone that 
caused Esek Hopkins to be selected to 
command the navy of the united colonies. 

The material from which to select such a 
commander and even officers for a navy list 
was scant indeed. With the organization of 
a naval service a new system and order from 
that hitherto in vogue on vessels was de- 
manded, a discipline strict, almost severe, was 
imperative. 

The ship master of that period, as now, 
was an autocrat on board his vessel, but there 
was little distinction between the relationship 
of ofificers and men. The forecastle and 
quarter-deck mingled in the most friendly 
manner. 



ESEK HOPKINS 2 =; I 

The officers and seamen were intimate 
friends, neighbors, or associates at home, and 
on ship board continued the intimacy. There 
was a discipline peculiar to the sea which 
was firm and unyielding, but it was not such 
as was expected on a government ship. 

When a navy was projected this element 
in its composition was a subject of much 
concern ; the colonies never had carried on 
naval affairs to any extent. A certain ex- 
perience might have been had by the men 
who had served on the colony coast guard 
ships, but the life on these quasi government 
vessels w^as more free and easy, if any thing, 
than that aboard the merchantmen and pri- 
vateers. 

Even with the military forces in the col- 
onies the same difficulty existed only to a 
lesser degree. From the earliest days of the 
settlements in America a military force had 
been essential to the life of the colonists. 

Trainings had been instituted, and were 
followed up with strict regularity ; a certain 
proficiency in tactics and discipline had 
been accomplished, and even some active 
experience in the field had been obtained in 
the Colonial wars. But with even this ex- 
perience, when the military force of the 



^ro ESEA' HOPK/yS 

colonies was called into the field there was 
a decided lack of militar)' methods. Disci- 
pline, too, was lax, the officers were selected 
with due regard to their experience and 
capabilities, but the fact that they were 
popular with the men and companionable 
fellows had great weight in securing their 
appointments. This relationship was con- 
tinued in the camp and field, and officers and 
men met on a common level. This being 
the state of the military force, with years of 
organization, it was important that in organ- 
izing a naval force that some one skilled as 
a master mariner and possessed of a suffi- 
cient knowledge of discipline and the gov- 
ernment of a body of nien should be selected. 
Of all the available men for the command 
of the navy, none, it was considered, com- 
bined so many qualifications as Esek Hop- 
kins ; at the moment of his selection he was 
in command of a brigade of militia and con- 
ducting delicate negotiations with the enemy. 
His appointment to the position was a dis- 
tinguished honor, but it was an honor which 
it would have been far better for him to have 
refused, and accepted one less important. 
His lack of success in the position was not 
entirely owing to himself; he was a victim of 



ESEK HOPKINS oc-> 

circumstances, but he lacked certain essential 
qualities that constitute a commander. 

Cooper has well said : " There was no lack 
of competent navigators, or of brave seamen, 
but the high moral qualities which are indis- 
pensable to the accomplished ofificer, are 
hardly to be expected among those who have 
received all their training in the rude and 
imperfect school of the merchant service." 

At this period there was no regularity of 
system and no standard of discipline in the 
navy. " The irregularities of the service, it 
is true," says Cooper, " grew out of the ex- 
igencies of the times, but their evils were 
incalculable. Rank, that great source of 
contention in all services in which it is not 
clearly defined and rigidly regulated, appears 
to have created endless heart burnino^s. The 
dissensions of the officers, naturally commu- 
nicated themselves to the men; and, in time, 
this difficulty was added to the others which 
existed in obtaining crews." " They are 
jealous of him " alleged Chaplain Reed, in 
his complaint against Hopkins to the Marine 
Committee, and he sounded the key note in 
the whole miserable plot when he subscribed 
his name to these words. Combined with 
the jealousy of the officers in the fleet, and 



2eA ESEK IIOPKIXS 

tlie revengeful spirit that pervaded the minds 
of those men outside, together with the petty 
pohtics that pervaded the Continental Con- 
gress during the earlier period of the war, 
there was fuel enough to start a fire which 
no one could tell what it would consume 
before it w^as quenched. 

The moral status of the navy in its early 
days undoubtedly was not of the highest. 
The rules of the service provided for a 
chaplain, but it was not until long after the 
navy w^as organized that such an of^cer was 
enrolled. The first to be appointed was 
John Reed, and he seems to have been more 
willing to lend his influence to underhand 
methods against his superiors than to pur- 
sue a course more in keeping with his pro- 
fession. Some light is thrown upon this 
condition of the navy and the character of 
the men who were so fearful of the " strange 
oaths " of the Commander, by the following 
letter which Hopkins wrote to the Reverend 
Samuel Hopkins, of Newport: 

" I received yours of the 2c>th September 
yesterday, and am very much obliged to you 
for your address and advice ; and as to your 
complaints of the people belonging to the 
navy, I am now to let you know that I did 



ESEK HOPKINS 2^^ 

not enter into the navy as a divine and that 
I am not quahfied to act or give directions 
in that matter. The Congress whom I serve, 
made provision for a chaplain to perform 
that necessary duty, but to my mortification 
I have not been able to get a single man to 
act in that character, although I have applied 
to many. If you know of any one that has 
the good will of mankind at heart sufficiently 
to expose himself to necessary danger of that 
service, should be glad if you would send 
him, who you may depend will be treated 
with due respect; and if none can be pro- 
cured, I cannot but condole with you the 
depravity of the times." 

This letter, too, shows in a measure a con- 
dition which, it cannot be denied, was all too 
conspicuous in the service during the period 
of which I write. There was not that " high 
feeling of personal pride and self respect that 
create an esprit de corps and the moral cour- 
age and lofty sentiments that come in time 
to teach the trained officer to believe any 
misfortune preferable to professional dis- 
grace." No more brave, patriotic, and skill- 
ful body of men could be found in the colo- 
nies than those who formed the naval list, 
but those highly essential qualities were 



256 



ESEA' HOPKINS 



decidedly lacking, nor could they be ex- 
pected ; the fault was not altogether theirs, 
it was a condition of the times. 

There can be no doubt but that Hopkins 
was reckless in his speech. The mariner of 
that period was often more expressive than 
polite in his conversation, and profanity on 
ship board as well as elsewhere was not un- 
common. In this connection I am reminded 
of the story of the Scotch deacon who made 
a voyage with one of the members of his 
church, a bluff old sea captain. One day a 
terrible storm came on and all hands were 
called upon to work ship. In the excite- 
ment and danger of the moment this old 
captain used certain language which greatly 
astonished the good deacon. He, however, 
said nothing, but when the ship, after a suc- 
cessful voyage, dropped anchor in her home 
port, the deacon lost no time in reporting to 
the elders the language which the captain 
had used during the storm at sea. In due 
time the captain was called before the church 
and charged with profane language — the 
deacon reporting what was said. This bluff 
old sea-dog opened his eyes with astonish- 
ment and replied: " Bless you, that wasn't 
swearing ! If I didn't talk that way in a 




-J. < 



ESEK HOPKINS 31; 7 

storm, the sailors would think I didn't 
know my business." And it is related that 
this argument secured an unanimous ac- 
quittal. Hopkins no doubt had spoken 
carelessly of the men who were controlling 
the affairs of the navy, and it cannot be 
denied that that exercise of authority was 
often meddlesome and irritating if not disre- 
spectful and insulting. 

A careful examination of the charcjes and 
depositions against him will show that there 
is nothing in them that can be criticised ex- 
cept those alleged words of disrespect. But 
an officer who so far forgets himself as to 
use language disrespectful to his superiors 
incurs a liability which may seriously affect 
his whole future, and so it did with Hopkins. 

This failing on the part of Hopkins 
was used to great disadvantage to him. It 
furnished excellent material for his enemies 
to base their attacks upon, and, in the hands 
of the men who were behind this whole 
miserable conspiracy, was used with telling- 
effect. There certainly is a vein of humor 
in the statements made by these petty offi- 
cers that " we know him to be one principal 
obstacle or reason why this ship ['Wan^en') 
is not manned «& people are afraid to engage 



258 



ESEA' IIOPK-INS 



ill tlic fleet through fear of their being turned 
over to this ship." The idea of sailors being 
afraid to ship aboard of a vessel whose com- 
mander used strong language is a unique 
one in marine circles. Hopkins never was 
charged with the abuse of his men ; he abused 
himself the most, and if there had been the 
slightest grounds for this charge they would 
have certainly taken advantage of such a 
condition. 

In his encounter with the stranded frigate 
''Diamond'' there appears little to criticise, 
except, perhaps, his attempting an attack on 
her in a small sloop, wdiich was a piece of 
bravado more censurable than his neglect to 
do so with his ships. Below the ''Diamond',' 
not more than six or seven miles distant, was 
a fleet of British war vessels riding at anchor 
in Newport harbor ; almost under the guns 
of the ''Diamond" was another English ves- 
sel riding on the water with her "anchor 
a peak." With a strong w-est wind it would 
have been possible for the British fleet, upon 
receiving a signal from the vessel lying near 
Patience Island, to have got under weigh 
and arrived at the scene of action long before 
the American ships lying up the river could 
have found their way througli the tortuous 



ESEK HOPKINS 



259 



channel southward in the face of this strong- 
westerly gale. The ''Diamond'' was as safe 
from the attacks of the American vessels, 
even thoagh she was stranded on an island 
in the bay, as she would have been in New- 
port harbor under the guns of the whole 
British fleet. 

It was an easy matter to charge him with 
neglecting to capture a stranded vessel, but 
when the circumstances are taken into con- 
sideration it will be seen that however much 
Hopkins might have desired to accomplish 
this, there was no hope of doing so with the 
prevailing wind. But there are grounds 
for the belief that the stranding of the 
'•'Diamond'' almost under the guns of a sister 
frigate, was but a ruse to lure Hopkins with 
his ships down the river, when a superior 
force of the enemy would suddenly appear 
and destroy them before they could beat up 
the winding channel to a safe anchorage at 
Providence. 

No one knew his limitations better than 
Hopkins did himself. Repeatedly we find 
him writing to his brother and others in 
Congress: " Whenever you or the Congress 
think you can get a man in my room that 
will be of more service to the cause than I 



26o 



ESEK HOPKINS 



can you have my leave, and in justice to the 
Country I think you ought to do it; " at 
another time he pleaded his years. 

If he had promptly resigned his command 
he might have avoided the complications 
which ensued, but such would have been 
cowardly, and no such impulse found a place 
in his heart. He knew that he was becom- 
ing entangled in difiiculties, and that there 
was little hope for him to escape, yet he had 
pledged his life and his honor in a cause 
which he loved and to which he was devoted, 
and if, in the struggle, he fell, it would be in 
the discharge of his duty. 

On the twenty-fourth of June, 1S65, the 
town of North Providence celebrated the 
one hundreth anniversary of its corporate 
existence. On this occasion the Reverend 
Massena Goodrich delivered a scholarly his- 
torical address, in which he referred to the 
men of the town who had achieved eminence 
in the nation's history, and used these words 
— a fitting tribute to a loyal son: " Of those 
whose homes were in this town, and who did 
bold service during the Revolutionary war, 
the name of Commodore Hopkins stands 
eminent. Though born in another town, 
he made for years this place his abode, and 




STATLE OF ESEK HOPKINS, 
In Hopkins Park, Providence. 
A'r riii'o. Alice Rugglcs Kitson. 



ESEK HOPKINS 



261 



his ashes are mouldering within its borders. 
It were superfluous to praise him. His 
valor is a part of the heroic heritage of his 
native State. His name and Perry's, who 
alike, in different wars, upheld the honor of 
our country on the sea, have given our little 
commonwealth cause to glory in her naval 
warriors. For between two and three years 
Hopkins was commander-in-chief of the navy, 
but the bitter sectional feeling in Congress, 
which operated so much on many an occa- 
sion to the disparagement of New England 
men, finally succeeded in ousting him from 
his honorable position. But by this act our 
country suffered most." 



APPENDIX 



Portraits of Esek Hopkins. 



There are seven known portraits of Esek Hopkins, 
the earliest being included in a group painted by 
John Greenwood, about the year 1770, and is proba- 
bly the only life portrait extant. A full description of 
this painting, and the circumstances under which it 
was painted, will be found, with a photograveur repro- 
duction of it, at page 28. 

A mezzotint portrait of Hopkins, published in Lon- 
don, by Thomas Hart, Esq., August 22, 1776, 
bearing the title "Commodore Hopkins Commander 
in chief of the American Fleet Publish'd as the act 
directs 22 Aug 1776 by Thos Hart," is the best known 
of the Hopkins portraits, and has frequently been 
copied. This portrait was evidently produced to 
satisfy the demand for a likeness of the person who 
had so suddenly sprung into fame, for Hopkins had 
already become a naval hero. It is quite likely an 
imaginary picture, for Hopkins could not have been 
in London, or in England for that matter, for more 
than a year previous to its publication, and previous 
to this time he would have attracted no more atten- 
tion than a hundred other sea captains. General 
Henry Knox pictures Hopkins' appearance within 
a few weeks of the time when the Hart portrait was 
published, and describes him as " an antiquated figure" 
{see page 134), which the portrait does not confirm. 



256 PORTRAITS OF ESEK HOPKINS 

The author ventures the opinion that but few of 
the engraved portraits of celebrities of the Revo- 
lution were likenesses of the person they purported 
to portray. They were produced to satify a popular 
demand. As evidence of this compare this Portrait 
Plate I with the following in "Narrative and Critical 
History of America," Winsor, Vol. VI. 

Israel Putnam, page 192, which is reproduced from 
an engraving published by C. Shepard, 9 September, 
'775) probably in London. 

Benedict Arnold, page 223; a mezzotint of this was 
published in London, in 1776, the same year as the 
Hart mezzotint. 

Benedict Arnold, page 44S ; this appears in " Ges- 
chichte der Kriege, in und ausser Europa, Eilfter 
Theil, Niirnberg, 1778." Compare also with Portrait 
Plate 2, John Sullivan, page 637; this was also pub- 
lished in London, August 22, 1776, from which the 
copy in "Geschichte der Kriege" is made. 

A print bearing the title " Commodore Hopkins 
Commander en chef der Armej : Flotte " Portrait 
Plate 2 is in "Geschichte der Kriege," 1778; it is 
evidently copied from the Hart portrait with mate- 
rial changes in the background. 

A rare print is in possession of the Rhode Island 
Historical Society, volume of portraits, page 90, a 
copy of which is Portrait Plate 3. This is also the 
Hart portrait, without the background of ships. It 
is inscribed " Hopkins Commandant en chef la flotte 
Americaine." Beneath the ellipse, within which is 
the portrait, are representations of the two flags asso- 
ciated with early Revolutionary history, the one 
bearing the injunction '' Don't tread upon me," the 
other, "Liberty Tree. An appeal to God ;" scrolls,. 



PORTRAITS OF ESEK HOPKINS 



267 



palms, laurels, liberty cap, cannon and other acces- 
sories, form a fanciful border for the portrait. No 
information is obtained relative to the origin of this 
portrait. 

Winsor, in " Narrative and Critical History of 
America, Vol. VI, page 570, note," mentions a port- 
rait in " Nederlandsch Mercurius," XXIII, page 128. 
An extended search has failed to disclose a copy of 
this periodical. Portrait Plate 3 may be this Dutch 
portrait. If not, then another is added to this inter- 
esting collection of Hopkins' portraits. 

A far different portrait of Hopkins from these is 
in "Murray's Impartial History of the American 
War" (Vol. 11), a copy of which is Portrait Plate 4 ; 
it bears the title "Commodore Hopkins." It was 
engraved for " Murray's History of the American 
War," by R. Pollard, and " Printed for T. Robson 
New Castle upon Tyne." Mr. Pollard is probably 
responsible for the features depicted. 

A ludicrous full length portrait accompanies "An 
Impartial History of the War in America between 
Great Britain and her Colonies from its commence- 
ment to the end of the year 1779 ;" London, printed 
for R. Faulder, New Bond street, MDCCLXXX. 
This portrait bears the title " Robert Hopkins, Com- 
modore of the American Sea Forces." A story of 
Hopkin's life is contained in this volume which doubt- 
less originated in the brain of the author of it. All 
therein contained may, however, have happened to 
Robert Hopkins, whoever he may have been, but 
certainly it does not refer to Esek Hopkins. This 
story is contained in Admiral Preble's "Esek Hop- 
kins" in the United Service, Feby., 188^. Portrait 
Plate 5 is a copy of this. 



268 roRTRAirs of ESEK //OFA'/NS 

An oil portrait of Hopkins is in Sayles' Memorial 
Hall, Brown University, Providence, painted by 
Thomas J. Heade. It was copied in the early part 
of the present century from the Hart mezzotint. 
Heade was a painter of renown in Providence, and 
numerous portraits testify to his ability and profes- 
sional skill. A copy of this, Portrait Plate 6, is used 
as a frontispiece to this work. 



NDEX 



INDEX 



Abacco, loi, 105, 109, 113. 
Adams, John, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77. 

83, 157, 158. 159. 160, 

242. 243, 244 
Samuel, 72, 73, 161. 
Adamson, Robert, 207, 213. 
Admiral street, 248. 
Alamo, battle of, 31. 
Albees, John, Capt., 20S. 
Alexander, Mr., 91. 

Philip, J07. 
"Alfred," 82,98, 107. no, 115, 

119, 121, 124, 131, 133. 

134. 135. 139. 164, 176, 

177. 203- 
Ammidon, Philip, Capt., 209. 
'■Andrea Doria," 83, 108, 122, 

134. 135, 177- 
Angell, Thomas, 2. 
Anthony Joseph, 59. 
Antigua, 126, 127. 
Antonio Joseph, 138. 
" Ariadne," 177. 
Arnold, Benedict, 3, 266. 

Rhodes, 80. 

William, 3. 
Arwin, Thomas, 117. 
Ash, Lawrence, 106. 
Attack on New Providence. 113. 
Attleboro. 241. 
Avery, John, Jr., 125. 

Bahamas, 118, 127, 133, 141. 

157, 162. 
Baker, f. M., Capt., 209. 

Capt., 209. 
Bald Head, 164. 
Baptist, AIe.xander, 138. 
.Barker, Isaac, 208. 



Barnstable, 186, 197. 

Barnwell, John, 88. 

Barron, William, 207. 

Bartlett, Josiah, 165. 

Bayes, Thomas, 106. 

Beears, Daniel, 109. 

Beekman, Barnard, 88. 

Bermuda, 69 

Bevan, Evan, 108. 

Biddle. Nicholas, Capt., So, 83, 

153 
Blackbeard, in. 
" Black Prince." 82. 
Block Island Channel, iiS. 
Boann. William, 107. 
•' Bolton," 120. 

Boston, 142, 175, 176, iSo, 186, 
197, 230, 233, 235. 

Riots, 31. 
Bourn, Benjamin, 238. 
Bowen, Colonel, 171, 173. 

Jabez, 146. 
Bowles. John, 138. 
Bowman, James, 138. 
Breed, Joseph, 106. 
Brewer, James, 181, 186, 197, 

220, 231, 235. 
Bridgewater, 180, 187, 197. 
Bristol, III. 

Bombarded. 56. 
British fleet withdraws from New- 
port. 139. 
Britt. George, 121. 
Brown, Allen, Capt., 171, I72. 

Elisha, 9, 14. 

John, II. 33, 82, 146, 220. 

Joseph. 109 146. 

Montford, 115, ii7- 

Moses, II, 13. 



272 



INDEX 



Brown, Nicholas, 146. 

Philip, 207. 

University. 241, 268. 
Hrownel. Samuel, 109. 
Burroughs, Desire, 8. 

Ezekiel, 8, 80, 109. 
Buckley, Charles, 107. 
Burke, Edward, 207. 

"Cabot," io8, 113, 119, 120, 
121, 122, 123, 124, 131, 
133. 135. 136. 137. 138, 
164. 176. 177. 
Cambridge, 248. 
Canada 68. 
Cape Fear, 164. 

River, 164. 

Henlopen, loo. 
Capes of Delaware, 100. 
Carey, Frank, 107 
Carpenter, Weden. 106. 
Cashinberg, Peter, 138. 
Cattell, Benjamin. 88. 

William, 88. 
" Ceres," 177. 
Chad wick, John, 106. 

Quacco. 106. 
Channing. William, 223. 
Chapin, Abigail, (Perry), 207. 

Ebenezer, 207. 

Seth, 207, 208. 209. 
Charles. Thomas, 138. 
Charleston, 89. 97, 109, 178. 
Chase, Machesan, 106. 

Samuel, 72. 
Checkley. John, Rev., 19. 
Chesapcak Bay, 95. 
Chopomisk, 6. 

Clarke, John Innes, 106, 146. 
Clark, Thomas, 138. 

Thomas, Senior, 138. 
Coates, John, 137. 
Coddington, William, 51. 
Coggeshall, Harriet N. II., 249. 
Cole. John, 26. 

"Columbus." 82, 109. 121, 122. 

129 130, 134, 139, 164, 

169, 177, 201, 225. 228. 

Committee to build ships secure 

officers, i8q. 



Conanicut Island, 66, 16S. 

Connecticut, 72. 

Connor, John, 138. 

Cooke, John. 106. 

Nathaniel), services during 

Revolution, 109, 110. 
Nicholas. 9, 28, 38. 44, 
64. 68. 79, 81, 119, 146. 
156 ; requests regiment 
to defend Rhode Island, 
79 ; requests the service 
of General Charles Lee. 

79- 

Cooper. 144. 253. 

Cornell, Ezekiel. 239. 

Court martial, Abraham Whip- 
ple demands. 133. 

Cragin, Samuel, Capt. , 208, 209. 

Crandale, Christopher, 106. 

" Cruiser," 164. 

Curtis. John. 121, 138. 

Cushing, Edward J., 29. 

Darby, Thomas, 138 

William. 108 
Dartmouth, 133, 180, 186, 197. 
Dashield. Lavin. 107. 
Daye, Reuben, 106. 
Deane, Silas, 72, 73, 74, 83, 87, 

92, 97- 
Debate over proposition for a 

navy. 72. 
Delaware, 155, 178. 

bay, 177. 

river, 141. 
Dent, John, 108. 
Devoll, Silas, 207. 
Dexter, Abigail, 4. 

Gregory, 4. 

Stephen. 4. 
" Diamond," 172, 173, 175, 199.. 

200 258, 259. 
Dowd, Thomas. 138. 
Downey. John, 106. 
Doyle, Thomas, 121. 
Drayton, Charles. 88, 89. 
Dunn, Benjamin, 108. 
Dwyer. Anthony, 137. 
Dyer, Eliphalet. 72. 

Samuel. 48, 49. 



INDEX 



273 



Tiarle. John, 107. 

William, 41, 43. 

Ecling, Rudolph, 138. 

Eilery, William, 159, 165, 176, 
185, 192, 217, 219, 242. 

Elliott, Barnard, 88. 
Benjamin, 89. 

" Endeavor," 116, 119. 

England, 181, 265. 

Eslick, Isaac, exploit of, 57. 

Estimates ordered of cost of 
navy, 74. 

Evans, David. 121. 

Eveleigh. Nicholas, 88. 

Examination of John Grannis 
before committee of Con- 
gress, 196. 

Eyres, Nicholas, Rev., 8. 

" Falcon," 164. 

Falmouth, i8i, 186, 200. 

Fanning, John, 80, 106. 
Joshua, 109. 

Faulder, R., '207. 

Ferguson, Mr., 89. 

Field's Point, 171, 172, 199, 
207. 

Fight with the "Glasgow," 120. 

First naval fight of the Revolu- 
tion, 64. 66. 

Fisher's Island, 135. 

Fiske, John, 142. 

Fitzpatrick, Lieutenant, 124. 

Flag presented to Congress, 99. 

Fleet, American, names of ves- 
sels in, 82. 
sails for New Providence, 

109. 
blockaded in Narragansett 

Bay, 169. 
part of, get to sea, 176. 
final disposition of ships, 
177. _ 

Fleet, liritish, arrives in New- 
port, 168. 

" Fly," 106, 117, 135, 177. 

Forbes, Thomas, 137. 

Ford, Benjamin, 138. 

Fordham, Richard, ro8. 

Fort at Fox Hill erected, 41. 
18 



Fort Johnson, 89. 

Fort Montague captured, 112, 

114. 
Fort Nassau capitulates, 112, 

114. "5- 
Foster, William E., 239. 
Fowler, Stephen, 106. 
French War, 129. 
Frisbie, Abel, 108. 

Gadsden, Christopher, 72, 73, 
74, 75. 76. 77, 87, 88, 90, 
02. 93, 97- 
letter to E. Hopkins, 88. 
Gadsly, Thomas, 137. 
"Gambia," a brig, 26. 
Gardner, John, 14, 17. 

.Savage, 66. 
"Gaspee," 32, 68, 172. 
Georgia, 72, 73, 103, 154, 165. 
" Geschichte der Kriege," 266. 
"Glasgow," 120, 121, 122, 124, 
126, 129, 130, 132, 133, 
134, 141, 150, 166, 176. 
Gold Island. 66. 
Golden Ball tavern, 243. 
Goldsmith, Ephraim, 108. 
Goldtvvaite, Thomas, 138. 
Goodrich, Massena, Rev., 260. 
Gosner, Christian, 121, 137. 
Gould, Mrs. Frederick L , 248. 
Grannis, John, iSo, 181, 186, 
188, 191, 192, 195, 196 
202, 204, 213, 220. 
Graves, Mathew, Rev., 19. 
Green Mountains, 143. 
Greenwood, John. 28, 265. 
Grinnell, William. loS, 207. 

Hacker, Hoysted, 80, 106, 207. 

Jno Lon, 107. 
Haddock, Roger, 181, 186, 188, 
192, 197, 204, 205, 220. 
Halifax, 203, 
Hall, James, 138. 

John, 138. 

Parker. 106. 
Halladay, Robert, 138. 
Hamet, Charles, 13S. 
"Hampden," 164, 169. 



2 74 



INDEX 



Hancock, John, 125, 127, 133, ' 

152. 216, 231. 
Hardy, Joseph, 109, 207. 
Harieston, Isaac, 88. 
Harnian, John, 138. 
Harrison. Joseph. 107. 
Hart, Thomas, 265, 266, 26S. 
Hatteras, 106. 

Hawes, IJenjamin Colonel, 209. 1 
" Hawk." 120. 125, 162. 1 

Hazard, Captain, 122. 

relieved of command after t 

court martial 133. 
Ileade, 1 homas J., 268 
Helnie, Kouse J. 2ig. 
Hewes, Joseph, 75, 87, 92, 97, 

150. 
liinman, Elisha, loS, 119 
Hoadley, Hon. Charles J., i 

82. 

Holbrook, Albert. 3. 
Honeyman, James, Rev., 19. 
Hooper, William, 165. 
" Hcjpkins." 163. 
Hopkins, Abigail, 247. 
Hopkins, Amey, 247. 
Hopkins, Catherine, 34. 
Hopkins, Christopher, 30. 
Hopkins, Desire, 247, 248. 
Hopkins, Esek, birth of, 7. 

sails for Surinam, 7. 

marriage of, 8 

propounded a freeman, 8. 

takes oath of hdelity, 8. 

of school committee, 8. 

captures a snow, 11. 

at New Providence, 11. 

purchases a farm, 12. 

shop keeper, 12. 

takes Kdward Abbey ap- 
prentice, 13. 

director of lottery, 13. 

enters politics, 15. 

elected to general assembly, 
15. 25. 27. 237. 

issues an open letter, 75. 

attacks George I aylor. 20. 

signs circular letter against 
Henry Ward, 24. 

resigns office, 26. 



Hopkins, Esek, arrives on the 
coast of Africa, 26. 

reported from Surinam, 27. 

reported at Surinam, 27. 

has portrait painted, 2S. 

deputy from North Prov- 
idence, 30. 

a committee to build Fo.x 
Hill fort, 41, 43. 

appointed Brigadier General, 

44 

establishes military head- 
quarters, 45. 

directed to negotiate for 
raising blockade, 46. 

letter to Newport. 49. 51. 

to apprehend George Rome, 
52. 

takes possession of estates in 
Newport, 56 

authorized to appoint a sec- 
retary 59. 

of committee of inspection, 
60. 

selected as Commander of 
the Navy, 77. 

an " e.xperienced and ven- 
erable sea captain," 77. 

notified of his appointment 
in the navy, 77. 

receives letter from his 
brother .Stephen, 78. 

receives notice of his ap- 
pointment in the navy, 79. 

confirmed as Commander of 
Navy, 80. 

rank in Navy to be same as 
Washington in Army, 80. 

sails for Philadelphia, 81. 

orders from Naval Com- 
mittee, 84, 94. 

letter from Christopher 
Gadsden, 88, 92. 

devises a signal. 93 

hoists first American flagon 
a war vessel, 97. 

assumes command of fleet, 
98. 

letter to Naval Committee, 
100. 



INDEX 



275 



Hopkins, Esek, prepares fleet 
signals. 100. 

issues sailing orders to cap- 
tains. 100. 

arrives at Abacco, 113. 

captures Nassau, 113. 

issues manifesto to people 
of Nassau. 1 14. 

impresses a sloop. 116. 

takes prisoners from Nassau, 
117. 

sails from Bahamas, 118. 

issues sailing orders to cap- 
tains, 118. 

captures British schooner, 
" Hawk." 120 

captures brig, "Bolton," 1 20. 

attacks H. B. M. ship. 
" (jlasgow," 120. 

disapproves use of liquor, 
125. 

arrives at New London, 125. 

receives congratulations of 
Congress. 126. 

subject of poetic effusion, 
127 

criticised for fight with 
" Glasgow," I2g 

disposes of captured stores, 

133 

per-^onal appearance de- 
scribed, 134. 

arrives in Providence, 135. 

secures men from the army, 

135- 
returns men from the army, 

136- 

orders "Doria," and "Ca- 
bot," to sea, 138. 

makes charges against com- 
mittee to build ships, 147 

ordered to Philadelphia, 152. 

appears before Congress for 
trial. 154 

defence of his conduct, 154. 

censured by Congress, 159. 

ordered to command of fleet, 
160. 

receives letter from John 
Paul Jones, 161. 



Hopkins. Esek, ordered to dis- 
patch vessels to New 
foundland. 112. 
authorized to purchase a 

vessel, 162. 
authorized to name a vessel 

the ■■ Hopkins," 163 
receives a letter from the 
Marine Committee. 163. 
applies for an embargo, 167. 
notifies Marine Committee 
of arrival of British fleet, 
169. 
makes attempt on the " Dia- 
mond." 171. 
describes attempt on the 

" Diamond." 173 
conspiracy against. 187. 
informs William Ellery of 

conspiracy 192. 
suspended from the command 

of the Navy, 203. 
learns that his son Esek is 

prisoner of war, 203. 
receives confession of three 

conspirators, 204. 
orders arrest and court 
martial of Richard Mar- 
vin. 207. 
notified of his suspension, 

216. 
sends letter to Wm. Ellery, 

217. 
institutes suit for libel. 220. 
loses suit for libel, 235. 
re-elected to General As- 
sembly, 237. 
elected to Council of War, 

238. 
appointed to e.xamine claim 

of Gen. Cornell, 238. 
nominates James Manning 
for Continental Congress, 
240. 
afflicted with paralysis, 241. 
visits John Adams. 243. 
social characteristics, 245. 
death and burial of, 245. 
provides for his children by 
will, 247. 



276 



INDEX 



Hopkins, Esek, name of chil- 
dren, 247. 
statue erected, 249. 
portraits of, explained, 265. 

Hopkins, Esek. son of Commo- 
dore Hopkins, 203, 204. 

Hopkins, Heart, 247, 248. 

Hopkins, John, Capt. 6. 34. 

Hopkins, John Burroughs, 34, 
80, 83, 120 121, 166, 207, 
209, 241, 247. 

Hopkins Park, 249. 

Hopkins, Robert, 267. 

Hopkins, Rufus, 147. 

Hopkins, Samuel, Capt., 6. 

Hopkins, Samuel, 247. 

Hopkins, Samuel, Rev., 254. 

Hopkins, Stephen, Gov., 14. 
15. 17.23, 36. 72, 75, 77, 
79, 87, 92, 97, 147, 149, 
239, 247. 

Hopkins, Susannah, 241, 247, 
248. 

Hopkins, Thomas, birth of, 2. 

Hopkins, William, exploit of, 

5- 
Hopkins, William, 30, 34, log. 
Hopkins, W., Capt., 162. 
"Hornet," gi, 92, 106, 1 17, 177. 
Horry, Peter, 88. 
House, Ceorge, 107. 
Howe, Tyringham, 122. 
Howlands Ferry, 119. 
Huger, Francis, 88. 
Huger, Isaac. 88. 
Huntington, Samuel, 82. 
Huts, James, 107. 
Hyrne, Edmond, 88. 

Insubordination in the fleet. 
1S5. 

Jay, John, 166. 
Jenckes, Rufus, 107. 
Jennings, Capt., 133. 
Jestes, Philip, 107. 
Johnson, Peleg, 106. 
Johnways. Joseph, 106. 
Jones, John Paul, 80, 98, 122, 
133, 136, 150, 161. 



Jones, Robertson, 200, 

Jons, Abel, 138. 

Josiah, James, 108. 

Juan Fernandez. Island of, 112. 

Kaine, Patrick, 121. 
i " Katy," sloop, 63, 8r, 83. 

Kean, Tho. M. 165. 

Kennedy, George, 121. 

Kerr, John, loS. 
I King, John. 13S. 

King Philip's War, 3. 

Kingstown, 167. 

Knox, Henry, General, 265. 

Knox, Henry, describes Hopkins, 
134- ' 

' Lamb, William. 108. 
j Langdon. Mr., 74 
"Lark," 203. 

Laughton, sign painter, 28. 
Laurens, Henry, 221, 222. 
i Leary, Dennis, 108. 
I Lee, Charles, General, 79, 80. 
Lee, Richard Henry, 75, 161, 

165. 
Letter of Congratulation to 
Hopkins, from Congress, 
126. 
Letter from Esek Hopkins to 
William Ellery, 192, 217. 
Letter from John i'aul Jones, to 
Esek Hopkins, 161 ; to 
I Joseph Hewes, quoted, 

150. 
Letter from Marine Committee 

to Hopkins, 163. 
" Liberty," sloop, destroyed, 31. 
List of officers for navy, 80. 
List of stores captured, 115. 
List of killed and wounded in 

" Glasgow" fight, 121 
Little Compton, 209. 
Little John. 13S. 
Littleworth, 4. 

Log book of the " .Mfred," 123. 
London, ill, 142, 265, 266, 267. 
Long Island, 120. 
Lothrop. Barnabas, 180, 1S6, 
188, 197, 220, 231, 234. 



INDEX 



277 



Lowndes, Mr., 89. 
Lowry, Alexander, 13S. 
Lyon, Sam, 206. 
Lynch, Thomas, Jr., 88. 

Maag, Jacob, 138. 
Magee, Andrew, 138. 
Malbone, Godfrey, 2g. 
Maltbie, Jonathan, 107. 
Man, Benjamin, 13. 
Manning, James, Rev., 223, 

225, 240. 
Marchant, Henry, 211. 
Margeson, John, 108, 109. 
Marion, Francis, 88. 
Marvin, Richard, 181, 182, 183, 

184, 186, 1S8, 197, 205. 

206, 207, 213, 214, 215, 

220, 221, 222, 223, 231, 

234- 
Maryland, 72. 
Mason, WilHam, 88. 
Mawney, John. 9. 
Maxey, Jonathan, 24 r. 
McCloud, Kenneth, 150. 
McDonald, Adam, 88. 
McDonald, James, 88. 
McDougall, John, 108. 
McDougall 80. 



McFarling, Robert, 138. 

Mcintosh, Alexander, 88. 

T^IcKenny, George, 138. 

INIcKenzie, Alex, 108. 

McNeal, John, 109. 

McSorley, James, 138. 

McSparran, James, Rev., 19. 

McTee. Matthew, 138. 

McWhoton, William, 106. 

Medway, 207. 

" Mellish," no. 

Members of Committee to build 
ships in Rhode Island, 
145 ; abandon the work. 

149- . , ,, 

Memorial to Continental Con- 
gress, 69. 

Mendon, 180. 207, 208. 

Middleborough, 186, 197, 220. 

Middleton, Arthur, 165. 

Middletown, 45, 208. 



"Milford," 177. 
Mills. Robert, 138. 
Milton, 76. 

"Minerva," privateer, 82. 
Moran, William, 108. 
Morris, Robert, 165. 
Motte, Charles, 88. 

Isaac, 88. 
Moultrie, William, 88. 
Murray's Impartial History of 

the American War, 267. 
Mum ford, Paul, 59. 

Names of ships built in Rhode 
Island, 147. 

Narrative and Critical History 

of America, 266, 267. 
Nassau, 112, 113, 114. "Q- 
Naval Committee appointed, 74, 

1 '5' 

Naval Committee, orders of, 84, 

94 
Naval fight, first, of the Revolu- 

tion, 66. 
I Navy, American, origin of. 69. 
j Navy, debate in Congress over, 
72. 
Navy, proposed, 74, 75 
Nederlandsch Mercurius, 267. 
Neptune, 127. 
I Newbern, 77. 
I New Bond Steeet, 267. 
1 New Castle, 93. 
New Castle upon Tyne, 267 
Newfoundland, 162, 163, 164 
New Hampshire, 143. 
; New London, 119, 125, 126, 
127, 131. 133- 134, 135. 
139. 14I. 224. 
Newman, Mr., 224. 
Newport, 45. 68, 79, no. 120. 
122, 132, 133. 135- 139- 
168, 169, 170, 171. 190. 
208, 209, 223, 226. 227, 
229. 232, 237. 254. 
New Providence, 104, 105. no, 
III, 113, 114. "8- '54- 
Newsof Hopkins' exploitoit'.eied 
published, 125. 



278 



INDEX 



New York, 127, 135, 136, 143, 

155, 186,197. 
Nicholas. Capt.. 113. 115. 
Nightingale. Joseph, 146. 
Nightingale, -Samuel Jr.. 41, 43 
North Carolina. 77, 95, 156. 

164, 165. 
North Providence, incorporated, 

27- . 
Nova Scotia. 177. 

Olney, Joseph, 9. So, 109, 223. 
Orders to Commander-in-Chief, 
84. 
to Captain Stone. 91. 
Origin of American Navy, 69. 
Origin of names of vessels, 82. 
Osborn, William. 137. 
Otway, Lieutenant, 203. 
Owen, Captain, 26. 
Oyster Bay, 4. 

Page, Ambrose, Capt., 2S, 30, 

41. 43. 223. 22S. 
Paine, Robert Treat, 72. 

Thomas, 183 
Parker. Sir Peter, 190. 
Patience Island. 172, 258. 
Patrick. John. 13S. 
Pearce. Benoni 13. 
Peck, George, 1 10. 
Penobscot, 178. 
Perry, 261. 
Petition to Congress against 

Hopkins, 1S7, 188. 189. 
Philadelphia, 69, 77. 98. 104. 

126, 130. 133. 136. 137, 

152, 153. 154, 159. If)2. 

191, 195, 202, 204. 224, 

225 
Pierce, William. 106. 
Pinkney, Charles C, 88, 89 

Thomas, 88. 
Pitcher, Jonathan, 80, 107. 207. 
Plymouth, 208. 
Pollard, K. 267. 
" I'olly," a sloop, 57. 
Pony, Jacob. 138. 
Pope, 76. 
Potter, Richard. 108. 



Potter, Stephen, 223, 230. 

William. 37. 
Powder, scarcity of, 104. 

sent away. 117. 
Powell, Colonel. 89. 
Powel, James. 107. 
Power, Nicholas, 29. 41. 
Preble, Admiral. 267. 
Privateers interfere with the 

manning of the tleet, 145 
■' Providence." 81, 108, 122, 133, 

135. 136, 147. '6i. 169, 

171 172, 175. 178. 179. 

198, 200, 203, 207. 208, 

228. 
Providence Gazette, 47, 246. 
Putnam, Israel, 266. 

Quebec, 1 10. 
Queen Anne, 112. 

Randall. .Stephen. 6. 

Randolph, I'eyton. 72. 

Rathbun, John. 108. 

Ravencroft. Joseph, 138. 

Rawson, Elizabeth. 207 

Read, Joseph. Colonel, 2c8. 

Reding, Lewis. 138. 

Reed, John, 181. 186. 188, 189, 
19T. 192, 197, 204. 205, 
206, 222 253. 254. 

Reiney, Christopher, 138. 

Revolution, first naval fight, 66. 

Reynolds, William, 108. 

Rhode Island College, 10. 244. 

Richards, I'eter, loS. 

Rider. .Sidney S.. 239 

Roatch, John. 138 

Roberts, David. 108. 
Owen. 88 

Robinson, Robert, 106. 

Robson, T. . 267. 

Rogers, log. 

Rogers, W'oodes, in. 112. 

Rome, (ieorge, 53. 

" Rose." a brig. 27. 

" Rose," frigate. 40. 47, 64. 

Round Robin, petition for pay, 

137- 
Rulesof the l'"o.\ Point batterv.41. 



INDEX 



279 



•Russell, James. 138. 

Joseph, 146. 
Rutledge, Edward, 166. 

John, 72. 

"Sally," 83. 

Saltonstall, Dudley, 80, 82. 83, 

go. 98. 150, 152, 153. 
:Santiago, 169. 
Saunders, Robert, 107. 

Roger, 88. 
Sayles' Memorial Hall, 268. 
' ' Scarborough , " 132. 
" Scorpion," 164. 
Scott, William, 88. 
Scranton, Daniel, 106. 
Seabury, Benjamin, 80, 107. 
iSeaconnet river, 208, 209. 
Seamans. Martin, 220. 
" Sea Nymph." 162. 
Selkirk, Alexander, 112. 
.Sellers, James, 180, 181, 186, 
188, 197, 220, 231, 233, 

234- 
Sessions, Darius, 37. 
.Seymour, Charles Sinclair, 121, 

124. 
Shaw, Samuel, iSo. 186, 187, 
188, 192, 197, 204, 205, 
206, 220, 221, 222, 223, 
224. 
Shepard, C. 266 
Sherburn, Colonel, 208, 209. 
Shereman, Joseph. 106. 
Ships to be built in Rhode Is- 
land, 145. 
Sickue.ss in the fleet, 134. 
Small pox in the fleet, 105. 
Small, William, 138. 
Smith, John, 13. 

Simon. 41, 43. 
;South Carolina, 72, 95, II7> 

156. 165. 
Spain. 169. 

Spencer, Major General, 203. 
Spooner, Walter, 107. 
Sprout, Ebenezer, 220. 

Stansbury, 80. 

Staples, Judge, 163. 



Stillman. George, iSi. 186. 188, 

197. 220. 231, 234. 
Stirlin John, 137. 
St. Lawrence Gulf of, 162. 
Stone. William. 84, 88. 
Sullivan, John, 266. 

Sullivan, 209. 

Sweeney, Richard, 138. 
Sword. John. 108. 

Taunton. 180. 

Taylor, George, schoolmaster, 9, 

18. 
Taylor. George, account of, 22. 
Taylor, Job, Capt., 208. 
Tea party referred to. 32. 
Tennant. Rev. Mr.. 89. 
Testimony in libel suit, 223. 
Thaxter, Adam \V.. 207, 213. 
Third, Michael. 138. 
Thomas. James, 107. 
Thompson, Eunice. 207. 

William, 76, 138. 
Thorp Michael. 138. 
Tillinghast, Daniel, 146, 205, 

216, 223. 226. 
Tillinghast. Nicholas, 13. 
Timothy. Mr.. 89 
Tower Hill. 40. 
Trony. Michael. 107. 
Trowden, James. 121. 
Truman. John. 181, 186, 188, 

197, 220. 231, 235. 
Trumbull. Jonathan, 82, 119, 

133 156 163. 
Turpin, William, 9. 
Tyler, Nathan, Colonel, 208, 209. 
Samuel, 106. 

Updike, John, 41, 43. 
Upton, 209. 

Van Tromp. 134. 
Vaughan, Daniel. 80. 

Thomas, 107. 
Varrel, Francis, 107. 
Verses commemorative of Hop- 
kins' exploit, 127. 
Vesey, Mr., 175 



28o 



INDEX 



"Viper," H. B. M. Sloop, 57. 

Virginia, 72, 95, 142, 154, 

156, 165 

"Wainscot," a brig, 16. 
Wallace, James, 40, 45, 65, 68, 

120, 122, 139. 
Wallace, James, letter to town of 

Newport, 47. 
letter to Gov. Cooke. 65. 
letter to Abraham Whipple, 

68. 
Wanton, Jonas. 28. 
Wanton, Joseph, Gov., 37, 59. 
Ward, Henry, Sec'y., 23, 24. 38, 

3Q. 44- 
Ward, Samuel, 14, 23, 81, 159. 
Warner, Elijah, 108. 

Elisha. 80. 
"Warren," 147, 169, 171, 172, 

175. 177. 178. 179. '81. 

182, 185, 186, 1S7. 189, 

192, 196, 197. 198, 199, 

200, 204, 205, 206, 2og, 

213, 214, 218. 219. 22S, 

231, 132. 233, 234, 235, 

257- 
Warwick. 171, 172, 173, 199. 
Washington, Cieneral, 79, 80, 

104, 135, 153. 
" W^ashington," a vessel 63. 
" Wasp," 91, 113, 118, 1 78. 
Wayn, Joseph, 138. 
Weaver. Thomas, 80, 108. 113. 

William, 106. 
Webb. James, Captain, 209. 
Weeks, 200. 



Welch, John, 108. 
West Indies, 146, 229. 
West, James, 183, 184. 

Robert, 2. 

William, Colonel. 44. 79. 
Whipple, Abraham, 33. 40. 63^ 
64, 68, 80, Si. 83. 129, 
132. 133, ISO. 152, 153. 
172, 174, 198, 207, 208, 
209, 211, 212. 214. 

note to James Wallace. 68. 

demands a court martial, 
I2g. 

ordered to Philadelphia,! 52. 
White, Lyons. 88. 
Wickenden, William, 4, 
Wicks. Thomas, 37. 
Wild. Edward. Dr. 28. 

Mary J., 29. 
Wilkeson, James, 137. 
Wilkinson, Plain. 4. 

Ruth, 4. 

Samuel, 4. 
Williams, Roger, 2. 
Williamson, Frank A,, iio. 
Wilson, James Hoard, 121. 

Lieutenant, 124. 
Winsor, 266, 267. 
Wooster, General, 15S, 161. 
Wrixon, Mr , 16 r. 
Wyoming, 143. 

Vorke, John. 106. 
Young, John, 106, 138. 

Zobly, Rev. Dr , 72, 73. 



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Common, June 1, 16G0. 



By HORATIO ROOERS, 
Associate Justice of tlie Supreme Court of Rhode Island. 



The author has grathered from many sources the 
scattered facts relating? to the career of Mary Dyer 
and woven them into a detailed narrative, so that 
the tragic story of her life is now for the first time 
adequately told. By adding a brief but compre- 
hensive sketch of the manner and sentiments of 
her times he has furnished a background or frame- 
work for his subject which adds much to the in 
terest of the volume by enabling the reader the 
better to understand the surroundings of the char- 
acters he portrays. The important documents re- 
lating to her trial are printed in tlie appendix. 

Cloth, r3mo., 115 pages. Price $1.00 nst. 

Sent Tjostpaid upon receipt of price by the pub- 
lishers. 



NEW ENGLAND WILD FLOWERS 
AND THEIR SEASONS. 



Bv W. WHITMAN BAILEY, 

PROFESSOK OF BOTANY IN BROWN rMVERSlTY. 



Cloth, lOmo. Uniform with " 1\. I. Wikl Flowers." 
75 cents net. 



From long wanderings afield the author has 
caught the charm of the varying moods of our 
New England year and pictures them for the reader 
with sympathetic touch. 

The characteristics of the conspicuous and dom- 
inant flowers of the months are sketched in broad 
lines, rendering identification eas3\ 

The flowers of the White and Green Mountains 
— our alpine flora — receive separate treatment, as 
do also the flowers of the sea -shore — our coast 
flora. 

Sent iiostpaid upon receipt of price 1>3- the pub- 
lishers. 



THE EAST INDIA TRADE 
OF PROVIDENCE, 

From J 787 to J 807. 
BY GERTRUDE SELWYN KIMBALL. 

By a careful study of log books and com- 
mercial papers of the old shipping firms, the 
author is enabled to present an interesting 
picture of the East India Trade of Providence 
in its palmy days. 

8vo. 34 pages, paper, 50 cents net. 

Sent postpaid on receipt of price. 



SAMUELL GORTON: 

FIRST SETTLER OF WARWICK, R. I. 
A FORGOTTEN FOUNDER OF OUR LIBERTIES 



By lewis G. janes, M. A. 

PRESIDENT OF THE BROOKLYN ETUICAL ASSOCIATION 



Cloth, 12mo. Price $1.00 net. Uniform 

with " Mary Dyer" and "Summer Visit. 



A careful, conscientious and sympathetic study of 
one of the most unique fij^ures in our colonial his- 
tory, and of some of its most exciting episodes. 

It is the fir.si ojotematic attempt to give candid 
and judicial interpretation of Gorton's peculiar re- 
ligious views, and is of equal interest to the theolo- 
gian and historical student. 



Sent postpaid iipon receipt of price by the pub- 
lishers. 



THE HOMERIC PALACE. 



By NORMAN M. ISHAM. 



Illustrated by Eleven Full-Page Plates. Octavo. 
Cloth. $1.00 net. 



The Homeric Palace is an attempt, in an inex- 
pensive and convenient form, to set the main lines 
of the royal dwelling of Homeric times before the 
reader of to-day. 

The text collects the main facts about the different 
parts of the palace. The drawings show the plans 
of the great strongholds, Troy, Tiryns, Arne, My- 
cenae, and gather into one plate the various types 
of rampart walls, into another the gates and ai)- 
proaches. Bird's-eye views show, in one plate, four 
stages or steps in the building of a palace, in another 
a restoration, which is half plan, half section and 
elevation combined, of the palace at Tiryns, a view 
which, so far as we know, has never before been 
published, much as that building has been drawn 
and restored. 

All lovers of classical myth or history will find the 
work interesting. To the student it will be a con- 
venient text or reference book, and to the teacher of 
Homer it will be invaluable. 



:S2 



NEARLY READY.. 



EARLY 
CONNECTICUT HOUSES. 



hv NORMAN M. LSIIAM and ALBERT F. BROWN. 



Illustrated with a Map and over One Hundred Drawings. 

Laroe 8vo. Uniform with "Early Rhode Island Houses." 

by the same authors. price, s2.50 net. 



This book ti-eats the early houses of Connecticut 
in the same way in which its predecessor treated the 
dwellings of Rhode Island. 

The same accuracy of measurement and drawing 
and the same careful description of the early work 
characterize the new volume. 

The work describes a large niimber of houses in 
Hartford and its neighborhood, in New Loudon, and 
in New Haven and the towns confederated with it. 

Much new information will be found in the chap- 
ter on Construction, and the relation with English 
work is considered in the light of further study of 
examples in the old country. 

Edition limited. 



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