Glass. Book- HISTORY OF THE NEW NETHERLANDS, PROVINCE OF NEAVYORK, AND STATE OF NEW YORK, TO THE ADOPTION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. IN TWO VOLUMES. BY WILLIAM DUNLAP, VOL. II NEW YORK: JPRISTED FOR THE AUTHOR's REPRESENTATIVES BY CARTER & THORP, EXCHANGE PLACE. 1840. fll^ JJI 1' Entered, According to Act of Congress, iu tlic year 1840, BY JOHN A. DUNLAP, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of NEW YORK. By trast»for 5 JelW* CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME CHAPTER I. PiCE. rapture of Ticonderogn — Ethan Allen Arnold Montgomery Hia letters, 9 CHAPTER II. The Johnsons — Brant — Schuyler's Expedition to Johnstown — The state of tlie Valley of the Mohawk, 25 CHAPTER III Gates, a British officer — An American officer— At Cambridge — At New York— Disputes the command with Schuyler— Hancock's letter, - - - - 39 CHAPTER IV. General Gates at Ticonderoga— Arnold— His efforts against Carleton, - - - 48 CHAPTER V. England buys foreign troops to help to sul)due America — Her army repairs from Boston to Halifax — After being reinforced, the army lands on Staten Island— The troops of Washington- -Battle of Brooklyn, and retreat from Long Island, 56 CHAPTER VI. Lord Howe meets a Committee of Congress, on Staten Island— General Howe pushes his army to Heilgate— Heath, and death of Henly — Hale is executed— Affair of Kipp's Bay— Difficulties of evacuating the city- Death of Leich and of Kuowllon— Fire of 1776--General Howe crosses to Frog's Point— White Plains—Fort Washington— Rawlins — Prisoners, - 73 CHAPTER VII. Retreat to the Delaware- -Lee's misconduct— Affairs in the north— Colonel Meigs — Vermont — Starke, - 89 4 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. Plan of the Campaign --Gates's intrigues — Efibrts of Schnyler — Ticontle- roga taken — Affair of Miss McCrea--Siege of Fort Stanvvix — Retreat of St. Leger — Affair of Bennington — Transactions at Saratoga — Daniel Morgan — Death of General Frazer — Clinton'.s expedition np the Hudson Capture of Burgoyne — Gates's arrogance- -Wilkinson, 105 CHAPTER IX. Intrigues against Washington — France becomes a party in the war — Alarm- ing situation of Washington— Noble conduct of Colonel William Duer — Conway — Lafayette — Falsehood and meanness of Gates, 131 CHAPTER X. Prisoners and Prison Ships, 136 CHAPTER XI. City of New York from 1776 to 1780— Battle of Monmouth— Indian hostil- ities on the Mohawk — Massacre at Cherry Valley, 143 CHAPTER XII. Sullivan's Expedition --Van Schaick's Expedition against the Onondagas — Capture and re-capture of Stony Point --Exploit of Major Lee — Other military operations — Hot summer — Second great fire in New York — Ex- plosion in the Harbour — Severe winter — Unsuccessful attempt on Staten Island, 157 CHAPTER XIII. Arnold commands at Philadelphia — His misconduct and trial — Commands at West Point — Intrigues with the enemy, and treason — Capture and exe- cution of Andre — Escape of Arnold, 167 CHAPTER XIV. Champe's Adventure — Indian warfare — Fate of Huddy — Further history of Ethan Allen — New Hampshire Grants — Controversies with Vermont — British attempts to seduce Vermont-- Independence of Vermont recog- nized, 202 CHAPTER XV. Provisional articles of peace — Attempts to create revolt in the army — Arm- strong's letters — Washington's opposition— Peace concluded — Evacua- tion of New York — Convention to form Constitution — Washington, first President of the United States — Attempts to ridicule him— His reception in New York, 228 CHAPTER XVI. Treaty of peace— Events intermediate between the peace and adoption of Federal Constitution — Settlement of boundaries of New York — Popula- tion of the State— Shay's rebellion in Massachusetts — Convention to form Constitution— Motives for it, and its origin— Constitution of the United States and its construction— Parties for and against it— Doctor's mob- Convention to consider adoption of Constitution— Proceedings and de- bates in convention— Constitution adopted— Conclusion, 237 CONTENTS. 5 APPENDIX TO VOLUME I. APPENDIX. PAGE. A I B n C VI D, VII E, IX F, XII G, XVI H, , xvn I, ....... XXIV J, XXVI K, XXIX L, ...... • XXXIX M, XL N, ...... . XLII O, XLIV P XIV Q R, S, XLVI T, XLVII U, LI V LV W, ....... LXIV Appendix referred to, . . . lvi Appendix referred to, ... nx Treaty of Peace of 1763— Indian Hosti- lities after the Peace, . . . lxix Review of Vanderdonck's account of New Netherlands, .... lxxii Indian Circulating Medium— First Inter- course between the Dutch and New- England, "... LXXXIX First Organization of Continental Army —New York Regiments, . . xcvi English settlement of New Jersey, . c MISCELLANEOUS MATTER, cxv ADVERTISEMENT. It iiiaj be thought that an apology is due to the reader for the errours and inn)erfections, fewer however than under all circumstances might have been expected, which he will meet with in the perusal of these two volumes. The greater part of the first volume was printed after the author was attacked with a disease, which ultimately proved fatal. For a time he was able to devote some attention to the correction of the press ; but it finally devolved exclusively upon one, who had not by previous studies acquired an equal intimacy with the subject, nor was acquainted with the work itself, except as it came under his observation piecemeal while passing through the hands of the printer. For a considerable time after- ward, the author's situation was such that no application could be made to him to remove doubts or elucidate ob- scurities. The second volume is literally a posthumous production, the materials of which have been selected and arranged according to the expressed design of the writer, or when that was wanting, pursuant to the most probable conjecture. Hence have arisen in some few instances, an apparent confusion or involution of facts and dates, which to dis- entangle or evolve, requires it is believed merely a httle 8 ADVERTISEMENT. attention : — and also in two or three instances, the repe- tition of the same circumstances or ideas, in the same, or nearly the same language. These are indeed blem- ishes, but such as, it is conceived, cannot materially detract from the gratification and instruction to be, it is hoped, derived from the perusal of the work. Literal and ver- bal errours will occur to the reader ; in general, however, not of a nature to mislead or embarrass him. A table of errata concludes the present volume. The editor begs leave to submit the work, now com- plete, to the kind and candid consideration of the publick. New York, February, 1840. HISTORY OF NEW YORK. CHAPTER I. Capture of Ticonderoga — Ethan Allen — Arnold — Montgomery — His letters. The controversies between New York and New Hampshire have been noticed in preceding pages,* but when the great struggle between the colonies and Great Britain had arrived at a crisis which superseded in the minds of the leading men of New York all other considerations, Tryon was placed in ihe position of an enemy to both the contending parties. The contest between England and America had another eflect upon this quarrel for acres : many of those claiming under New York became open enemies to the general cause of liberty, and of course their in- fluence in urging the claims of that province to the New Hamp- shire grants ceased. 1775 As soon as open hostilities had commenced at Lexing- ton, certain persons at Hartford formed a design upon the fortress of Ticonderoga, and being joined by Ethan Allen and others of Massachusetts, they turned their thoughts and steps to Bennington, where they knew men were to be found ready to start upon a dangerous enterprize. On their arrival, a council was called, and Allen assumed, or was appoinred, the leader. He despatched scouts to the northward to cut off communication be- tween Canada and the object at which they aimed, and then marched to Castleton, where they arrived on the evening of the 7th of May, 1 775. Here they decided on their plan of operations. A party of thirty men was to march to the head of the lake and seize Major Skene, the son of the proprietor, who was then in England, and from whom the spot now called Whitehall was * Vol. I, chap. 27, 29, 31. VOL. 11. 2 10 CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA. then denominated Skenesborough. This party was to seize all the inliabitants and conduct them to the place Allen had fixed on for embarkation. x\s the main body was preparing to move to the lake, Benedict Arnold arrived with a commission from the Mas- sachusetts committee of safety, to raise men and proceed to the capture of Ticonderoga, unconscious of the previous movements in Connecticut and the Green Mountains. Arnold had appointed officers to enlist men for this object, but hearing of the previous movement, hastened on, thinking to take command by virtue of his commission from Massachusetts : this suited the disposition neither of Allen or his followers ; and Arnold, finding that the men refused to follow any other than the leader of their choice, agreed to join as a volunteer. The whole force, amounting to 230, pushed for the shore of the lake opposite Ticonderoga, and were fortunate enough to find a boy for a guide, the son of a farmer, who was in the habit of crossing the lake in his fathei*'s boat to play with the lads of his own age belonging to the garrison, and who by this means was familiar with every path leading to the fortress. Nathan Beman, (this was the boy's name,) was permitted by his father to undertake the service ; and Allen proceeded to achieve the conquest of the place which had repulsed the flower of the British soldiery under Abercrom- bie, with a slaughter often times the whole number that now prepared to capture it. I will let Allen tell in his own way, the result of this expedition. " The first systematical and bloody attempt at Lexington, to enslave America, thoroughly electrified my mind, and fully de- termined me to take a part with my country. And while I was wishing for an opportunity to signalize myself in its behalf, direc- tions were privately sent to me from the then colony, now state of Connecticut, to raise the Green Mountain Boys, and, if possible, with them to surprise and take the fortress of Ticonderoga. This enterprize I cheerfully undertook ; and after first guarding all the several passes that lead thither, to cut off all intelligence between the garrison and the country, made a forced march from Ben- nington, and arrived at the lake opposite Ticonderoga, on the evening of the 9th day of May, 1775, with 230 valiant Green Mountain Boys ; and it was with the utmost difficulty that I pro- cured boats to cross the lake. However, I landed eighty-three men near the garrison, and sent the boats back for the rear guard commanded by Colonel Seth Warner ; but the day began to dawn, and I found myself necessitated to attack the fort before the rear could cross the lake ; and as it was hazardous, I harrangued the officers and soldiers in the manner following : " Friends and fellow soldiers — You have for a number of years past been a scourge and terror to arbitrary powers. Your valour has been famed abroad. CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA. 11 and acknowledged, as appears by the advice and orders to me from the general assembly of Connecticut, to surprise and take the garrison now before us. I now propose to advance before you, and in person conduct you through the wicket gate ; for we must this morning either quit our pretentions to valour, or possess our- selves of this fortress in a few minutes ; and inasmuch as it is a desperate attempt, which none but die bravest of men dare under- take, I do not urge it on contrary to his will. You that will undertake voluntarily, poise your firelock." " The men being at Uiis time drawn up in three ranks, each poised his firelock. I ordered them to face to the right ; and at the head of the centre file marched them immediately to the wicket gate aforesaid, where I found a sentry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at me. I ran immediately towards him, and he retreated through the covered way into the parade within the garrison, gave a halloo, and ran under a bomb proof. My party who followed me into the fort, I formed on the parade in such a manner, as to lace the barracks which faced each other. The garrison being asleep, except the sentries, we gave three huzzas, which gready surprised them. One of the sentries made a pass at one of my officers with a charged bayonet, and slightly wounded him. My first thought was to kill him with my sword, but in an instant I altered the design find fury of the blow to a slight cut on the side of the head ; upon which he dropped his gun, and asked quarters, which I readily granted him ; and demanded die place where the commanding officer kept. He showed me a pair of stairs in the front of the garrison, which led to a second story in said barracks, to which I immediately repaired, and ordered the commander, Captain Delaplace, to come fordi instantly, or I would sacrifice the whole garrison : at which time die captain came immediately to the door with his breeches in his hand, when I ordered him to deliver to me the fort instantly ; he asked me by what authority I demanded it. I answered him, ' in the name of the great Jehovah, and the Continental Congress.' The authority of congress being very litde known at that time, he began to speak again, but I in- terrupted him, and with my drawn sword near his head again demanded an immediate surrender of the garrison ; with which he then complied, and ordered his men to be forthwith paraded without arms, as he had given up die garrison. In the meantime some of my officers had given orders, and in consequence thereof, sundry of the barrack doors were beat down, and about one third of the garrison imprisoned, which consisted of said commander, a Lieutenant Feltham, a conductor of artillery, a gunner, two ser- geants, and forty-four rank and file ; about one hundred pieces of cannon, one thirteen inch mortar, and a number of swivels. This 12 ETHAN ALLEN. surprise was carried into execution in the grey of the morning of the 10th of May, 1775." The prisoners were one captain, one lieutenant, and forty-eight non-commissioned officers and privates, besides non-combatants ; they were sent to Hartford for safe keeping. One hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, with mortars, swivels, small arms and stores, were made prize of. Seth Warner, who led the second division of i^llen's army, was despatched to seize Crown Point, which he effected, the place being only garrisoned by a sergeant and eleven men, who were taken with sixty cannon, and of course some small arms and stores. Arnold again attempted to take command, but Allen and his men resisted, and after the party that had seized IMajor Skene and the vessels at Skenesborough had joined the main force, they de- termined to go down the lake and make an attempt upon St. John's. They had now a schooner and several batteaux, and Arnold, who was accustomed to the sea, had charge of the larger vessel ; Allen commanding the batteaux. Arnold arrived first at the point of destination, took the garrison by surprise, (a sergeant and twelve men,) and secured them with a sloop of seventy tons, mounting two brass six pounders. After securing the stores and destroying such things as he could not bring off, the future British general sailed triumpliandy up the lake and met Allen and his detachment, who could only join in triumph, salutes and congratulations. Allen, however, was determined to perse- vere, and he pushed on with design to hold possession of St. John's : with this intention, he landed and proceeded about a mile, when he was driven back to his boats with the loss of three of his men taken prisoners. Allen returned to Ticonderoga, to the command of which he was commissioned by the authorities that were constituted by the people of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Arnold was stationed at Crown Point and had command of the fleet. Allen now contemplated the conquest of Canada, and had the merit of first suggesting what was soon after adopted as a national measure. Colonel Hinman, arriving at Ticonderoga with troops from Connecticut, the command of tlie place was yielded to him. General Schuyler made use of Allen as a missionary, not of religion, but policy, among the Canadians and the Indians of that country, and he executed his mission at least to his own satisfac- tion, being convinced that if the Americans could advance in force, the people of the country would join them. When General Montgomery, by Schuyler's illness, was obliged to take the command of the army designed for Canada, Allen was sent by Schuyler to raise a force of Canadians, and succeeded so BENEDIC r ARNOLD. 13 far as to have 250 men under arms and at his command ; with these he avowed to General IMontgomery his intention of joining him to assist in the reduction of St. Johns, but while on his march up the St. Lawrence, havino; arrived opposite Montreal, he was induced either by the persuasion of a jMajor Brown who met him there, or by his own vanity and love of adventure, to undertake the capture of Montreal independently of Montgomery, whose orders he ought to have solicited and obeyed. According to the plan digested by Brown and Allen, the first was to cross above and the second be- low the town and make a simultaneous attack; Brown had 200 Americans : Allen crossed the river with eighty Canadians and thirty Americans, in canoes, on the night of the 24:th of Septem- ber, and in the morning looked in vain for Brown's siefnal for attack. Finding that his consort had failed, Allen would willingly have recrossed the St. Lawrence, but it was too late. The British in the town had notice of his situation, and soon poured out upon him an overwhelming force of regular troops, Canadians and In- dians : after a skirmish, and the desertion of all his men but thirty-eight, Allen agreed to surrender upon " honourable terms." They were marched as prisoners into the town they had captured in anticipation, and Allen was received by General Prescott, the commanding officer, with language and treatment unworthy of any gentleman. After asking Allen if he was the man who took Ti- conderoga, and being answered in the affirmative, he threatened his prisoner a halter at Tyburn, and sent him in irons on board a vessel of war to be transported to England. The appointment of Benedict Arnold as a colonel in the con- tmental army, and the choice made of him by General Washing- ton to co-operate in the attack on Quebec, which was intended to be conducted by General Schuyler, makes him so prominent an object that we must look back upon his previous history. He was the son of Benedict Arnold, a cooper by trade, who emigrated to Norwich, in Connecticut, from Rhode Island, in the year 1730, and having accumulated property, engaged in the West India trade, and marrying, became in process of time the father of a man who has stamped his name indelibly on the pages of our history, as that of a gallant soldier and an unprincipled traitor. Benedict the second, was born at Norwich, on the 3d of January, 1740. His father, then in successful trade, gave him as good an education as the place afforded ; and his father dying while he was yet a minor, he was apprenticed to two druggists. Young Arnold was a source of more trouble than pleasure or profit. He was noted for acts of daring, of perfidy and cruelty, as far as such qualities can be seen in boyhood. Tired of exhibiting his propen- sities for mischief on so small a scale, he, at the age of sixteen 14 BENEDICT ARNOLD. years of ags, ran away, and enlisted for a soldier. His mother's distress caused an application for his discharge, which was success- fid, but charmed with companions who would acknowledge his superiority, and with a licence suited to his perverted faculties, he again absconded and joined the troops destined for Lake Cham- plain, where he became acquainted with the scenes of his future varied adventures. From this engagement he deserted, and fled back to Norwich — thus his first act of treason and flight from the colours he had engaged to fight under, was against George II, the grandfather of the master under whose standard he subsequently carried fire and sword into his native country. He was received and protected by his masters, who sheltered him from the punishment his desertion merited ; but his conduct was a condnued source of disgust to them, and of misery to his mother, whose days were probably shortened, as well as embittered by his present conduct and her anticipations of the future. Happily she could not imagine the amount of his future infamy. He, however, served out his time and commenced business as a druggist in New Haven. The slow increase of properly could not content this grasping youth : he commenced trading to the West Indies, and from a port long noted for shipments of horses and mules to that market, Arnold carried on a profitable traffick, oc- casionally visiting Canada in the way of trade, and occasionally making voyages to tlie West India Island and commanding his own vessels. He is described by Mr, Sparks, as " turbulent, impetuous, presuming, and unprincipled." He was engaged in quarrels perpetually. That he should be a smuggler followed of course, and when informed against by a sailor, such was the pub- lick opinion of English custom house regulations and acts of par- liament, taxing the colonial trade, that Arnold with impunity in- flicted lashes on the informer at the publick whipping post, and banished him fiom New Haven. Arnold's bold, not to say audacious character, w-ith the qualities which marked him as a leader in whatever was dangerous, so far outweighed his evil qualities and bad reputation as a man in the eyes of the military portion of the inhabitants of New Haven, that he was chosen captain of one of the independent companies, called the Governour's Guards; and when the stirring news of the battle of Lexington arrived, Captain Arnold without difficulty called out sixty volunteers from the guards and the students of the college, ready to march for the scene of strife. Arnold's troops had fire arms but no ammunidon, and a refusal was returned from the select men to his demand for powder and ball. Drawing up his volun- teers in battle array, the captain sent word that if the keys of the magazine were not delivered to him, he would break down the doors and help himself. The threat produced the requisite am- BENEDICT ARXOLD. 15 munition, and Arnold and bis company were among llie earliest of the ijatherinfr at Cambridfre. Scarcely bad be arrived before Boston, when be proposed to the Massachusetts committee of safety, an expedition for the sur- prise of Ticonderoga, a place well known to him, when be, as a private soldier in the king's service, made one of its garrison. His plan was seen to be feasible, and be was on the 3d of May, com- missioned as colonel in the service of the province and appointed to command 400 men, for the especial purpose proposed by him. Furnished with money, ammunition, and authority to draw on the committee for the costs of stores and provisions for his troops, Colonel Arnold proceeded to Stockbridge for the purpose of en- listing men, when to bis great chagrin be learned that men from Connecticut, bad already gone into the Hampshire Grants to raise the Green INIountain boys for the same point of attack. Arnold appointed officers to recruit for him, but with his usual impetuosity pushed on, and overtook Ethan Allen and bis organized force at Castleton : at once be showed bis commission and claimed com- mand : but Ethan was a match for Benedict on such an occasion, and bis mountaineers refused to follow any other than their own chosen leader. Arnold submitted to necessity and joined the ex- pedition as a volunteer. I have already given the result : Arnold entered the fortress side by side widi the conqueror: but the post once in possession, he again demanded the command. Allen was as decided in denial as Arnold could be in requiring, and the Connecticut committee was appealed to, who immediately appointed Colonel Allen commandant of the conquered post and its de- pendencies. Arnold again with an ill-grace submitted ; but four days after the surrender, his own enlisted followers arrived at Ticonderoga by the way of Skenesborough, (now Whitehall) where they bad captured a schooner belonging to the British Major Skene, which brought them triumphantly down the lake : with this schooner and these men, Arnold again bad a command and on an element fami- liar to him : he pushed down to St. John's, surprised the garrison, a sergeant and twelve men, captured a king's sloop and four bat- teaux, which loading with stores from the fort, he carried to Ticon- deroga. In this he anticipated Allen, whom he met on the way to St. John's. Crown Point had fallen into the bands of Sedi War- ner, and thus Lake Cbamplain with its forts, once so formidable and fatal to well appointed British armies, fell into the bands of a few daring undisciplined Americans. The English took possession of St. John's with a force much greater than the New England leaders bad in the vicinity, and it was rumoured that they intended to come up the lake. Arnold, who acted independently of Allen, and considered himself as the naval 16 BENEDICT ARNOLD. commander, prepared his flotilla to oppose them. Besides a num- ber of batteaux, he had the captured schooner and sloop, and with this force he took post at Crown Point. With part of the artillery- taken in the forts he armed his vessels, and despatched cannon by the way of Lake George, intended for the army at Cambridge.* In the meantime, doubts respecting Arnold's conduct in mat- ters respecting property, very naturally arose in the minds of those who first commissioned him as a colonel, and gave a command of men and money, and moreover his former reputation might well occasion suspicions as to his prudence, and the legislature of Mas- sachusetts sent three delegates to Lake Champlain to inquire into the state of affairs. They were instructed to inquire into his " spirit, capacity, and conduct," and authorized, if they saw fit, to order his return to Massachusetts to give an accouut of the money, ammunition, and stores, intrusted him. Inquiries of this nature troubled Arnold all through life : and this at the commencement of his heroick carreer greatly irritated him. He was likewise superseded in command ; Colonel Hinman being appointed his superiour. Truly all this did not appear a suitable return for the activity and ability he had displayed, and Arnold complained loudly of the injustice and indignity with which he was treated, and in conclusion resiiined his commission. Having no further business on the lake, he proceeded to Cam- bridge, loudly complaining of the treatment he had received. His accounts were allowed, but not without that suspicion which seems to have attended him in every period of his life. The military talents Arnold had displayed, his intelligence, spirit, activity, and perseverance, recommended him to General Wash- ington as a leader fit for the arduous enterprize of conducting a force through the eastern wilderness by the way of Kennebec River to Quebec, a task justly considered to be of a most arduous nature, and requiring a man of tried hardihood and undaunted resolution. Such a man, Washington saw in Benedict Arnold, and the moral deformities of his character, were passed over — he was a tool fitted for the work to be done — and the commander-in-chief commis- sioned him as a colonel in the army of the continent, furnished him with the necessary instructions, and put under his command 1,100 men, and several officers, who subsequently became famous in the struggle then commencing. Lieutenant Colonel Christo- pher Greene, afterwards the hero of Red Bank ; Lieutenant Co- lonel Enos ; Majors Bigelow and Meigs ; Captain Dearborn and Captain Daniel Morgan with his riflemen, so famously conspicuous * The committee at Albany forwarded abundant supplies of pork and flour to the conquerors of the lake. MONTGOMERY. 17 in every action from Quebec to I\[onmouth, and at a later period in a higher command, the conqueror of Tarleton at the Cowpens. These troops were designed to co-operate with the force which Invaded Canada, and formed a junction with them under the walls of Quebec. In surmounting tlie diHiculties of the arduous march through the wilderness to Quebec, and in every action attendant upon the dis- astrous expedition and attack upon the capital of Canada, in which Montgomery fell, Arnold by his ardour and daring — by his cool intrepidity and endurance of hardship — by his resources in every difhcult emergency, increased his military reputation, and his popu- larity with all the friends of the great cause he so conspicuously served. I leave to the historian of the United States, the details of the Canada expedition, and will take up the story of Benedict Arnold, when we again meet him on the territory of New \ork. Richard Montgomery was born in the year 1736, near the town of Raphoe, in the north of Ireland, and educated at the college of Dublin. At the age of eighteen he entered the army, and was sent to Halifax with the regiment to which he belonged in 1757. In 175S, he served under Amherst at the capture of Louisbourg, the American Gibraltar, which as we have seen, had been before taken by the American provincials and restored to France by Great Britain, to the great detriment of the colonists. The 17th regiment, to which Montgomery was attached, fol- lowed Amherst to Lake Champlain, and introduced him to the fu- ture scenes of his republican military service under his friend Philip Schuyler. He followed the triumphant course of General Amherst uniil the conquest of Canada was completed in 1760. In the latter year, Montgomery w^as promoted to the rank of captain, and as such followed Monckton from Staten Island and New York to Martinico, the surrender of which, and of the Havana, was soon followed by the peace of February 10th, 1763. Returning with the regiment to New York, he remained there, as it appears, some years, and then went to England. From some disgust to the service, he sold his commission and returned to New York in 1773. Having purchased an estate on the Hudson, in the neighbourhood of the Livingston family, he married the daugh- ter of Robert R. Livingston, and thus became the brother-in-law of the late accomplished chancellor. In the year 1775, he was elected by the county of Duchess, to the first provincial convention held in New York. 1775 The continental congress, probably guided by the ad- vice of Washington, as in the choice of Charles Lee and Horatio Gates, appointed Captain Montgomery one of the first brigadier-generals that were selected for their army. Philip Schuyler who at the same time w^as selected as a major- VOL. II. 3 18 MONTGOMERY. general, was appointed to command the army intended for an at- tempt upon Canada, by the way of Lake Champlain, while ano- ther force was pushed for the same purpose by land through the wilderness under Arnold ; but intended for Schuyler's com- mand. Montgomery repaired to Albany, and was ordered by his friend Schuyler, to Ticonderoga, recently seized upon by Ethan Allen. He proceeded with a small body of troops down the lake. Being joined by his friend and commander, they effected a landing near St. Johns, and proceeded on their march to the fort on the 5di of September, but were attacked while fording a creek, and thrown in some disorder by an Indian ambuscade. The enemy was however soon dispersed with loss to themselves, and principally by the prompt movement of the command immediately led by Montgomery. General Schuyler was carried back to Ticonderoga in a state of extreme sickness and exhaustion, yet never ceasing to forward the men, artillery and stores, necessaiy for the expedition. On re- ceiving a reinforcement, Montgomery began his investment of St. Johns. After establishing an entrenched camp of 300 men in a position to intercept communication between St. Johns, Chamblee, and Mon- treal, he opened his fire of artillery upon the beseiged. But he experienced all the difficulties arising from incompetent guns, am- munition, and artillerists — his engineer was without the rudiments of knowledge, as such — his troops were undisciplined, and sunk under the effect of exposure to cold and wet, fatigue and unwhol- some water. His efforts were counteracted by the insubordination of his officers and men. The conduct of Ethan Allen in making an attack on Montreal without orders from the general, and with a force altogether inadequate, added to the mortifications of Mont- gomery. The capture of Allen took place on the 25th of September. Shortly after, Mr. James Livingston, who had at the instance of Montgomery, succeeded in raising a corps of 300 Canadians, in conjunction with Major Brown, and a detachment from the army, succeeded in capturing Chamblee, its garrison and stores, among which was the very acceptable acquisition of one hundred and twenty-six barrels of gunpowder. This success and the danger of the post of St. Johns, rendered it necessary for General Carleton the English commander in Ca- nada, to quit Montreal, and with a motley army of Canadians, Scotch emigrants, Indians, and some English troops of the regular force, to risk a field movement for the purpose of attacking Mont- gomery. Mc Lean of the British army was encamped at the mouth of the Sorel, and Carleton's first move was a junction with Montgomery's letters. 19 bim. This ]Montgomery foresaw, and gave such orders to Colonel Warner as placed him in a situation at Longuiel to oppose the movement of Carleton, who crossing the St. Lawrence, was received from tlie south bank by a fire of musketry and artillery, which had been masked, and which put to rout the whole armament. This success, and the advance of a further American force, induced Mc Lean to abandon his post and descend the St. Lawrence. Carleton giving up all hope of saving Montreal, put himself on board of a boat, and with muffled oars, in a dark night, succeeded in passing the American posts and descended the river in safety. St. Johns surrendered on the 3d of November, and on the 13th Montgomery had full possession of Montreal, eleven sail of English vessels. General Prescott, and 120 regular troops of the seventh and twenty-sixth regiments. On the 4th of December, Montgomery effected a junction with Arnold, and immediately proceeded to Quebec. Li this fortress, under the command of a veteran soldier, the force consisted of 450 seamen and marines ; 50 privates of the 7th regiment ; 150 of Mc Lean's corps, and 250 Canadian militia. To invest the place with his miserable shadow of an army, less in number than the garrison, was out of the question with the commander of the Americans, and the inclemency of winter in Canada equally forbade it. Es- calade was determined on. After the ceremony of surrender and some preparation, the attempt was made as detailed in many of our histories, and the gallant Montgomery fell. The Lieutenant Governour Cramahe, requested that the body of the fallen general might be buried within the walls, and Carleton granted the request. It was subsequently removed to the city of New York, and depo- sited many years after his death, with all military honours, under the monument voted by congress and erected to his memory in St. Paul's chapel.* The following extractst from unpublished letters of IMontgomery, written during the last and most eventful period of his life, to his friend Schuyler, whom he constantly addresses in the most respect- ful and affectionate terms, cannot but be read with interest. Ticonderoga, Augnst 18, 1775. — "The troops destined for the irenerous effort to relieve our brethren of Canada, will in all probability be at St. Johns in fourteen days." Ticonderoga, August 25. — " 1 hope you will join us with all expedition. Let me intreat you (if you can possibly) to follow in a whale boat, leaving somebody to bring forward the troops and * As to the lives of Allen and Montgomery, see Sparks's American Biography, Vol. I.— of Arnold— Sparks, Vol. 3. t For these I am indebted to my highly esteemed friend, Ex-chancellor Kent. 20 moxtgomery's letters. artillery. It will give the men great confidence in your spirit and activity. Be assure 1 I have your honour and reputation highly at heart, as of the greatest consequence to the public service ; that all my ambhion is to do my duty in a subordinate capacity, without the least ungenerous intention of lessening the merit so justly your due, which I omit no opportunity of setting in its fullest light." Camp, near St.. Johns, Sej)f. 19, 177-5. — " We arrived here on the 17th, in the eveuing. I have great dependence on your pres- ence to administer to our many wants. Major Brown was driven off yesterday morning by a party of British when he landed on the left side of the lake." Camp, south side St. Johns, Sept. 24. — " I can say nothing pleasing as to my troops. The other night Captain INIott basely deserted the mortar battery without being attacked, tbough he made me a report that the enemy had rushed on him. I expect to set our mortars to work to night. If successful I shall endeavour to have deputies sent from Canada to the congress, giving them assurances that before an accommodation takes place, Canada must have a free government, and that the congress will as soon give up the Massachusetts government to the resentment of the ministry as relinquish this point. I should like to have three enlightened members of congress as a council, immediately, lest I should make q faux pas. Should Arnold come in my neighbourhood, has he orders to put himself under my command ? You know his ambition, and I need not point out the bad consequences of a separate command." Camp, near St. Johns, Sept. 25. — " Colonel Allen passed the St. Lawrence below St. Johns with twenty of ours and fifty Canadians. He was attacked from the garrison and taken prisoner, and two or three of his men killed. 1 lament that his imprudence and ambi- tion urged him to this affair singlehanded." Sajne date. — " We have opened a battery of two twelve pounders upon the ship yards and schooner. I want men and ammunition ; the weather is bad, and the ground encamped on, swampy. We are scanty in pork and flour. I have sent back ten boats with the naked and lazy." Camp, south side St. Johns, Oct. G. — " Your diligence and fore- sight have saved us from the difficulties that threatened us, and we are no longer afraid of starving. I am waiting with impatience for the arrival of troops. W^e have a post at La Prairie, and a conference by IMajor Brown, and some of our officers, with the principal inhabitants of Mon- treal, at La Prairie to-morrow. I am too feeble in men. The weather has been miserable. If I could send 500 men to Montreal it would declare for us. Our array shows a great want of military spirit. They petition Montgomery's letters. 21 for the release of the base coward Captain Mott. Oui ?ensible officers swallow every old woman's story that is dropped into their mouths. General Carleton is still at Montreal." Camjh south side Sf. Johns, Oc1. d(h. — " There has been shock- ing embezzlement of the public stores and monies. Pray send me Yorkers, they dont melt away half so fast as their Eastern neighbours. We want iron, steel, ammunition, a ten inch mortar. Your residence at Ticonderoga has probably enabled us to keep our ground. How much do the public owe you for your attention and activity f" Cam J), near St. Johns, Oct. ISfh. — "A general dissatisfaction prevails in the army, and that unless something is done in a few days, I am told there will be a mutiny. It seems I am at the head of troops who carry the spirit of freedom into the field and think for themselves. Owing to the want of subordination and discipline, I thought it expedient to call a council of the field officers. The result has deprived me of all hopes of success. The troops at the post of La Prairie have shown great intimidation, and I have had great difficulty in keeping them thei'e. The friendly Canadians grow exceedingly uneasy at their situation should we not succeed. You will see the propriety of putting Ticonderoga in a state of defence against a winter coup-de-main, by a stockade, and by having a post at Crown Point. The vessels to be placed in stockade also : preparations for a naval armament in the spring." Cojnp, near St. Johns, Oct. 20th. — " Chamblee surrendered to Major Brown and Mr. Livingston. The latter headed ;iOO Cana- dians. He had not above 500 of our troops. It was a plan of the Canadians, who carried down the artillery past the fort of St. Johns in batteaux. We have got six tons of powder, which with the blessing of God, will finish our business here. I have found Major Brown on all occasions active and intelligent. AVe have sunk the enemy's schooner ; our troops are now in high spirits. The quantity of women and baggage taken at Chamblee is aston- ishing. The officers of the 7th regiment taken at Chamblee are genteel men. I have had great pleasure in showing them all the attention in my power. I have not in my camp above 750 men." Camp, near St. Johns, Oct. 2(!>th. — " In a few days I hope to have a battery to the north side, of three twelve, and one nine pounders, upon a dry piece of gi'ound to the north west." St. John'' s, October SI. — "I must earnestly request to be suf- fered to retire should matters stand on such a footing this winter as to permit me to go off with honour. I have not talents nor temper for such a command. 1 am under the disagreeable neces- sity of acting eternally out of character — to wheedle, flatter and lie. I stand in a constrained attitude. I will bear with it for a 22 Montgomery's letters. short time, but I cannot bear it long. Mr. Wooster has behaved hitherto much to my satisfaction." Camji^ncar St. JoJui's, November 3d. — " The garrison surrender- ed last night, and this morning we take possession. We played on the fort from oiu- battery of four twelve pounders on the north west, and of two twelve pounders on the east side. Major Preston commanded. Governour Carleton made an attempt to land with thirty-four boats full of men at Longuiel, and was repulsed with Warner's detachment : send all the troops you can." MontreaJ, November 13fh. — " This morning this city capitulated, and Carleton with his garrison has gone down to Quebec." [He talks of finishing the business at once by a vigorous attack on Quebec] " If your health will not permit you to engage in this affair, Lee ought by all means to have the command here. The troops are exceedingly turbulent, and indeed mutinous. My vex- ation and distress can only be alleviated by reflecting on the great public advantages which must arise from my unparalleled good fortune. I shall call a convention in Canada when my intended expedition is finished. Will not your health permit you to reside at Montreal this winter ? I must go home this winter — lam ivcary of power, and totally want that patience and temper so requisite for such a command. I wish some method could be fallen upon of engaging gentlemen to serve : a point of honour and more know- ledge of the world to be found in that class of men, would greatly reform discipline and render the troops much more tractable. The officers of the 1st regiment of Yorkers were very near a mutiny the other day, because I would not stop the clothing of the garrison of St. Johns. I would not have sullied my own reputation, nor disgraced the continental army, by such a breach of capitulation, for the universe. There was no driving it into their noddles that the clothing was really the property of the soldier, that he had paid for it." Montreal, November 11th. — " Colonel Easton has six guns mounted at the Sorrel, and disturbs Carleton's eleven sail in the river. I am making preparations to attack him on my side with artillery. I hope to give a final blow to ministerial politics in this province. I cannot retire with honour until the campaign is fin- ished, but that instant it is over I must retire." MontreuJ, November 19th. — " I have an express from General Arnold — he has crossed the river to the Quebec side — he had been near surprising the town. Carleton is fifteen miles this side Sorrel. I presume he is with that fleet. Arnold has no artillery, and is in want of warm clothing. I have set a regiment on foot of Canadians — James Livingston, colonel. I have declared to the inhabitants that 1 should call a convention upon my return from Quebec. The Pojnsh yriests have hitherto done us all the mischief Montgomery's letters. 23 in their power. The inhabitants are our friends on both sides of the river down to Quebec. They permit our expresses to pass unmolested." Montreal, November 2Qth. — " Captain Lamb of the artillery is active, spirited and industrious. The rascally Green Mountain Boys have left me in the lurch, after promising to go down to Quebec. I am obliged to speak to you of Colonel Easton in the warmest terms of acknowledgment." Montreal, November 24^/j. — " I am ashamed of staying here so long and not getting to Arnold's assistance. To-morrow I shall sail with two or three hundred men, some mortars and other ar- tillery. Lieutenant Halsey, whom I left as assistant engineer at St. Johns, has run away and taken the artificers 1 had left to carry on the works ; he deserves the severest punishment. Poor Allen is sent to England in irons. I wish Lee could set off immediately for the command here. Our commissaries have made great havoc with the public stores. There are great abuses to be rectified. Several commissaries and other officers have flown without settling their accounts. I wish exceedingly for a respectable committee of congress. I really have not weight enough to carry on business by myself. I have not above 800 effectives here ; but I can have as many Canadians as I know how to maintain. An affair hapened yesterday which had very near sent me home. A number of ofiicers presumed to remonstrate against the indul- gence I had given some of the officers of the king's troops. Such an insult I could not bear and immediately resigned. To-day they qualified it by such an apology as puts it in my power to re- sume the command. Captain Lamb is a restless genius, and of a bad temper, and at the head of it : he is brave, active and intelli- gent, but very turbulent and troublesome." Holland House, near the Heights of Abraham, Dec. bth. — " I have joined Colonel Arnold at Point aux Trembles, where I ar- rived with the vessels. They carried 300 troops equipped for a winter campaign. Colonel Livingston is on the way with a part of his regiment of Canadians. Mr. Carleton is shut up in the town with a shew of defence. I mean to assault his works towards the lower town, which is the weakest part. I shall be very sorry to be reduced to this mode of attack, because I know the melan- choly consequences. Colonel Arnold's corps is an exceeding fine one, and have a superiour style of discipline. I am not intoxicated with the favour I have received at the hands of fortune, but I do think there is a; fair prospect of success. I have been under the necessity of clothing the troops. As a stimulant to the troops to go forward, I was obliged to offer as a reward all public stores taken in the vessels, to the troops, except ammunition and provisions. I gave 24 Montgomery's letters. them the year's clothing of the seventh and twenty-sixth regiments. I would not wish to see less than 10,000 men ordered here in the spring to protect the province, with artillery, row-gallies, etc. The Canadians will be our friends so long as we are able to main- tain our irround. I am much obliged to you for communicating to congress my desire of retiring. I wish like a New England man for itiie moment of my release. Mc Pherson is a young man (Cap- tain) of good sense and a great deal of spirit, and most amiable." Hr(uf Qitdrters, kfore Quebec, Dec. IG/A. — " Yesterday we opened a battery of five guns ; very little effect : the governour would not receive any letter or summons. The enemy have very heavy metal. I never expected any advantage from our artillery than to amuse the enemy and blind them to my real intention. I propose the first strong north wester to make two attacks by night — one with about one-third of the troops on the lower town — the other upon Cape Diamond bastion by escalade. I am fully convinced of the practicability ; but if the men should appear not to relish this mode of proceeding, I shall not press it. The enemy are weak in pro- portion to the extent of their works. We have not much above 800 men fit lor duty, exclusive of a few raggamuffin Canadians. We want cash, and shirts and artillery stores. The Canadians will not relish a union with the colonies till they see the whole country in our hands. Were it not for this I should have been inclined to a blockade till towards the first of April." Head Qmirters, before Quebec, Dec. 26th. — " I have discovered that three companies of Colonel Arnold's detachment are very averse to a coup-de-main. Captain Hanchel, who has incurred Colonel Arnold's displeasure, is at the bottom of it : a field officer is concerned in it. This dangerous party threatens the ruin of our affairs. I shall at any rate be obliged to change my plan of attack. I am afraid my friend INIajor Brown is deeply concerned in this affair : he wishes to have, and they wish him to have, the separate command of those companies. The officers have offered to stay, provided they may join some other corps. This is resentment against Arnold. Send a large corps of troops down as soon as the lake is passa- ble. I am distressed for money. Paper will not pass in Canada. Mr. Price, of Montreal, has been a most faithful and valuable friend to our'cause. I have had ^5000 York currency cash from him. I take it for granted measures are taken to supply my place, as I am determined to return home. If this business should ter- minate in a blockade, I shall think myself at liberty to return ; however, if possible, I shall first make an effort for the reduction oj the town-'''' THE JOHNSONS. 25 CHAPTER II. TAe Jokmons — Brant — Schuyler'' s ExjJedition to Johnstown — 21ie state of the valley of the MohawJc. 1774 Sir William Johnson had filled offices and performed actions in the province of New York of too much import- ance to permit the historian to pass over his death unnoticed. He had made a voyage to England, in 1773, and returned prepared to take part in the struggle which was anticipated between the ruling country and her provinces. He had assembled his Indian friends, and prepared the Iroquois to raise the tomahawk against the colonists : but, on the 24th of June, he died of apoplexy, at his house near Johnstown. His son John succeeded to his estate and tide. His efforts against the American cause will be found in the sequel. The friend of Brant, without some of his good quali- ties, they were both scourges and dealers in mischief to the western and northern part of this state, even before she took that proud title. Guy Johnson, the son-in-law of Sir William, succeeded him as English agent for Indian affairs : Brant was advanced to the office of secretary ; these with Miss JNIolly — Brant's sister, and the baronet Sir William's concubine — added to the hereditary noble, Sir John, moved every engine, and exerted all their power to op- pose the spirit of liberty which was aroused in the east and spread its benign influence even to the valley of the Mohawk. Hendrick and John Frey, Christopher P. Yates and Isaac Ferris, names un- known to the officials of Britain, fanned the flame of freedom ; and, in the face of the Johnsons and Miss Molly, published a de- claration of rights and echoed the voice of the patriots of the city of New York. The Buders, John and his son Walter N., (famous for their murders subsequently, in connection with Brant and his Indians,) were early coadjutors with the Johnsons, in opposition to die colo- nists. They were all bound to England by offices, and by the belief that she was the stronger party in the contest. 1775 The tories of Tryon county assembled at Johnstown, at the time of holding court, and procured the signatures of many to an address, in opposition to that of the congress. The county named after Tiyon, embraced all the setdements west and and south west of Schenectady. This effort of the tories aroused VOL. II. 4 25 GUY JOHNSON* the friends •of reform ', and meetings were called, and committees' appointed :in every district. At Caughnawaga they proceeded to tlie erection of a liberty pole ; but the Johnsons, with other offi- cials, attended by their associates, tenants, and followers, armed, made their appearance, to oppose this demonstration. Guy har- rangued the muhitude, and told them of the irresistible power of Britain, her justice, and the insolence of her opponents. The whigs interrupted his oratory, and a scuffle and bloodshed by bruises ensued, principally endured by the liberty boys. In Cherry Valley the whigs held their meeting at the church, in the month of May, and, with enthusiasm, signed an address, approving the pro- ceedings of Congress. But in the Palatine district the Johnsons overawed the people by show of force, and prevented their assem- bling. Sir John fortified his house, armed the Highlanders of Johnstown, and with his family and the Butlers, prepared the In- dians to act against the colonies. Brant was secretary to Colonel Guy, and an influential agent with the Mohawks. The Oneidas, influenced by the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, espoused the American part, and Brant was active in opposition to him. Guy;; in the name of the British government, ordered away the missionary. In June, Gen. Washington wrote to Schuyler to keep a watch- ful eye upon Guy Johnson, which that patriot was already disposed to do ; and Colonel Guy was in an uneasy position, which he en- deavoured to mitigate by addressing a letter to the people of Cana- joharie and others, professing his desire to keep the Indians quiet, hinting dangers to himself from the New England people, and the vengeance of the Iroquois upon those who injured their agent — himself. The committee, however, denounced Johnson, as taking upon hims'elf unauthorised powers, arming those around him, stirring up the Indians of the upper country, and cutting off communication between the districts favourable to Congress with the city of Albany. The Albany committee advised the people thus oppressed by Johnson, to procure arms and ammunition, act on the defensive, and counteract Johnson's intrigues with the Indians. These fron- tier whigs showed a determined spirit ; at the same time they acted with praiseworthy caution. Guy Johnson likewise addressed the people of Albany and Schenectady by letter, of a tenor similar to that sent to the people of the Mohawk valley. The leaders at Albany replied, that the report of danger threatened to the colonel, was an artful rumour raised to enlist the feeling of the Indians on his part, and against the colonists. They assured them, however, of their wish to preserve peace and friendship with them, and the tribes in his charge. The seat of Colonel Johnson, was called Guy Park, and the INTRIGUES AND NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE INDIANS. 27 Stone house on the bank of the Mohawk, yet indicates the sub- stantial splendour of the agent who guided the Iroquois for the bene- fit of Britain. At this place Johnson held a council of Mohawks, for the purpose of making known the intention of supporting and protecting Johnstown. He had invited the other tribes, but they did not appear. He called a second council to remedy this deficiency, and appeared with his followers at the German Flats. On the 2d of June, a full meeting of the Tryon county com- mittee met, in despite of the efforts of the Johnsons and Butlers. They echoed the sentiments of the people of the colonies gene- rally, who pledged themseves to defend the liberty of their coun- try. They addressed the Indian agent ; rebutted the charges brought against them ; they called upon him to keep the Indians from interfering in the quarrel between the colonies and England; they asserted their rightto meet, and reprobate his interference. The colonel answered their address. He treated their fears of the In- dians as only propagated for bad purposes : his political opinion he avows, and his belief that the king of England would rectify all just complaints : he considers his frequent meetings with the In- dians beneficial to the country ; and charges the whigs with inter- cepting the gifts to the Indians. — He acknowledges that he had fortified his house, and considers the reports as true, which induced him so to do, he being threatened with captivity, which if accom- plished, would have raised the ire of the Iroquois, and of course their vengeance. He assures the people, that they have nothing to fear from him ; but that he wishes to promote their true interest. At the German Flats no council of Indians took place, and John- son with his companions proceeded to Fort Stamvix, which still fur- ther excited the apprehensions of the colonists, who saw him moving up the Indian country attended by his family, his depen- dants, and a body of the Mohawks. These apprehensions were entertained by the provincial congress of Massachusetts, who laid them before the provincial congress of New York, and the conti- nental congress. It was believed that the Indian agent persuaded the Iroquois that the colonists intended to extirpate them, and by that means attached them to England as a protectress. The friends of liberty and the people, made efforts on their part to counteract the schemes of the Johnsons : and the Oneidas, and Tuscaroras, met deputies from Tryon county and Albany, on the 28th of June, at the German Flats, and a pledge of neutrality was obtained from those tribes. In the meantime, Guy Johnson proceeded from Fort Stanwix to Ontario, not without experiencing some tokens of the jealousy of the whig inhabitants of the valley of the Mohawk, who seized some suppUes on their way to his troops. From Ontario he informed 28 INTRIGUES AND NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE INDIANS. the committee at Albany, that he was finishing his business with the Indians, having 1,340 warriours* with him. That he disclaimed the orders of congresses and committees, as not consistant with his loyalty — again threatens the vengeance of the Indians if he is injured ; and professes too much humanity to promote the destruction of the colonists. Guy Johnson was accompanied into Canada by the two Butlers and Brant. The Oneidas and Tuscaroras remained at home : as did Sir John Johnson, who had as stated, fortified his house at Johnstown, and was a briiradier-o-eneral under the kins; and had at his com- mand a -ht against him for conduct which accorded with his former character for dishonesty and rapacity, and which would have consigned him to merited ignominy, but that his military and naval skill, his courage and activity, were wanted to place as a barrier against the advancing enemy ; and Gates, to whom the defence of the lake had fallen, felt himself unequal to the task without Arnold's assistance. When Arnold saw that Canada must be given up, he seems to have determined to make the most of his command at Montreal. Under pretence that the goods of the inhabitants were wanted for public service, he seized them — the owners names were inscribed on the parcels with the promises of payment by congress, and thus were hurried off to Chamblce, where Colonel Hazen commanded, with orders to forward them to St. Johns, and thence by water to Ticonderoga. Hazen, as is said, refused to meddle with these goods thus forced from the owners, and when he did take them in his charge, left them exposed to injury and plunder. The owners followed with invoices of what had been taken. General Arnold was censured for seizing tlie merchandize, and he accused Hazen of disobedience of orders in not preserving them from injury. A court martial on Hazen was the consequence, which refused to re- ceive the testimony of Arnold's agent, who had received the goods, he being as they alledged a party concerned. The general wrote an insolent letter to the court. They demanded an apology, which was insultingly refused, in a kind of challenge to the individuals ; the court appealed to Gates, then in command, but he abetted Arnold, dissolved the court, and appointed him to the com- mand of the flotilla that was to oppose the invasion of Carleton. The court before separating, acquitted Hazen with honour, thus informally censuring Arnold for the seizure of the merchandize at Montreal. This was probably all the satisfaction that the owners obtained. If Arnold's previous character had been that of a conscientious and honest man it is probable that he would not have been judged so hardly in this affair : for letters are extant, which prove that " he was not practising" as Mr. Sparks observes, " any secret manoeuvre in the removal of the goods, or for retaining them in his own pos- session :" yet on the other hand, he well knew, that by the articles of capitulation agreed to by General Montgomery, the citizens of Montreal were to be secured in all their eflects ; and as to the plea of these goods being for publick service, it was publickly known that silks and other articles were seized little needed for the wants of any army. Gates had by order of congress taken command of the northern 62 ARNOLD ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. army, as mentioned.* Schuyler gave liis effectual aid in preparing the necessary defence of the country, although sensible of the in- justice done'him. Arnold repaired to Albany for the purpose of giving the commander in the northern department information of the state of affairs after the retreat of the American army; and he had scarcely time to tell his tale to General Schuyler, as tlie officer entitled to hear it, before Gates arrived, as appointed head of afRiirs, and tlie tale had to be retold to him. Schuyler accom- panied his successful rival to Crown Point, to give him the instruc- tion and information the service required. Arnold went with them. It was after General Schuyler's departure to prepare for the de- fence of tile western frontier of the state, that the decision of the court martial threw censure upon Arnold, and thf; dictatorial or- ders of Gates silenced that censure, and placed hiin as admiral of the flotilla, which was prepared and preparing, to prevent the pro- gress of General Carleton. By the exerdons and influence of Schuyler, (although necessa- rily absent from the lake) and the indefatigable activity of Arnold, this extraordinary man, before the middle of August, saw himself a second time commander of a flotilla, upon the inland sea, which for so manv years was the high road for hostile armaments to and from Canada. He now had absolute control over three armed schooners carrying 28 guns, a sloop mounting 12, and five gondo- las with three guns each. Gates had ordered the conmiodore general to take his station at the Isle aux teies. The order stated, " that as the present opera- tions were designed to be wholly on the defensive, the business of the fleet was to prevent or repel a hostile incursion ; but not to run any wanton ri--ks, or seek an encounter within the enemy's terri- tory." Arnold was prohibited, in positive terms, not to advance beyond the station above named — where there was a narrow pass in the lake supposed to be defensible. But Carleton not only cre- ated a stronger naval force than that of Arnold, but had anticipated him, by seizing this pass, and occupying the island and both shores of the lake with his land forces. This disposition of the enemy was seen, on the arrival oi' the American fleet at Windmill Point ; and there Arnold took his sta- tion, mooring his vessels in a line across the lake.t IMius finding that he was exposed to annoyance from the majn land — his adver- * In a lettpr from John Adams to Gates, from Congress, dated June the 18lh, he savs, " \V'e have made voii Dicta or in Canada, lor six uioiitliS, or, at least, to the fiist of Octolx-r." t I find a man. i^ciipt letter from Amol I to Gates, dated Windmill Point. Sep- ember 1/ih, in which he says, that his tieet has six days piovisions, and that he ENGAGEMENT ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 53 sary bavinc^ tlie command of the shores, with a superionr force — he retireil up the hike eijiht mile-, clioo^in^,- a po-;t at l->le-hi-Motte, more favourable for op;)o>ition lo hi-? adversary's fleet, and ont of reach from the land forces. The men of whom he had the com- mand, were not such as he couhl confide in. He wroie to Gates, September 21st, a letter, which I find in the Gates' pa|)ers, saying, "the drafts from the regiments at Ticonderoga are a miserable set. Indeed, the men on board the Heel are not e(pial to half their num- ber of good men." Hi- force had been increased since leaving Crown Point, and before the action of the llth of October, con- sisted of three schooners, two sloops, three galleys, and eight gon- dolas. On the morning of that day, his guard boats gave notice that the enemy's fleet was in sigiit, off Cumberland head, moving up the lake. A ship of three masts, two schooners, a radeau, one gondola, twenty gun-boats, four long boats, and foity-four boats with troops and provisions, soon made their appeaiance in formi- dable array. The armed vessels were manned by chosen seamen from the English fleet, which had arrived in the St. Lawrence with powerful reinforcements. To this overwhelming force, Arnold had to oppose men who were inspired with courage rather derived from their opinion of him, than their own strength. Before the action became general, the Americans lost one of their schooners, which grounded, and was destroyed by her crew, who saved themselves. The largest En^ilish vessels were prevent- ed from comino; into the fiirht at first ; but one schooner and all their gim-boats kept up a cannonade with grape and round shot, within musket fire of the American line, from half past twelve to five o'clock, when they were forced to retire. During this en- gagement, Arnold, in the Congress galley, was exposed to the se- verest fire of the enemy. Deficient in gunners, he pointed the guns of his vessel himself, and by his example encouraged his men to persist to the last, although his galley was cut to pieces by the shot of the enemy, and many of his men killed and wounded. The Washington galley was likewise disabled ; one of the gondo- las had her lieutenant killed — her captain and master wounded ; another lost all her officers.* During the fight, the English had expects the enemy. To strengthen his vessels, which were too low to repel board- ers, he landed men to cut iascitiei; but they were attacked and beaten oft' the shore with loss. * I derive from General Morjjan Lewis t!.e name of Abraham Nimham, of Stockbnd^e, who, as a gallant sai;or and soldier vva.- distinguished on this occa- sion. This man, and an Indian of the Monfauk tribe, joined Arnold in his peril- ous Canada expedition. Nindiaui was a sub officer at the tune of this naval tight, and was on board the boat, all of whose otHcers were killed. He took the com- mand, managed her with skill, and fought her manfully. At the time of abandon- ing the boats, be was the last to run aground; but laid his boat so as to protect 54 ENGAGEMENT ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. landed a body of iheir Indians, who kept up a fire of musketry upon tlie American vessels. iSixty men were killed or wounded ; but the enemy had been repulsed. It was evident, however, that the fleet could not withstand the force Carleton could bring against it ; and in a consultation of offi- cers, it was determined to retire to Crown Point, and, if possible, not risk a second encounter. The British connnander, knowing his advantage, brought up his larger vessels, before night, within a few hundred yards of tie Americans, stretching his line in such a direction as he thought would prevent his enemy from retiring up the lake and avoiding his attack the next day. But the night proved uncommonly dark ; and Arnold, by a skilful movement, avoided the danger, and before light, had removed his little tleet at least ten miles from the enemy, bringing up the i-ear himself, in his crippled galley. At Schuyler's Island, the fleet was anchored to repair sails and stop leaks. Two gondolas w^ere abandoned and sunk. In the afternoon they hoisted sail, the enemy pursuing ; but both fleets were nearly becalmed. Next day, Arnold I'ound that Carleton was coming up with his gallies and four of his gondolas, all too much injured to sail freely, while the largest vessels of the enemy were uninjured, and carried a press of sail. The Washing- ton galley was overhauled, and after a few broadsides, struck her flag. A ship of 14 guns, and a schooner of 14, bore up and poured their fire upon the Congress; but Arnold, for four hours, maintained the unequal contest, until surrounded by seven of the enemy's vessels, he, as a last resource, ran his galley and four gon- dolas into a small creek on the east side of the lake, ten miles from Crown Point, and, as soon as they were aground, ordered his ma- riners to wade to the shore with their muskets, and keep off the enemy's small boats. He, ever the last man in a retreat, remained in his galley until the flames had made such progress that they could not be extinguished ; then, on the shore he maintained his attitude of defence until his vessels were consumed with their flags flying. This accomplished, he led his little band through the woods to Crown Point. With defeat, the reputation of Arnold was increased ; every de- fect of his character was lost sight of, owing to the brilliancy which was shed around him by his daring and his military conduct. JMen estimate that courage which protects them from harm, (even though it should proceed from insensibility to danger) at a higher value others and annoy the enemy. When necessary, he swam ashore, and joined in every peri! and every exertion. This gallant man was subsequenliy killed near White Plains. He had with a party been sent to hover near the British lines, when they were set upon by a large party of Buskirk's and Delancey's men, and cut to pieces. Schuyler's exertions. 65 than honesty, scrupulous attention to truth, deference to the rights of others, or any of the virtues on which the hajipiness of society depends. The moral courage of the wise and good never dazzles — it is appreciated by the few, and is unnoticed by the mass of mankind. Arnold had lost the naval protection of the lake — he had sacri- ficed near a hundred Americans, who were either killed or wound- ed. The enemy owned a loss of about half the number. The gain was altogether with Carleton, who now commanded this high road into the heart of the country. But Arnold gained rather than lost reputation, by the event ; and, as a military leader, he deserved the admiration his actions produced, while he appeared to exert his powers for the defence of his country from motives that were worthy of all praise. This destruction of the naval armament of Lake Champlain, and the threatened attack upon Ticonderoga, again called forth all the energies of Schuyler, who foiwarded reinforcements, and endea- voured to guard the country by its militia ; but this last species of force was such to him as the commander-in-chief had found it, " a broken reed," refractory, insubordinate in all things ; they would neither march nor work, when ordered. But a sufficient show of opposition was made, to induce the British general to defer his at- tack on Ticonderoga ; and, as the winier was approaching, (to avoid being frozen in the lake, where he would be certain of de- struction from surrounding enemies,) he prudently returned to Canada, and relieved the good people of New York from their fears for the piesent. But the exertions of Schuyler and Arnold pre- vented the co-operation of Carleton with Howe. 56 GERMAN AUXILIARIES. CHAPTER V. Enok published by Ithiel Town, Esq., of New Haven, written by an English naval captain, who made one in the fleet which brought General De Heister and his army of Germans to this coun- try, gives the only account of the fleets. The fleet and army of England awaited at Halifax a reinforcement ; while Sir H. Clin- ton finding New York too strong, and Lee already there, sailed to Charleston, South Carolina, where he again found Lee ; and after being beaten off' by ^louUrie, was in time to join Sir William Howe and his army at Staten Island. There he refreshed his troops and made preparation for attacking New York, awaiting the fleet of Lord Howe.* • On the 14th of April, General Washington had arrived at New York, from Boston, after driving the British from that town. The army were on their march for New York. General Washington left that place by order of Congress to con- sult them in Philadelphia; and Putnam, a^ being the oldest major-general, was, during his absence, left in counnand. Before going, he required the connnittee of safety to prohibit all persons from communicating with the king's ships m the har- bour, as being injurious to the American interest, and as the city was placed m a state of defence, not required by any prudential considerations. The committee accordingly issued their decree of prohibition, under penalty of being considered and treated as enemies to the country. Among the troops at this time in New York, was Captain Alexander Hamilton's company of artillery. The whole army at New York, in April, wa< but \{),2:ib men. In June, some of the continental soldiers, by their riotous behaviour, drew forth a reprimand from the general. The king's ships were removed from the harbour to Sandy Hook, about the last of April. The 17th of May was observed, by order of Congress, as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. On the 16th of May, Gates was promoted to be a major-general; and on the I9th, by direction of Wash- ington, went on to Congress, with high recommendations from him to their "notice and favours." But Congress, wishing the presence of the commander-in-chief, he left New York on the 21st, under the command of Putnam, with directions for him to consult Gen. Greene— showing that Washington duly appreciated both men. STATE OF AMERICAN ARMY. 57 Gen. Howe had been joined by Governour Tryon, and many gentlemen from New York and New Jersey, who encouraged him with the hope that great numbers would gather in arms round his standard. He appointed Mr. Delancey, of New York, and Mr. Cortland Skinner, of Perth Amboy, generals of brigade ; and ex- pected from tiieir influence a great accession of tories to his Eng- lish army. In the mean time. Gen. Washington made every dis- position in bis power with his motley, undisciplined, and refractory troops, to meet this great and well appointed army. Gen. Mercer, with what was called the flying camp, was stationed at Perth Am- boy, divided by a narrow channel from the enemy, whose sentinels were full in view. The first troops that came to defend New Y^ork, were eas- tern — of whom Graydon* gives this description : " The materials of which the eastern battalions were com- posed, were apparently the same as those of which 1 had seen so unpromising a specimen at Lake George. t I speak particularly of the officers, who were in no single respect distinguishable from their men, other than in the coloured cockades, which, for this very purpose, had been prescribed in general orders — a different colour being assigned to the officers of each grade. So far from aiming at a deportment which might raise thetn above their privates, and thence prompt them to due respect and obedience to their com- mands, the object was, by humiUty, to preserve the existing bless- ing of equality — an illustrious instance of which was given by Co- lonel Putnam, the chief-engineer of the army, and no less a per- sonage than the nephew of the major-general of that name. — * What,' says a person meeting him one day with a piece of meat in his hand, ' carrying home your rations yourself, colonel !' * Yes,' says he, ' and I do it to set the officers a good example.' Bit if any aristocratick tendencies had been really discovered by the colonel among his countrymen, requiiing this wholesome ex- ample, they must have been of recent origin, and the effect of southern contamination, since I have been credibly informed, that it was no unusual thing in the army before Boston, for a colonel to make drummers and fifers of his sons — thereby, not only being en- Putnam had directions in case of the appearance of the enemy to forward express- es witii all speed to Philalelphia. Oa tae 3d of June, he di'rec'.ed Putnam to in- qiire for cirpjuters an J m iteriaU for gondolas ant tire ra'ts for the defence of riiw York. O i the 7t;i of Jiiae, the coin ninder in-chief was again in New York, Gjn. Schuyler was directed to engage 2,0(J0 Indians for the service, but iound his utmost endeavo irs necessary to prevent them from joining the English. He contrived to get them to a coiin::il, to maet him at German Fiats, and make treaty with him. All the measures of Schuyler were counteracted by Sir John Johnson. • " iMemoirs of a Life, chiefly passed in Pennsylvania." — p. lliO. i Vol. I p. 480. Graydon, p. 127. VOL. II. 8 58 NEW ENGLAND TROOPS. abled to form a very snug, econoinical mess, but to aid also con- siderably the revenue of the family chest. In short, it appeared that the sordid spirit of gain, was the vital principle of the greater part of the army. The only exception I recollect to have seen, to these miserably constituted bands from New England, was the re- giment of Glover, from >rari)lehead. There was an appearance of discipline in this corps ; the officers seemed to have mixed with the world, and to understand what belonged to their stations. Though deficient, perhaps, in polish, it possessed an apparent ap- titude for the purpose of its institution, and gave a confidence that myriads of its meek and lowly brethren were unable to inspire. But even in this regiment there were a number of negroes, which, to persons unaccustomed to such associations, had a disagreeable, degrading effect .... Taking the army in the aggregate, with its equipments along with it, he must have been a novice or a sanguine calculator, who could suppose it capable of sustaining the lofty tone and verbal energy of congress. In point of numbers merely, it was deficient ; though a fact then little known or suspected. Newspapers and common report, indeed, made it immensely nu- merous ; and it was represented that General Washington had so many men, that he wanted no more, and had actually sent many home, as superfluous. It is true, there were men enough coming and going ; yet his letters of that day, demonstrate how truly weak he was, in steady, permanent sDldiers." General Washington, in a letter of 1 0th July, 1776, to the pre- sident of congress, says, that the battalions of tl)e Connecticut mili- tia will be very incomplete, and that ihat government had ordered three regiments of their lighthorse to his assistance ; but not having the means to support cavalry, he informed the gentlemen that he could not consent to keep their horses, but wished " themselves" to remain. It appears that while the generality of the troops were employed with the spade and pickaxe, and the fine regiments from Pennsylvania were daily at work fortifying the banks of Haerlem and Hudson rivers, these highminded " Connecticut lighthorse," as the commander-in-chief says, " notwithstanding their promise" to continue for the defence of New York, were discharged, " having peremptorily refused all kind of fatigue duty, or even to mount guard, claiming an exemption as troopers." Of these cavaliers, (Graydon says* — "Among the military phenomena of this campaign, the Connecticut lighthorse ought not to be forgotten. These con- sisted of a considerable number of old-fashioned men, probably farmers and heads of families, as they were generally middle-aged, and many of them apparently beyond the meridian of life. They Page 136. GENERAL MIFFLIX. 59 were truly irregulars; and whether their clothing, their equipments, or caparisons were regarded, it would have been difficult to liave discovered any circumstance of uniformity ; thougii in the features derived from ' local habitation,' they were one and the same. In- stead of carbines and sabres, they generally carried fowling-pieces — some of thein very long, and such as in Pennsylvania are used for shooting ducks. Here and there, one appeared in a dingy reand bring accurate statements to General Wash- ington. A\\ the world has heard of Major Andre. He has been sung by poets, and monuments have been raised to him. He fell into the snare he had contrived with a traitor for the destruction of thousands ; but Captain Hale, who died, only lamenting that he had " but one life to sacrifice for*his country," has, until recently, been unnoticed by history ; and no stone tells where his bones were interred. He passed in disguise through the English posts on Long Island, and had made such observations as an intelligent gentleman alone could make ; but in attempting to return he was apprehended, and carried before General Howe. He acknowledged his object and rank, and was delivered over to the provost-marshal, Cunningham, for execution. This savage added all in his power to the bitterness BATTLE OF HAERLEM HEIGHTS. 77 of death. The presence of a clergyman was denied him. He was permhted to write to his mother and other friends, but the letters were destroyed. Thus, unknown to all around him, and mocked by ruffian executioners, died as fine a young man as America could boast, breathing his last in prayers for his country. It is said, Cun- ningham gave as a reason for destroying the young man's letters, that the rebels should not see how firmly one of their army could meet death. The American army now^ occupied the heights of Haerlem, and the British army held the town and the plain between, far outnum- bering, in real soldiers, our disheartened and dow^ncast country- men. But a skirmish took place which revived the courage of the Americans, and called from the mortified commander-in-chief the cheering words, "our troops behaved well!" The general, in his letter of the ISth of September, 1776, to congress, says, that, seeing several large bodies of the enemy in motion on the plain below the heights, he rode down to the outposts to prepare for their reception if they should attack. When he ar- rived, he says, he heard a firing, which, he was informed, was be- tween a party of our rangers, under the command of Lieutenant- colonel Knowlton, and an advanced party of the enemy. Gene- ral Washington being informed that the body of the enemy, who kept themselves concealed in the wood, was greater than Knowl- ton's force, ordered three companies of Virginians, under Major Leitch, to his assistance, wuth orders to try to get in the enemy's rear, while a disposition was making as if to attack them in front, thereby to draw their whole attention that way. This succeeded ; and the British, on the appearance of the party advancing in front, ran down the hill, and took possession of some fences and bushes, and commenced a distant and ineffective firing. The parties under Leitch and Knowhon commenced their attack too soon, and rather on their flank than in the rear. In a little time. Major Leitch was brought off wounded, having received three balls through his side. In a very short time after. Colonel Knowlton fell, mortally wound- ed. Still their men fought on undaunted; and the general sent detachments from the eastern regiments, and from tlie Maryland troops, to their support. These reinforcements charged gallantly, drove the enemy out of the wood into the plain, and were pushing them from thence, having, as the general says, "silenced their fire, in a great measure," when the Brhish commander, preparing to send on a large reinforcement, Washington ordered a retreat. The foreign troops that had been engaged consisted of the second bat- talion of light infantry, a battalion of Highlanders, and three com- panies of Hessian sharp-shooters — the whole under the command of Brigadier-general Leslie. This affair, trifling in itself, and at- tended by the loss of two gallant officers, one of them before dis- 78 GREAT FIRE IN NEW YORK. tinguislied for courage and conduct, was of great consequence in giving confidence to the American troops. It was a contrast to the shameful rout of the day before, and proved that their foes were not invincible. At this period, (September 21st,) and after the retreat of the Americans, a great fire occurred in the city, of which Mr. David Grim, a very respectable inhabitant of New York, who remained in the city when the British took possession, has left us this : *' The fire of 1776 commenced in a small wooden house, on the wharf, near the Whitehall slip. It was then occupied by a num- ber of men and women, of a bad character. The fire began late at night. There being but a few inhabitants in the city, in a short time it raged tremendously. It burned all the houses on the east side of Whitehall shp, and the west side of Broad street to Beaver street. A providential and happy circumstance occurred at this time : the wind was then southwesterly. About two o'clock that morning the wind veered to the south-east ; this carried the flames of the fire to the north-westward, and burned both sides of Beaver street to the east side of Broadway, then crossed Broadway to B(?a- ver lane, and burning all the houses on both sides of Broadway, with some few houses in New street, to Rector street, and to John Harrison's, Esq., three story brick house, which house stopped the fire on the east side of Broadway ; from thence it continued burn- ing all the houses in Lumber street, and those in the rear of the houses on the west side of Broadway to St. Paul's church, then continued burning the houses on both sides of Partition street, and all the houses in the rear (again) of the west side of Broadway to the North River. The fire did not stop until it got into Mortkile street, now Barclay street. The college yard and the vacant ground in the rear of the same, put an end to this awful and tre- mendous fire. " Trinity church being burned, was occasioned by the flakes of fire that fell on the south side of the roof. The southerly wind fanned those flakes of fire in a short time to an amazing blaze, and it soon became out of human power to extinguish the same — the roof of this noble edifice being so steep that no person could go on it. " St. Paul's church was in the like perilous situation. The roof being flat, with a balustrade on the eaves, a number of citizens went on the same, and extinguished the flakes of fire as they fell on the roof Thus, happily, was this beautiful church saved from the destruction of this dreadful fire, which threatened the ruin there- of, and that of the whole city. " The Lutheran church being contiguous to houses adjoining the same fire, it was impossible to save it from destruction. This fire was so furious and violently hot, that no person could go near it, and there was no fire engines to be had at that time in the city. GREAT FIRE IN NEW YORK. 79 *' The number of houses that were burned and destroyed in this city at that awful conflagration, were thus, viz : from Morktile street to Courtlandt street, one hundred and sixty-seven ; from Court- landt street to Beaver street, one hundred and seventy-five ; from Beaver street to the East River, one hundred and fifty-one : total, four hundred and ninety-three. " There being very few inhabitants in the city at the time, and many of them were afraid to venture at night in the streets, for fear of being taken up as suspicious persons. ♦ " An instance to my knowledge occurred. A Mr. White, a de- cent citizen, and house-carpenter, rather too violent a royalist, and latterly had addicted himself to liquor, was, on the night of the fire, hanged on a tavern sign-post, at the corner of Cherry and Roose- velt streets. Several of the citizens were sent to the provost-guard for examination, and some of them remained there two and three days, until they could give satisfactory evidence of their loyalty. " Mr. Hugh Gaine, in his Universal Register for the year 1787, page 119, says. New York is about a mile and a half in length, and half a mile broad, containing, before the fires on the 21st of Septem- ber, 1776, and the 3d of August, 1778, about four thousand two hundred houses, and thirty thousand inhabitants." Over the ruins of this fire I have wandered, when a boy, in every direction. It will be observed, by Mr. Grim's account, that the houses on the west side of Broadway, and which were south of Beaver street, escaped the conflagration ; and it was in these, that the English generals lived — what is now No. 1, being head-quar- ters. I must observe, that the houses in Broadway, north of Tri- nity church yard, were not burned. The City Tavern was on part of the site of the present City Hotel. Between this and St. Paul's church the houses were small and most of them of wood. The last brick houses in the town were next beyond the church. The ruins on the south-east side of the town were converted into dwelling: places by using the chimneys and parts of walls which were firm, and adding pieces of spars, with old canvass from the ships, form- ing hovels — part hut and part tent. This was called " Canvass- town ;" and was the receptacle and resort of the vilest dregs brought by the army and navy of Britain, with the filthiest of those who fled to them for refuge. General Howe, finding that the position taken by Washington was too strong to be attacked in front, moved his main army higher up the sound, and crossed over to Frog's Point. This rendered it necessary for a change of position on the American part. Accord- ingly, leaving a garrison at Fort Washington, the army was marched to White Plains. General Lee was now with Washington ; and General Greene had command at Fort Lee, opposite to the garri- son left on York island. 80 AFFAIR OF WHITE PLAINS AND FORT WASHINGTON. While Howe moved his army from Frog's Point to New Ro- chelle, he was attacked successfully by skirmishing parties behind stone walls. At White Plains an action took place without deci- sive advantage to either party ; and Washington, taking a stronger position, expected and awaited an attack. A rain storm intervened ; and the Americans withdrew to the heights of North Castle, where their adversary deemed it improper to assault them. Leaving Ge- neral Lee at this post, the commander-in-chief crossed the North River l^ Fort Lee, and from thence to Hackinsack. Howe seized this opportunity to attack Fort Washington, left wdth too slender a garrison under the command of Colonel Magaw. Works were erected on Haerlem river to cover the crossins-of the EnHish, which nothing could impede. I am indebted to Graydon* for the follow- ing particulars : " P'ort Washington stood on an eminence, situated on the mar- gin of the Hudson, or North river, about two miles and a half below Kingsbridge. The access to the level on the top of it, is steep and difficult on every side, except on the south, where the ground is open, and the ascent gradual, to the fort. The hill ex- tends along the North river about half a mile from the fort ; and at the termination of it were some small works, which, with the na- tural strength of the place, were deemed a sufficient protection against the enemy, in that quarter. " Nearly opposite to the fort, on the west side of Haerlem river, a body of men was posted to watch the motions of the enemy, who had erected works on the high and commanding ground east of that river, apparently with a design of covering a landing of troops in that part of the island of New York. Two lines ex- tended from the vicinity of Haerlem river, across the island, to the North river, and were in length each about a mile. The first line towards New York, intersected the great road leading to Kings- bridge, after the height is ascended from Haerlem plains : it was a slight intrenchment, with a few weak bastions, without platforms for cannon, and furnished with no other ordnance than a few old iron pieces of small calibre, scarcely fit for use, and an iron six pounder mounted on trucks. The second line was stronger ; but on the day of the attack of Fort Washington, w^as, from necessity, wholly without defence, either of troops, or artillery of any de- scription. Colonel Magaw, who commanded on the island, re- mained in the fort ; Colonel Rawlins, with his regiment of riflemen, was posted on the rear of Mount Washington ; Colonel Baxter, with his regiment of militia, on Haerlem river, opposite Fort Washington ; and Colonel Lambert Cadwalader, at the first line, * Page 175. AFFAIR OF FORT WASHINGTON. 81 about two and a half miles from the fort, with about eight hundred men, including a reinforcement of a hundred militia, sent him about ten or eleven o'clock in the morning. " The operations of the enemy were announced early in the morning, by a cannonade on Colonel Rawlins' positiQ*!, and a distant one, from the heights of Morrisania, on the lin% occupied by Colonel Cadwalader ; the former with a view of facilitating the attack on that point, by three thousand Hessians : the latter, to fav^our the approach of Lord Percy with one thousand six hundred men. "At ten o'clock in the morning, a large body of the enemy ap- peared on Haerlem plains, preceded by their field-pieces, and ad- vanced with their whole body towards a rocky point of the heights, which skirted the plains in a southern direction from the first line, and at a considerable distance from it — and, commencing a brisk fire on the small work constructed there, drove out the party which held it, consisting of twenty men, and took possession of it : the men retiring with the piquet-guard to the first line. ' The enemy having gained the heights, advanced in column, on open ground, towards the first line ; wdiile a party of their troops pushed forward and took possession of a small unoccupied work in front of the first line ; from whence they opened their fire with some field-pieces and a howitzer, upon the line, but without effect. When the column came within proper distance, a fire from the six pounder was di- rected against it; on which, the vv'hole column inclined to their left, and took post behind a piece of woods, where they remained. As it was suspected that they would make an attempt on the right of the line, under cover of the wood, that part was strengthened. " Colonel Rawlins was some time late in the morning attacked by the Hessians, whom he fought with great gallantry and effect, as they were climbing the heights ; until the arras of the riflemen be- came useless from the foulness they contracted from the frequent repetition of their fire. From this incident, and the great superi- ority of the enemy, Colonel Rawlins was obliged to retire into the fort. The enemy having gained the heights, immediately pushed forward towards the fort, and took post behind a large storehouse, within a small distance of it. " But to return to what passed at the first line towards New York. Intelligence having been received by Colonel Cadwalader, that the enemy were coming down Haerlem river in boats, to land in his rear, he detached Captain Lenox with fifty men, to oppose them, and, on further information, a hundred more, with Captains Ed- wards and Tudor. This force, with the addition of about the same number from Fort Washington, arrived on the heights near Morris's house, early enough to fire on the enemy in their boats, which was done with such effect, that about ninety were killed and wounded. VOL. II. 11 82 AFFAIR OF FORT WASHINGTON. " This body of the enemy immediately advanced, and took pos- session of the ground in advance of, and a little below, Morris's house. They hesitated ; and this being perceived, from the delay that took place, Colonel Cadwalader, to avoid the fatal consequences that must have resulted from the expected movement, immediately resolv^ed to retire to the fort, with the troops under his command ; and pursuing the road which led to the fort, under the heights by the North river, arrived there with little or no loss. " On the IGth of November, before daybreak, we were at our post in the lower lines of Haerlem heights : that is, our regiment and Magaw's and some broken companies of Miles's and other battalions, principally from Pennsylvania. This might be called our right wing, and was under the command of Colonel Cadwala- der ; our left, extending to the Hudson above and on the north side of the fort towards Kingsbridge, was commanded by Colonel Raw- lins of Maryland, who had there his own regiment of riflemen, and probably some other troops ; though, as the position was narrow, numbers were not so essential to it, as to other parts of the gene- ral post. The front or centre extending a considerable distance along Haerlem river, was committed to the militia of the Flying Camp, and Colonel INIagaw placed himself in the most convenient station for attending to the whole, having selected one or two offi- cers to assist him as aids-de-camp. I think it was between seven and eight o'clock, when they gave us the first shot from one of their batteries on the other side of the Haerlem river. It was well di- rected, at a cluster of us that were standing together observing their movements ; but it fell short by about ten or fifteen yards, and bounded over the spot we had precipitately abandoned. In cor- recting this errour they afterwards shot too high, and did us no harm ; at least, while I remained in this part of the field, which, though enfiladed or rather exposed in the rear, was too distant to be very seriously annoyed. They had better success in front, killing a man with a cannon ball, belonging to our piquets, which they drove in. Soon after, they approached the lines in great force under cover of a wood, in the verge of which they halted, and slowly be- gan to form, giving us an occasional discharge from their artillery. Tired of the state of suspense in which we had remained for seve- ral hours, I proposed to Colonel Cadwalader, to throw myself with my company into a small work or ravelin about two hundred yards in advance, for the purpose of annoying them as they came up. To this he assented, and I took possession of it ; but found it was a work that had been little more than marked out, not knee high, and of course affording no cover. For this reason, after remaining in it a few minutes, with a view to impress my men with the idea that a breastwork was not absolutely necessary, I abandoned it, and returned to the entrenchment. This unimportant movement was AFFAIR OF FORT WASHINGTOxV. 83 treated with some respect ; not knowing its meaning, it induced the troops that were in column, immediately to display ; and the irregulars to open upon us a scattering fire. Soon after my return to the lines, it being observed that the enemy was extending him- self towards the Hudson on our right, Colonel Cadwalader de- tached me thither with my company, with orders to post myself to the best advantage for the protection of that flank. 1 accordingly marched, and took my station at the extremity of the trench, just where the high grounds begin to dechne towards the river. This situation, from the intervention of higher land, concealed from my view the other parts of the field; and thence disqualified me from speaking of what passed there as an eye-witness ; but that the ac- tion had begun in earnest, I was some time after informed by my sense of hearing : it was assailed by a most tremendous roar of ar- tillery, quickly succeeded by incessant volleys of small arms, which seemed to proceed from the east and north ; and it was to these points, that General Howe chiefly directed his efforts. On receiving intelligence that embarcations of British troops were about to be thrown across Haerlem river in the rear, Colonel Cad- walader made detachments from his position (already much too weakly manned) to meet this body of the enemy, as yet unopposed by any part of our force. The first detachment arrived in time to open a fire upon the assailants before they reached the shore, and it was well directed and deadly. Nevertheless, their great supe- riority offeree, adequately aided by artillery, enabled them to land, and, by extending themselves, to gain the heights. On this ground it was, that a sharp contest ensued ; speaking of which, in his offi- cial account of the action. General Howe says, ' it was well defended by a body of the rebels;' and so it undoubtedly was, when it is considered that but one hundred and fifty of our men, with a single eighteen pounder, were opposed by eight hundred British troops under cover of a battery. But, overpowered by numbers, the resistance was ineflectual ; and the detachments engaged in it retired towards the fort. Rawlins, on his part, made a gallant stand against the Hessians under the command of General Knyp- hausen, to whom had been assigned the perilous glory of gaining this strong piece of ground, differing essentially from that on the borders of Haerlem river, in the want of opposite heights for bat- teries. The Germans here lost a great many men ; but as they had been bought by his Britannick majesty, he had an unques- tionable right to make a free use of them ; and this seemed to be the conviction of General Howe. Rawlins also suffered a good deal in proportion to his numbers. He had, I think, two officers killed ; and himself. Major Williams, and some others, were wounded : one of whom, a Mr. Hanson, died in New York.^ The attainment of the post of Rawlins, put the Hessians in possession 84 AFFAIR OF FORT WASHINGTON. of the ground that commanded the fort ; as that, possessed by the British commancfed the open field. Hence, the contest might be said to be at an end. " Colonel Cadwalader, aware that he was placed between two fires ; and that the victorious enemy in his rear, would soon extend themselves across the island, ordered a retreat just in time to pre- vent his interception. " The first notice that I had of the^ intrenchment being given up, was from an officer 1 did not know, posted at some distance from me, going off with his men. I called to him to know what he meant. He answered, that he was making the best of his way to the fort, as the rest of the troops had retreated long since. As I had no reason to doubt his veracity, I immediately formed my company, and began to retire in good order, which is more than I can say of my neighbour or his corps ; and amidst all tlie chagrin I afterward felt, that the events of the day had been so unpropitious to our glory, I had the satisfaction to reflect, that the men were always obedient, and ready to partake of any danger their officers would share with them. This, however, was but matter of infer- ence ; since I never was attacked, though continually fronted by a strong force, and incommoded by their ordnance, though without being injured by it. After proceeding some hundred paces, I re- flected that I had no orders for what I was doing ; and that, although I had no right to expect exactness, in a moment of such pressure, it was yet possible my movement might be premature. I knew nothing of what had passed in the centre, or of the enemy being master of the high grounds in my rear about Colonel jNlorris's house, from whom, no doubt, had proceeded the cannon balls that whizzed by us ; and for which, coming in that direction, I could not account. To be entirely correct in my conduct, I here halted my men, and went myself to a rising ground at some distance, from which I might have a view of the lines where Colonel Cad- walader had been posted. They seemed thoroughly manned ; and at the instant, I beckoned to the officers to march back the company, which they immediately put in motion ; but looking more attentively, I perceived that the people I saw, were British and Hessian troops that were eagerly pressing forward. Upon this, I hastened back to my party, and as there was no time to be lost, being in a situation to be cut to pieces by a corps of cavalry, I ordered them under the command of my ensign, to make the best of their way and join the body of men, which none doubted being our own, on the heights beyond the inner lines ; and that I would follow them as fast as I could, for I was a good deal out of breath with the expedition I had used in going to and returning from the ground, which gave me a view of the outer lines. I accordingly walked on, accompanied by Forrest, who did not TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. 85 choose to leave me alone. The body I had pointed to and di- rected my company to join, under the idea of their being our own men, turned out to be the British, consisting of Colonel Stirling's division of Highlanders. Upon this discovery, we held a mo- ment's consultation, and the result was, that, hemmed in as we were on every side, there was no chance of escaping ; and that there was nothing left but to give ourselves up to them. Thus circumstanced, we clubbed our fusees in token of surrender, and continued to advance towards them. They either did not or would not take the signal ; and though there w^ere but two of us, from whom they could not possibly expect a design to attack, they did not cease firing at us. I may venture to say, that not less than ten guns were discharged with their muzzles towards us, within the distance of forty or fifty yards ; and I might be nearer the truth in saying, that some were let off within tw^enty. Luckily for us, it was not our riflemen to whom we were targets ; and it is astonish- ing how even these blunt shooters could have missed us. But as we were ascending a considerable hill, they shot over us. I ob- served they took no aim, and that the moment of presenting and firing, was the same. As I had full leisure for reflection, and was perfecdy collected, though fearful that their design was to give no quarter, I took ofi" my hat with such a sweep of the arm as could not but be observed, without ceasing however to advance. This had the intended efiiect : a loud voice proceeded from the breast- work, and the firing immediately ceased. An officer of the forty- second regiment advanced towards us ; and as I was foremost, he civilly accosted me by asking me my rank. Being informed of this, as also of Forrest's, he inquired where the fort lay and where Co- lonel Magaw was. I pointed in the direction of the fort, and told him I had not seen Colonel Magaw during the day. Upon this, he put us under the care of a sergeant and a few men, and left us. The sergeant was a decent looking man, who, on taking us into custody, bestowed upon us in broad Scotch the friendly admonition of youvg men, ye should never fight against your ¥ing. The lit- tle bustle produced by our surrender, was scarcely over, when a British officer, on horseback, apparently of high rank, rode up at a full gallop, exclaiming. What ! taking prisoners ! kill them, kill every man of them. JVIy back was towards him when he spoke ; and although, by this time, there w^as none of that appearance of ferocity in the guard, which would induce much fear that they would execute his command, I yet thought it well enough to parry it, and turning to him, I took off my hat, saying. Sir, I put myself under your jrrotection. No man was ever more effectually rebuked. His manner was instantly softened : he met my salutation with an in- clination of his body, and after a civil question or two, as if to 86 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. make amends for bis sanguinary mandate, he rode off towards the fort, to which he liad inquired the way. " Though 1 had delivered up my arms, I had not adverted to a cartoucli-box which I wore about my waist, and which, having once belonged to his Brilannick majesty, presented, in front, the gilded letters G. R. Exasperated at this trophy on the body of a rebel, one of the soldiers seized the belt with great violence, and in the attempt to unbuckle it, had nearly jerked me otF my legs. To appease the offended loyalty of the honest Scot, I submissively took it off and delivered it to him, beina; conscious that I had no longer any right to it. At this time a Hessian came up. He was not a private, neither did he look like a regular officer : he was some retainer, however, to the German troops ; and was as much of a brute as any one I have ever seen in the human form. The wretch came near enough to elbow us ; and half unsheathing his sword, with a countenance that bespoke a most vehement desire to use it upon us, he grinned out in broken English, Eh, you rebel, you damn rebel ! " These transactions, which occupied about ten minutes, passed upon the spot on which we were taken, whence we were marched to an old stable or out-house, where we found about forty or fifty prisoners already collected, principally officers. We remained on the outside of the building ; and for nearly an hour sustained a series of most intolerable abuse. The term rebel, with the epithet damned before it, was the mildest we received. We were twenty times told, sometimes with a taunting affectation of concern, that we should every man of us be hanged ; and were nearly as many times paraded with the most inconceivable insolence, for the pur- pose of ascertaining whether there were not some deserters among us ; and these were always sought for among officers, as if the lowest fellow in their army was fit for any post in ours. ' There's a fellow,' an upstart Cockney would exclaim, ' that I could swear was a deserter.' ' What countryman are you sir ^ did you not belong to such a regiment .''' I was not indeed challenged for a deserter ; but the indignity of being ordered about by such con- temptible whipsters, for a moment unmanned me, and I was obliged to apply my handkerchief to my eyes. This was the first time in my life, that I had been a victim of brutal, cowardly oppression ; and I was unequal to the shock ; but my elasticity of mind was soon restored, and I viewed it with the indignant contempt it deserved. " For the greater convenience of guarding us, we were removed from this place, to the barn of Colonel Morris's house, already mentioned, which had been the head-quarters of our army, as it now was of the royal one. This was the great bank of deposits for prisoners taken out of the fort ; and already pretty well filled. TREATMENT OF PRISONERS. 87 It was a good new building, and we were ushered into it among the rest, the whole body consisting of from a hundred and fifty, to two hundred, composing a motley group to be sure. Here were men and officers of all descriptions, regulars and militia, troops continental and state, some in unilbruis, some without them, and some in hunting shirts, the mortal aversion to a red coat. Some of the officers had been plundered of their hats, and some of their coats ; and upon the new society into which we were introduced, with whom a showy exteriour was all in all, we were certainly not calculated to make a very favourable impression. " The officer who commanded the guard in whose custody we now were, was an ill-looking, low-bred fellow of this dashing corps of light infantry. As I stood as near as possible to the door for the sake of air, the enclosure in which we were being extremely crowded and unpleasant, I was particularly exposed to his bruta- lity ; and repelling with some severity one of his attacks, for I was becoming desperate and careless of safety, the ruffian exclaimed, Not a word, sir, or V II give you mij hiilt, at the same time clubbing his fusee and drawing it back as ij'to give a blow. I fully expected it, but he contented himself vviili the tlu'eat. I observed to him that I was in his power, and disposed to submit to it, though not proof against every provocation. " As to see the prisoners was a matter of some curiosity, we were complimented with a continual succession of visitants, con- sisting of officers of the British army. There were; several of these present, when the sergeant-major came to take an account of us ; and particularly, a list of such of us as were officers. This ser- geant, though not uncivil, had all that animated, degagee impudence of air, which belongs to a self-complacent non-commissioned officer of the most arrogant army in the world ; and with his pen in his hand and his paper on his knee, applied to each of us, in turn, for his rank. He had just set mine down, when he came to a little squat, militia officer from York county, who, somewhat to die de- terioration of his appearance, had substituted the dirty crown of an old hat, for a plunder-w^orthy beaver that had been taken from him by a Hessian. He was known to be an officer from having been assembled among us, for the purpose of enumeration. You are an oficer, sir ! said the sergeant ; Yes, was the answer. Your rank^ sir! with a significant smile. Idimakcjypiin, replied the little man in a chuff, firm tone. Upon this, there was an immoderate roar of laughter among the officers about the door, who were attending to the process ; and I am not sure, I did not laugh myself. " Although the day was seasonably cool, yet from the number crowded in the barn, the air within was oppressive and suffocating, which, in addition to the agitations of the day, had produced an excessive thirst ; and there was a continual cry for water. I can- 8S CAPTURE OF FORT WASHINGTON. not say that this want was unattended to . the soldiers were con* tinually administering to it by bringing water in a bucket. But though we, who were about the door, did well enough, the supply was very inadequate to such a number of mouths; and many must have suffered much. Our situation brought to my recollection that of Captain Holwell and his party, in the black hole at Calcutta; and had the weather been equally hot, we should not have been much better off." These prisoners, added to the men taken on Long Island, filled the prison, die hospital, the churches, and sugar houses of New York with suffering and dying Americans. The British immedi- ately crossed the Hudson, and Washington was obliged to abandon Fort Lee with loss of artillery and stores, and precipitately retreat west of Hackinsack River, with the shadow of an army, every day becoming thinner. General Lee, who commanded what was now the principal body of the forces, was ordered to join the comman- der-in-chief as soon as possible, as the enemy evidently were push- ing for Philadelphia. One of the evils attending the fall of these brave men, was the loss of confidence in General Washington, which it occasioned. His enemies rejoiced, and boldly declared that he was unfit for his station ; and none so loudly as Major-general Charles Lee. Ge- neral Washington had been determined by a council of officers, and by the opinion of one in whom he ever justly placed great con- fidence. General Greene. Yet I believe he sorely lamented the not withdrawing these men from a post, which, if even more strong- ly garrisoned, could only have been held for a few days. In the commander-in-chief's letter lo congress, dated from Gen. Greene's head-quarters, the 16th of November, 1776, he says, that when the army was removed in consequence of Howe's landing at Frog's Point, Colonel Magaw was left with 1200 men at Fort Washing- ton with orders to defend it to the last. Afterward " reflecting upon the smallness of the garrison," he wrote to Greene, who commanded on the opposite side of the Hudson, to be governed by circumstances, and revoked the absolute order to Magaw. Hearing of the summons to surrender, the general hastened from Hackinsack, and was prevented crossing to Fort Washington by meeting Greene and Putnam, coming from thence, who assured him that the men were " in high spirits, and would make a good defence." Next morning the attack commenced ; and when the column of Colonel Rahl had gained the ground on the hill within one hundred yards of the fort, and all the advanced troops had been driven in or taken prisoners, a flag with a second demand of surrender was sent in to Magaw, at the same time that Washing- ton, who viewed the contest from the iialisadei^, (the rocks oppo- site,) sent a billet to the colonel, directing him to hold out, and he RETREAT TO THE DELAWARE. 89 would endeavour in the evenini]; to brinn: him off. Ttwas too late : the treaty of surrender had been entered into, and could not be retracted. Mai^aw and Wn brave men became prisoners of war — the soldiers retaining their baggage and the officers their swords. CHAPTER VII. RrJrcat to the Delaware — L'-es misconduct — Affairs in the north — Colonel Meigs — Vermont — Starke, 177G Washington wrote to liis brother Augustine, November 19th, 1776, and mentioned the loss of Fort Washington : — "We have lost not only two thousand men that were there, but a good deal of artillery, and some of the best arms we had." He laments that the different states are so slow in levying their quotas of men : "In ten days from tliis date, there will not be above two thousand men, if that number, of the fixed established regiments, on this side Hud- son's River, to oppose Howe's whole army." Two days after, he informed congress, that the British had followed up the blow ol" the 16lh, by crossing the Hudson and pushing for the bridge over the Hackinsack, obliging him to retreat so as to secure that pass ; that the cannon of Fort Lee were lo?t, with a great deal of baggage, two or three hundred tents, a thousand barrels of flour, and other stores. He was then retreating to put the river Passaic between him and the enemy. He orders Lee to leave his present position and cross the Hudson with the continental troops. On the 27th of November, Lee had not moved. The enemy not only advanced on the track of the retreating Americans, but pushed detachments from Staten Island and passed by x\mboy, Woodbridge, and the villages along the Raritan. Lord Stirling, with two brigades, was, on the third of Decem- ber, at Princeton, and the general at Trenton. Two brigades of his remaining troops, having served their time of enlistment, aban- doned liim, when now mo-^t wanted. General Lee's movements were unknown, both to the commander-in-chief and to congress. An express was despatched " to know where, and in what situation, he anc' his army were." It was known that some of the regiments from the north had joined him. These were under iSt. Clair, who, VOL. II. 12 90 lee's misconduct. on the 27 lb November, had written to Gates that be would do all that he could to inspirit the iioops, and get them on to Washing- ton's army, but feared that he could not keep them together. A disjointed, disobedient mass : but that the head and the heart were sound, wh-t would have been the fate of America ! This winter showed to the great commander those on whom he might depend ; and develoj)ed, in part, the false-heartedness of others. On the 9th of December, General Washinsfton received a letter from Lee by the hand of an officer, who had been sent to seek him and his army, and the general found, that, instead of obeying his orders to join him as soon as possible, the major-general was pur- suing schemes of his own, and " hanging on the rear of the ene- my," when wanted to oppose their front. The commander writes to him, on the 10th : " Do come on ; your arrival may be fortu- nate ; if it can be effected without delay, it may be the means of preserving a city, whose loss must prove fatal to the cause of Ame- rica." And again, the next day : " Nothing less than our utmost exertions will be sufficient to prevent General Howe from possess- ing Philadelphia. The force I have is weak, and entirely incom- petent to that end. I must, therefore, entreat you to push on with every possible succour you can bring." Generals Mifflin and Put- nam were sent to Philadelphia, and they persuaded Congress to fly to Baltimore. On the 11th of December, Lee wrote from Morristown, and gave notice that, instead of intending to follow the directions he had re- ceived, he was about to make his way to the ferry below Burling- ton, in case the enemy's column should cross the Delaware — an event which Washington, by securing the boats, and guarding the passes, was endeavouring to prevent ; and farther, Lee hints that the Jersey militia would turn out " if they could be sure of an army Temaining among them." 1 have copied the following from an unpublished letter, in Lee's hand writing, dated Baskinridge, December 13th, 1776, and addressed to Gates : " The ingenious manoeuvre of Fort Washington has unhinged the goodly fabric we had been building : there never w^as so damned a stroke. Kiitre nous, a certain great man is damnably deficient. He has thrown me into a situation where I have my choice of diffi- culties. If I stay in this province, I risk myself and army; and if I do not stay, the province is lost forever. I have neither guides, cavalry, medicines, money, shoes, or stockings. I must act with the greatest circumspection. Tories are in my front, rear, and on my flanks ; the mass of the people is strangely con- taminated ; in short, unless something which 1 do not expect turns up, we are lost." The comment upon this epistle is the fact, that something which AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH. 91 he did not expect turned up very quickly. On the morning this letter is dated, (which was probably written the evening before,) this circumspect major-general was surprised and carried off lo Perth Arnboy by a party of British dragoons. The command of his army falling on vSullivan, it was safely con- ducted, bv the route designated in the commander-in-chief 's letters — thus reinforcing the main body. And in ten or twelve days after the date of this letter, Washington recrossed the Delaware with his troops, without the necessary comforts of " shoes or stock- ings," and captured or drove in the advance of the British army. General Schuyler having dismissed the militia under his com- mand, on the 12th of November, from Albany, ordered Gates to send on the Jersey and Pennsylvania troops, to embark upon the Hudson. " I shall have sloops in readiness to convey them down." " General Sinclair or General Maxwell to march with the reiriments destined for the southward." At the same time Gates received a letter in a very different style : " The enclosed, I received from oiir mutual good friend, Mr. Gerry. The tory interest is (with .^) General Schuyler. Walter Livingston is to be nominal contractor, and Philip Schuyler, major- general, real contractor. That Livingston will take the contract, is now ascertained by his letter to me of the Sth instant, (No- vember.") This is signed Joseph Trumbull.* Schuyler informed congress that he had supplied the post at Ticonderoga with provisions, and pointed out measures to antici- pate any attempt of the enemy. He calls on Governour Trumbull to send on the troops, raised in his state, to " Ti" and Fort George. At the same time, we find him directing Gates to proceed with troops to aid General Washington, and calling upon influential men to es- tablish the government of the State of New lork, that the unprin- cipled and licentious might be controlled. To his old friend and fellow-labourer. General George Clinton, then commanding at New Windsor, he forwards timber for obstructing the navigation of the Hudson ; and instructs him in the manner of constructing and sinking casoons. Such were the cares of this great man ; while those who were undermining him were occupied with schemes of selfish ambition, or modes of obtaining lucrative contracts. With great difficulty and reluctance, Gates reinforced the com- mander-in-chief's army with the regiments which were opposed to Carleton, before he returned to Canada to avoid the freezing of Lake Champlain. Gates then went to Congress, and his adju- tant-general was sent with Arnold to arrange the militia of Rhode Island. After this, on the 25th December, did Washington, with Se« Gates' Papers, in N. Y. His. Soc. Lib. 92 EXPLOIT OF COLONEL MEIGS. a phantom of an army, recross the Delaware, and by hh success, turn the tide of war.* When Wa.sliini^^ton had withdrawn his force.?, the whole of Long l.-land liad liecome the store-house of the T3riii.sh troops, Sag harbour was their magazine as being convenient to their ship- ping, and a garrison protected their stores of hay, corn, and cattle. 1777 Early in 1777, Colonel Meigs performed a service with 234- men, which drew the following letter from General Washington, and a gift of a sword from congress : " Head-quarter.?, Middlehrook, May, 1777. Dear Sir. — I am just now favoured with your letter of the 25th, by Major Hum- phrey. The intelligence communicated by it is truly interesting and agreeable. And now I shall take occasion not only lo give you my hearty approbation of your conduct in planning the expe- dition to Long Island, but to return my sincere thanks to Lieute- nant Colonel ^feio-s, and all the officers and men en^aa:ed in it. This enterprise, so fortunate in the execution, will greatly distiess the enemy in the important and essential article of forage, and re- flects much honour upon those who performed it. I shall ever be happy to re-vard merit when in my power, and therefore wish you to inquire for a vacant en-^igncy in some of the regiments for Ser- geant Gennings, to which yon will ])romote him, advising me of the same and the time." Colonel Meigs embarked from Newhaven, May 21st, 1777, with two hundred and thirtv-four men, in thirteen whale-boats. He proceeded to (luilford, but on account of the roughness of the sea, could not pass the Sound till the twenty-third. On that day, at one o'clock in the afternoon, he left (iuilford with one hundred and seventy men, under convoy of two armed sloops, and crossed the Sound lo Southold, where be arrived at six o'clock, 'i'he enemy's troo])s on this part of the island had marched for New York two or tiiree days before, but it was reported that there was a party at Sagg Harbour on the south branch of the island about fifteen miles distant. Colonel Meigs ordered the vvliale-boats to be transported over the land to tlie bay between the north and south branches of the island, where one hundred and thii'ty men embarked, and at twelve o'clock at night arrived safely on tlie other tide of the bay within four miles of Sairg Hajbour. Here ' Wlien General W;is'iington mustered his army, and took the field at Middle- brook, his whole elfective Ibrce vva^ 5,7'38. From this strong po.-^ition he over- looUeti the lliuitan. the roati to Piiiiadelphin, and the British posts at Brunswick and Pertli Amboy. I3nt, what an army was this to delend the country and the city of Philadelphia against the best troops of Britain, strong in numbers and equip- ments ! NEW HAMPSHIRE GRANTS. 93 the bo:it- were secure. 1 in a wood, under a wildeinpss. They found no French ; but reported thedisc'ovt'i }■ oCthe I'eiiilf nicadow.-v on iLe luiiiks of il.e Connecticut, where now the rno^t Houri.-;hiiiii villa.es ol New Enyland rear their steeples to tlie :/ess well to our cause, judge and say that there is but one single man who can keep their subjects united against the common enemy — and that he stands on our books as commander-in-chief in the middle, or, as it is somedmes called, the northern depart- ment ; that his presence is absolutely necessary in his home quar- ters for their immediate succour and service, as well as that of the United States, necessarily connected ; that if he returns, he is a general without an army or military chest, and ' why is he thus de- graded ?' How this matter will be untangled I cannot now exactly determine ; but I suspect, not entirely agreeably to your seriti- menfs.'''' This letter was dated on the 1st of May. The resolution of the 22d " untangled" the matter. The resolution was in these words: " that Albany, Ticonderoga, Fort Stanwix, and their dependen- cies, be henceforward considered as forming the northern depart- ment," and " that Major-general Schuyler be directed forthwith to proceed to the northern department, and take the command there." A previous order that Albany should be the head-quarters of that department, was repealed. During the debate on this subject, Lovell gives Gates information of the progress, and what is said. It was asserted that by ordering him to Ticonderoga, congress did not intend to supersede Schuyler in the command, and of course that Gates had usurped authority ; and by fixing his head-quarters at Albany and issuing his orders from thence, had not conformed to the direction of congress, which required him to repair to Ticon- deroga. While this was pending in the national council. Gates sent on letters to his friends by another person who had hastily resigned his commission, which had been accepted. Mr. John Trumbull wrote from Philadelphia, on the 24th of May, 1777, thus: " I arrived last Wednesday, and immediately deUvered my let- EFFORTS OF SCHUYLER. 107 ters, but too late: congress had already appointed General Schuy- ler to command in the northern department. Every possible oppo- sition had been made by your friends, but in vain : the interest of the other party carried it — by a single vote, however. Congress are now endeavouring to devise some mode of retaining you in the service; they hope to persuade you to accept the adjutant-general's office, and are willing to comply with your own pi'oj)ositions. My brother writes you fully ; as he has been on the spot, he knows the various manoeuvres which have been performed on this occasion. I understand General Schuyler has appointed J. G. Frazer, Esq., to my late office." Gates had been prohibited from appointing this gentleman, in these words : " it is not the intention of congress that Mr. Trum- bull should be re-appointed." On the same day, Samuel Adams wrote to Gates, saying, " 1 have not forgot you. I shall remem- ber the last words you said to me ; the bearer is able to tell you my whole meaning. I shall not be wanting." During this time, Gates, who had been sent on for the defence of Ticonderoga in March, is informed by Wilkinson, one of his aids, that there is at that post no preparations for defence, and requests him " to let Kosciusko come back with proper authority." Another son of Governour Trumbull's, in answer to a letter of Gates's, upon his retiring from the north, exclaims — " Righteous God ! of what higher crimes, more than others, are we guilty in this department, that we are thus exposed to thy severest punish- ments !" " May heaven ever bless you, my dear general." This was from the paymaster-general, and written when St. Clair had avoided captivity or death, by retreat from Ticonderoga. Schuy- ler found that " literally nothing" had been done during his ab- sence to improve the means of defence on the frontiers ; but, as Chancellor Kent observes, he was " fortunately, in this season in good health, a blessing which he had not enjoyed the last two years. He now displayed his activity, fervour, and energy in a brilliant manner. General St. Clair was placed by him in the command at Ticonderoga, and especially directed to fortify Mount Indepen- dence. He informed congress, on the 14th of June, that consider- ing the extensiveness of the works at Ticonderoga, the smallness of the garrison was alarming, and incompetent to maintain it, and that he found the department in the greatest confusion. Applica- tion was made to the eastern states to hasten on the remainder of their troops ; and he informed them that the garrison at Ticondero- ga did not then exceed two thousand two hundred men, sick in- cluded. On the 16th of June, General Washington was apprized by him of the fact that he had no troops to oppose Sir John John- son on the INIohawk. He visited Ticonderoga and Mount Inde- pendence on the 20th, and found them not in a good state of de- 108 EFFORTS OF SCHUYLER. fence, and very deficient in troops and provisions ; but it was resolved, at a council of officers called by him, that they be de- fended as lon;^ as possible. General Schuyler then hastened back to the Hudson, the more effectually to provide for the garri- son, reinforcements of provisions and men, and nothing conducive to that great object was omitted. He solicited reinforcements of every kind, with intense anxiety. On the 23th of June, he com- municated by expresses to General Washington, to the governour of Connecticut, to the president of Massachusetts, to the commit- tee of Berkshire, and to the committee of safety of New York, his apprehensions for the safety of the garrison at Ticonderoga, from the inadequacy of the means of defence. On the 2Sth and 30th of June, (for dates now become important,) he encouraged St. Clair, that he should move up with the continental troops and milhia, as soon as he could possibly put them in motion, and " he hoped to have the pleasure of seeing him in possession of his post." So again on the 6th of July, he assured him that the troops from Peekskill and the militia were in motion, and " he hoped to see him in a day or two.'' On the 7th, he informed General Washington, by letter, that he was up as far as Saratoga, with about seven hundred conti- nental troops, and about one thousand four hundred militia. He was then in the utmost distress for provisions, and he then and there met the news, that General St. Clair had abandoned Ticon-' deroga and Mount Independence on the 6di, with the loss of all his military equipments. The last scene of General Schuyler's military life, was full of action befitting the occasion, and worthy of his character. Every quarter of his department was replete with difficulty and danger. The frontier on the Mohawk was menaced by an army of one thou- sand, and six hundred regulars, tories, and Indians, under Lieuten- ant-colonel St. Le2:er, and he cheered and encouraged Brifi-adier- general Herkimer to rouse the militia, and act with alacrity in defence of that frontier. He addressed the civil and military au- thorities in eveiy direction, with manly firmness, and the most for- cible exhortation to assist him with men, arms, and provisions ; " every militiaman," he said, " ought to turn out without delay, in a crisis the most alarmino; since the contest becan." He directed that the inhabitants redre from before the enemy, and that every arucle be brought off or destroyed, that was calculated to assist them — that the roads, causeways, and Wood Creek be rendered impassable. He issued a proclamation to encourage the country, and counteract that of Burgoyne. He assured General Washing- ton, on the 12th of July, that he should retard the enemy's advance by all possible means. <' If my countrymen will support me with vigour and dexterity, and do not meanly despond, we shall be able to prevent the enemy from penetrating much farther into the coun- EFFORTS OF S ..i.ER. 109 try." With a force of four thousand five hundred men, regulars and miUtia, he had to encounter or impede the progress of six thou- sand of the finest troops of Europe, with equipments and artillery equal to their discipline. Fort George was abandoned on the 14th of July, for it was ut- terly indefensible, being only part of an unfinished bastion holding one hundred and fifty men. On the 24th of July, Schuyler retired with his army to Moore's Creek, four miles below Fort Edward, as the latter was only a heap of ruins, and always commanded by the neighbouring hills. The enemy kept pressing upon his ad- vanced posts, but in the midst of unparalleled difficulties, his retreat was slow and safe, and every inch of ground disputed. The distress of the army, in want of artilleiy and every other military and comfortable equipment, was aggravated by despondency and sickness, and the restlessness and insubordination of the militia. They could not be detained. Almost all the eastern militia had left the arm}^ By the advice of a council of general officers, Schuyler was obhged to let one half of the militia go home under a promise of the residue to continue for three weeks. Though the subject of popular calumny, he did not in the least despond or shrink from his dutv. " I shall go on," he writes to General Washinfi-ton, " in doing mv dutv, and in endeavours to deserve your esteem." He renewed his call on the eastern states for as- sistance, and told his friend, Governour Trumbull, of Connecticut, (whom he always mentioned with the highest esteem, and between whom and Schuyler a mutual confidence and attachment had invari- ably subsisted,) that "if the eastern militia did not turn out with spirit, and behave better, we should be ruined." The greatest reliance was placed on the efforts of his own more immediate countrymen, and his most pathetick and eloquent appeals were made to the council of safety of the state of Aevv York for succours to enable him to meet the enemy in the field. By the beginning of August, he was preparing to act on the offensive, and by his orders of the 30th of July and 13th of August, General Lincoln was directed to move with a body of troops to the north of Cambridge, towards Skeenes- borough, and take command of the troops under General Starke and Colonel Warner, who had orders to join him ; and if he should have force enough, to fall on the enemy in that quarter. As Bur- goyne advanced down the Hudson, there was constant skirmishing at the advanced posts, and General Schuyler retreated slowly and in good order down to Saratoga, and then to and below Stillwater, and in every instance by the unanimous advice of his officers. During this eventful period, the western branch of Schuyler's military district was in the utmost consternation and peril. The army under St. Leger had besieged Fort Stanwix ; and General Herkimer, with eight hundred of the frontier militia, marching to 110 TICONDEROGA TAKEN. the relief of the fortress, was attacked b}^ a detachment of the ene- my, under Sir John Johnson, and defeated at Oriskany, on the 6th of August. On the 16th, General Schuyler despatched Ar- nold with three regiments, amounting in the whole only to five hun- dred and fifty men, to take charge of the military operations on the Mohawk. But the period of his eminent services was drawing to a close. Congress, yielding to the clamour and calumny of the people and militia of the eastern states, suspended General Schuyler's com- mand, and on the 19th of August, (three days after the victory at Bennington,) General Gates arrived in camp, and superseded him. General Schuyler felt acutely the discredit of being recalled in the most critical period of the campaign, and after the labour and ac- tivity of making preparations to repair the disasters of it, had been expended by him, and when he was in vigorous preparation to win, and almost in the act to place the laurels of victory on his brow. "I am sensible," said this great and injured man, in his letter to congress, " of the indignity of being ordered from the command of an army, at a time when an engagement must soon take place ;" and when, we may add, he had already commenced offensive pre- parations, and laid the foundation of future and glorious triumphs. The whole country looked to the Fortof Ticonderoga as a safe- guard against Burgoyne and his army : but when that general in- vested St. Clair at Ticonderoga, the defences were found insuffi- cient, and the number of the garrison too small. Burgoyne had seized upon Mount Defiance, and commanded the place by means which had been pointed out to Gates by the adjutant-general, Col. Trumbull, more than a year previous. St. Clair precipitately aban- doned the place, and with his retreating army crossed to the east side of the lake, after much suflering, and was pursued by General Grant with the elite of Burgoyne's army — who, after taking possession of Ticonderoga and its dependencies, and despatching aid to Colonel St. Leger by Lake George, to co-operate with Sir John Johnson and the Iroquois under Brant, pushed with the main army and his fleet to Skeenesborough, now Whhehall. Grant followed on the north side of the lake until his Grenadiers overtook part of the American army in the Hubbardstown road, and were repulsed. General Reidesel was wounded, and left at Castleton. Governour Morgan Lewis, who was then quarter-master general of St. Clair's army, arrived at Fort Edward, now a village of that name, to receive Van Schaick's regiment, aud quarter them there. At that time, FortEdward commanded the entrance of the Hudson from the west, a litde below the present village of Sandy Hill. It is now scarcely visible. On the road thither, Gouvernour Lewis and suite stopped at a house in the woods, occupied by the widow of AFFAIR OF MISS m'cREA. Ill a Scotch liighknder, and a country girl, of the name of IMcCrea, who were unprotected — there being in the house no other person than a neoTo woman. They advised the old woman and the joungone to remove, as the British were coming that road. As they appeared confident of their situation, they were left. In the evening, Van Schaick's regiment was quartered at the fort, and Lieutenant Van Vechten and a sufficient guard were placed at a proper distance from the enemy. lu the morning, Lewis and suite rode back the same way to gain information of the approach of the British, and found the dead bodies of the young women and Lieuten- ant Van Vechten stripped, and laying side by side. He and his guard had been surprised, scalped, and tomahawked ; and she was killed by blows of the tomahawk on her head, but not scalped ; and her hair had been so adjusted as to form a covering of decency. The party rode to the house and found there only the black woman, who said she had hid herself in the cellar while the Indians took the other women away. It appears that a young man who attended a mill on the Hoosick, near which the British army passed, had joined them as a guide; and being engaged to this young woman, and knowing his proxim- ity to the armies, employed some Indians, with the promise of two kegs of whiskey, to bring her and her protectress, the old Scotch woman, to him. These Indians had surprised Van Vechten and his guard, and then quarrelling who should have the whiskey, killed the young woman, as the most summary mode of settling the dispute. Gates wrote an insolent letter to the English commander, mis- stating the fact, and accusing that officer (whom he sneeringly calls " the famous Lieutenant-general Burgoyne, in whom the fine gen- tleman is united with the soldier and the scholar,") with hiring " the Savages of America to scalp Europeans and their descend- ants," and says : the bride, dressed to receive her promised hus- band, " met her murderer, employed by you." To this, the an- swer of General Burgoyne was, though indignant, that of a gentle- man and a scholar. Governour Lewis says, he by chance entered the commander's tent when this absurd letter was in preparation by Doctor Potts, the surgeon-general; and it being read aloud, some remarked upon the inaccuracy of the statement ; but Gates shouted, " Never mind — colour it high, Doctor — colour high." Schuyler was at Stillwater, endeavouring to bring his army to Ticonderoga and take command of that fortress, when he received information of the retreat of St. Clair, and soon after was joined by the retreating army. At Fort Edward, Burgoyne made a halt, and sent Colonel Baume to Vermont. 112 SIEGE OF FORT STANWIX. Afier giving an account of St. Leger, we shall return to Starke and Baume. In the year lSl-5, the house of James Lynch, Esq., covered the east bastion of old Fort Stanwix. The writer, from a window in that house, made a drawing of the remains of the fort. The block house still occupied the centre of the fortification, and the mounds of earth which formerly made the ramparts of the fort, were beyond. The church, and other publick buildings of the village of Rome, formed the distance. In 1777, tliis was called Fort Schuyler, and garrisoned by Co- lonel Gansevoort, as the safeguard of the valley of the Mohawk. St. Leger found no enemy in his route by Oswego, strong enough to detain him. He sent Lieutenant Bird and Brant to invest the fort, preparatory to his arrival with the rest of his forces. Fortu- nately, Colonel Marinus Willet, with his regiment, had been thrown into the fort, and the unfinished defences were directed henceforth by him. In June, Gansevoort wrote to Schuyler — " I am sorry to inform your Honour that Captain Gregg and Corporal Madison, of my regiment, went out a gunning yesterday morning, contrary to or- ders. It seems they went out just after breakfast, and at about ten o'clock Corporal Madison was killed and scalped. Captain Gregg was shot through his back, tomahawked and scalped, and is still alive. He informs me that the misfortune happened about ten o'clock in the morning. He looked at his watch after he was scalped. He saw but two Indians. He was about one mile and a half from the fort, and was not discovered until two o'clock in the afternoon. I immediately sent out a party and had him brought into the fort, just after three o'clock ; also the corpse of Madison. Gregg is perfectly in his senses, and speaks strong and hearty, notwithstand- ing that his recovery is doubtful." And in July, he again wrote to Schuyler — "Having taken an accurate review of the state of the garrison, I think it is incumbent on me to inform your Excellency by express of our present circum- stances. Every possible assistance is given to Captain Marquizee, to enable him to carry on such works as are deemed absolutely ne- cessary for the defence of the garrison. The soldiers are constant- ly at work — even such of them as come off guard are immediately turned out to fatigue. But I cannot conceal from your Excellency the impossibility of attending fully to all the great objects pointed out in the orders issued to the commanding officer on the station, without further assistance. Sending out sufficient parties of ob- servation, felling the timber into Wood Creek, clearing the road from Fort Dayton, which is so embarrassed, in many parts, as to be impassable, and prosecuting, at the same time, the internal bu- siness of the garrison, are objects of the greatest importance, which SIKGE OF FORT STANWIX. 113 should \i' possible, be immediately considered. But while no ex- ertions compatible with the circumstances we are in, and necessary to give your Excellency satisfaction with respect to all interesting matters, shall be omitted, I am very sensible it is not in our power to get over some capital obstructions without a reinforcement. The enclosed return, and the difficulties arising from the increased number of hostile Indians, will show to your Excellency the grounds of my opinion. One hundred and fifty men would be needed speedily and effectually to obstruct Wood Creek ; an equal num- ber will be necessary to guard the men at work felling and hauling of timber. Such a deduction from our number, together with smaller deductions for scouting parties, would scarcely leave a man in the garrison, which might therefore be easily surprised by a con- temptible party of the enemy. The number of inimical Indians increases. On the affair of last week only two made their appear- ance. Yesterday a party of at least forty, supposed to be Butler's emissaries, attacked Ensign Sporr with sixteen privates, who were out on fatigue, cutting turf about three quarters of a mile from the fort. One soldier was brought in dead and inhumanly mangled ; two was brought in wounded — one of them slighdy and the other mortally. Six privates and Mr. Sporr are missing. Two parties were immediately sent to pursue the enemy, but they returned without being able to come up with them. This success will no doubt, encouran;e them to send out a greater number ; and the in- telligence they may possibly acquire, will probably hasten the main body destined to act against us in these parts. Our provision is greatly diminished by reason of the spoiling of the beef, and the quantities that must be given from time to time to the Indians. It will not hold out above six weeks. Your Excellency will perceive, in look- ing over Captain Savage's return of the state of the artillery, that some essential articles are very scarce. As a great number of the bullets do not suit the fire-locks, some bullet moulds of different sizes for casting others, would be of great advantage to us. Our stock of powder is absolutely too litde ; a ton, in addition to what we have, is wanted as the lowest proportion for the shot we have on hand. We will, notwithstanding every difficulty, exert our- selves to the utmost of our power; and if your Excellency will be pleased to order a speedy reinforcement, with a sufficient supply of provision and ammunition to enable us to hold out a siege, we will, I hope, by the blessing of God, be able to give a good account of any force that will probably come against us." John Jay, then sitting in the convention at Esopus, wrote thus: — July 21st, 1777 — " The situation of Tryon County is both shameful and alarming. Such abject dejection and despondency, as mark the letters we have received from thence, disgrace human nature. God knows what to do with, or for them. Were they VOL. II. 15 11-i SIEGE OF FORT STANWIX. alone interested in their fate, I should be for leaving their cart In the slough till they would put their shoulder to the wheel. -" Seiuiyler has his enemies here, and they use these things to his disadvantage. Suspicions of his having been privy to the evacua- tion of Ticonderoga spread wide ; and twenty little circumstances, which perhaps are false, are trumped up to give colour to the conjecture." But General Herkimer contrived to arouse the militia of his neighbourhood ; marched with a body of militia to support Fort Stanwix, and had arrived within five or six miles of that post when he learned that Sir John Johnson, with his savages, had been sent by St. Leger to intercept his force, not consisting of more than eight himdred undisciplined men. The strife that ensued is called the battle of Oriskany, and the field is pointed out between Utica and Rome. At the first fire of the enemy, many of the militia were killed, and some fled ; Herkimer and a brave band sustained the fight, even hand to hand ; and the Indians, being worsted, are said to have conceived that the British had betrayed them, and in their rage killed their friends, making the confusion of a contest carried on with knives, muskets, bayonets, and tomahawks, in close fight, ol' from behind logs and trees, more awful. Sir John and his party retreated, and carried off the slain, and several pri- soners. Herkimer was wounded and carried to his own house, where he died. Scarce had St. Leger sent off Sir John Johnson with his Tories, and Brant with his Indians to meet Herkimer, when Colonel Wil- let made a sortie, and falling upon the enemy's camp, drove them off, and carried back a quantity of arms and stores. The English rallied and attempted to prevent his return to the fort, but he charged them and carried off his booty in triumph. The com- mander, Colonel Gansevoort, finding that the enemy increased around him by bringing on more savages, was anxious to call up- on the country below for relief. Colonel Willet and Lieutenant Stockwell undertook the hazardous enterprise of passing through the surrounding host of savages and other rangers, now made watchful by the previous attacks ; and these gallant gentlemen, both skilled in Indian warfare, crept on their hands and knees through the enemy's camp, eluding even the keen senses of the savage warriours, and arrived safe at the head-quarters of General Schuyler. This produced the effect in an unexpected manner. As Arnold was advancing up the Mohawk, a fellow who was a tory, and ac- cused of being a spy, was brought into his camp. After examin- ing the circumstances, Arnold wisely determined to avail himself of this man's service. He proposed to him a scheme for alarm- ing the enemy, particularly the savages, by announcing to them, RETREAT OF ST. I,EGER. 11-5 that a formidable army was in full march to destroy them ; and as- sured him of his Yik, and estate, if he wouki enter heartily into the interests of his country, and faithfully execute a mission of this nature. The spy, who was shrewd and resolute, versed in the lan- guage and manners of the Indians, acquainted with some of their chiefs, and therefore perfectly qualified for this business, readily engaged in the enterprise. Colonel St. Leger had pushed the siege with considerable acti- vity ; and advanced his works within one hundred and filty yards of the fort. Upon the S])y's arrival, he told a lamentable story of his being taken by Arnold, his escape from hanging, and the dan- ger which he had encountered in his flight ; and declared at the same time that a formidable army of Americans was marching with full speed to attack the British. The Americans, he observed, had no hostility towards the Indians, and wished not to injure them ; but added, that, if the Indians continued with the British, they must unquestionably take their share of whatever calamities might befall their allies. The Indians being thus thoroughly alarmed, a friendly chief, who was in the secret, arrived, as if by mere accident ; and in the mysterious manner of that people began to insinuate to his coun- trymen, that a bird had brought him intelligence, of great moment. This hint set their curosity afloat ; and excited a series of anxious inquiries. To these he replied in hints, and suggestions, concern- ing warriours in great numbers, marching with the utmost rapidity, and already far advanced. The Indians, already disgusted with the service, which they found a mere contrast to the promises of the British commanders, and their own expectations, and sore with the loss which thev had sustained in the battle with General Her- kimer, were now so completely alarmed, that they determined up- on an immediate retreat. St. Leger, who had unwisely boasted, at first, of his own strength, and his future exploits against the Americans, and spoken contemptuously of their weakness and cowardice ; who had pre- dicted in magnificent terms the certainty of their flight ; and the ease, and safety, with which the Indians would reach Albany ; had disgusted these people thoroughly by failing altogether of the ful- filment of his promises. In vain, therefore, did he exert all his ad- dress, when he saw them preparing to quit the ground, to dissuade them from their purpose. He exhorted, argued, and promised in vain. They reproached him with having violated all his former promises ; and pronounced him undeserving of any further confi- dence. He attempted to get them drunk ; but they refused lo drink. When he found all his efforts fruitless, and saw that they were determined to go, he urged them to move in the rear of his army ; butthey charged him with a design to sacrifice them for his 116 AFFAIR OF BENNINGTOW. own safety. In a mixture of rage and despair, he broke up his encampment with such haste, that he left his tents, cannon, and stores to the besieged. Thus was Burgoyne's rigid arm withered ; and the left, which he had stretched as far as Bennington, was arrested by our old friend, Starke, of Bunker Hill memory, who had been roused by the calls of General Schuyler. " On the 13th instant, says Starke, whose letter I copy, I was informed that there was a party of Indians at Cambridge on their march to this place, (Bennington.) I sent Lieutenant-colonel Grey of my brigade to stop them, with two hundred men. In the night I was informed, by express, that there was a large body of the enemy on their march in the rear of the Indians. I rallied all my brigade, and what militia was at this place, in order to stop their proceedings. I likewise sent to Manchester to Colonel War- ner's regiment, that was stationed there: likewise sent expresses for the militia to come in with all speed to our assistance, which was punctually obeyed. I then marched in company with Colo- nels Wai'ner, Williams, Herrick, and Brush, with all the men that were present. About five miles from this place I met Colonel Grey on his retreat, and the enemy in close pursuit after him. I drew up my litde army in order of battle ; but when the enemy hove in sight they halted on a very advantageous hill or piece of ground. I sent out small parties in their front to skirmish with them, which scheme had a good effect ; they killed and wounded thirty of them without any loss on our side. But the ground that I was upon did not suit for a general action. I marched back about one mile, and encamped ; called a council, and it was agreed we should send two detachments in their rear, while the other at- tacked them in front; but the 15th rained all day ; therefore had to lay by, could do nothing but skirmish with them. On the 16th, in the morning, was joined by Colonel Simmons, with some mihtia from Berkshire county. I pursued my plan, and detached Colo- nel Nichols with two hundred men to attack in the rear. I also sent Colonel Herrick, with three hundred men, in the rear of their right, both to join to attack their rear. I likewise sent the Colo- nels Hubbard and Stickney with two hundred men in their right, and sent one hundred men in their front to draw away their atten- tion that way ; and about three o'clock we got already for the at- tack. Colonel JXichols began the same, which was followed by all the rest of those that were detached. The remainder of my little army I pushed up in the front, and in a few minutes the action be- came general. It lasted two hours, the hottest I ever saw in my life — it represented one continued clap of thunder ; however, the enemy was obliged to give way, and leave their field-pieces and all TRANSACTIONS AT SARATOGA. 117 their baorsaffe behind tliem. They were all environed within two breastworks with their artillery. " I then gave orders to rally again, to secure the victory : but in a few moments was informed there was a large reinforcement on their march, within two miles of us. " Luckily for us, that moment Colonel Warner's regiment came up fresh, who marched on and began the attack anew. I pushed forward as many men as I could to their assistance. The battle continued obstinate on both sides till sunset; the enemy was obliged to retreat ; we pursued them till dark : but had daylight lasted one hour longer, we should have taken the whole body of them. We recovered four pieces of brass cannon, some hundred stands of arms, and brass barrelled drums, several Hessian swords, about seven hundred prisoners, two hundred and seven dead on the spot ; the number of wounded is yet unknown. That part of the enemy that made their escape, marched all night. We re- turned to our camp." General Gates arrived in time for both these victories to be at- tributed to him, as commander of the northern department. General Burgoyne made a long pause at Fort Edward. Schuy- ler having impeded Wood Creek, the British could only bring their cannon, batteaux, provisions and other material by the carry- ing place from Lake George to the Hudson. Inspirited by the fall of kSt. Leger, and by the victory of Starke, the militia poured in from all quarters. But Gates arrived on the 19th, in time to receive Starke's report of the battle, and the con- gratulations of all his partisans : nay, the country generally, attri- buted every success to him ; and all the previous retrograde move- ments were ascribed to want of skill or courage in the man who, by his foresight, exertion, perseverance, and firmness, had already stopped the progress of the enemy, and prepared the victory for his rival. Gates had ordered General Lewis to make his camp at the plain in the vicinity of Behmus's Heights when Kosciusko arrived. In Governour Lewis's words : " having delivered his letters, Kosci- usko came to the spot where Colonel Lew^is and others were en- gaged in preparations for the position of the army, according to the commanders directions. Kosciusko entered into conversation with the Colonel, and remarked, that the place chosen by General Gates was commanded by hills on every side, and as the enemy was approaching their commander would undoubtedly take advan- tage of the heights. " From yonder hill" said he, " on the left," pointing to the ground, afterwards the field of battle, and named from a farmer there residing, " your encampment may be cannon- aded by the cannon of the enemy, or from that on our right they may take aim at your shoe-buckles." Colonel Lewis agreed with 118 TRANSACTIONS AT SARATOGA. him, and asked him to communicate his opinion to General Gates. This appeared a matter of difficuky. It certainly would be ques- tioning the general's military science or judgment of positions. Who then was to break the subject to the chieftain ? Wilkinson was mentioned as the man most in his confidence : and Colonel Lewis introduced Kosciusko to him. Conducted to Gates, the engineer made his objections to the intended encampment, in such a manner as to cause an order to Colonel Lewis and others of the staff, immediately to accompany Kosciusko to the neighbouring eminences, and to lay out the encampment as he should direct. Arrived on Behmus's Heights, the Polander rode rapidly round a part of the hill and exclaimed, " this is the spot !" It was Colonel Lewis's duty to design the plan of encampment ; but he, acknow- ledging his inexperience, applied to the engineer, who immediately demandinc: and receiving a statement and enumeration of the va- rious corps of which the army was composed, and their several characters, pointed out with promptitude and decision the position for each ; and before night every division, brigade and regiment, was placed in the quarter allotted, and the whole was found most admirably fitted for defence as well as adapted to the number of men in each corps." Burgoyne did not cross the Hudson until the 13th and 14th of September, and on the 7th of October made his attack, for which I again recur to Governour Lewis : " Burgoyne having advanced, taken his position, and reconnoitered that of his adversary, saw the necessity of turning the left of the American position, and on the 19th of September, ordered the 62d under General Frazer to perform this service. This movement of the British appears first to have attracted the attention of General Arnold, who sent an order to Colonel Morgan to counteract the enemy's intention. The prominent part which Morgan bore in the events of this stirring period, render proper a short notice of his previous history. Daniel INIorgan was born in New Jersey, in the year 1736. He was a man of gigantick proportions, and athletick beyond most men. Of humble parentage, he had little school education, and early in life went to Virginia to " seek his fortune." He was at Monongahela with Braddock, Washington, and Gates, but probably unknown to either. In the humble station of a wagoner attendant upon the army, young Morgan was, on a charge of contumacy to a British officer, tied up, and tortured, mind and body, by five hun- dred lashes on the naked back. The youth bore this disgraceful infliction in a manner that marked an intellect as powerful as his body was strong. He knew it was unjust, and, in a kw days, the officer acknowledged that he had wronged the young provincial, and made an apology. Morgan might forgive, but such humiliat- ing treatment could not be forgotten ; and when in after life he led DANIEL MORGAN. 119 his riflemen into action, he might perhaps remember the red-coated officer tliat ordered, and the red-coated drummer that inflicted, five hundred gashes on his quivering flesh. He afterward served under Colonel George Washington in the war on the Virginia fi-ontier, and experienced the horrours of Indian warfare in the provincial service. Before the commencement of the dispute with England, Morgan became a man of property, and owned a plantation in Frederick county. Immediately on the news of hosdlities he was appointed a captain, and his character for courage and unrivalled prowess gained him a full complement of choice spirits. This company was the nucleus of the celebrated corps that carried con- fidence to friends, and terrour to the enemy, throughout the revo- lutionary war. He was with Arnold in the unparalleled march through the wilderness to Quebec — led the van in the assault on that fortress — he was a victor, and in the town, when the death of Montgomery consigned him and his companions to capUvity. Af- ter being exchanged, he was appointed a colonel, and his rifle corps was the efficient right-hand of the American army. Although the commander-in-chief could ill spare such an officer, and a regiment dreaded by the foe, he, in August, 1777, sent Morgan and his rifle- men to the support of Gates and the northern army. It is a matter of general history, that in every battle that preceeded the surrender of the English army, Morgan and his corps were conspicuous, and the enemy acknowledged that their defeat was in a gi-eat measure owing to the deadly rifles and their undaunted leader. The manner in which Morgan received Arnold's order before al- luded to, was witnessed by Govenour Lewis, and is so admirably described, that I must endeavour to use his words : " Dr. Potts, the surgeon general, was in the habit of indulging himself with a highly seasoned lunch, a broiled kidney, if at hand, or something equivalent, well peppered and called a devil. This tit bit was prepared fre- quently in the marquee of Colonel Lewis, about noon, to accommo- date the Doctor ; which with a can of grog, he found it convenient to take in the quarters of the chief of the staff. This day Daniel Morgan had joined with some others in the soldier-like indulgence. I was looking on the repast said the General, and Morgan had the can uplifted, when an orderly entered the tent. ' Are you General Arnold's orderly .^' ' Yes, sir, and I have a note for Colonel Mor- gan.' It was given as directed ; Morgan emptied the can, read the note, and throwing it upon the table, struck his gigantick fist on the festive board, exclaiming, ' It shall be done or my name is not Dan !' He immediately rose and left us, continued Colonel Lewis. The quere was, what is this that is to be done ? What is the tenor of the note ? There it lies, open — shall we read it ? — It is left for us to read ? said Colonel Lewis ; I'll know what it is, and accord- ingly he read aloud : 120 DEATH OF GENERAL FRAZER. " The enemy in force is advancing to turn the left of our posi- tion. Colonel Moriran will meet him with his command and im- mediately engage him." We now knew the meaning of ' it shall be done or my name is not Dan !' and we were all eager to see the sport. Our horses were ordered, and as soon as we could moimt we pushed toward the left of the encampment. The sound of musketry directed us to the promontary on which Kosciusko said, 'This is the position for us.' And looking down we saw the British advancing, and Morgan's riflemen, with Dearborn's in- fantry, (a picked corps attached to this celebrated regiment,) in the act of forming in three columns. Morris, a Jerseyman as well as Morgan, was his major, and commanded one : Butler another : and Dearborn the third, being his command of 3-50 light infantry, who advanced with fixed bayonets.* Dearborn led ; and the rifle- men followed — the British broke — and as soon as Morgan's sharp- shooters had gained a field of wheat stubble, a clearing on which the girdled trees stood lifting their dead tops to the sky, and afford- ing by their trunks an inviting shelter for the marksman, than every man selected a tree, and of the 62d regiment which marched up in full strength, only a beggarly few were left to answer at the next muster." It was here that General Frazer fell ; and it has been said, that Morgan regretted to his last hour, that he pointed him out to his riflemen, and ordered them to take aim at the general officer on the white horse, as he was General Frazer and the soul of the field. This story in all its parts General Lewis controverts. In the first place, Morgan did not know Frazer ; who had not been pre- viously in any action, or any place where the colonel of the rifle corps could have met him : having joined the army of Burgoyne directly from England. Secondly, he fell at a distance so great from Morgan, at the time, that (independant of smoke) he could not have seen or distinguished him. Thirdly, by the testimony of Captain Bibby, who was one of Frazer's aids, that general was not on horseback when he received his wound. He and his suite had been mounted and reconnoilering previously, but concluding from appearances that no action would take place, had dismissed the horses of the company ; and although, when the Americans were advancing he had again ordered the steeds to be brought, he was killed before their arrival, standing in the rear of the 62d regiment. This statement was confirmed to General Lewis by Captain Val- ancey, an officer who was near Frazer when he fell ; and Valancey was subsequently a prisoner with the Americans. So uncertain is history ! So difficult is it to arrive at truth ! Morgan directed the whole. Clinton's expedition up the Hudson. 121 After the battle of the 19th of September, Gen.Burgoyne took a position almost within cannon shot of the American camp, fortified his ri^ht wing, and rested with his left upon the Hudson. Thus the two armies remained until the 7th of October : Burgoyne in the hope of aid from below, where he knew by advice from Clinton that he was advancing ; and Gates receiving additional troops every day. From congress, the general received complimentary resolves ; and from one of the members, James Lovell, before mentioned, a letter containing expressions which show the progress of the cabal against the com- mander-in-chief. He says, if Gates would allow Burgoyne leisure, he might w^-ite a farce "at the expense of congress at least, if not at the expense of congress and General Washington." He inti- mates that people say Howe would not have advanced seventy miles from his ships if Gates had been in his neighbourhood ; and concludes with this curious paragraph : " By the winter, the miiidle army will be divided into Greenites and Mifflinites, if things do not take a great turn from their present situation." While these important events were going forward in the north, an expedition from New York was undertaken by Sir Henry Clin- ton. His obvious intention was to relieve General Burgoyne; but it was undertaken at too late a period to render him any assistance — a fact admitted by Sir Henry himself — who excused the delay by stating that he could not attempt it sooner without leaving the defences of New York too feebly guarded. This expedition con- sisted of about three thousand men, convoyed by a fleet under Commodore Hotham, who proceeded up the Hudson River early in October, and was destined, in the first instance, against Forts Montgomery and Clinton, near the southern boundary of the High- lands. These fortresses had been constructed chiefly for the pur- pose of preventing the ships of the enemy from ascending the river, and were not defensible in the rear. They were commanded by Governour Clinton, with the assistance of General James Clinton, his brother. The troops of the enemy were landed at Stoney Point, twelve miles below the forts. A small advanced party of the Americans was met and attacked at about 10 o'clock in the morning of the 6th of October, when within two and a half miles of the fort. This party was of course driven in, having returned the enemy's fire. When arrived within a mile of the forts. Sir Henry divided his troops into two columns ; the one, consisting of nine hundred men under Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, was destined for the attack on Fort Montgomery ; the other, under the immediate command of Sir Henry Clinton, was to storm the stronger post of Fort Clinton. Ascertaining that the enemy were advancing to the west side of the mountain, to attack his rear, Governour Clinton ordered a detachment of upwards of one hundred men, under Col. Lamb, VOL. II. 16 122 Clinton's expedition up the Hudson. together with a brass field-piece and fifty men more, to take a strong position in advance. They were soon sharply engaged, and ano- ther detachment of an equal number was sent to their assistance. They kept their field-piece sharply playing upon the enemy's ad- vancing column, and were only compelled to give way by the point of the bayonet — spiking their field-piece before they relinquished it. In this preliminary encounter the loss of Sir Henry was se- vere. Pressing rapidly onward, both forts were in a few minutes at- tacked with vigour upon all sides. The fire was incessant during the afternoon until about five o'clock, when a flag approaching, Lieutenant Colonel Livingston was ordered to receive it. The officer was the bearer of a peremptory summons to surrender, as he alleged, to prevent the effusion of blood. Nor would he treat, unless upon the basis of a surrender of the garrison as prisoners of war, in which case he was authorized to assure them of good usage. The proposition being rejected with scorn, in about ten minutes the attack was renewed, and kept up until after dark, when the enemy forced the American lines and redoubts at both forts, and the garrisons, determined not to surrender, undertook to fight their way out. The last attack of the enemy was desperate ; but the Americans, militia as well as regulars, resisted with great spirit, and favoured by the darkness, many of them escaped. Governour Clinton himself escaped by leaping a precipice in the dark, and jumping into a boat, in which he was conveyed away. His brother was wounded and taken prisoner. Of the British forces, Lieuten- ant-colonel Campbell and Count Grabouski, a Polish nobleman, engaged as a volunteer, were slain. The loss of the Americans, killed, wounded, and missing, was stated at two hundred and fifty. The British loss was stated at two hundred, but was believed to have been much more than that of the Americans. On the 7th, a summons to surrender, signed joindy by Sir Henry Clinton and Commodore Hotham, was sent to Fort Constitution ; but the flag was fired upon and returned. To avenge the insult, an attack was immediately determined upon ; but on arriving at the fort on the following day, there was no enemy to assault — an evacuation having taken place, so precipitate as to leave considera- ble booty to the conqueror ; Sir Henry Clinton proceeded no far- ther ; but a strong detachment of his army, under General Vaughan, pursued the enterprise, with Commodore Hotham, as far north as Esopus, destroying several vessels by the way. At Esopus Creek there were two small batteries and an armed galley, mounting, however, in all, but six or seven guns. These were easily silenced. General Vaughan then effected a landing, marched to the town, and laid it in ashes. Large quantities of stores had been accumu- lated at this place, which were of course destroyed. Disappointed, TRANSACTIONS AT SARATOGA. 123 however, by the disastrous campaign of Burgoyne, Sir Henry CHnton made an expeditious return to the city.* To return to the north. On the 4th of October, Burgoyne sent for Generals Phillips, Riedesel, and Frazer, to consult with them on the best measures to be taken. His project was to attack and attempt to turn the left wing of the Americans at once ; but the other generals judged that it would be dangerous to leave their stores under so feeble a protection as eight hundred men, accord- ing to the proposition of their commander. A second consultation was held on the 5th, at which General Riedesel positively declared that the situation of the army had become so critical, that they must either attack and force the entrenchments of Gates, and thus bring about a favourable change of affairs, or recross the Hudson, and retreat upon Fort George. Frazer approved of the latter sugges- tion, and Phillips declined giving an opinion. General Burgoyne, to whom the idea of retreating was most unwelcome, declared that he would make, on the 7th, a reconnoisance as near as possible to the left wing of the Americans, with a view of ascertaining whether it could be attacked with any prospect of success. He would afterward eidier attack the army of Gates, or retreat by the route in the rear of Battenkill. This was his final determination, and dis- positions were made accordingly. Early in the afternoon of the 7th, General Burgoyne drew out fifteen hundred men, for the purpose of making his proposed recon- noisance — which he headed himself, attended by Generals Phillips, Riedesel, and Frazer. They advanced in three columns toward the left wing of the American positions, entered a wheat field, dis- played into line, and then began cutting up the wheat for forage. The movement having been seasonably discovered, the centre ad- vanced guard of the Americans beat to arms ; the alarm was re- peated throughout the line, and the troops repaired to the alarm posts. Colonel Wilkinson being at head-quarters at the moment, was despatched to ascertain the cause of the alarm. He proceeded to within sixty or seventy rods of the enemy, ascertained their posi- tion, and returned — informing General Gates that they w'ei-e forag- ing — attempting also to reconnoitre the American left, and likewise, in his opinion, offering battle. After a brief consultation. Gates said he would indulge them ; and Colonel Morgan, whose rifle corps was formed in front of the centre, was directed " to begin the game." At his own suggestion, how^ever, Morgan was allowed to gain the enemy's right by a circuitous course, while Poor's bi'i- gade should attack his left. The movement was admirably execu- ted ; the New York and New Hampshire troops attacked the enemy's Stone's Life of Brant, Vol. I. pp. 281-283. 124 TRANSACTIONS AT SARATOGA. front and left wing with great impetuosity ; while, true to his? purpose, Morgan, just at the critical moment, poured down like a torrent from the hill, and attacked the enemy's right in front and flank. The attack was soon extended alono; the whole front of the enemy with great determination. Major Ackland, at the head of the grenadiers, sustained the attack of Poor with great firmness. But on his right, the light infantry, in attempting to change front, being pressed with ardour by Colonel Dearborn, were forced to retire under a close fire, and in great disorder. They were re- formed by the Earl of Balcarras behind a fence in the rear of their first position ; but being again attacked with great audacity in front and flanks by superiour numbers, resistance became vain, and the whole line, commanded by Burgoyne in person, gave way, and made a precipitate and disorderly retreat to his camp. The right of Burgoyne had given way first, the retreat of which was covered by the light infantry and a part of the 24th regiment. The left wing in its retreat would a bft^e -inevitably have been cut to pieces, but for the intervention of the same troops, performing in its behalf the same service that, a few moments before, they had done for the right. This retreat look place in exactly fifty-two minutes after the first shot was fired — the enemy leaving two twelve and six six- pounders on the field, with the loss of more than four hundred ofii- cers and men, killed, wounded, and captured ; and among them the flower of his officers, viz : General Frazer, Major Ackland, Sir Francis Cook, and many others. The British troops had scarcely entered their lines, when the Americans, led by General Arnold, pressed forward, and, under a tremendous fire of grape-shot and musketry, assaulted their works throughout their whole extent, from right to left. Towards the close of the day, the enemy's intrenchments were forced by the left of the Americans, led by Arnold in person, who, with a few of his men, actually entered the works ; but his horse being killed, and the general himself badly wounded in the leg, they were forced to retire, and the approach of darkness induced them to desist from the attack. Meantime, on the left of Arnold's detachment, the Massachusetts troops, under Colonel Brooks, had been still more successful — having turned the enemy's right, and carried by storm the works occupied by the German reserve. Colonel Breyman, their commander, was killed ; and his corps, reduced to two hun- dred men, and hotly pressed on all sides, was obliged to give way. This advantage was retained by thp Americans ; and darkness put an end to an action equally brilliant and important to the continen- tal arms. Great numbers of the enemy were killed, and two hundred prisoners taken. The loss of the Americans was inconsiderable.* Stone's Life of Brant, Vol. I. pp. 271-273. ARNOLD AT SARATOGA. 125 In the night Burgoyne drew off his army, and placed them in a stronger position on the heights, nearer to the source of the river — thus avoiding an engagement with an enemy who possessed part of his works, and lay ready to renew the attack in the morning. Of Arnold's behaviour at the battle of the 7th of October, Mr. Sparks* gives this account : " Arnold having no command, was dis- covered to be in a state of high excitement and apparent irritation. He continued in camp for some time, but at length, without instruc- tions or permission, rode off in a full gallop to the field of battle. This being told to Gates, he sent INIajor Armstrong after him with orders. As soon as Arnold saw^ Armstrong, anticipating the pur- port of his message, and doubtless remembering the peremptory order to return while on his way out to the former action, he put spurs to his horse and quickened his speed. Armstrong pursued, tracing the erratic movements of Arnold, and keeping up the chase for half an hour, without being able to approach near enough to speak to him. And in fact, Arnold received no orders during the day, but rode about the field in every direction, seeking the hottest parts of the action, and issuing his commands wherever he went. "Being the highest officer in rank, that appeared on the field, his orders were obeyed when practicable ; but all accounts agree, that his conduct was rash in the extreme, indicating rather the frenzy of a madman, than the considerate wisdom of an experienced general. He threw himself heedlessly into the most exposed situations, brandishing his sword in the air, animating his troops, and urging them forward. But the briUiant manoeuvre with which the enrao-e- ment was closed, the assault of the enemy's works and driving the Hessians from their encampment, was undoubtedly owing in the first case to Arnold. He gave the order, and by his personal bravery set an example to the troops, which inspired them with ardour and hurried them onward. He was shot through the leg whilst riding gallantly into the sally-port, and his horse fell dead under him. The success of the assault was complete, and crowned the day with victory. " It is a curious fact, that an officer who really had no command in the army, was the leader in one of the most spirited and important battles of the revolution. His madness, or rashness, or whatever it may be called, resulted most fortunately for himself. The wound he received, at the moment of rushing into the very arms of danger and of death, added fresh lustre to his military glory, and was a new claim to public favour and applause. In the heat of the action he struck an officer on the head with his sword, an indignity and offence, which might justly have been retaliated on the spot in the * American Biog. Vol. III. pp. 117, 118, 119. 126 ARNOLD AT SARATOGA. most fatal manner. The officer forbore : and the next day, when he demanded redress, Arnold declared his entire ignorance of the act, and expressed his regret. Some persons ascribed his wild temerity to intoxication, but Major Armstrong, who assisted in re- moving him from the field, was satisfied that this was not true. Others said he took opium. This is conjecture, unsustained by proofs of any kind, and consequently improbable. His vagaries may perhaps be sufficiently explained by the extraordinary circum- stances of wounded pride, anger, and desperation, in which he was placed. Gates was not on the field, nor indeed did he leave his encampment during either of the battles of Behmus's Heights." The bone of Arnold's leo- beino- fractured he was removed to Albany, where he remained confined to his room all winter. His suffering situation was somewhat mitigated by a resolution of con- gress, which was a salve to his wounded honour. They gave him the rank which was fully his due, and General Washington accom- panied the information with a request that he would repair to the army as soon as his honourable wounds would permit, that his country might have his services in the ensuing campaign. In the spring he went to New Haven, and was received with marked respect for his military character, and while there General Wash- ington showed his sense of his eminent qualifications for the tented and embattled field, by dividing with him and General Lincoln three setts of military ornaments, which had been presented by a person in France, to the first of American captains, and the two chieftains he should consider worthy to share the compliment with him. This was a testimony which the conduct of Arnold in scenes of blood deserved : when next he becomes conspicuous in the history of New York, we shall see how little he deserved to be ranked with Lincoln and Washington as the assertor of his country's rights and the promoter of her happiness. We now return to the the closing scenes of the great drama of Saratoga. After the decisive victory obtained by the American army on the 7th of October, all were now animated by success. Next day. General Gates threw large detachments higher up the river to oppose tl^e retreat of the enemy ; but did not venture to attack him in his new position. Burgoyne, however, was obliged to abandon the strong post he had chosen. On the night of the 10th of October, he retreated to Saratoga with the loss of his hos- pital, and part of his baggage and provision. He gained a position on the bank of the Hudson, but found his antagonists already on the opposite side prepared to dispute his passage. The British army was now surrounded by a constantly increasing, and already numerically superiour force, flushed with victory, and anticipating complete conquest. All these advantages were nearly lost. On the morning of the 11th, Gates informed his general officers of his CAPTURE OF BURGOYNE. 127 having received certain intelligence that the main body of the Bri- tish army had been marched off for Fort Edward ; and that only the rear guard was now in the camp, w ho were to follow, leaving the heavy baggage behind. In consequence, orders were issued to attack the camp forthwith ; and the officers repaired to their posts accordingly. The oldest brigade crossed the Saratoga creek, and a second brigade was following, when, by the accidental en- counter of an English deserter, General Glover learned that the whole army were in the encampment, and he found that the Ame- rican troops were marching directly upon Burgoyne's park of artil- lery, masked by a line of brushwood. The advancing troops were halted ; Gates countermanded his orders, and the brave men so nearly sacrificed, retreated ; but not without loss from the fire opened upon them by the enemy's batteries. It was on this oc( a- sion that the British burnt Schuyler's house, mills, and other build- ings, as they sheltered the Americans from the artillery. Burgoyne's situation was now nearly desperate. His Indians and Canadians had deserted him. He had no hopes of aid from Sir Henry Clin- ton. His gallant army W'as reduced from nearly eight thousand, to three thousand five hundred fighting men. He was surrounded by enemies increasing daily, and already four times his number. Of provisions he had not more than enough for three days. Thus circumstanced, he resolved to abandon every thing but the arras of his companions, and such food as they could carry on their backs, and to force a march up the river by night, cross, and push for Fort George. But even this was found impracticable. Every avenue of escape was guarded. He was obliged to open a treaty with Gates, which terminated in surrender, by a convention. Had Schuyler retained the command of the army as much would have been gained, if not more. He would have had the same Morgan and Arnold to assist him. The militia were already encouraged by the success of Starke, Willet, and Gansevoort ; and the jealousy of the New England men would not have prevented them from defending their firesides, or sharing in the triumphs, a prospect of which was fully open to them before Philip Schuyler was superseded by a man immeasurably his inferiour. But a British army surrendered to Horatio Gates, and the whole conti- nent rang with shouts and songs of praise to the conqueror of Burgoyne. Schuyler was forgotten, or vilified ; and in comparison with the triumphant Englishman, Washington was considered un- worthy of confidence. Such was popular delusion, heightened by the artful and selfish. Mr. Stone* says, " flushed with his fortuitous success, or rather * Stone's life of Brant, Vol. I, p. 278. 12S GATES's ARROGANCE. with the success attending his fortuitous position, Gates did not wear his honour witii any remarkable meekness. On the contrary, his bearing even toward the commander-in-chief was far from re- spectful. He did not even write to Washington on the occasion, until after a considerable time had elapsed. In the first instance Wilkinson was sent as the bearer of despatches to congress, but did not reach the seat of that body until fifteen days after the articles of capitulation had been signed ; and three days more were occu- pied in arranging his papers before they were presented. The first mention which Washington makes of the defeat of Burgoyne, is contained in a letter written to his brother on the 18th of October — the news having been communicated to him by Governour Clin- ton. He spoke of the event again on the 16th, in a letter addressed to General Putnam. On the 25th, in a letter addressed to that of- ficer, he acknowledges the receipt of a copy of the articles of capi- tulation /roA/i him — adding, that that was the first authentick intelli- gence he had received of the affair, and that he had begun to grow uneasy, and almost to suspect that the previous accounts were pre- mature. And it was not until the 2d of November that Gates deigned to communicate to the commander-in-chief a word upon the sub- ject, and then only incidentally, as though it were a matter of secondary importance." Although Schuyler had no command, he had never ceased his ser- vices, and was with the American army. Gen. Burgoyne gives this testimonial of Schuyler's gentlemanly deportment : " I positively as- sert that there was no fire by order or countenance of myself or any other officer, except at Saratoga. That district is the property of General Schuyler. There were large barracks built by him : they took fire by accident, when filled with my sick and wounded sol- diers. General Schuyler had likewise a very good dwelling-house, exceeding large storehouses, great saw-mills, and other out-build- ings, to the value, perhaps, of ten thousand pounds. A few days before the negotiation with General Gates, the enemy were ap- proaching to pass a small river preparatory to a general action, and were covered from the fire of my artillery by those buildings. I gave the order to set them on fire : that whole property I have described was consumed. One of the first persons I saw after the convention was signed, was General Schuyler. I expressed my regret at the event which had happened, and the reasons which had occasioned it. He desired me to think no more of it ; said that the occasion justified it, according to the rules and principles of war, and he should have done the same. He did more — he sent an aid-de-camp to conduct me to Albany, in order, as he express- ed, to procure me better quarters than a stranger might be able to find. This gentleman conducted me to a very elegant house, and, to my great surprise, introduced me to Mrs. Schuyler and her GENTLEMANLY DEPORTMENT OF SCHUYLER. 129 family; and in ibis general's house I remained during my whole stay at Albany, with a table of more than twenty covers for me and my friends, and every other demonstration of hospitality." The Baroness Riedesel says, " when I drew near the tent, a good-looking man advanced tow^ards me, and lielped the children from the calash, and kissed and caressed them ; he then offered me his arm, and tears trembled in his eyes. ' You tremble,' said he ; 'do not be alarmed, I pray you.' ' Sir,' cried I, ' a coun- tenance so expressive of benevolence, and the kindness which you have evinced towards my children, are sufficient to dispel all appre- hension.' He then ushered me into the tent of General Gates. The gentleman who had received me with so much kindness, came and said to me, ' You may find it embarrassing to be the only lady in such a large company of gendemen ; will you come w'ith your children to my tent, and partake of a frugal dinner offered with the best will f ' By the kindness you show to me,' returned I, ' you induce me to believe that you have a wife and children.' He in- formed me that he was General Schuyler. Never did a dinner give me so much pleasure as this." Burijovne did not receive intelliirence of the success of Sir Henry Clinton at the forts in the Highlands until after his surren- der. This may be attributed to the failure of a message despatched by the English commander-in-chief, who fell into the hands of the American Clinton, by one of those apparent accidents that rule the fate of men and armies. The messenger bore a letter enclosed in a silver ball, with only the words " nous y void : and nothing be- tween us but Gates." The unfortunate bearer had to pass the American posts in disguise, and would probably have done so in safety, but that a New England regiment under Colonel Webb had joined Governour Clinton, who was at New Windsor collecting troops, and the soldiers were clothed in red coats, which had been taken in an English store ship : some of them were on guard at an out-post, and the spy mistaking them for friends, put himself in their power and betrayed his quality. He swallowed the silver •ball, but too late : an emetic revealed his errand, and the poor wretch was sacrificed to the policy (perhaps the justice) of war. To this circumstance was owing the ignorance of Burgoyne, that the southern British army was on its way to his relief. Had this messenger reached him, he might not have risked the fatal en- counter on Behmus's Heights; but it is vain to indulge in surmises of what might have been — the duty of history is to record that which we know has been. Wilkinson, as we have seen, was entrusted with the despatches of Gates to congress, announcing an array's surrender, and loitering by the way, a member proposed as his reward for his news a pair of gold spurs. VOL. II. 17 130 CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. This year (1777) cannot be passed over without noticing the formation of a written Constitution for what was now declared to be the State of New York. The convention held at Kingston, declared that no authority should on any pretence whatever, be exercised over the people or members of this state, but such as should be derived from or granted by them ; and it vested the supreme legislative power, in two distinct bodies constituting col- lectively the legislature. It is dated at Kingston, 20th April, 1777, and signed Leonard Gansevoort, Pres. pro. tern. Among the members of this convention we find some of the most illustrious names in our state history — John Jay, Gouvernenr Morris and others. Of the patriotism, intelligence and integrity of those who formed the old constitution there can be no question — nor is there a question but that it contained its faults and imperfections. But those might have been gradually healed by some few gentle applications, or what were better, the slow but steady and salutary influence of time and usage. This venerable monument of the wisdom of our high minded ancestors has been stricken to the dust. Not content with mildly lopping off some few excresences, or some limbs which drew away too much of the nutriment from the other branches, we, mad and reckless have destroyed the whole tree ; and by the Constitution of November 10, 1821, substituted a new system, w^hich has yet to run its career of ex- periment — perhaps of mischief : which reduces the people to a populace, and concedes to the populace the right of legislating upon the most momentous subjects — the power of making, altering or abrogating the fundamental laws — the constitution itself — almost without restraint.* • See New Const, of N. Y. Art. 2, Sect. I. The value of the electoral fran- chise has been still further lowered. And see Art. 8, as to amendments. JVumbers of those who voted for the convention which formed the new Constitution thought of nothing more than to get rid of the councils of appointment and revision. One bad feature of the old constitution is retained, the inability of the highest judicial officers to continue in the exercise of their duties after sixty years of age; (James Kent ! Ambro.se Spencer ! Smith Thompson ! I will not travel beyond the limits of our own state.) They may be removed by joint resolution of the two houses of the legislature, if two thirds of the members elect of the Assembly, and a ma- jority of the members elect of the Senate concur. — Art. I, Sect. 13. Was not this last provision enough for all beneficial purjjoses ? INTRIGUES AGAINST WASHINGTON. 131 CHAPTER IX. Intrigues against Washington — France becomes a jparty hi the war — Alarming situation of Washington — Noble conduct of Colonel William Ducr — Comcaij — Lafayette — Falsehood and meanness of Gates. 1777 On the 17tb of October, Burgoyne surrendered. Gates imitated, on the meeting with his humbled adversary, the conduct of the Black Prince, when from real or affected humility he entered London with the captive King of France. How he deififned to communicate the news of his success to the commander-in-chief, has already been stated ; yet he was carrying on a correspondence with his Irish friend, Conway, in which Washington was treated with contempt. This slight put upon Washington w^as premeditated, as is proved by a letter from Wilkinson to Gates, of November the 4th, saying that he is often asked the cause of this omission. It is further re- lated, respecting Morgan, that when the conquerour entertained the British officers who were prisoners, and invited his own to meet them, Morgan was omitted ; but accidentally coming into the ge- neral's quarters on business, when he departed, his name was men- tioned, and all the Britons eagerly rose and followed to see the man to whom they attributed, in a great measure, their defeat. The flatteries that poured in upon him were such as his mind could not bear. His cabal openly declared that he alone was fit for the supreme command. As a step towards it, on the 27th of November, he was appointed president of the board of war, and his friend Mifflin was one of his council. The board appointed Con- way inspector-general, with the rank of major-general, and powers, " in effect," says Marshall, " paramount to those of the comman- der-in-chief," A majority of congress confirmed this appointment, although this man had been recently detected in an infamous cor- respondence with Gates, and was denounced by Washington as a "dangerous incendiary." Happily, General Greene and a num- ber of field-officers would not submit to the indignity of seeing this upstart foreign officer placed in such an office in defiance of the commander-in-chief. They remonstrated ; Conway was obliged to retire; and the cabal was defeated in this part of their intrigue. Of General Gates as president of the board of war, I will only ob- 132 ALARMING SITUATION OF WASHINGTON. serve, that none of his plans were successful, or any of his measures efficacious. I must limit myself to events in our state, or those immediately adjoining, and refer to Marshall's history, to Washington's let- ters, and other works, for the movements more to the south. Great was the necessity in which the commander-in-chief stood for re- inforcements, and urgent his call for the troops which the conven- tion of Saratoga left available. But Gates seemed disposed to withhold them as much as possible. Intoxicated by the applauses of congress and the country, he fqlt that the supreme command of the armies of the continent was within his grasp. The hints and insinuations of Lee, the calumnies of Gates and his adherents, had produced a party in congress that amounted to a majority. The Irish officer who had been in the French ser- vice, Conway, soon became one of Gates's faction, and violently opposed to Washington and his friends, particularly to the Baron de Kalb and the IMarquis Lafayette. This Conway, became dis- agreeable to Washington, first by presumption, and then in con- sequence of a disclosure made of a paragraph in a letter from him to Gates, in which he says, '■^ Heaven has been determined to save your cou7itry, or a iveak general and bad counsellors woidd have ruined it.'''' France had secretly encouraged the discontent, and joyfully seen the rebellion of the subjects of her great rival. Now that an army had surrendered, the mask was thrown off, and war was proclaimed, and an army was promised the United States. The motive was not considered, and gratitude filled every American breast. General Washington attributed the successes of Sir William Howe in Pennsylvania, and his own consequent disasters, to the apathy and disaffection of the people of that state. In one of his letters on the subject, he says — " The northern army, before the surrender of General Burgoyne, was reinforced by upwards of twelve hundred militia, who shut the only door by which Bur- goyne could retreat, and cut off all his supplies. How different our case! The disaffection of a great part of the inhabitants of this state, the languor of others, and the internal distraction of the whole, have been among the great and insuperable difficulties which I have met with, and have contributed not a little to my embarrass- ments this campaign."* Many other letters from the commander-in-chief, written du- ring the winter and spring of 1778, complain of the con- duct of the people of Pennsylvania, in supplying the enemy in Philadelphia with provisions — particularly from Bucks County. * Letter of Washington to Landon Carter — October 27th, 1777. COLONEL WILLIAM DUER. 133 In a letter to Major-general Armstrong, of that slate, dated at Val- ley Forge, March 27th, he says — " The situation of matters in this state is melancholy and alarming. We have daily proof that a ma- jority of the people in this quarter are only restrained from supply- ing the enemy with horses and every kind of necessary, through fear of punishment ; and, although 1 have made a number of se- vere examples, I cannot put a stop to the intercourse." The legislature met at Kingston, on the 1st of September, 1777, but did not form a quorum until the 10th ; when Govenour Clin- ton, in his speech, applauded the garrison of Fort Schuyler, spoke of the brave General Herkimer, and praised the militia of Tryon county. He mentions in terms of exultation the complete victory near Bennington, gained by the militia of New Hampshire, Mas- sachusetts and the northeastern counties of New York. At this time the legislature appointed delegates to the continental congress. They were, Philip Livingston, James Duane, Francis Lewis, Wil- liam Duer, and Governeur Morris. The assembly was interrupted in its work of peace by the attack upon the Highlands, and was dis- solved October 7th; but on the r5th of January, 1778, they met again at Poughkeepsie. The commander-in-chief passed the winters of 1777 and '8, in the cantonment of Schuylkill, his best troops mutinous from want of necessaries, he says, the loant of provision, clothing, and other es- sentials, is charged to my account, not ojihj by the vulgar, hut by those in power. The board of war consisted of General Gates, president ; Ge- neral Mifflin, quarter-master-general ; Joseph Trumbull, commis- sary-general ; and Pickering, Folsom, etc. Gates, Mifflin, and Trumbull, were all absent from Little York where congress sate, the enemy being at Philadelphia. The confederacy of sovereign states had before 1777, been in many instances, found wanting. Li July, 1778, the confederacy was signed, but October the 14th, 1777, congress resolved, that no state should be represented by more than seven members nor less than two. New York had but two members present, barely suffi- cient to give her a vote ; one of those was lying sick ; this was a situation which rendered her a nullity, and a day was appointed by the cabal, to nominate a committee to arrest Washington at the Val- ley Forge, they having a majority owing to the absence of New York. Francis Lewis, the only member from New York capable of taking his place, sent to the absentee. Colonel William Duer sent for his physician. Doctor Jones, and demanded whether l)e could be removed to the coiu't house, (or place of meeting.) "Yes, but at the risk of your life." " Do you mean that 1 should expire before reaching the place .^" *' No ; but I would not answer for your 134 Conway's intrigues. life, twenty-four hours afterward." " Very well, sir ; you have done your duty, prepare a litter for me — if you refuse — some one else shall — but I prefer your care in this case." The litter was prepared, and the sick man ready to sacrifice his life for his country, when the faction, baffled by the arrival of Go- verneur Morris, and by the certainty of New York being against them, gave up the attempt, and the hazardous experiment on the part of Colonel Duer, was rendered unnecessary. General Gates and suite, of whom Colonel Lewis was one, were detained at the Susquehanna three days, during which Gover- neur Morris joined them. On their arrival at Lhde York, Colonel Lewis and Gouverneur Morris, immediately repaired to the quarters of the New York delegation; and found Colonel Duer on the lit- ter surrounded by blankets, attended by his physician and carriers, ready to go to the court-house where congress met. After the surrender of an army, few of the military events which passed in New \oik seem worthy of history. Until 177S, the per- secutions of the commander-in-chief continued. The expressions of Conway were repeated to Washington, and (as Mifflin informed Gates by letter) were enclosed by the general to Conway without remarks, who, says Mifflin, supported the opin- ion he had given, "the sentiment was not apologized for." Gates, on receiving this information from Mifflin, wrote to Conway, en- treating to know which of the letters was copied off, and to Mifflin, expressing his uneasiness and anxiety to discover the villain who had " played him this treacherous trick." He likewise immedi- ately wrote a letter to General Washington, conjuring him to as- sist, as he says, in "tracing out the author of the infidelity which put extracts from General Conway's letters to me into your hands." He says, the letters have been " stealingly copied." This, instead of being sent direct to the general, was enclosed to congress. Upon hearing of this discovery, Lafayette wrote to Washington, inform- ing him of Conway's endeavours by flattery to gain his confidence, and to make a breach between him and the general, so as to in- duce Lafayette to leave the country. There are documents extant in which, at this very time, he ex- presses his enmity to Lafayette. But a just estimate of this at- tempt upon General Washington can only be formed by reading all the letters published by Mr. Sparks. I will only say further, that as Gales had enclosed his letter to the commander-in-chief in one to congress, he sent his answer in the same manner. Washington tells Gates that he had viewed Conway as a stranger to him, and had no thought that they were correspondents, " much less did I suspect that I was the subject of your confidential letters." He says, that on receiving this extract, he considered it as a friendly warning from Gates to forearm him " against a secret enemy, or in FALSEHOOD AND MEANNESS OF GATES. 135 Other words, a dangerous incendiary ; in which character, sooner or later, this country will know General Conway : but in this, as in other matters of late, I have found myself mistaken." Gates then endeavoured to persuade the general that the extract was a forijery. The answer of Washington exposed the falsehood of the assertion, and showed the contradiction in which this weak man's own statements had involved him. Gates replied by a mean apo- logy on the 19th of February, 1778, filled with such falsehoods as these : " As to the gentleman," Conway, " I have no personal con- nexion with him, nor had I any correspondence previous to his writing the letter which has given offence. I solemnly declare I am of no faction." He disavows any intention of giving offence to his " Excellency," and concludes humbly " with great respect." I make use of the Avord falsehood, because in the papers left by Gates, and now in a publick library, are the proofs that these as- sertions are void of truth. Washington answered this apology very coldly, thus: "Your repeatedly and solemnly disclaiming any offensive views, in those matters which have been the subject of our past correspondence, makes me willing to close with the de- sire you express, of burying them hereafter in silence, and, as far as future events will permit, oblivion. I am, sir your most obe- dient servant." In the meantime General Washington received information, from various quarters, of the efforts made to overthrow him, and a most positive indication of their success, by the appointment, as we have seen, of this Conway, notwithstanding the known opinions of Washington and Lafayette, to the office of inspector-general and the rank of major-general, to the excessive disgust of the American brigadiers. The whole of this infamous proceeding on the part of the faction in congress, of Gates, Conway and others, can only be appreciated by reading all the docunjents published, and some yet unpublished, in the library of the Historical Society. When Sir William Howe was recalled from the command in America, the British officers and Philadelphia ladies, gave him a great fete, and Sir Henry Clinton took the command of the troops. He evacuated the city, and embarked his army at Monmouth for New York, but not before Charles Lee had so behaved at the bat- tle of Monmouth, as to relieve Washington from one of his greatest open enemies. The British fleet and army arrived in the harbour of New York in time to escape an action with the French fleet, who finding they were too late, sailed to the north. The commander-in-chief, and the main army were so disposed, as to prevent Sir Henry from making any attempt on the Hudson. 136 PKISONERS AND PRISON SHIPS. CHAPTER X. Prisoners ayid Prison Slaps. 1776 The prisoners taken on Long Island and at Fort Wash- ington, were at first shut up in the College, and in the 1780 " new, or middle Dutch church, in Nassau and Cedar streets." An old gentleman living in 1S37, who was one of Captain Vandyke's grenadiers, and made prisoner on the 27th of August, says, he saw the "great fire" from the College windows. Another gentleman, Mr. John Pintard, who is still with us, and who as a young man was an assistant to his uncle, Mr. Lewis Pintard, appointed by congress to supply necessary clothing for the American prisoners during a part of the war, gives us some particulars which are very valuable, as he was in New York, and had an opportunity for accjuiring knowledge respecting his suffering countrymen. He tells us, in a published document, that in the church above mentioned, "the sick, the wounded, and well, were all indiscriminately huddled together by hundreds and thousands — large numbers of whom died by disease — and many undoubtedly poisoned by inhuman attendants, for the sake of their watches or silver buckles." We must remember that he speaks of the time immediately fol- lowing the battle of Brooklyn : the recent occupancy of the city by the victors, the conflagration of a great portion of it, and the capture of the brave men at Fort Washington — all tending to create disor- der in every department of the then conquering army. The writer proceeds to mention circumstances witnessed and remembered by myself. He says, " This church (the middle Dutch) was after- ward converted into a riding school for training dragoons. The extensive sugar-house in Liberty street, and the north Dutch church, were also used as prisons. The new Quaker meeting- house, formerly in Pearl street, was appropriated as a hospital. The seamen were confined on board the prison-ships, where they suffered every hardship to compel them to enter into the British service, and were consigned to disease and death by hundreds. The provost was destined for the more notorious rebels, civil, naval, and military. An admission into this modern bastile was enough to appal the stoutest heart. On the right hand of the main door PRISONERS AND PRISON SHIPS. 137 was Captain Cunningham's quarters, opposite to which was the guard-room. Within the fa-st barricade was Sergeant Keefe's apartment. At the entrance-door two sentinels were always posted by day and night ; two more at the first and second barricades, which were grated, barred, and chained , also at the rear door, and on the platform at the grated door at the foot of the second flight of steps, leading to the rooms and cells in the second and third stories. When a prisoner, escorted by soldiers, was led into the hall, the whole guard was paraded, and he was delivered over, with all formality, to Captain Cunningham or his deputy, and ques- tioned as to his name, rank, size, age, etc., all of which were en- tered in a record book. W^hat with the bristling of arms, unbolting of bars and locks, clanking of enormous iron chains, and a vestibule as dark as Erebus, the unfortunate captive might well sink under this infernal sight and parade of tyrannical power, as he crossed the threshold of that door which probably closed on him for life. But it is not our wish to revive the horrours attendant on our revolution- ary war; grateful to Divine Providence for its propitious issue, we would only remark to the existing and rising generation, that the independence of the United States, and the civil and religious lib- erty they now enjoy, were achieved and purchased by the blood and suHerings of their patriotic forefathers. May they guard and transmit the boon to their latest posterity. "The northeast chamber, turning to the left, on the second floor, was appropriated to oflicers, and characters of superiour rank and distinction, and was called Congress Hall. So closely were they packed, that when they lay down at night to rest, when their bones ached on the hard oak planks, and they wished to turn, it was alto- gether by word of command, " right — 1,6/1" being so wedged and compact as to form almost a solid mass of human bodies. In the day time the packs and blankets of the prisoners were suspended around the walls, every precaution being used to keep the rooms ventillated, and the walls and floors clean, to prevent jail fever; and, as the provost was generally crowded with American prisoners, or British culprits of every description, it is really wonderful that in- fection never broke out within its walls. " In this gloomy terrifick abode, were incarcerated at different periods, many American officers and chizens of distinction, awaiting with sickening hope and tantalizing expectation the protracted pe- riod of their exchange and liberation. Could these dumb walls speak, what scenes of anguish, ^vhat tales of agonizing woe, might they disclose ! " Among other characters, there were, at the same time, the fa- mous Colonel Ethan Allen, and Judge Fell, of Bergen county, New Jersey. When Captain Cunningham entertained the young British officers, accustomed to command the provost guard, by dint VOL. II. 18 138 JERSEY PRISON SHIP. of curtailing the prisoner's rations, exchanging good for bad pro- visions, and other embezzlements practised on John Bull, the cap- tain, his deputy, and indeed the commissaries generally, were ena- bled to fare sumptuously. In the drunken orgies that usually ter- minated his dinners, the captain would order the rebel prisoners to turn out and parade, for the amusement of his guests — pointing them out — " this is the damned rebel. Colonel Ethan Allen — that a rebel judge, an Englishman," etc. etc. The writer well remembers the Rev. Thomas Andros, a presby- terian clergyman, who, when a youth, shipped himself as a priva- teersman from New London. He was taken, and confined in this sepulchre, where the living, the dying, and the dead, formed one mass, of which the latter description was the most enviable. I am far from charging upon the deputy commissaries the misery which my countrymen suffered in the prison ships ; but I must think that there was culpable neglect or designed cruelty on the part of the commander-in-chief of the British army, or a criminal thirst for riches on the part of Sprout. Mr. Andros says : " We were captured on the 27th August, by the Solebay frigate, and safely stowed away in the old Jersey prison ship, at New York. This was an old sixty-four gun ship, which through age had be- come unfit for further actual service. She was sti'ipped of every spar and all her rigging. After a battle with the French fleet, her lion figure-head was taken away to repair another ship ; no appear- ance of ornament was left, and nothing remained but an old, un- sightly, rotten hulk. Her dark and filthy external appearance perfectly corresponded with the death and despair that reigned within ; and nothing could be more foreign from truth than to paint her with colours flying, or any circumstance or appendage to please the eye. She was moored about three quarters of a mile to the eastward of Brooklyn Ferry, near a tide-mill, on the Long Island shore. The nearest distance to land, was about twenty rods. And doubtless no other ship in the British navy ever proved the means of the destruction of so many human beings. It is computed that not less than eleven thousand American seamen perished in her. But after it was known that it was next to certain death to confine a prisoner here, the inhumanity and wickedness of doing it, was about the same, as if he had been taken into the city and deliber- ately shot on some publick square. But as if mercy had fled from the earth, here we were doomed to dwell. And never while I was on board did any Howard or angel of pity appear to inquire into or alleviate our woes. Once or twice, by the order of a stranger on the quarter-deck, a bag of apples was hurled promiscuously into the midst of hundreds of prisoners crowded together as thick as they could stand, and life and limbs were endangered by the scramble. This, instead of compassion, was a cruel sport. When JERSEY PRISON SHIP. 139 I saw it about to commence, I fled to the most distant part of the ship. " On the commencement of the first evening, we were driven down to darkness between decks, secured by iron gratings and an armed soldiery. And now a scene of horrour, which baffles all description, jiresented itself. On every side, wretched, despond- ing shapes of men, coidd be seen. Around the well-room an armed guard were forcing up the prisoners to the winches, to clear the ship of water, and prevent her sinking ; and little else could be heard but a roar of mutual execrations, reproaches, and insults. During diis operation, there was a small dim light admitted below, but it served to make darkness more visible, and horrour more ter- rifick. In my reflections I said, this must be a complete image and anticipation of hell. "When I first became an inmate of this abode of suffering, des- pair, and death, there were about four hundred prisoners on board, but in a short time they amounted to twelve hundred. And in proportion to our numbers, the mortality increased. " All the most deadly diseases were pressed into the service of the king of terrours, but his prime-ministers were dysentery, small- pox, and yellow fever. There were two hospital ships near to the old Jersey, but these were soon so crowded with the sick, that they could receive no more. The consequence was, that the dis- eased and the healthy were mingled together in the main ship. In a short time we had two hundred or more sick and dying, lodged in the fore part of the lower gun-deck, where all the prisoners were confined at night. Utter derangement was a common symptom of yellow fever, and to increase the horrour of the darkness that shroud- ed us, (for we were allowed no light betwixt decks,) the voice of warning would be heard — ' Take heed to yourselves ; there is a mad man stalking through the ship with a knife in his hand.' I sometimes found the man a corpse in the morning by whose side I laid myself down at night. At another time he would become de- ranged, and attempt in darkness to rise and stumble over the bodies that every where covered the deck. In this case I had to hold him in his place by main strength. In spite of my efforts he would sometimes rise, and then I had to close with him, trip up his heels, and lay him again upon the deck. While so many were sick with raging fever, there was a loud cry for water, but none could be had except on the upper deck, and but one allowed to ascend at a time. The suffering then from the rage of thirst during the night was very great. Nor was it at all times safe to attempt to go up. Provoked by the continual cry for leave to ascend, when there was already one on deck, the sentry would push them back with his bayonet. By one of these thrusts, which was more spiteful and violent than common, I had a narrow escape of my life. In the morning the 140 JERSEY PRISON SHIP. hatchways were thrown open, and we were allowed to ascend, all at once, arid remain on the upper deck during the day. But the first object that met our view in the morning was a most appalling spectacle. A boat loaded widi dead bodies, conveying them to the Long Island shore, where they were very slightly covered with sand. I sometimes used to stand to count the number of times the shovel was filled with sand to cover a dead body ; and certain I am, that a few high tides or torrents of rain must have disinterred them. And had they not been removed, I should suppose the shore, even now, would be covered with huge piles of the bones of American seamen. There were, probably, four hundred on board who had never had the small-pox — some, perhaps, might have been saved by inoculation. " But humanity was wandng to try even this experiment. Let our disease be what it would, we were abandoned to our fate. Now and then an American physician was brought in as a captive, but if he could obtain his parole he left the ship, nor could we much blame him for this; for his own death was next to certain, and his success in saving others by medicine, in our situation, was small. I remember only two American physicians who tarried on board a few days. No English physician, or any one from the city, ever, to my knowledge, came near us. There were thirteen of the crew to which I belonged, but in a short time all but three or four were dead. The most healthy and vigorous were first seized with the fever, and died in a few hours. For them there seemed to be no mercy. My constitution was less muscular and plethorick, and I escaped the fever longer than any of the thirteen except one, and the first onset was less violent. " There is one palliating circumstance as to the inhumanity of the British, which ought to be mentioned. The prisoners were furnished with buckets and brushes to cleanse the ship, and with vinegar to sprinkle her inside. But their indolence and despair were such that they would not use them, or but rarely. And, in- deed, at this time, the encouragement to do it was small — for the whole ship, from her keel to the tafFrail, was equally infected, and contained pestilence sufficient to desolate a world. Disease and death were wrought into her very timbers. At the time I left, it is to be presumed, a more filthy, contagious, and deadly abode for human beings, never existed among a christianized people. It fell but little short of the Black Hole at Calcutta. Death was more lingering, but almost equally certain. " If there was any principle among the prisoners that could not be shaken, it was die love of their country. I knew no one to be seduced into the British servdce. They attempted to force one of our prize brig's crew into the navy, but he chose rather to die than perform any duty, and he was again restored to the prison-ship." JERSEY PRISON SHIP. 141 In addition to the testimony of Mr. Andros, I have that of an aged gendeman still residing with us, who confirms the statement made in the book. He says, he was an officer on board of the United States frigate Confederacy, and was captured by two Eng- lish frigates. Being at the time of capture sick, he was put on board one of the hulks In the Wallabout, that served as a hospital ship for convalescents, but was as soon as somewhat restored, trans- ferred to the "Old Jersey," to make room for others more help- less. Here he experienced all the sufferings, and witnessed the horrours described by Andros, for five months. The confinement in so crowded a place, the pestilential air, the putrid and damaged food given to the prisoners, (procured by the commissaries for little or nothing, and charged to the English government at the prices of the best provisions,) soon produced a fever, under which this young man suffered without medicine or attendance, until nature, too strong for even such enemies, restored him to a species of health, again to be prostrated by the same causes. He says, he never saw given to the prisoners one ounce of vt^holesome food. The loath- some beef they prepared by pressing, and dien threw It, with da- maged bread, into the ketUe, skimming off the previous tenants of this poisonous food as they rose to the top of the vessel. And these commissaries became rich, and revelled in luxuries, hearing the groans of their victims daily, and seeing the bodies of those who were relieved from torture by death, carried by boat loads to be half buried in the sands of the Wallabout. The testi- mony proving these atrocities, cannot be doubted. Yet, in answer to the remonstrances of General Washington, Admiral Arbuthnot denied the charge altogether. To save his life, the officer referred to consented to become deputy to the purser, and was then removed from the darkness, filth, stench, and horrible sounds, which assailed him in the dungeons of this float- ing hell. In the office of deputy-purser he fared well, and recovered health. He witnessed a mode of cheating practised by the clerks and underlings, less criminal than that of the commissaries of prison ners. Such of the captives as had money were liberated by bar- gain with these officials, and returned on the report as dead ; and the deaths were so many, that this passed without inquiry. Many of the prisoners had saved their money by sewing it in pieces of canvass, and fastening them in the inner parts of their trowsers. A boat would be brought to the ship at night, and by a system of collusion, the person who had bought his liberty would be removed on some specious pretence. Faith was kept with them to encourage others in the same process. The writer went to school in LItde Queen street, now Cedar street, and my seat at the desk, in an upper room of a large store- house kind of building, placed me in full view of the Sugar-house, 142 PRISONERS AND THEIR TREATMENT.^ corner of Crown, now Liberty street, and Nassau street. The reader may have noticed the tall pile of building with little port- hole windows tier above tier. In that place, crowds of American prisoners were incarcerated, pined, sickened, and died. During the suffocating heat of summer, when my school-room windows were all open, and I could not catch a cooling breeze, I saw oppo- site to me every narrow aperture of those stone walls filled with human heads, face above face, seeking a portion of the external air. What must have been the atmosphere within ? Andros's description of the prison ship tells us. Child as I was, this spec- tacle sunk deep in my heart. I can see the picture now. In Rivington's Gazette, may be seen several controversial letters between the commissaries of prisoners, Sprout and Skinner, respecting the treatment of prisoners. CITY OF NEW YORK, 143 CHAPTER XL Ckij of New York from 1776 to 17S0— Battle of Monmouth — Indian Hostilities on the Mohawk — Massacre at Cherry f alley. The Walton House in the city of New York, is now No. 326 Pearl street. This family nriansion was, in its time, a thing to wonder and gaze at. It was erected in 1754 by Wilham Walton, a prosperous English merchant, who resided in Hanover Square, (now part of Pearl street,) and this splendid dwelling was built out of town. It was bequeathed by the founder, who died a bachelor, to his nephew William, who was one of the king's or governour's council before the revolution ; and it still remains family property. Built of bricks imported from Holland, and ornamented by brown stone water-tables, lintels, and jambs, it stands a monument of ancient English archi- tecture. The staircase in the ample hall, the carved work in various parts without and within, (I presume all imported,) give it an air of aristocratick grandeur which our modern palaces are deficient in. During the war of the revolution, the commanders of the British army and navy occupied the Kennedy House, now a part of No. 1 Broadway, the Beekman House in Hanover Square, the Ver- plank House in Wall street, and others ; but the Walton House was the residence of its hospitable owner. In Gaine's Gazette of December, 1776, the repetition of the word reteZ, in every paragraph, becomes ludicrous. Of Wash- ington's force he says, " such a miserable set of ragged creatures were never scraped together before, as those who form the rebel army in Pennsylvania." Rivington had advertised, "price one shilling. The Battle of Brooklyn, a farce in two acts, as it was performed on Long Island, on Tuesday, the 27th of August, 1776, by the representatives of the Tyrants of America, assembled at Philadelphia." The rebel army was supposed to be annihilated. Their great General Lee, was safe in the old City Hall, in Wall street, with sentinels in his apartment, and before its door. He was confined in one of those dungeon-like places which had been crowded with the victims of the negro plot. The English army was cantoned on the banks of the Delaware, ready to cross when the ice made a bridge. General Washington had secured the boats, and had 144 BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. feeble detachments, under the command of Lord Stirling, stationed at the passes down the river, towards Philadelphia. The troops, now fortunately commanded by Sullivan instead of Lee, joined the commander-in-chief; but most of them were unfit for action. Those under Gates, likewise arrived ; but their term of service had expired, (owing to the short enlistments, so fatally adopted by their general,) and only by the great exertions of Washington, were a part of them persuaded to re-enlist for six weeks. Gates pleaded sickness, and left head-quarters to recruit for himself in Philadelphia. With this shadow of an army, the commander-in- chief meditated the blow that was to save Philadelphia, and per- haps the continent. He had, however, with him, " good men and true," Greene, Knox, Sullivan, Stirling, Cadwalader, and other native Americans, to whom we must add the good old Scotch phy- sician. General Mercer. Sir William-Howe affected to treat Lee as a deserter, and threat- ened to try him as such ; but Washington, having in his power the field-officers taken at Trenton, and others, let Howe understand that as Lee was treated then must be treated, and offered to ex- change a certain number of them for him. In the meantime, as the garrison of New York had been weakened by the troops throw^n into New Jersey, Washington ordered General Heath, with such militia as could be commanded, to make a movement on to the British line at Kingsbridge. Heath invested Fort Independence, summonned the garrison to surrender, and then, (perhaps very prudently, considering the kind of force he had,) as they refused, marched away again. 1778 On the 2Sth of June, 1778, occurred the memorable battle of Monmouth, which, although occurring in New Jersey, is too intimately connected with the history of New York, to be passed over in silence. For the following account, I am indebted to Mr. Stone.* ' " No sooner had Great Britain been apprized of the alliance between France and her revolted colonies, than it was determined to evacuate Philadelphia, and concentrate the royal army at New York. Accordingly, on the 18th of June, the British troops crossed the Delaware into New Jersey, and commenced their march for New York, ascending the east bank of the river to Allentown, and thence taking the lower road leading through Monmouth to Sandy Hook. General Washington, anticipating this movement, had previously detached a division of the army under General Maxwell, to impede the enemy's march. It was known that General Gates was approaching with the army from the north, and the enemy's * Life of Brant, Vol. I. pp. 343 to 346. BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 145 motions were no sooner ascertained, than General Wayne was despatched, with one thousand chosen men, to strengthen the Hnes. The IMarquis de Lafayette was directed to take command of the whole force thus sent in advance, while Washington himself moved rapidly forward with the main army. It was his design to bring on a general, and, if possible, decisive engagement. The result of his movements for that object was the battle of IMonmouth, fought on the 28th of June. The dispositions for this engagement were admirably arranged on the night of the 27th, the position of the enemy being such as to afford the best adv^antages for an attack upon his rear the moment he should get in motion. Such being the intentions of the commander-in-chief, they were communicated to General Lee, who was ordered to make his dispositions accord- ingly, and to keep his troops lying upon their arms to be in readi- ness at the shortest notice. At five in the morning of the 2Sth, the front of the enemy was observed to be in motion, and orders were instantly despatched to General Lee to move on and attack, "un- less there should be very powerful reasons to the contrary." Lee was also advised that Washington was himself advancing to sup- port him. After marching about five miles, ' to the great surprise and mortification' of the commander-in-chief, he met the whole advanced corps retreating, by the orders of Lee, ' without havmg made any opposition, except one fire given by a party under Colo- nel Butler, on their being charged by the enemy's cavalry, who were repulsed.'* Lee was sharply rebuked, and placed in arrest. Hurrying to the rear of the retreating corps, which the commander- in-chief found closely pressed by the enemy, he arrested their flight, re-formed them, and with the aid of some well served pieces of artillery, at once checked the enemy's advance, and gained time for making such dispositions as the emergency of the case required. The battle soon became general, and was obstinately contested at various points through the whole day, until dark — Sir Henry Clin- ton and General Washington heading their respective armies in person. By the misconduct of Lee, however, and an errour of General Scott in the morning, advantages had been lost which entirely disconcerted the views of tJie commander-in-chief, and deprived the American arms of a victory which was all but certain. Still, die fortunes of the day were so far recovered, that, from being the pursued, 'the Americans drove the enemy back over the ground they had followed, and recoTcred the field of battle, and possessed themselves of their dead; but, as they retreated behind a morass very difficult to pass, and had both flanks secured with thick woods, * Letter of Washingion to ihe President of Congress, July 1, 1778. VOL. II. 19 146 BATTLE OF MOM MOUTH. it was found impracticable for the Americans, fainting with fatigue, heat, and want of water, to do any thing more that night.'* " Both armies encamped in the field, and lay upon their arms ; Washington himself sleeping in his cloak under a tree in the midst of his soldiers. His intenUon was to renew and end the battle on the following morning, not doubting as to the issue. Indeed, the result of that day's fight was justly considered a victory by the American officers, and but for the conduct of Lee in the morning, it would almost beyond question have been decisive. t But the purpose of the commander-in-chief to renew the engagement was frustrated by a silent midnight retreat of the enemy — so silent, in- deed, that his departure was not known until the morning. A variety of circumstances concurred to render a pursuit by the Ame- ricans unadvisable ; among the principal of which were, the extreme heat of the weather, the fatigue of the army, from its march through a deep sandy country, almost entirely destitute of water, and the distance the enemy had gained by his midnight march. A pursuit, it was believed, would answer no valuable purpose, and would cer- tainly be fatal to numbers of the men, several of whom had perished of heat on the preceding day. The American commander there- upon di-ew off his army to the Hudson, crossed over, and once more established his head-quarters at White Plains. INIeantime, Sir Henry Clinton pi'oceeded to Sandy Hook, and thence passed his troops over to New York. The loss of the Americans in this battle was eight officers and sixty-one privates killed, and one hun- dred and sixty wounded. That of the enemy was three hundred and sixty-eight in killed, wounded, and missing, and about one hundred taken prisoners. One thousand of their men deserted on their march. Both parlies claimed the victory, which was in fact won by neither. The advantages, in the earlier part of the day, were in favour of the British ; in the after part, of the Americans. The stealthy retreat of the former, moreover, covered by the dark- ness, left no doubt as to which army was best prepared to renew the conflict with the return of daylight." The Indian hostilities en the Mohawk are among the important transactions of this year, for the particulars of which, I am again indebted to Mr. Stone,| whose knguage I have, as on other occa- sions, borrowed, with little or ro variation. * Letter of Washington 'to his brother, John Augustine Washington, July 4th, 1778 t In a letter to General Gansevoort from Colonel Willett, who was on a visit to head-quarters at the time of the battle of Monmouth, the colonel says : " I have had the pleasure of seeing the American army, under the great General Washing- ton, triumph over the haughty British, in the battle of Monmouth. The action was grand, and ended gloriously." — Manuscript letter of Col. Willett. t Stone's Life of Brant, Vol. L pp. 362 to 368. INDIAN HOSTILITIES. 147 " The position of Fort Schuyler was of the ihst importance, as the key to the western entrance of the JMohawk country ; but it was nevertheless, too remote from the upper German settlements of the valley, to afford them protection from sudden irruptions of the ene- my, avoiding that fortress in their apjiroach. The consequence was, that the work of destruction was actively prosecuted among the settlements referred to, during the summer of this year. The first blow was struck upon a small and rather secluded hamlet, called Andrus-town, situated about six miles south-east of the German Flatts, on the 18th of July, by a small party of Indians, led by Brant in person. This settlement consisted of seven families, planted upon a lot of one thousand acres. They were in affluent circumstances for borderers, and the object of the invasion was plunder. The settlement was utterly destroyed — every thing of value that could be removed, was carried away — the houses and other buildings was reduced to ashes — an aged man named Bell, w^ith his son and two others, was killed — one other inhabitant perished in the flames of his own house — and the remainder of the little colony were carried into captivity. Advices of this catastro- phe had no sooner reached the Flatts, than a party of resolute Whigs determined to pursue the marauders, among whom was John Frank, one of the committee of safety. Arriving at the scene of desolation, they hastily buried the dead, and continued their march, accompanied by six or seven friendly Indians, to the Litde Lakes — where, also, was a small white colony known as " Young's Settlement," from the name of its founder. Here it was discovered that the enemy was so far in advance that the chase was relin- quished. But as Young, the head man of the setdement, was a Tory, as also was his next neighbour, a man named Collyer, the exasperated Whigs avenged, to a small extent, the destruction of Andrus-town, by plundering and burning their habitations. " But the most considerable event of the season in that vicinity, was the entire destruction of the comparatively extensive and popu- lous settlement of the German Flatts. This settlement, originally called Burnetsfield, from the circumstance that the patent had been granted by Governour Burnet, extended over the richest and most beautiful section of the Mohawk Valley, comprehending the broad alluvial lands directly beyond the junction of the West Canada creek and the river, and including about ten miles of the valley from east to west. Midway of die setdement, on the south side of the river, yet stands the ancient stone church, the westernmost of the line of those structures built under the auspices of Sir William Johnson. A short distance east of the church stood the large and massive-built stone mansion of the Herkimer family, which, like the church itself, was used as a fort. Hence it was called Fort Herkimer. On the north side of the river, upon a gravelly plain. 148 _ INDIAN HOSTILITIES. elevated some ten or fifteen feet above the surrounding flatts, stood Fort Dayton. " At the time of which we are writing, the settlement on the south side of the river numbered thirty-four dwelling-houses, and there were about an equal number upon the north side, together with as many barns and other out-buildings, and several mills. The population, for the number of houses, was numerous. The lands, rich by nature, and well cultivated, had that year brought forth by handfuls ; so that the barns were amply stored with their products. *' It was at the close of August, or early in the month of Sep- tember, that this fine district was laid waste by the Indians under the direction of Brant. Most providentially, however, the invasion was attended with the loss of but two lives — one man being killed outright, and another, named M'Ginnis, perished in the flames. The pardculars of this hostile irruption were these : — Entertaining some suspicions of Brant, who was at Unadilla, a scout of four men had been despatched into that vicinity for observation. Three of these menw^ere killed at the Edmeston settlement. The fourth, John Helmer, succeeded in making his escape to the flatts at half an hour before sundown, just in time to announce that Brant, with a large body of Indians, was advancing, and would, in a few hours, be upon them. All was, of course, terrour and alarm through the settlement ; and the inhabitants — men women and children — were gathered into Forts Dayton and Herkimer for security. In flying to those defences, they gathered up the most valuable of their stufi', and by means of boats and canoes upon the river, succeeded, in the course of the evening, in collecting a large pordon of their best articles of furniture. But they had no time to look after their flocks and herds. " Early in the evening, Brant arrived at the edge of the settle- ment, but as the night came on excessively dark and rainy, he halted with his forces in a ravine, near the house of his Tory friend, Shoemaker, where the younger Butler and his party were captured the preceding year. Here the chieftain lay with his warriours un- til the storm broke away toward morning — unconscious that his approach had been notified to the people by the scout in season to enable them to escape the blow of his uplifted arm. Before the dawn he was on foot, and his warriours were sweeping through the settlement ; so that the torch might be almost simultaneously ap- plied to every building it contained. Just as the day was breaking in the east, the fires were kindled, and the whole section of the val- ley was speedily illuminated by the flames of houses and barns, and all things else combustible. The spectacle, to the people in the forts, was one of melancholy grandeur. Every family saw the flames and smoke of its own domicil ascending to the skies, and INDIAN HOSTILITIES. 149 every farmer the whole product of his labour for the season dissolv- ing into ashes. " Having no fire-arms larger than their rifles, the Indians avoided even a demonstration against the forts, notwithstanding their chagrin that neither scalps nor prisoners were to grace their triumph. But as the light of day advanced, their warriours were seen singly, or in small groups, scouring the fields, and driving away all the horses, sheep, and black cattle that could be found. Nothing upon which they could lay their hands was left ; and the settlement, which, but the day before, for ten miles had smiled in plenty and in beauty, was now houseless and destitute. Happily, however, of human life there was no greater sacrifice than has already been mentioned. After the Indians had decamped with their booty, a force of be- tween three and four hundred militiamen collected, and went in pursuit — following as far as Edmeston's plantation on the Unadilla river, where the bodies of the three scouts were found and buried. But no other results attended this expedition. A party of the Onei- da Indians was more successful. They penetrated into one of the Unadilla settlements, burnt several houses, retook some of the cattle driven from the German Flatts, and brought off a number of priso- ners. " But the acquisitions of booty by the Indians at the German Flatts were more than counterbalanced, a i'ew days afterward, by their losses in their own chief towns, Unadilla and Oirhkwaoa, which were invaded, and in turn laid waste, by Colonel William Butler, with the 4th Pennsylvania regiment, a detachment of Col. Morgan's riflemen, then recently stationed at Schoharie, and a corps of twenty rangers. Having marched from Schoharie to the head waters of the Delaware, and descended that stream two day's march, Colonel Butler struck off thence to the Susquehanna, upon which he emerged in the neighbourhood of Unadilla. He approached the settlement with great caution ; but the enemy had left the place several days before. Two of the white settlers, Tories, were made prisoners, however, one of whom was compelled to guide the forces of Butler to Oghkwaga, which service he performed. The town was taken possession of without interruption, the Indians having fled the day before in the greatest confusion — leaving behind a large quantity of corn, their dogs, some cattle, and a great part of their household goods. The march of Butler's troops had been fatiguing, and the vegetables and poultry, which they found here in great abundance, enabled them to fare sumptuously during their stay. The town was uncommonly well built for an Indian setde- ment, there being a considerable number of good farm-houses on either side of the river. These were all destroyed, together with the Indian castle three miles farther down the river, as also large quantities of provisions, intended for their winter's supply. They 160 MASSACRE AT CHERRY VALLEY. saw nothing of the enemy, and lost only^one man at that place, who was shot by an Indian straggler, lurking in ambush. Returning to Unadilla, that settlement, upon both sides of the river, was burnt, as also a grist-mill and saw-mill — the only ones in the Susquehanna valley." We now come to the melancholy tragedy of Cherry Valley, in November of this year. In consequence of the exposed situation of that place. General Lafayette had ordered the erection of a forti- fication there early the preceding spring. The command of the post was solicited by Colonel Gansevoort, but it was given to Co- lonel Ichabod Alden, at the head of an eastern regiment, unfortu- nately but litde accustomed to Indian warfare. I borrow the details from Mr. Stone.* " On the 8th of November, Colonel Alden received a despatch from Fort Schuyler by express, advising him that his post was to be attacked by the Tories and Indians. The intelligence had been conveyed to Fort Schuyler by an Oneida Indian, reporting that he received it from one of the Onondagas, who had been present at a great meeting of the Indians and Tories at Tioga, at which the de- termination was formed. In consequence of the lateness of the season, the inhabitants, not anticipating any further hostilities before spring, had removed their effects from the fortification, where, du- ring the summer, they had been deposited for safety, back to their own dwellings. On the receipt of this intelligence, they requested permission to remove once more into the fort, or at least to be allowed again to deposite their most valuable property within its walls. But Colonel Alden, discrediting the intelligence as an idle Indian rumour, denied their solicitations, assuring the people that he would use all diligence against surprise, and by means of vigi- lant scouts, be at all times prepared to warn them of approaching danger. Accordingly, scouts were despatched in various direc- tions on the 9th. The party proceeding down the Susquehanna, as it were in the very face of the enemy, very wisely kindled a fire in the evening, by the side of which they laid themselves down to sleep. The result might have been forseen. They vt'ere all priso- ners when they awoke ! " Extorting all necessary information from the prisoners so op- portunely taken, the enemy moved forward on the 10th — Butler with his rangers, and Thayendanegea with his Indians — encamping for the night on the top of a hill, thickly covered with evergreens, about a mile south-west of the fort and village of Cherry Valley. The snow fell several inches during the night — the storm turning to rain in the morning, with a thick and cloudy atmosphere. The Life of Brant, Vol. I. pp. 372 to 378. MASSACRE AT CHERllY VALLEY. 151 officers of the garrison were accustomed to lodge about among the families near the fort ; and from the assurances of Colonel Alden, the apprehensions of the people were so much allayed, that they were reposing in perfect security. Colonel Alden himself, with Stacia, his lieutenant-colonel, lodged with Mr. Robert Wells, a gendeman of great respectability, recently a judge of ihe county, who was, moreover, an intimate friend of Colonel John Butler, as he had also been of Sir William Johnson.* Having ascertained the localides in which the officers lodged, the enemy approached the unsuspecting village in the greatest security, veiled by the haze which hung in the atmosphere. An alarm was, however, given, before the enemy had actually arrived in the village, by the firing of an Indian upon a setUer from the outskirts, who was riding thither on horseback. He was wounded, but nevertheless pushed forward, and gave instant information to the vigilant colonel. Strange as it may seem, this officer still disbelieved the approach of an enemy in force — supposing the shot to have proceeded from a straggler. But he was soon convinced of his errour ; for even before the guards could be called in, the Indians were upon them. Unfortunately, probably, for the inhabitants, the rangers had halted just before entering the village to examine their arms, the rain having damaged their powder. During this pause, the Indians sprang forward ; and the Senecas, being at that period the most ferocious of the Six Nations, were in the van. The house of Mr. Wells was instantly surrounded by the warriours of that tribe, and several Tories of no less ferocity, who rushed in and massacred the whole family, consisting at that time of himself, his mother, his wife, his brother and sister, John and Jane, three of his sons, Sam- uel, Robert, and William, and his daughter, Eleanor. The only survivor of the family was John, who was then at school in Sche- nectady. His father had taken his family to that place for safety some months before, but his fears having subsided, they had just removed back to their home. Colonel Alden, having escaped from the house, was pursued some distance down a hill by an Indian, who repeatedly demanded of him to surrender. This, however, he refused to do, turning upon his pursuer repeatedly, and snapping his pistol, but without effect. The Indian ultimately hurled his tomahawk with unerring direction at his head, and rushing forward, tore his scalp from him in the same instant. Thus, in the very out- set of the battle, fell the commander, who, had he been as prudent as he was brave, might have averted the tragick scenes of that hap- less day. Lieutenant-colonel Stacia was made prisoner ; and the * Robert Wells was the father of the late distinguished counsellor, John Wells, of New York. 152 MASSACRE AT CHERRY VALLEY. American guards, stationed at the house of Mr. "Wells, were all either killed or taken. " The destruction of the family of INIr. Wells was marked by circmnstances of peculiar barbarity. It was boasted by one of the Tories, that he had killed Mr. Wells while engaged in prayer — certainly a happy moment for a soul to wing its flight to another state of existence ; but what the degree of hardihood that could boast of compassing the death of an unarmed man at such a mo- ment ! His sister, Jane, was distinguished alike for her beauty, her accomplishments, and her virtues. As the savages rushed into the house, she fled to a pile of wood on the premises, and endea- voured to conceal herself. She was pursued and arrested by an Indian, who, with perfect composure, wiped and sheathed his drip- ping knife, and took his tomahawk from his girdle. At this instant a Tory, who had formerly been a domestick in the family, sprang forward and interfered in her behalf — claiming her as a sister. The maiden, too, who understood somewhat of the Indian language, implored for mercy. But in vain. With one hand the Indian pushed the Tory from him, and with the other planted his hatchet deep into her temple ! " The fort was repeatedly assaulted during the day, and at times with spirit ; but Indians are not the right description of troops for such service, and being received by a brisk fire of grape and mus- ketry from the garrison, they avoided the fort, and directed their attention chiefly to plundering and laying waste the village, having sated themselves in the onset with blood. In this work of destruc- tion they were unmolested, since, numbering more than twice as many as the garrison, a sortie was felt to be unwarrantable. " Among the families which suffered from the tomahawks of the Indians and Tories — for the latter, as at Wyoming, were not to be outdone by their uncivilized allies — were those of the Rev. Samuel Dunlop, and a Mr. Mitchell. Mrs. Dunlop was killed outright, and tius shared the fate of Mrs. Wells, who was her daughter. Mr. Dunlop and another daughter would likewise have been murdered but for the interposition of Litde Aaron, a chief of the Oghkwaga branch of the Mohawks, who led the old gentleman, tottering beneath the weight of years, to the door, and stood beside him for his protection. The Indians attempted to plunder him of some of his attire, but the sachem compelled them to relinquish that portion of their spoil. The venerable servant of God, shocked by ihe events of that day beyond the strength of his nerves, died within a year afterward. " The case of Mr. Mitchell was still more painful. He was in the field at work when he beheld the Indians approaching ; and being already cut off from his house, his only course was to betake himself to the woods. On returning to his home, after the enemy MASSACRE AT CHERRY VALLEY. 153 had retired, he found his house on fire, and within its plundered walls the murdered bodies of his wife and three of liis children. The fourth, a litde girl often or twelve years of age, had been left for dead. But signs of life appearing, the parent, having extin- guished the fire, which had not yet made ir.uch progress, brought his little mangled daughter forth to the door, and while bending over her, discovered a straggling party of the enemy approaching. He had but just time to conceal himself, before a Tory sergeant, named Newberry, rushed forward, and by a blow of his hatchet extinguisiied what litde growing hope of life had been left, by a darker though less savage enemy than himself. It is some conso- lanon, while" recording this deed of blood, to be able to anticipate the course of events, so far as to announce that this brutal fellow paid the forfeit of his life on the gallows, by order of General James Clinton, at Canajoharie, In the summer of the following year. On the next day, Mr. Mitchell removed his dead to the fort with his own arms, and the soldiers assisted in iheir interment. Several other families were cut oft' — the whole number of the inhabitants slain being thirty-two, mostly women and children. In addition to these, sixteen soldiers were killed. Some of the inhabitants es- caped, but the greater proportion were taken prisoners. Among the former were Mrs. Clyde, the wife of Colonel Clyde, who was absent, and her family. She succeeded in reaching the woods with her children, excepting her eldest daughter, whom she could not find at the moment ; and although the savages were frequently- prowling around her, she yet lay secure in her concealment untd the next day. The eldest daughter, likewise, had made a success- ful flight, and returned In safety. Colonel Campbell was also absent"; but hastening home on hearing the alarm, he arrived only in time to behold the'destructlon of his property by the conflagra- tion of the village, and to ascertain that his wife and children had been carried into captivity. The to'rch was applied indiscrimi- nately to every dwelling-house, and, In fact, to every building in the v'illage. The barns, being filled with the combustible products of husbandry, served to render the conflagration more fierce and terrlfick ; especially to the fughive inhabitants who had escaped to the woods for shelter, and whose sufferings were aggravated by the cons( lousness that their retreating footsteps w^ere lighted by the flames of their own households. " The prisoners taken numbered between thirty and forty. Th^y were marched, on the evening of the massacre, down the vallty about tw^o miles south of the fort, where the enemy encamped for the night. Large fires were kindled roundabout the camp, intc the centre of which the prisoners, of all ages and sexes, were pro- miscuously huddled, and there compelled to pass the hours till morning — many of them half naked, shivering from the inclemency VOL. II. 20 154 MASSACRE AT CHERRY VALLEY. of the weather, with no shelter but the frowning heavens, and no bed but the cold ground. It was a dismal night for the hapless group — rendered, if possible, still more painful by the savage yells of exultation, the wild, half-frantlck revelry, and other manifestations of joy on the part of the victors, at the success of their bloody en- terprize. In the course of the night, a division of the spoil was made among the Indians, and on the following morning the march was resumed ; although parties of the Indians returned to prowl among the ruins of the village or hang upon its outskirts, during the greater part of the day, and until reinforcements of militia from the Mohawk V^alley began to arrive, when they dispersed. " The retiring enemy had not proceeded far on their way, before the prisoners, with kw exceptions, experienced a change in their circumstances, as happy as it was unexpected. They had been separated, for the convenience of travelling, into small groups, in charge of different parties of the enemy. On coming to a halt, they were collected together, and informed that it had been deter- mined to release all the women and children, excepting Mrs. Camp- bell and her four children, and Mrs. Moore and her children. These it was resolved to detain in captivity as a punishment to their husbands, for the activity they had displayed in the border wars. With these exceptions, the women and their little ones were imme- diately sent back. " Having thus, in a great measure, disencumbered themselves of their prisoners, the enemy proceeded on their journey by their usual route at that period, down the Susquehanna to its confluence with the Tioga, thence up that river into the Seneca country, and thence to Niagara. Mrs. Cannon, an aged lady, and the mother of Mrs. Campbell, was likewise held in captivity; but being unfitted for travelling by reason of her years, the Indian having both in charge despatched tlie mother vath his hatchet, by the side of the daughter, on the second day of their march. Mrs. Campbell was diiven along by the uplifted haichet, having a child in her arms eighteen months old, with barbarous rapidity, until the next day, when the was favoured with a more humane master. In the course of the march a straggling party of the Indians massacred an English family named Buxton, residing on the Butternut Creek, and reduced their buildings to ashes. " Thus terminated the expedition of Walter N. Butler and Jo- seph Brant to Cherry Valley. Nothing could exhibit an aspect of more entire desolation than did the site of that villaae on the fol- lowing day, when the militia from the Mohawk arrived, too late to afford assistance. ' The cocks crowed from the tops of the forest trees, and the dogs howled through the fields and woods.' The inhabitants who escaped the massacre, and those who returned from captivity, abandoned the settlement, until the return of peace should MASSACRE AT CHERKY VALLEY. 165 enable them to plant themselves down once more in safety ; and in ihe succeeding Summer the garrison was withdrawn and the post abandoned. " Next to the destruction of Wyoming, that of Cherry Valley- stands out in history as having been the most conspicuous for its atrocity. And as in the case of Wyoming, both in history and popular tradition, Joseph Brant has been held up as the foul fiend of the barbarians, and of all others deserving the deepest execra- tion. Even the learned and estimable counsellor, who so long reported the adjudicated law of the State of Aew York, in the tri- bute to the memory of the late .John Wells, with which he closed the last volume of his juridical labours, has fallen into the same popular errour ; and applies the second stanza in the striking pas- sage of ' Gertrude of Wyoming,' which called forth the younger Brant in vindication of his father's memory, to the case of his de- parted and eminent friend. It was indeed most true as applied to the melancholy case of Mr. Wells, of whose kindred ' nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth,' had been left by the Indians. But it may be fearlessly asserted that it was not true as coupled with the name of Joseph Brant. It has already been seen that Brant was not the commander of this expedition ; and if he had been, it is not certain that he could have compelled a different re- sult. But It is certain that his conduct on that fatal day was neither barbarous nor ungenerous. On the contrary, he did all in his power to prevent the shedding of innocent blood ; and had it not been for a circumstance beyond his control, it is more than proba- ble that the distinguished counsellor referred to, would not have been left ' alone of all his race.' Captain Brant asserted, and there is no reason to question his veracity, that on the morning of the attack, he had left the main body of the Indians, and endeavoured to anticipate their arrival at the house of Mr. Wells, for the pur- pose of affording protection to the family. On his way it was ne- cessary to cross a ploughed field, the yielding of the earth in which, beneath his tread, so retarded his progress, that he arrived too late. " But this is not all. On entering one of the dwellings, he found a woman employed in household matters- ' Are you thus en- gaged,' inquired the chief, 'while all your neighbours are mur- dered around you?' The woman replied that they were in favour of the king. ' That plea will not avail you to-day,' replied the warriour. ' They have murdered Mr. Wells's family, who w^ere as dear to me as my own.' ' But,' continued the woman, ' there is one Joseph Brant : if he is with tlie Indians, he will save us.' 'I am Joseph Brant !' was the quick response : ' but I have not the command, and I know not that I can save you ; but I will do what is in my power.' At the moment of uttering these words, he observed the Senecas approaching. ' Get into bed quick,' he 156 MASSACRE AT CHERRY VALLEY. commanded her, ' and feign yourself sick.' The woman obeyed, and when the Indians came up, he put ihem off with that pretext. Instantly as they departed, he rallied a few of the Mohawks by a shrill signal, and directed them to paint his mark upon the woman and her children. ' You are now probably safe,' he remarked — and departed. " Another instance, from the same authority, will serve farther to illustrate the conduct and bearing of this distinguished Indian leader on that occasion. After the battle was over, he inquired of one of the captives for Captain M'Kean, who had retired to the Mohawk Valley with his family. ' He sent me a challenge once,' said the chief; 'I have now come to accept it. He is a fine sol- dier thus to retreat!' It was said in reply: 'Captain M'Kean would not turn his back upon an enemy where there was a proba- bility of success.' ' I know it,' rejoined Brant : ' he is a brave man, and I would have given more to lake him than any other man in Cherry Valley : but I would not have hurt a hair of his head.' " Sullivan's expedition. 157 CHAPTER XII. SiiUiva}i''s Expedition — Vdii Schaick^s Exi^cdition against the Onondagas — Caplvre and Rccaplnre of Stony Point — Exploit of Major Lee — Other military operations — Hot summer — Second great fire in New York — Explosion in the Harbour — Severe Winter — Unsuccessful attempt on Staten Island. 1779 This murderous fiffliir, and a similar massacre at Wyoming, led to the determination of sending a force to lay waste the Indian settlements. General Sullivan accepted the command, refus- ed by Gates, and marching through partof New Jersey and Pennsyl- vania, arrived at the desolated Wyoming, on the 17th of June, 1779. Here, every thing being prepared, on the last of July the army pushed forward upon the Indian settlements, the stores and artil- lery passing up the Susquehanna in one hundred and fifty boats. Having destroyed an Indian town, and built a fort, Sullivan awaited the junction of another portion of his army, which approached (under General James Clinton) by the way of the jMohawk. The expedition was complete in its effect. The Six Nations sustained a signal defeat, with the loss of about thirty men on the part of the Americans. Eighteen of their villages were destroyed, and their whole territory laid waste.* About the same time a spirited and successful expedition was led by Colonel Van Schaick against the Onondagas, of which I will extract an account from the work of an anonymous writer,t bearing strong marks of authenticity, and which he declares to be derived from a source known by him to be correct, and by access to private papers of a most interesting kind : "The defeat of Burgoyne did not free the frontier of this state from the most harassing alarms. Sir John Johnson and the famous Brant, assisted by the Senecas and the upper nations, were con- stantly, during this year and the following, engaged in the detesta- ble pursuit of plunder, in firing settlements, in taking scalps and murdering defenceless women and children. So complete was the • Marshall's Washington, Vol. IV. chap. iii. i The Sexagenary or Reminiscences of the American Revolution, pp. 136 to 147. 15S VAN schaick's expedition. terrour excited by their movements that at one time our disheartened citizens were on the point of abandoning their liomes forever, and in the words of Colonel Van Schaick, in an official letter to Gene- ral Washington, ' Schenectady, under present circumstances, must inevitably become our frontier setdement.' The expedition of Ge- neral Sullivan and General James Clinton, one of the bravest and most resolute of soldiers, had their effect in one quarter, while that of Colonel Van Schaick was also productive of the best conse- quences in another. The Onondagas had become so faithless as to act in alliance with the English, and from their position were of immense detriment to our cause. On the morning of the 19th of April, 1779, Fort Schuyler was a scene of busy preparation. After long continued inaction, which was only interrupted by par- tial skirmishes between our foragers and the Indians that continu- ally hung about the fort, orders were given to the men to prepare for their departure. It was an early hour, while the fog and grey mist of the morning in some measure concealed their movements, that the detachment sallied forth, consisting of 558 men, including of- ficers. Colonel Van Schaick, — the gallant Marinus Willet, then Lieutenant Colonel, — and Major Cochran, were the field officers of the detachment. They were accompanied by 29 batteaux, into which were placed provisions for eight days, and which were on the previous night cautiously and skilfully removed over the carry- ing place into Wood Creek. A sufficient number of soldiers with five officers, were left in charge with them to assist the batteaux men, and hurry them on. The others pushed on smartly to the old *' scow place," as it was called, twenty-two miles by land from the fort. They reached this place at three o'clock in the afternoon, but the distance being greater by water, the boats did not all arrive until ten o'clock at night. Indeed the numerous obstructions of- fered by the trees that had fallen into the creek, were of themselves very formidable difficulties, overcome only by the determined spirit of the men. As soon as the boats reached the place of rendezvous, the troops were all instantly embarked, and the flotilla moved to- ward Oneida Lake. Once in the night the boats in front were or- dered to lie too while those in the rear came up. A cold and dreary head wind made their progress slow and tedious, but the oars were plied with unremitting diligence. It was not until eight o'clock in the morning that they arrived in Cesser's Bay, where the batteaux were again to rendezvous. The detachment then moved forward with as much expedition as possible for the Onondaga landing at the head of the lake opposite old Fort Brewerton, where they arrived at three o'clock, P. M. The boats were then left at that place under proper guard, and the detachment pushed forward towards the enemy. Nine miles, however, was all the distance achieved during the remainder of the day. The night was a dark VAN schaick's expedition. 159 cold one — the heavens gathered blackness around, and the men could fancy without the aid of very lively imaginations, that the woods teemed with savages, ready to fall upon them. Indeed the movements of the hostile Indians, aided by powerful bands of tories and refugees, under the command of Johnson and Brant, had been marked by such fatal celerity, as to leave room for apprehen- sions at every assailable point throughout the western wilderness. The troops, therefore, lay on their arms all night, and were not permitted to light their evening fires. Silently were the watches kept, and with a few words the weared soldier partook of his evening meal. Silence and secrecy were indeed indispensable to the success of the expedition, and the soldier of two wars, who was responsible for its success, made every arrangement with pro- found judgment. " Early the next day, as soon as it was practicable to proceed, the detachment moved on to the Salt Lake, since so celebrated for the villages that adorn its shores, the wealth poured into the coffers of individuals, and for its salines more precious than mines of gold. At nine o'clock they reached an arm of the lake. This was forded at a place where the distance was two hundred yards across, and the depth of the water was for most of the distance four feet. The men, however, marched in good order through, and pushed on with redoubled speed to the Onondaga Creek. Here it was that a war- riour of that celebrated tribe was captured by Captain Graham, who commanded a light infantry company. He was the first Indian dis- covered, and was instantly taken. Had he escaped, the result of the expedition would have been somewhat uncertain. At this point it was that arrangements were made to effect a complete surprise. Captain Graham was ordered on in advance to attack the nearest settlement of the Indians only two miles distant, while the old Colo- nel hurried his men by companies as fast as they could cross the creek on a log, (which fortunately served as a bridge,) where the stream was not fordable. One by one the troops passed over in safety. The circumstance of this log remaining in its place over the stream, is a remarkable one; it was of immense service and ob- viated the delay of seeking a place to ford at a critical moment. It was the redman's Thermopylae. On this occasion a few could have kept off our troops, for a time at least, which might have enabled their warriours to rally if not to defeat the expedition. It allowed the commander to get into the heart of the enemy's country before they were apprised of his coming. The careless shouting of soldiers on similar occasions, and the heedless discharge of fire arms, would have led the wary and powerful Onondagas to a knowledge of their impending danger. " The advance of Captain Graham could, however, be no longer concealed when in the vicinity of the castle he was employed ia 160 VAN schaick's expedition. making prisoners. When the whole detachment arrived at this place whicli was the princi[)al town situated in the hollow, and was large and well peopled, the alarsn spread. Conceahnent of their purpose was no longer possible, 'i'he Indians gave way on all sides, making for the woods. Colonel Van Schaick then despatched difterent parties by different routes to get in the rear of the other settlements, which were scattered over in different directions eight miles, and they were ordered to move on with the greatest despatch. The alarm spread, however, in spite of every previous precaution, but such was the haste in which they fled, and such was the ardour with which they were pursued, that they had not time to carry off a sinf infantry, he explained his wishes to that offi- cer, and requested him to ascertain if any suitable person could be found in his regiment, who woidd undertake so hazardous and responsible a service. It was essential, that he should be a man of capacity, address, and mihtary knowledge. " Colonel Knowlton assembled several of his officers, stated to them the views and desires of the G'eneral, and left the subject to their reflections, without proposing the enterprise to any individual. The officers then separated. Captain Hale considered deliberately what had been said, and finding himself by a sense of duty in- clined to the undertaking, he called at the quarters of his intimate friend, Captain Hull, (afterwards General Hull,) and asked his opinion. Hull endeavoured to dissuade him from the service, as not befitting his rank in the army, and as being of a kind for which his openness of character disqualified him ; adding that no glory could accrue from success, and a detection would inevitably be followed by an ignominious death. "Captain Hale replied, that all these considerations had been duly weighed, that " every kind of service necessary to the public good was honourable by being necessary," that he did not accept a commission for the sake of lame alone or personal advancement, that he had been for some time in the army without being able to render any signal aid to the cause of his country, and that he felt impelled by high motives of duty not to shrink from the oppor- tunity now presented. " The arguments of his friend were unavailing, and Captain Hale passed over to Long Island in disguise. He had gained the desired information, and was just on the point of stepping into a boat to return to the city of New-York, when he was arrested and taken before the British commander. Like Andre, he had assumed a character, which he could not sustain ; he was " too little accustomed to duplicity to succeed." The proof against him was so conclusive, that he made no effort at self-delence, but frankly confessed his objects ; and, like Andre, wid)out further remarks " left the facts to operate with his judges." He was NATHAN HALE. 199 sentenced to be executed as a spy, and was accordingly hanged the next :nornIn2;. " The sentence was conformable to the laws of war, and the prisoner was prepared to meet it with a fortitude becoming his character. But the circumstances of his death aggravated his sufferings, and placed hiu) in a situation widely diilcrent from that of Andre. The facts were narrated to General Hull by an officer of the British commissary department, who was present at the ex- ecution, and deeply moved by the conduct and fate of the unfor- tunate victim, and tlie treatment he received. " The provost-martial was the noted brutal bully Captain Cun- ningham ; who refused the attendance of a clergyman, the conso- lation of a Bible, or the privilege of writing to his mother. " Alone, unfriended, without consolation or sympathy, he closed liis mortal career with the declaration, " that he only lamented he had but one life to lose for his country." Wnen Andre stood upon the scaffold, he called on all around him to bear witness, that he died like a brave man. The dying words of Hale embodied a nobler and more sublime sentiment : breathing a spirit of satis- faction, that, although brought to an untimely end, it was his lot to die a martyr in his country's cause. " There was a striking similarity between the character and acts of Hale and Andre, but in one essential point of ditlerence the former appears to much the greater advantage. Hale was pro- mised no reward, nor did he expect any. But Andre had a glo- rious prize before him ; the chance of distinguishing himself in a military enterprise, honours, renown, and every allurement, that could flatter hope and stimulate ambition." A monument was raised to Andre in Westminster Abbey. The memory of Hale long a|)peared to be lost. Dr. Dwight first did justice to his virtues ; other writers have examined and applauded his self-sacrifice, and at length the name of Captain Hale is en- graved by gratitude upon the hearts of his admiring countrymen. Sir Henry Clinton, even after the return of his envoys, wrote another letter to General Washington, in the apparent hope of saving his young favourite ; but before it was sent the servant of Andre arrived in the city, and the fate of his master was fully known. To Lord George Germaine, the British commander de- tailed all the circumstances of the transaction : the commission of the sufferer was sold, as he had requested, for the benefit of his mother and sister. They were recommended to the king for his favour ; who granted a pension to the mother, and offered Jcnitrht- Jiood to Andre's brother. This was certainly commendable ; but the honours flowing from the reputed snnrce of honour, to Arnold, appear more questionable. The traitor was caressed openly as a person of worth, integrity and honour. He was made a brigadier- 200 SUBSEQUENT CONDUCT OF ARNOLD. general in his majesty's service, and with his majesty's pay pro- moted to the command of armies. The price stipulated to be paid for his treason, the British general of course was bound to pay ; but it appeared very extraordinary, that a wretch who had been bought by gold to betray to death those he was sworn to protect, should be entrusted with the fortunes and lives of his majesty's officers and soldiers, whose safety was confided to the English commander-in-chief. Sir Henry paid the trahor .£6315 sterling : and he was ranked as a brigadier-general ; but I shall show that he did not confide to him the welfare of those he was appointed to command ; his powers for destruction were only allowed free scope when exerted in the unnatural business of burn- ing the dwellings and shedding the blood of his countrymen : spies were placed over him, to arrest his arm the moment he was even suspected of intention to injure the power to whom he had sold himself. Scarcely had Arnold arrived among his new friends, when he published an address to his betrayed countrymen, and a proclama- tion inviting his former military associates to follow his example. To comment upon these publications at the present day seems unnecessary : at the time of publication they only excited the sneers of the traitor's pretended iriends, and the disgust of his country. Yet the British ministry seemed to think the offers of the traitor would have effect with the American army, and pres- cribed the rewards that might be paid by Sir Henry Clinton to those who should desert from the standard of Washwgton to that of Arnold. Some few were found base enough to make such an exchange for the sake of ten hard guineas ; but they were not na- tive Americans, or if such, were not worth retaining by the one, or being received by the other, though assimilated to him by debt and depravity. It appears that the British ministry had confidence in the asser- tions and representations of Arnold, although Sir Henry Clinton had none in his integrity. Though Arnold had continued true to the flag which had pur- chased him, and did all possible mischief in Virginia, his disposi- tion to falsehood manil'e.ned itself in his letters to Lord George Germaine ; which pointed out the ease with which West Point might be taken by a coup-de-main, or " a kw days regular attack." The British minister relying upon his new auxiliary, wrote to Sir Henry Clinton, expressing some degree of surprise that he had not achieved so important a conquest, which was so easy of ac- complishment. By the minister's letter, the English commander knew the danger he incurred from the pen of the ex-rebel-general. He in his answer, told the minister that Arnold had never repre- sented the post in question as of so easy acquisition ; but if he will ARNOLD SUSPECTED BY CLINTON. 201 now convince btm that it is so, he probably shall make the attempt. *' 1 have therefore" lie conthiues, " required that general officer to send his plan of operation to me without delay, and to follow or accompany it liimself." It ap|)ear3 strange, that Sir Henry Clinton should entrust a trai- tor with the hves and liberty of armies as he did. But 1 have been assured by a gentleman of the most unblemished character, now far advanced in years, that when Arnold departed from New York in the command of tlie army with which he committed depre- dations in the Chesapeake, " a dormant commission" was given to Colonels Dundas and Simcoe, jointly, by Sir Henry Clinton, au- thorizing them, if they suspected Arnold of sinister intent, to su- persede him, and put him in arrest. This proves that Clinton did not trust him, and we may reasonably suppose that such a watch was set upon his conduct on other occasions. The gentleman who communicated this fact to me, was in his youth a confidential clerk in Sir Henry Clinton's office, and copied and delivered the dormant commission as directed. This explains a passage in Clinton's letter to his government, in which he says, " this detachment is under the command of General Arnold, with whom I have thought it right to send Colonels Dundas and Sim- coe, as being officers of experience, and much in my confidence.' VOL. II. 66 202 champe's adventure. CHAPTER XIV. Champe''s Adcniturc — Indian Warfare — Fate of Huddij — Further History of Ft! La )i Alien — Neiv Ha?nj)shire Grants — Controversies v)ith Vermont — British attemj^ts to scdtice Vermont — Indejjcndence of Vermont recognized. Sergeant Champe's adventure, as told by Major Henry Lee,* seems to belons: to the treason of Arnold : While the fate of Andre was still in suspense. General Washing- ton determined, if it was possible to get "possession of Arnold, he would make him the victim, and use his influence to spare the life of the young officer who had placed himself in the situation of a spy. He sent for, and consulted Major Lee. The plan proposed was, for a trusty and intelligent man to present himself as a deserter to the enemy, and enlist in the corps that was then forming under Arnold's particular patronage; and then by the aid of certain persons in New York with whom Washington cor- responded, to seize the traitor, and bring him off to a party on the west side of the Hudson, who should be ready to receive him. Lee mentioned the sergeant-major of his legion as being a man fit for the enterprize, but feared that his sense of honour, and the ex- pectations he had of receiving a commission, would prevent his con- senting even to appear in the character of a deserter. The general commissioned Lee to give assurances that he would stand be- tween the sergeant and disgrace, and advanced every argument that could be suggested to engage him in the enterprize. Lee departed, furnished widi full instructions, and letters to the agents in New York who were to join in the attempt. After a long conference with Champe, the major prevailed upon the sergeant to undertake the execution of the scheme; and as no time was to be lost, he im- mediately prepared himself and his horse for the perilous expedi- tion. Champe entered into the plan, as it proved, with all bis soul. That very night, having made himself master of Washington's instructions, (one of which was in no case to take the life of Arnold, as that would be interpreted assassination, whereas a solemn sacri- fice of the criminal was the object to be attained,) he a little before * Memoirs of the war in the Southern Department. champe's adventure. 203 midnight withdrew his horse from the picket, and with his cloak, sword, valise, and orderly book, mounted to pursue his way to Paulus Hook, by such routes as his experience suggested to be best for avoiding patrol or scouting parties. Scarcely half an hour had elapsed, when Lee's lieutenant brought him information that a patrol had fallen in widi a dragoon, who on being challenged had clapped spurs to his horse and escaped. The subaltern was all impatience for orders to send off men in pursuit, and the major tried by every device to delay such an unwelcome procedure. He feigned the dulnessof a man awakened irom sound sleep, although his anxiety had prevented any approach to that state ; he affected to believe that it could not be a dragoon ; or if one, that his inten- tion was not desertion. The lieutenant pressed the matter — pa- raded the troop, and showed that one was missing, and that one Sergeant-major Champe. " I have ordered a party for pursuit," added the zealous officer, " and they only await your orders." Lee delayed as long as possible ; but orders must be given, and the dragoons were spurred on to overtake the supposed deserter by every motive which the honour of the corps could suggest. The leader of the pursuers was nominated by Lee ; he was sent for and received his orders. This was a young cornet. Off the party dashed, leaving the major in a state of extreme anxiety. About three o'clock in the afternoon, Lee was called from his tent by the shouts of his soldiers, and he saw the cornet approaching with his party, one of the dragoon's leading the sergeant-major's well-known horse, with his cloak, sword-scabbard, and other accoutrements. That Champe was dead, and that he had occasioned his death, was the heart-rending thought this appearance suggested to Lee. The cornet reported that they had traced the deserter during the night by the marks of his horse's shoes, left on the road, owing to a recent shower of rain. (The shoes of the dragoon horses were unlike others.) That at daybreak he continued with more speed in the chase, and as he approached Bergen, gained sight of Champe, who likewise saw his pursuers. At the village of Bergen, the ser- geant-major, after riding through several devious streets, took the road to the right, determining to make for some Briush galleys that he knew were stationed near the shore, and not approach Paulus Hook, as was at first intended. This change of course baffled the cornet for a time ; but gaining information from a countryman who had seen a dragoon spurring out of the village, the party again pushed forward upon the track of the fugitive. When in sight of the galleys, Champe made a halt, tied his valise (which contained the orderly book, his clothes, money, etc.) to his shoulders, drew his sword, and again spurred for the shore. This momentary halt brought his pursuers within a few hundred yards of him. When near the marshy edge of the water, the sergeant dismounted, rushetJ 204 champe's adventure. throiiirli the sedire, threw himself into the water, and called on the grilleys for help. A boat was launched to receive the deserter, (as no one could doubt hini to be,) and some guns were fired to Keep otf Ills pursuers. Tiie re[)ort of the ])arty who had returned with the sergeant-major's horse, cloak, scabbard, and accoutrements, eased Major Lee of his apprehensions for the safety of Champe. The account given by the commander of the galleys of what he had witnessed, would be an ample credential for the sergeant. He was examined by Sir Henry Clinton, received with favour, found an opportunity to communicate with the agents of Washington, re- siding in New York ; and to further the plan, enlisted in Arnold's legion. One of those to whom Champe was introduced, prepared every thing for seizing and carrying off the traitor; Champe communicat- ed his progress to Lee, who, by the general's orders, prepared to receive Arnold. In the mean time, Andre was condemned and executed. Therefore the only qwA in view by the capture of Ar- nold was his punishment. Champe gave notice to Major Lee, that being appointed one of the recruiting sergeants for Arnold's legion, he had every necessary opportunity for the execution of the plan. Adjoining to the garden of the house in vv'hich Arnold resided was an alley ; and by removing some of the palings, and replacing them in apparent security, the conspirators were to enter, guided by Champe, seize their intended victim when he returned, as was his invariable custom, at midnight, from his visits of business or plea- sure, and retire to the garden. They were to gag him, carry him off through the alley, and to a boat prepared and lying at a wharf on the nordi river. If questioned, they were to represent him as a drunken soldier whom they were conveying to the guard-house. Washington ordered Lee to be ready on the opposite shore to receive Arnold, and prevent any personal injury to him. The ma- jor repaired at night to the appointed place, with a party of dra- goons. Hour after hour passed, but no boat approached. The day broke, and with the led horses prepared for Champe and his prisoner, Lee retui-ned to camp. In a {t\^ days he was informed by the agent in New York, that on the day previous to the appoint- ed night, Arnold had removed his quarters to be near the place of embarkation for the expedition to the Chesapeake ; and that the legion, to which Champe was attached, had been shipped among the first of the troops, for fear of the men deserting. Thus the sergeant-major was entrapped, and instead of crossing the Hudson with his general as a prisoner, was carried off to Virginia, and em- ployed in warfare against his countrymen. From this unwelcome service he found means to free himself, and when Lee's legion was acting against Cornwallis in the south, the sergeant-major most un- expectedly joined his old comrades ; and the mystery of his flight, INDIAN WARFARE. 205 with the wlivolo story, beiiis; soon known, he wa? received by tlie corjjs with aj)|)lauie an;.! welcome. After the treason of Aniohl, the mihtary transactions of the war were priiici;);i!ly tj-anslerrcd to the south. General Gates, at Cam- den, lost an army and Wn reputation. Daniel Mori^an became a general, and famous for the defe.U oi' Tarleton, at the Cowpens, and Washington terminated the war, in fact, by the surrender of Cornwallis and his army, at York, in Virginia. General Greene took the place of Gates, who was doomed to a court of enquiry, which was never held ; but General Washiuiiton restored him to his comn)and and rank, as oldest major-general. 17S0 At midsummer, in I7S(), Brandt, the Indian chief before mentioned, with a body of tories and Indians, laid waste the district of Canajoharie, at a time when the militia weie on service at Fort Schuyler. Sir Jolm Jolinson wreaked his vengeance on Schoharie, which he burnt, and with his savages on the ISth of October, laid Caui^hnaWaga in ruin-;, sweeping with the besom of destruction the valley of the Schoharie Creek. Johnson passed up the north side of the iMohawk, burning all in his course. General Van Rensselaer, who commanded in this district, ordered out Co- lonel Brown with his militia ; but they were not in sufficient force to withstand the enemy, and the colonel, and thirty of his men, I'ell in the attempt. Johnson took post near the Mohawk castle, or village, and fortified the spot, by a breastwork thrown across a neck of land, in part surrounded by the Moliawk River. Here he placed his regiment of regulars and tories. His Indians occupied an elevated wood, in his neighbourhood. General V^an Rensselaer attacked the Indians, drove them from their cover, and they fled towards the Susquehanna. Johnson's troops resisted until night, and un- der its cover they escaped from the intended attack of the next day. Johnson and his tories, Indians, Canadians, and lilnglishmen, in October, 17S0, left the vale of the Schoharie Creek, strewed with the wrecks of a happy population, notwithstanding the brave resist- ance of the inhabitants, who in many encounters with these savages displayed a courage worthy of the cause they fought in — the cause of liiimavity. 1781 Early in 1781, while yet the country was covered with snow, the enemy succeeded in capturing several of the gar- rison of Fort Schuyler, and Major Nicholas Fish, one of our very worthy citizens, but lately deceased, by great efforts succeeded in relieving the garrison. In July, Colonel Marinus Willet command- ed at this fort. A party of three hundred Indians and tories, led by one John Doxtader, were scouring the IMohawk valley, and had even burned a village within a short distance of Schenectady, when Willet, ever prompt, and active, having by his scouts learned their number and situation, marched with one hundred and six men, du- ring a dark night, to the vicinity of the enemy's camp, which was 206 INDIAN WARFARE. in a thick swamp near Cherry Valley. Major INfcKean joined Willet with thirty men ; and they came in siglit of the swamp about daybreak. Colonel Willet drew up his party in two parallel lines, and ordered them to conceal them.^elves behind trees. Major Mc- Kean occupied the right, and Willet, with one hundred men, the left of the line. Two men were sent to pass over an open piece of ground as a decoy, with orders when discovered by die enemy, to run in between the two lines. The plan succeeded. The Indians raised their war cry and pursued the fugitives; but as they approached the ambush they were received by a deadly fire from right and left. They retreated, and betook themselves to trees for shelter: but Willet now ordered a charge with the bayonet, and, wavinT hjs hat with a linrnih. led on his men, drivins; the savage foe through the encampment, which, with all their recently accumu- lated plunder, fell into the hands of the victors. The enemy was pursued toward the Susquehanna. Marinus Willet was for a time mayor of the city of New York ; and when in advanced life he could be induced to speak of Indian warfare, the old man. would say, " there is nothing like encouraging your men with a hurrah ; I was always good at a hurrah :" and he was a soldier that not only cheered his men, but led them. About a month after this, a party of British, Indians, and tories, penetrated from Canada, and encamped in the neighbourhood of Johnson Hall. It was about a mile from the village of Johns- town, to the north. Colonel Willet marched from his garrison with three hundred men, on the 22d of iVugust, determined to attack the invaders, allhough they amounted to at least six hundred, under the command of Major Ross, and the savage, Walter Butler. Ross advanced from his encampment with all his force, and met Willet with only two hundred n)en, he having detached Colonel Harper to make a circuit through the woods, and fall on the enemy's rear. At the first fire from this superiour force, Willet's men gave way, and fled to the hall, where he endeavoured to rally them, but in vain. They retreated to the village, and here he was joined by a body of two hundred militia. In the mean time. Harper had gained the rear of the enemy, and commenced an at- tack. Willet now advanced, and routed the barbarians, who were pursued through the wilderness for miles. The murderer of Cherry Valley, Waller Butler, was killed by an Oneida Indian during the pursuit. A party of this tribe (which had been uniformly on the American side) had joined in pursuing the routed enemy ; and Butler, on horseback, reached the West Canada Creek, and swam his horse over. One of the Oneidas was on the bank opposite to Butler, when he turned and defied his pursuers. The Indian dis- charged his rifle, and the murderer fell. " Throwing down his rifle and blanket," says Mr. Campbell, " the Indian plunged into the FATE OF HUDDY. 207 creek and swam across ; he raised his tomahawk, and with a yell, sprang, like a tiger, upon his fallen foe ; Butler supplicated for mercy ; the Oneida with uplifted weapon shouted in broken Eng- lish, ' Sherry Valley ! Sherry Valley !' and then buried his toma- hawk in the brain of his victim. The place is called Butler's ford to this day." 1782 During the year 1782, and for some time after, Wash- ington was obliged to appear with great severity, to do justice to the fate of Ca|)tain Hiiddy. The province of Connecticut possessed great advantages, in having a governour of her own clioice, and other officers, instead of being like New York and New Jersey, ruled over by men appointed by England. The evils Connecticut experienced dur- ing the war, were from open hostility and invasion ; her towns were burnt in common witli those of other states, and her brave sons fell in battle as elsewhere ; but they were united. Tlieir governour and magistrates directed their actions as they had done before the contest commenced : which the magistrates placed over New Jersey and New York by England, raised the torch of discord among the inhabitants of those states, and with the cry of "loyalty" and "government" in their mouths, encouraged all those atrocities which make the sanguinary struggles of civil war so peculiarly ■ disgusting. Tiyon, of New York, and Franklin, of New Jersey, by encouraging England with false representations, to commence and continue die war, stirring up the toiies, and arming neighbour against neighbour, were the causes of scenes at which humanity rev^olts. Besides the corps raised by Delancey and Skinner, there were bands called " Associated Loyalists," who were under the di- rection of a " Board," of which William Franklin v/as the presi- dent. These banded lories were even more lawless and ferocious in their predatory warfare than the " new corps," and were held in greater detestation by their former neighbours. They had fled from their homes, seduced by the king's troops, and found them- selves deprived of property, disappointed in their hopes, consid- ered as traitors by their early associates, and as inferiours by their English friends. They had received and inflicted personal inju- ries ; and the bitterness of warfare was increased by every selfish and malignant passion. Huddy early in the war took up arms for his country. In the course of the contest he had assisted in apprehending traitors who resided among the people, and acted as emissaries of the enemy ; and he avowed that in one instance he had assisted at the execution of a man legally condemned for treason. In the spring of 1782, Captain Huddy was stationed for the defence of a place called Tom's river, and had command of a few men, and an unfinished rude blockhouse. He was attacked by a very superiour party of 208 FATE OF HUDDY. refii2:ees, or loyalist?, sent from New York to destroy this post, which was in the way ot" their pIiuKleriiig expeditions. Hnddy and his small garrison defended themsehes hravely, but in vain ; they were overpowered, part killed, and the remainder, with the captain, taken to New York. This was in the month of April. After one night's confinement in the " main guard," (that is the dungeon or prison of tlie City hall in Wall street,) the prisoners were crowded into the Sugar house. But it appears that in this place they were not so completely under the control of Franklin, and the " Board of Associated Loyalists," and were therefore removed to tiie I'rovost. Here they were in the power of the brutal Cunningham. During his confinement a party of refugees had been made pris- oners, and one of them (Philip White) attempting to escape from the horsemen who guarded them, was killed. This was represent- ed in New York by the enemy as an intended and barbarous mur- der, and seems to have given rise to the determination of Gover- nour Franklin and his associates. A captain of refugees, named Lippincot, was found ready to execute the designs of the board of loyalists, even without a written order from Franklin ; it a])pearing that the piisoners had been before given up by Captain Cunning- ham to the ex-govenour's agents, on an order from the secretary of the board, wid) very little cereniou)', aiul no reluctance. W^hlle Huddy rested as content as his fellow prisoners, in the Provost, he was demanded by Lippincot, delivered up with two others by Cunningham, put on board a vessel, irons screwed to his hands and feet, and on asking the reason of this treatment, he was told that they were taking him down to the Hook to be hanged. He was received on board a British armed vessel, until Lippincot had made his arrangements. A British commander in his ma- jesty's navy furnished the rope. This prisoner of war was taken on shore, a gallows was prepared, under which he was placed on a barrel, ancl a negro performed the part of executioner, under di- rection of Lippincot. The barrel was knocked away, and the body of Huddy, who died, as they said, " like a lion," left for the con- templation of his neighbours, with a paper affixed to it, which had been prepared before Lippincot received his orders from the board of associated loyalists. " Up goes Huddy for Philip White." This atrocious murder caused a demand from General Wash- ington that the perjietrator should be given up ; and a notification that if this justice should be refused, a prisoner of equal rank with Huddy must be sacrificed, to prevent a recurrence of such dis- graceful acts. In consequence of this demand, Li|)pincot was confined under the care of his friend Cunningham, tried for the murder, and acquitted. It appears tliat he was considered to be authorized by the orders of Franklin and the board of loyalists. FATE OF HUDDY. 209 A bold party, headed by Captain Hyler of Brunswick, deter- mined to seize Lippincot, even in the heart of the garrison of New York. They ascertained tlie place of his residence, which was in Broad street, and disguised as English men-of-war' s-inen, they embarked near the Hook, landed boldly in Aew York, and proceeded to the house of their intended victim ; l)ut they were disappointed. The refugee captain was absent, gambling at a cock-pit. The party, of course, could not attack him there, nor remain long in their perilous situation ; but returned safe and un- discovered. The demand of General Washington not being complied with, all the captains of the British army who were prisoners of war were brought together, and required to draw lots to determine which of them should die. The lot fell on a youth of nineteen, a favourite among them all, and every eye, British or American, was tilled with tears, as the vouna: victim reco2;nized his doom. His name was As2;il. Great intercession was made to save this young man ; and as, happily, the termination of the war was known to be near, he was spared. There is a mysterious atrocity brought to light by the trial of Lippincot, which, if it had not been published by the honourable men who composed the court, all English officers, or Americans in the service of England, I could not have believed. It appears that William Franklin, as chief, or president of the board of asso- ciated loyalists, had authority from some quarter (or he knew that he would be upheld by some supreme power in so doing) to take from the provost-marshal any prisoner he chose, and commit him to men who were ready to obey the ex-go vernour of New Jersey, in any act of murder. The testimony of Cunningham, and others, received and believed by the court, proves this. And although there is no proof adduced on this trial (and probably it would be avoided) that others were murdered as Huddy had been, but with less publicity, it is difficult not to infer that such had been the case. That Franklin and the board of refugees had this power, is pi'oved ; that it was exercised on Huddy is undeniable ; and that neither Franklin, nor any other of his confederates, was called to account for it. The mysterious movements of the British on Lake Champlain, and of Ethan and Ira Allen with others in respect to Canada, kept the state of New York in constant agitation, until the New Hamp- shire grants became by interference of Congress, and reluctant consent of New York, the state of Vermont. Ethan Allen is so mingled with all these transactions, that I must give an account of him from the time he was a prisoner to the enemy. We left iMr. Allen on board of a British vessel, and in irons, by VOL. II. 27 210 ETHAN ALLEN. order of General Prescott the commandant of Montreal, after the failure of the rash attempt on that place in September, 1775.* It was in vain that Allen remonstrated against such unworthy treatment, and contrasted it with the manner in which he had be- haved to the officers made prisoners by him at Ticonderoga. Pres- cott saw in those officers, the servants of his most gracious majesty, grossly injured, by being deprived of their garrison and liberty : in Allen, he only beheld a daring rebel and traitor — a pitiful pro- vincial American. The British general did not deign to answer the call of the rebel for humanity, and Allen remained in irons, handcuffed and shackled, thrust into the hold of a vessel, with a chest for his bed, which was furnished by the humanity of one of the crew, but even on that, his massive chains, and the bar of iron to which they were attached, would not permit him to rest in a posture which nature requires. For five weeks, Allen and his companions in captivity, re- mained thus, all treated as condemned criminals. The ap- proach of Montgomery, caused the removal of Allen with his floating dungeon to Quebec ; and being transferred to another ves- sel, he found in the captain, a gentleman. Captain Littlejohn or- dered the irons to be struck off, and admitted him to his table. This respite was short. Arnold appeared in the neighbourhood of Quebec, and Montgomery having captured Montreal, was descending the St. Lawrence. Allen was transferred to a despatch vessel destined for England, and placed under the guardianship of Brook Watson, This wretch (his subsequent riches and the honours showered upon hm by those he served, do not render the term inapplicable,) was a New England adventurer, who, under the mask of patriotism, in- gratiated himself with the leaders in opposition to the designs of Great Britain, and having obtained such knowledge as he thought would entitle him to payment for the communication, fled to Mon- treal with his intelligence, and openly declared himself an enemy to his country. He was rewarded by the ministry, with the post of commissary-general to the British armies in America, and I well remember him on his return to America in office, parading the streets of New York in scarlet, at the same time with Arnold, and in the same blushing colours. He was subsequently lord mayor of London, and a member of the British parliament, where he made himself memorable by his argument in favour of the slave trade, giving as a reason for its being continued and cherished by Great Britain, that the abolition would injure the market for the re- fuse fish of the English fisheries, they being purchased as food for the English slaves, in their West Indies. • Ante, p. 13 — I refer the reader to Spark's Life of Allen, (Am. Biog. Vol. 1,) paeeim. ETHAN ALLEX. 211 To this enemy of God and man, was Allen consigned, and he found from him such treatment as might be expected. His hand- cuffs were replaced, and with thirty-three Americans, manacled in the same manner, he was confined in one loathsome jyen, for forty days, during the passage of the vessel. On entering the har- bour of Falmouth, these thirty-four Americans were permitted to see the li2;ht of day, and breathe the air of heaven, bv being for the first time, brought upon deck. The dress in which Allen was taken prisoner, and which had undergone no change except from hard usage, and long confine- ment, is thus described. " While in Canada, he had clothed him- self, in a short fawn skin, double breasted jacket, a vest and breeches of sagathey, worsted stockings, shoes, a plain shirt, and a red worsted cap." Thus arrayed, he was marched from Fal- mouth, with his companions, to Pendennis Castle, affording a spectacle to the crowds that followed, and who doubtless received and propagated the description of an American, from that ex- hibition. In their new prison, they found themselves comparatively comfortable. They were still in irons, but they had airy room, straw, and good food. The fame of Allen as the concjuerour of Ticonderoga, had gone before him, and although it had operated upon General Prescott and Brook Watson, as an incentive to cruelty, brave men were wrought upon to admire the daring achievement, and to honour the hardy leader : the com- mander of Pendennis, sent him breakfast and dinner from his own table, and his suppers were supplied by another admirer. He was allowed to walk on the parade ground within the walls, and many visited him to enjoy the contrast between his savage dress, and his bold, fluent, and energetick language, conveying to them informa- tion of a country to which they were strangers, except as the atro- city of rebellion against England had made them known. Allen was not at his ease respecting the fate Prescott had promised, and made use of a stratagem to convey to the British government, a hint that retaliation might be the consequence of putting him to death as a rebel. He asked permission to write to the continental congress : which being granted, he handed to the guard a letter, in which, he advised congress of the treatment he had received, but requested that no retaliation should be inflicted on British pri- soners in their power, until his final destiny should be known ; but then to retaliate according to the importance of the American cause. This letter, as he designed, was sent to Lord North ; and what- ever effect it may have had, it was soon apparent that chains and death could not be resorted to as punishments for the prisoners taken in arms resisting the forces of England in America. It was determined to treat Allen and his companions as prisoners of war, 212 ETHAN ALLEN. and their irons being removed, tliey were sent on board the Soleby frigate, to be sent back to the rebellious colonies. The captain of this ship, ordered Allen below, telling him the deck was the " place for gentlemen to walk." In the cable tier he was confined, part ot the time sick, bnt by boldly appeai'ing on deck, and claiming the privilege of a gendeman from his rank, and the captain's declara- tion, he was allowed to breathe the air again. In the Soleby, he was carried to Cork, and as soon as it was known that he was in the harbour, he, and his companions in captivity, experienced the generous sympathy of the gentlemen of Ireland. Clothes for the privates were sent, and an ample wardrobe for Allen, suited to his rank as a colonel, not forgetting two beaver hats, fiercely cocked and bound with gold lace. Not content with clothino- the rao-o;ed, they supplied abundant food for the hungry, and sea stores were furnished for all the rebels, with a feeling which indicated not only generosity and humanity, but a sympathetick attachment to the cause in which the Americans suffered. Fifty guineas were offered to Allen ; of which he accepted seven, as a resource in any pressing emergency. Such was the behaviour of the Irish gendemen of Cork — but the English gentlemen of the navy, apj>earcd only to feel chagrin at the occurrence. The captain of the Soleby, swore that the American rebels, sliould not be feasted "by the rebels of Ireland," and ordered the delicacies designed for Allen and his companions, to be given to his majesty's servants. The clothing they were ge- nerously permitted to keep. The Soleby sailed for America with a fleet, and the rebel prisoners were divided among the ships. On arriving at Cape Fear River, in North Carolina, All-en was trans- ferred to a frigate, called the Mei'cury, and his fellow captives col- lected, and placed again in his company. The captain of this fri- gate, is described, as " tyrannical, narrow minded, and destitute of the feelings of humanity." One of the Americans died on the passage from Ireland, and another escaped after arrival on the coast, by swimming. Some of them were sick, but medical attendance was denied tliem, they were shut down in the cable tier, and if they complained, were told, that they would be relieved on their arrival at Halifax, by the gallows. The Mercin-y sailed from Cape Fear Eiver on the 20di of May, and touched at the Hook off New York the first week in June. At this dme General Washington with the American army had possession of New York, and the Bridsh shipping lay in the outer harbour near the Hook. The Mercury remained here three days, during which time Covernour Tryon, and Mr. Kemp, the attorney- general of New York under tlie old government, came on board. Tryon eyed Allen, as diey were walking on difi:erent parts of the deck, but did not speak to him. It is natural to presume, that the ETHAN ALLEN. 213 late governoiir saw with a secret satisfaction tlie man in safe custo- dy, who had caused him so much nnavaihng trouble in writing proclamations. Kemp was the same attorney, whom Allen had met at Albany, when he attended the court there as agent for the patentees of the New Hampshire Grants. No man had been more active in pressing the New York claims, or in stirring up persecu- tions against the Green Mountain Boys ; and of course no one had acquired among them a more odious notoriety. This accidental meeting with Ethan Allen must have called up peculiar associa- tions in the minds of both the governour and the attorney-general. The Mercury arrived in Halifax after a short passage from New 1 oi'k. The prisoners were put into a sloop, then lying in the har- bour, and a guaixl watched them day and night. In this confine- ment they were served with so scanty an allowance of provisions, that they suffered cruelly from the distress of hunger, which, added to the attacks of the scurvy, made their condition more deplorable than it had been at any former time- They were still under the direction of the captain of the Mercury, to whom they wrote letter after letter, imploring medical aid and other assistance ; but in vain. The captain was deaf to their calls, took no notice of their com- plaints, and, to get rid of their importunities, ordered the guards to bring him no more letters. Their case seemed now reduced to the verge of despair. Allen resolved, however, to make one more effort. He wrought so far upon the compassion of one of the guards, as to persuade him to take a letter directed to Governour Arbuthnot, which was faithfully communicated. Touched with the claims of hum.anity, the governour immediately sent a surgeon to the prisoners, with instructions to administer such relief to the sick as was necessary, and also an officer, to ascertain and report the grounds of their complaint. This officer discharged his duty well, and the result was, that the next day they were removed from their dismal quarters on board the prison-sloop, to the jail in Halifax. Allen met Mr. James Lovell of Boston (afterward a member of congress, and one of Gates's faction,) in the jail of Halifax. He had been confined in the jail of Boston by Gage, and carried thence to the jail of Halifax, where he was locked up with prisoners of the lowest description. There were now together four American officers, besides Mr. Lovell, w4io, by the custom of war and the practice then existing in regard to British prisoners taken by the Americans, had a right to their parole ; but this was never granted. They were kept in close confinement till orders came from General Howe to send them to New York. Partial negociations had commenced between Ge- neral Washington and General Howe for the exchange of priso- ners, and certain principles had been laid down, by the mutual agreement of the parties, as a basis upon which to proceed. More- 0]^4 ETHAN ALLEN. over congress had instructed General Washington to make a spe- cial application in favour of Mr. Lovell and Colonel Allen, pro- posing to exchange Governour Skene for the former, and an officer of equal rank foi^ the latter. Tlie legislature of Connecticut had also interfered in behalf of Allen, and eighteen of the prisoners taken with him, who were natives of that state, and solicited con- gress and the commander-in-chief to use all practicable means for efiecting their release. The same had been done by the Massachu- setts legislature in the case of Mr. Lovell. The Lark frigate, on board of which were Mr. Lovell, Colonel Allen, and their companions, sailed from Halifax about the middle of October. Luckily they found themselves at last under an officer, Captain Smith, who' treated them with the politeness of a gentle- man, and whh the feelings of a man capable of sympathizing in the distresses of the unfortunate. The first interview is thus described by Colonel Allen. " When I came on deck, he met me with his hand, welcomed me to his ship, invited me to dine with him that day, and assured me that I should be treated as a gentleman, and that he had given orders that I should be treated with respect by the ship's crew. This was so unexpected and sudden a transition, that it drew tears from my eyes, which all the ill usages I had be- fore met with were not able to produce; nor could I at first hardly speak, but soon recovered myself, and expressed my gratitude for so unexpected a favour, and let him know, that 1 felt anxiety of mind in reflecting, that his situation and mine was such, that it was not probable it would be ever in my power to return the favour. Captain Smith replied, that he had no reward in view, but only treated me as a gentleman ought to be treated. He said, this is a mutable world, and one gentleman never knows but it may be in his power to help another." An opportunity soon occurred of verifying this last remark. They had not been at sea many days, when it was discovered that a conspiracy was on foot to destroy the captain and the principal officers, and seize the ship. An American captain, who had com- manded an armed vessel, and been recently taken prisoner, was the chief conspirator. He revealed his designs to Colonel Allen and Mr. Lovell, requesting their co-operation in bringing over the other prisoners, about thirty in number, and telling them that several of the crew were ready to join in the plot. It was known that there were thirty-five thousand pounds in money on board, and the plan of the conspirators was to take the ship into an American port, where they expected to divide the booty according to the usual rules of captures. Without waiting to discuss the laws of war, or to reason about the infamy and criminality of such an act with men, who were prepared to execute it, Colonel Allen declared with his usual decision and vehemence, that he would not listen a moment ETHAN ALLEN. 216 to such a scheme : that, in its mildest character, it was a base and wicked return for the kind treatment they had received, and that he would at every personal hazard defend Captain Smith's life. This rebuff was unexpected by the consj)irators, and it threw them into a distressins: dilemma, since the fear of detection was now as ap- pallins; to them, as the danger of their original enterprize. They then requested him to remain neutral, and let them proceed in their own way, but this he peremptorily refused ; and he finally suc- ceeded in quelling the conspiracy, by adhering to his resolution, and promising, that, as he had been consulted in confidence, he would not divulge the matter, if the leaders would pledge them- selves instantly to abandon the design. In the present state of things they were glad to accept such terms. At the conclusion of this afiair, Colonel Allen was forcibly reminded of the words of Captain Smith. Before the end of October, the Lark frigate anchored in the har- bour of New York, and the prisoners were removed to the Glasgow transport. Mr. Lovell was exchanged in a few days for Governour Skene ; and colonel Allen, after remaining four or five weeks in the transport, where he met with very civil usage, was landed in New York and admitted to his parole. Here he had an opportunity of witnessing the WTetched condition and extreme sufferings of the American prisoners, who had been taken in the battle on Long Island and at Fort Washington, and who were lefc to perish of hunger, cold, and -sickness, in the churches of New Yoik. He speaks of these scenes as the most painful and revohing, that could be conceived. Indeed numerous concurring testimonies have es- tablished it as a fact, of which not a shadow of doubt can now be entertained, that human misery has seldom been seen in such heart- rending forms, or under circumstances so aggravating. The mo- tives of the enemy for practising, or permitting cruelties so little consonant to the dictates of humanity, the customs of civilized war- fare, and every principle of sound policy, ai^ not a fit theme of inquiry in this nairative. The fact itself is an indelible stain, deep and dark, in the character of Sir William Howe, which no array of private virtues, of military talents, or public acts, will hide or ob- scure. Thepicmre drawn by Allen, coloured as it may be by the ardour of his feelings, is vivid and impressive, and its accuracy is confirmed by the declarations of several other persons, who also related what they saw. While he was on his parole in New York, a British officer of rank and importance sent for him to his lodgings and told him that his fidelity, though in a wrong cause, had made an impression upon General Howe, who was disposed to show him a favour, and to advance him to the command of a regiment of royalists, if he would join the service, holding out to him at the same time brilliant pros- 216 ETHAN ALLEN. pects of promotion and money during the war, and large tracts of land at its close. Allen replied, " that if by faithfulness he had recommended himself to General Howe, he should be loth by un- faithfulness to lose the General's good opinion ;" and as to the lands, he was by no means satisfied, that the king would possess a suffi- cient quantity in the United States at the end of the war to redeem any pledges on that score. The officer sent him away as an incor- rigible and hopeless subject. In the month of January, 1777, he was directed with other pris- oners to take up his abode on the western side of Long Island, being sdll on parole, and allowed the usual freedom under such cir- cumstances within certain prescribed limits. Here he remained in a condition of comparative comfort till x'Vugust, when he was sud- denly apprehended, environed with guards, conducted to the pro- vost-jail in New York, and put into solitary confinement. This act was on the pretence of his having infringed his parole, which he affirmed was untrue, and the whole proceeding unjust and ma- licious. But the cause was now of little moment, since he was chiefly concerned with the effect. For the space of three days he was immured in his cell without a morsel of food. The sergeant, who stood at the door, refused to be moved by offers of money or appeals to his compassion, and repelled every advance with a sol- dier's oath and the brief reply, that he would obey his orders. The pains of hunger became extreme, but they were at last assuaged; and in a few days he was transferred to anodier apartment of the jail, where he found himself in company with more than twenty American officers. On the 3d of May, 177S, Colonel Allen was released from pri- son, conducted to Staten Island, and exchanged for Colonel Camp- bell ; he then passed to Elizabethtown, and found himself once more free, and among his countrymen. After a visit to General Washington, at Valley Forge, he returned to \'ermont. Congress granted him a lieutenant-colonel's commission in the continen- tal army, and pay during his captivity. The course of Colonel Allen now becomes identified with the history of Vermont. Certain transactions of this year, make it necessary to give a brief view of the state in which the inhabitants of what had been styled the New Hampshire Grants, had continued up to this time. In the year 1778, certain towns on the east side of Connecticut river, in the state of New Hampshire, preferring the jurisdiction of Vermont, called a convention, and considering that the authority of Great Britain, which had annexed them to New Hampshire, no longer existed, resolved, that they were free to choose, and accor- dingly petitioned Vermont to receive them. The assembly of Ver- mont, not only consented to receive the sixteen petitioning towns, CONTROVERSY WITH VERMONT. 217 but resolved to take into their body any other towns, producing n vote of the majority of the inliabitants, and sending a representative to the assembly of Vermont. This tree and easy proceeding, justly alarmed New Hampshire, who trembled for the consequences of the former acts of her govern- ment and council : and she claimed her sixteen towns, of her daugh- ter Vermont ; at the same time appealing to congress, and soliciting the interference of that body. Ethan Allen was sent to Philadel- phia for information respecting the wishes of the great council of the United States. He reported, that, congress opposed the union of the New Hampshire towns, but would, if Vermont disannulled her proceedings in that matter, admit her into the union. This state of things, produced violent dissentions in Vermont, and va- rious projects for settling the government of the yet but half acknow- ledged state. In the midst of this uncertainty, Massachusetts put in a claim for a large part of Vermont, as her boundary line had never been setded with New York, and extended into the territory which had separated from that province. Governour Clinton of New York, interfered in behalf of that state, in July, 1778, and ad- vised such towns of Vermont, as weve in favour of continuing in union with the original state, to join in association for defence against the new pretensions. He likewise urged congress to de- cide the controversy between New York and the pretended state of Vermont, and asserted that the grievances complained of, by that people, arose from the provincial government of New York, and not from the present state government. In the year 1779, Go- vernour Clinton gave commissions to persons in the county of Cum- berland, which had remained attached in sentiment to New York, and the people of that county prepared to assert their right of choosing under whose jurisdiction they would live ; but Vermont would not permit this, and ordered Ethan Allen to raise the militia, and put down these hostile appearances. George Clinton, w-as not a man to be frightened from his duty, and he directed the inhabi- tants of Cumberland, to remain firm in their allegiance to New- York, promising that if they were assailed by a military force, the militia of New York, should support them. He likewise advised congress of this very disagreeable state of affairs, which called for the interposition of the general government. Congress appointed a conmiittee to repair to the before mentioned district known by thenameoftheNew Hampshire Grants, and make enquiries and adjust differences ; but in the mean time, Ethan Allen marched into Cumberland county, and seized the colonel commis- sioned by New York. Dr. Wetherspoon and Mr. Atle were de- puted from Congress to settle the affair, but they returned without having effected the purpose. Four different claims for this disputed territory were now before VOL. ri. 28 218 BRITISH ATTEMPTS TO SEDUCE VERMONT. congress, and in September, 1779, they, by a series of resolves, recommended to New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New York, to pass laws authorizing congress to determine the differences be- tween them — saying that they would tlicn determine the same — and that i| was the duty of the people of Haid district who denied the juri^sdiction 'ofnlie aforesaid stales not to exercise any power over such others as professed to owe allegiance to said three states. Vermont having declared herself independent, acted firmly accord- ing to the declaration, and paid no attention to a recommendation involving an absurdity. The governour and council published an appeal to the world, and the state proceeded to act as such. The controversy was brought formally before congress in 1780, but was postponed, leaving all parties concerned in a state of irrita- tion. It must be remembered that this disunion existed at a time when a foreign enemy was in the United States, and when this distracted territory was menaced with an invasion from the adja- cent English province of Canada. The power of Vermont was increased by the adhesion of the sixteen towns of ^ew Hampshire on the east side of Connecticut River, and by the applicadon for protection of a portion of New York adjoining Canada. The leaders, disappointed that Congress did not receive them into the Union, threatened a junction with Canada. The British ministry conceived hopes of advantage from the dissention, and the aims of the English commander in America were announced in a letter from Colonel Beverley Robinson to Ethan Allen, then a colonel in the American service. The letter was dated New York, March 30th, 1780, and was cfelivered to Allen in the street, at Arlington, in July, by a British soldier in the habit of an American farmer. — It does not appear whether this spy was detected or not ; or if detected, whether he was executed as such. By this act, Colonel Robinson had subjecled his agent to the punishment of death, we know. In this letter Robinson professed great kindness and good inten- tion towards Allen and the people of Vermont, of \\\Mm be was informed the disposition existed to unite America a^mn to Great Britain, and to restore that happy state of things \\\Mh had been so wantonly destroyed. He requests him to comimmicate freely with him, and throui^h him to the commander-in-chief — hints that by embodying the people of Vermont in favour of England, the government of the province will be his reward, and the men and officers so embodied, will be on the same footing as all the provin- cial corps are. Allen immediately laid this letter before the governour and other leaders. They advised silence. In February, 1781, Robinson wrote another letter to Allen, and enclosed a copy of the former. He says, he is confirmed in his opinion that x\Ilen and the Ver- BRITISH ATTEMPTS TO SEDUCE VERMONT. 819 monters wish to restore America " to iier former peaceable and Ijappy constitution," and assures him that tlie terms mentioned in the first letter may be obtained, and wishes to devise the mode of action for the Vermont forces, whether by uniting with the northern armv, or to meet and join an army from New York. Allen returned no answer ; but on the 9th of March, 1781, en- closed Kobinson's letters in a letter to congress, in which the right of Vermont to independence was asserted, and his determination to do every thing in his power to establish it- The hopes of the British were kept in force, and the command- ino- officer in Canada took advantage of a necociation opened by the governour of Vermont for exchange of prisoners, to pursue the plan of dividing the Vermonters from the Union. A force was sent by General Haldimand up Lake Champlain, and a fiag sent to Ethan Allen, (then a brigadier-general and the commanding officer in Ver- mont) with proposals for a cessation of hostilities during negocia- tions for an exchange of prisoners. This was agreed to, provided the truce should extend to the fi-ontiers of New York. This was a proof of Allen's attacliment to the i^merican cause ; but so strong was the belief that the Vermonters, and particularly Allen, were inclined to secede, that this stipulation did not open their eyes : it was agreed to, and the wily Yankees tricked the enemy into a for- bearance of all hostilities, which the frontiers were not in condition to guard against. Under pretence of a negociation for exchange of prisoners, commissioners were sent to meet the British agents, who proposed terms of the most tempting nature to Vermont, if she joined the royal cause. These commissioners fhianaged to dupe the English, left them in the opinion that they were in a fair way to effect their purpose, and the British forces returned to their winter quarters, leaving llie frontiers unmolested. The troops of the United States had been withdrawn ; Vermont had neither magazines, money ,^ nor an army sufficient to oppose the enemy in any attenipt from Canada, and Governour Chittenden concluded that the people of Vermont were at liberty to manage their own affairs in their own v/ay, and that the best way was to keep their enemy quiet by hopes of ultimately acceding to his pro- positions. Accordingly they pursued this course. When the news of the surrender of Cornwallis reached Vermont, the assembly was in session. The enemy were in force at Ticon- deroija, and so confident that their negociations were successful, that they made open declaration of their designs, and offered printed proclamations, inviting the people of Vermont to become happy, and the king's government and the agents of England, proposed to the leading men of Vermont, to disseminate these proclamations among the people. Who shall say, that if Washington had not been success- ful at Yorktovvn, the state of Vermont would not have been over- 220 PROCEEDINGS OF VERMONT. run by the British army from Canada, either as enemies, and con- querours, or friends and protectors ? The cautious reply of the Vermonters, was, " tliat the news of ConwaUis's surrender, would render such a step extremely danger- ous, and was the sure way to prevent all prospect of success." The British officers still entertaining hopes of producing the defection of ihe defenceless and dissatisfied state, retired with their troops to Canada. During the next year, repeated attempts were made by the Eng- lish in Canada, to conclude this business with Vermont. Haldi- mand let the governour know, that he had full powers from the king, to establish Vermont as a royal government. Allen was to be a brigadier-general, and others rewarded in proportion. The Ver- monters, continued to secure their country's safety, by appearing to listen favourably to their propositions, until the peace of 1783 rendered further dissimulation unnecessary ; but the hopes of Eng- land to divide the state of Vermont from the union, were not finally dissipated until the admission of Vermont into the Federal union under the constitution which has been our sheet anchor, unto this time. Dr. Williams,* tells us, that only eight persons in Vermont were in the secret of this correspondence with the British agents. 1 am far from justifying their conduct, although the apparent effect of it was salutary. Before this happy termination of difficulties, events had taken place which I must transcribe at length from Williams's history : In August, 17^, congress "resolved, ' that it be an indispensa- ble preliminary, to the recognition of the independence of the peo- ple, inhabiting the territory called Vermont, and their admission into the federal union, that they explicitly relinquish all demands of lands, or jurisdiction, on the east side of the west bank of Connec- ticut River, and on the west side of a line beginning at the north- west corner of the state of Massachusetts, thence running twenty miles east of Hudson's River, so far as said river runs northeasterly in its general course, then by the west bounds of the townships granted by the late government of New Hampshire, to the river running from South Bay to Lake Chumplain, thence along the said river to Lake Champlain, thence along the waters of Lake Cham- plain to the latitude forty-five degrees north, excepting a neck of , land between Missiquoi Bay and the Avaters of Lake Champlain.' " With these resolves of congress, a verbal message was sent by General Washington to Governour Chittenden, desiring to know what were the real designs, views, and intentions of the people of * History of Vermont. PROCEEDINGS OF VERMONT. 221 Vermont : whether they would be satisfied with the independence, proposed by congress ; or had it seriously in contemphition to join with the enemy, and become a British province. The governoiir returned an unequivocal and decisive answer. That there were no people on the continent, more attached to tlie cause of America, than the people of Vermont; but that they were fully determined, not to be put under the government of xNew York, that they would oppose this by force of arms, and would join with the British in Canada, rather than to submit to that government. " In October, the general assembly of Vermont met at Charles- town, in New Hampshire. The resolutions of congress were laid before them ; but although the resolves held out all that Vermont had at first claimed, or had ever expected to obtain, they did not produce a full confidence in congress; nor did they fall in with the views of those towns, which had joined Vermont, from New Hamp- shire and New York. When they had been debated, the assembly voted, October the 19th, that they could not comply with the reso- lutions of congress, of August the 20th, without destroying the foundation of the universal harmony and agreement, that subsisted in the state, and a violation of solemn compact entered into by articles of union and confederation ; that they would remain firm in the principles, on which the state had first assumed government, and hold the articles of union, which connected each part of the state with the other, inviolate ; that they would not submit the ques- tion of their independence, to the arbitrament of any power; but that they were willing and ready to refer the question of their juris- dictional boundary with New Hampshire, and New York, to com- missioners mutually chosen ; and when they should be admitted into the American union, they would submit any such disputes to congress. " The resolves of congress, though they had not been accepted by Vermont, were considered by New lork, as a virtual determi- nation of her claims. The legislature of that state, on the 15th and 19th of November, passed a number of resolutions, and a solemn protest, against the proceedings of congress. Having stated their claims, and related some of the former proceedings of congress relative to the controversy, they resolved, that the legislatuie of that state was greatly alarmed at the evident intention of congress, from jwlificnl erpcdictice, to establish an arbitrary boundary, which ex- cluded from that state, a great part of its territory ; that it was the sense of the legislature, that congress had not any authority, by the articles of confederation, to intermeddle with the former territorial extent of jurisdiction or property, of either of the United States, except in cases of dispute between two or more of the states in the union, nor to admit into the Union, even any British colony except Canada, without the consent of nine states, nor any other state 222 PROCEEDINGS OF VEKxMONT. whatsoever, nor above all to create a new state by dismembering one of the thirteen United States, without their universal consent; th.at ill case of any attempt of congress to carry into execution their acts of the 7th and 20tli of Au-hts and titles to lands within the state of Vermont, under grants from the government of the colony of New York, or from the state of New York, should cease,' those excepted, which had been made in confirmation of the grants of New Hampshire. "This proposal and declaration being laid before the legislature of Vermont, they very readily agreed to the plan, which had been concerted by the commissioners from both states ; and on October 2S, 17L>3, passed an act directing the treasurer of the state to pay the sum of thirty thousand dollars to the state of New York, at the time proposed ; adopting the western line as the perpetual boundary between the two states; and declaring all the grants, charters, and patents of land, lying within the state of Vermont, made by or under the late colony of New York, to be null and void, those only ex- cepted which had been made in confirmation of the grants from New Hampshire. " In this amicable manner, was terminated a controversy, which had been carried on with great animosity for twenty-six years. Both sides were weary of the contest, and happily for them, the general state of America led to moderation, equity, and wisdom ; and this seems to have been the only period, in which the matter could have been adjusted to the satisfaction of all parties."* The act passed by the legislature of the state of New York, au- thorizing conuuissioners to declare the consent of the state, to the independence of Vermont, expressly declared, that the act was not to be construed, to give any person claiming lands in Vermont under title from New York, rny right to any compensation what- '-ever fi-om that state. This was considered as a revolution effected "by force, and not imposing any obligation upon the government to indemnify those who suffered by the cession. t The question was argued before the assembly, and decided in 17S7. * Williams's History (if Vermont, pp. 209-304, t Kent's Comm. Vol. I. pp 178, 17t). 228 ATTEMPTS TO CREATE REVOLT IN THE ARMT- CHAPTER XV. Provisional articles of peace — Aftemjifs to create revolt in the army — Armstrong's letters — Washington'' s opposition — Peace conclud- ed — Evacuation of New York — Convention to form constitution — Washington, first President of the United States — Attempts to ridicule him — His reception in Neiu York. 1782 Notwithstanding the strenuous exertions of Lord Chatham for the subjugation of the United States, the 17S3 Enghsh parliament resolved, " that the house would consider as enemies to his majesty, and the country, all those who shall advise or attempt the further prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America." Instruc- tions were sent to Sir Guy Carleton, (who had now taken up his quarters in Kennedy's house. No. 1, Broadway, as the suc- cessor of Sir Henry CUnton,) to use his endeavours for carrying into effect the wishes of Great Britain for an accomodation with America. The commissioners on our part, were John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens; on the part of England, Messrs. Fitzherbert and Oswald. On the SOlh of November, 17S2, provisional articles were agreed upon, which were to be inserted in a treaty of peace, by which the independence of the United States was acknowledged in the most ample manner. But now came a severe trial for the man who had passed through so many trials for the good of his country, as well as its peace. General Washington was desirous that his companions in arms should submit to the ne- cessity imposed by unavoidable circumstances, accept of the pro- mises made by the yet unsettled government, and retire to their employments with untarnished laurels. But here, as throughout his life, he met the malign influence of those who had endeavour- ed to thwart the efforts of a good providence and its agents, in every stage of the contest for self-government. In December, 1782, many of the officers being apprehensive that they should be disbanded before their accounts were liquidated, drew up a memorial, and deputed General McDougall, Colonel Ogden, and Colonel Brooks, to wait upon congress with it. This produced favourable resolutions. Subsequently a report was cir- culated, by an incendiary, that congress did not mean to comply with the resolves they had published in favour of the army. This brought out an address to that body, signed by many officers, in Armstrong's letters. 229 which they ask for money, for settlement of accounts, and security for what is due. They say that their condition is wretched, and call on congress to show the world that the independence of Ame- rica is not to be based on the ruin of any particular class of citizens. This address produced resolves, that, the superintendant of finance make such payment as circumstances will permit, and that the seve- ral states be called upon to make immediate settlements with their respective divisions of the army ; that the army, as well as other creditors, have a right to security for what shall be found due, and that congress will make every exertion to obtain funds from the respective states. They could do very little more than recommend to the states, who, now that immediate pressure from without was about to be withdrawn, might be expected to fall off from that union which dan- ger produced. The negotiations continued some time. General McDougall remained at Philidelphia. Colonel Ogden appears to have been there part of the time, as we shall see by Major John Armstrong's letters to General Gates. While this disturbed state was kept up in the army, and increased as the day of separation was supposed to approach, an anonymous letter was circulated among the officers, most artfully calculated to exasperate passion, and produce the most fatal consequences. Justice can only be done to the talents of the author by reading the whole, which is preserved in the general history of the time ; from which I have made this abstract: It is dated March 1 0, 1783. The author assumes the character of a veteran who had suffered with those he addressed. He tells them that to be tame in their present situation would be more than weakness, and must ruin them for- ever. He bids them " suspect the man who would advise to more moderation, and longer forbearance." He then describes the high state in which the country has been placed by their services. And says, " does this country reward you with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration, or does she trample on your rights, disdain your cries, and insult your distresses ?" He advised them to carry their appeal from the justice, to the fears of government. " As- sume a bolder tone — say, that the slightest indignity from congress now must operate like the grave, and part you from them forever." That if peace takes place, " nothing shall separate you from your arms but death : if war continues, that you will retire to some un- settled country, with Washington at your head, and mock at the distresses of government." The insidious expression of " courting the auspices, and inviting the direction of their illustrious leader," was calculated to make the army believe that Washington would join them in rebellion against his country, and was certainly a bold artifice, coming, as it did, from one in constant ccrrespondenee with General Gates, and attached to him both by inclination and 230 -Washington's opposition. office. It was likewise an expression which called for decided action from the comuiandcr-in-chief. The author was lon:^ suspected to be JMajor Armstron;^,* who iatein life acknowledged th.: fact. He atlenipted to juslify liimself, by saying that they were written "at the solicitation of liis friends, as the chosen organ, lo express the sentiments of the officers of the army, and were only an honest and manly, though perhaps, indiscreet endeavour, to support piihlick credit, and do justice to a long-suf- fering, patient, and gallant soldiery." However wilhng I should be to attribute this " inJiicreet endeavour" to pure motives, yet, when the gendemnn goes so far as to assert that " the slander pro- pagated and believed for half a century, that two distinguished of- ficers of the revolution had conspired to put fh)wu liie connnander- in-chief, is an impudent and vile faUchood from beginning to end," I am obliged, wiih the evidence of this conspiracy before me, to hesitate, before I exonerate the writer of the letter in question from blame. The commander-in-chief noticed the anonymous address in orders, with pointed disapprobation, anil requested that the gene- ral and field officers, with a proi)er representation from the staff of the army, would assemble on the lodi instant, to hear the report of the committee deputed by the army to congress. This request was seized upon, and represented in a second paper as giving sanc- tion to the proceedings of the officers, and they were called upon to act with energy. On the loth of March, th:; commander-in- chief addressed the convention of officers, (General Gates being the chairman,) in the language of truth, feeling, and affection. He overthrew all the artifices of the anonymous writer and his friends, one of the principal of whom sat in the chair. Washington noticed the advice to mark for si/siiicion the man who should recommend mo- deration. He feelingly spoke of his own constant attention, from the commencement of the war, to the wants and sufierings of the army, and then pointed out the dreadful consequences of following the advice of the anonymous writer, eltlicr to draw their sivords ao-ainst their countrij, or retire, if war continues, for the defence of all they hold deeir. He calls to mind the scenes in which they had acted together, and pledges himself to the utmost exertion for obtaining justice to his fellows in arms. He requests them to rely on the promise of congress. He said, " I conjure you, in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honour, as you respect the rights of humanity, to express your ut- most horrour and detestation of the man who wishes, under any spe- cious pretences, to overturn the liberties of your country ; and who wickedly attempts to open the floodgates of civil discord, and de- luge our rising empire in blood." * Since known as General Armstrong. He was afterward secretary at war. PEACE CONCLUDED. 231 The convention rc-olved, unanimou?ly, ainonjz; other things, tliat " the army, hnve nnsliaken coiifulenre in congrea.s, and view with abhorrence, and reject with disdain, the h/finutnis 'fiviiosifiovs contained in a hitc anonymous acUh'ess to the officers of the army." In a letter wiitten by John Armsti'ong at Phihulelphia, to Gene- ral Gate:?, in April, I7S:3,* he mentions a plan agitated, to grant land in Muskingum to the army, and form a new state. This, he says, is intended to amuse and di\'ert the army from the conside- ration of more important concerns. In another letter he thanks Gates for cautioning hlni not to leave the papers exposed to curious and inquisitorial eye?. (The general remembered the letter of Con- way to himself.) He says, "Ogden is now here," at Philadelphia, from the army, "and, as he conceals nothing, he tells us a great deal. Atnong other things, it is said, that the army look back with horrour and regret upon the mistaken step they have taken," (pre- vious to Washington's address to them,) "and like contemptible penitents who have sinned beyond the prospect of salvation, wish to have it to do over again. It is now, however, too late — the sol- diers are anxious to disperse; no ties, no promises, will hold them longer, and with them will every loitering hope oC oi/rs break also." He prophesies civil war, and exclaims, "Can it be otherwise? will the whigs who have lent their money — and will the men who have lent their time and blood to America, sit down quietly under their wants and their wretchedness:' A dissolution of all dc/jfs, of all cre- dits, of every principle of union and society, must and will follow. And suffer me to ask, where will it stop ? God in his anger gave them a king; and we want a scourge." "One secret, however, Ogden tells me which shall be no longer so. Mr. Brooks was sent from hence widi orders to break the sentiments like those contained in t!ie anonymous address to the officers, and to prepare their minds for some manly vigorous association with the publick cre- ditors ; but the timid wretch discovered it to the only m-^n, from whom he was to have kept it, and concealed it from (hose to whom he had engaged to make it known. To be more exj)licit, he be- trayed it to the commander-in-chief, who, agreeable to the origi- nal plan, was not to have been consulted till some later period. Such a villain ! — I would have written again had I not seen the impotency of the army, and the assuiance of congress. They see our weakness, and laiigh at our resentments." On the 30ih of November, 17S2, the articles of peace were agreed to, and on tlie 2-5th f)f November, 178-J, the governour of the state, and the commander-in chief of the American armies, took possession of the city of New York. * Gates' Papers, in Library of N. Y. Hist. Soc. 232 EVACUATION OF NEW YORK. Sir Guy Carlton seemed to supersede Sir Henry Clinton, merely to adjust matters, and close the war. Brook Watson was appoint- ed commissary-general for the same purpose. Before the 2oth of November, 1 783, such of the citizens of New York, as intended to continue among their former enemies had time to make their ar- rangements, aud both Washington and Clinton gave them assurance of protection. A fleet of transports under a strong convoy, had sailed in Octo- ber, 1782, from New York for " the province of Nova Scotia, ha- ving on board a number of loyalists with their families, amounting in all to 460 persons." They were furnished by the British with provi- sions for a year — rations for a twenty-one days passage — cloathing, tools of husbandry, arms and ammunition. They are to have lands ; they go to enjoy a good government, " freed from the de- testable tyranny of seditious demagogues, and the burthen of une- qual and oppressive taxes." Most of these people returned as soon after the peace as they could find means. On that memorable day the 25th of November, 1783, General Washington entered the city by the Bowery, the only road at this time, accompanied by his friends and the citizens in general on horse- back : at an appointed hour the British troops had embarked, and their gallant fleet was standing to sea over the bay. The military of the American army was under the command of General Knox, who took immediate possession of the fort, and prepared to hoist the American colours and fire an appropriate salute. The British arms were disgraced by some underling, in knocking off the cleats and slushing the flag-staff, to prevent the American flag from being hoisted. The following is the statement of an eye-witness.* "I was on Fort George, within two feet of the flag-staff: the halyards were unreeved, the cleats were knocked oft', the flag-staff was slushed, and a sailor boy (not a man) tried three times, and got up about three feet, when he slipped dov^n — some persons ran to Mr. Goelet's, iron monger, in Hanover-square, (now Pearl street,) and got a hand-saw, hatchet, hammer, gimblets, and nails ; one sawed lengths across the board, one split the cleats, and some bored, until they had plenty of them. " The sailor boy tied the halyards around his waist, filled his out- side sailor-jacket pockets full of the cleats, then began to nail them on from the ground, on the right and left of the flag-staff; as he ascended the flag-staff, he nailed the cleats on, then he reeved the halyards, and when the American flag was then hoisted on Fort George, a salute was fired of thirteen rounds immediately, and three cheers were given. • N. Y. Commercial Advertiser of June 30th, 1831. CONSTITUTION FORMED. 233 " It took near one hour before we could hoist our American stan- dard ; at the time we were preparing to hoist it, the river was covered with boats filled with soldiers to embark on board the shipping that lay at anchor in the North river — the boats at the time lay on their oars, sterns to shore ; observing us hoisting our colours, they kept perfect silence during this time. When our salute of thirteen guns was fired, the boats rowed off to their shipping." The writer was engaged in other parts of the show until evening, when the American commander-in-chief took up his head-quarters at the tavern known as Black Sam's, and there continued until the 4th of December 1783. At noon on that day the officers met at Francis's tavern, corner of Queen street and Broad street ; a house known since for many years as a French boarding-house, the name of Queen street being changed to Pearl. Its keeper, Samuel Francis, a man of dark complexion, was familiarly known as "Black Sam." This house was the quarters of the general, and when the officers had assembled, their beloved leader entered the room, and, after addressing them in a few words, he concluded, by saying, " I cannot come to each of you to take leave, but shall be obliged to you if you will come and take me by the hand." Knox who had served with him from the commencement of hostilities, was the first to experience the parting grasp of the hero's hand ; and, in turn, all present, in silence, pressed that hand which had guided a nation through the storms of war, and was destined to rule its des- tinies during an unknown futurity. Leaving the room, he passed through a fine of his brave soldiers to Whitehall, where he entered the barge waiting for him. He turned to the assembled multitude, waved his hat, and thus bid them a silent adieu, as they then thought forever. Congress was sitting then at AnnapoHs, and he hasted to de- posit in the hands of those from whom he had received it in the year 1775, his commission of commander-in chief of the American forces. From thence he flew to enjoy as a private citizen the blessing of a home and family at Mount Vernon, with the admiration of a world. Here he continued as Farmer Washington, until called by the voice of his country to a convention for the amendment of the government founded by the old confederacy of sovereign states. The convention was held at Annapolis, in September 1786, and resulted only in holding a convention in Philadelphia in May 1787 ; this convention immediately adopted the principles of the declara- tion of independence, and George Washington as their president. On the 17th of September, 1787, the constitution under which we have lived was announced to the people. VOL. II. 30 234 WASHINGTON THE FIRST PRESIDENT. To become the fundamental law of the land, nine of the states were required to adopt it. Massachusetts was the last of the nine, but George Washington was the name which all the people, whether federalist or anti-federalist as they were then called, pronounced as the president. Although the new government was to commence its operations on the 4th of March 1789, a house of representatives was not formed until the first, nor a senate until the sixth, of April. At length the votes for president and vice-president were counted in the senate. Washington was unanimously called to the chief ma- gistracy of the nation. The second number of votes was given to John Adams. Washington and Adams were therefore declared to be duly elected president and vice-president of the United States, to serve for four years from the 4th of March 1789. Washington's election was announced to him at Mount Vernon, on the 14th of April. On the second day after receiving notice of his appoint- ment, he departed for New York, then the seat of government. In an entry made by himself in his diary, his feelings on the occasion are thus described : — " About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domestick felicity ; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York, in company with Mr. Thompson and Colonel Humphreys, with the best dispo- sitions to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations."* His progress to New York was one triumph. The City Hall had been new modelled by Major Lenfant, for the reception of the first congress under the new constitution. His reception at New York was that of a friend and conqueror. " The display of boats," he says, in his private journal, " which attended and joined on this occasion, some with vocal and others with instrumental musick on board, the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people, which rent the skies as I passed along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations as painful (con- templating the reverse of this scene, which may be the case, after all my labours to do good,) as they were pleasing."* What a con- trast is this to the words of Armstrong, in a letter addressed to Gates, dated April 7, 1789, in which, after alluding to the election of Washington and Adams, he says : " All the world here and else- where, are busy in collecting flowers and sweets of every kind, to amaze and delight him, in his approach and at his arrival ; and even Roger Sherman has set his head at work to devise some style of address more novel and dignified than ' excellency.' Yet, in the • Marshall's Washington, (2d ed.) Vol. II, pp. 138-139. t Ibid. p. 142. HIS RECEPTION IN NEW YORK. 235 midst of all this admiration, there are scepticks who doubt its pro- priety, and wits whoatnuse themselves with its extravagance. The first will grumble, and the last will laugh, and the President should be prepared to meet the attacks of both with firmness and good nature. A caricature has already appeared, called ' The Entry,' full of very disloyal and profane allusions. It represents the Gene- ral mounted on an ass, and in the arms of his mulatto man, Billy, — Humphreys leading the jack, and chaunting hosannas and birth- day odes. The following couplet makes the motto of this device : ' The glorious time has come to pass, When David shall conduct an ass.' I mention this circumstance only to illustrate my position, that wit spares nothing — neither Washington nor God — and that the former, like the latter, will have something to suffer, and much to forgive."* On the 22d of April, the common council of New York passed the following resolution : " Whereas, this board have reason to be- lieve that a very great proportion of the citizens are earnestly desi- rous to illuminate their houses on the evening of the arrival of the President of the United States, as a testimony of their joy on that interesting event, and that preparations are already made for that purpose ; it is therefore recommended to the citizens to illuminate their houses from the hour of seven to nine, in full confidence that every act of violence and disorder will be avoided, and the utmost attention paid to guard against accidents by fire ; and it is hereby required of the constables and marshals to exert the utmost vigi- lance in the preservation of peace and good order, and that all good citizens will be aiding therein : and it is further recommended, that the bells of all the churches and other public buildings commence ringing, on the president's landing, and continue for half an hour." And ,£16 were ordered to General Malcolm to provide gunpowder for the militia on the president's arrival. On the 27th of April, an address was read in the board, prepared by the mayor, Mr. James Duane, at the request of the corporation, to be presented to the new president. They offer their affec- tionate congratulations on his arrival. They express their high veneration of his character — exalted sense of his services — convic- tion that the greatest trust a free people can confer, has been com- mitted to one qualified for its discharge. They compliment him * Gates' Papers in Library of N. Y. Hist. Soc. In another letter of Armstrong's to Gates, of October 4, same year, he says: " The appointments are pretty well thought of in general. Jay, Jetferson, and Hamilton, are all very able men, and promise as much as any men could do for the honour, consistency, and firmness of the government. I am glad that he has got into such good hands ; for else he must have remained in those of Knox and Humphreys." 236 HIS RECEPTION IN NEW YORK. on the recollection of former services, and especially on his retreat from the head of a victorious army to the shades of private life — they express their pious gratitude for those circumstances which have constrained him by motives of patriotism to re-engage in the arduous duties of a public station — they rejoice to be placed under the protection of one they have long revered as the father of his country ; and consider the unanimity which prevailed in his elec- tion as a presage of the stability of the government — anticipating blessings to the country in peace, under his auspices, as it had been triumphant in war, etc. A committee was appointed to wait upon the president to know when he would receive the address. On May the 13th, the President of the United States answered to the address. He expresses gratitude and satisfaction therewith — diffidence of his abilities — thankfulness to Heaven that he has been the instrument of service to his country — claims no merit in retiring fiom the army, but is happy his motives have been duly appreciated — fears the partiality of his country induces them to expect too much from him, but hopes success from the unanimity apparent. TREATY OF PEACE. 237 CHAPTER XVI. Treaty of peace — Events intermediate between the 'peace and adoption of Federal Constitution — Settlement of boundaries of Neio York — Popvlation of the state — Shaifs rebellion in Massachusetts — Con- vention to form Constitvtion — Motives for it and its origin — Con' stitution of the United States and its construction — Parties for and against it — Doctor'' s mob — Convention to consider adaption of Con- stitution — Proceedings and debates in convention — Constitution adopted — Conclusion, The events during the period intervening between the conclu- sion of peace with Great Britain, in 1783, and the adoption of the Federal Constitution by the state of New York, have only been cur- sorily alluded to in the preceding chapter. Something more minute and in detail as to this important epoch in our civil and political history seems to be required, ere we can arrive at the completion of our labours. 1783 On the 10th of April, the treaty of peace as respected the preliminary articles, was published. The American commis- sioners were, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, as before stated. It was agreed by England to acknowledge the former colonies to be free, sovereign, and independent states ; the reUnquishing all claims, and agreeing to the boundaries from the north-west angle of Nova Scotia, formed by a line drawn due north from the source of St. Croix River, to the Highlands ; along the said Highlands (which divide the rivers falling into the St. Lawrence from those falling into the Atlantic) to the north-westernmost head of Connecticut River ; thence down along the middle of the river to the 45th degree of north latitude : thence by a line drawn due west on said latitude to the river L'oquois or Cataraquy ; thence along the mid- dle of said river into Lake Ontario and through the middle thereof and the middle of Niagara straits and Lake Erie, and the waters dividing Erie from Huron, and the middle of Huron and Supe- riour northward of the Isles Royal and Philipeaux to Long Lake, and through the middle of Long Lake and Lake of the Woods to the north-western point thereof; thejice due west to the Mississippi River and through the middle of that river until it shall intersect 238 TREATY OF PEACE, the northernmost part of the 31st degree of north latitude, south by a Une due east from the determination of the last mentioned to the middle of the river Apalachicola or Catahouche, through the middle thereof to its junction with Flint River; thence straight to St. Mary's River, and through the middle thereof to the Atlantick. East by a line drawn along the middle of St. Croix River from its mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its source, and from its source directly north to said Highlands, dividing the waters falling into the St. Lawrence from those falling into the Atlantick, as aforesaid : with all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shore of the United States, lying between lines to be drawn due east from the points where the aforesaid boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one part and East Florida on the other shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantick Ocean. Excepting such islands as nov/ are or heretofore have been within the limits of Nova Scotia. The right to take fish on the Grand Banks and other banks of Newfoundland and the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Sea is conceded ; and on the coast of Newfoundland and in all bays, harbours, etc., of the dominions of England in America, and to dry and cure fish on the umeilUd parts of said coast. Creditors on either part are secured. Congress shall recommend to the respec- tive states to restore confiscated estates, and to respect the rights of persons who have resided in districts possessed by the English armies, and have not borne arms against the United States, and all others shall have liberty to go to and fro and remain unmolested twelve months. No further confiscations to be made. Perpetual peace is stipulated ; the liberation of prisoners ; and evacuation of all places, and foits to be restored by the English, and all records, deeds, and papers. The navigation of the River Mississippi to be free to subjects of both parties. Any places conquered by ehher party before the arrival of these articles in America to be restored. Signed by Richard Oswald for Great Britain, and for the United Stales by those above named. Sir Guy Carleton insisted that it was not meant by England to restore negroes to their former owners, who had joined the British under promise of freedom. At 12 o'clock of the 19th of April, the day that terminated the eighth year of the war, the cessation of hostilities was proclaimed in the army by order of General Washington. In July, Congress met at Princeton, New Jersey. General Washington went as far north as Crown Point, and on his return took up his residence at Rocky Hill, to be near congress — where, in September, 1 had the honour and pleasure of attempting to paint his portrait in crayons, when I was seventeen years and eight months of age, and of frequenting his residence at breakfast and dinner and all hours for some weeks. On the second of November, General SETTLEMENT OF BOUJNDARIES OF NEW YORK. 239 Washington issued bis farewell orders to the armies of the United Slates from head-quaners, Rocky Hill. He resided in the family mansion of the late Mr. Berrten. Sir Guy Carleton received his orders to ev^acuate New York in August, and communicated them to Congress. Some fears were apprehended of violence towards the tories, and thi'eats appeared. However, Sir Guy appointed the 25th of November for the day of evacuation.* 1786 In this year, Rittenhouse was engaged in defining and and settling the division line between the states of New York and Pennsylvania — a line designated by the 43d parallel of latitude. He likewise determined the demarkation of a territory, the right of the soil in which the state of Massachusetts had ac- cepted in lieu of a contested claim, both to the land and the juris- diction of a large part of the state of New York. This latter duty was assigned to him by congress, who found it necessary to inter- fere in the dispute. The original grant by which Massachusetts claimed, was only limited by the Pacifick Ocean. The occupation of both banks of the Hudson by the Dutch when New Netherland was ceded to England by the treaty of Breda, and subsequent events, vested this territory in the province of New Yoi'k, and of course in the state of New York after the revolution ; but Massachusetts claimed that the cession could only affect such j)arts of New York as were actually settled at the time of the treaty, and that the whole of the territory west of them reverted to the holders of the prior grant. She however finally agreed to accept in lieu of this claim, the property of a territory divided from the rest of the state of New York by a meridian line drawn northward from a point in the nor- thern boundary of Pennsylvania, distant eighty-two miles from the Delaware River. The determinations necessary to set off this territory (out of which certain reservations were made) were made by Rittenhouse, and were the last in which he was engaged. In this year, the population of the city of New York was 23,614. That of Long Island, 30,863. That of the state of New York, 233,896. Long Island being equal to one-seventh of the state. The necessity for a government of more power, and an union of the states different from that which had barely sufficed to carry them through the war with Britain, was seen among other afflicting cir- cumstances, by the agitations of the New England states, and par- ticularly Massachusetts. Men met in conventions and in more tumultuous assemblies, and opposed the law, the judges, and courts * For STATE of the Union at the beginning; of 1783, and the causes, see 2d vol. Marshah's Washington, 2d edit. p. 75. Washington's Letter to the governours of the several states, p. 80. For revenue system and conduct of New York, see pp. 91, 92. 240 shay's rebellion. of judicature. The friends of the country mourned or were astonished at the licentiousness evinced by the young, the thought- less, the idle, among the people. Congress saw the necessity of increasing the United Stales army, if so few might be so called, and raised 2,500. General Knox then secretary at war, was sent to Springfield. Greene, much lamented, died this year in Georgia. Some of the malcontents in Massachusetts avowed a wish for an union with Great Britain ; and it was thought that Vermont was negotiating with Canada. The wise and virtuous said, " Let us have a government by which our lives, liberties, and properties may be secured." "New York," says Marshall, "had given her final veto to the impost system." The confederation was expiring "from mere debility." 1787 Congress were relieved from the embarrassment they were in respecting the call of a convention, by a vote of the state of New York, " which passed in the senate by only one voice," instructing its delegates to move a resolution recommending to the several states to appoint deputies to meet in convention for the pur- pose of revising and proposing amendments to the Federal consti- tution ; and upon the 21 st of February, the day succeeding the instructions given by New York on the subject, congress declared it to be expedient that on the second Monday of May then next, a convention of delegates appointed by the states be held at Phila- delphia. During the preceding winter the insurgents in Massachusetts had assembled in arms and endeavoured to gain possession of the arsenal at Springfield, and were repulsed by a party guarding it, and some lives were lost. The troops of the Union, and the militia called out, were commanded by General Lincoln, and by vigorous measures he succeeded in quelling what has descended to us as " Shay s Re- bellion," from the name of the insurgent leader. This unpro- voked rebellion made men more anxious for the formation of a government adequate to their protection. The pressure from without being withdrawn by the peace of 1783, the ebullitions within daily increased, and the confederacy which had gained a triumph over injustice,_and still had the semblance of binding the states, was in danger of bursting asunder and scattering in ruins the precious germ of republicanism, to which the philan- thropists of Europe looked with hope. The foes of America saw with pleasure the convulsive throes of the fabrick they hated. The wise patriots of the United States had long called for a union more powerful than had sufficed for a state of war. At length Virginia in 1786, called upon the states for a nadonal convention, to regu- late commerce with foreign nations. The proposal was gladly received by five of the states, whose delegates, as we have seen, CONVENTION TO FORM CONSTITUTION. 241 met at Annapoll.?, in September of the same year. This small con- vention only concurred in the necessity of a stron"- application to contrress, for a "-enerai meetinij; of deleirates from all the stales, to devise snch provisions as would render the federal government ade- quate to the exigences of a great people. 17S7 Congress felt the necessity. A general convention was recommended, and all the states appointed delegates, ex- cept Rhode Island. It was an awful crisis in the history of self government, when they met for deliberation at Philadelphia, in May. The convention assembled at Philadelphia, on the second Mon- day of May in this year. The following is a list of such of the members as ultimately signed the constitution. Nnu Hampsldrc. — John Langdon and Nicholas Oilman. Massachusttts. — Nathaniel Gorham, KufusKing. Connecticut. — William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman. New Ynrk. — Alexander Hamilton. New Jersey. — William Livingston, David Brearley, William Patterson, Jonathan Dayton. Peunsylmnia. — Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimmons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Governeur Morris. Delaware. — George Read, Gunning Bedford, jun., John Dick- inson, Jacob Bioom. Mnryhind. — James McHenry, Daniel of St. Tho., Jennifer, Daniel Carroll. Virginia. — George Washington, John Blair, James Madison, jun. A^. Carolina. — William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson. S. Carolina. — John Rutledge, Charles Cotesvvorth Pinckney, Charles Pincknev, Pierce Butler. Georgia. — William Few, Abraham Baldwin. Rhode Island made no appointment ; and of three appomted by New York, Robert Yates and John Lansing did not sign. The delegates from Pennsylvania, Delaware, and South Carolina, all signed ; not so from the other states. It may be further remarked of this convention, that George Washington was imaniinnusly chosen to preside ; that in the plan of constitution laid before them by Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, the coining money, and issuing bills of credit, w'as denied to any indivi- dual state, and nothing but gold, silver, and copper; could be made a tender for debts ; and that Alexander Hamilton, in a paper read by him to the convention, advocated as the supreme executive autho- rity of the United States, a governour for life, or good behaviour, and a senate, elected by electors, chosen by the people, and like- 31 249 ORGANIZATION OP FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. wise for life, or good behaviour. This plan of Hamilton, is not noticed in the journals. It was not offered by him for discussion, but was read by him as part of a speech, observing, that he did not mean it as a proposition, but only to give a more correct view of his ideas. The states saw the importance of this convention, at least, so far, that on it depended every blessing which was to flow from the previous suffering, and resistance to British aggres- sion. They sent their best and wisest men as delegates to the im- portant meeting. When the people saw to whom the framing of a government was entrusted, they felt confidence, and looked with reliance to the result. They were not disappointed. The deliberation of the convention continued some months. At length a plan was promulgated, which now forms the government of the United States, and has for the last half century, given to the people, an unexampled state of happiness, and an advancement in all the arts of civilization, equal, if not superiour, to any thing which has heretofore been developed. The plan formed by this great convention, was directed to be submitted to conventions of delegates chosen by the people at large, of each state. The consent of the people, the only true foundation of government, was to be the basis on which the fabrick of our con- stitudon was to rest. The best and wisest of each state, were, we must presume, selected to scrutinize and discuss every proposition laid before them by this general convention. Conflicting views and interests, caused long deliberation within the walls of each state convendon ; and private debate, with individual opinion, caused the presses of the union to submit a variety of views on the sub- ject. Near a year elapsed before the plan was agreed to by the number of states, required by its provisions to render it a con- federation, and a legal consdtution for future government. Nine states of the original thirteen were requisite ; and Massachusetts was the ninth that assented. Virginia and New York, had not yet determined ; but very soon followed the example. The 1789 Federal government was organized, and on the 4th of March, 1789, the man of the people was inaugurated as the first president of the United States, in front of the City Hall, Wall street. New York ; and in the presence of the people convened to behold the simple dignity of the ceremony, who, (as the building faced on Broad street, open to view for half a mile, and the oath was administered in the balcony of the building,) witnessed a dele- gation of power given to one man, far transcending the power of an English monarch, but without a genuflection or mark of servility, without any of that degrading pomp, or blasphemous profession, which is thought necessary on similar European ceremonies, to awe, or please, or mislead the multitude. The man was invested CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 243 with kingly power, for the acknowledged purpose of serving his fellow citizens : he was to hold that power for the limited term of four years : he was responsible to those who elected him for his conduct : and he, in their presence, swore to maintain the consti- tution they had chosen for their own and his government. North Carolina and Rhode Island, withheld their assent to the plan of the convention for some time ; but in the month of June, 1790, the constitution had received the unanimous ratification of the people of every state. A complete revolution of the most mo- mentous nature took place, without riot, tumult, or hostile move- ment of any description, buton the contrary, with every demonstra- tion of joy and perfect amity. It was a revolution, which is a source of pride in the contemplation, as great as it is of felicity in the progress. I will now briefly consider the structure of the government which included New York, in its beneficent circle of influence ; and then detail the proceedings of the state convention, which discussed its provisions, and finally adopted them. The power of making laws for the union, is by the constitution entrusted to congress : and the separation between that and the other branches of the government, required and received very marked distinction. The legislative power resides in one branch, the executive in another, and the judicial in a third. The one hap- pily balancing the other, and preserving harmonious movement in the whole machine. The constitution not only provides for this harmony, but defines the general powers and duties of each of those departments.* The constituent powers of congress for legislation are granted to a senate and house of representatives. The division into two separate houses was dictated by the experience of our English an- cestors, and has been happily confirmed as a most wise and efficient provision of our own, by our own experience. The objectof a separa- tion of the legislature into two parts, with co-ordinate powers, destroys most of the evils arising from sudden and violent excitement ; — " passion, caprice, prejudice, personal influence and party intrigue," which influence single assemblies, in a measure lose their eflect when a rival body has the right to reconsider their dictates, and remedy the evils they would otherwise have inflicted. As the states are each (under constitutional restraints,) a sove- reign, the senate is composed of an equal number of representatives from each without reference to population. Thus each confederated See Kent's Comm., Vol. I. I have in the following pages borrowed largely and freely from the learned commentator on American Law. 244 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. sovereign state has an equal voice In the upper house of congress : each state sending two delegates. By tiie law of nations, every in- dependent community is equal. During the half century that the senate has watched over the liberties of America, it has increased with the growth of the country from twenty-six memhers to fihy-two, representing twenty-six sovereignties instead of the original thirteen. The senators by the constitution are to be chosen by the legisla- tures of the several states, who are to prescribe the times, manner, and place of elections. In New York, it has been settled that they shall be chosen by joint vote or ballot of the two houses of her legislature, in case they cannot seperately concur in a choice. A more mature age is required as a qualification for a senator than that required for the lower house; and it is presumed that he will entertain more enlarged views of public policy, will feel a higher sense of national character, and a greater regard for sta- bility in the administration of the government than the more nume- rous assembly of younger statesmen, who come more immediately from the people, and hold their seats for a shorter time. The members of the senate are divided into three classes : the seats of one class are vacated every second year : thus one third are chosen every two years. The classes whose term of service was in the first instance so reduced as to be only two or four instead of six years, were determined at the commencement of the govern- ment by lot. The vice-president of the United States is president of the senate ; but has no vote unless on an equal division of the house. (It is now established that he shall decide every question of order without debate, subject to an appeal to the senate.) Every senator is elected for six years, and must be thirty years of age, and nine years a citizen of the United States, being an inhabitant at the time of his election of the state for which he is chosen. The English policy is in my opinion much wiser, that no alien born can become a member of parliament. The house of representatives is composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states who are qualified electors of the most numerous branch of the legislature o[ that state. He must be twenty-five years of age, and have been seven years a citizen of the United States, being an inhabitant at the time of his election, of the state in which he is chosen. In this case, as in that of the senator, he should be a native.* * At this period (time has produced the result) no other than a native citizen can be elected president of the United States. By the new constitution of this state (1821) the governour must be a native of the United States. The old con- stitution (1777) did not require that qualification. The necessity of such limita- tions had not then been felt CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 245 The constitution of tlie slate of New York in 1777, required the electors of the senate to be fi'oebolders, and of the assembly to he either freeiiohlers, or to have rented a tenement of the value of forty shillings, and actually paid taxes. By the constitution of 1S21, the qualitirations of electors ibr both branches of the legis- lature were placed on the same footing, and were reduced almost to a shadow. It contained a provision for an almost unchecked license of alteration, (styled an)endment.) The consequence lias been, that by a so-called amendment, the principle of universal suffrage has been introduced, nearly, if not quite, to its full extent. All the constitutions for states formed since ISOO, have omit- ted to require any proper qualifications in an elector. Unless the people improve very rapidly, we shall feel the ill consequences of too much freedom, and too great indulgence to foreigners. The constitution of the United States directs, that the repre- sentatives in the lower house of congress be apportioned among the states according to fiumbers ; which is determined by adding to the number o^ free persons, including those bound to service for a number of years, and exclusive of Indians not taxed, three Jifths of all other j)ersons. The number of representatives is limit- ed to one for every thirty thousand : but each state is entitled to at least one. The census to be taken every ten years, and the representatives to be apportioned accordingly : but the ratio is altered according to the relative increase of the population. The first number fixed was sixty-five: the fifth census, which made (1S31) the population of the United Slates 12,856,000 persons, enlarged the ratio of population for representation, to one repre- sentative for every 47,700, and enlarged the house of representa- tives to 240 members. By the constitutional rule of appointment, three fifths of the slaves in the southei'n states are computed in establishing the appor- , tionmentof the representation in the lower house, which is supposed to be delegated by \hefree citizens of the United States. This is considered as a necessary consequence of the previously existing state of domestick slavery in that portion of our country. The evil is supposed to be without remedy. If so, it is certainly an increas- ing evil. The allowing this constitutional approval of slavery, and permitting slaves to form a part in the representation of a nation of freemen, is supposed to have been a necessary compro- mise in forming the federal union, and to be in some measure balanced by the rule which extends direct taxes according to the apportionment of representation, as the slaves of the southern states, while thus those stntes have an increased number of representatives, contribute when direct taxation is resorted to, equally to increase the measure of their contributions. But the efiect on representa- 246 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. tion is constant and certain ; direct taxation is contingent and probably never to be resorted to.* Each house of congress is the sole judge of the election returns of its members and of their qualifications. A majority of each house constitutes a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and compel the attendance of members. Each house determines the rules of its proceedings, and can punish its members for disorderly behaviour ; and two thirds can expel a member. Each is bound to keep a journal of its proceedings, and to publish such parts as do not require secrecy, and to enter the yeas and nays on the journal on any question, when desired by one fifth of the members present. Members of both houses are exempt from arrest during attendance, and in going to and returning from congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace, and no member can be questioned out of the house for any speech or debate therein. It has been decided that the house can punish others than their own members, for contempt, as being necessary to self-preservation ; and that members of congress should be ex- empt from impeachment and punishment for acts done in their con- gressional capacity. The house of representatives has the exclusive right of originating all bills for raising revenue : the bills are amendable by the senate in its discretion. The two houses are a check so entire upon each other, that one of them cannot even adjourn, during the session of congress, for more than three days, without the consent of the other, nor 10 any other place than that in which both are sitting. The powers of congress are generally to provide for the common defence and general welfare : they are therefore authorized to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to borrow money on the credit of the United States, to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the Indian tribes, to declare war, and to define and punish offences against the laws of nations, to raise, maintain and govern armies and a navy, to organize, arni and discipline the militia, and to give full efficacy to all the powers contained in the constitution. The house of representatives choose their own speaker : whereas, as we have seen, the president of the senate is chosen by the people, being the vice-president of the United States, and gives the casting vote on an equal division. The proceedings and discussions * By Section 9 of Article 1 of the Constitution, congress was precluded from prohibiting " the migration of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit" prior to 180S. Of course the importation of slaves from abroad is meant, which was abolished by Act of Congress of January 1st, 1808, and had previously been prohibited by most or all of the states within their respective limits. South Carolina was the last to renounce the humane and gainful trafBck. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 247 in both houses are publick. Secrecy is not congenial with repub- licanism. In the passage of laws, one day's notice is required for leave to bring in a bill. Every bill must be read three limes on different days before it can be passed ; and no bill can be committed or amended until afier the second reading. Bills having been twice read in the house ol representatives, are tal