SrXTY-FOUftTH CONGRESS. FIRST SESSION HOUSE DOCUMENT I8M EXERCISES ATTENDING THE UNVEILING OF THE Statuary of the Pediment of the House Wing of the United States Capitol Building WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1916 10.30 A. M. A«eu8T 30, 1916. — Ordered to be printed, with illustrations WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1916 Sixty-Fourth Congress, First Session House Document 1354 EXERCISES ATTENDING THE UNVEILING OF THE STATUARY OF THE PEDIMENT OF THE HOUSE WING OF THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL BUILDING WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1916 10.30 A. M. August 30, 1916. — Ordered to be printed, with illustrations WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1916 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, UNITED STATES COMMITTEE ON THE LIBRARY SIXTY-FOURTH CONGRESS James Iv. SIvAyden, Texas, Chairman Frank Clark, Florida Thomas G. Patten, New York William B. McKinley, Illinois Edward W. Gray, New Jersey Chester Harrison, Clerk D. Of D. NOV CD 1916 ^ o RESOLUTION N Thursday, July 27, 191 6, the following resolution, introduced by Mr. SiyAYDEN, chairman of the Com- mittee on the Library, was agreed to: Resolved, That the Committee on the Library shall arrange for appro- priate exercises at the unveiling of the pediment on the east front of the House wing of the Capitol at 10.30 o'clock a. m., Wednesday, August 2; and be it further Resolved, That the Members of the Senate be invited to be present at the exercises. ORDER OF EXERCISES Music United States Marine Band W. H. Santelmann, Director Invocation Rev. Henry N. Couden, D. D. Chaplain, United States House of Representatives Address Hon. James L. Slayden, M. C. Chairman, House Committee on Library and Member of Commission UnvEiung of the Statuary - Accompanied by Music by the United States Marine Band Address Paul W. Bartlett Sculptor of the Pediment Statuary Address Hon. Champ Clark Speaker, United States House of Representatives Chairman of the Commission Benediction ... - Rev. Forrest J. Prettyman, D. D. Chaplain, United States Senate Music United States Marine Band 3 PROCEEDINGS AT THE UNVEILING 7 59203°— H. Doc. 1354. 64-1—2 ADDRESS OF HON. JAMES L. SLAYDEN OF TEXAS Ladies and Gentlemen: I AM this morning in receipt of a telegram from the former chairman of the House Committee on the Library, the gentleman who proposed the appropriation for the pro- curement of this statuary. I will read his telegram to you : Boston, Mass., August i, igi6. Hon. James L. Slayden, Committee on the Library, House of Representatives , Washington, D. C: Only just received your letter. Greatly regret can not be present at unveiling of statuary in House pediment. I take great pride in having been impressed with something very obvious and introducing a bill for statuary for the House pediment which had been overlooked for over half a century, and am also glad I was able to help in securing services of Mr. Bartlett. I congratulate you that you are about to unveil what I think is the finest large statuary group in America. If I had known earlier of the unveiling, I should have come to Washington to witness it. With thanks for your thought in inviting me to be present, Samuel W. McCall. The original members of the commission for procuring statu- ary for the pediment of the House wing of the Capitol were the then Speaker, Joseph G. Cannon, of Illinois; Senators George P. Wetmore, of Rhode Island; Henry C. Hansbrough, of North Dakota; Frank O. Briggs, of New Jersey; John W. Daniel, of Virginia; Francis G. Newlands, of Nevada; and Representa- tives Samuel W. McCall, of Massachusetts; James P. Connor, of Iowa; Edward L. Hamilton, of Michigan; William M. How- ard, of Georgia; and Charles R. Thomas, of North Carolina. Associated with them was Elliott Woods, then and now the efficient Superintendent of the Capitol. [Applause.] Unfortunately some of these distinguished gentlemen did not live to see the fruit of their labors, but, like the fathers who selected the architect of the Capitol, they exercised good judgment, and perhaps builded better than they knew. 9 10 Unveiling of the Statuary of the Pediment The act by which this work was authorized was approved April 1 6, 1908, and to us Americans, with our unmatched genius for hurry, eight years seem a long time to wait. But we should try to realize that the creative artist can not get inspiration by contract, nor, like the handicraftsman, work his eight hours a day, six days in the week, and do his best, and since seeing the satisfactory result of Mr. Bartlett's labors I am glad that he was given all the time he needed. If Rome had been built in a day, it would not have remained to be the wonder and delight of the centuries. "Our little systems have their day," governments rise and fall, customs change, and races supersede one another, but true art alone, especially that of the sculptor and architect, survives un- changing and a joy forever, its beauty increasing with its age. I suppose there are still a few people who believe that such an investment as this is a waste of public money, people who mistake crudeness and bareness for the noble simplicity that should characterize a democracy. They seem to resent beauty and dignity in public buildings that house the legislative and executive bodies of the Government. But that is not true of the people, and if any such Philistines remain they should stand for an hour on this plaza and observe their wondering and delighted fellow countrymen when view- ing the Capitol for the first time. In their glowing faces one can read pride of ownership and pleasure in its magnificence. [Applause.] After seeing that I am sure they would never again complain of its cost. These travelers take away with them an apprecia- tion and heightened standard of beauty that will bring forth fruit according to its kind in many a town and village remote from the Capitol. This pediment seems to me a fitting adornment of one of the greatest buildings ever constructed. Every American is justly proud of this temple of democracy, open to all the people all the time, and into which his prayers and his commands never fail to penetrate no matter what critics may say to the con- trary. No decoration is too noble for it, nothing is too good for the people of our Republic, to whose use this house is conse- crated and whose taste it reflects. of the House Wing, United States Capitol 1 1 Beauty has its value, its moral, economic, and intellectual value. It is easier to sin amid ugliness than when surrounded by beauty, and the importance of attractive surroundings in legislative work should not be overlooked. The elevating in- fluence and inspiration of such an environment are often uncon- sciously reflected in the law. In this pediment we have the artist's dream of the grandeur of the arts of agriculture and the industries prospering under the conditions of peace. In these days of almost universal war and horrors that have spread over three great divisions of the earth, of a war that has even colored the waters of American seas vnth the blood of men, it is pleasant to turn to the contemplation of the peaceful arts, the things by which nations are built up instead of being destroyed. Let us all therefore rejoice in the thought that this work of an American sculptor, under the direction of the American Con- gress, will give pleasure and profit to untold generations of free, happy, American citizens. [Applause.] Next on this program is the unveiling of the statuary, which will be followed by an address by the author of it, Mr. Paul W. Bartlett. [The unveiling of the statuary then took place.] Mr. Slayden. Ladies and gentlemen, I have nov/ the pleasure of presenting to you Mr. Paul W. Bartlett, sculptor of the pediment statuary. ADDRESS OF PAUL W. BARTLETT SCULPTOR OF THE PEDIMENT STATUARY Mr. Chairman, Gentlemen of the Senate, Gentlemen op THE House, Ladies and Gentlemen: IT IS certainly very unusual for an artist to be invited to speak at the unveiling of his own production, but this ceremony is unusual in so many ways that I hope I may be forgiven for having accepted the invitation. To be able to leave one's imprint in sculpture on the noblest building of this country is a great honor. To have the opportunity to make an effort to add to its grandeur and beauty is, without doubt, a rare privilege. It has also been a great responsibility, and you may well believe that the responsibility of this privilege has never been forgotten for a moment during these long years of work and study. The preliminary negotiations concerning this undertaking brought me in contact with Senators George Peabody Wetmore and the Hon. Samuel W. McCall, chairmen, at that time, of the Senate and House Committees on the Library. When we came to discuss the subject or theme to be repre- sented on the pediment, I was told that there was a vague feel- ing in the committee that the subject should be taken from the history of the United States. We came, however, to the conclusion that the theme should be of the present rather than of the past. We thought, because the House represents in its largest sense the people, that the people — the life and labors of the people — should be portrayed on this building, this temple of democracy. Hence this conception. An allegorical group consisting of two figures, "Peace pro- tecting Genius," fills the center of the pediment. "Peace," an armed "Peace," stands erect, draped in a mantle which almost completely hides her breastplate and coat of mail; her left arm rests on her buckler, which is supported by the altar at her side; in the background the "olive tree of peace." Her right 13 ] 4 Unveiling of the Statuary of the Pediment arm is extended in a gesture of protection over the youthful and winged figure of "Genius," who nestles confidingly at her feet and holds in his right hand the torch of "Immortality." The composition is completed by two other groups, symbolizing and typifying the two great fundamental powers of labor, the two great sources of wealth — Agriculture and Industry. The most modest of our farmers and laborers can find in these groups the symbol of his own self and of his endeavors. He may even find his own resemblance there, and he will see that his helpmate, his children, his cattle, and the hai-vest of his fields have been exalted and carved in marble forms on the Capitol of the United States. The printer, the iron and steel worker, the founder may do the same and enjoy the same pro- found satisfaction. The toiling factory girl, spinner or weaver of textiles, will observe that she has not been forgotten, and those who are devoted to the sea can discover a group which will remind them of the joys of their vocation. A wave terminates the sculpture at either end of the pedi- ment, and is meant to indicate that all this humanity, all its power and energy, are comprised between the shores of two oceans — the Atlantic and the Pacific. So much for the poetic and philosophic. Permit me now to say a few words about the technique: For a real artist every new subject, every new undertaking, is a new problem and requires a new solution, adapted, of course, to the special characteristics of the case in hand. Any art which is not based on this principle is not a "living" art. Any effort to use an old solution for a new problem is the admis- sion of artistic impotence, and the artist in so doing not only eludes the difficulties of his new problem but also loses his opportunity to discover, perhaps, some new form of beauty. Now, one of the important problems to be solved in this case was the amalgamation of the living forms of to day with the classic details of a semiclassic style. In using our brawny types of men and women from factory and field, in modeling their simple working clothes, it was necessary to execute these figures in such a manner that they should not conflict with this distinguished but rather delicate architecture. It was necessary that they should have a dis- tinctive decorative character, in harmony with their immediate of the House Wing, United States Capitol 1 5 surroundings. Too much realism would have been ugly; too much classicism would have been fatal. Usually pediments are composed for a general front view, and are approached by a spacious avenue forming a vista. This happens here only for the central pediment. The fact that this building has such a wide fa?ade and three pediments, that it is generally approached by the sides, and that a person standing on the plaza has a slanting view of at least two pedi- ments, changes entirely the ordinary scheme and has necessi- tated a new principle of composition. The means employed to meet this contingency are not very visible from the plaza — they were not meant to be visible — but great care has been used in the effort to make the side views equal in interest to the full front view. There were other problems, such as the scale and grouping of the figures, the spacing of the groups, and so forth, of which I will not speak. Suffice it to say that with time and study they were solved to my satisfaction. The method of work was as follows: First a small sketch was made, then a larger one, and then another. These were changed, figures were taken away and others put in their places, so on and on in a continual effort to improve the scheme until the final models were fin- ished, ready to be carv^ed in marble, erected, doweled, and cemented in place. Permit me now on this momentous occasion to sincerely thank the Committee on the Library for their confidence, and for having permitted me to carry out this work in my own way and within my own time, I also desire to express my appreciation for the kindness and intelligent interest which has been bestowed upon me by Mr. EUiott Woods, Superintendent of the Capitol, and by his collabo- rators. They have never failed me since I first met them in 1909. Mr. SivAYDEN. Ladies and gentlemen, a few minutes ago my friend Mr. Mann pointed to the pediment and said that that was the pi^ce de resistance, as they call it out in Illinois; but I knew^ just what it was to be — fi.rst, the speech of Mr. Bartlett, and then that of our distinguished Speaker, the Hon. Champ Clark, who will now address you. [Applause.] ADDRESS OF HON. CHAMP CLARK OF MISSOURI IvADiES AND GknTlemen: MR. Chairman SlaydEN and Mr. Bartlett, the dis- tinguished artist, have so thoroughly described the beautiful statuary that it would be superfluous to say anything more about that. It is universally conceded that Washington is the finest capital city in the world. [Applause.] The United States has the largest homogeneous population of all the nations of the earth. We have the most stately Capitol Building in the world, which has become the model for capitol buildings everywhere. I, as Speaker of the House of Representatives, accept this stat- uary on behalf of the Congress and the people. This is the finishing touch to the Capitol Building, and especially to the House of Representatives. The first man who ever lifted up his voice in an oratorical way in the splendid Hall of the House was Samuel Sullivan Cox, popularly named "Sunset Cox," of Ohio, in 1857; and if all the oratory that has been uttered in it since were printed in books the world would hardly contain them. [Laughter.] The Constitutional Convention was the wisest set of men that ever met under one roof. [Applause.] The wisest thing that they did was to divide the governmental machinery of this coun- try into three separate departments. The next wisest was to divide the Congress into two branches. Some lady asked George Washington at a great dinner what the Senate was created for, and why they had two legislative branches instead of only one. He said that the Senate would perform the same function for legislation that a saucer did for tea, that they would pour the hot tea of the House into the saucer of the Senate to cool off. [Laughter.] Evidently Gen. Washington was not up to date in pink-tea etiquette or he would not have said anything about pouring your tea into a saucer. This Republic is the only real republic that ever existed on the face of the earth. [Applause.] We talk about the republics 17 1 8 Unveiling of the Statuary of the Pediment of Greece and Rome, and the rest of them. They were simply oligarchies. The intricate and delicate and elaborate system of checks and balances in our system of government is what has preserved it to the present day, and what will preserve it, let us hope, for all time to come. [Applause.] The idea of free government is not new. We did not originate it. We have developed it and put it into practice. It has been in the minds of men from a time whereof the memory of man runneth not to the contrary. Whoever wrote the Shakespeare plays put these words into the mouth of Brutus in his speech defending himself for the assassination of Caesar : Here comes liis body, mourned by Mark Antony; who, tliougli he had no hand in his death, shall receive the benefit of his dying, a place in the commonwealth; as which of you shall not? There is the case in a nutshell, the essence of representative government — "a place in the commonwealth." When Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg called the first House of Representatives to order he presided over 56 men. North Carolina and Rhode Island had not gotten in then. When they did come in, they increased his little flock to 65. I preside over 435 Representatives, 2 Territorial Delegates, and 3 Resident Commissioners. A couple of years ago they rededicated the old Congressional Hall in Philadelphia, after having fixed it up handsomely. President Wilson and myself made speeches. Going over there I figured it out that if we had the same ratio for Representatives now that we had under the first census and the same population that we have now, we would have 2,776 Members in the House of Representatives. This is one index to our marv^elous growth. The legislative body in every free country is the most impor- tant of the three branches — judicial, legislative, and executive. We come from the people, we represent the people, and we reflect the will of the people. [Applause.] I undertake to say without fear of successful contradiction that when the American people make up their minds that they want a thing the Congress will grant it to them as soon as it finds out that the people desire it. I think the Congress of the United States is the greatest legislative body that ever was on the face of the earth, and I take pride in that fact. Yet every evil-disposed person of the House Wing, United States Capitol 19 in the land can find some slander to utter about the American Congress. They revel in such foul work. It puzzled me a long time to find out why certain people, who could pass a great tariff bill overnight, or enact any other great measure while you wait, did not come down here and get into Congress and do those things. Finally one of them came into my room one day and was intimating that we were a lot of chuckleheads, and I said to him, "It has always surprised me that men like you, who know everything, who can do everything without any considera- tion, do not break into Congress and do it." He said, "Well, everybody does not want to come to Congress." I repUed, " There are not a thousand men in America who would not come to one House or the other of Congress if they could get here." I said, " I will tell you why you don't come into Congress. You don't come down here because you can't get votes enough." [Laughter.] Each one of these three departments ought to attend strictly to its own business. [Applause.] It would make a very inter- esting theme for a speech, if I had time to make one, to show how the balance of power has oscillated between the executive and the legislative. Sometimes the legislative has reduced the executive to a nullity, and sometimes the executive has come close to reducing the Congress to a nullity, but in the course of time these things even themselves up. How many new propositions do you suppose our system of government rests on ? On three. There are two of them in the Declaration of Independence and one in the Constitution. "All men are created equal." That is one of them. "All govern- ments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned." That is two, and they form the basis of republican institutions. The third one is — hardly anybody ever reads it^ the preamble to the Constitution, one of the finest sentences ever written, and one of the most comprehensive: We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. [Applause.] 20 Unveiling of the Statuary of the Pediment There it all is. That is our chart and our creed. What court- ship is to marriage, what the flower is to the fruit, what youth is to manhood, that is what the Declaration of Independence is to the Constitution of the United States. [Applause.] Since Washington on Yorktown's blood-stained heights made good Jefferson's declaration thrones have been crumbling, crowns have been tumbling, and dynasties have been fleeing for their lives. [Applause.] When our fathers proclaimed this Republic at Philadelphia, on the 4th of July, 1776, there was only one other Republic on the face of the earth — Switzerland — and the fathers were not certain that tliis one would live until Christmas. It was an even break whether it would or not. Now, thanks be to Almighty God, there are 26 Repubhcs in this world. [Applause.] In a very large sense we made them, every one. Mark Twain, the greatest Missourian that ever lived, and the greatest literary American that ever lived [applause], once said, "Blessed be the man who bloweth his own horn, lest it be not blown." [Ivaughter.] That dictum of the great Missourian applies to nations as well as to individuals. We did it — not by the mailed hand, not by conquering armies. We did it by the wholesomeness of our example [applause], by teaching all creation that men can govern themselves. Why, before that it was supposed that power descended from on high and lighted on the heads of a few tall men, and then a Httle of it trickled down to the great body of the people below. We reverse all that. We make it begin at the bottom and, like the sap in the trees, go up, and it will go up forever. [Applause.] Not a single one of these vSouth American or Central American Republics could have existed six months if it had not been for us. Some of them could stagger along now, maybe, but I am not certain about that. We gave them a breathing spell. We gave them a chance to live. What did it? The Monroe doc- trine. I am not going to expand on that. What is it? The simplest proposition ever put into print, that we would regard the establishment of its system of government by any European nation in this hemisphere as an unfriendly act. That was a very modest declaration, was it not ? We were a modest people of the House Wing, United States Capitol 2 1 then. [Ivaughter.] We have outgrown our modesty. But the Monroe doctrine has grown with our growth, and strengthened with our strength, until to-day it is this : That for pohtical pur- poses we hereby take the entire Western Hemisphere under the shadow of our wing, and warn the nations of the earth not to touch the least of these Republics south of us, lest they die. That is the Monroe doctrine. [Applause.] We do not want their territory or their land. We propose that they shall be free, because we intend to remain free ourselves. Col. Roosevelt in one of his books says that James Monroe was a mediocre President. Col. Roosevelt — I am very fond of him personally — will be lucky if he finally secures as high a place and as great a space in history as James Monroe does. [Applause.] I like Roosevelt's style sometimes. He went down to Chile and proclaimed the Monroe doctrine there much as I have proclaimed it here, and he came near getting mobbed. I suppose that is what he was after. [Laughter.] Certain dilettante writers and speakers who say the Monroe doctrine is played out are mistaken. They do not know what they are talking about. We will strengthen it and preserve it. It is the political life preserver of the Western World, I like to say a good thing about a Republican when I can find one who deserves it. [Ivaughter.] I like to think about what one Sec- retary of State did under the Monroe doctrine. William H. Seward, a great man. Secretary of State under Lincoln and Johnson, came very near being President in i860, but not half as near as I did in 191 2. [Laughter and applause.] When we had our Civil War we did not have any time to attend to any- body else's business. We had hardly enough to attend to our own. Louis Napoleon, the nephew of his uncle, the Emperor of the French, the greatest monarch then on earth, with his arms glit- tering from China to Peru, concluded it was a good time to smash the Monroe doctrine, sent over the Archduke Maximilian, set him up on a tinsel imperial throne, clapped a tinsel imperial crown on his head, and backed him up with 80,000 French bayonets under Marshal Bazaine. They were getting along tiptop until we made peace among ourselves. Immediately William H. Seward sent word to Louis Napoleon that it was high 22 Unveiling of the Statuary of the Pediment time to get out of Mexico, and not stand on the order of his going — and he went Hke the devil was after him. [Applause and laughter.] That is what a Republican Secretary of State did. Nobody ever tried to violate the Monroe doctrine after that until Great Britain undertook to steal a piece of Venezuela, and Grover Cleveland shook his fist in the face of the British hon and for- bade him to put his paw on Venezuela, and>he did not do it. [Applause and laughter.] That is what a Democratic President did. At that time we did not have a battleship to our name, but Johnnie Bull knew where we could get them if we wanted them; he knew we had the stuff to buy them with; he wisely let us alone; and from that day to this nobody has ever tried to in- fringe on the Monroe doctrine. Those are two of the proudest chapters in our history — one written by a RepubHcan Secretary of State, the other by a Democratic President. A great many people make a mistake as to where the Une of demarcation is between a free cotmtry and a despotism. It is as plain as the nose on your face when once correctly stated. Most people think if there is a hereditary head to the govern- ment it is necessarily a despotism, and that if there is an elec- tive head it is necessarily free. That has not a thing in the world to do with it — not a thing. A country can be just as free with a hereditary head as it can be with an elective president, provided it has the right sort of a constitution. I will tell you where the Une of demarcation is. Any country that has a legis- lative body which controls the purse strings thereof is free, and if it has not it is not free. Out West where I hve — I do not know whether it has percolated to the East or not — there is a saying "that money makes the mare go." Money makes the Government go, and if we should refuse to appropriate the money to run this Government, it would stand stock-still at midnight on the 30th day of next June. Patriots would not run it, most of them, without they got their pay. It makes no difference what we call it. We call our legislative body the Congress. When people get mad at Congress, and can not find anything else mean to say, they say we talk too much. Well, I used to be rather incHned to think sometimes that the Senate does talk too much [laughter]; but I have somewhat of the House Wing, United States Capitol 23 changed my notion about that. There ought to be some place in this Government where a thing can be really and thoroughly and minutely discussed. Now, if the Senate will let us go home right away, I will add some other compliment to that. [Laughter.] Those people who growl about Congress talking too much had better get out their dictionary and study it a little. What do you suppose the word "Parliament" means in the dictionary sense? That is the oldest legislative body in the world. It literally means a talking body. Bless your souls, that is what it was elected for, to talk; not to indulge in fooHsh talk, but to talk about the principles of government, the business of the country, and things like that. In France it is called the Assembly, in Germany the Reichstag, in Scandinavia the Storthing, and down in Bulgaria it is the Sobranje. There have been three half-baked Dumas up in St. Petersburg. Somebody will say they ran them out. Of course they did. That is the history of legislative progress the world over. How many Parliaments were run out of Westminster before they found one that could stay there in spite of the king ? What was the American Congress during the Revolution? It was a legislative body on v/heels, and it met where the British soldiers were not. That was the mode of its being. I am not a prophet or the son of a prophet, or the seventh son of a seventh son, but I will risk one prediction: Within less than 20 years they will have a Duma at St. Peters- burg that will stay there until it gets ready to leave, or the people of that country will run the Czar and the grand dukes out of Russia. That has been the history of such transactions since the world began. What a fine thing it is to be an American — how glorious, how inspiring. Those of you who read the Bible — and I hope you all do — remember that after Paul had been bound the chief captain ordered the centurion to take away him and scourge him. Paul took a flank move on him. Of course I am giving a free trans- lation. I have always believed that Paul would have made one of the most skillful politicians and lawyers that ever lived. Paul said to the centurion who was about to scourge him: "Is it lawful to scourge a Roman citizen?" That question scared the centurion half to death. He rushed off to the chief 24 Unveiling of the Statuary of the Pediment captain as hard as he could clatter, and said: "You had better be careful; that man is a Roman citizen," which startled the chief captain greatly — startled him so that Paul was not scourged. When that transaction took place Rome was mistress of the civilized world. The power and dignity inherent in Roman citizenship were demonstrated by the terror which seized those who intended to scourge him, w^hen he invoked that citizenship. It was a great boon to be a Roman citizen when Rome v/as in the plenitude of imperial power; but it is a far greater boon to be a plain American citizen, heir of all the ages. [Applause.] Ladies and gentlemen, everybody has something to do in this world, if he could find out what it is. Our mission in the world has been to carry government of the people, by the people, and for the people to the ends of the earth as missionaries therefor, and we have worked at it faithfully. We divide into parties on domestic issues. It is a very good thing that we do, so that one may watch the other; but when it comes to questions that affect the honor, the glory, the prosperity of the American Republic, ,we are one. [Applause.] I am happy to give it as my opinion that the people in this country who are not thoroughly patriotic, who would not be absolutely true if the supreme test should come, do not constitute one-tenth of i per cent of the 100,000,000 people betwixt the two seas. [Ap- plause.] We are supposed to have different ways of explaining and expressing our patriotism. We here and now finish the Capitol Building. May it stand forever as the emblem and symbol of a free people, and may our missionary work never end until all people everywhere are free. [Applause.] Mr. Si^AYDEN. Dr. Prettyman, Chaplain of the Senate, will pronounce the benediction. of the House Wing, United States Capitol 25 BENEDICTION BY REV. FORREST J. PRETTYMAN, D. D. CHAPLAIN OF THE SENATE 1^ "YOW may the peace of God, which passeth all understand- I V ing, keep your hearts and minds in ihe knowledge and love of God and of His Son, Jesus Christ our Lord; and the blessing of God Almighty, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, be with us all, now and forever. Amen. H. Doc. 1354, 64- DESCRIPTION OF THE STATUARY OF THE PEDIMENT AN allegorical group of two figures, "Peace protecting /-\ Genius," fills the center of the pediment. "Peace," "*- -^ an armed "Peace," stands erect, draped in a mantle which almost completely hides her breastplate and coat of mail; her left arm rests on her buckler, which is supported by the altar at her side; in the background the "olive tree of peace." Her right arm is extended in a gesture of protection over the youthful and winged figure of "Genius," who nestles confid- ingly at her feet and holds in his right hand the torch of "Immortality." The composition is completed by two other groups, sym- bolizing and typifying the two great fundamental living powers of labor, the two great sources of wealth — Agriculture and Industry. The most modest of our farmers and laborers can find in these groups the symbol of his own self and of his endeavors. He may even find there his own resemblance, and he will see that his helpmate, his children, his cattle, and the harvest from his fields have been exalted and carved in marble forms. The printer, the ironworker, the founder, can do the same, and enjoy the same profound satisfaction. The toiling factory girl, weaver or spinner of textiles, will observe that she has not been forgotten, and those who are devoted to the sea can discover a group which will remind them of the joys of their vocation. A wave terminates the sculpture at either end of the pedi- ment, and is meant to indicate that all this humanity, all its power and energy, are comprised between the shores of the two oceans — the Atlantic and Pacific. [Extract from Mr. Bartlett's speech.] 27 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 014 369 102 C