aass. Z^/- Rnnk . D ^/ HISTORY ^^^ - OF THE NEW NETHERLANDS, PROVINCE OF NEW YORK, AND STATE OF NEW YORK, TO THE ADOPTION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. IN TWO VOLUMES. BY WILLIAM DUNLAP. VOL. I. NEW YORK: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR BY CARTER & THORP, EXCHANGE PLACE, 1839. 6r^ Entered, According to Act of Congress, in the year 1839, BY WILLIAM DL'NLAP, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of NEW YORK. ii> CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. CHAPTER I. Dutch claims — Discovery of America and New Netlierland — Verrazznno — Canada — Indians ol" New Netlierland — Gallatin — America Antiquities, - - CHAPTER II. Discovery ofManliattoes — Henry Hudson — Commencement of New Netlier- land — Christianse and Block, 30 CHAPTER III Colonization of New England — Intimate connection with the Dutch of New York — Massachusetts — Permanent settlement of New Netherland — Silas Wood — Lonj; Island — The Patroons — Peter Miuuits — Van Twiller — The Swedes — Gustavus Adolphus, 42 CHAPTER IV. Tendency which the ignorant have in all ages to worship idols of their own making — Universality of Negro Slavery in the heginning of the seveji- teentli century — Superiority of I'^astern Colonists- Ahsnrditv of ;t com- niunityof property in mix(Ml societies — The population of New Ainsterdani — State of society under Sir William Kieft — Various encroachments upon his jurisdiction — Canadian afiairs — Foundation of theemnity borne by tlie Iroquois to the French, -----55 CHAPTER V. Fort Amsterdam — Long Island — Hartford — Struggle of Sir William Kieft; — With New England — with the Inrliaiis — De Vries — Rog^r Williams — Canadian aflairs — Previous History of Captain Underhill — Troubles and unhappy end of Director-general Kieft, 65 CHAPTER VI. Swedes on the Delaware — Miuuits — Printz — The Stuarts — Colonization of New England --Doctor Vanderdonk -Peter Stuyvesant — Controversy with the commissioners of the United New England Colonies — Charges against Stuyvesant as conspiring with the Indians to cut oft' the English, denied and refuted, - 86 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. Connerticn-, is confined witliin limits l)y tlie Duke of York— Conduct, of Nicolls— Discontent of the towns— Francis Lovelace, governour— Conti- nuation of the History of the Iroquois till 1671— The Rev. Mr. James— The Lutheran Church in New York, ^^° CHAPTER VIII. Holland re-coiifiuers New Amsterdam— The fort— Garrison commanded by Captain Manning— New Orange— Anthony Colve— Again restored to the English, and Andros appointed as the Duke of York's governour— Town meetings on Long Island, and application for a representative assembly denied by James— New Jersey, CHAPTER IX. 128 Governour Dongan— The first representative assembly— Charter of Liber- ties-Canadian atfairs-Fort Frontignac— French Missionaries, Priests, and Jesuits among the Iroquois— Dongan counteracts the views of James —The o-overnours of Virginia and New York meet the Iroquois at Albany -They profess to be, and are, independent: the interpreter represents them as otherwise— Expedition of M. Barre against the Iroquois- His aistress-He is reproved by an Indian— Dongan protests against a French fort at Niagara— De Nonville's expedition— Dongan recalled, - - - - l->^ CHAPTER X. The bigotry of James— Favours the French views, religions and political- Doctrines of Rome in opposition to self-goverinnent-Succe^ss of James in introducing these doctrines-Alarm and rPS'stance in England : in New York-Jacob Leisler raises the standard of William Ill-Opposition made by the officers of James- Convention of Albany-Bayard- Van Cortlandt-PhiUipse-Schuyler-Letter from England, authorizmg the present ruler to govern till further orders-Leisler, Lieutenant-governour —Robert Uvingston— Leisler's proceedings— Bayard s petition, - - - - 14» CHAPTER XI. Hostilities in America, notwithstanding the peace declared •" J^nro,,e-- Atlairs of Canada— Destruction of Schenectady, January, IbOO -Other French and Indian wars-Tlie open opposition to Leisler put down— Leisler and the governour of Comiecticut plan an expedition against Ca- nada, which fails— Causes— William Phipps, 173 CHAPTER XII. Great discontent in New York and Connecticut-Arrival of Captain In- goldsby.with troops-He joins the party of Bayard, Van Cortlandt, Livingston, etc.-His claims properly denied by Lei.sler-H.s outrageous proceedings- Sloughter arrives-Leisler is seized, and after a mock trial, ^ ^^ is executed, with his son-in-law, CHAPTER XIII. Retrospect-Firstasseml>hMinderSloughter'sgovernment-Canadian affairs -Hloughter's ,leath-lngol.l,sby, governour, pro u.m---Schuyler attacks the French, at La Prairie-Indian wars-Richard De l'<'.v^'"--f^^letcl|er COvernour-C.M.tinMs tlio aristocratick council -Caleb Heathcote-His family- His mode of euloicing r-,Migious exercises on Long Island- Fletcher is guided by Peter Schuyler- Count Frontignac— Wars with the Iroquois— Great expedition against them, 211 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIV. Pirary --Lord Bellamont, governour — Robert Livingston — William K'uld completes his crew at New York — Turns pirate — Rfturns to America and is secured by Bellamont — Treasure — Bellamont at the head of the democracy — His coiiHcil, at the time of his arrival — Progress of the city — New City Hall, in Wall street — French plans of eonrpiest in America -Bellamont claims the Iroquois as subjects to Kngland and New York — Canadian aftairs — Death of Bellamont, 229 CHAPTER XV. Continuation of Kidd's affairs — Persecution of Robert Livingston — Rever- sal of the attainder of Jacob Leisler, and restoration of property to the family — Lord Cornbury's family and character — Bayard's trial and con- demnation — Reprieve — Relief by the arrival of Cornbury, and reversal of the judgment against him — Nanfan, and the assembly of 1702, - - - 245 CHAPTER XVI. Colonial government — Cornbury relieves Bayard, and avows himself leader of the aristocracy- -Yellow fever of ]70"i — Cornbury a zealous Episcopalian — Affairs of the Iroquois and Canada- -Peter Schuyler's efforts- -Queen Anne appoints Cornbury to the government of New Jer- sey, with New York — His instructions to promote religion, and the in- crease of African slavery — English navigation act — Cornbury unites both parties in a detestation of himself — He is superseded, and thrown into jail by his creditors — Becomes Earl of Clarendon, and a peer of Great Britain — Lovelace, governour — His death, 253 CHAPTER XVII, Preparations for subduing Canada — Alacrity of New York — The Iroquois join — Troops halt at VVood Creek — English armament goes to Portugal — The provincials are led back--I)iscontent — Expedition from Canada — Schuyler's plan for engaging England in the conquest of Canada — He goes to England with five Indian chiefs — Produces another English at- tempt, which fails as before — Governour Hunter— His Council — Arrival of Germans-Lewis Morris-Jacobus Van Cortlandt— Hunter's demands upon the assembly — Details of the failure of the attack upon Canada — Treaty of Utrecht--Pirates, 265 CHAPTER XVIII. Court of Chancery — By the treaty of Utrecht, the Iroquois considered sub- jects of England — Peter Schuyler — Governour Burnet — Doctor (J. Col- den — Oswego — Congress at Albany — Spotteswode — French plan of extending forts from St. Lawrence to Mississippi — Chevalier de Joncaire — Burnet's plan, in opposition to France — French at Niagara — (iovernour Burnet's ditRculties and final removal to Massachusetts — Character, - - - 280 CHAPTER XIX. Montgomerie, governour — Burnet in Rlassachnsetls — Nature of colonial government — Military governours — Members of the council at this time — Death of Montgomerie— Rip Van Dam— Colonel Cosby, governour —Dispute with Van Dam— Bradford and Zenger— Smith and Alexander — The aristocratick and democratick parties, and their leaders — De Lancey and Phillipse — Zenger's trial, 29J 6 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XX. Colonial hi^itory of New York; why valuable — City; description of — Man- ners of tlie times — Lord Augnstiis Fitzroy ; his reception, and the conse- qnences — Death of Governonr Cosby, and promnli^ation of the suspension of Van Dam — 8trujrgle for power between ClarUe and Van Dam, termi- nated l)y a mandate from England — Morris — Disfrancliisemcnt of the Jews — Management and abilities of Clarke, 311 CHAPTER XXI. Madness of the people of New York, in what is called the Negro Plot — Horsemanden — Hughson and family — Peggy Cary — Kane — Price — ,Tohn Ury — Executions — Trial of Ury, and his execution — Reward of INIary Burton, 320 CHAPTER XXII. Arrival of Admiral Clinton, as governonr of New York — Capture of Louis- bourg — Distress of tiie frontiers — Destruction of Iloosick and Saratoga — Sir Peter Warren — Governonr Clinton at Albany — Failure of England to second the projected conquest of Canada — Governonr Clinton's nisolent laneuage to the house of assembly, and their spirited reply — David Brai- nard — Murder by a shot from a man-of-war in the harbour of New York — Sir Danvers Osborne — Congress at Albany, STiS CHAPTER XXIII. The congress of 1754 — Progress of the French — Debasement of Provincials bv the English government and by British otlicers — AtVairs at Oswego, aiid other parts of Lake Ontario — Expedition of General William John- son against Crown Point — Ilendrick — General Lyman — Fort Eilward — Johnson arrives at Lake George — Lyman, leaving a garrison at Fort Edward, joins him — Baron Dieskau — Defeat of Williams — Attack upon Provincials — Johnson wounded — Lyman connnands — Dieskau wounded, and ids troops defeated — Affair of McGinni.< — Campaign of 1755 — Lord Loudon — M. Alontcalm takes Oswego and Fort William Henry, - - - 372 CHAPTER XXIV. Fort William Henry — Iroquois — Lord Loudon — Louisbourg — Abercronibie, his defeat; and the death of Lord Howe — Charles Lee — Bradstreet takes Fort Frontignac — Lieutenant-governour De I^aucey meets the legisla- ture — Mr. Pitt's requisitions for the compaign of lo.'V.) — Wolfe and Quebec — Amherst — Ticonderoga — Crown Point — Isle aux Noix — Prideaux — Niagara taken by Johnson, 390 CHAPTER XXV. Legislative enactments — Death and funeral of Lieutenant-governour De Lanccy — Andierst's conquest of Canada, 401 CHAPTER XXVI. General Amherst arrives at New York ; is invested with the Order of the Garter by Monckton, at the encampment on Staten Island — Monckton and army sail for Martinique — Troops raised for the regular service of (ireat Britain — Gratitude of England— Stamp Act — Its retrospect and reception in America in general, and New York in particular — A congress in New York — Stamps arrive — Riots — Prudent measures — Lord Chatham -—Repeal of the Stamp Act, 406 CONTENTS. CHAPTEIl XXVII. New Hampshire grants— Unanimity in opposing,' the stamp act—' at Its repeal— Lil..'rty-p()les—En<;li.sh project for raising a revej the colonies— CJiarles Townsend, Triumph revenue from CHAPTER XXVIII. 429 439 Some causes of the war of the revolution— The Gaspee -Informer Impressment, --.. CHAPTER XXIX. ^ WoodL"ulf "■' ThTT^ ""r ^200-Philip Schuyler, George Clinton, and N. VVoodhuli-rhelea~CommitteeofHfty-one— Congress of 1774, - - .447 CHAPTER XXX. Lieutenant-governour Colden-Appointment of Washington- Lee-Gates — Washmgton s reception by tlie Provincial Congress at New York, - - 456 CHAPTER XXXI. '^tZl^'TU^wl^~'^ft' "^^""'t'^eration during the war of therevo- CharleTLee ^""^ °^ Vermont-New York in 1775 -The Asia- ^' 460 CHAPTER XXXII. Chatham-Rivington- Christopher Colles-Washington-Schuyler, - - - 473 CHAPTER XXXIII. Churches and Clergy— Lawyers and Physicians, 482 HISTORY OF NEW YORK. CHAPTER I. Dutch claims — Discover i/ of America and Nciv Netherland — Vcr- razzano — Canada — Indians of New Netherland — Gallatin — American Antiqidties. The territory claimed by the Dutch, and by them called the New Netherlands, extended, in the first instance, from Cape Cod to Delaware Bay on the Atlantic,* including the islands of the sea coast : the river St. Lawrence seems to havG bounded it on the north : on (lie south, some undefined line beyond Delaware Bay ; and west,- it was boundless. But for the purpose I have in view, at present, which is to lay before my readers all that I know respecting the inhabitants of this territory when our Dutch ances- tors first visited it, I must bound the New Netherlands to the west by a line drawn from the upper part of Lake Erie to the Ohio River. I shall have hereafter to speak of other lines and boun- daries, when we are called to consider the conflicting claims of the various nations of Europe. That such claims, and the hetero- geneous and hostile colonies resulting from them, should ever have combined to form one great nation, such as we now see in the United States of America, is what most make the most unthinking seriously ponder on the future In the year 1497, (five years after Columbus disco- 1497 vered, San Salvador,) Gabotti, or Cabot, saw the island of Newfoundland, which the Northmen had already disco- vered long before, and called Vinland.t Columbus, a Genoese, * Vanderdonck, writing in the New Netherlands previous to 1653, gives the extent thus : " Beginning north of the equinoctial, 38 degrees and 53 minutes, extending north-easterly along the sea-coast to the 42nd degree." t Humboldt, the great philosophical traveller, has given it as his opinion that the Northmen, or Scandinavians, were the first discoverers of America. Others have asserted that Columbus, in 1477, when he visited Iceland, obtained such knowledge respecting these early discoveries as resulted in his ever memorable voyage to the West Indies. The Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen have already VOL. I. 2 10 DISCOVEREKS. in the service of Spain, gave to that kingdom a claim to all A me- rica, because he, in 1492, arrived at San Salvador; and Cabot, a Venetian, in tiie employment of Henry VII., of England, con- ferred a supposed right upon that monarch to half, or the northern portion of that new world, the whole of which Columbus and the Bishop of Rome had already given to Spain. Those islands called the West Indies, were, probably, at some distant period, a part of our continent ; and when Christopher Colon, or Columbus, fell in with them, in his search for the East Indies, he called the inhabitants Indians, supposing that he had arrived at the land of his desires. It was soon, however, believed that this discovery of Columbus was a new world ; and as he was in the employment of Spain, this new world, wiih all its in- habitants, was claimed by that kingdom, and the claim was con- firmed by the Bishop of Rome,* to whom all the earth and its inhabitants belonged. As the Genoese Columbus had given Spain a right to all the new world in 1492, so the Venetian Ga- botti, or Cabot, gave the same kind of right to England in 1497 ; but Eno;land had no ecclesiastical confirmation of ber claims, and relied solely on her power to enforce them. The Norwegian discovery was already forgotten. Cabot touched at Vinland in 1497, and called the country Newfoundland ; he then sailed along thrown much light on ihe visits of their ancestors to America, and little doubt remains that these early navigators touched our coast as far south as Massachusetts and llhode Island ;+ but I shall, as far as possible, or eligible, confine myself to the New Netherlands, that is, Delaware. Ne.v Jersey, New Yorl<. and part of Connecticut; and the first navigator who gives us any account of the coast, or the inhabitants of anv portion of this region, is Giovanni Verrazzano. (See Hackluyt.) In conse- quence of his voyages we may suppose that Heiirv iV., of France, granted to M. des Monts, all America, from the 40th to the 46ili degree of latitude, and of course, the present state of New York ; but James I , of England, likewise gave it away, as a part of Virginia, in consequence of Cabot's voyage. But before Columbus, if we believe the various claimants for the honour of discovering Ame- rica, the Arabs of Spain, the Welsh, the Venetian?, and the Danes, besides the Northmen above mentioned, had seen the new world ; certain it is, nothing resulted from their discoveries. Various dates are given to the voyages : the Spanish Arabians, 1140; Madoc's, 1170; and Venice, when mistress of commerce and the sea, when prosperity caused pride, and [iride guilt, may have seen America and called it Antilla before the map of 1436 ; and the story of the fisherman and the Zeiii may be wortiiy ol belief. From these shadowy talcs I free my pages, and hope to bring forth realities enough and prove their truth. * Alexander VI. The material parts of his bull granting the New World to Ferdi- nand and Isabella, the sovereigns of Spain, will be found in Valtel's law of Nations. Book 1 Ch. 18. Note. t Collection respecting American antiquities, published by the Royal Society of Antiquaries of the North : 986, — Eric, the red, formed a settlement in Greenland, he emigrating from Iceland. 1000. — 'The son of Eric, in a vovage of discovery, saw various lands and named them ; be finally built huts on a part of the coast, and having discovered grapes, named the land Vinland. DISCOVERERS. 11 ihe coast, sometimes landing, but generally kept some leagues out at sea, as far perhaps as the capes of Chesapeake Bay and having occasionally visited the shore during this voyage, he brought back to his employer a cock and hen-turkey, and three New- foundland savages. King Henry VII., of England, seems not to have believed that the Pope, or Bishop of Rome, had a legal or divine right to be- stow the whole of the new world upon the King of Spain ; he therefore sent out Cabot again, with instructions to plant his standard on the walls of all " the cities and castles," (which the inhabitants of this newly discovered world had built for their own convenience or pleasure, without consulting his majesty,) and to take possession of all die countries " unappropriated by clir'istlan sovereigns." Thus we see that if the people of these countries should have happened to be governed by a monarch not a christian, or to have been so silly as to govern themselves, then they and their country were to be taken possession of "in the name of Henry" King of England ; and the Venetian Cabot was instructed " to maintain with tlie inhabitants a traffic exclusive of all competitors, and ex- empted from all customs, under the condition of paying a fifth of the free profit of every voyage to the crown." The Venetian brought back two turkeys. But England claimed, in conse- quence of his voyage, the whole of North America not already taken possession of by Spain. The Spaniards had really found cities and castles, on which to plant the standard of their king ; and as the Bishop of Rome had given to them all they could find, they took all, and murdered such of the previous possessors as resisted the will of the Pope : those who submitted and became christians, were only made slaves. But the English had not been sufficiently allured by the pro- ducts of America, which Cabot brought to them as a return for 1004. — III 1002 his brother Thorward went to Vinland, and prosecuting disco- veries, went east and north : saw Esquimaux — attacked them — murdered many, and was himself killed. 1006. — Other adventurers found a countrv more southerly, where the winter was without snow : spent a winter there — saw and had intercourse with the inhabitatits, called Skrellings, as were those I call Esquimaux. 1012. — Another voyage to Vinland is given. 1015. — An adventurer and trader settled there, and an American born son. The records of these discoveries are supported by nautical and geographical facts, etc. The intercourse between Greenland and Vinland long kept up. 1112 — Bishop Eric went to Vinland. 1266. — Voyages of discovery prosecuted. 1347. — A voyage from Greenland to Markland. Result, that in the tenth and eleventh centuries the Northmen discovered Ame- rica — Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries on the ante-Columbian History of America. 12 VEURAZZANO. the cost of fitting out Ins voyage of discovery and conquest ; he had seen neither cities, castles, nor gold. Nearly a century elapsed before Englishmen were tempted to take possession of the land of turkeys, although the widouOted property of their so- vereign. In the meantime an adjoining nation, (who, although 7ieiorhbours, were not loved quite as well as themselves, by the in- habitants of the British Isle,) the French, employed another Italian to make discoveries west of the AUantic, and secure the 1523 future happiness of the inhabitants of all countiies in the New World, by converting them to Christianity, and the present enjoyment of tlie benevolent discoverers, by taking pos- session of their property, their territory, and themselves. Francis the first commissioned Giovanni Verrazzano to make conquests and converts for him and the Pope. But Verrazzano did not even bring back a turkey. Francis, however, was not discouraged ; and in ei- 1524 ther a second or third voyage, Verrazzano arrived on the coast of America, to the south of New-York, in this year ; and as he proceeded northwardly, hoping (as all the ex- plorers of those times did,) to find a northwest passage to the East Indies, he was delighted with the beauty of the country, and the friendly reception he met with from its inhabitants. As he approached our superb bay and islands, from the south, the scenery increased in loveliness, and the natives in demonstra- tions of admiration and hospitality. The Indians flocked to the shores with the fruits of their forests and fields — they invited and assisted the strangers to landr— they leceived them with joy and reverence- In return for the admiration, courtesy and hospitality of the savages, the civilized servants of the most christian king kidnapped a boy, bore him off from home and parents, and endeavoured to force a young woman from her friends, relatives, and country, by brutal violence ; but her struggles and their cowardice prevented the accomplishment of the rape. Still pursuing a northwardly course, Verrazzano arrived at the highlands near Sandy Hook, and delighted with his discovery, entered Amboy bay. In the words of the Italian voyager as trans- lated,* " He here came upon a beautiful spot situated among hills, through which a vast river rolled its waters towards the ocean. There was water enough at the mouth for a ship of ^ny burthen ; but he resolved to try the passage first in his boat." ." He was met by the natives, who far from giving any sign of ^ear, advanced towards him with joyful gestures, and shouts of * Sen North American Review ; Hackliiyl's voyages ; and transactions of the New York Historical Society. DRESSES AND MANNERS OF THE NATIVES. 13 admiration." Such demonstrations of welcome appear to have met him wherever he approaciied the shores of New jNetherhmd. " Before he had penetrated beyond half a league into die beau- tiful lake," ('Bellissimo lago,') and while the inhabitants of each shore were hastening "to catch a sight of the strangers," a violent wind forced him to return to his ship, and he put to sea again, and pursued his way northward and eastward. Thus Verraz- zano was driven by stress of weather from the great bay between Staten Island and Sandy Hook (or the shore of New Jersey,) be- fore he had explored New York harbour, or the mouths of the Hudson or Raritan. He passed the island subsequently visited by Adrian Block, the Dutch navigator, and which still bears his name. But Verrazzano called it Lovisa, that being the name of king Francis's moUier. Fifteen leagues more brought him to the harbour of Newport; his description of which has been applied to New York harbour, erroneously by Belknap and Miller. As from the shores of New Jersey, and fiom Long and Staten Islands, so here, the navigator was visited by the hos- pitable and admiring natives ; and as the description of these people given by the Italian, may be supposed in some measure, to correspond with that which suited the inhabitants of our coast, when first permanently colonized, I will give it nearly in his words.* Among those who visited the ship, were two kings, a title very lavishly bestowed by Europeans of that time, on the chiefs or sachems of the country. One seemed to be about 40, the other 24 years of age : the elder was arrayed in a robe of deer skins, skilfully wrought with rich embroidery ; his head was bare, with the hair carefully tied behind ; his neck was adorned with a large chain, set off with various coloured stones. " The younger chief was dressed somewhat after the manner of the first." The complexion of the people is described as being clear. From which we may suppose, that they had not adopted the custom of daubing themselves with earth and grease, but were purified by the waters of the Atlantic ocean. Their features ap- peared regular to the Italian, and their colour not much darker than his own. "Their eyes black and lively." "Their hair long, and dressed with no ordinary degree of care." Their whole appearance bearing resemblance to the busts or statues of the ancients. This will remind the reader of the exclamation of Ben- jamin West, when he was first shown the statue of the Apollo Bel- videre, " how like a young Mohawk warrior!" The females were not permitted to approach the strangers ; * The costumes which arc given by Dc Bry, and may be fern in the National Library, at Washington, are those of the natives of Virginia, the Corolinas, and Mex- ico. Copper was found by Verrazzano to be common among the savages he saw. 14 A i'KOPLE OF PEACE. but their tentuiT? ami lorius, as far a< they couhl be discerned, wore no loss aihnirablo in the eyos of the mariners. "Liko the men, they wore in part naked, and in part attired in highly orna- mentoii skins ; their hair was studionsly decked with ornamental braids, which were left free to fall upon the breast." This des- cription corresponds witJi Cniido's pictnre of '* ^ ciuis adorned by the Ciraces." It may be remarked of the paintings by the old masters, ami statues by tlie Grecian scidptors, that iho hair of the t'omales is either bi aided, or, if riowing, loose ami dishevelled, it has the crisped appearance, or \va\ ings, which is given by pre- vious conJinement in braids. The natives seen by Verrazzano more to the south, wore head dresses of feathers. Many of the tribes to tlie south-west at this time decorate their heads witli crowns of feathers, w Inch are siu^rnlaily graceful and eminently beautiful, imposing and be- comiuir, combined with theii robes, decorations and arms. The embroidered and decorated robes prepared from the skins of the butialo and mountain goat, which are brought from the yet free tribes of the west and south, correspond to the description of the dresses seen by Verrazzano, on the yet uncontaminated na- tives, bodi male and female, thronging the shores of New Jersey. ^^or is the similarity of tiiat careful attention which they paid to the lonjj and tlowinii, or braiiled hair, less remarkable, as we see it in the paintinirs recently made by artists, who ha\e visited the south western Indians. Such, and so irentle. kind and hospitable were the natives of the seajxirt islands we now iniiabit. and the neiiihbouring banks of our continental shores, when tirst visited by Europeans in the sixteenth century. 'J'he description of the same people in the seventeenth century is somewhat different. Between the two periods the mar- tial Iroquois may have extended their conquests from the inland seas to the banks of the Hudson and the shores of the Atlantic, and leli the baroarous traits of deteriorating war upon the inhabi- tants. Even at the lime of Verrazzano's visit, he found in his progress north and east, that the natives and their soil were more repulsive. Unfortunately, the description left by the navigator is not sufficiently minute or accurate, to leave no doubt with his rea- ders that the bay he visited was a part of New Neiherland. We gain little knowlediie from the slight view Verrazzano gives us, of that which ouiihi to be the object of history, men, manners, cusionis and opinions : but the little he saw and has described, must impress us with the conviction that the inhabitants of the coast, whether of New Jersey, New York or elsewhere, in our neigh- bourhood, were an amiable people, and had made some progress in the arts, which tend to ameliorate the savage. The natives of our shores were not hostile to visiters ; they had some knowledge THE IROQUOIS. 16 of ao^ricuhure ; were strangers to the debasing practices of v\ar ; and to the prep.irations for defence against those uiiom war, or the thirst for dominion, had rendered barbarous ; but when Champlain penetrated into New York from the St. Lawrence, he foimd a people of warriors, fierce and cruel; somewhat advanced in polity, arts, and agriculture, but placing their delight in conquest and the extension of power. Such were the Iroquois. These warhke savages, known to the English by the appellation of the five nations, had, long before they encountered Champlain on the lake which bears his name, or on Lake George, and saw in him the forerunner of those who were destined to destroy them — /. c. Europeans — long before they knew the power or the art of the white man — formed a confederacy of five independent nations, and instituted a conirress and federal government, which enabled them to attain a degree of perfection in policy and the arts, both of civilized life and warlike achievements, that had rendered them tenible to all the nations around them. After the transient glance which Verrazzano jrives us of that part of the American coast he visited, we must look for our next information from Champlain and his countrymen, who penetrated the northern boundaries of what the Dutch subsequently claimed. Champlain met the Iroquois about the time that the Half-moon en- tered Hudson's river. It therefore becomes my duty to examine by what steps the French adventurers advanced from the Atlantic and the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to the beautiful lake now dividing the state of New York from her sister state of Vermont : a lovely sheet of water, which, after being the scene of hostile strife be- tween Indians with Indians, and Europeans whh Europeans, for centuries, is now the peaceful and pleasurable pathway from the United States of America to the English provinces of Canada. I cannot forbear to remark (before noticing the discovery and colonization of the Canadas.) upon the difl'erence, not to say con- trast, between the conduct and success of the colonizers of New York and New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Eng- land, on the one hand, and that of the French and Spaniards, on the other, in South America, Mexico, Florida, Louisiana, Acadia, and Canada. Virginia forms, in some deirree, an excep- tion to the prosperous commencements of the Dutch and English (or protestant) colonies. The whole subject is full of instruc- tion to the contemplative and philosophic mind. We see the Dutch and the Swedes peaceably pursuing their commercial transactions, and purchasini: soil from the natives on the Delaware, the Hudson, "and the Connecticut rivers; and ge- nerally with prudence cultivating the friendship of the savages, and guarding carefully against the effects of their passions ; or their apprehensions of the designs and power ol the 1 G CANADA. slnin""ers. We see the Piuitan exiles from their beloved home, ijiirsuing a course of conscientious conduct towards the abori- •"•ines, and when, in the natural course of events assailed by the natives (too late seeing that they must melt away in the presence of European power and civilization,) ready to repel force by force, and invariably holding their onward way to the establishment of a government, suited to their pre-conceived wishes and designs. We see the quakcrs in New Jersey laying the foundation of a re- public ; and Penn creating an empire without strife, and proclaim- in "• liberty, peace and good will, to the red man and the white. But if we look to 8outh America, Mexico, and Florida; or nortli to Acadia or Canada; we see only a succession of injustice, jailiu'es and disasters. Strife and bloodshed between Europeans — oppression, cruelty, and a war of extirpation against the natives in the south, and in the north a succession of abortive attempts at colonization, that seem one to be a copy from the other. The protestant and papistical mode of colonization stand in obvious contrast to each othei'. The vicinity of Canada to ourselves, and the frequent wars upon our frontiers, both before and after the French had gained a firm footing in that great country, make it necessary for the historian of New York to dwell upon the progress of adventure and coloni- zation under the French government, in connexion with the settle- ment and growth of tlds province and state, as well as of those of New Jersey and New England. DISCOVERY OF CANADA. 1508 Claims have been made to the discovery of Newfound- land, as early as the beginning of the eleventh century, and the voyages of the northmen to America appear now to be credited. In the year 1508 and perhaps before, the French sent their fishing vessels to the Banks of Newfoundland. We have seen that Verrazzano in the employ of Francis of France, was on our coast in 1523. It is said that he was lost in a third voyage, when taking out a colony from France to the new world. In 1534, Jaques Cartier, under the patronage of Philip 1534 Chabot, admiral of Franco, coasted Newfoundland, and to the south entered the " Bay of the Spaniards," which he called ^^ Baye dcs Clialeuis.'''' He had passed the Gulf of St. Lawrence without noticing it. Already the Spaniards had given a name to the great country Cartier had passed by, and the d^N, pellation bestowed upon it by them, has been adopted by the civilized world. The Spanish discoverers, disgusted with the appearance of the land forming the entrance of the gulf into THE ST. LAWllENCE 17 which the river St. Lawrence pours the waters of the inland seas of North America, exclaimed, as Charlevoix has it, "Aca nada," "Nothing there." or "Good for nothing;" from which comes Canada. Thus "good for nothing" is the established appellation of a vast country, destined to become a great, inde- pendent, and flourishing emjjire. Jacques Cartier returned home after a fruitless voyage ; and having received a more ample commission from the government, and the benediction of a bishop " dressed in his pontifical ha- bits," sailed on a second voyage, (1535) and found his way into the great Canadian Gulf on St. Lawrence's day; to which cir- cumstance we owe the name, so sonorous, and now so familiar, which is attached to the bay and the river that for so many miles forms the boundary of the state of New York. This was seventy- four years before Hudson entered our harbour, or Champlain the country of the L-oquois. The navigator sailed up the stream which he had called, for the first time, " St. Lawrence," as far as the island of Hochelaga, now Montreal. He named the place Mount Royal, after visiting the mountain or hill, which towers over the populous city and beautiful island, so famous in American history. Cartier passed the winter in this place, and at the Island of Orleans. The French were received with hospi- tality by the Indians, and the sailors communicated their vices and diseases to them in return. The commander suffered severely by the scurvy, and many of his followers died. Having lost most of his crew, he returned to France, after enticing away, and car- rying into a miserable captivity the chief who had received him as a friend and benefactor. This was a common return made by Europeans for the kindness of the natives of the American islands and continent. In 1540 Francis the first commissioned M. de Roberval as his viceroy over Canada, Newfoundland, and all their depen- dencies, and the next year he sailed with Cartier as his pilot to take possession of his dominions. All Roberval accomplished was to build a fort at Cape Breton, which he victualled and gar- risoned. This done, the viceroy placed Cartier in the fort as commander, and returned home. The natives and owners of the soil, not being paid for the land occupied by the colonists, or even consulted in the disposition made by the French, gave after a time such indications of their displeasure, that Cartier, and the whole population embarked in a vessel left behind by Roberval, and were gladly leaving the country when they were met by the viceroy, with a reinforcement from France, and much to their chagrin were forced to return to the scene of their sufferings. After re-establishing the fort, the colony, and Cartier as command- ant, the king's lieutenant sailed to the St. Lawrence. Shortly after VOL. I. 3 18 FAILURES AND BARBARITIES. ihe viceroy, the commandant, and siicb of the colony as survived, got back to France as they could, gladly abandoning the country. During the reign of Henry the second of France, the 155-5 enmity existing at home between the papists and protes- tants, was signalized by tragedies acted on the theatre of 1562 the new world. In 1562, Jean de Ribaut planted a colony of French protestants in Florida. He returned to France — the colonists put their commander to death — and part of them found their wav back after sufFerins;s that made even relij'ious persecution at home preferable to remaining. Several other at- tempts succeeded no better; and one whole colony of protestants from France, were attacked by the papistical tSpaniards, and all who were not put to the sword were hanged. The Spanish commander left the bodies suspended, affixing to a tree a placard with the vvords, "these men were not irealed thus because they were French, but because they were heretics and enemies of God." The French government under the religious dominion of Rome, seemed to justif}^ this act by not noticing it ; but an individual con- sidering it an afiront put upon his nation, undertook to wipe oft' the stain. The Chevalier de Gourgues at his own expense fitted out an expedition to Florida, where the Spaniards had established themselves in the fort built by the French : he landed, attacked the Spaniards, and having carried the place sword in hand, hanged up the prisoners, and affixed to the place of execution " I do not this to Spaniards, but to traitors, robbers, and mur- derers." To return to the North. Henry the fourth of France 159S commissioned the Marquis de la Roche as his viceroy over Canada, and another attempt was made to colonize that country, with the same success. Forty men were leilt on the Isle i/c Sable, who died of starvation, except twelve, who after seven yeai-s suffering, were taken off and carried home. To La R,oche succeeded Chauvin, and Pontgrave. 1603 The last brought with him from France a man who has left his name indelibly attached to part of the state of New 1 ork. Fie it was that first penetrated from the St. Law- 1609 rence, tlirough the Sorel, to Lake Champlain. That beau- tiful lake, with its neighboui', which has lost its appellation of " Sacrament," and retained the English name of Lake George, "were considered by the French as parts of Canada; as was all that country now belonging to New York and Pennsylvania, north- ward and westward of a line drawn from the south of Lake Champlain to the east of Pittsburg. And Golden, in his History of the five nations, says as late as 1748, that the L'oquois were inhabitants of Canada, though dependent on the government of New York ; and we all know thatibcir countrv lav to the south of AI. CHAM PLAIN. 19 St. Jjawrcnce, of the Lakes Ontario and Erie, and even of Champlaia and Ceorge. It was in 1G03 that M. Pontgrave sailed from France, and M. Champlain accompanying him on the voyage, they ascended the St. Lawrence together as high as Montreal ; but the voyage seems to have been without efFecl. The next year, M. de Monts, although a calvinist, was commissioned by the king to colonize Canada, with permission to exercise his religion, he engaging to settle the coun- try, and establish the Roman Catholic faith among the natives. Several merchants of Rochelle joined in this adventure, as if an- ticipating the necessity of a place of refuge in America. The armament, of four ships, was under the command of Messrs. de Monts and Pontgrave, who w'ere accompanied by Champlain and Biencourt ; the latter of whom became the lieutenant of De Monts ; who, leaving a colony at Port Royal, returned to France, where, probably in tonsequence of his religion, he was deprived of his commission. Biencourt sailed to France for suc- cour for his colonists, and just returned in time 1o prevent their abandoning Port Royal. Champlain, meantime, had chosen Quebec for his place of re- sidence with some follow^ers, and in 1608 constructed a few huts on that commanding spot, now so celebrated. The trees were cut down and land prepared for cultivation. Leaving ihings in this state, he returned to France, and joining with De Monts and Pontgrave, they arrived again in the St. Lawrence in 1G09, about the time that Henry Hudson explored the river which bears his name. The object of Pontgrave was to trade at Tadonssac, a place nearer the ocean, while Champlain carried succours to his colony at Quebec, who were thriving and on friendly terms with the Algonkins their neighbours. These people supplied the wants of the colonists, and in return were desirous of their assistance against the Iroquois, the five confederated nations, w'ho by their union and prowess were the conquerors of a great extent of coun- try, and the terror of the surrounding nations. Champlain wish- ing to ingratiate himself with the Algonkins, and desirous of explo- ring the country south and west, in an evil hour for France agreed to accompany them on a hostile expedition against their redoubted enemies. Accompanied by a k\v Frenchmen, armed with match- locks, Champlain embarked with the Algonkins, and proceeding up the St. Lawrence and through the Sorel, entered tlie beautiful lake to which he gave his name, previously know-n as the Lake Iroquois. They proceeded south, and at the meeting of the waters, Y'iconJero^a, passed into Lake George, to which the French lead- er gave the appellation of St. Sacrament, from the pellucid clear- ness of the water, which he thought well suited to the holy offices 20 INDIANS OF NEW NETHERLAND. of his religion. They were now in the country of the Iroquois, and approaching the castle of the Mohawks. A war party of the confederated Iroquois were navigating this lake on their way to the St. Lawrence, and the two armaments of ca- noes soon met. The hostile parties landed and prepared for battle ; the warriors of the Iroquois with shouts pressed on to certain victory, for who could stand before them. '^ But to their astonish- ment they saw the enemy advance with confidence — heard strange thunders — beheld the fire and smoke that issued from the ranks of the Algonkins, while the fatal bolts inflicted wounds and death, although the enemy was yet out of reach of the tomahawk or arrow. The Iroquois were astonished and fled. This was the first time that fire-arms had been seen or heard, the first time their power had been felt by the Iroquois. The x\lgonkins retraced their way to the St. Lawrence with some captives, and Cham- plain saw the mode in which his allies treated their enemies when prisoners. The scalps of the slain were exposed to their families, and the savage triumph of torture and cannibalism was for the first time witnessed by the French. M. Champlain soon after returned lo France, but left a feeling of hostility towards his nation which was never eradicated from the breasts of the Iroquois. The Dutch of New Netherland soon after taught ihem the use of fire-arms, and supplied them with the means of mischief; and when the colony was subjected to England, the five confederated nations were always the allies and the bulwark of New York against the French. INDIANS OF NEW NETHERLAND WHEN FIRST KNOWN TO EUROPEANS. It may appear necessary that a history of the New Netherlands or of New York, should commence with all that is known of the inhabitants found within its present, or former boundaries when discovered by Europeans. The natives were called Indians by the first discoverers, because when seeking a new passage to the East Indies, they found a new world, which they thought was part of the old world they sought, and the appellation has been continued to this day. Where these Indians came from has been a question occupying the minds of many men and the pages of many books, and it is as far from being decided now as when first started. No longer considered as aborigines, authors have brought them from various parts of the eastern hemisphere : they have been pronounced Tartars, Hindoos, Japanese, Philistines and Jews; but most agree that before their arrival, whether over the Pacific Ocean INDIAN LANGUAGE. 21 or by the way of Behrings Straits, another and a more civilized people occupied America. Indications are supposed to exist of such a people even in the western parts of New York, still more in Ohio and the valley of the Mississippi. We look with admi- ration at the wonders disclosed by the discovery of Palenque and other ruins in Mexico ; and our attention is drawn to the anti- quities of more southern nations ; but my researches must be bound- ed as much as possible at this time, within lines diawn from the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Delaware bay, on the Atlantic, to a moderate distance westward towards the Pacific Ocean, keeping (as much as possible) east of the Rocky Mountains. Indeed we shall find that the Algonkins, Delavvares and Iroquois will occupy most of our attention. Mr. Jefferson in his Notes on Virginia, written in 1781, and pub- lished six years after, says, that the best proof of the affinity of nations is their language. Mr. Gallatin has recentlj-, 1886, pub- lished a luminous essay on this subject, comprehending in his re- searches the American tribes, as known in the year 1492, as well as at the time of his writing ; nations spread from Patagonia to the Arctic sea, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. I know no better guide than this learned and sagacious author and statesman. Although the languag-e of the Indians of America is from one root, the branches aj)])e(ir to have no affinity, if we may believe travellers and agents who have been years among this people, and have at- tended to the subject. They have foiuid that the attainment of the language of one nation is useless in the attempt at intercourse with another. Adair, and many who have wished to find the lost ten tribes of Israel in America, think that they have heard the W'Ord Jehovah made use of by the Indians in their addresses to the Great Spirit. Other travellers have sought for it in vain. The nearest resemblance they could find, was that during the songs and dances of most of the western tribes, they uttered a sound or yell, in which was a continued repetition of " yeh, yah, yeh, yah," ending in a shrill, short, yelping shout. The North American Review-, (No. 64) gives from the Chip- pewa dialect, a branch of the Algonkin, the w^ords "jah," and " atta," as " indicating respectively 'to be' an animate and inani- mate nature." And these words are said to " run like two prin- cipal arteries, through the whole language." Jah is said to be part of the name of the supreme Being, and when used in the sacred or mystic songs of the Indians, *' excites a strong feeling of fear and dread." The " yah" above mentioned, as given by travellers, I take to be the same word, or sound, as is used in all their songs, and commonly accompanied by their dances. At the same 2"J DIVISIOMS OF IXDIAXS. time, k lo said that the words used in their songs are not generally understood by those who repeat them. The reviewers say, that " ^Nlonedo," which is frequently written Manilo, is " the modern name for the supreme Being, or Great Spirit," and is " a personal form of the verb ' to take,' derived from the supposed abstraction of the food placed as an offering, to the supreme Spirit upon the rude altar-stone." Yah, is one of the Hebrew titles of .Jehovah. They further say that when the Indians endeavour to recollect the name of a person, or of a for- gotten circumstance, they repeat the words "jah, jab," meaning "It is — it is." They give examples of the use of "jah," thus, "jah-e-men." "He is there," "Monedo-jah." " He "is a spirit." But to return to our history of the Indians within the bounds of New i\etherland, and those immediately connected with them either by relationship, or friendship, or war, (much the most fertile source of intimacy or interchange of communion;) these were the five great divisions or families, first, the Algonkins ; under which name we may include the Chippewas, (or according to modern or- thography, Ojibbawas,) the Ottowas, Knistanaux, Pottawattamies, and Mississagues. Second, The Iroquois, under which appellation I include the five great confederate nations of Senecas, Cayugas, Onandagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks,* (called likewise Manguas, Mingues, and Mingoes,) with, when called the six nations, the Tus- caroras. There were other nations of Iroquois origin, but they were enemies of the confederates. Thirdhj, The Delaware? ; including the Minsies, Nanticoks, Susquehannocks, Conoys and Pamlicoes. Fourthh/, The Mohicans ; including probably the Pequods, certainly the Manhattans, Montauks and other Long Island tribes, with the River Indians under various names ; and fifthly, the New England Indians, such as perhaps the Pequods, certainly the Narragansets, Wampanoags, Massachusetts, Paw- tuckets and some others. The Dclmcares first received Verrazzano and his French crew, as they did afterwards the Dutch under Henry Hudson, on the shores of New Jersey and within Sandy Hook. The Manhattan- Mohicans, were the second people who had intercourse with the crew of the Half-moon : and soon after the river Indians were as- tonished at the sight of the monster of the great deep, the float- ing Wigwam, bearing white-skinned manitoes. Before this visit from Europeans, the Mohicans and river Indians had been ren- * The five Iroquois nations were each coitiposed of three tribes, designated by some animal, as the Mohawk nation, (whose three castles occupied the Valley of the Mohavvk,) consisted of the Tortoise, the Bear and the^^'oIf Mil. Gallatin's map. 23 dered tributary to the redoubted confederacy of the Iroquois, with whom the Dutch, and after them the EngUsh of New York, liad the most intimate and profitable intercourse. They were a slieltering frontier of warriors opposed to the French and Indians of Canada. I shall have much to say of the A/gonkins, as the allies of France and enemies of the Iroquois, and of the Europeans of New York. By the annexed sheet (for which I am indebted to iNIr. C!al- latin's larger maj) of the situation of all the Indian nations of North America,) the student of the history of New York will sec die abodes ol" the savage nations, with whom it is most necessary for him to become acquainted, as their friendly intercourse or hostile aggressions formed impoi'tant parts of our annals, until after the war of the revolution. The Algonkin territory extends north and west from New Y'ork to the Mississippi, and a river falling into Hudson's Bay. We are told that the word " Missi," in the Algonkin tongue, means "all," or the ichole, perhaps great, and " nissi" is icater. Whereas " sippi" means river, and joined to " missi" gives "the whole," or the great river — the Mississij)pi. The southern boundary of the Algonkins may be considered as the north shore of the St. Law- rence and the lakes, including the tract lying between lakes Erie and Michigan, and between a line drawn from the latter to the river Missouri. The northern Iroquois in the year IGOO, possessed land on both shores of the St. Lawrence and of the Lakes, to the head of Lake Erie ; and thence their territory extended beyond the jNIiami river to the Ohio, which last river, with such land as the Dela- wares and Mohicans could withhold from them, was their boun- dary on that part. Mr. dallatin says, " The Iroquois nations consisted of two distinct groups," which when they were first known to the Europeans, were separated from each other by several intervening, but now extinct Lenape, /. c. Delaware tribes. It is in the northern group that we are most interested. The same writer says, " when Jaques Cariier entered and ascended the river St. Lawrence in 153-5, he found the site of Montreal, then called Hochelaga, occupied by an Iroquois tribe," and "we have no further account till the year 160S, when Champlain founded Quebec ; and the Island of Montreal was then inhabited by the Algonkins." So we have reason to believe that the latter people sometimes repulsed the Iroquois, notwithstanding their general superiority both in civilization and arms. The intelligent and philosophic writer above mentioned, gives the boundaries of the northern Iroquois thus, " on the north, the height of land which separates the waters of the Ottaiva river from those which fall into the Lakes Huron and Ontario, and the river St. Lawrence. But the countrv north of the lakes was a 24 BOUNDAUIES. debatable ground, on vvliicli the Iroquois had no permanent eslabHshment, and at least one Algonkin tribe called Missisagues was settled. On the west, Lake Huron was the bound of the five nations ; and south of Lake Erie, a line not far from the Sciota, extending to the Ohio, was the boundary between the Wyandots, or other, now (1S36) extinct Iroquois tribes, and the Miamies and Illinois. On the east. Lake Champlain, and fur- ther south, the Hudson river as far down as the Kaatskill Mountains belonged to the confederates. These mountains separated the Mohawks, (a tribe of Iroquois) from the Lenape Wappingers of Esopus. The southern boundary cannot be accurately defined. The five nations were then (160S) carrying on their war of subjugation and extermination, against all the Lenape tribes," (the Delawares) " west of the river Delaware. Their war parlies were already seen at the mouth of the river Susquehannah ; and it is impossible to distinguish between what they held in consequence of recent conquests, and their original limits. These did not probably extend beyond the range of mountains, which form southwesterly the continuation of the Kaatskill chain. West of the Alleghany mountains they are not known to have had any settlement south of the Ohio ; though the Wyandots" ( once an Iroquois tribe by language,) " have left their names to a southern tributary of that river — the Guyandot." The Tuscaroras are the only portion of the southern Iroquois which I have to notice as the historian of New York, and that only, because when driven from North Carolina, they were re- ceived by the Iroquois of the five nations, and constituted a sixth in 1712. The situation of the five nations in this State, is still marked by names familiar to the citizens of New York : the river Mohawk winds from the high ground on which fort Stanwix once stood, and falls into the greater Hudson amidst islets ; while another stream from the same height runs into Ontario through the Oneida Lake and Onondaga river. Counties and towns likewise bear the names of these nations ; Cayuga Lake and river remind the traveller of a fourth, and the village of Seneca Falls with other vestiges, fast fading, show the residence of the fifth of this once great confederacy.* * Tlie remaining Onondagas, in 1815, residing near ihe council ground of the union, were sober, iionest, and somewhat agricultural. They obstinately rejected teachers from the whites, answerincr in respect to clergymen, as the chief of the Narragansetts replied to the offers of Mr. Mayhew, who asked permission to preach to his people, " Go, and make tlie English good first ;" adding, " as long as the English caimot agree among themselves, what religion is, it ill becomes them to teach others." The tribe of Algonkms, said by the French to be converted to the christian religion, were called Abenakis : these and the New England Indians, of the far east, were between CONFEDERATED IROQUOIS. 25 The Iroquois of New York were the terror of all the nations that surrounded them. By their advancement in civilization, attention to agriculture, (although committed in the practice to their women and slaves,) conduct as statesmen and warriors, general superiority in all the arts of destruction, and above all by their union into one confederated body of free and independent nations governed by a great council or congress, they had become the acknowledged lords of many tributary tribes, and appear to have pursued their course of vengeance or thirst for conquest in the persecution of those whom they chose to account enemies, with a relentless pur- pose, and with a subdety and courage that distinguished them as braves above all others of the red-skin species, and might entitle them to comparison with the states and heroes of ancient, or in some respects, modern Europe. In the year 1600, the seat of the confederated Iroquois, or five nations,* was south of the river St. Lawrence and Lake On- tario, and extended from the Hudson to the upper branches of the river Alleghany, and to Lake Erie ; Hochelaga, now Montreal, was founded in 1535, and the island was inhabited by Indians speak- ing a dialect of the Iroquois tongue, they were Hurons, and be- tween Montreal and Quebec the Iroquois had resided and planted, Kenebec and the river Piscataqua. The Indians were found more populous in the vicinity of the Atlantic Ocean and its rivers than in the interior, owing to the greater abundance of food within a given district to be attained without labour. The Pe- quods (a part of the Mohicans) of New England were reputed to amount in former times to 4000 warriors; but in 1674, Gookin states them to amount to only 300. During the intermediate time thev had been subjugated by the whites. The Nar- ragansetts in 1674, counted 1000 warriors; the Wapanoags, Massachusetts and Pawtucketls, had, it is said in former times, an aggregate of 9000 men ; but at the date above mentioned they had less that 1000 warriors altogether. In 1680 Con- necticut contained 500 Indian warriors of all the tribes within her borders. In 1774, by an actual census, there were still remaining, Indians of all ages and sexes 1363 ; and in Rhode Island 1482. * It is asserted by a writer in 1741, that the confederacy of the five nations was established, as the Indians say, one age, or one man's life before the white people settled at 'Albany, or before white men came to the country ; and he gives the names of the chiefs who formed the confederacy : viz : the Mohawk was Togana- ■loita : the Oneida Olntscherhtis ; the Onandago Tatotarpa ; the Cayuga, Toga- hajon: the Senecas had two chiefs present, Ganniafarico and Stifa/raruregcs. And further, that the Mohawks made thetfirs step towards the confederacy, and for that reason bore the name of Tgavihoga, in council. The destruction of the greater part of the Hurons or Wvandots, (who it must be remembered were of Iroquois origin, but not part of the Iroquois confederacy) took place in 1649. and the dispersion of the residue, with that of the Algonkins of the Ottowa river, was acheived by the con- federated Iroquois in 1650. The Delawares, who had resisted until this time, then submitted, and the victorious Iroquois evacuated fort Christina on the Delaware, and sold the adjacent lands to the Dutch in 1651. The neutral nations were annihilated or incorpoated'withthe Iroquois at this time, i. e. about 1651. From 1651 to 1653, these conquerors destroyed the Eries : and in 1672 the Andastes. During all these wars, the Iroquois carried on hostilities against the Algonkins and the French. I owe these dates to the researches of Mr. Gallatin, and they give a lively idea of the power and aggressions of the confederated Iroquois of the seventeenth century. VOL. I. 4 26 THEIR SUPERIORITY. but had withdrawn themselves to the other side of the St. Law- rence for the purpose of concentration. The Cayugas and Oneidas were younger members of the confederacy than the other three : the Tuscaroras, who spoke the same language, were not received until 1712. The confederated five nations had acquired a decided superiority over other Indians long before they were known to Eu- ropeans ; they were then at war with the Algonkins and Hurons. They had carried their conquests to the mouth of the Susquehannah, to the present site of Newcastle on the Delaware, and were objects of terror from die sources of the Potomack to the Merrimack and Piscatawa.* Their wisdom in concentrating the confederacy within the above mentioned limits, and only making distant tribes (when con- quered) tributary, is one cause of their superiority. Within these limits they were at home : they were protected on the south by mountains, on the north by lakes. Although more polished and civilized, they were more daring, ferocious, and perhaps more cruel than their neighbours ; that is, more thoroughly military and heroic. But above all, they were better and more constantly supplied with food from the circumstance above mentioned, of being somewhat of agriculturists, and of course further advanced towards perma- nency and civilized life, than the wretched beings who were scattered over wood, prairie and desert, in pursuit of game, and either revelling in super-abundance, or wasting with hunger. More certain subsistence gave the Iroquois more leisure for improvement, and thus, in both council and field they had greater advantages than their neighbours. The Delawares, according to Mr. Gallatin, call themselves Lcnno Lciicq^c (Heckewelder's Lenni Lenape) meaning " original or unmixed men." But they had been conquered by the Iroquois, who stigmatized them as women. At the treaty of Easton in 175S, the Delaware chief, Tadyusacing, acknowledged that the land near the source of the Delaware belonged to his uncles, the Iroquois, and that the Delawares were bounded by the Kaatskill mountains, where the Iroquois (or Mohawks) again met them. The Delawares extended along the Schuylkill and the sea-shore of New Jersey. It is stated by all writers, on the testimony of the Indians, that the Mohicans, Wappingers, and all the river Indians on the Hud- son, had been subjugated by the Iroquois and paid them tribute : * When the Algonkins took refuge with the French under the walls of Quebec, the Iroquois followed and attacked them there. In such terror were they held by the Now England Indians, that Gookin says, the appearance of four or five Maquas (Mohawks,) in the woods, would frighten the neighbouring Indians from home, and make them take refuge in forts. On Long Island, and in Connecticut the Mohawks have been known to pursue their flying enemies, or victims, into the houses of the English settlers, and there murder them. Their superiority has been likened to that of the armed knights of feudal Europe over the defenceless peasantry, orofdisci- plmed soldiers of modern times, over half-armed militia without military knowledge or leaders to guide ihcm. FATE OF INDIANS. 21 yet it is certain that the Mohicans and Iroquois, were at war with each other after the settlement of the Dutch in New Nether- land. Golden states that their war continued until 1673 ; at which time the Dutch succeeded as mediators, and produced a state of peace between the belligerents. It is worthy of remark, and has been stated by a writer of great philosophic research, that Indians, however they may have to com- plain of evils introduced by the Europeans, have, since the exis- tence of the United States as a free republic, been ameliorated in their manners. Mr. Gallatin, the writer I allude to, remarks that for the last forty years, we know of no instance of any Indian tribes torturing and burning their prisoners. Strange as it may now appear, we know that the French, in their Ganadian wars, encouraged this abominable custom. It is truly asserted that our prosperity has been attained at the expense of the Indian tribes ; and that we owe them a great debt, which it is from many various circumstances very difficult to pay ; but it should never be forgotten. If they had not in the first place received the Dutch and English widi kindness, their colonies could not have been planted. When they fouod that by selling, or giving their lands, they had deprived themselves of territory necessary for their subsistence ; and that those received as gods were rapacious or encroaching men, addicted to vices and familiar with blood, men who treated them always as inferiors and often as slaves, they in vain endeavoured to regain the territory without which they could not exist in that state, and with the customs they pre- ferred. Then began wars, which resulted in defeat, loss, subju- gation and extermination, inflicted upon them for endeavouring to regain that which they had thoughtlessly parted with, or to prevent further encroachments. The whites increased in numbers ; forests gave way to culti- vated fields ; marshes and swamps to gardens and orchards ; mud built huts and pallisadocd castles, to palaces, cities and churches. This is not to be lamented — it could not be otherwise — it was to be wished. Men in the hunter state, who were in- cessantly stimulated to barbarous and loathsome acts of revenge, against any neighbour who crowded upon the territory necessary or imagined to be necessary, for their hunting grounds ; men whose principle as well as practice was to return tenfold, evil for evil ; who inculcated as a duty revenge for injury and insult ; are happily more than replaced by those who look to agriculture for subsistence, and to forgiveness for happiness ; a race, whose refi- gion teaches them to return good for evil, (however feebly they may practise the lessons of divine wisdom) are infinitely prefer- rable to that whose morality was vengeance, and whose delight 28 THEIR PREDiiCKSSORS. was blood. The agriculturist loves peace, the hunter delights in war ; the first is in a state of improvement ; for in peace alone mankind can progress to the perfection they are capable of ; the second cannot improve, for war deteriorates all who are engaged in it. It would be folly or worse, to regret that thousands, nay mil- lions, of comparatively civilized beings constantly improving, and more and more influenced by the love and charity their religion inculcates, should have taken the place once occupied by a few hundreds of barbarians, whose pride made them detest that labour which is the only true foundation for improvement. It may perhaps be expected that I should say something fur- ther of the people who preceded the red men, now melting away before the European race — those nations who, perhaps, have succeeded each other, varying in degrees of civilization, in arts, science, manners and morals, who may have occupied this vast continent, ages before the Esquimaux, Knistinaux, Algon- kins, Lenape, Iroquois, or any other of the barbarous tribes we know, or have heard of — even before the half civilized Mexi- cans and Peruvians ; but I know nothing of them except that remains and monuments are found which excite the imagination, and leave us, after every effort to penetrate into the past, in a dreamy and unsatisfactory state, thirsting fOr knowledge of we know not what. This we may be certain of — however far these nations had advanced in improvement, they had not attained the art of printing. I acknowledge that no one can read the accounts we have re- ceived of the ruins of Palanque or Copan in Mexico, or of the remains of empire in Peru, or of the mounds, vestiges of fortifications and other tokens of ancient power, found in the valley of the Mississippi, and elsewhere, without conjuring up ideas which are rather fitting for the writers of romance than history. I have visited some of the remains of fortifications in the state of New York : of them I shall say more when speaking of the military operations of the French. Mr. Gallatin remarks that all Indian works for defence were of the same kind ; that is, palisades. By Indians, meaning the race of red men now exist- ing and passing away. He further observes, that they were pro- portioned to the population of an Indian village. The regular for- tifications of earth found in this state, or to the west, indicate the work of Europeans, or of people in a more advanced state of civi- lization, than the Indians of the New Netherlands had arrived at when first known to Europeans, not even excepting the Iroquois. The Mississippi monuments indicate a populous, and of course an agricultural people : the probability is that they were destroyed by * See Appendix A. INDIAN INTKRPRETEHS. 29 barbarians, who decreased in numbers in consequence of their \var.5 of extermination, and desolating the country tliey had over- run. But all this is conjecture, not liistory.* Jt has so happened that I iiave seen and conversed with three Indian Interpreters, men who had been carried away captive in childhood and adopted among the Iroquois, when all the western part of this state was uninhabited except by Indians. These men had all returned to civilized life, were possessed of landed property, and were employed by government, as qualified by their knowledge of language, and their reputation for honesty and intelli- gence, to be the channels of communication between the red and white men. Their names were Jones, Parish, and Webster. With the last I had most frequent communication ; but a friend says that in 1819 he heard Mr. Parish testify, that it was then forty- two years since he first saw the Genesee river, and my friend re- marked that of 70,000 people then in Ontario, not one other could say the same. Mr. Webster was most conversant with the On- ondagas, and when I knew him in 1815 cultivated land in Onon- daga Hollow, and was looked up to by the Indians as a friend and father. He testified to the arts of Governor Simcoe and the En- glish in stimulating the Indians to that war and those murders which were only terminated by Wayne's victory, and the treaty of Greenville. The Indian tradition of the origin of the confederacy as given by him, was as follows : He said that the happy thought of union for defence originated with an inferior chief of the Onondagas, who perceiving that although the five tribes were alike in language, and had by co-operaiion conquered a great extent of country, yet that they had frequent quarrels and no head or great council, to re- concile them; and that while divided, the western Indians attacked and destroyed them ; seeing this, he conceived the bright idea of union, and of a great coimcil of the chiefs of the Five Nations : this, he said, and perhaps thought, came to him in a dream ; and it was afterward considered as coming from the Great Spirit. He proposed this plan in a council of his tribe, but the principal chief opposed it. He was a great warrior, and feared to lose his in- fluence as head man of the Onondagas. This was a selfish man. The younger chief, who we wiil call Owcko, was silenced ; but he determined in secret to attempt the great political work. This was a man who loved the welfare of others. To make lone: journeys and be absent for several days while hunting, would cause no suspicion, because it was common. He left home as if to hunt ; but taking a circuitous patli through the woods, for all this great country was then a wilderness, he made his way to the vil- lage or castle of the Mohawks. He consulted some of the leaders * See Appendix B. 30 OR f GIN OK THE CONFEDERACY. of that tribe, and they received the scheme favorably ; he visited the Oneidas, and gained the assent of tlieir chief; he then returned home. After a time he made another pretended hunt, and another ; thus, by degrees, visiting the Cayugas and Senecas, and gained the assent of all to a great council to be held at Onondaga. With consummate art he then gained over his own chief, by convincing him of the advantages of the confederacy, and agreeing that he should be considered as the author of the plan. The great council met, and the chief of the Onondagas made use of a figurative ar- gument, taught him by Oweko, which was the same that we read of in the fable, where a father teaches his sons the value of union by taking one stick from a bundle, and showing how feeble it was, and easily broken, and that when bound together the bundle resisted his utmost strength. I have mentioned the defeat of the war party of the Iroquois* on Lake George by the effect of the fire-arms of Champlain and his companions, who accompanied the Algonkins at the time. We cannot but imagine the astonishment, and perhaps incredulity, which would be manifested by the chiefs of the Iroquois when assembled in council at Onondaga Hollow, they received the ac- count which the fugitives gave of the white men's thunder and lightning proceeding from the ranks of their enemies, and destroy- ing without hope the leaders and warriors who had always before returned as triumphant conquerors. They could not but assent — for an Iroquois, at that time, could not tell a falsehood — yet the tale must have appeared incomprehensible. They soon would learn the circumstances attendins; the visit of the French to Ca- nada, and their alliance with the Algonkins. They never forgave the aggression of Champlain, and many hundreds of Frenchmen were sacrificed to atone for the thundering of that day on Lake George. CHAPTER n. Discovery of Manhattoes — Henry Hudsonf — Commencement of New Netherland- — Christianse and Block. 1579 To Holland, a peninsula protruding into the sea, with soil only protected from the waves by embankments, we owe the germ of New York. Holland had erected the standard of * Mr. Moulton gives Irocoisia as the name of the country of the Iroquois. He says truly, their territorial dominion embraced an empire that niiijht be compared to that of ancient Rome. I have elsewhere given the boundaries of their territory. Where and what arc they now 1 t See Apppcndi.Y 0. HOLLAND. HUDSON. 31 freedom in Zealand, the first place of the United Netherlands which defied the power of Spain ; they owed to a province com- posed of islands, and depending upon the ocean for subsistence, the creation of an empire. Other dependent provinces followed the glorious example, and the foundation of a great republic was formed. It was essentially and necessarily commercial. Even while struggling for liberty, the States created a navy which traded with all the world, and established the fame of Dutchmen for na- val prowess wherever a sail was unfurled. Tlic failure of those who had anticipated a short road by which to gain the riches of the East ; t!ie disappointment of the eminent navigators Cabot, Frobisher, Willoughby, Davis and others, in every attempt to find the much-desired passage by the north-west to the Indies, could not allay the thirst of English merchants, who, still excited by hope, engaged Henry Hudson, a man who had already acquired reputation as a mariner of sagacity and ex- perience, to undertake the discovery of this short road to wealth. Hudson coasted the shores of Greenland, renewed the discov- eries of Spitzbergen ; came within eight degrees of the pole, but found himself baffled by ice, and returned discomfited but not discouraged. In the mean time the States of Holland had formed a 1608 company for traflic and colonization in Africa and Amer- ica; called the East India Company. Europe was alive to find the predicted short passage to the East, the seat of wealth and land of wonders. It was in 160G that Hudson first sailed.* In 1608 he again found men in England whose hope he could re-animate, and whose prospects of future gain led them to fit out * In 1602 Bartholomew Gosnold sailed (March 26th) with thirty colonists for America, and made land, May 14th, near Cape Cod. He commenced a settlement which failed. In 1608 John Robinson went to Holland. Tyranny in Europe was the prime cause of colonization in America. It was during the reign of James the Ist of England that the equality of rights (without which man is a slave) began to revive from a long torpor in that island. But it was found to flourish better in the colonies of the New World than in any part of the Old. " Those,'' says Hume, " who were discontented with the established church and monarchy, had sought for freedom amidst those savage deserts," meaning North America. James 1st, with that generosity which is pleasantly exercised at the cost of others, gave, by patent, Acadia and Long Island to the first Earl of Sterling ; but the natives and original possessors knew nothing of it. Feeble attempts at colonization were made by the French at Port Royal, and by the English on James River. As 1 have to record the burning of men at the stake in the city of New York, I will here remind the reader, that, in the year 1612, three ?M/Ve christian men — learned and pious men — were sentenced in England to be burned as hereticks, that is, for not believing as king James the 1st and his bishops believed, or, becoming hypocrites. Two of these men, so sentenced, were burned alive at the stake, and the third, for fear of fapular opinion, was hid in a dungeon until death released him from tyranny. When in New York, a century after, negroes were burnt at the stake, it was not in cold blood, but under the influence of panic terror. 32 NEW NETHERLAND. another expedition for the same purpose as the first, and again he exerted his skill and periled his life in vain among the regions of snow and mountains of ice. His employers were disheartened : not so the daundess mariner. He offered his services, made more valu- able by experience, to the Dutch East India Company; they were accepted, and on the 1th of April, 1609, he made his third voyage of discovery. He was accompanied by his son, in the Dutch ship, the Half-moon, with a crew of eighteen men, half English and half Dutch, and sailed on that voyage which has rendered his name immortal, and which gave to the Dutch, according to received notions, a just title over an empire in the New 1609 World. Again, with a perseverance worthy of his em- ployers, he sought the passage to India by the north, and again he was turned back from Nova Zembla by icebergs and in- terminable fields of frozen sea : he shaped his course to the west, and passing Greenland and Newfoundland, coasted until he saw the promontory of Cape Cod. He called this land, and the region beyond it, New Netherland, and Cape Cod was long considered by the Dutch as the boundary of their territory to the north-east. Hudson supposed that he was the discoverer of the promontory. He is believed to have anchored in the mouth of the Penobscot river. Sailing south, Hudson found himself opposite the bay of Chesapeake, and knowing this was an already occupied region by his countrymen, the English, claimed by them and named from their virgin queen, he again turned to the north, and discovered Delaware bay and river, called by the Dutch South river, and considered by them as the boundary of New Netherland in that direction. Continuing his course, Hudson saw on the second of September, the highlands of Navesink or Neversink. He sup- posed, and mankind generally considered, that he was the first European who had viewed this prominent land-mark, so familiar now to navigators. The voyage of Verrazzano was unknown to him. The next day he entered the great bay between Sandy Hook, Long Island, Staten Island and Perth Amboy ; into which flows the Raritan, Passaic, Hackensack, and part of the mighty stream which bears the navigator's name. Well might he linger a week in admiration of this beautiful lake-like water, with the un- dulating hills of New Jersey on his left, and on his right those islands, to one of which hegave the name it still bears, of" Staten." Hudson and his Half-moon were no less objects of admiration to the natives, than they and their country were to him. The re- cords of the Indians gave them no reminiscence of Verrazzano, his ship, or his crew ; and the savages saw a moving and floating palace in the Half-moon — a Manito in Henry Hudson. He, how- ever, was not so fortunate in all his intercourse with the Indians as Verrazzano had been. One of his boats, when on an explo- liAUiiOUn OF NEW YORK. 33 ring expedition, perhaps gave offence to some of the natives, and by a discharge ot" arrows a seaman ol" tlie name of Coleman, was slain. Happily the commander of the ship did not undertake to chastise the savages for an act which probably had been provoked by the strangers. Coleman was carried to the ship, and next day buried. The Indians generally seem to have been ignorant of this mishap, for they visited the Half-moon as before, bringing fruits, tobacco and maize for the much-admired strangers. The journal of the voyage tells us that some of the crew landed, and rambled into the woods of Monmouth county without impe- diment. Many of the natives visited the ship, bringing, among other fruits of their country, dried currants* 8ome were clothed in i\)rs, some in dressed skins, and some in feather mantles ;■ wearing round their necks copper ornaments, and bearing pipes of copper in their hands. On the twellth of September, Hudson passed into the haj'bour of New York, and entered the mouth oii Dc Gruufe ricicre. If he explored the East river, it was done by sending his boats for the purpose. Dc Groutc rir'urc was likewise called llie Norfh, as distinu-uishino; it from the waters on the eastern side ol' the island. During this time, and before sailing up the North livcr, the natives brought " Imlian wheat," tobacco, oysters, and whatever they thought would be acceptable to the strangers ; and the Indians were observed to have " pots of earth to cook their meat in." The harbour of New York after passing the Narrows, is bounded on the west by the shore of New Jersey, has the island of ^lan- hattan in front, or north, and on the east the shore of Long Is- land. A reef near the entrance was called after the seal seen on it, Rohijii's rift, from the Dutch name for the animal j Covernor's Island being covered widi nut trees, was named Niificn (or Nooten.) The two small islands of Kllis and Bedlow do not seem to have received names at this time, nor long after* Turning from Amboy bay, the ii'aritan river, and the 1G09 inviting channel west of Staten Island, the discovcier passed the Narrows, and found himself in one of the finest harbours of the world.* He must have seen that the south point of Manhattan was by nature intended for a great commercial city ; but he at the same time hoped that ho saw- in one or the other of the broad waters which flowed on either * When HiKlson entered fiis river, if was called by the natives ^rohicaniiiick. or Shatinicnt. or Cahohataiea, according, as I suppose, to the tribe who <.'ave the iiifor- maiion. And the neiahbpnring naiiruis, he was told, were the Saiichkiecani, Wabanje, and Mohawks: the latter being above the Kaatskill. All were on the western bank, and so were the Wappinofers. (Wapinga, or Wanbingi.) a numc which Heckewelder derives from the opossum. Eboliiig calls the Esopns Indians Wappingees. VOL. I. O 34 RIVER HUDSON. side of this land, the much-desired passage to India.* Though dehghted with the reaUties he saw — the goodly oaks and luxuriant soil promising a refuge to the oppressed of Europe — a home for the liberty of the world — still the object of his search w^as fore- most in his m.ind ; and it was not until he had explored the North river, that he relinquished the hope of finding here a north-west pas- sage to the Indian Ocean. When he had carried the Half-moon up to the site of the present city of Hudson, and found himself in fresh water, and among islets and sand bars, the visions of eastern riches must have given place to the reality of being the first navi- gator of this noble river, and conferring on his employers a title, as he supposed, to a country unrivalled on the globe. After ex- ploring in his boat, perhaps in his ship, as far as the situation at present of the city of Albany, and holding intercourse in his pro- gress with the friendly natives, Hudson returned to the Man- hattoes about the fourth of October ; not far from the time when the famous Captain Smith sailed for England from Jamestown, and Ciiamplain was invading the Iroquois from Canada, by the way of the lake which bears his name.* From September tenth to the twenty-second, Hudson had felt his way, with line and lead, through the Highlands to the site of iVlbany, and again descended to Spikendevil creek and the Copsey rocks, on which our southern promenade, once a bat- tery, now rests. t To himself, and his crew, all was a scene of de- light and wonder, as he explored his own great stream. But I am grieved to say, that the lives of eleven of the natives were sacri- ficed in his visit to tlie beautiful river. The untamed wilderness and the untamed men, were equally objects of admiration. All was free to grow, luxuriate, enjoy, and decay as nature dictated. In one of the pleasantest months of our many pleasant months, did Europeans first see this noble river ; and Hudson returned to the island of the INIanhattoes, with ideas of the stream that bears his name, and the country through which it rolls, that cannot easily be imagined by an inhabitant of the present day. * III ihe library of the New York Historical Society, in a MS. by the late Rev. Mr. Abpcl, in which lie says, that at the point of Manhattan island, Hudson found a fierce and hostile people, but this is contradicted by other statements : on the con- trary, Mr. Abecl says, the Indians on the west side of the harbour, about Comuiiipaw, came daily on board the Half-moon, and brought oysters, maize, and fruits; and here Hudson landed. See Appendix D. + When Hudson, in descending the river, was about the Highlands, some of the natives ciine aboard the vessel, who were given rum to drink, and made drunk by the crew, I hope, thougii I fear, not without the participation of the Captain. It is said that the effect of this poison " astonished the Indians, and filled them with great fear." Hajipy would it have been if this dread of the liquor and its efTects, had been accompanied by a disgust that could have withstood the seduction of European teachiug. MANHATTAN. 86 Although Henry Hudson landed on the island of Manhattan, before he ascended the great river, and had iiis first interview with the assembled Sachems of the adjoining country, as the Indians have informed Heckewelder, he certainly did not 1609 fail to seek the northwest passage through the North river, and wheq he opened the sea of Tappan, might have imagined that the road to riches was found. Long after the days of the discovery of Manhattan, Hudson and the Dutch generally, as well as the Indiaus, supposed that the Half-moon was the first ship that had been seen by the natives of this part of the continent. Of this we have the testimony of Vanderdonck, who wrote in 1650. The Indians appear to have lost all knowledge of Verrazzano's visit to Sandy Hook, and the shores within ; or those who saw him had, in the lapse of years, been replaced by other tribes.* There can be no doubt that the Delaware Indians had preserved the tradition which the reverend Mr. Heckewelder communicated to Doctor Samuel Miller, and which is deposited in the Library of the New York Historical Society. They described the ap- * 1609. Vanderdonck says, that when the Half-moon arrived at the Mew Nethcrland, the natives "did not know that there were any oiher people in the world than those who were like themselves;"' he says many of them were still living at the time of his writing, " with whom" he had conversed. When they first discovered Hudson's ship, they "stood in deep and solemn amazement," not kiiowing whether it was an "apparition from the world of spirits, or a monster of the sea ; and when they saw the men their astonishment was still greater ;" from which the author concludes, " that the Netherlanders were the first finders or discoverers and possessors" of the country. It appears that in the eyes of Europeans the natives were not considered as either discoverers or possessors. But altliough Verrazzano had made his appearance amonir these Indians in 15'24, eighty-five years before the arrival of the Half-mooti, neither the Dutch voyagers nor the Indians they conversed with had any knowledge of the events. Those natives who received the Italian, and his French crew, were no loncrer the inhabitants of the shores of New Jersey cr New York ; probably no longer in ex- istence ; and no trace would remain of the event among the people seen by Hudsoa in 1609, or by Vanderdonck in 1G50. Although Doctor Vanderdonck gives as the limits of Nevr Nctherland north and south, the sea coast from 38 degrees 53 minutes north to 43 degrees south, yet he subsequently says it is bounded " by New England and the Fresh river," (meaning the Connecticut river) and in part by the river of Canada or New France (the St. Law- rence) and by Virginia. And again ; " north east the New Netherlands butt against New England, where there are differences on the subject of boundaries which we wish were well settled. On the north the Kiver of Canada stretches a considerable dis- tance, but in the north-west it is still undefined and unknown. Many of our Nether- landers have been far into the country, more than 70 or 80 miles Irom the river and seashore: we also frequently trade with Indians who come more than 10 and 20 days journey from the interior, and who have been further off to catch beavers, and they know of no limits to the country," therefore he concludes, that, " we know not how deep or how far we extend inland." Such were the ideas of the learned among the Dutch as to the boundaries of New Netherland. At the time Vanderdonck wrote there appear to have been many whales on our coast; some occasio ally grounded in the shoal waters, when too eager in pursuit of pleasure or food. I am indebted for Vanderdonck's History, to a MS. translation by Jeremiah Johnson, Esq. IHJ FIRST TASTE OI' RLM. pearauce of the Half-moon when first descried approaching from sea as that of a wonderful maiine monster ; then they imagined the ship was a Hoating house of uncommon magnitude ; at last they compared her to a great canoe filled with gods, and directed by the great Spirit himself, dressed in scarlet. They said that those Indians wlio first saw this awful vision approach, sent ri/ii/iers, and messengers in canoes to spread the news, and inform the chiefs of the adjacent shores and islands : and that in consequence a council of Sachems convened on the point of land, afterwards the site of the city of New York, who awaited the appj'oach, and re- ceived with propitiatory offerings the great Maiuto in red. They said nothing oi" the death of John Coleman, or of any untoward occurrence. They described the preparations which were made for sacrificing to the great Spirit who had designed to visit them ; and he having landed with his attendant spirits, ordered a calibash to be brouglit from his moving house, from which he poured a liquid into a smaller transparent receptacle, and drank it oft'. Affain fillina; the small calibash, he offered it to the Sachem who was nearest to him, and he^ after smelling the liquor, passed it to another, who did the same, all refusing to drink. At length the fatal cup came to the last in the circle, and was still untasted. A bold warrior however at last accepted the pledge for fear of of- fending the benignant Manito by rejectirig his offering, and rather than draw down the wrath of heaven upon the red men, he re- solved to risk his own life. He drank the rum. The delete- rious poison soon began its operation upon one unaccustomed to any stimulants; and while his companions anxiously looked at him he began to reel, and soon staggered and fell. They gathered about him in sorrow and wonder, and he recovering, described the pleasure he received from the intoxicating excitement. All the as- sembly then desired to experience the bounty of the red-coated Manito^ and all became drunk. In this state of madness, which has been the bane of their race, the navigator left them ; and as the narrators informed Mr. Heckowelder, die island was called by the Indians, Manhattan, or the place of drunkenness, or mad- ness by intoxication. An ominous name.* The story of the Dutch gaining land for their first establishment, trading house, or fort, by cutting the ox-hide into strips, and thus surrounding a space sufficient for their purpose, is likewise a tra- dition told ty the Delaware Indians to Mr. Heckewelder ; and if applicable at all, can only be supposed to have happened at a subsequent period, when in 1G15 Christianse visited America, and commenced a post for trading. The tradition is, that the Dutch * Doctor Barton ffivcs all this scene of drunkenness, hut supposes it happened when Verrazzano cannc within the Hook, and long before Hudson. FOllTS. 37 asked, in like manner as did Queen Dido, for as niucli land as would I'all wiUiin the circun)ference of an ox-hide ; which being granted, they cut the hide carefully into one continuous strip not larger than the little finger, and thus encircled a large piece of s;round, which the admiring savages willingly gave, j)leased with the ingenuity displayed by their visiters. All that renders this probable is, that tlie Dutch traders, rather than the Indian narrator, should have been familiar with the original story of the foundation of Carthao;e. The fact is, that until ]Gl5 the Dutch had 1G15 made no purchase, nor obtained any permanent footing on the island of Manhattan, but at that time, probably imder the guidance of Christianse, they purchased a piece of land on the bank of the Hudson, and obtained permission to erect a trading house, which being guarded by a palisade fence, was called the first fort. The situation of this fort was near or on the site of what is now Bunker's hotel or boarding house, and immediately looking down to the beach. The first real fort, as we shall see, was erected in 1623 or 4, and was a square, and on the bank of the river where the west wall of Trinity Church burying-ground is now. The first piece of soil purchased, extended I'rom the pali- sadoed tradino'-honse alono- the bank, to Rector street, and was cultivated and used as a garden. I am aware that in the controversy between Massachusetts and New York, in 1667, respecting bounds, the commissioners of New York admitted that there existed a town and fort at New Amsterdam in 1612, when Argal received the submission of the man he called governor. But in 1612 the Dutch government had neither town nor fort here. Some huts sheltered a few unlicensed traders, who probably had a stockade round dieir dwellings to protect them from the savages with whom they bartered. New^ Amsterdam (or New York) was begun by traders, and it now flourishes by trade ; but what a difference ! Then a stock- ade fort, or a stone wall, a few huts, a single ship, (to which an Albany sloop is a floating palace,) beads and shells for money, and otter skins and green tobacco for merchandise ! Now, thou- sands of palaces, and thousands of vessels, whose long-boats might vie with the half-decked shallop of Columbus, banks, mints, bills of credit, and specie ; with the manufactures of both hemispheres as the articles of commerce. To return to Henry Hudson. Sailing back to Europe, 1610 he brought the Half-moon into the harbour of Dartmouth in England, (compelled so to do by his mutinous English sailors,) and sent his Dutch employers an account of his discoveries. Again the English merchants had their hopes revived of finding the much-desired passage by a short road to India, and Hudson was again employ^ed by his countrymen for the purpose. On the 17th 38 Hudson's bay. of April 1610, he sailed on his fourth and last voyage, toward the North Pole, in the never-dying hope of discovering this imagined passage to the Indian Ocean. From April to July, amidst the suf- ferings of incessant cold, danger from ice islands and icebergs, struggling with disappointment and a mutinous crew, he thought himself rewarded for all when he passed the straits that bear his name, and saw a clear sea beyond. Into this sea he entered on the fifth day of August. To an island which he encountered he gave the name of Digges Island, in honour of one of his employ- ers. The sailors who were sent to examine this place, reported great plenty of game, and the navigator was advised to replenish the exhausted stock of food ; but elated with the bright prospect before him, he rejected the salutary counsel, and steered on for the country of gold and spices. He now felt assured that all his dreams were realized. Again he found that his way to India was impeded by snow-covered land and ice : he coasted the inhospitable shores but found no opening — he was in Hudson's bay. Here he wished to remain until spring, still hoping that the opening had only eluded his search in consequence of the late season ; but in this fatal bay his voyages and discoveries terminated.* In the same year that Hudson sailed on his last voyage, 1610 the merchants of Amsterdam sent out a ship to this coun- try ; claiming it as belonging to Holland by virtue of the un- fortunate navigator's discoveries. The intention was to trade with the natives, others soon followed ; and some few of the adven- turers erected huts on the south point of Manhattan Island. Samuel Smith, the historian of New Jersey, says, that in a pamphlet published in 1648, with a view to oppose the Dutch Colony of New Netherland, the author states, that at the time of Argal's visit there were " at Manhattan Isle, in Hudson's river," but four houses and a pretended Dutch governor, " who kept trading boats and trucking with the Indians." Argal made the trader pay whatever he pleased to demand as the charges of his voyage, and submit to the governor of Virginia. The Dutch East India Company, finding that Hudson's 1614 discovery of the great river gave them no monopoly of the trade to New Netherlands, but that private adventurers visited Manhattan and the neighbourhood, bearing off furs and other produce, applied to the States general for an exclusive pri- vilege, on the ground that the discovery was made at their ex- pense ; and this privilege was given by the edict of 1614 ; by which all persons who might discover new countries should have the ex- clusive trade thereto for four years in succession. This was the * See Appendix E. CHRISTIANSE AND BLOCK. 39 first exclusive right vested in the citizens of New Amsterdam by the repubUc, and was the foundation of the Dutch West India Company hereafter mentioned. Adrian Block arrived at Manhattan Island for the purpose of trading with the Indians for skins, and making further discoveries for the Dutch East India Company. By some accident his vessel was burned, and he built another; certainly the tii-st sea vessel, how- ever small her tonnage, ever built here. With this sea-boat he ex- plored the East river and iSound, between the main land and Long Island, which the Indians called the Island of Shells. Christianse, who was on similar service for the company, met Block somewhere about Cape Cod, and they in company explored the coast, and it is supposed that diey discovered Newport harbour, where Ver- razzano had been long before, and the whole of Narragansett bay, to which they gave the name of Nassau. They then re- turned to JNIanhattan after entering Connecticut river. For the voyages of Christianse and Block, and the first settle- ment near Albany, we are indebted to the Albany Records.* Christianse sailed up to the neighbourhood of Albany and erected Fort Orange, further than this he considered the navigation fit for sloops only.t Block and Christianse brought out traders who built on Manhattan Island. Block when he sailed through Hell-gate (the appellation now fixed on this pass) left his name permanently on Block Island. | The various distractions in Holland prevented any regu- 1621 lar attempt at colonizing New Netherland until 1621, and Hudson's river was for a time called Mauritius, in com- pliment to prince Maurice. On the third of June 1621, the States General of Holland granted a charter to the Dutch West India Company, (to which additions were made two years after,) and in February 1623 an act of amplification was given. By this charter and amendment a company was authorized to trade with the West Indies, Africa and other places ; and all other inhabitants of the United Nether- ♦ Volume 4. p. 25. + Schenectady was commenced shortly after Christianse planted a colony at Fort Orange, acting under the edict of 1614. It a[)pears that this name had been applied by the Iroquois to the site of Albany. By degrees the Dutch pushed their settle- ments up the valley of the Mohawk to Caughnawahga. But the name of the German Flatts evinces the settlement of another race. In the reign of Queen Anne about 1709, throe thousand Palatines were tran.-:ported to America Those who made New York their home, first resided at East Camp, (in the county of Columbia) many of them pitched their dwellings near Scoharrie Creek ; and in 1720 they spread over the German Flatts. The meeting of West Canada Creek with the Mohawk, formed a bottom land which attracted others of the same race. X Judge Benson has suggested that instead of the entrance to Erebus, the Dutch navigator called the passage between Long and Manhattan Islands, Hdlc-gat, or beau, tiful pass. 40 DUTCH WEST INDIA COMPANY. lands were prohibited from trade with those places for twenty-four years under certain penalties. Articles were aureed u|)on between the Dutch \Vest India Company and the States General, and approved by the Prince of Orange. In consequence of the above, the city of Amsterdam and the West India Company entered into articles of agreement with all colonists wishing to go to the New Netherlands, by which the burgomasters oi" the city boiuid them- selves to find shipping on reasonable terms for the colonists, and whatever tliey may carry with them ; to send a schoolmaster and religious reader ; to make advances for clothing and other purposes ; to erect public buildings and fortifications ; to establish a go- vernment, wherein the citizens shall choose their burgomasters, their magistrates, a-nd (when there shall be 200 families) a repre- sentative council of tvv-enty delegates to be chosen annually. Courts of justice were provided, agriculturists were warranted as much cultivable land as they could till, free from certain taxes for ten years, and from others for twenty.* Thus we see that tlie first government of New York was repre- sentative in |)art : the colonists governed themselves by magistrates elected annually, except as the Director General, or as the agent of the West India Company had a supreme control, and the common law of the Netherlands was in force. Such was the gov- ernment, until overthrown by the English, when the colony was subjected to a Govei'uor, appointed by James Duke of York, and to the laws called the Duke's Laws. The colony had by this time increased, and many English families had mingled with the Dutch in New Amsterdam and on Long Island, where townships of English from Connecticut, and other parts of New England, had been formed. The Duke's government, while he remained a sub- ject, was mild : when he ascended the throne of England, it was tyrannical. Chancellor Kent, in his anniversary discourse before the New York Historical Society, (to whose library 1 am indebted for much information relative to this work,) says, " If i do not greatly deceive myself, there is no portion .of the Jiistory of this country, which is more instructive or calculated to embellish our national character, than the domestic history of this state," speak- ing of the slate of New York. Again he says, "Our history will be found, upon examination, as fruitful as the records of any other people, in recitals of heroic actions, and in images of resplendant virtue. It is equally well fitted to elevate the pride of ancestry, to awaken deep feeling, and enkindle generous emulation." In pursuing the lii.story of New York it will be necessary to note the col(;nization and progress of other provinces on this con- * See Appendix F. FIUST COLONIZERS. 41 tinent, and particularly those of New England, whose descendants form at this time so great a portion of the population of the state. The original setders of New York were such as may he hoasted of by their descendants ; and the second race that flowed in upon them, and mingled with them, was such as is now remembered with just pride : they brought from their native country an equal portion of the germs whicli form our present prosperity. The causes which produced emigration to the different colonies of America, and the various classes of people, as well as motives which induced men to leave their European homes, are subjects of curious inquiry, and edifying speculation. The puritans, or j)ilgrims, who sought a new home, for conscience sake, were peo- ple of property and education ; and although some among them were men who had attained a degree of eminence, equality of rights was the disdnguishing feature of their society. The first eastern colonists had the advantage over all the others in those qualities which form a republican government, or democracy, except the companions of William Penn, who settled Penn- sylvania and West Jersey. The first visiters, and settlers of New York, those brought out by Block and Christianse, were mere traders ; colonization was not iheir object. Traffic alone induced them to build huts and store-houses, with a fort to protect the goods they brought from home, or those procured by barter from the natives. That spii'it, which now fills our streets with ware- houses that emulate castles, and dwellings that are palaces ; which encumbers our pavements with the most costly fabrics of Europe and the Indies ; which has produced banking-houses whose vaults overflow with the precious metals, and send forth bills of credit that can only be counted by millions and billions ; began its operations here, at the south-west extremity of Pearl street, (so called as if by inspiration,) and on the banks of the North river, conducting its bargains with strings of wampum cut from mussel and clam shells. Commerce (the parent of national pi'osperity, both here and in the fatherland, Holland ; the root of that prosperity which has creat- ed navies, not to destr-oy but bless mankind,) began its operations here, at the point of the island of Manhattan : it has covered the black rocks with pleasure-walks and groves, the whole island and its surrounding waters with fixed or floating palaces, and no lon- ger confined to the Coj)sey-poi.nf, extends its influence to every region of the globe. VOL. 1. 42 NKW ENGLAND. CHAPTER III. Colonization of New England — Intimate connection icith tlie Dutch of Nciv York — Massachusetts — Permanent settlement of Netv Ncthcrland — Silas Wood — Long Inland — The Fatroons — Peter Minuits — Van TiviLler — The Swedes — Gustavus Adol])hus. We will now turn to the cast, and note the colonization 1610 of New England. The royal and ecclesiastical tyranny in England, drove Mr. Robinson and his congregation to Leyden, where they found an asylum with the Dutch protestant republicans. Cardinal Bentevoglio denominates these pious and exemplary people, " a body of English hereticks, called Puritans, who had resorted to Holland for the purposes of commerce." The intention of many puritans of England was to seek a refuge in Virginia ; but a royal proclamation forbade any of the king's subjects to settle in that country without express permission from their master, James the first. The Mayflower arrived at Plymouth in die year 1020. 1G,20 The puritan colony saw in the land of their exile nothing to cheer them ; but they had that within which supported them under all trials, and " passeth show." On the eleventh of November the pilgrims had landed some men at Cape Cod, but relinquishing this as the place of settle- ment, diey, on the eighth of December, set foot on Plymouth Rock. Of one hundred and one who then arrived, only fifty-five survived to the foIlowin 52 VAN TWILLER. covered this river, but had actually purchased the lands adjacent, on the 8th January, 1633, for the States-general, by their agent Jacobus Van Curies. The Indians called themselves Seqvdlns, and the river Sivacok, In the October following, the Dutch protested againsi William Holmes, who as commander or leader of men from Plymouth, " built a house on the Fresh river." They desiredhim to desist, but he continued to occupy the land previously purchased by the Netherlanders, and to cultivate and build as though on his own property, and in a short time Hartford arose, and the Dutch found themselves enclosed by English plantations and an English town. Soon after the arrival of Van Twiller he appears to have 1634 conmienc^ed agriculturist. One of his plantations was at Red Hook. Governors Island, which is supposed always from the first settlement, to have been a perquisite of the Director- general for the lime being, wgs so near Red Hook that cattle crossed the channel to and fro at low water. This channel has since become a passage for vessels, and is known under the name of Buttermilk channel. It has been formed by washing away the Jands of Long Island and part of Van Twiller's plantation. Under his administration both Dutch and English villages were settled on Long Island, and the land at Harlaem was purchased from the Indian claimants. Flatlands, first called Amersfort. 1636 was commenced. The inhabitants of each town, settled by the Enghsh, adopted or framed laws for their own gov- ernment : they armed themselves and made military regulations for defence against the Indians ; they established courts to prevent f^nd punisl] crimes; they had trial by jury when required, the jury consisting of seven, and a majority deciding the question; they had town meetings which imposed taxes and appointed tax- gatherers. Each town judged of the character of any person propo- sing to become a member, and admitted or excluded him as his standing and opinions suited them. The New England colonies and the Englisli towns of Long Island were peopled by republicans driven from Great Britain by civil and ecclesiastical tyranny.* * In 1636 a warrant was given to the Lord Admiral to stop all ministers who are unconformahlr to the discipline and ceremonirs of the rhtrch, from transporting them- selves to tlic Slimmer islands and other of his majesty's plantations abroad, "where they lake liberty to nourish and preserve their factions and schistnatical humours, to the hindrance of pood conformity and unity in the church." Therefore, no clergy- man IS to be henceforth permitted to go abroad to said places, without permission of the archbishop of Canterbury and bishop of London. Rushwnrth says, " The severe censures of the Star Chamber, and the greatness- of the fines, &c. and suspending and silencing multitudes of ministers for not reading in the church, the book for sports to be exercised on the Lord's day, caused many of the nation, both ministers and others, to sell their estates and set sail for New Eng- land, (a late plantation in America,) where they hold a plantation by patent from the king." In 1637 the English government seem to have been alarmed by the great num- THE SWEDES. 53 Although the Dutch visited the Delaware for the pur- 1637 poses of trade, no effort at colonization was made from 1633 to 1637, about which time the Swedes sent out a colony to that part of New Netherland : they were led and directed by Peter JNIinuits, who had been dismissed from the service of Holland, and now arrived in the Delaware. The heroic champion of protestantism, Gustavus Adolphus, had long before lent his name and influence to colonizing Ameri- ca, as a place of refuge for the oppressed of the reformed religion : but the call he received from Germany for the protection of the same cause and its suffering adherents, deferred his plans. After his wonderful German conquests, made not like those of pre- ceding conquerors, over undisciplined multitudes — not like the triumphs of Alexander, and other leaders of well appointed bodies of men, trained to war over hordes without knowledge or practice in the science of man-killing — but victories obtained over those best instructed and flushed with success in battles innu- merable ; the soldiers of Tilly, confident in their leader, inured to carnage and delighting in blood. Gustavus conquered, solely by the justice of his cause, the favour of heaven, a gigantic genius and the valour of his hardy Swedes ; and after these heroic achievements, which resulted in the death of the hero, at Lutzen, in the arms of victory, his worthy minister, Oxenstiern, renewed the design of an American settlement, the conduct of which was entrusted to Mimdts. He sailed with two vessels, the " Key of Colmar," and the " GrifUn." He entered the Delaware, and purchased from the Indians the lands from the southern cape, which the Swedes called "Point Paradise," to the Falls of Tren- ton. About this time fort Christina was erected at the creek of the same name. The liberal views of the Swedes, (particularly on the subject of slavery,) were avowed. The Netherlanders made use of slave- labour from the commencement of their colonial speculations ; ber of people who left the country to go to the plantations ; and the 30th April the king issued his proclamation against the disorderly transporting his subjects to the plantations, he having been informed that great numbers of his subjects are every year transported into those parts of America which hare been granted by patent to several persons, and these subjects transported or transporting themselves for the pur- pose of living " without the reach of authority ;" he therefore commands all officers, &c. not to permit any persons, being "subsidy men," to embark at any port, &c., without certificate of conformity to the church of England. And on the 1st May, 1638, " the privy council made another order for reasons importing to the state, best known to themselves, to stay eight ships now in the river Thames, prepared to go for New England, and for putting on land all the passengers and provisions, &.c. And forasmuch as his majesty knows the factious dispositions of a great part of the peo- ple of that plantation, prohibits all ships to set forth" with passengers for New Eng- land without permission from the lords of the privy council. 54 KIEPT. and like other people, English as well as other European na- tions, seem to have thought the traffic in men as lawful as any other. As early as 1620, the Dutch carried a cargo of African slaves to Virginia. The tohacco and other plantations at INIan- hattoes, were cultivated by negroes; but we must remember that long after this, when the good queen Anne was establishing churches in the English colonies, she was no less active in prose- cuting the trade in Africans, and in introducing slaves to her Amer- ican dominions. It is only the more remarkable and worthy of admiration, that the Swedes at the early period of which we are treating, should have avowed their intention of eschewing the evil; and 'should have seen the policy of a contrary practice. They declared their intention to cultivate their lands by the labour of freemen. " Other nations," they said, " employed slaves ; the Swedish people are laborious and intelligent ; and surely we shall gain more by the efforts of the free who labour for their wives, their children and themselves." About the same time that Sir William Kieft arrived* 1638 at New Amsterdam, and superseded Van Twiller in the directorship, Minuits arrived with a ship of war and a transport, and planted the Swedish colony at Christina. With the emigrants came out a minister and an engineer. They first landed at Cape Henlopen. Kieft considered this as an intrusion upon his territories, and sent a remonstrance to the Swedes. At the same time he found himself daily more and more crowded by the ever thriving colonies of New England, particularly Con- necticut. Already the territories of the Pequot Indians had been declared the just and rightful property of the English colonists by conquest. On the twentieth day of September, " at a general court," it was declared, that " whereas the lord had delivered the Pequots into the hands of the court, and thereby given Vijust tide to all their lands both at Pecoit and Quinapiack, and the parts bcyovd toumds the Dutch, the court declares that they and their ^^ associates iqwn Connecticut,'''' have "just right and title" to " all the said lands and territories." They accordingly proceed to appoint a time for the planting or settling this territory, to pay by sales to the set- tlers a part of the expense of the war of conquest. It is well to notice, that it was onlv in 1635 that the Massachusetts emi- * In this year the first printing press was sent out to British America, and in 1639 the first printing was done ; whereas in Mexico, Mr. Thomas in his History of print- ing, tells OS, that a press was set up in 1569, and Gazettes published in the seven- teenth century. The .first Gazette of the English colonies was the Boston News Letter in 1704. Samuel Greene commenced printing in Cambridge in 1639, and his son Bartholomew printed the first Gazette in English America at Boston on the seven- teenth of April, 1704 on a half sheet of" pot paper." SLAVE TRADE. 65 grants, who, under the directorsliip of Kieft's predecessor, Van Tvviller, had purchased the lands claimed by tlie Dutch on Con- necticut river, from the Pequots, who, led by their chief Sasaciis, had driven off the native chiefs, and had a just claim by conquest to this territory; but Sasac us having quarrelled, or being driven into hostilhies wuh the English, he and his Pequots were sub- jugated, and the above just title is given to the people of jNevv England. CHAPTER IV. Teyidency which the ignorant have in all ages to icorship idols oj' their own making — Universality of Negro Slaveni in the hegin- ning oj'the seventeenth ccnturij—^Superiority of Eastern Colo- nists — Absurdity of a community of yroperty in mixed societies — The population of New Amsterdam — State of society under Sir WiUiam Kieft — Various cncroacJunents upon his jurisdic- tion — Canadian affairs — Foundation oJ' tlic enmity home by the Troquois to the French. The disposition (caused by an ignorance of their rights and power) which mankind have ever evinced to worship the jugger- nauts who crush them, and to bow to the idols whicii they them- selves have set up, while they tremble, and yet curse them, has in- duced writers to bestow unmerited praise upon Elizabeth Queen of England. During her reign, the persecutions which Chris- tianity and conscience underwent, were partly the cause of the attemi)ts to colonize America. Puritans were marked as the ene- mies of hierarchal pomp and tyrannical bigotry. In process of time they fled their pleasant native land, in the hope to commune with their God without the interference of man. It was during the reign of Elizabeth that England coni- 1562 menced the slave trade. Four titled Englishmen, '' all ho- norable men," Sir John Hawkins, Sir Lionel Duchet, Sir Thomas Lodge and Sir William Winter, were the leaders in that infamous traffic, which has cursed and still continues to curse the free United States of America. In 15G2, Hawkins by the aid of the three men above named, (made honourable and titled as well as himself, by that fountain of honour a monarch,) carried a cargo of Africans from Sierra Leone to Hispaniola, and sold such as were not murdered on the voyage, as slaves to the Spaniards. Even Elizabeth was shocked at this novel atrocity, and called Hawkins to her presence to reprove him ; but he convinced her that it was an act of humanity to carry men from a worse to a better country, where thev would become civilized and converted to christianitv. 66 COiMMUNlTY OF PROPERTY. She afterwards encouraged the trade. The same argument is still used by the interested, in the face of fact, reason, religion and humanity. The first cultivators of New Netherland employed African slaves for labourers on their plantations of tobacco or corn. But where shall we turn our eyes to the place at which slavery did not exist, or to what man at that time who discountenanced it.^ William Penn was a slave-holder; and John Locke the framer of constitu- tions for Carolina, contemplated negro slavery as part of the esta- blishment, and gave to every freeman absolute authority over his negro slaves. Even in New England, where I confess tiiat I love to look, negro slavery existed. Already the inhabitants of Boston in 1635, only five years after the settlement of the peninsula, established a free school. In 3 639 the puritans of Plymouth, who at first governed themselves by the voices of all who belonged to the church, that is, by the votes of all the settlers, found it necessary to establish a representative government. They had previously abandoned a community of property, for they found that even in tliat band of brothers it repressed individual exeition, and encouraged some evil propen- sities. Community of property cannot exist in any society combined for political government, which consists of a number beyond a very small limit; and a good government must not be exclusive. All the good should participate. Equality of' rights constitutes democracy, and numbers require a representative assembly. — Among many, or even a few, there cannot be equality of body or mind ; so neither can there be equality of power, property or en- joyment in any community of persons associating for self-govern- ment. Equality of property in such a community, neither can nor ought to exist. Individual property, individual power or hope of enjoyment, stimulates to actions which result in the good of all. The man that can and will do more than others, deserves more, and he will receive more : he has more power, and if he exerts it for the common good, he deserves and receives more confidence, love and respect. If he is selfish, he will forfeit this confidence, love and respect ; and his gratification will be sordid. The desire to possess power is in itself good, and with the inequality of individual gifts, proves the absurdity of en- deavouring to establish a society where community of property shall exist. Equality in the opportunities for acquiring education found no- thing to oppose it among the puritans. In Massachusetts the general court enacted that in every township of fifty householders, a person should be appointed to teach children to read and write; and they said " this person shall be paid either by the parents or DE VRIES. 57 the town." And every town of one hundred householders shall have a grammar school equal to fitting children for the university. So early did this wise people make provision for the future welfare of the state, and tax themselves for the benefit of posterity. When De Vries, in April 1G33, found Wouter Van Twiller at New Amsterdam, just arrived as the successor of Minuits, he says, the new commander was on board the ship De Zoiitbcrg. Van Twiller had been a clerk of the West India Company of Holland. This was his second voyage to America : in the first he had acted as the agent of the patroons, in selecting lands and purchasing from the natives. De Vries expressed to Van Twiller the disappointment he ex- perienced in regard to the whale fishery on the coast of New Ne- therland. He said the company ought to have sent out two or three sloops to gain the necessary knowledge, before fitting out so expensive an expedition as that which he had brought out. Godyn, who had been a director of the Greenland Whale Com- pany, ought to have known better. Van Twiller had arrived with a ship of twenty guns, fifty-two sailors and one hundred and four soldiers. By this we may form some notion of the importance of the place in a commercial point of view ; and it does not appear that the second Director-general was inattentive to agriculture. The colony or manor of Pavonia was neglected by Dc Paicw, and finally reverted to the West India Company. Heer Van Rensselaer* had not yet arrived in the country, and had only sent dependants with stock and farming utensils as the commencement of Renssellaerhurs^h. The population of New Amsterdam was not so univer- 3638 sally enlightened as that of New England. At the arrival of Director-general Kieft, it is recorded in the secretary of state's office at Albany, that fort Amsterdam in the city of New Amsterdam was in a state of decay and dilapidation ; many farms belonging to the company, were without tenants or cultivation, and thrown into common; the trading vessels, with only one ex- ception, were in bad condition ; the houses were out of repair ; there was but one smith's shop, one grist mill, and one saw mill in operation — there had been three saw mills, but one had been burnt and another was unfit for use. *' The site of the magazine was * In Vol. 13, Dutch Records, p. 43, Kilian Van Rensselaer is addressed by the States-general, " honourable, respected, beloved, Kilian Van Rensselaer ; being, with his associates, patroon of a colony in New Netherland, and merchants in Am- sterdam." Judge Egbert Benson, in a MS. communication to Doctor S. Miller, says, " Kilian Van Rensselaer came over with Van Cortlandt (who had been bred a car- penter,) and brought a number of low people, indented servants and others not ser- vants, for the purpose of planting colonees, as the Dutch called them." VOL. I. 8 58 ALBANY RECORDS. scarce discoverable." The system of government had deteriorated as well as all things else about this time. "Judicial power was ex- ercised by the governor and council, or by special courts. Confes- sions were extorted from, the accused by torture." Perhaps a few extracts from the Albany Records, will here give a better notion of the population of New Amsterdam in this year and a clearer idea of the place, than any mode I could adopt. The " fort of Amsterdam in New Netherland,"* although di- lapidated, was tenanted; for here Cornelius Van Tienhoveen "se- cretary in behalf of the general, privileged, West India Company of Amsterdam," held his office and attended to business ; and here " Sir William Kieft, Director-general of New Netherland," appeared on the nineteenth of April 1638, and met John Damen, who there and then contracted to leaset of the director, two lots of land, probably a part of the company's farms above mentioned, "the laroest," says the record, which "thus far has been cultivated hy the blacks.''^ This largest piece of land is described as being near the fort, and the other is "north of the company's garden." Damen contracts to manure and cultivate this land, and as rent, pay to the Director-general half the produce, " with which God our Lord shall bless the said lots." Kieft contracts, "to keep the palisades in good repair, and provide Damen with two labourers for a fortnight in harvest time at the company's expense." The contract is for six years, and the company have the privilege to plant vines on the premises. There are other provisions ; and in case any contro- versy should arise, it is to be submitted to " the high provincial court of Holland and other courts of judicature." All the legal transactions appear to be in presence of the above secretary Tienhoveen, whether protests of skippers, or bargains for land. Kieft appears in company with the " honourable, wise and prudent," (words used by the translator whenever the gover- * Sir William Kieft repaired the fort which had been erected by Van Twiller, and built a church within the walls. It has been supposed that a house for a place of worship had been previously built by our Dutch ancestors, but I find no trace of it. In 1623 the city of Amsterdam contracted to send out at her expense with the colo- nists a person to read the scriptures, which probably was done, and the people attend- ed divine worship at a private house until Kieft built the first church within the fort, which was probably finished in 1641 or earlier, as it was betfun in 1640. The reverend John Megapoleiisis was j)erhaps then in New Amsterdam, and probably was the first preacher : he was certainly there in 1643, and remained until the English conquest in 1664. lie practised physic, as did Doctor Vanderdonck ; and we are incidentally told of a French physician residing at Manhattoes in Stuyvesanl's time, to which phy- sician a sachem repaired to be cured of disease. t It appears that although Kieft's farm was at Paulus Hook, the whole of which peninsula he sold to Planck for seventy-five pounds, the Dircctor-geneial had likewise a plantation on Manhattan Island, which he leased for one hundred and fifty pounds of good tobacco per year. ALBANY RECORDS. 59 nor or ex-governor are named,) Wouter Van T wilier, who hires a farm from Kieft. Witnesses are permitted to swear or affirm as conscience dic- tates : the latter mode is claimed and practised by the baptists ; and accordingly Keyer Hofelsen Smit, affirms before the said se- cretary to circumstances which I copy to illustrate manners, ra- ther than to add dignity to our history. This solemn affirmation is that of Reiner Jansen Van Sevord, who declares that Hendrick Jansen Snyder, called Anthony Jansen Van Zule, " is a turk, a rascal and a horned beast." There appears to be a degree of rustic ill-manners in the above ; but generally the records evince a state of society that is pleasant to contemplate. We have an agreement for the rent of a farm called Wallenstein, with horses, cows, calves, plough and harrow ; the owner of which is to receive from the farmer as rent one hun- dred and fifty pounds of butter, half before and half after harvest ; besides fifty schepels of corn (that is, thirty-seven and half bushels) either " wheat, rye, barley, or such produce as they can spare, to the contentment of the owner." The increase of the cattle was to be equally divided. By another agreement, the wise and prudent* Wouter Van Twiller provides Lenaart Arentsen with three milch cows, of which Arentsen is to enjoy the increase for four years ; at the expiration of which time, the " wise and prudent" may take his choice of the creatures Arentsen has in his stable, to the number of three milch cows, and the residue shall be equally divided between them, " provided that the three calves which are actually with the cows are to be fed and taken care of by Lenaart during the sum- mer and next winter, after which said calves must be returned to the Honourable Wouter Van Twiller" — " and provided that the first heifer calf of the whole stock shall be the property of Lenaart Arentsen's youngest daughter." George Rapelye receives cows on similar terms from Van Twiller ; and Kieft, the present Direc- tor-general, sells to Abraham Isaacs Plank, " a lot of land called Paulus-hook, situated to the west of the Island of Manhattan, east from Ahasimus on the North River, to the valley which borders on it." For this farm Plank gives four hundred and fifty guilders of twenty stivers each, (£75 st.) and the sheriff in the colony of Rensselaer-wyk is security. * Grants to Wouter Van Twiller entitled him to the appellation of ''wise and prudent." In 1637, " Hellgate and Nutten Island," were granted to him, and in 1643, "Red-hook." Several negroes appear on the records as patentees as early as 1643 and 1646. New Utrecht, Long Island, was granted and laid out in 1667, as appears by MS. translations by Mr. Goelet, who is mentioned by William Smith thus, "Mr. Jacob Goelet supplied us with several extracts from the Dutch records." But Mr. Smith's history contains very little of the early story of New Nelheiland. r>0 PRIMITIVE MANNERS. Some payments are made in tobacco, as they were in Virginia long after. Several debts are acknowledged of tobacco due to the wise and prudent ex-director-general, who not only furnishes the colonists with cows but with goats. The plain " situated on the island of Manhattan behind Corlaer^s lot," was cultivated in tobacco ; and Hans Hansen contracts to provide houses for the workmen and stores for the tobacco, and " to keep the persons emigrating from Vaterland in constant era- ploy to their mutual profit." These records remind me of the testimony borne by Chancellor Kent to the virtues of the first colonists of New York : he says, " they were grave, temperate, firm, persevering men, who brought with them the industry, the economy, the simplicity, the integrity and the bravery of their Belgic sires ; and with those virtues they also imported the lights of the Roman civil law, and the purity of the protestant faith." But we should have a very unfaithful picture of the society of New Amsterdam if we applied these flattering colours to them generally. They undoubtedly belong to the lead- ing men on the island of Manhattan, and to the agriculturists throughout New Netherland, who like the Walloons of Brooklyn and the settlers of Long Island, Esopus, and other early planta- tions on the North river, as well as the farmers upon the island beyond the pallisadoes of the city : but within the boundary line of Wall-street, in governor Kieft's time, the virtues above named were not so general. In the fort was a body of soldiers ; in the harbour and at the wharves sailors and their skippers, of various character; and among them drunkenness and brawls were not un- frequcnt. The administration of Kieft has been generally condemned by history, but we must make allowances for the many causes of ir- ritation and perplexity which pressed upon him : among which the several colonies of Swedes who settled within the Dutch limits, and whom he had no power to resist, must be taken into account. Colonel John Printz had been appointed governor of 1640 the Swedes on Delaware river in 1640, but he did not ar- rive until 1642. He established himself near the mouth 1643 of the Schuykill in 1643, wher-e he built a fort, called New Gottenbnrg, a chur-ch and a place of residence for himself. He was instructed to resist the claims of the Dutch, but was only opposed by Kieft's protests. He cultivated friendly relations with the natives and enjoyed uninterrupted tranquillity ; the colony prospered, and the colonel received permission from home to return in 1 654, resigning his government to John Papagoa, a gentleman who had emigrated to America with the earliest Swedish colonists. Two years after Papagoa resigned his government to Risingh, PRINTZ. Gl who, as we shall see, was forcibly displaced by governor Stuy- vesant. In addition to the encroachment of the Swedes on Delaware, and of the English on Connecticut river, Kieft found his territory invaded on Long Island by Lyon Gardiner, who had emigrated to America in 1635, and under Lord Say and Seal built a fort at Saybrook, of which he was commandant until he found a more pleasant and profitable home in 1639 on Long Island, and on the adjacent island, which has to this day borne his name.* The Indians likewise disturbed Sir William Kieft more than they had done his predecessors. They probably lost the admiration first inspired by their European guests, placed less value on their commodities, felt annoyance from their encroachments and con- tempt at witnessing their vices. But before I enter upon the con- tests of Kieft and his savage neighbours, I will bring up the affairs of the French in Acadia and Canada, to the period of his admi- nistration. The natives of Acadia or Nova Scotia called by the French, Micmacs, were governed patriarchally by their chiefs, or sagamores, a title which was in use likewise among the Indians of New England. Charlevoix tells us of a great sagamore who was con- verted to Christianity at Port Royal, by the Jesuits, but on his death-bed desired to be buried among his forefathers ; and obtain- ed the governor's promise to that efi:ect. But father Bedet the Jesuit, said " no ; it would be a scandal to bury a christian among infidels. Biencourt, the governor, pleaded his promise: "be- sides," he added, " you can bless the place of burial." The Jesuit * Lyon Gardiner was a Scotchman, and a lieutenant in the British Army. He purchased Gardiner's Island from the Indians, and a confirmation of the property from the agent of the Earl of Stirling, who had a grant of Long Island and the adjacent islets from James the first of England. The Hon. Silas Wood of Huntington, Long Island, says, that the relinquishment of Long Island by the heirs of the Earl of Stir- ling, is recognized in the patent from Governor Nicolls to Constant and Nathaniel Syfycster for Shelter Island, 31st of May 1 666. In the Stirling MS. in the Historical Library of New York, the attorney of William Alexander in 1759 tells him that the right of the heirs of Lord Stirling was conveyed to James Duke of York, in the year 1662 for three hundred pounds. David Gardiner, the eldest son of Lyon, was born at Saybrook, and is supposed to be the first white child born in Connecticut. After the removal of Lyon to Gardiner's Island, his daughter Elizabeth was born, on the 14th of September 1641 ; and she is traditionally considered to have been the first £«g/)sA child born on Long Island, as Sarah Rapelye born at Wallabout in 1625, was the first of Dutch parents. David Gardiner was probably the first English child born within the New Netherlands. Lieutenant Lyon Gardiner gained the friendship and grati- tude of Wyandaia the sachem of the Montauks, by generously ransoming his daugh- ter from the Narragansetts, who had carried her off prisoner in one of their war eX' peditions from the continent. The grateful chieftain presented him with the territory which forms Souihtown. Lyon died in 1663, having been in favour with both Indiana and whites to the hour of his death. Gardiner's Island was appraised in 1663 at seven hundred pounds, and in 1824 paid one sixth of the taxes of East Hampton, and belonged at that date to the eighth lineal descendant from Lyon Gardiner. 62 ACADIA AND CANADA. \vould not yield that the body should be deposited in the spot pointed out by the sagamore, unless all the infidels should first be dug up and removed. As the sagamore's intention was to sleep with them, not to disturb them, and as the natives would not suffer such profanation to be offered to the bones of their ancestors, this could not be done. The Jesuit persisted, and refused to perform the ceremonies necessary for the repose of the dying man unless he relinquished his intention. And father Charlevoix tells us, that this firmness of the Jesuit was blessed. The sagamore gave up, and renounced his wish ; consequently made an edifying end, such as would have done honour to an "ancient christian." In the meantime the colony decreased : the colonists 1613 were dependent on the natives for food; and the contempt they conceived for such helpless beings, who at the same time made extravagant pretensions, prevented the progress of con- version to Christianity. In 1613 M. La Haive found but five persons at Port Royal, including two Jesuits and the apothe- cary, who had been in charge of the spiritual and bodily welfare of the community; the latter acted as governor. La Haive removed the two fathers to Pantagaet, and the new colony was named St. Saveur. Here the Jesuits performed at least one miracle, if the historian is correct : but scarcely had the savages been edified by this supernatural event (the cure of an infant by baptism,) when Samuel Argal with a fleet of English ves- sels from Virginia entered the harbour and carried off the colonists, Jesuits and all. Shortly after, Argal expelled the French from Port Royal or its neighbourhood, claiming the whole country for England, and the plunder for himself. M. Champlain, who had returned to France, again crossed the ocean and ascended the St. Lawrence. Having promised the Indians of Tadoussac, who were called by the French Montag- nez, that he would accompany them on a second expedition against the Iroquois, he proceeded before them to Quebec, where the Algonkins joined in the war party, and the Indians from below coming up, all the savages proceeded to the river Sorel to await Champlain. On his arrival at the rendezvous his allies re- ported that one hundred Iroquois were near them ; on which Champlain and four other Frenchmen leaving their bark, entered the canoes of the Indians, for the purpose of falling by surprise on the Iroquois. Again the heroes of the confederate five nations were defeated by the aid which Champlain afforded to their ene- mies, and the repetition of the fearful effects of their fire-arms, The report of the first defeated party, which probably could not be fully comprehended, was fearfully confirmed to the Iroquois. After this battle the allies, though victorious, were disgusted CHAMPLAIN. 63 with each other. The Algonkins were displeased with the eager- ness the French had shown in seizing and appropriating the spoil; and the French were shocked when they saw their friends eat one of their enemies who had been taken prisoner. Charaplain, after another voyage to France, returned 1615 to the colonists on the St. Lawrence. An establishment was formed on the island of Montreal. Champlain, who thought that by accompanying the war parties of the Indians, who surrounded the French colonists, he should secure their friendship, and at the same time make himself acquainted with the country, and familiar with the names of the various inhabitants, entered into an engagement with the Montagnez, the Algonkins, and the Hurons, all in league against their former conquerors, the Iroquois, who yet had not become acquainted with fire-arms for their defence or the annoyance of their enemies ; for they had not yet received from the Dutch the weapons which they subsequently used with such effect against the French and their savage allies, when they proved themselves the guardians of New -York in repelling the Canadian inroads. M. Champlain having occasion to visit Quebec, the Indians in the neighbourhood of the colonists, with a number of French- men, armed with muskets, proceeded to the country of the Hu- ions to collect their forces against the Iroquois. They were accompanied by a father of the order of Recollet ; who, in his zeal as a minister of peace, persuaded himself that it became him to accompany this invading war party, that he mighty says father Charlevoix, " accustom himself to the manner of life of the people to whom he proposed to announce Jesus Christ." This Recollet father was Joseph Caron. Champlain, returning from Quebec to Montreal, immediately pressed forward, with two additional Frenchmen and ten Indians, for the purpose of overtaking the allies. At the village of the Hurons he joined them ; and they pushed on, accompanied by father Joseph Caron, to attack the Iroquois, who, at that time, had no knowledge of the French nation but by the injuries they had sustained at their hands. The missionaries appeared among the Hurons, Algonkins, and other Canadian savages, Avith the advantage of being of the same country with thosewhose superiority in arts and arms gave them suc- cess over their enemies. The testimony of the Jesuit Charlevoix respecting the effects of the zeal evinced by the missionaries among the Hurons is given with candour and great naivete. He says, they made but few converts who submitted to baptism, but they saved many infants by baptizing them when dying. As to the adults, his words are, " We are not to consider a savage convinced because he assents to what is proposed to him ; for 64 CHAMPLAIN. they hate nothing so much as to contradict or dispute tliat which is asserted to them; and, sometimes, from pure complaisance, and sometimes from laziness, they evince every mark of being con- vinced on subjects to which they have paid no attention, or have not comprehended." He says, they receive baptism, and attend to all the external observances of religion, and will say frankly that they do so to oblige the priest who has pressed them to change their faith ; but, with strange simplicity, he adds, that Indians, who have had no doubt respecting the articles of the Roman faith, even the most incomprehensible, yet would not be converted. M. Champlain fortified Quebec, he having been at this 1623 time established as governor of Canada; but the city, now so proud, and as a fortress the admiration of the western world, was, in 1623, a very paltry place, and so it re- mained in 1629, when Kirk took the place for the English go- vernment. Most of the French inhabitants remained, and Canada was restored to France in 1632, by the treaty of St. Germain, with all its dependencies. In this year the capital of Canada consisted of a small 1632 fort, surrounded by some miserable houses and barracks. Higher up the St. Lawrence, Montreal was still more inconsiderable. A few houses were commenced at Trois rivieres^ and below Quebec the settlements were much the same. This scant colonization, with the ruins of Port Royal, were the only results of the efforts of France to plant civilization in America up to this time. When Champlain was restored to his government by the peace of St. Germain, he sent a colony of Jesuits among the Hurons, whose country was bounded by Lake Erie on the south. Lake Huron on the west, and Ontario on the east. Notwithstanding many miracles performed by the fathers this colony did not thrive ; and, akhough many christians were made, they were generally converted and baptized when dying. The Iroquois had by this time procured guns, powder, 1638* and lead, from the New Netherlanders, and resumed their to haughty attitude, as warriors and conquerors, over the 1642 savages of Canada, notwithstanding the aid the latter re- ceived from their French allies. About the time that Sir Wilham Kieft arrived at New Amsterdam, the skill attained by the confederated five nations, in the use of the European engines of destruction, enabled them to take ample revenge upon the French * Let us ever remember that in this year the first printing press was sent to Ame- rica, by J. Glover, a dissenting clergyman of England, and arrived at Cambridge, Massachusetts. iMANHATTAN. 65 settlers for the inroads of M. Champlain. Eagerly and quickly the Iroquois seized the deadly arms of the Europeans, and, retain- ing his superiority of skill and courage, became more dreadful than ever to the Algonkin tribes; and the French were compelled to erect a fort, which they called Richlieu, at the mouth of the river Sorel, to guard against what they termed the insolence of the Iroquois.* Their country, according to Charlevoix, extended from the Sorel to the Ohio ; was bounded on the north by the great lakes and the Hurons, and on the south by the hunting grounds of the Leni Lenape or Delawares. About the year 1640 the French government established some schools at Quebec, a hospital, and convents. A feeble attempt was likewise made to resuscitate the colony at Montreal, and the establishment was placed under the patronage of, " The mother of God, our lady of Paris." CHAPTER V. Fort Amsterdam— Long Island — Hartford — Struggles of Sir William Kieft — With New England — with the Indians — De Vries — Roger Williams — Canadian Affairs- — Previous His- tory of Cajptain Underhill — Troubles and unha-ppy end of Director-general Kieft. The practice of purchasing their land from the Indians was one adopted by the colonists from a pure sense of justice and propriety ; it was not enjoined by the grants from the European potentates. Calvert, Lord Baltimore, and, one year after, Roger Williams,! purchased of the natives publicly in council the terri- tory they wished for their followers. The Dutch did the same at Manhattan, at Oranien, and in 1636 at Harlaem. The settlers on Long Island, both English and Dutch, satisfied the Indian claims. Many of the towns in Queens county were English, while the greater number in Kings county were Dutch. Wouter Van Twiller granted a tract of land in Kings county as early as 1636. * This name of Iroquois is said to be formed upon the exclamation of these people when they finish a speech or harangue — " Hiro .'" " I have said." t Roger Williams was a native of Wales ; he arrived in America in the year 1632. See Verplanck'? Historical Discourse, Bancroft, and Walsh's United States and Great Britain. Note C. VOL. I. 9 66 FORT AMSTERDAM. Fort Amsterdam, in the city of New Amsterdam, was finished by Van Twiller, on the bluff which once overhung Pearl street, and commanded, or appeared to command, both East and North river. It cost the Dutch West India Company 4172 1640 guilders 10 stuyvers. Two years after his arrival Kieft built a church within the fort. In this church probably the Rev. John Megapolensis was the first preacher. He was likewise a surgeon and practised physic* Long Island, as we have seen, was not only claimed, but the settlement commenced in 1625. This island was then and long after the English conquest, an important portion of the province. The Dutch inhabitants of Long Island, as well as their brethren on Manhattoes, professed the religion of the synod of Dort. Their church government was that of the classis of Amsterdam until 1772, when the Dutch church of America established an independant classis and synods like those of Holland. * In 1664 John Megapolensis, jr., minister of the Dutch church at New Amster- dam, wrote "A short description of the Maquas Indians in New Nctherland." He gives an account of the country and its natural products. He says, " strawberries grow in such plenty in the fields that we go there and lie down and eat them, &c. fc^Grapes fit for eating and wine in great plenty — Deer, price six or seven guilders — 'Turkeys in great plenty, and other fowl — Land-lions, (supposed Panthers,) Bears, Wolves and Foxes, &c. &c." He describes the Indians as of two nations, the Mahafcobaas, (Mohawks or Iro- quois,) and Mahakans, (Mohicans,) the latter being subdued by the former and paying yearly tribute to the former, friendly and hospitable to the Dutch, as are both. They go almost naked in summer, the children entirely so. In winter " they hang loosely about them" a bear's or other skin. Nothing is worn on the head, and the women have long hair ; the men only one lock unshorn. He describes them as loose in sex- ual intercourse, and the women's favours bought by the Dutch at two or three shillings (a Dutch shilling is worth six and a half pence sterling.) The facility of child-bear- ing and the slavery of females is mentioned as usual. He asserts that cannibalism, torturing and eating prisoners were practised. He says, that in 1643 tlie Indians took three Frenchmen. One was a Jesuit, who was- tortured, but the Dutch released him and sent him to France : one of the other men was killed. He describes their man- ners as they are now well known. Their slovenly and beastly mode of eating is disgustingly descriptive. A schcpcl is a measure equal to three pecks : and he says he has seen a canoe of the wood of a single tree, that carried 200 schepels of grain. Already the Dutch had supplied the natives with guns, swords and axes. He describes their fishing, and says they dry the fish for winter food. His description of their belief in and worship of, a good and evil spirit, is confused. lie says after he has preached to the Dutch, the Indians who have stood by, asked him what is the meaning of his making so many words, and no one answering him ? And when he tells them that he admon- ishes the christians not to steal, get drunk, commit murder, &c. — they say he does well ; but remark, that the christians do all these things notwithstanding. Of their superstitions, charms or medicine, he speaks as having some knowledge. Their government by councils of their oldest, wisest, most eloquent and efficient men is shadowed forth ; but he truly says, it is only a government of persuasion and con- viction ; for the people decide in all cases — this he calls mob government. The chiefs and leaders, he says, give to the people instead of receiving from them, as among christians. The principle of revenge he likewise mentions, and of pacifica- tion by presents. He concludes by saying, " that although these people live without law or punishments, they do not commit murders or other villanies as much as wo do. " LONG ISLAND. 67 Many of the towns ol" Long Island were settled by the 1640 English with the permission of, and under the jurisdiction of the Dutch. These towns adopted or framed laws for their own government : they armed themselves from suspicion of evil designs towards them on the part of the Indians, they therefore entered into military regulations ; they hkewise enjoyed trial by jury when it was requested; a jury consisted of seven, and a ma- jority gave the decision ; they had town meetings for imposing taxes and appointing tax-gatherers : each town judged of the char- acter of any person who wished to become a settler, and admitted or excluded him as his good fame or opinions suited the majority. In this year, Trumbull says, Mr. John Youngs purchased and settled Yinnicock, i. e. Southold. The regulations established by the Dutch Governor respecting trade to Connecticut river, were strict, and no doubt intended to prevent collisions between the Netherlanders and the English. All persons were prohibited, as early as 1639, from trading witli fort Good Hope without permission obtained from the Director- general ; and vessels; sailing up the Fresh rivei without leave were liable to forfeiture. Still the English increased in number about the fort, and the men of Hartford took possession, by force, of the land which the Dutch had prepared for planting. Those of fort Good Hope who attempted to plant, were beaten, and their com- plaints to Governor Hopkins of Hartford were not heeded. On the 13th of May, 1640, Kieft sent Cornelius Van Tienhoven, his secretary, with the under-sheriff, a sergeant and twenty -five sol- diers, to Siocits bay, since called Oyster bay, on Long Island, to break up a settlement which the English had begun at that place. These setders were people who had purchased from the agent of Lord Surling, and finding on their arrival from Massachusetts, that the Dutch had marked dieir possession by affixing the arms of the States to a tree, the English tore down this mark of sovereignty and in derision set up a fool's head in the place. When Tienhoven and his detachment arrived, they found eight men, one woman and an infant, who had erected one house and were building another. The Dutch guard brought six of the men to Kieft, and these men reported that they came from Lynn, near Boston, under the authority of one Forrester, agent of the Earl of Stirling.* The arms of the States having been replaced, * July 7th, 1640, Forrest or Forrester, whose real name was Ferrat, agent of Lord Stirling, patented eight miles square, (now the township of Southampton,) to Daniel How, Job Sayer, George Wilks, William Parker and their associates. Though this agent of Lord Stirling is generally called Forrester and sometimes Forrest, he wrote his name very plainly Ferrat, as may be seen by original papers now on Long Island. 68 GOVERNOR KIEFT. and the fool's head as well as other erections thrown down, the Governor dismissed the prisoners on iheir signing an agreement to abandon the intention of settlement. Already another invasion of Long Island had taken place, and Southold was commenced on a tract of land purchased from the Indians by the governor of New Haven, or by the Rev. Mr. Youngs. In June the government and council of New Amsterdam 1640 determined to send Johannes La Montaignee, one of the council, vi^ith fifty soldiers and some sloops to strengthen fort Good Hope ; and the strife between individuals continuing, a proposition was made by Kieft that the English settlements should be considered vaUd if made under the jurisdiction of the States of Holland. But all his attempts either amicably or by appearance of force had no effect. The Hartford plantations surrounded the Dutch fort ; the Dutch cultivators were driven off, their cattle seized, fences were set up that prevented the Dutch from pursuing their usual wagon-way to the wood, and all these aggressions in- creased as the stronger party became more strong. In October this year, the English began to build at Greenwich, south of Stamford. While the New England men, considering the English claim as good, or better than that of Holland, intruded themselves upon the Dutch possessions on the main land, from the east ; the equal- ly hardy Swedes planted their colonies upon the Delaware. Both the republicans of Connecticut and the servants 1640 of the Earl of Stirling pressed upon the eastern end of Long Island, at the same time that the Indians of New Jersey showed symptons of hostility towards the governor of New Netherland and his colonists. Provoked by dishonest traders and maddened by rum, the Delawares invaded Staten Island and threatened New Amsterdam. Kieft, who seems to have had little of the manner or spirit of conciliation, outlawed the New Jersey Indians, and offered a reward of ten fathoms of wampum for the head or scalp of a Raritan or other native. He even invaded their country, but only to prove the inefficacy of the measure. De Vries, the leader of the first colony to the Delaware, being at New Amsterdam, urged treatment conciliatory, just and humane, as a remedy more effective than force ; but the counsels of vio- lence were too loud for him. The traders who had been crossed, or insulted, or thwarted in their schemes, could not be brought to submission or reparation; and the IndiansycZnhe injuries, which they had not been taught, and had no disposition, to forgive. A savage, goaded by insult and wrong, had vowed to kill the first Dutchman he met. The vow of vengeance was performed. Kieft demanded the murderer. This the Raritans would not comply with ; but they sent a deputation to say that they were sorry for GOVERNOR KIEFT. 69 what had happened, and according to their customs were willing to pay the " price of blood." The historical reader will remem- ber that an atonement of this kind was common to many nations in an early state. The Indians were willing to pay and to apolo- gize; at the same time they said truly, " \ou are yourselves the cause of the evil. It is only by preventing the sale of rum that such madness and bloodshed can be avoided." But the customs of civilized men required blood for blood. — Kieft thought it necessary to strike terror among the natives, and show them that the death of a white man could only be atoned for by the submission or destruction of a nation. The flames of war kindled, and the colony of New Netherland felt the eftects of the cupidity of their traders and the rashness of their governor. I have reminded the reader that the price of blood was received as atonement for the death of a friend or relative among most savages. But in this the laws of civilization were found to clash with the customs of the native Americans and were irreconcilable : yet how powerful is the appeal of the Indian on this occasion. "You sell us rum — you make us mad — you drink and make yourselves mad — it is you who are in fault if we kill your people — it is yojir rum docs it..'''' Mr. Gallatin has observed that " the Dutch appear to have b^en reduced to great distress by the Manhattans and the Long Island Indians," and he might have added, the Raritans and other tribes of Delawares. *' Application was made in vain," he continues, "for assistance to the colony of New Haven : but they engaged in their service Captain Underbill, a famous partizan officer, with whose assistance, and that of the Mohawks, they carried on the war for several years. Underbill had a mixed corps of English and Dutch, with which he is said to have killed 400 Indians on Long Island. And in the year 1646 a severe battle took place at Horseneck, on the main, where the Indians were finally defeated." Trumbull adds, " that Underbill was from Stamford, and the em- ploying him so offended a ruffian, previously engaged by Kieft in Indian killing, that he attempted the life of the Director-general ; and one of Marble's (the name of this ruffian) men discharged his gun at Kieft, and was shot by the governor's sentinel." The hostilities from 1640 to 1643, although the cause 1643 of distress to the colonists of New Netherland, and par- ticularly to those who had settled on Staten Island, were terminated in the latter year by the mediations of the wise and good Roger Williams, who visited Manhattan at that time on his way to England. On the 25th of March, Roger "Williams brought about a meeting between Kieft and the Sachems of various tribes, (which had been engaged in the previous contest,) at Rechquatrec, on Long 70 CANADIAN AFFAIRS. Island, (now called Rockaway,) and the quarrel which began in 1640, when an Indian youth, maddened by rum and injustice, murdered the first white man he met, and white men, professing Christianity, carried the sword among the red men indiscrimi- nately, was healed, and peace for a time restored by a real disciple of Christ. This pacification was but of short duration, and before the end of the year Governor Kieft was involved again in furious hostility with the natives of the surrounding country, and it was then that he called in the aid of Captain John Underbill ; but, before intro- ducing that worthy formally to the reader, I will bring up the affairs of Canada and the northern frontier of New Netherland to this period.* After the death of M. Champlain, who had caused that enmity towards France in the confederated Iroquois, which made them a rampart for the frontier of New Netherland, and subsequently for New York ; he was succeeded by Mons. Montmagne, who was shortly after recalled, and Mons. D'Ailleboust was appointed go- vernor of New France. The great business in Canada at this time, according to Char- levoix, appears to have been making christians ; but the trade in furs was not neglected, and certainly succeeded better than the first, if a protestant may be permhted to judge ; not but that many miracles were performed, and martyrdoms suffered. The Iroquois continued to attack both the French and the Indians with the usual success which attended their superior wisdom, valour, and daring ; and as the Eastern Indians were troublesome to the people of New England, Charlevoix tells us that they sent a deputy to propose an alliance, eternal, (as all alliances are,) between the Eng- lish and French colonists. M. Ailleboust, in return, sent a priest * 1644. — The Rev. William Castcll wrote to the English parliament a letter re- commending the preaching of the gospel to the Indians in the English plantations, and obtained the signatures of many clergymen in London, and elsewhere, to his letter, which was a kind of petition. He represents the cruelties of the Spaniards in America, and points out the " better way" that protestants should take with these unhappy and benighted people He seems, however, to think that the English plan- tations will not continue, as England has rather hindered than furthered their pros- perity. But he urges the cherishing the colonies, and the christianizing the Indians, with force, truth, and eloquence. When the lords and commons, assembled in par- liament, appointed Robert Earl of Warwick governor of all the plantations of Ame- rica, they likewise appointed commissioners to assist him, and among the names re- corded we find that of Oliver Cromwell. In this year [1644] Southampton, on Long Island, was received into the juris- diction of Connecticut by permission of the commissioners of the United Colonies. The town subsequently complained that the Dutch sold guns, powder, and shot, to the Indians, who (they say) in 1653, had become good marksmen, and disturb the English by firing volleys of small arms at their entertainments. Easthampton was added to Connecticut in 1650. FIRST CONGRESS. 71 as a negotiator to Boston, to conckRle a treaty, " provided the English would join in a war against the Iroquois." This alliance was not likely to take place. The New England men did not think fit to march against the Iroquois for the purpose of defending the French and Algonkins. The Hurons, attributing their destruction to the eimiity which the Five Nations bore to the French, became jealous of the Jesuits residing among them, and put several to death ; while the Iroquois took pleasure in torturing the priests whenever they fell into their hands. The savage delight of the Indians, and the sufferings of the fathers, are detailed by the Jesuit historian, as well as the mi- racles which attended these instances of cruelty. The triumphant Iroquois are represented as pursuing the Hu- rons, even to the shelter of the fort of Quebec. In the year 1643 the colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and Newhaven, formed a league for self-govern- ment and common defence.* This confederacy may be con- sidered as the germ of the present federal constitution : a con- gress was, by agreement, to be held annually, each province send- ing two delegates : the assent of three-fourths of the assembly was binding upon the whole. John Winthrop, the younger, was the first president. This was the first step towards that independence which we now enjoy. This confederation lasted till 1686. It showed that spirit which became universal with the American people — the determination to govern themselves, under just laws, and to preserve the rights of Englishmen ; but it is, by no means, a proof, as Robertson the historianf has asserted, " that they con- sidered themselves as independent societies, possessing all the rights of sovereignty, and free from the control of any superior power." They were ever conscious of their rights as English subjects ; and when they found (as they soon did) that England, for selfish purposes, invaded those rights, they became jealous de- fenders of them. The union of 1643 was for defence, but its operation impressed upon the colonies the truth that union gives power. They united for their defence as their predecessors the Iroquois had done for conquest. This confederacy of the English colonies may be considered as leading to all those which followed. The New England colonies confederated under pretence of danger from the Dutch, and with some reality of it from the Indians ; but the true motive was self- government, the right of all men. The confederacy continued 43 years, when James II., of England, deprived the colonies of * Kent's Comm. Vol. 1, p. 202, 203. t Hist, of Am Book 10. 72 GOVERNOR KIEFT. their charters. But although they confederated for self-govern- ment, they soon found themselves strong enough to govern others. The commissioners (so the congress of deputies called them- selves) gave a certificate to an Indian of Long Island, " because Long Island, with the smaller islands adjacent," had been granted " to the Lord Stirling," and by him " passed over," that is, granted or sold to " some English of these colonies," and because the Indians of and in the eastern parts of Long Island had become tributaries to the English, and have engaged their lands to them; they, the commissioners, therefore certify that this Indian pro- fesses to be friendly to both English and Dutch, and will inform them of any plot to injure them ; and therefore they express their wish that this Indian, the sagamore, or sachem of Mimhauget, on Long Island, may be respected by the English, and remain unin- jured by them. It was to this powerful confederacy of the English colonies that Kieft applied for relief from the Indian tribes that desolated New Netherland and threatened New Amstnrdam, and he applied in vain. Kieft knew that, besides the Indians who had been pro- voked by his own people, and now prevailed against hira, he was surrounded by European foes. The puritans pressed upon him from the east, both on the continent and on Long Island ; the Swedes were on his south river : and the Cavalier colonies of Virginia and Delaware were hostile to the pretensions of his nation. The tribes of the nations on the Hudson had joined with the Raritans and some of the Long Island Indians ; it therefore seemed as if they were determined to exterminate the whites whom they had once loved, or feared and adored. From the shores of New Jersey to the borders of Connecticut savage and remorseless hos- tility was waged against the Netherlanders and their inmates. Anne Hutchinson, who had fled from the persecution of the perse- cuted, and taken refuge with the cultivators of the Netherlands, was murdered with her protectors. " When you first came to our shores," said a sachem of the council held for a treaty, " you were destitute of food. We gave you our beans and corn ; we fed you with oysters and fish ; and now, for our recompense, you murder our people." This charge was, with truth, often repeated in every part of America. But confidence was not restored between the natives 1643 and the Netherlanders. Kieft was not conciliating or pru- dent. The Indians had felt their power and thirsted for re- venge. They, perhaps, began to see their destined annihilation if the whites were suffered to increase and occupy their hunting and fishing grounds and waters. The same causes that had brought on the first quarrel renewed it in less than a year, and the Indians, UNDERHILL. 73 flushed with former success, again began tlie work of blood and desolation. Though Kiel't had received no succour in soldiers from the government of New England, he was not so unsuccessful in his application to individuals of the English blood. He engaged in his service a man whose name is still famous on Long Island, whose descendants to this day occupy land, purchased by his va- lour, the fears or friendship of some of the Indians, and the assist- ance rendered to the Dutch in this second Indian war. We are informed by the Dutch records, that in June 1641, Englishmen had permission to settle on Long Island among the Dutch. Such of the English as chose to mingle with the Nether- landers were secured in the exercise of their religion, choice of their own magistrates, their own courts for causes under 41 guilders, and in cases criminal, not capital ; with exemption from taxes for ten years, on condition of swearing allegiance to the Dutch go- vernment, using Dutch weights and measures, and not erecting any forts without permission. Captain John Underbill, like Lyon Gardiner, brought with him the acquisitions gained by serving in the armies of England, sent to aid the Dutch in the low countries. Captain John was a soldier of fortune, sturdy and brave, seeking " provant" and plunder as one, at that time, of his profession may be supposed to do. He had been sent with the forces of James I. of Eng- land, (much against the king's will,) raised to aid rebellious sub- jects in casting oft' the yoke of a master ; but the cause of the protestant religion, and the interest of James's son-in-law, the pa- latine, had prevailed over his bias to kingcraft. Whether Un- derbill bore a commission in this war, I know not, but he returned to England with the title of captain, a Dutch wife, and the Dutch language. The new world presented a wider field for adventure than was to be found in England. A Dutch wife, or the Dutch language, were not likely to cause his thriving among a people taught to des- pise all foreigners ; and the trade of war was not agreeable to James, happily for his subjects. A sword was the king's aver- sion ; and a sword was probably the sole reliance of Underbill. Accordingly he emigrated to Boston, and was well received among the valiant and pious. Captain John Underbill was an author as well as a warrior, and there exists, in the New York Historical Library, " News from America, or a New and Experimental Discoverie of New Eng- land, containing a true relation of their warlike proceedings, these two years past, with a figure of the Indian Fort or Pallisado, by Capain John UnJerhill, Commander in the Wars there. London, printed for P. Cole, 1638." VOL. I. 10 74 UNDERHILL. The warrior author, after making apologies, tells us of the wars of New England with the " Block Islanders," and that " insolent and barbarous nation called the Pigeats," who were slain by the " sword of the Lord," and the English, " to the number of 1500 souls," so that their country " is fallen into the hands of the Eng- lish." All this for the " glory of God," captain John sets forth. He states the cause of the war with the Block Indians being, their slaying John Oldham in his boat, and clothing ''their bloody flesh with his lawful garments." This island, " lying in the road- way to the Lord Sey, and the Lord Brooke's plantation," the murderer was seen, and several of the murderers shot on the spot, and others carried prisoners to Massachusetts by the master and crew of an English vessel. This not being considered atonement sufficient, " ]Master Henrie Vane," and the other magistrates of Massachusetts, sent " 100 well appointed soldiers," commanded by Endicot, having Underbill and others under him. It seems there were four captains, besides " inferior officers," to command this body of 100 men ; for which disparity Underbill accounts by the necessity of dividing their men into small parties, to meet the practice of the savages. As they approached Block Island, they saw a single Indian, and every appearance of the place being de- serted ; but, knowing their manner of lying in ambush, Underbill was sent with twelve soldiers in his boat to land, in expectation of finding an enemy. Accordingly, he says, when his shallop ap- proached the shore, up rose, " from behind the barricado," " fifty or sixty able fighting men, men as straite as arrows, very tall, and of active bodyes, having their arrows nockt," (/. e. fitted to the nock ready I'or flight,) " they drew near to the water side, and let fly at the soldiers, as though they had meant to have made an end of us all in a moment." One young gentleman received an arrow in his neck, through a thick collar, and Underbill was pierced through the coat sleeve, and would inevitably been slain, but that " God in his providence" had " moved the heart of" Under- bill's " wife to persuade" him to go '* armed with his helmet," on which the missile fell in vain. From which the warrior-au- thor iujpresses his reader with two things — 1st, " that God useth weak means to keep his purpose unviolated." The second lesson of Captain John is, '• let no man despise the counsel of his wife." We may add, that {ew men despise the advice of a wife without cause for bitter repentance. But the captain seems to apologize for his former frailty at Bos- ton, and says, that " what with Delilah's flattery, and with her mournful tears, they," women, " will have their desire." After much apologetic matter he proceeds to tell that the party he led, with difficulty landed, the surf preventing them from firing upon the Indians, or bringing their boat to the beach ; they, however. UNDERHILL. / i> sprung Into the waves, middle deep, and waded ashore. The savages, finding the bullets " overreach their arrows," fled, while Endicot, with the main body, gained the land unhurt. They found provision and shelter in the Indian wigwams, and with all due military precaution of pickets and sentinels, refreshed them- selves with the goods of the native proprietors. The next day they " burnt and spoyled both houses and corne in great abundance." The Indians were hid in their swamps, and the conquerors received no harm, but that one o/the caplains, going too near a swamp, was hit by an arrow upon his corslet., which blow would have killed him, if he had not been thus defended by armour. Having passed this day " in spoyling the island," they passed another night in ease, only that Underbill with ten men went out and discovered a place where there w^ere many wig- wams and much corn, all which, taking forty men with him the next day, he destroyed, " burnt their houses, cut downe their corne," and killed some dogs, " instead of men," which he found in the houses. As they passed to their embarkation they " met with several famous wigwams, with great heaps of pleasant corne ready shaled," which, not being able to bring away, they burnt. But the soldier speaks with pleasure and triumph of the wrought mattes " and delightful baskets" which were brought off as plun- der ; and after " having slain some fourteen, and maimed others," they embarked and sailed for Saybrook fort. This was the punishment inflicted upon a nation, women, and children, be- cause a man had been robbed and murdered by savages, most of whom were killed at the time. Underbill, continuing his narrative, says, " The Pequeats* having slaine one Captain Norton and Captain Stone, with seven more of their company, order was given us to visit them, Sayling along the Nahanticat shore with five vessels, the Indians spying us, came running along the water side crying, ' what cheere, Eng- lishmen, what cheer.'' What do you come for?' They not thinking we intended warre, went on cheerfully till they came to Pequeat river." They received no answer, the Englishmen thinking, as Underbill says, the better to " runne through the worke," and, by rendering them secure, " have the more advantage of them." At length the natives, suspecting hostility, asked " Are you angry .'' Will you kill us ? Doe you cojne to fight ?" And at night they raised alarm fires, and uttexed cries, to gather the people for re- sistance. * Pequot, the seat of Sasacus. was on the. site of New London, and, I presume, the Pequeat river of Underbill is the Thames. The Pallisade, first stormed by Ma- s»n ni>d UnderhiU, was near the Mvstic river. 76 PEQUOTS. The next morning the natives sent an ambassador on board lb*.* vessels, " a grave senior, a man of understanding," " grave and majestical in his expressions." We are before told that the troops had an interpreter with them. This " grave senior" demanded for what purpose they came f and was told, to require the heads of those who had killed Norton and Stone. The ambassador did not deny that the Pequots had killed some men, whether English or not they could not tell ; and his story was, that before Norton and Stone came into the Pequod river, a vessel had come to them for traffic, and they had used them well and traded with them ; but the sachem going on board the vessel of the strangers was detained, and a bushel of wampum demanded for his ransom. To save their sachem they paid the price, and the traitors set him free, but how ? By killing him, and sending the corpse ashore in mocker}'. The Indians stifled their feeelings, but vowed re- venge. Shortly after came another vessel into their river to trade. This was the vessel of Captain Stone. The Pequots pretended friendly intercourse, and the son of the murdered sachem wentorj board and was received by the captain in his cabin, where, Stone " havino- drank more than did him irood," fell on his bed and slept. On which the young man, " having a little hatchet under his garment, therewith knockt him in the head." The crew of the vessel finding, too late, that the Indians, in great numbers, had boarded them with a hostile design, determined upon blowing up the vessel and destroying all on board ; but, before the torch was put to the magazine, the natives jumped overboard, and the ex- plosion destroyed only the English. Such .was the Indian's story, which, Underbill says, was false. It is the European who writes the book. " We have seen our sachem cruelly murdered — we have been cheated and rrsocked ! — could you blame u'3 for revenging so perfidious a deed ^ We knew not whether Dutch or English did it. All white men are the same to us. We revenge upon the white the injury received from the white !" Such was the justification of the free native of the soil. The answer was, that having slain the king of England's sub- jects they, the armed men, " came to demand an account of their blood." " We have not wilfully wronged the English," is tlie Indians reply. " We crave pardon." The heads of those who caused the death of the English is the demand persisted in, and the mes- senger asks permission to go ashore and inform his people that these armed men had come for the head of their young sachem, and the heiids of all engaged in tiie afiair of Stone and Norton, or that they threatened vengeance on the nation. . " We did grant him liberty to go ashore, and ourselves followed PEQUOTS. 77 suddenly after, before the vvarre was proclaimed." The ambas- sador seeing this, returned to them, and begged them to come no further until he had delivered his message. They, however, marcii to a commanding ground, and are drawn up in battle array. On the messenger's announcing that both the sachems had gone to Long Island, he was told that the sachem must appear, or they would " march through the country and spoyle the cornc." After an hour's delay, Underbill says, that an Indian was sent to an- nounce that Momncnoteck was found, and would come to them. The soldiers waited another hour, when another Indian came to inform them that the sachem, begging their patience, had called together the body of the Pequots, that he might find the men who had killed the English. In the mean time it was perceived that the Indians were hiding their " chiefest goods," and removing their wives and children ; " but we were patient," says Underbill, " and bore with them, in expectation to have the greater blow upon them." At length the English were requested, from the sachem, to lay down their arms, and move thirty paces from them, when he would cause his men to do the like, and then advance to a parley. This proposition was answered by beating a drum, displaying the English colours, and marching upon the defenceless wigwams and corn fields, firing on the natives as they tied before them, shooting '* as many as we could come near." The rest of the day was passed in gathering " bootie," and " burning and spoyling the country." No Indians came near them and they embarked, setting sail for " the Bay," (Massacluisetts) : " having ended this exploit," says Captain John, " one man wounded in the legge ; but certaine numbers of theirs slaine, and many wounded. This was the substance of the first year's service." Underbill begins his narration of the second year's service, by remarking that, " this insolent nation seeing we had vsed so mnch lenity towards them," were even more bold, "slew all they found," and advancing to Saybrook fort, dared the garrison to come out and fight. A lieutenant and ten men were silly enough to leave their defences. Three Indians appeared and fled. The English pursued and of course fell into an ambush, and in spite of their guns and defensive armour, some were slain, and others glad to fly for refuge to the fort. When next time the Indians appeared some were armed like Europeans, with the spoils taken the previous day, others were dressed in English clothes. They defied the garrison to come out " and fetch your Englishmen's clothes again !" with every taunt they could devise. " Connecticut plantation" sent a body of soldiers under Cap- tain John Mason, to strengthen the fort at Saybrook. Still it feared that force w^as necessary to defend it, and application was 78 UNDERHILL. made for more men, to " Master Henry Vane," at " the bay." Massachusetts sent Captain Underhill with twenty men, and he took command of the place for three months, Mason returningf " to the plantation." Underhill made several sallies from the fort, himself and men being *' completely armed with corslets, muskets bandilliers, rests and swords." They saw no enemy ; though as they were afterwards told, the Indians were near, but seeing them so completely armed and covered, did not choose to appear and oppose their naked bodies to the steel-clad Englishmen, or their bows and arrows to swords and bullets. All was quiet about the fort, when suddenly as Underhill and his companions walked upon the rampart, they saw a fleet of canoes " come along in sight of us, as we stood upon Saybrook fort," bringing with them two English maidens captives, and poles hoist- ed in their boats in imitation of masts, on which were displayed instead of sails the clothing of English men and women. By this triumphal procession the garrison had intimation of some success- ful enterprise, which the PequoLs had achieved against an English town or plantation. They soon learned that with two hundred men the Indians had fallen upon Watertown, since called Weathersfield, slew nine meu;, women and children, and in this manner bore off their cap- tives in sight of the fort at Saybrook. Captain John fired a piece of ordnance at die canoes, and very nearly hit the boat in which the two captive maids were borne. The Indians encouraged by their successes continued their ef- forts to free their country from the English, which is attributed by Underhill to the instigation of " the old serpent." One Trille, a trader, anchored in Connecticut river for trade, not knowing the state of the hostilities existing; he and one of his men landed, and were murdered. Meanwhile the attack upon AVeathersfield roused the colonists to action. Massachusetts ordered succours, and Connecticut sent 100 soldiers under command of Captain John Mason, with orders to "rendevoos" at fort Saybrook, and consult with Underhill for the plan of operations against the In- dians. With the Connecticut troops came sixty Mohicans, who having been injured by the Pequots, as Underhill says, thirsted lor revenge ; but although the English suffered them to accom- pany the troops, they feared treachery, until the Mohicans un- aided by the English, defeated a party of the Pequots, and brought five heads in triumph to the fort. This they did while the Con- necticut troops were on board their vessels, and coming on slowly with contrary winds. The two young girls that had been carried away captives from Weathersfield, (the eldest of whom was but sixteen,) were restored to their friends by means of a Dutch vessel from New Anister- DUTCH CONDUCT. 79 dam. The master was on a trading voyage, and stopped at Say- brook fort, where Underhill detained the vessel, declaring she should not supply the Pequots with necessaries or arms. The Netherlander agreed under a written contract, that if his vessel should be suffered to go free, he would make use of th.e oppor- tunity to procure the liberation of the two Weathersfield maidens, whose captivity was a subject of conversation and lament. Ac- cordingly the Netherlander sailed for Pequot, (now New London) and ofiered goods for the captives, but in vain. He then found means to induce seven of the Pequot warriors to come on board, and seizing them, made sail for the Sound. No offer of ransom would he accept, but an exchange was proposed of the seven men for the two girls. This being made known on shore, w-as agreed too, and faithfully performed ; ihe Dutch skipper most honoura- bly fulfilled his contract, and the maidens after many fears were restored uninjured to their friends. In the meantime, Underhill tells us, that the Dutch governor, who must from the time (1685) have been Wouter Van Twiller, having " heard that there were two English maids taken captive of the Pequots," manned out his own pinnace purposely to get these captives, what charge soever they were at, nay even at the hazard of war with the Pequots. Thus incidentally we have the testimony of an English writer to the gallant and honourable conduct of the Dutch of Manhattoes. The reflections with which Captain John accompanies the tale of the captive maids, are in a strain of piety, little comporting with the story of his Boston penance of a kw years after. He, accord- ing to his book, was filled with christian feelings at this time towards all men — provided they were w'hite — or not arrayed in opposition to his party, or employer. But he tells us that the apostle says, ^'■contend for the truth/' and that the Saviour told his disciples, " I came not to bring peace, but a sword." But as he says, *' to go on." The forces designed for the des- truction of the Pequots, instead of sailing directly from Saybrook fort, to " Pequeat river," stood for Narraganset bay, thereby de- ceiving the Indians into a false security. They landed and march- ed undiscovered, two days before they came to the Thames, or " to Pequeat." They passed the night within two miles of the royal fort, and had ample knowledge of the situation of the Indians, who being there in a state of security, knew nothing of the approach of the English and their INIohican allies. Doctor D wight* says, the Pequot fortress was near the river Mystic. Underhill thus describes it. " This fort or palizado was well-nie an aker of ground, which was surrounded by trees, and half trees set into the ground, three feet deep, and fastened close ^ Dwight's Travels. 80 UNDERHILL. to one another." The author for a clearer notion of the fort, refers his reader to " the figure of it before the booke," which is the most unintelhgible of the two, and evidently as untrue as it is unskilful. Captain Mason allotted the w^estern entrance for himself, and ordered Underbill to attempt the southern. The soldiers sur- rounded the palisado, having their Indian friends encircling them again, and all were ordered to fire their muskets and arrows toge- ther, which was the first notice the sleeping Pequots had of an enemy. The English force had arrived, an hour after midnight, and made this simultaneous attack about daybreak. The crowd of men, women and children, thus started from their sleep, sent forth " a most doleful cry ; so as if God had not fitted the hearts of men for the service," says the gallant captain, " it would have bred in them a commiseration," towards this mass of beings devot- ed to death by fire and sword. " But every man being bereaved of pity, fell upon the work without compassion." Thus it is that man blasphemes the Most High and Most Merciful ! Underbill states that the nation had " slaine first and last about thirty persons." After this volley of balls and arrows, the assailants approached the palisades, and Underbill found the entrance, he was destined to force, so " stopped full with arms of trees and breaks," that the work was too much for him, and he ordered one master Hodge to the post of honour, with some other soldiers, to pull out those brakes, and lay them between him and the entrance. Master Hodge received an arrow through both arms. Underbill now paused to defend himself from a charge made against him in a book, to which this " voice from America" may be considered an answer ; it was said that he questioned a soldier when they came to the entrance, saying " shall we enter !" and was an- swered " \vhat came we hither for else !" This he stoutly denies, and says, it was never his " practice to consult with a private sol- dier, as to ask his advice in a point of warre."* He says, " Captain Mason and myself entered into the wig- wams, he was shot and received many arrows upon his head- * It is in the account of the Pequot war, or " the late batile fotight in New Eng- land &c. that P. Vuicent says, that Underhill when at the door of the Pequot fort, asked " What ! Shall we enter 1" and "one Hodjje, a vounc; Northamptonshire gen- tleman," answered, "what come we for else?" The Rev. Samuel Niles in his His- tory of Indian and French wars, says respecting the hesitation of Underhill, that he entered the Indian castle on the opposite side to Mason, but after him. Meeting with some ohstructions at the south-east entrance which occasioned some delay, at length a valiant and resolute gentleman, one Mr. Hodge, stepping towards the gate saying, "if we may not enter, wherefore came we here T' and entered after slaying his opponent, "a sttirdy Indian fellow." Niles died 1762, aged eight-eight years. Vincent printed his "'J'rue relation 1638." In 1637, the name of Newtown was changed to Hartford, and Watertown was called Wethersfield. The place now called Sachem's-head is so named because there the English beheaded several Sachems who refused to betray their countrymen by giving information. Trumbull, Vol. 1, Chap. 5th. UNDERHILL. 81 piece," but received no wounds. " INIyself, " says Underbill, " received a shotte in tbe left bippe, tbrougli a sufiicient bufie coat, tliat if I bad not been supplied with sucb a garment, tbe arrowe would bave pierced througb me." But tbe " BufFe coat," a thick leather defence, was sufiicient to stop tbe weapon of tbe native, who was exposed naked to tbe bullet or sword of bis as- sailant. 'L'be captain says, be " received another between neck and shoulders, banging in tbe linnen of my bead-piece." Not- withstanding tbe two captains were unhurt, two of their men were killed, and twenty wounded. The Pequols fought bravely in defence of their bomes, their wives and their little ones ; and finding tbe place " too hot for us," Mason seized a *' fire-brand," and be set fire to the west side, while Underbill did the same on the south end " with a train of powder ; the fires of both meeting in the centre of tbe fort, blazed most terribly, and burned all in the space of half an hour ; many courageous fellows were unwilling to come out, and fought most desperately through tbe palisadoes :" from which it would appear that the English finding the place too hot, had set fire to tbe wigwams and retreated out of the fort. In vain the gallant Pequots fought — they were shot with bullets, by men covered with defensive armoui", from without — the fiamcs even rendered their bows useless by burning the bow-strings — " many were burned in tbe fort," says tbe narrator, " both men, women, and children ;" others escaping from tbe Europeans, were cut down by the circle of Narragansetls and Mohicans who formed an outer enclosure; but first they encountered the English, who " re- ceived and entertained" men, women, and children, in troops of twenty and thirty at a time " with tbe point of tbe sword." Not above five out of 400 escaped tbe massacre. " Great and doleful was the bloody sight to the view of young sol- diers that never bad beene in warre ;" but Captain Jolni was inured to such carnage, and besides, he could justify putting the weak and defenceless to death, for says he, " the Scripture declareth women and children must perish with their parents" — " We bad sufiicient light from tbe word of (lod for our proceedings." Before Mason's troops were received by their vessels which had been ordered to meet them at a given point, they bad several skirmishes with tbe natives, wdii(;b were principally managed by his Indian allies. Underbill and bis command returned to Say- brook fort, and ISlason having been joined by Captain Patrick with forty men, burned and spoiled tbe country between " the Pe- queat and Connecticutt riVer." Sassacus in vain ifrged war to tbe destruction of the invaders; but the Indians were generally discouraged, thinking it vain to contend with men so superior in offensive and defensive arms. They prevailed, and destroying what they could not take with VOL. I. li 82 UNDEHHILL. them, abandoned the country. Underhill's time of service being expired, he returned " to the Bay." tStoughton with one hundred well appointed soldiers, joined in the destruction of " the distressed Indians; some they slew, others they tooke prisoners." Such ai-e the last words of the book of Captain John Underhill. But Captain John had not served in the Netherlands without bringing away some of the frailties of the camp, and we are told by Bancroft, upon the authority of Hubbard, that although his Dutch lady was with him, the Captain had been compelled, for the purpose of regaining his good name, to appear before a great assembly at Boston, in the year 1640, and confess his fault on lecture day, during a session of the general court, dressed in the rueful habit of a penitent, to stand upon a platform, and with sighs and tears, and brokenness of heart, and all the marks of contrition and aspect of sorrow, to beseech the compassion of the congrega- tion. This, the above authorities say, was in consequence of certain gallantries which would probably only have served as tro- phies in the course of a warrior's career in the Netherlands. Whether this was the cause of removal or not, certain it is that Captain John, in the year 1G41, removed to Long Island, where his Dutch wife and Dutch language, as well as reputation for va- lour, recommended him to the inhabitants and to Governor Kieft. Before his fall and repentance, as we have seen. Captain John had gained reputation in the war with the Pequots. His religious zeal had attached him to Mrs. Hutchinson, and the banishment of that lady from New England, may have been one cause of the Captain's removing to the New Netherland, as her death by the hands of the savages may have embittered him against the natives. It appears that this war between the Indians and New Nether- land continued for two years, and Underhill did good service. His military reputation enabled him to raise a considerable num- ber of men under Kieft's authority, and his skill gave them dis- cipline. They were composed of Dutch and English. With this corps he is said to have terminated the opposition of the In- dians on Long Island, by the destruction of 400, at a place still called Fort-neck, in the township of Oysterbay, but on the south side of the island, being a neck of land projecting into the sea, and on the estate at present of David S. Jones, Esq. At this place, it is said that the Indians threw up works for de- fence, and sent their women and children to some Islands in the bay adjacent, which to this day are called Squaw Islands from this circimistance. Underbill, with his corps of dfeeiplined Euro- peans, attacked the Indian fort, carried it and put to death the champions of their country's independence. Here, for a time, lie established a garrison to prevent a reunion of the tribes. Tradition likewise says, that Kieft and his friend Underbill de- UNDERHILL. 83 feated the Indians upon the main land, after a hard fought battle at Strickland's plain, Throgs-neck.* After the battle of Strick- land's plain, the war was terminated by the interference of the Iro- quois, whose mediation Kieft contrived to engage. These con- querors among savages, negociated a peace between the Dutch and the New Jersey and river Indians. As sovereigns, they as- sembled the tribes of the Delawares at New Amsterdam, and the sachems of the Raritans, Manhattoes, Mohicans, and others ac- knowledging the superiority of the Iroquois and submitting to their arbitration, appeared upon the space between the Dutch fort of Amsterdam and the bay, and attested the sun to witness another treaty of peace between them and tiie Director-general. 'L'his is the last account I have of the battles of Captain John Underbill, whose Indian warfare has stamped him the hero of Long Island, as far as heroism depends upon the power or incli- nation to destroy. It will be seen that although a friend of Kieft's, he was not so of his successor, Stuyvesant, during whose admin- istration Underbill endeavoured to get up another Indian war, in which he would willingly have involved the English, on the one part, against the Dutch and natives, on the other. After the En- glish conquests, he held the civil office of high-constable. The Hon. Silas Woodt tells us that under the government of Nicolls, he attained to the office of sheritf of Queens county, and received from the friendly Indians a gift of 150 acres of land, whicii re- mains with his descendants of the same name, to the present time ; and having shown his prudence and judgment, by securing to his posterity some of the best land on Long Island, he died on his own territories in the year 1672, and lies buried in the ceme- tery of the very pleasant village of Oysterbay. Kieft's fame is not so unclouded. After a stormy life he ap- pears to have ended it in a tempest. Again he was involved, and inextricably, in hostility with his savage neighbours : towards the end of his turbulent administration he incurred the displeasure of all the Dutch colonists of any respectability, by an atrocious act intended to destroy or weaken the power of the natives. A party of the Iroquois, probably Mohawks, as they were the nearest of the confederacy to the Dutch settlements, appeared advancing towards Manhattoes in warlike array, for the purpose of collecting tribute from the river Indians, and others in the neighbourhood. The latter unprepared for the visit, had gathered on the west side of the Hudson, seeking protection or mediation from the Dutch: but Kieft, instead of seizing the opportunity to conciliate the neighbouring tribes, took advantage of the occasion to perpetrate * This name is derived from an owner of the land, Throgmorton. It was famijr iarly caHed Throgsneck, and after changed to Frogsneck. t History of Long Island. 84 kieft's massacre. an infamous massacre, by sacrificing the fugitives. With the soldiers of the fort, joined to the worthless and unthinking of the populace, and the privateersmen or others, from the vessels in the harbour, he crossed the Hudson and fell upon the defence- less, unsuspecting natives, and murdered indiscriminately men, women and children, during a night of horrors. Those who escaped, and the inhabitants of the neighbouring country joined to revenge this gross and faithless deed of blood. Again the innocent cuhivators suffered all the miseries attendant upon savage warfare. Kieft was justly and loudly accused as the audior of another war. The inhabitants of the colony complained to the authorities at home, and the Director-general was recalled by the Dutch West India Company. He embarked with his riches, for while others suffered, he had accumulated wealth ; but the ship was wrecked on the coast of Wales, and the unhappy governor drowned.* The colony Kieft had to govern was certainly not composed of the best materials. It neither had the advantages of the puritan setdement of the east, nor the Virginia colony of the south. The Swedes on the Delaware, were of a higher character, and so were, subsequently, the Quakers of Pennsylvania and West Jersey. The colonists of New Netherlands in general, particularly in New Amsterdam, at the first, were mere traders seeking gain ; and in Kieft's time, a motley set of grasping petty merchants, mercenary soldiers, privateersmen and other sailors, with a few planters and very worthy emigrants from Holland, constituted the people. The W^est India Company, whose servant Kieft was, had little else in view than gain. They threw a negro slave population from their African settlements into the colony. Even in the boasted times of the Georges of England and of the elder Pitt, (Lord Chatham,) colonial policy in Europe was calculated altogether for the profit of the mother country. When Chatham opposed certain oppressive measures adopted by England, it was only because he had the sagacity to see, that by bending the bow too far, it would break. He was willing to strain to the utmost. "Parliament could bind the colonies in all cases. The colonists should not be allowed to manufacture even fi hob-nail." If such were the maxims of Eu- ropean government in this enlightened time, and with this great ♦ Sir William Kieft was still in New Amsterdam on the 2oth July, 1647 (as ap- pears by a proclamation of Governor Stuvvesant,) and was acting as one of the Gov- ernor's council, (MSS. translated by Mr. Westbroolc for Common Council of New York ) That he sailed from the New Netherlands during that year, we learn from Dr. Vanderdonck, who says " the ship Princess, in which he cnibarkcd, deposited him and his trcasuros at the bottom of the ocean." Albany Records, Vol. 2d : De Vries, Hubbard, Trumbull, &c. KIEFT. 85 Statesman, after the present constitution of Great Britain had given security and liberty to Englishmen, what are we to look lor in Kieft's time, when England was involved in the darkness preced- ing her revolution of 1688, and when the true theory of a repre- sentative government was little understood and scarcely practised in other parts of the civilized world. It follows that the colonial government of New JNctherland was, in some measure, arbitrary — meant for the benefit of the West India Company. Kieft was pressed upon by the puritans on the eastern border, and by the Swedes on his western : while such English as mingled in his population were ever in opposition to his rule, as they were im- bued with the light of republicanism from New England. Such were his difficulties, and they continued under his successor Stuyvesant, although his superior wisdom and energy redeemed the colony, in a great measure, from the evils which surrounded it.* * Many have been Indian-killers : some have wished to save and iiistrHct ihcm : the teachers have been few imlecd. The pious and generous labours of Elliot and Mayhew to make christians and civil- ized men, have handed down their names with honour to posterity, although the fruits of their cultivation were of little worth. Dr. Dwight represents the scarity remains of the Mohicans in 1820-1, as living upon the land reserved for tlicm in the township of Moiitvillc, a lazy, sauntering life, principallv subsisting upon the rish of ihe neigh- bouring streams. In 1774. there were here 206, in Sionington '237, in Grotoii 18G, in Lyme 104, in Norwich 61, and in Preston 30. Now, I presume (1839) these numbers are reduced to almost nothing. Of the Stockbridgc Indians, Dr. Dwigiu tells us, from undoubted authority, that in 1734, John Sargeant of New Jersey devoted himself to teaching them, and others joined in the labour. Many submitlcd to bap- tism. In 1751, Mr. Edwards of New Jersey succeeded Sargeant, and in 1757. the son of Sargeant took charge of the people, and they subsequently removed to New Stockbridge in the state of New York. They are considered as the oldest branch of the Mohicans, and those remaining have the character of being a little superior to other half-civilized Indians. The Indians of Stonington are described by the same author in 1821-2, as a poor degraded miserable race of beings : they are descendants of the heroic Pequots. They live in part on the lands reserved for Ihern. and in part among the neighbouring farmers as servants. Prodigal as lazy, stupid, lying thieves ; dirty, half naked drunkards. A few exceptions occasionally occur. At Cape Cod or its neighbourhood, is a place called Massapee, occupied by Indians, and at Yar- mouth once stood an Indian church. Ainong the last relics, says Dr. Dwight, of the efforts "successfully made for the conversion of the Indians to Christianity," he states that at one timo there were in New England " not far from ten thousand pray- ing Indians." But he says that the attempts '• which have l)een made in modern times to spread the influence of the gospel among them, have in a great measure been unsuccessful." This he attributes to the opinion prevalent among them, that the whites are their enemies, and to the general conduct of the whites towards them and each other. In fact, the Indian converts, so called, or praying Indians, did not and could not know or feel any thing of real Christianity either in New England or elsewhere ; they were merely deteriorated savages, ready to return to savage life and savage murders at any opportunity ; and by degrees sunk to the state above describ- ed, at Stonington. In the township of Paris, state of New York, is an Indian reserve six miles square called Brothertown. These Indians are Oneidas, Mohicans, and others. In 1821-2 Dr. Dwight says, there were forty families of agriculturists. Three of them have framed houses. Their husbandry is of inferior character. A school-house is built for them by the state, and a quaker was teaching the children. 86 SWEDES. CHAPTER VI. Swedes on the Delaware — Mimdts — Printz — The Stuarts — Colonization of New England — Doctor Vayiderdonck — Peter Stuijvesant — Controversy with the commissioners of the united New England Colonies — Charges against Stuyvesant as con- spiring with the Indians to cut o£' the English, denied and refuted. While the thriving colonies of New England occupied the at- tention of Kieft in one direction, and the Indians required all his military force near the Hudson, the art or revenge of Minuits, his predecessor, planted a thorn within his side on the Delaware which he had no power to remove. John Printz, a Swedish colonel of cavalry, was appointed gov- ernor of New Sweden, and in 1642 arrived in the Delaware, where previous to his commg Jost de Bogadt had ruled. With Colonel Printz came the Rev. John Campancies, the future histo- rian of the new territory. An addition to the colony of several vessels with emigrants had accompanied Printz, and he establish ed himself on the island of Tormekong, near the mouth of the Schuylkill, which was in 1643, granted to him by the crown of Sweden, and there he built a house for himself, and a fort, which he called New Gottenbursh. His dwellinij; was somewhat am- bitiously denominated Printz-lioff, but he did not neglect to erect in his rjeighbourhood a place for public worship. He confirmed the purchase made by Minuits from the natives, added presents to conciliate their good will, and was repaid for his just government by the friendship of the Indians and the prosperity of the Swedes. Printz, by permission of his sovereign, Christina, resigned his government to John Papcgoa., who was succeeded by John Risingh, of whom I shall have occasion to speak hereafter. The reader of American history can have no just view of his subject without reference to the events in operaUon at the time in Europe, and to their causes, particularly ia J^ngland, and as it re- spects New York, in Holland, When James I. in 1603, escaped from the thraldom of his Scottish Barons, each oue of whom felt himself a prince, according to the feudal system, the son of the misguided and probably guilty Mary, found himself a successor to the tyrannic power the Tudors had established in England. James found the people who had served Elizabeth on their knees ready to kneel to him ; and, although his tongue gave him the lie, he said, " I am Eng- stuahts. 87 land." He was however, a king, and he hated the Netherlanders because they had tin-own off the yoke of a tyrant. He called them rebels ; yet from a dread of the power of the house of Austria, he joined with France in establishing that republic to which we owe the foundation of New York. But the first of the Stuarts found already diffused among his English subjects, though not apj)arent to his view, a vigorous and youthful spirit that had been cherished by the early reformers, and which was teaching them that they had rights and property ; to secure which they must aim at self-government. The grand- modier of James, had in a moment ol passion, declared to the lords of the congregation in Scotland, that " the promises of princes were only considered binding by them while they favoured their kingly interests ;" and although the descendants of the queen-regent continued to act on this principle, the people of England had not forgotten the caution conveyed by the words. To counteract the growing desire for self-government and se- curity of property, James I. cherished the prelacy and listened wiUi delight to the courtly bishop, who, in answer to the king's royal question, "Have I not a right to take the subject's money without his consent .'"' said " certainly, sire, for you are the breath of our nostrils."* That Charles L, so educated, by such teachers, should raise a rampart of prelacy around the throne, the crown and what he had been taught were his rights, to oppose the puritanism of the peo- ple and the liberty of thought, was to be expected. The ray of truth, when it has entered into man, increases until it is a perfect day. Interest, passion, selfishness, are the clouds which obscure it, and around Charles they formed a veil thick as night. That he should stretch the prerogative to breaking ; raise up Laud and the bishops, or any others, as the instruments of his tyranny, and so use them until he brought his head to the scaffold; that he should employ ship-money for the purpose of oppressing the Dutch, and taxing the seas, by making that people pay him for the privilege of taking food from it, may not surprise us. He had been taught and willingly believed that he had a right so to do. But that the people who had sought refuge in the wilds of New Eng- land from kingly and priestly tyranny, should at the same time, be usurping and exercising power over the New Netherlands, and encroaching upon men and their territory with no other pretence or claim than that derived from prelacy and monarchy, is an anomaly that must give us pain. * "Put not your trust in Princes," was the scriptural quotation made use of by Wentworlh, Lord Strafford, when he said that Charles I., contrary to his kingly promise, had signed his death-warrant. 88 PURITANS. Sir William Kieft and the New Netherlanders were accused by New England of " hostile aggression." He very justly compared the accusation to that of the wolf in the fable, who, seeking a quarrel with the lamb, a desirable object for his appetite, charged the devoted victim with having disturbed the waters of the stream from which his wolfship was drinking, at the source, by pre- suming to quench his thirst at an humble distance, lower down. The English puritans had found hospitality, place of refuge and employment in preference to other foreigners, among the protest- ant republicans of Holland. During their residence among them they learned that the Dutch had found and taken possession of a New Batavia in America, and the English refugees were encour- aged to seek a New England on the same continent beyond the sea, where no king or prelate — no court of high conmiission or star chamber would seize on their property, or control their con- sciences. The Mayflower arrived at Plymouth, a free constitu- tion for the government of the voluntary exiles was formed on her deck. They landed on snow-covered rocks, and amidst the wilds founded an empire. The admiring natives received their visiters as friends ; and, without comprehending their motives for desiring property in the soil, they gave, or sold, their land for what was to them valuable, and to the strangers of little worth. Many and sore were the af- flictions of the little band of republicans, but they were consoled by the purity of their motives and the presence of civil and reli- gious liberty. They established laws for their own government. They founded a seminary for their children's education, as the only security for the laws they established. They increased and pros- pered ; for the good and the wise sought their society. But for the jealousy and fears of the first Charles, those giants, before whom he trembled, Hampden, Hazlerigg, and Cromwell, would have become a peaceful portion of the Plymouth band of brothers : perhaps Pym might have joined them, and the unhappy Went- worth, who deserted the cause of the people for riches, power, and the fatal name of iSlraffbrd, might have lived to rivet chains on his country. It seems strange that Hume could imagine no other motive for John Hampden's desire for a retreat in New England but that of hearing long prayers and long sermons. The historian, when he wrote, knew of the prosperity of the colonies, and even predicted their independence. Could he not have thought and believed that Hampden would have employed himself in promoting that prosperity and laying the foundation of that knowledge which was to preserve and increase it. Happy and prosperous as the puritans were in New England, they looked with envy on their neighbours of New Netherland, KIEFT's DIFFICtJL^flES. 89 who had preceded them in settling on a more genial soil, and be- side rivers greater and better fitted for commerce than had fallen to their lot. The Dutch trading house, on Fresh or Connecticut river, excited Uieir jealousy, and they founded pretensions on the claims made by England to a right over the three great streams possessed by the Dutch — the Delaware, Hudson, and Connec- ticut. The latter being the nearest, was first invaded. Colonies traversed the wilderness from Massachusetts, first to the Dutch Hmfs Goed-hoiK, and began to build Hartford, and then farther south to New Haven, and even to Delaware.* Writers, both English and American have endeavoured to cast ridicule upon the complaints of Governor Kieft, made in his pro- tests and remonstrances to the government of New England ; yet the grievances he states are precisely those which a stronger neighbour, intending to drive off a weaker from the soil he co- veted, would indict upon him. The tiller of the earth is inter- rupted in his labour ; the horses are driven from their accustomed pasture in the meadows ; the servants of the weaker are beaten by * Several purchases vvcre made of the Indians during Kiefi's administration. In 1643 llie people of Hempstead bought a large quantity of land from the natives. He entered into articles of agreement with Tachpoussic , chief of the Indians of that name, in 1656, by which they j)ut themselves under the protection of the Dutch go- vernment, M'ith all their lands on Long Island, as far as the Dutch line extended, ac- cording to the Irnaty of Hartford, promising mutual assistance. This agreement was made at the Fort, in New Amsterdam, March 12, 1C56. The year before, the sa- chem of Selasacott (Brookhaven) sold a district of land in that quarter, and the sa.?ervc any indications of a mine having been worked at the place. This yielded as nnich as the first c.vperirnent. The governor sent a speci- men of this paint, mineral, or ore, to the Netherlands," by Arent Cooper," who took jiassage from New Haven for England, and was never more heard of. When Sir William Kieft sailed from the Now Netherlands, which wo know was after the last of July, lG47.he took with him, in the ship Princess, specimens of this and other mincruls, which were all dc|)osited at the bottom of the ocean. The gold mountain has never appeared again. I notice this attempt at gold finding for its his- torical value, and not for the worth of the mineral. NEW ENGLAND COMMISSIONERS. 91 either occupation would lead us to expect. He arrived as Go- vernor of New Netherlands, Curacoa and their dependencies, in May 1(547. The loss of a leg impressed the colonists with a con- firmation of his valour; and the suhstitution of a memher, en- circled with silver plates, has given rise to the fable of the z'dhcr hcc7i, or silver leg. His successful endeavours to conciliate the Indians was one prominent cause of the jealousy of the neighbouring colonies of New England, and of the atrocious charge which they and some of the Long Island English brought against him, of plotting to employ the savages for their destruction by a general massacre. I will endeavour to make as plain as possible to my reader the long-continued controversy between the New England commis- sioners and the New Netherlanders, which was necessarily conti- nued, from where Kieft's administration left it, through the greater part of the rule ofPetrus Stuyvesant, taking colour more or less from the events passing in Europe, particularly in England and in Hol- land ; at times threatening war between the colonists of those nations, and uniformly keeping them in a state of irritation. To be better understood, it will, perhaps, be best to keep this quarrel and its negotiations distinct from other matters.. The year before the arrival of Petrus Stuyvesant, 1G4G " William Kieft Director-general, and the Senate of New Netherland for the States," addressed Theophilus Eaton, governor of the place called "the Red Hills hi New Netherland, but by the English called New Havcn,''^ giving notice that tho English " without provocation, and contrary to the law of nations, and the league of amity existng between Holland and England," had entered New Netherland, usurped divers j)laces, done in- juries, and not giving satisfaction when rcrpiired : for these reasons, and "because," says Kieft, " you have determined to fasten your foot near Mauritms river," to disturb trade, " we protest against you as breakers of the peace, and if you do not make reparation, we shall use such means as God affords, manfully to redress our- selves. Given at Fort Amsterdam, August the third, 1G46." Eaton in his reply, says, he knows no such river as MauritiuSy unless Kieft means what the English call Hudson's river. Nei- ther have " we entered upon any place" to which " you have any tide, or in any way injured you." He however acknowledges that his countrymen have " lately built a small house upon Paw- gusett river, which falls into the sea in the midst of the English plantations" many leagues from tho Manhattoes, or any part of Hudson's river. At this " Small house," he says, they expect to *vade, but not by force, the Indians being free to traffic with Dutch or English : and that before building, purchase was made of the soil from the "true proprietors." He refers to former protests 92 STATE OF AFFAIRS, made by the English, stating injuries received from the Dufchyto which unsatisfactory answers were returned. He offers to refer the differences to their superiors in Europe, and feels assured that his " Sovereign Lord, Charles, King of Great Bi'itain, and the Parliament now assembled, will maintain their own rights ;" dated " New Haven the twelfth of August, 1646, old style." Taking the above into consideration, the commissioners of the United JNew England colonies, (met according to the confedera- tion of 1643,) addressed the Dutch Director-general, Sir Wil- liam Kieft, and state that they have seen a complaint made to him by the colony of Massachusetts, of injuries done to the inha- bitants of Hartford, by Kieft's agent upon Fresh river, three years ago, to which complaint the governor had " returned ignoramus.''^ They further say, that Kieft's agent has grown insufferably bold, and complain that "an Indian captive, Viable to j^uhlic imnisJunenty "who fled from her master" at Hartford,, is entertained at the Dutch house "at Hartford ;" and though required to be "given up" is, as they hear, either married to, "or abused by one of your men. Such a. sxrvajit is part of Iter master'' s estate^ and a more con- sider ahlc jjart than a hcast,^^ They further complain that Kieft's agent drew his rapier upon the watch at Hartford, and broke it upon their weapons. They call this a ^'"proud affront ;'''' and say, that if he had been slain, " his blood would have been upon his own head." Such was the state of affairs when Stuyvesant entered 1G47 upon the government of New Netherland. Such conti- nued to be the complaints reciprocated from the Dutch and English colonists, during the confiict between Charles the first, and the parliament of England.* But when royalty had been put down, and the parliament from a consciousness of acting a part, for which they were not elected by the people, wished by the exertion of their power on foreigners to draw tiic attention of men from themselves, then they made war upon the states of Holland ; and our neighbours of New England thought they had a good opportunity to prefer more serious charges against the Dutch of New Nellierland, who were under the direction of Petrus Stuyvesant; for though tbey knew that his character stood high for abilities, and that as an honourable * Tlicse criminations and recriminations continued unto the month of September 1046, at which time it was that Kieft said, " Certainly when we hear the inhabitants of Hartford complain of us, we seem to hear Esop's wolfe complaining of the kmb." And he protests " against all you commissioners met at the Red Mminls, as against breakers of the common league, and also infringers of the special right of the lords of the States, our superiors, in that ye have dared without express commission to hold your general meeting within the limits of New Netherland. These things arc spoken from the duty of our place, in other respects we are, your, &c. &c." STUYVESANT ENDEAVORS TO PRESERVE TEACE. 93 veteran, he had been rewarded by the states with the government of their West India territories in the islands and on the continent, for services done, and blood shed in l!ie cause of his coinitry ; on the other hand they looked lor sii|)[)ort from the dominant party al home, in any attempt upon the Dutch colony. The commis- sioners being determined on a quarrel, charged this honourable gentleman with the base design of stimulating the Indians to a massacre of all the English, whether in their own colonies, or in the towns of Long Island under the Dutch jurisdiction. Such a design would have been as foolish as it was atrocious. If tStuy- vesant wished to be on friendly terms with the savages, who sur- rounded him, it was both politic and praiseworthy ; and if, in case the English proved hostile, he should determine to defend himself by the aid of the Indians, it would be only what pru- dence and necessity demanded from the weaker party, and what men in more tnligktcned days have done. But, by an examina- tion of the documents which have come down to us, I find that the Dutch governor used every eflbrt to preserve peace with his powerful neighbours, whether red or white. We must bear in mind, during this examination, that Oliver Cromwell put an end to the Rump parliament, and assumed the administration of English affairs in April, 1G53. It was his wish to be at peace with Holland, and to bring about an union of the two republics of England and the Netherlands; but his policy dictated previously a threatening aspect towards the Dutch colonies in America, and the New England commissioners, or Congress of Deputies from the New England colonies, showed no reluctance to enter into a war with Petrus Stuyvesant, but, a peace being con- cluded between Cromwell and the States, the intention was for a time suspended. After the arrival of Governor Stuyvesant as the Director-general of New Netherland, Sir William Kieft remained and acted as one of his council — until, at least, the latter part of July, 1G47 ; and we must suppose that the sagacious ruler made himself master of all the particulars in dispute with Indians, Swedes, and English. On the 17th of June, the commissioners being in session at Boston, address Governor Stuyvesant in consequence of certain duties or customs imposed by the Government of New Amster- dam upon the traders to " Manhattoes," which are complained of as too high. The commissioners likewise complain of a "disor- derly trade" carried on by the Dutch, in selling to the Indians " guns, powder, and shot." The letter is temperate, and they conclude it thus: "With our due respects to yourself and the late Governor, Monsieur Kieft, we rest your loving friends, the Commissioners of the United Colonies." 94 CONFLTCTING CLAIMS. On the 25th of June, Governor Stuyvesant expressed his desire to meet the Governor of Massachusetts and others " to reconcile present, and to prevent all future occasions of contestation." But no such happy meeting appears to have taken place ; and the commissioners loudly complained that in October, 1G47, iStuyve- sani demanded from New Haven certain fugitives, " as if," say the New England congress, '• the place and jurisdiction" had been Ids; whereas they claim as belonging to the Kings of England " all this part of America called New England, in breadth from 40 to 48 degrees of northerly latitude, which they assert is granted to the English, and the inhabitants of New Haven had right to improve a small portion thereof." Stuyvesant, on his part, about the same time, October 12th, 1647, stated very honestly to the commissioners the claim made by the Dutch to all lands, rivers, and streams, from cape Henlopen to cape Cod. Such conflicting claims were very difficult to be adjusted ; however, I find that, on the 15th of November following, the Director-general of New Netherland professed to the Governor of New Haven his " readiness for a fayre and neighbourly com- posure of differences." It appears that he wrote other letters to the Governors of New Haven and Plymouth, desiring a meeting in Connecticut, " not doubting that mutual satisfaction would be given to each other in every respect." These prospects were all illusory ; for Stuyvesant com- 164S plained next year that the English forbade the Indians of Long Island to sell any land to the Dutch, " notwith- standing," as he says, " the said land" was possessed by the Netherlanders long before any English came there. He further says, that on Connecticut river they have so enclosed and pos- sessed the land that the commissioner of the Dutch and his family cannot live. On the lOth of September, 1648, the New England commis- sioners, though still subscribing themselves the Governor's loving friends, tell him peremptorily that the traders, whether mariners or merchants, of the Dutch, may expect no more liberty within the English plantations than the English find at the INIanhattoes; and that if, " upon search," there is found in any Dutch vessel, within the English jurisdiction, any qitantity of powder, shot, &c. " fit for that mischievous trade whh the Indians," such merchan- dize shall be seized. Shortly after this, the commissioners determine tliat, as the Dutch will not permit their trade with the Indians within the New Netherlands, and charge great customs upon the English vessels, and " force them to anchor in very inconvenient places," they will bar the Dutch from trading with their (the New Englanders') Indians, and *' recommend to the several general courts that an- THREATS. 95 swcrablc preparations may be made, that cither upon his" (the Dutch Governor's) " refusal to answer, or his not givin;r meel satisfaction, the colonies may seasonably provide lor their safety and convenience." About this time a Dutch trader found it convenient to put him- self under the protection and jurisdiction of the English colonies ; and was in consequence considered by Governor Stuyvesant as a rebel. He had resided at Plymouth, but became a planter of New Haven, and to that harbour ordered a vessel and cargo, pur- chased in Holland, value i^2000. Stuyvesant, who asserted the Dutch claim to New Haven, sent and by force seized this vessel and cargo. Wcstcrhoicsc, the Dutch deserter, demanded of the New England commissioners letters of mark and reprisal upon his countrymen, but they rather thought best to address tt> the Dutch government a letter, complaining of the trade carried on with In- dians, in selling them powder and shot, in conjuix^tion with the treatment of Mr. Wcstcrhoxosc. TlH3y assert the English right to the New Haven lands and harbour, and to all the English plan- tations and their appurtenances, fron> Cape Cod or Point Judith, both on the " mayne," and the islands, as anciently granted by the kings of England to their subjects, and '* sence" duly pur- chased from the Indians. They assert the right and title of New Haven colony to certain lands within the Delaware, by the Dutch called the South River, and that it is Stuyvesant's fault that these differences are not adjusted as he did not meet them *' at Boston as was propounded and desired," they therefore are constrained to provide for their own safety, and forbid all trade with the Indians for guns, powder and shot, within the limits of any of the United Colonies. Accordingly they by law prohibit all foreigners, especially French and Dutch, from trading with the Indians within the juris- diction of the United Colonies, as such trade ts to their prejudice, because it strengthens and animates " the Indians against them/' Governor Stuyvesant went to Hartford in September 1650 1G50, and sent a letter to the commissioners met at that place, but the letter having been written in council at Manhattoes, was dated New Netherland } this the commissioners conceived a bar to further negotiation, as claiming that Hartford was a part of New Netherland, and they so informed the Dutch Governor. He explained and dated from Comiecticut, This being satisfactory, they proceeded. Stuyvesant asserted that the English intrusion upon Connec- ticut, or Fresh River, was an injury done to the Dutch; as the West India Company of Amsterdam had bought and ])aid for the lands in question to " the right pro})rietors, the nali\e Americans, before any other nation either bought or pretended right these- 9G TREATY OP HARTFORD. unto." To this, Edward Hopkins, President, answered that the English riglit to Connecticut river and said plantations, " hath been often asserted,'''' and is sufficiently known, as the commis- sioners conceive, to English, Dutch and Indians "in theseparts ;" and, they, the commissioners, have not heard any thing of weight sufficient to alter their claim. Other complaints are answered in much the same manner. Stuyvesant in reply, says he has proofs of the first Dutch pur- chase, and seems willing to waive claim to Hartford, but insists on the rio;ht of trade with the Indians. These letters to and fro resulted in appointing delegates, two on each part, who agreed upon and settled the boundaries of the two nations in their colonial possessions in America, by what is called the treaty of Hartford. Stuyvesant dates his letters from " the house the Hope, on Connecticut, commonly called Fresh River." And Hopkins, president of the congress of commissioners, dates from " Hartford on Connecticut." By the articles of agreement, dated the 19th day of September 1650, the disputes respecting claims on South river, or Delaware bay and river, are left undetermined ; but the boundary line is fixed between the contending colonists on Long Island, " from the westermost part of the Oyster bay, soe and in a strait and direct line to the sea ;" and upon the main land, a line " to begin upon the west side of Greenwich bay, being about four miles from Stanford, and so to run a northerly line twenty miles up into the country, and after as it shall be agreed by the two governments of the Dutch and of New Haven, provided the said line come not with- in ten miles of Hudson's river." The Dutch were likewise to enjoy " all the lands in Hartford that they were actually possessed of; known or set out by sertayne marks and bounds."* The next year, according to their own statement, cer- 1G51 tain inhabitants "of New Haven and Satockett" being " straitened in their respective plantations, and finding this part of the country full" — wishing to " enlarge the bounds of the United Colonies" and also " the hmits whereby the gospel might have been carried and spread amongst the Indians in that most southerly part of New England" hired a vessel, and " at least 50" of them sailed in the spring for the Delaware. On their way they touched at New Amsterdam, which place they say they " might have avoided." But it seems that they had some doubts respect- ing the legality or propriety of their voyage, notwithstanding their tender care for the souls of the Indians, for they had provided themselves with a letter from " their honoured Governour" to the Sec Hazard, vol. 2d. p 218. Iti which work all the documents arc to be found. ENCOURAGEMENT TO INVADE DELAWARE. 97 ** Dutch Governour," which letter they sent to Stuyvesant by two messengers. He immediately chipt them under guard, and sent for the master of the vessel tiiat was conveying them, to extend the limits of New England on soil under his government. The skipper and two more of the emigrants appearing, were confined in a private house, as were others that went to commune with them. The governor required "their commission," wliich he kept; and dismissing the poor people who were straightened in Connecticut, for that the country was too full in the year 1G51, he sent them back to New Haven with a promise that if he found any persons intruding upon South Rlva-, he would seize their goods and send the adventurers to Holland. All this is stated in a pe- tition from the would-be en7i«rants to the commissioners, mingled with the usual complaints that the Dutch sold powder and shot to the Indians, and pretended a right to a country "known to belong to Englishmen." The commissioners declared that the English had their right to the Delaware by patent; and the inhabitants of New Haven to certain tracts of land by purchase from the Indians. A letter was therefore written to " the Dutch Governour," protesting against Iiis injurious proceedings, and requiring satisfaction therefor. They wrote to the New Haven men, saying that they will not enter into immediate hostility with the Dutch, as they " would not seem too quick.^^ But if they should see fit again to attempt the settlement on Delaware, "and for that end, should, at their own charge, transport together, 150, or at least 100, able men, with a meet vessel and ammunition," by '^ authority of the Magistrates of New Haven;" then if the Dutch or Swedes oppose them, the commissioners will supply them with such number of soldiers as they, the said commissioners, " shall judge meet." Having tluis encouraged another invasion of South River, and that with arms, ammunition and soldiers, the commissioners wrote again to Stuyvesant, and acknowledged that he had " given notice to those of New Haven," that he would not permit settlements to be made on South River ; but at the sometime they protest against the Dutch claim, and complain of the governor's unneighbourly proceedings. It must be remembered, that these encouragements given by the congress of commissioners to the people of New-Haven, to proceed to actual hostilities against the Dutch, and the promise of support by a body of troops, were made at a time when 1652 the English parliament were triumphant over the Dutch republic ; and these hostile movements were followed up by the charge of a conspiracy entered into by Governor Stuyve- sant, to combine with the Indians in a plan for the destruction or massacre of all the English colonists. VOL. I. 13 98 ACCUSA-TION OF CONSPIRACY. Early in the year 1G5U, that is, in March, when they 165S meet in congress at Boston, and before the downfall of the rump parliament, the commissioners gravely took into their consideration the rumor of the Dutch "engaging several Indians to cut off the English." There can be no doubt but the Dutch West India Company had directed Stuyvesant to engage the Indians for the defence of the colony if attacked by the English ; but it is equally certain that the prudent veteran exerted himself strenuously to preserve peace with his powerful neighbours. On the 19th ofJNIay, 1663, while yet the power of England was threatening destruction to the Hollanders, the commissioners of the united English colonies again met at Boston. They sent messengers, furnished with a number of queries to Ninnigrcet, a sachem of the Narragansetts, to demand from him whether the Dutch governor had engaged him, or any other of the Narragan- sett Indians, to join with him in fighting the English, or had en- deavoured to form such a league or conspiracy, or had given guns, powder, and lead to the Indians for that purpose ? The commissioners further require of the sachem to come to Boston to answer (hem. The same queries are put to other sachems. They all deny any such agreement or proposition for engaging them in war with the English. These sachems do not choose to leave home to be examined by the commissioners, but they send four men, Avhom we may suppose are of their council. In answer to the question why N/nnigrcet went to Manhattoes the last winter, these men answer, " to be cured of disease." He having heard of a French physician who could heal him : that he gave wampum to the doctor, and some to the governor, who in return gave him clothing, " but not one gun." But Ninnigreet bought two guns of the Indians at Manhattoes. This'testimony does not appear to be very conclusive ; but then an Indian of "Road Island" gives information that another Indian heard an Englishman say that the Dutchmen " would cut off the English on Long Island," and that he heard Ninnigreet say that he heard that ships had come from Holland to cut off the English. And Captain Simkins says that the Rhode Island man said that the Dutch had offered him one hundred pounds a year to serve them. There is other testimony of equal importance. A squaw had sent word to the people of Weathersfield " to take care of themselves, for the Dutch and Indians had confederated to cut them off." Upon this the commissioners drew up a declaration which may be seen in full in Hazard's state papers, detailing former griev- ances, and accusing Stuyvesant of this conspiracy to destroy Ehem all. OF WITCHCRAFT. 99 They complain that the people of New Haven, havuig built a village, called Stanford, Kicft, in 1G42, did challenge the place and set up the prince of Orange's arms there, which the English tore down. Then they complain of Kieft's protest respecting Delaware bay, and of a variety of the acis and intentions of the late governor. They then speak of the disputes concerning Fresh, or Connec- ticut river, and in the eleventh article they arrive at the atrocities of Stuyvesant, He had in 1647, still claimed and excercised his authority within the English limits, and above all, had furnished the Indians with guns, powder, and lead. They affirm the right to settle on the Delaware, and complain of Stuyvesant's prohibi- tions in 1651. Then comes the charge of treachery and cruelty , and they are presented in colours of blood against the Dutch gov- ernor. "By many concurrent and strong testimonies," the Dutch are charged with warring upon the English hi Europe ; and Stuy- vesant is accused, upon this undoubted testimony, with having engaged the Indians to massacre the English on Long Island and New England. Nay, he was going to poison and bewitch them. Certain Indians said that Nhmigrcct had employed an " artist" to exercise his art upon the English, and (as is implied,) render them powerless by drugs and witchery : but Uncus, the friend of the English, discovered the conjurer, and having seized, slew him. Another proof of Stuyvesant's guilt is, that " the Indians praise the Dutch and contemn the English:" and that Ninnigreet hath brought " wild fier from the Dutch," and had ordered his people to procure ammunition and promised them plenty of rum ; further, that all the Indians grow insolent to the English — that the Dutch have threatened the English with " East India breakfast" — and then the Amhoyna affair is lugged in. The commissioners go on to say, that an Indian Sagamore on Long Island says so and so ; and so and so an Indian squaw in Connecticut ; that the Indians of Long Island charge the iilot upon the Dutch fiscal, and Caiitain Underhill told the fiscal of it, and was therefor "fetched from Flushing by the fiscal with a guard of soldiers, and confined to the Maiihattoes, till the relation he made at Hempstead was af- firmed to his face ; then wdthout tryal or hearing, he was dismissed and all his charges borne." Other Indian testimonies, and parti- cularly that of nine sagamores living near Manhattoes, who had affirmed that the Dutch had promised them guns, ammunition, and clothing, if they would cut ofl:'the English. The declaration con- cludes in terms disclaiming trust in the sincerity of the Dutch governor's professions, and still more those of his fiscal ; and the belief of the commissioners that Stuyvesant would only make a treaty with them until he has an opportunity to do them mis- chief, " as the state of affairs either in Europe, betwixt the com- LOfC. 100 DEPUTIES. monwealth of England and the Nedierlands, or heer, betwixt the Colonies and the Dutch," may guide him. This declaration, however, " exercised^'' some of the commis" sioners, and the Massachusetts delegates advised that the Dutch governor may have an opportunity given him to answer for him- self " before, what was considered by them as, a Declaration of War:' Governor Stuyvesant wrote to the governors of Massachusetts and New Haven in April, denying " the plot charged," and offer- ing " to come or send to clear himself," and desiring " some may be deputed tliidier to consider and examine what may be charged, and his answers." Accordingly Mr, Francis Newman, a magis- trate of New Haven, ^nd Lt. Davis, of Boston, were sent, with a commission and instructions, in form of a writing addressed " to the right worshipful Peter Stuyvesant, Governor and General of the Dutch Province ; and to Monsieur JNIontaigne, and to Captain Newton, two of the Counsell for N. Netherland." In this writing, the commissioners state that the United En- glish Colonies have often required reparation for former hostile affronts, but in vain. However, " the evidence" of the late treacherous conspiracy " against them, their wives, and chil- dren, at a time when the governor was proposing a treaty of peace, puts iipon them ^^ other remedies y They then, after enumer- ating grievances, go on to mention their deputies, who are to re- ceive and return the governor's answer, They reproach him with making use of " heathen testimony," on another occasion, and say the heathen testimony they act upon, is as good as that he had used. They do not forget Amhoyna. They refer him to their deputies, and say they " shall expect speedy and just satis- faction" for all injuries past, and security for the future. They threaten measures for their safety, and will act according to the report of three deputies. To Newman, Leverett, and Davis they gave instructions to re- port all these grievances ; and instruct them that, if Stuyvesant refuses to go iyij'erson to Stanford, or send "indifferent" persons " to receive evidence" there, or in some other convenient place, "you are to demand of him satisfaction and security :" which, if refused, the deputies are to report. Further instructions are given to the deputies at great length, respecting witnesses to be ready to convict the Dutch, and the testimony of the Indians with their wa?-^:* affixed. And two letters from Captain Underbill, " which," they add, •' you conceal from all such as will take advantage against him." The commissioners from Plymouth signed the letter to the Dutch governor, but enter a protest against some of the grievances therein enumerated. The deputies being sent forth, the commissioners determined THEIR CONDUCT. 101 the number of soldiers to be levied, viz: Massachusetts 333, Plymouth 60, Connecticut 65, New Haven 42. And appointed officers to command. One of the deputies (Leverett) is recom- mended, " as he will have opportunity," to spy out the Dutch force. Arms apportioned and all preparations for war made. When arrived at New Amsterdam, the three deputies address the governor and council from " the place of our residence, the Basses house in Manhattoes ihis 13th of May, 1653." They say, having desired the governor to pitch upon a place within the colonies of New England, and speedy time for " producing evidence" to clear himself and his fiscal from the charges made ; which, he having declined, they ask that the place shall be Flushing or Hempstead, provided they may have security under his hand for liberty to call " such to testify in the case, as we shall see meet. And the English Indians who shall testify, shall remain unharmed," The governor consents to these demands, provided the testimony is taken in presence of three commissioners of New Netherland, men understanding Dutch, English, and the Indian languages. And provided the witnesses be cross-questioned in the presence of these Dutch commissioners, according to the law of New Netherland. This is signed by Stuyvcsant, Bryant Newton, Rouvigeer, Van Ransaellaer, (John I3aptist,) Van Carloe, Beeckman, Wolferslen, A lard Anthony, Rulker Jacob, and Peter Stuyvcsant. Dated 23d May, 1653. The New England deputies object to an examination before, or in presence of the commissioners appointed by Stuyvesant. They appear to think they were to try him and his Fiscal, they sitting as judges. They object to the cross-examination of wit- nesses according to the law of New Netherland ; and next day. May 24th, they write to Stuyvesant demanding "full satisfaction" for all former and present injuries, and " security for the time to come," and that he cause to be delivered to them " the body of Thomas Newton, a capital offender, in one of the colonies of New England," and lasflij, they demand a speedy answer. To this, Carrill Vanbrige, secretary, the same day, answers that the governor and council, before replying, require a true copy of the conunission of the deputies, and their instructions ; that the Dutch government may know, as the secretary says, "whether or noe your honours have anything more to propound." The deputies send a copy of their commission, but refuse their instruc- tions. The governor, the same day, (24th May) answers, that he and his council hoped that the assurance they had given of inno- cence from any such treacherous design as was imputed to them, would have been satisfactory to the commissioners and " all chris- tian yeopUy That they still desire to give full evidence of their 102 STUYVESANT ; ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT. innocence, respecting *^ injuries imputed,^^ they are ready to sub- mit to the judgment of "indifferent persons." The governor professes not to know " what form of security" is wished. He has employed the captain heutenant, to give a warrant to the magistrates under whom Newton lives, " to lay hold of him :" and he concludes with a wish to perform all matters in " a neigh- bourly and loving manner." Stuyvesant further " propounds" articles of agreement for an alliance, without taking note of the differences between England and Holland in Europe. For a continuance of trade as before. For mutualjustice in all contracts between individuals. And to prevent all false reports from Indians, he proposes an alliance de- fensive and offensive against all " Indians and natives." Finally, if the deputies have not sufficient powers, he proposes to send persons empowered unto their "principals." To this the deputies answer on the 25th, that the governor's last cuts off all further negotiations ; and they make declaration of hostile measure* if "any injury is ofiered to the English in these parts," i. e. within the jurisdiction of New Netherland, " whether by yourselves or by the IndiansJ^^ And Stuyvesant returning an answer the same day, they depart and proceed to set forth the tes- timony oi Rontiisokc, and other Indians, of English labourers, of Dutchmen living in the English colonies, taken at different times; some the most improbable hearsay ; and the amount of the yro- bable is, that Stuyvesant (as directed by his employers, and as common prudence dictated, the Dutch and English at home being at war, and the threats of the United English Colonies increasing,) had visited some of the Indian tribes west of the Hudson, near Manliattoes, and others near Orange, (Albany) and cultivated a friendly intercourse with them. One of the witnesses, a Stanford man, upon oath states, that being " att the Manhattoes" in the month of April 1653, Captain UndcrJdIl being with him, and " George Woolsey and his wife," and an Englishman belonging, or residing in Manhattoes, said that the governor and his fiscal being in presence of some Indians, asked them whether they would affirm that the governor and his fiscal did set them on "to burn the houses, poison the waters, and kill the ]<^nglish." The Indians presently affirmed to their 1653 faces that " so they did." This English narrator said be- fore Coptain Underhill, that the governor and fiscal thought he and his companions could not understand the Indian language, " but they were mistaken, for he could understand as well as most Dutchmen.'''' That many of the English on Long Island had this notion of a plan to destroy them, is certain. Captain John Underhill resided at Flushing, and great consternation was expressed by several UNDEIlHILt. 103 communities. The deputies from New England took depositions as to their fears. The people of Hempistead sent by Richard Alexander Knowles, and those of Middlebrough by Robert Coo and Richard Jessop, to know from the commissioners of the Uni- ted Colonies, if England demanded their subjection, how they could act by Dutch laws; and what they were to do " having so many enemies" around them ? They ask the favour of twenty or ten men and a commander to train them, and ask if the commissioners can afford them " powder and shott ?" They profess their de- sire " to cleave to New England," and desire " corne" and pro- vision, they giving " security that it shall be for the English only." Underbill wrote to the commissioners offering service to them and the parliament, (May 23d.) " I am like Jephthah, forced to lay my life in my hands to save English blood from destruction ;" he prays God to move their hearts to t/;?(//a/^e " the common cause of England against the Dutch." He says he has requested assistance from "Road Island," and he "shall be tender in shed- ding blood," but requests them to "make haste." In the mean time the general court of Massachusetts appointed a committee to consult with the commissioners respecting the dif- ference with the Dutch : to which die commissioners as-ree thoi/(rh they think it iinnccessary . A consultation is held, and notwith- standing Mr. Eaton states the " multiplied injuries and treacherous falsehoods of the Dutch in these parts," and their " bloody ]i)lot," with the " insolencies, treacheries, and hitter etunity^^ of the Dutch in Europe ; and the fears of the English who have placed them- selves within the Dutch jurisdiction in New Netherland ; partic- ularly Caytain UnderhilVs danger from his national love and his application to Rhode Island. And likewise, notwithstanding the statement to the same effect made by General Dennison, the Mas- sachusetts men say, that they " do not understand" that the United Colonies " are called to make a present war with the Dutch." Happily Massachusetts was of too much importance to be dis- regarded. The English colonists in the immediate vicinity of New Nether- land were most adverse to the Dutch. The treaty of Hartford had run a line of division from the west of Oysterbay to the sea, on Long Island, and at Greenwich on the main, north from the mouth of Byram River, to within ten miles of the Hudson. These borderers, and the English who had settled in the towns on Long Island under the Dutch jurisdiction, were averse to the laws of Holland, and were inflamed by the prevalence of little-understood republican principle in the commonwealth of England. Massa- chusetts was not so irritable or rash. In the mean time, Stuy- vesant sent Mr. Augustus Heerman to Boston, with a letter to the commissioners, in which he complains gently of the haste of the 104 MASSACHUSETTS PREVENTS WAR. deputies, " who would not attend one half day" to lake his an- swer, and then he proceeds in detail to consider all the charges made against him by the deputies. Many of them he considers as put at rest by the treaty of Hartford. The charge of a bloody plot, he terms absurd ; he points out the impropriety of mention- ing the aifair oi Amboijna ; says if the deputies had taken proper measures, they might have been convinced of the innocence of the Dutch government in respect to conspiring with the Indians. He sends an abstract of the New England intrusions from 1633, in temperate language, and apologises, saying he thought all this settled at Hartford, and would have communicated witl) the depu- ties, but for their hasty departure " after supper, about 9 o'clock in the evening, without waiting for his letter to their principals." The commissioners of the United Colonies are called together at Boston, on the 3d June, 1653, and acknowledge the receipt of the above. They say Stuyvesant agreed that Greenwich should come in New Haven jurisdiction : and his denial of the " barba- rous plot" will weigh little against the evidences, and they must still " seek due satisfaction." A question is " propounded" to the general court of Massachu- setts, whether the commissioners have power to engage the United Colonies in a war ^ And the general court determine in the neg- ative. The other three colonies make objections ; but Massachu- setts persists in refusing such power to the commissioners, and the dispute is carried on unto September of 1653. On the 12th September, 1653, the commissioners send messengers to Nin?ii- grcet, to inquire into information received, that he and his Narra- gansetts had invaded the Long Island Indians, killed a sachem and several others, carrying away some as captives. They re- quire Pcssacus, Mixum, and Nhmigrcet, or two of them, to repair to Boston to answer the charge* About this time the Rhode Island men seized a vessel belonging to Plymouth atOysterbay; apparently on pretence of her carrying provision to the Dutch. Further, under commission from Rhode Island, one Baxter makes prize of a Dutch vessel, and the Neth- erlanders fit out two vessels, which blockade Baxter in Fair- field harbour. In consequence, the commissioners direct hostile measures against these vessels from the Manhattoes, in considera- tion of the continued open war between the commonwealth of England and the Netherlands. The messengers sent to the Narragansetts, requiring the sa- chems to come to Boston, and forthwith to set free the captive In- dians of Long Island, are received with threats. " Thomas Staun- ton, with his rapier in the scabbard, struck at the Wolfs-tail on the head of a Pequot Indian," and a Narragansett threatened the messenger by " cocking his gun j" while another Indian " drew DISPUTES AMONG THE ENGLISH. 105 his bow with an arrow in it." But tlie messengers persevere and deliver the commands of the commissioners to ISJinnigrcet, who liad repHed to a former message, "What have the English to do to demand my prisoners ?" So now he said, " Why do the En- ghsh sh'ght me, and respect the Long Islanders and the Mohi- cans? Why do they inquire the ground of my war on the Long Islanders? have they not heard that the Long Islanders mur- thered one of my men?" And he refused to come to "Me bay.''^ Mixam excused himself from the journey. It appears from the English account of this feud, that the Long Island Sachems sent a Narragansett as prisoner to Haitford, charg- ing him with attempting to shoot "the Sag to prevent the Iroquois from attending a council in Canada, to hear the proposals of De Nonville for a peace. Accordingly, a cessation of arms was agreed upon, and an exchange of prisoners. Twelve hundred of the Iroquois attended the council at JMontreal. When this army of deputies arrived at Cadaraqui they demanded an officer to conduct them to Montreal, and the commandant sent his lieutenant, who, upon embarking, found himself in the midst of a host of Indians. At Montreal, De Nonvdlle met them. The orator of the Iroquois told the governour that the confederates were in condition to exterminate the French, or drive them into the sea. " But I," he said, " have obtained permission to give you warning, that you may avoid this vengeance VOL I. 19 146 DE NONVILLE AND THE IROQUOIS. by accepting the terms of peace offered by Corlcar. I give you four days to resolve." This speech, says Charlevoix, and 1,200 Iroquois ready to fall upon Montreal, threw the Canadians into consternation. DeNon- ville proposed peace, if the Indians in his alliance should be included and suffered to supply Cadaraqui with provisions. Niagara he agreed to abandon. These terms were accepted, and he wrote home to solicit the return of the Indian galley slaves. While these negotiations were going on, a chief of the Michil- mackinacks contrived to enrage the Iroquois by seizing some of their ambassadors, and pretending that he did it by order of De Nonville. The consequence was, that in July a large body of Iro- quois fell upon the Island of Montreal when the habitans were in perfect security, murdered men, women, and children, destroying every thing to the very gates of die fort. They slew one thousand persons, and carried off twenty-seven prisoners, who were burnt alive. Never was Canada so weak. The French colonists had assimilated themselves to the Indians around them, and becoming Coureiirs de Bois, married squaws, and their children became savages. The Iroquois, flushed with success, and enraged at the real and supposed indignities offered them, again, in the following autumn, laid waste the lower part of the Island of Montreal, and seemed only to lack in knowledge of the art of attacking fortified places, to effect the overthrow of the French in Canada. In the mean time, Dongan was recalled by James, and De Non- ville departed for France, fully persuaded that the only way to sub- ject or destroy the Iroquois was by the conquest of New York. Charlevoix says, that he stated that Andros, the successor of Don- gan, not being a papist, would be more inimical than his predeces- sor. He said l,oOO French soldiers, and 300 Canadians, led by himself, would pass by the Sorel and Lake Champlain under pre- tence of attacking the Iroquois ; but to them he would profess friendship, but enmity to the English. Albany, he said, had only a defence of pahsades and a small fort of four bastions, defended by 500 soldiers, (an estimate far too great,) and 300 inhabitants, (meaning, I suppose, fit to bear arms.) New York was represented as having a force of eight companies, half horse and half foot; the town not enclosed, and with a fort of four bastions, mounted with cannon. This port taken, would give his master the best situation in America. The inhabitants, he said, were principally Dutch, conquered by the English, who would join with the Prince of Orange, and revolt from James 11. DE NONVILLE AND THE IROQUOIS. 147 The Court of France approved the marquis's plans, and ap- pointed Count Frontignac to put them in execution.* * It is calculated that 500,000 Huguenots escaped from their butchers and executioners, to enrich other countries by tliei^' virtue and industry. In America, South Carolina is supposed to have had mon; than any other colony, but IS'ew York was enriched by the Jays, and thousands of" her best citizens. In the year 1686, James II, and his friend Jetfries, enriched Maryland by the vic- tims of Monmouth's rebellion, who were not hanged. James fixed their price at not less than £10, and prohibited their being set at liberty until they had served out the time for which they were condemned to .slavery — at least ten years. James re- joiced that hundreds were hanged, and that hundreds would be sold to fill his cof- fers. But James and Jeffries had a rival in the Mayor of Bristol, who made n trade ofconvicting the accused, that he migiit sell them to the plantations. This, Jeffries would not permit. Kidnapping, too, was another source of population for the colonies, and Bristol had a full share in tliii- trade. 1684 In July, the Governours of Virginia and New York met the agent of Mas- sachusetts at Albany, and held council with the Iroquois. New York became the bond of New England and Virginia. / "After the fort was built by the Dutch," says Mr. Abeel, "persons who came over from Holland to settle in America, for the purpose of trading with the natives for furs, etc. and who could not reside in the fort, built houses under the waljs of the fort, and formed the first street, which they called Pearl street." ^ 1686 The city had extended to a number of .streets. The following sixteen are mentioned : — Pearl, Broadway, High street. Low street, Brewer^ s street, Prince's, Exchange, Static, King, New, Beaver, Markctrclt, Bridge, Broad, Smith, Queen, or Smith's-oly. The members of the Dutch church, in 1680, were 354 adults, and 702 children." " We are'inforraed" says the same MSS., " that the Dutch, in imitation of what was done in Holland, built dykes in Broad street, nearly as far up as the City Hall," or where the Custom House is now, (1839) erecting. "The posts were found standing about ten or twelve feet from the houses on each side of the sti-eet, not long ago," (that is, when Mr. Abeel wrote) " when the street was new paved." Mr. Abeel speaks of the city as he saw it in 1744. The wall, or rather palisades, from "the North River, near Trinity church," extended along Wall street to the East River. " In 1744, it had palisades, with block houses, surrounding it from river to river ; from near the air-furnace to the ship yards, at the edge of what was called the meadows on the west side. Not long before this, the water out of the Fresh-water Pond, now called Kollic," at the time he wrote, " ran down to both rivers, frequently increased so wide as to require logs to be laid across to walli over." 148 MEASURES OF JAMES II. CHAPTER X. ^Fht bigotry of James — Favours the French vieivs, religions and political — Doctrines of Rome in opposition to self-government — - Success of James in hitroducing these doctrines — Alarm and resist- ance in Enorland: in New York — Jacob Leisler raises the standard of William III — Opposition made by the officers of James — Con- vention ofAlhcmy — Bayard — Von Cortlandt — Phillipse — Schuy- ler — Letter from England, authorizing the present ruler to govern till further orders — Leisler, Lieutenant- Governour — Robert Liv- ingston— Leisler'' s proceedings — Bayard^ s petition. 1685 James II, succeeded his brother Charles, in 1 685. The people of New York rejoiced in the change ; but soon found that as king, he had forgot, or violated with impunity, that which as Puke, James pledged himself to perform. Under the titles of York and Albany, he had promised the people of his province a constitu- tion ; but, jesuitically might think or profess, that the king was 1686 not bound by the promises of the subject. He invested Don- gan with a new commission, by which, (with his Council, and the governpur's council were his friends, favourites, or creatures,) he might enact laws and impose taxes. The governour was ex- pressly enjoined to suffer no printing-press, (the dread of tyrants,) to be put up. There has always existed, as if by instinct, in the breasts of the usui'pers upon the rights of man, a fear that he should be instructed. The bigotry of James was such, that he gave facility to the poli- tical views of the French, by his orders to Dongan. Among the other modes of introducing popery into the province, which was the aim and wish of James, he ordered Governour Dongan to favour the introducdon of priests and Jesuits among the Iroquois : but the governour, akhough himself a papist, and willing to aid in bringing .over the colonists to the religion of himself and master, was too prudent, as a politician, not to see that the intention of the French .was to gain the Five Nations from the English interest, by pushing their emissaries among them, under pretence of propagating the Christian religion. Dongan saw that the Jesuits acted as spies for the governours of Canada, and counteracted the efforts of the Eng- lish to introduce and increase the trade of the province he governed, as well as to overcome, in the Iroquois, that jealousy of France, which made them a frontier rampart to New York in time of war. MEASURES OF JAMES II. 149 Tliough active in otherwise promoting the king's rcHgioiis views, he had too much good sense to be bhnded, whatever his master might be, by the pretence, which only covered (in the eyes of the bigot king,) the designs of France for the extension of her domin- ions. The governour insisted that the French shouhl not hold conferences, under the pretence of making treaties, with tiie Iro- quois, without his intervention ; and in this persisted, ahhough his conduct was offensive to these proud confederated republicans, who declared with manly dignity, that they were free to negociate with whom they pleased, without consulting either French or English. The Iroquois were, however, attached to the inhabitants of New York — an attachment commenced with the Dutch — besides, they never forgave the alliance of Champlain with their enemies, nor the treacherous seizure of their sachems by order of Louis XIV. They likewise considered the supplies of arms, ammunition, and necessaries which the French of Canada carried to the ancient ene- mies of the Five Nations, as injurious and amounting to acts of hostility. The governour of Canada prepared to chastise this in- 1688 terference of Dongan, who solicited permission to sup- port the Iroquois in their hostile demonstrations towards Canada. But the French Government at home had sufficient influence with James, to counteract the prudent measures of the governour of New York. They concluded a treaty of neutrality, by which neither England nor France was to assist such Indians, as were at war with the other. These successful negotiations of France, with the continued preparations of the government of Canada, under Frontignac, all served in the sequel, to inflict those misfortunes on New York, which were attributed to Jacob Leisler. Dongan did not give up the point, but continued his exertions among the Iroquois, whose alliance he saw was so necessary to Ne\\^ York. This, with his continuing in other respects, not to press the arbitrary measures of James, caused the king to add New York, to the other dominions already entrusted to the more com- pliant, or more tyrannic disposition of Sir Edmund Andros, and thus to supercede Dongan, at a time when the discontents of the people, and their fears of popery were ready to break forth in Eng land, to the overthrow of James ; and in America, to the suspen- sion of both his governours, and annihilation of his government. The genius of popery is well known to be altogether favourable to kingly power; and, of course, ever in opposition to civil liberty. Submission without consideration, or any reference to reason, is the doctrine of Rome. Obedience to the dictates of reason, was a creed early introduced into America, and remains the safeguard of her prosperity. 150 MEASURES OF JAMES II. I am aware that at the present Jay, the fears entertahied of popery by the people in 16SS, and the actions of Leisler and his friends in consequence of these apprehensions will appear, the ^^^s^ unfounded, and the second disproportioned to the alleged cause ; but the Smith- field burnings of Good Queen Mary, the massacre of St. Barthole- mewon the 24:th August, 1572, and revocation of the Edict of JXantz in 1685, were all at that time comparatively recent events. The Huguenots, who fled to Holland, after the bloody and complicated treachery and murder performed by the papists under Charles IX, had remained among their Dutch brethren until many of their descendants had become in language and manners, assimilated to the Hollanders, and emigrated to this country more Dutch than French. Such were the Duryes, Cortelyous, Mercereaus and many others, while the refugees from the Dragoonades of Louis le Gra?iJ, the Jays, Aimars, Guyons, De Lancys, Goclets, Go- verneurs, Hamerslys and others, had yet scarcely found them- selves in safety from papistical persecution ; but when we look back to the History of England, without going to that of other countries, we see the evils that men had to dread from the intro- duction of a system, which had destroyed, not only religious, but civil liberty ; and inflicted miseries to which mankind now cannot be subjected. We must remember that James II, of England, (whose servant Dongan was, and who was appointed by James be- cause as a Roman Catholick, he was supposed to be bound to second his views,) had evinced his determination to make the popish reli- gion, and the tyranny congenial to it, the governing principles of all his dominions. We are to remember the influence which the ruler of a kingdom or a province — the dispenser of honours and riches — possesses over men generally, and particularly over the ambitious, who form his court ; those who, already possessed of riches, the more eagerly thirsted for more ; and forming, what they consider the first rank of society, are the more desirous to exclude others from the benefits they enjoy ; such men for offices of trust and power, will, more or less (from motives of interest, or the love of dominion, or desire for distinction,) conform to the views, whether political or religious, of the persons who dispense these gifts. It is well known, that James endeavoured to make every insti- tution bend to his arbitrary will, and to his intention of making the religion of Rome predominant, within his territories. He exercised what is called the dispensing 'power, to establish, contrary to exist- ing laws, papists in ofiices of trust ; by which many men were induced to adopt, or profess, the creed which led to preferment. JIume* says, "the whole power of Ireland, was committed to Ca- History of England, Cha. 70. MEASURES OF JA^MES II. 151 tholicks." The king entrusted the government of Scotland chiefly to converts from the Protestant to the Roman Cathohck rehgion. He dismissed from their employments even his brothers-in-law, Ro- chester and Clarendon, because they adhered to protestantism. The doors of the church and the universities were attempted to be thrown open to papists. The king assumed the power at will of dispens- ins: with the tests, which had been established to exclude men from office, who professed the faith of Rome, and among other promo- tions of persons of that creed, he brought four Lords, Powis, Arun- del, Bellasis and Dover, into his privy council. This promotion of Romanists on one hand, and exclusion of Protestants on the other, without doubt, induced those who had no religion, to profess the creed which was profitable ; and others would follow in their train, to swell the power of tyranny. By this, I do not mean to assert that all who resisted James in Eng- land, or took part with Leisler in New York, did so from religious, or even honest motives ; and far be it from us now at this distance of time to impugn the motives of Schuyler, the worthy Mayor of Albany, and others, who might consider it their duty to oppose the government of Leisler, although confided to him by the people of New York, until the final determination of William III should be known. Although the university of Oxford was bound by oath not to elect any officer of the faith of Rome, yet James expelled the Fellows of Magdalen College, for refusing to elect a popish pre- sident of his appointing. And when we know that Sir E. Hayes, and Lord Sunderland, with the Scotch Earls of IMurray, Perth, and Melfort, did change their religion, (or profession) to accomodate themselves to the views of the king, and that many inferiours did follow their example, shall we suppose that Dongan, James's servant, had less influence over the Phillipses, the Courtlandts, the Bayards, and other aspiring men of the province of New York .'' We know that contrary to laic, the chief officer of the customs, and many others in office were avowed papists, (not to mention Don- gan himself) and that the known intention of James, was, to intro- duce that religion. We likewise know that the governour of New York, was more likely to accomplish these views than his master,- as being more prudent, and having adopted means more likely to" succeed ; and we know the dread which both Dutch and English at that time, if not biassed by private and selfish views, had of the introduction of the faith and dominion of popery ; and that they who were not of consequence enough to be purchased by office, money, or titles, and received into court favour, must sufier all the evils of slavery and persecution. The gentiy, the people of figure,- 152 Nicholson's administration. as they were then termed, were either ah-eady in office, or in the way of promotion. James had recalled the Charters of the colo- nies ; sent out governours with absolute power ; and refused by himself or servants to permit a printing press to be introduced, and had decreed that the Jews should not exercise their reli- gion in public. Dissatisfaction and jealousy prevailed throughout among the people. The collector of the revenues and several prin- cipal officers threw off the mask, and openly avowed their attach- ment to the church of Rome. The people of Long Island were disappointed by a failure in performance of promises made by Dongan, which added to their discontent with his measures ge- nerally, and to their fears for the protestant religion. 1689 In this state of alarm for their civil and religious liberties were the inhabitants of the province of New York, when the news reached them of the movements in England, by which James was subsequently overthrown, and William of Orange sub- stituted as king. It was soon known that the people of Massachu- setts had risen and put down Andros. Dongan had embarked for Europe,* and left the government of New York in the hands of Nicholson, the lieutenant-governour deputed by Andros, who was governour of both New England and New York. Nicholson was less popular than the governour ; and he was, with the council, im-" plicated in the previous measures of James and Dongan. Colonel Francis Nicholson, the lieutenant-governour, had been an officer in the army of James II : and by the testimony on oath of Nicholas Brower, aged 73, who had been a soldier in the same service, Nicholson had frequently joined in the popish or Roman Catholick religious ceremony, at the mass, in the king's tent. The members of the council left by Dongan, were Nicholas Bayard, colonel of the city militia, Frederick I'hillipse, Mr. Van Cort- landt, (who was likewise mayor, by Dongan's appointment,) and Mr. Dudley. * Smith says " Dongan returned to Ireland, and it is said, succeeded to the Earl- dom of Limerick." I lose sight of him from the moment of his departure, but think Chief Justice Smith is mistaken, because the descendants of Dongan continued in my time to possess the estate on Staten Island, which he had secured by grants from both New York and New Jersey ; and they continued to bear the same name unde- formed or disguised, by title. The last of the race dissipated the property, lost all respectability of character, and was a recruiting sergeant during what was called " John Adams's war." Ebding says that Governour Dongan delivered up his com- mand in April, 1688, and retired as a private citizen of New York to his estate; but soon after went to Ireland, his native country. Notwithstanding this, it may he considered as certain that he sailed for Europe, on being superseded ; and it is csUiblished by the records of 16'J'2, that he was not in New York at that period. Dongan resigned his connnand to Nicholson, who was deputed by Andros, the governour of both New England and New York. This was in 1688; consequently Bayard, Van Cortlandt, Philiipse, etc., were commissioned under Andros. Nicholson's administratiox. 1-5'5 The fort, which was considered the safea;uard of the city, was iii a ruinous condition, and garrisoned by a few soldiers commanded by an ensign known to be a papist. On the land side, the city was fortified by the palisado or wall, extending through what is now Wall street, from the North River to the East, where in Smith's Valley, (by common usage called Smith's Vly or Fly,) was a block house without garrison. That the people suspected Nicholson and the council of being opponents to Willia,m of Orange, is certain. They feared some attempt to seize the fort for King James. And sometime late in May or early in June, a report being spread that the papists would next Sunday attack the people while at church in the fort, massacre them, and declare for James ; and at the same time the inhabitants of Long Island having sent messengers to express their fears to the people of the city ; the latter, in a tumultuary manner assembled in arms, on the second of June, and some went to the house of Leisler, and requested him, as a captain of the train bands, and probably the oldest- officer, to lead them to the seizm-e of the fort. This, it appears, he at first declined ; and in the meanwhile, others led by Ensign Stoll, proceeded to the fort. In the mean time, Leisler, having armed himself, marched with others of the people, entered the citadel as Stoll's superior officer, and was joyfully received. The reader will recollect Jacob Leisler has appeared in these pages before ; first, as the friend of the widow and fatherless stran- ger ; and then, as the opponent of Governour Andros, with the other magistrates of Albany, denying admission to the altar of the church of which he was a member, of an Episcopal clergyman sent out to the province by an avowed papist. As such, he sufl:ered imprisonment ; and finally with his brethren triumphed over the deputy tyrant supported by the Duke of York. Nicholson and his council, alarmed at this commotion of the people, assembled the aldermen and such justices of the peace as could be brought together, to this meeting. He appears to have given it the name of a Convention for keeping the peace. The people chose a Committee of Safety.* The public money was in the fort, and the convention, not thinking it safe, ordered it to be ** It will be remembered that all these magistrates held their commissions from Andros, Governour of New England and New York, under James. The committee of safety was composed of the following freeholders of the city: viz. Richard Denton, Samuel Edsall, Theunis Roelofe, Peter Delanoy, Jean Mar- est, Muthias Harvey, Daniel Le Klerke, Thomas Williams, Johannes Vermylle, and William Lawrence. And on the 8th of June, 1669, they issued an order, constituting Captain Jacob Leisler, "captain of the fort" "until orders shall arrive from their majesties ," and they further order •■ that the said Lslsler shall have all aid from the ,city and county to suppress exteina! and mternal enemies of the VOL. I. 20 154 leisler's proceedings. removed to the house of Frederick PhilUpse, wlio Is described as a man of honour " and very rich." Stoll, who first went to the fort, on the contrary is represented as " not worth a groat;" and this is uniformly the distinction made between the two parties, ex- cept as to Leisler. The pubhc money, ^773 12s, was not, however, given up, and in the evening, Captain Lodowick and his company, arrived to take possession of the fort, which appears to have been resigned to him by Captain Leisler, on an understanding that each captain should hold the citadel in his turn. The train-bands of the city consisted of five companies, of which Nicholas Bayard was the colonel. But this twmng out, under arms, was not with the consent of the colonel, who, with Nicholson and others, were devising means to prevent or counteract the move- ment of the people. The captains, however, acted in concert, and, without doubt, with the approbation of the citizens. Colonel Bayard repaired to the foot of Broadway, and found the militia assembled on the parade in front of the fort, where the bowling-green now is. He ordered them to dismiss, after placing the necessary guard in the fort ; but he was himself ordered to depart, and his authority set at nought. The council of Nicholson made an effort to retain the receipts of the customs, by sending Nicholas Bayard and three others of peace, and preserve the order of the province :" and he is authorized by the same committee, on'the 16th of August following, " to use the power and authority of commander-in-chief, until orders shall come from their majesties; and he is author- ized to do all such acts as are requisite for the good of the province, taking council with the militia and civil authority, as occasion shall require." There is a letter from Leisler to Major Nathaniel Gold, on file at Hartford, by which it appears that Gold had been informed of the seizing the fort, and had ap- proved of it. Leisler further informs him that Nicholson and his council bad caused many of the inhabitants for fear to fall oft' from the revolutionists ; that on the 2d of June, Leisler entered the fort with fifty men, and learnt on the 3d, that three ships had entered the Hook, when he alarmed the town, and called all the train-bands to the fort, where five captains and about 400 men unanimously signed an agreement to hold the fort " for the present protestant power that reigns in England." Not- withstanding which, the lieutenant-governour, Nicholson, continued to issue orders, end intended to send a messenger to England to "act against" the revolutionists. To counteract this, the writer says they will send an address to his majesty, signed by the captains of militia and the inhabitants. And on the 13th of June, 1689, the general court of Connecticut sent a letter, addressed to Captain Jacob Leisler and the rest of the captains in New York, approving of the seizure of the fort and the declaration they had put forth, advising them to keep the fort, to " sutfer no Roman Catholick to enter the same" with or without arms, nor any such to keep arms within the government. They send Major Nathaniel Gold and Captain James Fitz, ap- pointed to visit and advise them. These geiilleuien, on the 2()th June, address a paper to the captains, approving the necessity of what tliey had done, and the truth of their representations; that the fort was out of repair and without amnninition. They call the commandant "noble and loyal Captain Leisler." They repeat the advice to hold the fort and disarm papists, ;ind promise assistance, if required, from Conn«cficut. — MSS. in N, Y. Hist. 8oc. collection. leisler's proceedings. 155 their number to take the place of the oflicer, Matthew Plowman, to whom payment of duties was refused, on the ground of his being an avowed papist, and therefore not legally qualified. These gentle- men repaired to the custom house, but found it guarded by militia, and were ordered away. The committee of safety appointed another collector, whose name was Green, and on the arrival of vessels, they sent armed men on board. Captain Lodowick sent his sergeant, with a file of men to de- mand the keys of the fort from Nicholson, whose quarters were at a tavern ; but they found him with his council at the city hall, (at the head of Coentie's slip,) to which place Bayard had returned. Nicholson refused to give the keys to Churchill, the sergeant ; but on the appearance of Lodowick, resigned them to him. It was known that the five captains agreed to keep the fort each in his turn, and Lodowick was then in command. It was in imitation of the citizens of Boston that the inhabitants had elected a committe of safety for the immediate government of the province ; and they signed an agreement to adhere to the Prince of Orange, and with their lives support the protestant religion. The captains of militia formed part of this committee, and it appears that Jacob Leisler was looked to as the principal in point of age, standing, and mer- cantile credit. Nicholson had, in the meantime, dissolved his council or con- vention, by getting on board ship, and sailing for England, with Mr. Ennis, the Church of England clergyman. Bayard, who had been very violent, and was exceedingly unpopular, soon after fled to Albany, where Colonel Schuyler, the mayor, and Mr. Living- ston, though willing to declare for William and Mary, would not submit to the government of Leisler and the people of New York. In the city of New York, Stephanus Van Cortlandt, the mayor, and the aldermen who had taken the oath of allegiance to James, kept up a show of opposition to Leisler ; and when the government of Connecticut sent two deputies, (Major Gold and Captain Fitz,) to learn the state of affairs in New York, they, of course, went to Leisler, at the fort, and to him communicated the intelligence that the Prince and Princess of Orange had been proclaimed King and Queen of England. Van Cordandt, hearing this, assembled the common council at his house, and despatched Alderman Merritt to the fort to request the gentlemen from Connecticut to come to Mr. Van Cordandt. They came accordingly, and being asked if they had come to Ncav York to proclaim William and Mary, an- swered, no ; but having brought the proclamation, as issued in England, with them, they had given it to the commander-in-chief at the fort. Leisler lost no time, but immediately proclaimed the king and 156 i.eisler's proceedings. queen at the fort ; and proceeding from thence to the city hall, there repeated the proclamation, by sound of trumpet, to the rejoic- ing people. Van Cortlandt, the mayor, and the aldermen of his party, repaired to Coentie's slip, to be present at the proclamation, but were too late. They were told by the officers of militia tliat the people were incensed against them. It appears, however, that Leisler invited them to the fort to drink the king and queen's health, but their fears made it an uneasy visit, and they soon retired, not think- ing themselves safe. Indeed, it is said, Leisler advised " a short visit," as he could not be answerable for their safety. Things continued in this state, awaiting news from England and orders from William's government, to which Leisler wrote, giving an account of the situation of affairs. In a private letter which Leisler sent to the king, he stated the repairs he had made to the fort, and other matters in detail, but not with the clearness of an accustomed writer of the English language.* On the 25th of August, Milbourne, the son-in-law of Leisler, arrived from Eng- land, and being an Englishman, acted as secretary to the com- mander-in-chief. The mayor, Stephanus Van Cortlandt, appointed by Dongan, and the common council, who had been elected the preceding year, continued in New York, but without authority from William's gov- ernment or without the obedience of the people, and in opposition to them ; and on the approach of the customary time for the elec- tion of a common council and the appointment of mayor, the people assembled in their wards, elected their aldermen and assistants, and for the first time, their mayor, also. On Sunday, the 29th September, 1689, " at a common council held at the city hall, (Coentie's slip,) the following aldermen and assistants were returned for the ensuing year :t For the West Ward, Hendrick Van Veurden, Alderman, Swartwout OfFerts, Assistant. Dock Ward, John Spratt, Alderman, Garret Duykinck, Assistant. »South Ward, Robert Walters, Alderman, Johannes Provoost, Assistant. " Tlie £773 I2.s. publick money, with that derived from customs and other sources of revenue, I do not donbt but Leisler employed in fortifying, and other expenses for the government; though his enemies, (and they were the only persons who published by means of the press,) charged him with appropriating all monies to his private use ; but there is neither proof nor probability in the charge. He is accused of paying his soldiers 16d a day — that is, perhaps, 9d sterling. t See Records in the Clerk's Office of the city of New York. lkisler's proceedixgs. 157 North Ward, Cornelius Phivicr, Alderman, Heudrick "^ren Eyck, Assistant. East Ward, John D. Brown, Alderman, Peter Adolph, Assistant. Out Ward, John Couwanhoven, Alderman, Wolfert Webbers, Assistant. We see by the above, that the common council elected l)v the people, had taken possession of the city hall ; and on the 5th of October, (six days after,) the mayor and common council of the preceding year, (under Dongan's government,) met at a private dwelling, the house of Alderman William Merrit, and passed de- cisions on accounts presented ; and again the same persons met at the same place in the afternoon, and continued the business. These were, Stephanus Van Cortlandt, the mayor appointed by Dongan, with Messrs. Merritt, Lawrence, Rombolts, Kipp, and Richards, of the common council ; likewise Colonel Nicholas Bayard, and Mr. Dekay. They again met on the 7th of October, and imme- diately afterwards dispersed. Bayard and Van Cortlandt going to Albany. Nicholson had some time before sailed for England, and with him Mr. Ennis, the Episcopal clergyman, as has been men- tioned. On the 14th of October, the following proclamation was issued by Leisler : " Whereas, by order of the Committee of Safety, it was ordered that the mayor, sheriff, and clerk, shall he chosen hif the imijoritij of votes of the freeholders, (isrc," accordingly Peter De la Noy had been chosen IMayor, Johannes Johnson, sheriff, and Abraham Governeur, clerk; which choice had been confirmed by the commander-in-chief: and " whereas, the committee of safety have appointed me to confirm the civil magistrates and officers of the City of New York, chosen by the protestant freemen of the city, &c." " I accordingly confirm," as above " according to the true intent and meaning of said committee." Accordingly the common council, as given above, were sworn in and confirmed, and in the words of the proclamation, "all inhabitants are required to give due obedience to said magistrates." "Done at Fort William, the 14th of October, 1689, in the first year of their majesties' reign." On the same dav, the common council met at the city hall, then at Coentie's slip, when the oaths were administered, and they pro- ceeded to business. They sent a written order by the high constable, directed to Van Cortlandt, demanding, as they had done by a verbal message be- fore, the city's charter, seals, books, and papers. But INIr. Van Cortlandt was not to be found, and his wife, receiving the paper, threw it out of doors. We will now see what was doing at Albany. 15S ALBANY CONVENTION. On iJie 24th day of June,* the corporallon of the city of Albany, assisted by the mihtary officers met, and required the sheriff' and constable to assist Robert Livingston, collector, in gauging certain hogsheads, said to be molasses, but suspected to be rum. On the 2Sth, Marte Gerritze and Kilian Van Rensaellaer were present, and the common council resolved that all pubhck af- fairs should be managed by the mayor, and civil and military officers, until orders should come from William and Mary — ^Robert Living- ston signed as clerk. On the 21st August, the common council resolved to make public, the news of the hostilities of the French and Indians. On the 4th September, at a convention of the mayor and others, they resolved to send an express down to Captain Jacob Leisler and the rest of the military officers of the city of New York, for the assistance of 100 men or more — 600 weight of powder and ball, cannon, and .£200 out of their majesties' revenue " which we understand is daily collected by them." A committee is appointed to meet deputies from New England respecting the Indians. They hear from Schenectady that the officers there cannot agree among themselves, " how to behave" in case of attack ; therefore Dirk Wessells and Johannes Wendell, are sent to convene the people and advise them " at their peril." On the 17th September, the convention asked their mes- senger who carried the above letter to New York, if *' he re- ceived any answer from said Leisler," and he told them, that he delivered the letter " to Captain Leisler, but had no letter in an- swer, but that directed to Captain Wendell and Captain Bleecker." He heard Leisler say he had nothing to do with the civil power. Upon this the convention resolved, that " not the least answer to the convention" had been given, " but in the letter to the Captains signed by Leisler alone," the purport of which, chiefly is, " to in- duce the common people to send two men to assist them in their committee," that he sends them " 40 pounds of match, out of their majesties' stores, and 200 pounds of powder, belonging to the mer- chants of Albany, and 4 small guns, but as for money, they received •none," Leisler alledged that they cannot send any men, in con- sequence of die " great slight their people received when in Albany," .and earnestly insisted on deputies coming from Albany, to " con- sult with them, for the pubhc good." The convention resolved to apply to New England for assistance, ,and means were devised to raise money. The following persons * Se« minutes of tlie Albany Convention, in MSS., in library of Historical ^Society «f New York. ALBANY CONVENTION. 159 subscribed tbe sums opposite their names, the money to be repaid by a general tax. P. Schuyler, ^15 — Killian Van Kansaellaer, £15 — Gab'!. Thomson, .£10 — Marte Gerritze, £10 — Jan Lan- sing, £12 — Johannes Wendell, £12 — Lev. Van Schaick, £10 — Robert Livingston, £50. The others are small sums, and the total was £367 6s. On September, the 2Sth, the Albany convention resolved, that " since sundry members of the convention" had signed " a bond, for reimbursing Robert Livingston, such disbursements as he shall make, the said bond shall be recorded." The signers are, Peter Schuyler, Dirk W^essells, Claes Ripse Van Dam, Gabl. Thomson, Dirke Teunise, Alexander Ryckman and David Schuyler. On the 25th of October, the convention resolved, that the magistrates should take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary, and it was so done. It was resolved likewise to admin- ister such oath to the military officers and soldiers. The convention, on information that Leister intended to send men to assist them, resolved that it was with the view to take the fort, and make the magistrates prisoners ; and that a letter be written to Al- derman Schaick and Lieutenant Joachim Staats, to make inquiry " of the business," and to signify to Leisler that 95 men from New England are sent for, and others are ready in Ulster, and that Leis- ler's men shall by no means be admitted to have command in Albany. On the 4th, November, Alderman Levinus Van Schaick, to whom the protest against Leisler's sending armed men to Albany, was sent, arrived from New York, and says, that he spoke to Staats, who re- plied, that he knew not what to do, as it was intended he should be captain of the company for Albany, to lye in the fort, and if he did not accept the command they would send Churchill, and he thought he had better go. Upon this they went to the committee and delivered the protest from Albany ; on which Milbourne said that he would go to Albany and see the fort there better secured. Schaick in- formed the convention that he heard Leisler call certain officers in Albany papists, and say that Albany should bring its charter to New York, if the city had one. The convention resolved to acquaint the citizens in their respec- tive wards, that a company of men were coming up from New York, who intended to turn the government of the city up-side down, make themselves masters of the fort and city, and in no manner be obedient to any orders of the convention. The next day accor- dingly the people were convened at the City Hall, and certain arti- cles being proposed to them they agreed to them all, as desired by the convention, and fully resolved to maintain the present govern- ment, until further orders came from their majesties. 160 ALBANY CONVENTION. On the 8th of Novemher, the convention appointed Col. Schuyler commander of the fort ; who was to ohey the convention : and he took possession accordingly. On the 9th of November, a portion of the convention, the convention being met, and the recorder presiding, at the city hall, in Albany ; and hearing that three sloops were in sight, " whereof one had the king's jack aboard," and that " soldiers" were in them, four of the convention were sent to know " upon what account they were come." Milboarne replied, by asking if the fort was open for his men to march in that night ^ He was answered " No ;" that the mayor of the city had possession of the fort, and was then the commander. JNIilbourne was desired to come ashore for further conversation. He accordingly came with the deputies to the city hall, and was bid welcome. The hall being full of people, Milbourne addressed them, and told them they had now an opportunity of freeing themselves from King James — that the charter of the city was null, as being granted by a papist king and his servant Andros, a popish governour. That now the people had the power to choose their officers, both civil and military, and stating that the present officers, holding by an illegal tenor, ought to be subjected to a free election ; " and much such like discourse," say the minutes of this convention. Staats and Bogardus, who came up with Milbourne, asked why the ma- gistrates did not speak ^ Upon which, the recorder replied that there was time enough yet; for that Milbourne had shown no com- mission ; that the convention was met for the purpose of billeting Milbourne's men, and with good intent; that " he was not author- ized at that juncture to make him answer to such discourse; they had seen no commission that he had yet.'''' It will be here remembered by the reader, that the civil and mili- tary officers in the Albany Convention were all officers commis- sioned under James H, by Sir Edmund Andros. Milbourne, and the rulers at New York, were commissioned by the people. The recorder remarked, that " Milbourne addressed himself to the wrong people, since there were no arbitrarv nowers in Albany ; God had delivered them from that yoke by their majesties now upon the throne, to whom they had sworn allegiance." Milbounie de- sired that the mayor might be present. He was twice sent for, but answered that he could not leave his post. The recorder stated, " that he represented the mayor in his absence," and to him was delivered a letter " signed by twenty-five persons," which was read, but referred to a fuller meedng next day. The recorder then offered quarters, by billets, for Milbourne's men, which he declined, only asking provisions, " which was granted ; and so parted that night." The letter purports to be from the committee chosen by the MILBOURNE's mission to ALBANY. 161 "free and open elections of the freemen" in the respective coun- ties, stating that they (the signers,) had sent Jacob Milbourne with fifty men suitably armed for the use and defence of his majesty's, (King William'^,) forts and .subjects, that the enemy may not take advantage of any disputes or differences among tlie people of the province. It is signed by 2-3 of the committee, among wliom I find Jacob Leisler senior and junior, Peter De la Noy, Peter De Milt, John Beekman, Hendrick Ten Eyck, J. De Keimer, Jean Desmorest, Gerardus Beekman, Richard Panton, Adrian Van Schaick, Gerret Duyking, John De Peyster, William Churchill, Myndert Corten, and a few English names. The convention, however, receive letters from Schenectady, written to the people of that place by Jacob Milbourne and Henry Cuyler, from which they infer that INIilbourne designs to subvert the present government, as he invites the people to choose magis- trates independent of those commissioned by James II. On Sunday, the 10th of November, the convention being met, sent for Milbourne, and the recorder told him that the letter from 25 perspns in New York had been read, saying that 51 men were sent to the assistance of Albany; and asked him, upon whose charge they were come. ]Milbourne answered, that Albany must pay them. The recorder said, that was contrary to a letter from New York, of September 4th. Upon which, Milbourne appealed to the people standing by, and asked if the county of Albany would be able to pay that charge. The people said, " no." Then Mil- bourne showed his commission to the convendon, saying, " We shall find a way for it." The recorder told him that a commission signed and sealed by private persons, was of no force. Here was the point of difference between New York and Albany or the convention and the committee of safety. The committee were men chosen by the people. The Albany Convention were officers of King James II ; and though they disclaimed that king, they would not cease to act by his authority, in opposition to the people. The recorder told INIilbourne that as he had no commission from the King of England, Albany would obey no other. Milbourne addressed the people ; and the secretary of the convention, Robert Livingston, records the address in his own way. Milbourne insisted that the charter and commissions of James were void ; that the people should choose their officers until orders from King Wil- liam arrived. Milbourne was desired to desist from such discourse : for that he and his commission should not be acknowledged ; but Albany would give quarters for his men. It was then agreed to meet next morning to settle the quarters for the New Yorkers. The magis*" VOL. I. 21 1Z2 MILBOURNE's mission to ALBANY. trates of Albany told Milbourne that they did not acknowledge him to have any legal authority. The peoj)Ie of Albany are represented, by the journal of the con- vention, as agreeing with them ; but on the 11th of November, the convention were deterred from meeting at the City Hall, on hearing that the citizens were there assembled, and wished to appoint a person to take charge of the fort, who should be independent of the mayor. Milbourne declared, in writing, that he was authorized by the committee of safety of the province " to order the affairs at Al- bany," and insists that there shall be a fair election for the officers of the city, both civil and military ; that the commander of the fort shall be chosen by the people : and demands of the convention an account of the arms and stores in the fort fit for the king's service. On the 12th, the convention met at a private house, and unani- mously resolved not to " accept of the fifty men" from New York on any other terms than that they should be under the command of the convention. Certain articles were agreed upon with Milbourne, and his soldiers, who had lain at "Marte Gerusties Island," were marched into town, and received by a portion of the inhabitants inta their houses without billeting, or, says the record, " lawful au- thority." Peter Schuyler found it necessary to come from the fort to the City Hall, to appease the people, and declared that he had taken pos- session of the fort from knowledge of the designs of the committee of New York. It is plain that the convention and Milbourne could not agree. They denied his authority, or that of the people of New York. And an entry is made on the minutes, by order, that on the 15th day of November, Milbourne, with a company of armed men, came to the fort, and that a messenger was sent to warn him not to come *' without the gates of the city." He came, notwith- standing, to the fort, and demanded the place. The mayor answered that he kept the fort for their majesties, Wilham and Mary ; and commanded Milbourne and his men away. Mil- bourne attempted to enter, having " one foot in," says the record, but was thrust out ; upon which himself and company retired to within the gates of the city, " and there put the king's jack, facing the fort." Milbourne, tlicn, after charging his men to load with bullets, came to the gates of the city and read a paper. The Mohawks, whom Schuyler had at hand, offered (according to the minutes,) to fire upon the New Yorkers ; but the convention drew up and read a protest against Milbourne, and sent Doctor Delius and die recorder to pacify the Indians, and a messenger to tell Milbourne that if he came out of the gate, the Mohawks would fire upon him. Upon which he marched down the town and dis- missed his men. INTRIGUES OF NICHOLAS BAYARD. 103 The city of Albany, at this time, and long after, consisted prin- cipally of two streets. One, the longest, ran parallel to the river, and under the hill on which the fort was situated. The hill rose steeply about the middle of this street, and another, still wider, crossed the first, from the foot of the hill, running towards the river. It appears by the minutes of the convention, that many of the people of Albany, and some " private, but extreme active men," coincided with Milbourne ; who, having procured Joachim Staats to be elected captain of the New York soldiers, left them in Albany, and returned. William Smith says, in his history of New York, " that Jacob Milbourne was commissioned for the reduction of Albany." No such thing is pretended by the secretary of the convention, Robert Livingston. Smith further says, " In the spring, he (Milbourne,) commanded another party upon the same errand, and the distress of the country, on an Indian irruption, gave him all the desired success." Captain Bull arrived with S7 men, from Connecticut, on the 25th November, and was gladly received by the convention : nor does the captain of the New Yorkers seem inclined to any adverse action. On the 29th, twenty-nine of Bull's force, under Ensign Talmadge, marched to Schenectady to keep that post, as it was agreed upon by the convention and the captain. How well they kept guard, we shall see by and by. Staats refused to send any of the New York men to this outpost. Colonel Bayard, although he had seen the- irritation of the people of New York against himself, sent an order from Albany, directed to Captains Abram De Peyster and John De Bruyn, of the New York trained bands, the tendency of which could have only been to increase the enmity of the people, to himself and his associates. It was dated the 20th of October, 1689, and is in the following words : " whereas Jacob Leisler, and some of his associ- ates, have in a hostile and illegal manner, invaded his majesties fort at New York, and subverted all government by law established, I, as Colonel of the Regiment, do strictly require you, and each of you, to desist aiding and abetting said Leisler, and his associates, and not to suffer your soldiers to obey him, but to obey the civil government established by Sir E. Andros, which is in full force, notwithstanding the imprisonment or death of said Andros." This is dated at Albany, in the first year of the reign of William III. Andros had been put down in Boston, as the tyrant appointed by James, to enslave the colonies. De Bruyn, upon the death, or re- signation of Van Veurden, had been elected Alderman of the West Ward. Long Island, which at this time was a most important and po- 164, PETER SCHUYLER, MAYOR OF ALBANY. pulous portion of the province, was friendly to Leisler's government. The inhabitants of the east end of the Island, would wilHngly have placed themselves under the jurisdiction of Connecticut, but find-r ing thai cuidd not he, they joined with their neighbours of the west- ern counties, and with the city and county of New York, as well as the counties of West Chester and Orange, in cheerful attachment to Leisler : but the magistrates of Albany refused to be governed by the Burghers of the INIanhattan City, though declaring for Wil- liam and Maiy. Peter Schuyler, the mayor of Albany, possessed and deserved the confidence of the people of that neighbouruood, as well as of the Iroquois. He was friendly to the revolution in England, and promptly declared for the Prince of Orange. It would have been happy for the province, and for Schuyler if he had acted with the people of the city of New York, and joined with the friends of Leisler, until advices arrived from England. But Schuyler was one of the "'people of figure," and the influence of Bayard, Van Cortlandt and Livingston, determined him to declare himself in opposition to Leisler.* While thus a portion of the people of Albany, Schenectady, and the immediate frontier of the north, was stimulated to hostility against their friends of the south and east, the province was involved in war with France and Canada, by the adoption of the govern- ment of \\ illiam and Mary. The government of Connecticut sent men to aid Leisler in keep- ing the fort at New York: but in October, (of this year,) 1689, they * Theodore Sedgwick. Esq., in his very interesting and highly vahaable biography oi William Livingston, the patriot governonr of New Jersey, during our revolution, has very properly sought arid given information, respecting the first American Livingston, the opponent of Leisler. He says, that Robert Livingston, had proba- bly acquired the Dutch language while with his father in Holland, and came to New York, early enough to be employed in the affairs of Albany, while that place was not yet a city, that is, as early as l(i76. That lie married the widow of Patroon Nicholas Van Rensaellaer, about IC79. That she was the sister of Peter Schuyler, (the hero of New York in those days, as his grandson Philip, was, in the days of the revolutionary contest,) and daughter of Phillip Pieterse Schuyler. Conse- quently, Robert Livingston was the brother-in-law of Peter Schtiyler. Albany was made a city in 1686. The cliarter was granted by Dongan, who a papist himself was urged by his master, the bigot James, to introduce the religion of Rome into the colony. Peter Schuyler was the first mayor of Albany ; Living- ston was an officer of the city, appointed by the same governonr. They were both officer^• under James. Schuyler placed himself at the head of what was called the Albany Convention, and as Mr. Sedgwick says, Robert Livingston was his secretary. On the 15th January, 1690, the sheriff of Albany wrote to Milbourne, saying, " about the beginning of April last past," that is, in 1689, " Robert Livingston told me that there was a plot of robbery gone out of Holland into England, and the Prince of Orange was at the head of it, and he might see how he got out again, and should come to the same end as Monmoulli did. This I can testify." This letter vyas signed by Sherifl' Pretty. Upon this charge, Leisler issued a warrant against Livingston as a rebel leisler's proceedings. 1G5 informed him that in consequence of their great expenses, "by reason of the Indian war," and distresses by reason of sickness and short crops, they can no longer afford him that aid. " But if any foreign force should inv'ade you, we shall be ready lo relieve you according to our ability," and they at this time subscribe themselves his " af- fectionate friends, the general court of Cbnnecticut." That Bayard, Van Cortlandl, and their associates should feel an enmity to Leisler and the people of New York, bordering upon madness, is what we might expect ; but that they should have suffi- cient influence over Peter Schuyler, to induce him to risk the ill consequences which might flow from the active hostility of the French, rather than join in supporting the New York government for the short space of time that would probably intervene, before specific instructions arrived from England, is to me surprising, and appears at variance with his character for judgment. From Leisler's letter to William and INIary, I gather the follow- ing facts. That, relying upon the good understanding between James II, and Louis, of France, Governour Dongan had suffered the fort at New York, (which commanded both harbour and city,) to go to decay : that the well which supplied water, was filled up, and the ammunition for defence very limited : all which, when Cap- tain Leisler was chosen by the freeholders to keep the place until orders arri\ ed from England, he knowing that war with France must ensue, had repaired, and put in a state of defence ; besides causing a battery of seven guns to be erected to the west of the fort, where State street and the walk now" called "the Batter}'" exists. That about the time of his taking command, an incendiary, (always at that time supposed to be a papist) had endeavoured to burn the church which was within the fort, and which seems to have been used as a powder-magazine, as well as for preaching and prayer. That the city was " fortified on the land side with good palisades, and in sev- eral places there were guns." That there were fifty men in the fort, whom the country had promised to pay, besides a company of the train-bands that mounted guard every night. That great appre- hensions were entertained from Governour Andros, who was sup- posed to have escaped from the Bostonians ; and that Leisler was determined to hold the city and fort for their majesties, William and Mary, until further orders. The dissensions and divisions at Albany and Schenectady were such, that although notified of their danger, they would not permit the forces from Connecticut to keep regular guard : at the same time, Leisler, misapprehending the intentions of the Connecticut men, wrote to Governour Treat, (as I find by his letter in the Sec- retary of State's office, Hartford,) complaining that Captain Jona- than Bull and his troops, aided and supported the Convention of Albany, who had set themselves in opposition to his majesty and IGG leisler's proceedings. the laws of the province. He, therefore, requests the Governour of Connecticut to appoint Mr. Fitch and others, who knew the state of affairs at New York, as commissioners to agree with com- missioners from Leisler, upon proper measures for the defence of the frontiers. In consequence of this apphcation, Messrs. Gould and Fitch were appointed with authority to agree upon the number of men to be furnished by Connecticut. This letter of Leisler's is dated February 14th, 1690, and the next day he again wrote to Treat, that in the short interval he had received the melancholy news of the burning and massacre at Schenectady, (of which particular account will be given in the next chapter,) a, misfortune which he attributes to " that convention, and Colonel Bayard's faction, who have asserted that the commissions of Sir Edmund Andros remain in full force."* And we are told by the historian of Connecticut, that the people of Albany and Schenectady, notwithstanding Cap- tain Bull's remonstrance, would not permit the Connecticut officers to keep regular watch. It is evident, that although Milbourne carried a force with him that might have assisted in defending the frontier, he cer- tainly did not lead troops enough for the reduction of Albany by arms, if he could not persuade the people to join with New York and all the southern part of tlife province in yielding obedience to the person who had been elected to the command. We know to certainty that the transaction is recorded by the enemies of Mil- bourne and his father-in-law ; and we know that he returned disap- pointed to New York. We have already seen the minutes of the Albany Convention on that head. The discomfiture of Milbourne appears to have encouraged Bay- ard to visit New York, and he was there in private when some very important dispatches arrived from England in the beginning of December, 1689. It appears that before Nicholson and Ennis arrived in England, the government of William III, in the latter part of July, 1689, wrote to Francis Nicholson, Esq., or in his absence, to such as for the time being, takes care for preserving the peace, and administering the laws in his majesty'' s irroviitce of New Yorlc, in America. Thus the person at the head of the government in the province was 'em- powered to take the chief command, and to appoint for his assist- ance as many freeholders as he should think fit until further orders. This important packet was entrusted to Mr. Riggs, and was be- tween four and five months on the way. Riggs arrived the Sth or 9th of December, and might have presented himself and letters at the governour's house, in the See Hartfor i MSS. INTRIGUES OF NICHOLAS BAYARD. 167 fort, with propriety ; for it was notorious that Jacob Leisler had administered the laws, and been cheerfully supported as chief of the government, for William and Mary, nearly seven months, except by the adherents of Dongan's administration, and by the leading men at Albany and its environs ; but it seems that Riggs hesitated, and unfortunately Nicholas Bayard had clandes- tinely arrived from Albany, for the -purpose, as he says, of visiting his son who was sick,* and was at this time secreted in his own house. Another of tbe council of Dongan and James was like- wise in town, Frederick Phillipse, a man only distinguished for his riches. To him. Bayard, ever restless and on the watch to get him- self or others into trouble, or power, sent notice of the arrival of Riggs, and persuaded Phillipse to seek the king's messenger and bring him to the place of Bayards concealmont.t Riggs was ac- cordingly brought by Phillipse, on the night after his arrival, to the house of Colonel Bayard, who in conjunction with his fellow kings- counsellor, and officer of James II, a passive instrument in his hands, endeavoured to persuade the bearer of despatches, that al- though the government of the province was in other hands, and the governour's council had not met for months, the letter belonged to such of the council as were to be found, viz, Bayard and Phillipse. For, says Bayard, although the Lieutenant Governour had departed, and the council had not officiated for some small time, yet, since the justices of the peace had been continued in their offices, by vir- tue of the present king's proclamation, the letters addressed as above, were intended, and ought to be delivered to such of the gov- ernour's council as could be found. He avered, that he would hold the despatches until Stephanus Van Cortlandt could be sent for, and on the meeting of die council deliver them to the presiding officer. Happily for Riggs, this reasoning did not prevail with him, and the next day the Commander-in-chief demanded the letters as be- longing to him who administered the government in Nicholson's absence. The messenger was convinced, and the despatches with the powers they authorized, were delivered to Jacob Leisler. This attempt of Bayard and Phillipse to seize papers directed to the person who administered the law by the choice of the people, evinces the notions prevalent in what were called the " gentry" and "people of figure," and which governed them, not only at that time, but long after. These nodons were derived in part from supe- riority of riches, but more from their being received as associates * MSS. Petition of Bayard : New York Historical Library. t The writer of the Pamphlet published in Boston, in 1G90, entitled "A Modest and Impartial Narrative," says, tliat Nicholson left Phillipse and Van Cortlaudt ia- trust for him wheu he departed for England. l63 LEISLER ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT. by the immediate officers of the king's government — the governoursy lieutenant governours and miUtary leaders horn in Europe, and bearing commissions emanating from his sacred Majesty. To be the favour- ites of these supposed favourites of royalty, surrounded the pro- vincial gentry with rays which distinguished them, and separated them from the people. They were jprovincial nobles : deriving splendour, though at second hand, from the fountain of honour, whether a licentious Charles, the hired tool of France, or a bigoted James, the worshipper of Rome and the pope. It would at first sight seem to require great assurance in Bayard and Phillipse to demand letters addressed to the person in power, when they knew they had no poiver ; and one of them, at least, was skulking from public observation, and knew himself to be the object of popular detestation : but that halo derived from Don- gan and Nicholson, that distinction flowing from king James's com- mission, constituting them members of his majesty's council, was a medium through which they saw, and which misled them in an attempt that must have been resisted by those who at that time held the power of the province in their hands, administered the laws, and were supported by the people, except in Albany. Leisler received the letters and instructions as addressed to the head of the government in Nicholson's absence. He exhibited them to the committee of safety. By their advice, he assumed the style of lieutenant governour, and a portion of those who had acted as the committee of safety with others, freeholders as directed, were sworn in, as their majesty's, or the governours council. This was done by those who had sworn to maintain the government of Wil- liam and Mary, and had officiated as the advisers of the comman- der-in-chief to this time. On the 11th of December, 1689, the following freeholders were constituted the lieutenant governour's council : Peter De La Noy, Samuel Staats, Hendrick Jansen, and Johannes Vermilye, for the city of New York ; Gerardus Beekman for King's County; Samuel Edsall for Queen's County ; Thomas Williams for West Chester; and William Lawrence for Orange County.* The attempt made by Bayard to gain possession of the letters from England, had the effect of making known his presence in the city of New York, and I presume some measures were taken by Leisler to cite him before the council, which failed ; for on the 17th of January, 1690, a warrant for his apprehension was issued ; is is headed " by the lieutenant governour and coun- cil," and signed, " Jacob Leisler," It directs the apprehension * Besides these I find cnumerafed as active friends of Leisler, Benjamin Blaggr, Hcnderick Cwyler, and John Couenhoven. Milbourne was secretary to the Council. leisler's proceedings. . 169 of Nicholas Bayard for high misdemeanours committed against his majesty's authority, and for certain lihellous writings, containing " execrable lies and pernicious falsehoods," contrary to the peace of the province and his majesty's government. It directs that he shall be seized wherever found ; and authorizes search to be made for him by breaking open places suspected of concealing him : and to use violence in case of resistance. This order Is directed to " Wilham Churchill and his company." Leisler likewise made known, by proclamation, the additional authority under which he acted, and required, In conformity to the act of assembly of 1683, entided " a bill for defraying the requisite charges of government," which, as was said, was still remaining in force, that all persons should obey the same, and that the collector and other officers should do their duty In the premises. Churchill and his company entered the house of Nicholas Bayard, and as directed, broke open doors that were barred against them : Bay- ard fled to a neighbouring house, but was followed, and seized by the assistance of Abraham Brazier and several other citizens.* We have sufficient evidence that the Colonel was Imprisoned, and treated rigorously. The jails of New York were several apart- ments and dungeons In the City Hall, at Coentles Slip, and from one of these prisons Bayard petitioned for release. On die 28di of December, 16S9, Leisler wrote to the military and civil officers of the city and county of Albany, thus: "I, having received orders from his majesty, King William, for taking care of this government, have commissioned Joachim Staats to take into his possession Fort Orange, and keep the soldiers in good order and discipline." He further orders, that free elections be forthwith made for a mayor and aldermen, and calls upon those he addresses to assist for his majesty's Interest and the good of the city. The convention, on receiving this letter, resolve to send the high sheriff of the city and county to Joachim Staats, informing him of the secret of such letter, and to demand of him If any such orders from the king had been sent to him, they being desirous to behave accord- ingly. The high sheriff, at whose house the convention was sitting, returns, and says, Staats will come to them. On the appear- ance of Staats, the convention insist upon knowing whether the king has constituted Leisler lieutenant-governour ; as. If so, they were willing to obey ; otherwise, not. Staats tells them that they know well enough diat die letters were directed to Nicholson, and, in his absence, to such as for the time being, administered die gov- ernment. " Let the bell ring, and call the people together, and then I will show what authority I have." The convenUon reject this ; but say, if he is to make proclama- " •' Modest and Impartial Nanative" — Boston, 1690. VOL 1. 22 170 ALFANY CONVENTION. tion to the people of tlie accession of the king and queen, they, the convention, would call the companies together in array, and do it with due solemnity. In the afternoon, Staats came and showed an order from Leisler for him and the freeholders and people of Albany to proclaim William and Mary, if it had not already been done ; as Leisler had received letters from the ministry so to do. Staats insisted that the gentlemen, (says the secretaiy,) should de- clare whether they acknowledge Jacob Leisler to be lieutenant- governour, and whether they woidd obey him. The gentlemen require him to show copies of the letters to Leisler. Staats replied, " If I show such copies, you will say they are Milbourne's writing." He showed a commission from Leisler to take possession of Fort Orange, and an order for a day of thanksgiving. The gentlemen require to see orders from King William, directed to Jacob Leisler, but desired copies of the papers Staats showed, and they would give him their answer in writing ; and, in the meantime, they would write to Captain Leisler about it. Staats, however, departed with- out leaving copies. The same afternoon, the convention met again, to resolve whether or not Leisler is to be acknowledged as commander-in-chief. P. Schuyler, who had been present at all the previous meetings, says, that he cannot acknowledge Leisler until he shows lawful authority from the king. Weissells, Van Schaick, and a majority, accord with the mayor. They forbid the beating of drum, to call the people together, and agree upon a protest against Leisler, de- claring that the letters from the ministry do not apply to him. Cap- tain Wendell and Captain Bleecker are in a minority. The protest was published with great parade. The mayor marched at the head of the procession, from the fort, accompanied by the convention and a guard of fifty men armed. As soon as they entered the city gates, the mayor and officers, " went with their swords pointed, with drums beating ; they came to the plain before the church !" The bell rang thrice ; the mayor made a speech, and the protest was read. The procession passed through the " principal streets of the city, then returned to the fort, and the protest was sent by the mayor to be affixed to the church." This display would not have been made, we may suppose, if they had not received faithful intelligence from their zealous friend, Livingston, and the government of Connecticut. Accordingly, appeared Captain Bull widi his one hundred soldiers on the oppo- site banks of the river : he crossed, and reported himself and forces to the Albany Convention. The soldiers were drawn up in the main street, and, as if in defiance of the Lieutenant-governour of New York, they fired a feu dejol. As before mentioned, the New York troops refused to go to Schenectady, and the troops which Capt. Bull sent, only added to the security of the inhabitants, derived from the distance of Montreal and neighbourhood of the Mohawks. ALBANY CONVENTION'. 171 As soon as Leisler heard of the massacre at Schenectady, he sent a sufficient force to the frontier, and the Albany Convention imme- diately dissolved. According to the minutes, it was not until the latter part of Feb- ruary, 1GS9~9(), that a man from Schenectady brouglit the tidings of the destruction of that place. The fugitives say, that the French and Indians, after murdering the inhabitants of Schenectady, were marching to Albany. Messengers were sent down the river for assistance, but the snow and ice impeded travelling, and widi diffi- culty an Indian was sent towards Schenectady to discover some- thing of the enemy ; others. were despatched to the Mohawk castles. On the 10th, the mayor and convention, having learned the retreat of the French, order Captain Bull, with five men out of each com- pany, to Schenectady, to bury the dead ; and, if the Indians had come down, to join them in pursuit of the enemy. There is a list of GO persons killed, and 27 carried off prisoners. Measures for defence were taken uit this time, and for offence, against Canada. On the 15th February, die convention sent mes- sengers to the governours and civil audiorities of the colonies, to act in concert against the French, and among others, to New York. On the 24th of January, 1690, Bayard directed a prayer 1G90 to the Honourable Jacob Leisler, Esq., Lieutenant Gover- nour of the province of New York, and the Honourable Council, which, in the most ample Jiianner, acknowledges the autho- rity of the man he had attempted to injure, and asks forgiveness. The petition " liumhhj sJwwcth. that the i)ctit'wncr oxul jn'isoner craves commiseration," acknowledging his great errour in disregarding the authority which he hereby owns. He prays for pardon and release from " dismal detention." He promises to behave him- self from henceforth with all submission. He says, he will " per- form whatever their honours, the lieutenant-governour and his council, shall adjudge." This address did not obtain his release ; and was followed by a second ; in which, he labours to excuse his conduct in respect to the endeavour to obtain the papers brought by Riggs. He says diat he wrote to the English government, from Albany, when Nicholson left New York, the last of INIay, and again in June; and having come to tow^n, in consequence of his son's sickness, and hearing of the arrival of INIr. John Riggs, with despatches from the king's ministry, he supposed these despatches were intended as answers to his letters, and therefore, in the absence of Nicholson, belonged to him, (Bayard) as a member of the king's council: and that his intention was, as soon as Mr. Stephanus Van Cortlandt should come to town, and the council should meet, to deliver die said letters to them ; " but the next morning, before (he council could meet, your petitioner was informed that the said packets were, upon demand, delivered toyoiu- honour." 172 bayard's petition. From the above expression, and some others, it would appear that Van Cortlandt had come to New York about the time that Bayard did, and was secreted and at hand ; but upon the arrest of his companion, again fled to Albany. Bayard goes on to confess that "he has been so unhappy" as to be of opinion that the packets did not belong to his honour. Captain Leisler; and further, that in his letters to John West, he "has most unadvisedly and in his foolish passion, uttered his opinion in such severe and unbecoming expressions, to the degrading of your honour's authority ;" but he asserts that he never had a thought, directly or indirectly, to remove Leisler's " authority by force, or with any the least danger of bloodshed," but had determined to remain passive, until further orders from England. He begs Leisler not to remember "any of the particular disputes" which had been between them ; asks forgiveness and compassion upon his state, as he suffers from fever, and asserts that he shall ever pray, as in duty bound, for his honour, the Heutenant-governour, Jacob Leisler. How far these assertions comport with the unrelenting persecution which brought Leisler and Milbourne to the gallows, the reader will judge. Bayard was at this time sick in prison, and in irons ; and the remembrance of these sufferings would not allay his passions, when his party was triumphant. Already, part of the evils resulting from the opposition to Leisler's government, and from the neglect of England, had been experi- enced : and Bayard condoles with Leisler on the news of the destruction of Schenectady, and laments that he, the petitioner, should be accused of being the cause of Schuyler's opposition. He avers, that since leaving Albany, he had only written to Mr. Peter Schuyler and Mr. Livingston to thank them for civilities. He asserts, that the magistrates of Albany were zealous friends to Wil- liam and Mary ; but considered themselves as in no way subordinate to the city of New York. He acknowledges that this had been his opinion likewise ; for which, if he has done amiss, he craves pardon. He states that he and Van Cortlandt were called upon by the con- vention at Albany, for their contribution towards the defence of the province, and insinuates that he had no further agency in Schuyler's opposition ; but intended to remain quietly in Albany until the arri- val of a governour, or some specific orders from England. The accession of William of Orange to the throne of his father-in-law, at once involved England, and, of course, her dependencies, in a war with Louis XIV, and the adherents of James ; thus popery was arrayed against liberty and the protestant religion. The attention of William was principally directed to the war in -the Netherlands. The American provinces shared little of his attention. The consequences of this state of things cannot be understood without again referring to the history of Canada. HOSTILITIES 1\ AMERTfA. 173 CHAPTER XL Hostilities in America, notwithstavdnig thej)eace declared in Evrope — Affairs of Canada — Destruction of Schenectady, January 1690 — Other French and Indian Wars — The open ojyjjosition to Leis- ler ^nit doivn — Leisler and the Govenwur of Connecticut jjlan an Expedition against Canada, which Jails — Causes — William Phijyps. We have seen that England and France had conchided, in 1687, a treaty, by which a peace was stipulated between the subjects of those countries in America. But neither the government ol" Louis, in Europe or in Canada, chose to consider the L-oquois as subjects to Great Britain. The Court of James II, was perfectly indiffer- ent on that head, appeared ignorant of the bounds of the English Colonies, cared nothing for their interests, blind to the designs of France on the western continent, and willing to promote the scheme of gaining power over those warlike tribes, by means of presents and Jesuits. The New England Colonies had been engaged in hostilities with various tribes or nations of the aborigines, which gave rise to a depu- tation of commissioners from the east, who met a council of the Iroquois, by appointment, at Albany, in September, 1689. The New England delegates wished to engage the Five Nations to de- fend them against the eastern Indians. Tahagadoris, a Mohawk sachem, the day after receiving the propositions, made answer. He repeated, by means of the Indian artificial memory, (a bundle of sticks, one of which is given in charge to the individual who is to remember one particular proposidon,) the whole speech of the dele- gation, and then replied to each part. The Iroquois would not engage in hosulides to protect New England, but assured the depu- ties that the tomahawk would be lifted against the French. Dongan had seen the necessity of holding the confederated In- dians of the Five Nations in the interest of his province. He had opposed the introducdon of the Jesuits among them, and claimed them as sidtjects of England. To this the savage republic objected — declaring that they were subject to no power ; they were free, and would maintain their liberty. But the injuries they had received from France, and their former friendly intercourse with the Dutch, made them a frontier wall between New York and Canada, impeding the progress in the great project of conquest conmienced by France. Father Charlevoix, the historian of New France, or Canada, 174 AFFAIRS OF CANADA. represents Donj^an's opposition to the introduction of the Jesuits among the Iroquois, as a measure hostile to France ; and as these nations were not included by name in the peace between James and Louis, the Governour of Canada, M. De Nonville, had carried on a war against them, very little to his honour or the benefit of Canada. The revolution in England, and accession of William III, placed the two modicr countries in a state of war; and in 1689, M. De Nonville sailed for France, convinced that the only way to conquer the Iroquois was by the previous conquest of New York. Frontignac succeeded him, and immediately reinstated the fort of Cadaraqui. 1690 This mode of subduing the confederates was adopted ; and M. De Frontignac, an accomplished soldier, and active as he was enterprising, being in the government of Canada in 1690, deter- mined to attack the English in their settlements, and prove to the sav- ages that their safety depended upon the power of France — that the English were too weak to protect themselves. By carrying fire and scalping-knife into the English settlements, both to the east and west, he was resolved to secure the confidence of the Indian nations, and fix them in the alliance of Canada, for the purpose of future conquest. Unfortunately, the dissensions in the province of New York, aided the plans of the French governour. M. Durantaye had command of the fort at Michilimackinack, and to streno-then that post and communicate to the commander intelli- gence of his accession to the government, M. De Frontignac sent a large convoy, with ammunition and arms, to be distributed to the Hurons and Ottawas, and such other presents as would secure dieir fidelity to him and arouse their prepensities to murder, to be directed by his will. Three war parties were prepared for three attacks upon the Eng- lish setdement. Each party was composed of Indians and French- men, equipped for the purposes of destruction, and commanded by officers of the regular army. The first was directed againt the pro- vince of New York. Father Charlevoix, whose account I will first follow, tells us that the leader hesitated whether to fall upon Orange, {by which name the French called Albany,) or upon Corlear, .(Schenectady,) first. The people of Schenectady appear to have been in a state of perfect security, although they knew of the existence of war between France and England, and of the previous attempts made by the Canadians to gain the alliance of the Five Nations. Perhaps the knowledge of the latter may have tended to lull them, as negotia- tions under die influence of Jesuits who acted as spies, were con- stantly going on ; and in January of this year the Iroquois sent a messenger to Quiddor, (Peter Schuyler,) Mayor of Albany, with assurances of their hostility to the French. They forwarded to him, MASSACRE AT SCHENECTADY. 175 as tokens, three tomahawks ; but this was understood only to pledge the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas : the other two nations were still negotiating with Frontignac, who, by means of Mikt, a Jesuit, residing for the pretence of religious instruction among the Oneidas, had so far caused a want of unanimity among the confederates, that only three, instead of five tomahawks had been sent to Albany. The distance of Schenectady from Montreal, and the neighbour- hood of the friendly Mohawks, may have caused the security which proved so fatal. But a part of Captain Bull's Connecticut troops were in the place as a guard, and were prevented from keeping watch. The force intended against the frontier of New York, was en- trusted to the conduct of M. D'Ibberville, who, having determined to fall on Schenectady, advanced with his French soldiers and In- dian allies over the frozen lakes and deep snows, through a silent wilderness, for twenty-two days, with great sufferings, but a perse- verance worthy of a better end. It appears from Charlevoix, that the French Indians were led or accompanied by an Iroquois chief, called the " Great Mohawk ;" and when the red and white savages had arrived within two leagues of the town, this Mohawk harangued the Indians. He had great influence, says the Jesuit, not only with the Indians, but the French, in consequence of service, character, and rdigion. He exhorted them to forget their fatigues and suffer- ings, in the prospect of revenge on the perfidious English, (the same term which the English have always made use of, when speaking of the French,) and added, that " they could not doubt the assist- ance of Heaven against the enemies of Gody Thus it is, that men in all ages blasphemously enUst the benevolent Deity, in their pro- jects of ambition, blood, and murder. As they approached the devoted village, they met four squaws, who instructed them in the best way of arriving secretly at the place. When within one league, a Canadian and nine Indians were sent to reconnoitre, who, on their return, reported that the inhabitants were resting in security, and unprepared for defence. The exces- sive cold determined the commander not to defer the attack, but to push on immediately. The Jesuit, Charlevoix, describes Schenectady as having, then, the form of a parallelogram. It was entered by two gates ; from which I infer that it was enclosed by a palisadoed wall. One gate opened upon the road to Albany, and the other on the side from Avhich the French and Indians were advancing. It w-as determined that Messrs. Mantet and Sainte Helene, with one division, w^ere to enter by the nearest gate, which the squaws had informed them was never shut. D'Ibberville and Repentigny, with their party, marched to the left, to render themselves masters of the Albany gate ; but, 176 MASSACRE AT SCHENECTADY. losing their way, they returned : so that the village was entered but at one place. It was now midnight — the gate open — no watch set, and the in- vaders found their way into the town undiscovered, about eleven o'clock on Saturday night. The leaders separated to reconnoitre all parts. Perfect silence was observed. They passed through the village without perceiving any movement. Returning, the war- whoop, " a lamaniere des scmvagcs,^' says the priest, was raised, and the work of destruction set about. Mantet found some resistance at a kind of fort, where the men were under arms. These may have been the New England men, sent by Captain Bull. But, forcing the door, all the English, except the commander, were put to the sword. A Frenchman of the name of Martigmj was wounded, in attempting to enter one of the houses ; but his companions, says Charlevoix, revenged him, by forcing the door and putting all within the house to death. All was massacre and pillage for two hours ; and then the French officers placed guards at the avenues to pre- vent surprise, and passed the rest of the night in regaUng them- selves and men. Mr. G. F. Yates, of Schenectady, in his account of this tragedy, says : " The slumbering inhabitants started from their sleep, be- wildered, frantick. Some hid themselves, and remained secure, until the flames drove them from their lurking places ; when they fell beneath the tomahawk, or were taken prisoners. Others ran half naked and barefoot into the adjoining woods, whence a few escaped, after extreme sufferings, to Connestigiuna and Albany, and others perished miserably on the way. Surprised, unarmed, and defenceless, resistance was in vain. Courage and cries for mercy were alike unavailing. The same fate awaited the craven and the brave. To some of the inhabitants, however, this assault was not altogether unexpected, and they had for some time previously taken the necessary precautions to prevent surprise. Among those who made a successful defence, and kept the foe at bay, was Adam Vrooman. Being well supplied with ammunition, and trusting to the strength of his building, which was a sort of fort, he formed the despe- rate resolution to defend himself to the last extremity; and if it should prove to be his fate to perish in the flames of his own domicil, to sell his own life, and that of his children, as dearly as possible. His house was soon filled with smoke. His wife, nearly suffocated with it, cautiously, yet imprudently, placed the door ajar. This an alert Indian perceived, and firing through the aperture, killed her. In the mean time, one of his daughters escaped through the back- hall door, with his infant child in her arms. They snatched the little innocent from her arms, and dashed out its brains ; and, in the confusion of the scene, the girl escaped. Their triumph here was, MASSACRE AT SCHENECTADY. 177 however, of short duration ; Mr. Vrooinaii succeeded in securely bolting the door, and preventing the intrusion of the enemy. On witnessing Mr. Vrooman's courage, the enemy promised, if he would desist, to save his life, and not set fire to his building. This promise they fulfilled, but carried off two of his sons into captivity." Charlevoix says, that the French commander ordered that the clergyman of the place should be sj)ared, as he wished to make hhu prisoner; but he was killed, and all his papers burned. " Le SieurCoudre, major de la place," (which I am obliged to translate, Captain Alexander Glen,) had saved himself by crossing the river, (where, by the bye he resided, at a place now called Clenville,) and prepared to defend himself with the aid of his servants and family ; but the French commanding officer sent him a summons by the *' Great Mohawk," with a promise of protection, if he would sur- render — no harm being wished to him — but friendship in return for kindness shown by him to several Frenchmen, on a previous occasion, when they had been prisoners to the INIohawks. Glen accepted the terms, which were strictly adhered to. The French historian says, that the officers destroyed all the rum or brandy, to prevent the Indians from drinking ; and that the houses were all burnt, except Mr. (jlen's and that of a widow, where the wounded Frenchmen had been placed. There were forty well built and furnished dwellings. Such plunder as could be car- ried off was preserved from the fire, and about sixty old men, women, and children, such as had escaped the first fury of the onset, were spared from the slaughter, as were about thirty Mo- hawks, found in the town, who were unharmed — to show, says Charlevoix, that the French only warred with the English. The INIohawk nation had four towns located in the valley of the Mohawk, besides a small village abo«ut one hundred miles west of Schenectady. These were called by the whites " castles," or fortresses, as they were all fortified. They were numbered ac- cording to their distances from Schenectady, the nearest being called " the first Indian castle." The aboriginal names were as follows ; — Cahanniaga, (probably the same as Caglmawaga,) Ca- nagora, Canajorha, and Tionondaga. The Indians of the three first castles were, during the enactment of the dreadful tragedy we have attempted to describe, absent on a hunting expedition to their western territories. Several days necessarily elapsed before the Tionondaga band was notified of the massacre by the messenger despatched for the purpose. On hearing the news, they hastened to Schenectady ; whence they sent a hundred of their young war- riours in pursuit of the enemy, who overtook them, and killed or made captive twenty-five of their number. The old chiefs re- VOL. I. 23 178 MASSACRE AT SCHENECTADY. inained to comfort the inhabitants, and assist them in burying therr dead. I have, from the Albany minutes, detailed the movements of the convention, when the news of this event reached Albany. Schuy- ler, as quoted by William Smhh, says : " Those who escaped, fled naked towards Albany, through a deep snow which fell that very night, in a terrible storm ; and twenty-five of these fugitives lost their limbs in the flight, through the severity of the frost." Such was this dismal Sunday in Schenectady. About noon, the French departed with their plunder, on forty of the best horses they could find. The others, with the cattle, and human dead bodies, of every age lay slaughtered in the streets. The nearest JNIohawk castle* was not apprised of this event until two days after, owing to the messengers sent from Albany being impeded by snow. They promptly joined a party of young men from Albany in pursuit of the murderers, fell upon their rear, and killed or made prisoners five and twenty of them. The sachems of the Iroquois repaired to Albany, and persuaded the terrified in- habitants, who thought of abandoning their homes, to remain ; for their defence, promising their assistance against the French. Father Charlevoix informs us that the French forces were too near Oravgc, (Albany,) to remain long ; and at noon of the day following the massacre, the army departed, carrying their wounded companion, their booty, and forty prisoners. The same hard- ships and sufferings were to be encountered in their return through the snow-covered wilderness, and the want of provisions added to their misery, and retarded their retreat. Several died from hunger ; and we may suppose that the wretched prisoners did not fare better than their triumphant captors. They were obliged to separate into small parties, some of which were attacked by the pursuers, and the historian acknowledges the loss of three Indians and sixteen French- men ; whereas at Corkier, (Schenectady,) they only lost one of each. Such is the Jesuit father's account of the massacre of Schenec- tady. The victors reached Montreal on the 26th of March, after a * The Mohawks haclfoxir towns or castles and one small settlement on the banks of their river, which, as we know, flows through a valley of almost unparalleled beauty and fertility, until it falls into the Hudson. In 1077, Colonel Coursey esti- mated the Iroquois thus : Mohuwlis, iWO warriours ; Oneidas, '^00 ; Onondagas, 350; Cayugas, 300; and Senecas, 1,000 ; making a total of 2,150 warriours. Du- ring the revolutionary war, the British rated them, Mohawks, 300; Oneidas, 150, (part of this nation being with the United States;) Tuscaroras, 200; Onondagas, 300; Cayugas, 230; Senecas, 400. In 17L»4, an annuity of f 500 was distributed to the Iro(juoiswho remained in the United States, and the nations were thus nnirr- bertMl: Uncidas, 028 people ; Cayugas, 40; Onondagas, 450; Senecas, 1,780. The Mohawks, 300, were in Canada, as were 460 Oneidas. — (L)c Witt Clinton's Discourse before N. Y. Hist. Soc.) ATTEMPT OF THE IROQUOIS AGAINST MONTREAL. 179 iTiarch of forty and odd days, enduring hardships and privations of the severest kinds — sufTcring miseries ahnost equal to dicir guilt. But tlie whole transaction is related with the applause of the priestly historian. He says it raised the French in the opinion of their fdlies. Before I return to the sequel of Jacob Leisler's story, (to whom, of course, every misfortune of tlie province was attributed by die party in opposition,) I will continue the Indian war of the frontier a little furUier, taking Father Charlevoix as my guide. In May following, some Frenchmen and French Indians, led by the " Great Mohawk," ascended the Sorel, and taking their course for the country of the Iroquois, fell upon some wigwams, and made forty-two prisoners, among whom were four Englishmen ; and hearing that a party of English and Iroquois were approaching, they made off on their return. They stopped at the River of Salmons to make canoes, and in the evening, "while at prayer," says the Jesuit, they were discovered by a party of Algonkins and Abana- ques, (likewise French Indians, but unconverted,) who were going against the English setdemenls ; and mistaking these praying gen- tlemen for enemies, they fired uyton them, killed " the Great Mo- hawk" and seven Caughnawagas, besides wounding two " English slaves," before they found their mistake. The other expeditions sent out by Frontignac were successful, though not in so great a degree as that which destroyed Schenec- tady ; and the New England settlements suffered from his warlike enterprize. He Hkewise strengthened the fort at Michilimackinack, gained the Indians of that neighbourhood to his part : and die French, to keep alive their enmity to the Iroquois, and gratify their taste, having taken some of the Five Nations prisoners, gave one of them to their allies to be burnt. The Iroquois, however, continued faithful to New York, and obliged Frontignac to be incessantly on his guard against their war parties, showing their long established superiority in the art of man- killing, with other kinds of destructiveness, and the deep rooted enmity to Frenchmen implanted by M. Champlain and Louis le Grand. They attacked even the Island of Montreal : and, though repulsed, left their traces in blood and ashes. Frontignac, receiving intelligence from a half-breed, that the English and Iroquois had embarked in canoes upon Lake George, with an intent, again with greater force to attack Montreal by the way of Lake Champlain, prepared to receive them, by gaUiering great numbers of Indians on the island to aid his soldiers and the inhabitants. Again he repulsed his enemies ; but not before they had ravaged the settlements on the island, and in an attack upon his encampment, killed ten soldiers, eleven habi tans, 2ind retreated with 180 leisler's administration. their prisoners, after slaughtering the cattle, burning the houses, and leaving other evidences of their prowess. The Iroquois having withdrawn, the French governour dismissed his allies with presents, and the gratifying assurance that he will ex- terminate their enemies, the confederates of the Five Nations. But the governour soon after received tidings that the Iroquois had attacked the French post above the Sault de St. Loi/is, and put to death the commander and his garrison. Another })arty had killed two officers, and letters arrived, informing him that thirty vessels had sailed from Boston with troops destined for the siege of Que- bec. This was the expedition commanded by Phipps, of which more hereafter.* I will now return to the affairs of the southern portion of the province of New York, and the story of Lieutenant-governour Leisler. Jacob Leisler had been called to the direction of the province at a time, and under circumstances which required all the knowledge, address, and firmness of a veteran statesman ; and as w'e have seen, he brought to the task only the experience of a merchant of that day, and an honest desire for the welfare of New York, and the success of the protestant revolution of 1688. After the destruction of vSchenectady, in February, 1690, it ap- pears that the magistrates of Albany saw the necessity of acting in conjunction with Leisler for the defence of the province. Bayard and Van Cortlandt were in New York city, one in confinement and the other secreted. Livingston fled to Connecticut, and resided at Hartford, probably in consequence of the w^arrant issued by Leisler. But before the dispersion of the Albany Convention, Leisler wrote to the governours of several of the colonies, representing the situa- tion of New York, and urs-ino- a combination against Canada. On the 21st of February, 1690, soon after the letters by which the per- son in power was confirmed in it, Leisler sent Johannes Vermilye, Benjamin Blagge, and Jacob Milbourne, as commissioners, with * Chief Justice Smith, in his History of New York, gives an account of the mea- sures of the Iroquois and the war-parties of Frontignac, which nearly agrees with the above. He says that the Indians gave u]) the Frencli messengers to the English ; that their scouts harrassed the Canadian settlements ; attacked the convoy going to Michiliniackinack; and that one of the Iroquois prisoners taken by the French was delivered to tiieir Indians, who did not burn him, merely, to show their determined hostility to the Five Nations, but cat him. The destruction made by the Iroquois at the Island of Montreal is given principally from Colden. Lieutenant-governour Colden gives high praise to the warlike and statesman-like abilities of the Count De Frontignac. lie says the French Court chose the men best suited to govern their colonies : " the English seemed to have little regard to the qualifications of the person they sent" to rule "but to gratify a relation or a friend, by giving him an opportunity of making a fortune ; and as he knew that he was recommended with this view, his councils were chiefly em2)loyed for this purpose." Here we have the testimony of one who saw tlic actors behind tiie scenes. leisler's administration. ISl power to aofree with the commissioners of Connecticut on any mea- sures for the pubhc good ; and these gendcmen having proceeded to New Haven, addressed the Governour and Council of Connec- ticut, "and having a deep sense of the danger which Albany and the adjacent parts are in," requested that whatever men should be sent from Connecticut hereafter to Albany, might receive orders to obey the Lieutenant-governour and Council of New York in con- junction with the government of Connecticut, and pay no regard to the convention at Albany. They further request a consideration of the number of men to be sent and their maintenance — whether Massachusetts should not be consulted — and that j)ersons be ap- pointed to treat with the Iroquois. To this address, the Governour and Council of Connecticut answered that they sent Captain Bull and his soldiers to Albany in compliance with Captain Leisler's wishes and those of the people of Albany, for the seciu-ity of his majesty's subjects against the French. That being ignorant of any factions or divisions, which they now with sorrow learn, they decline any further interference or assistance, except to advise " the Honourable Captain Leisler and the governour at New York in present power" to take the most peaceable measures for a reconciliation with the Albanians, for the safety of the place, least it undergo the fate of " Shenegdage." And further, as Connecticut considers those " at Albany in present power well acquainted with the Five Nations, and greatly interested in them," they advise " as little altercations" with the Convention of Albany or interruption to their proceedings as is " meet," for fear of disgusting the Iroquois and prejudicing the public peace.* They desire Leisler to send to Albany his 120 soldiers, which he says are ready, as the occasions of Connecticut require the recall of her troops from thence speedily. They tell Leisler that as to the number of men wanted to protect Albany, he must judge for himself; " it hes in your province to do it, not ours." They tell the New York com- missioners that if they want the assistance of Massachusetts, it is their "work to obtayne it. They give their advice, "which at present may be sufficient." As to presents or treaties widi the Five Nations, it is not convenient for Connecticut to appear in the business, but the New York gentlemen may " act therein ac- cording to the order and instructions in the king's letter." This is concluded widi prayer, and signed, "John Allyn, secretary." A postscript is added in these words : " Gendemen : having seen his majesty's letter, in your hands, we do not see but the Albanians may find sufficient reason to comply with you in the same, when they shall receive due information therein." " These for the gentle- Letters on file at Hartford 1S2 DISSENTIONS BETWEEN LEISLER AND CONNECTICUT. men commissioned by Captain Leislcr, of New York, Commander- iii-chief." To this, a reply is filed in the Secretary of State's office, at Hart- ford, as " Leisler's scolding letter.'''' It is dated March 1st, 1689, (which means 1690, New Style,) and addressed to the Honourable Robert Treat, Governour of Connecticut. It is from the Gover- nour and Council of New York, and signed by Milbourne, as sec- retary. They say that the commissioners, (naming them,) having been to Connecticut, and made proposals for the good of his majes- ty's provinces, they were not received in a manner either friendly or neighbourly ; but, on the contrary, their courtesy was answered " with coldness, contempt, and disdain." They accuse the Gov- ernour and Magistracy of Connecticut with having abetted and en- couraged the rebellion of the people of Albany, by placing forces under the orders of the convention — so called — and having re- fused to forbid their further proceeding. They state that they are assured that Connecticut, and especially John Allyn, had aided Sir Edmund Andros, to the injury of New York ; and formally declare the Governour and Magistrates of Connecticut the uphold- ers of rebellion, unless they order their forces at Albany not to obey the Albany Convention ; otherwise, they shall esteem said forces as enemies, and treat them accordingly. They require Allyn to be secured and proceeded against for his offences. On the 5th of March, an answer is made to this, which they call an " angry letter." And the Governour and General Court of Con- necticut say said letter is "stuffed with unjust calumniating charges ;" that they utterly abhor the diought of abetting rebels. That they did last summer send " conuiiissioners and soldiers to York, to countenance King William and the protestant interest," and not knowing of any division, complied with his, Leisler's request, and the urgent call of the people of Albany, and the Five Nations. They call the behaviour of Leisler and his council ungrateful. They say that they have advised the people of Albany not to con- tend, but to submit "to the present power in the province of New York, and unite as one man to oppose the common enemy." Allyn is ready to answer the charges made. They decline controversy, and subscribe themselves, " Your neighbours." On the same day on which the above is written, Leisler wrote to Governour Treat, or any other person in authority, saying that he is informed that Robert Livingston, " who by his rebellion hath caused great disorder in the province, by maintaining that the commissions given by Sir Edmund Andros and Colonel Dongan were good and still in force : and by opposing the forces sent by the government to defend the frontiers," had gone cast- ward, on pretence of raising sold?ers for the fronders, but in reality to obey the Albany Convention, — that Leisler has, there- PROJECTED INVASION or CANADA. 183 fore, sent Lleiiienant Daniel Teniair lo pursue him willi a warrant, and desires the Covernour ol'Connccticnt to assist in securing said Robert. He further requests assistance by sea and land for the conquest of Canada and the encouragement of the Iroquois. Soon after the flight of Livingston it appears that the Albany Convention submitted. Leisler and Schuyler, with the Govern- ment of Connecticut, made strenuous preparation for tlie invasion of Canada, the Iroquois promising assistance. We shall see that this project of conquest was encouraged by the efforts which Mas- sachusetts was making to attack Acadie, and afterwards Quebec, with a fleet and army under Sir William Phipps. On the litli of A})ril, 1G90, the government of Connecticut in- formed Leisler that volunteers should be raised for his majesty's interest. They had ordered 135 Englishmen and SO Indians, if they could be raised, to be sent to Albany. They request Leisler to provide ammunition and provisions for them. Trumbull, the historian of Connecticut, informs us that on the Gth of May following, Could and Pitkin met commissioners at the city of New York, and the plan of an expedition against Ca- nada was ultimately formed : the quotas of the several colonies were fixed, and rules agreed upon for regulating the army. A vessel had previously been sent to ask succour from England ; but no attention was paid to the retpiest, although it is evident that the conquest of Canada, at diis time, could with ease have been effected by the aid of Great Britain, and her colonies by that means relieved from French and Indian depredations. Leisler had returned thanks to the Government of Connecticut for their offer of 135 Englishmen and SO Indians, and informed that colony that he had already sent uj) to Albany 300 barrels of pork, 200 bushels of peas, 600 "skippel" of Indian corn, 20,000 pounds of bread, 100 bushels of salt, 150 deer-skins, for shoes, 2,000 yards of osnaburgs, for tents, 3,000 pounds of lead, 105 pounds of powder, and 260 men. He sent to Connecticut three letters of encouragement from Maryland, and informed the gover- nour that two sachems of the INIohawks had been to New York, and promised him more than 1,000 of the Iroquois to join with 400 of the colonial troops for the purposes of the war. Pie details a suc- cessful expedition of the French and Indians near Albany, which had encouraged the enemy ; but promises every exertion on the part of New York to procure success, calling upon Connecticut for every possible assistance. He says, he has a man-of-war ready, with 20 guns, and 120 resolute men, "commissioned for Canada." Among the letters of encouragement and friendship from INlaiy- land, is one from John Coodee, commander of his majesty's forces in Uiat province, in which he tells Leisler that a great design was on foot to betray and ruin the protc,-:lunt intercut in America, and 1S4 PROJECTED INVASION OF CANADA. that of William and Mary : one proof of which, was tlie attempt to disarm the protestants of JNIaryland, in the spring of 16S9, and the treacherous combinations of the late governour with the Indians ; which had caused the people of that province to stand to their arms, against the papists. He sends to Leisler a paper, in which King James commands the Marylanders to keep in union with the French of America, with other suspicious circumstances. He asserts his opinion that the "great men" of Maryland, with some of New York and New England, were engaged in a plot against the protest- ant interest, "as it was and is the endeavours of all the popish world." By these letters, which exist on file at Hartford, the reader may see the dread of the people of that day in respect to the designs of Rome, and the fears entertained of the influence of Louis, James, and the popish priests. Coodee mentions orders sent from William to Virginia, INIaryland, and Pennsylvania, to resist the attempts of the French. He promises to assist New York in the war, if he can, but says Virginia dechnes doing anything, without orders from William; and that Nicholson is on his way, as Governour of that province. Milbourne, who was at Albany, on the 27th of INIay, 1690, writes to Leisler, desiring him to "stay the ships," (apparently ready to sail for England,) for that he cannot come down (from Albany) "within so short time." He says, "yesterday, Jannetie and Christagie came with an express from Arnout, and a sachem from Onondaga, that the French send four of their own people, and four of their praying Indians, as emissaries." They bring with them "two of our Indians (an Onondaga and a Cayuga) which were re- turned from France," meaning, as I suppose, the French of Ca- nada. The Indian council, by messengers, have desired the dif- ferent nations of the Iroquois to send deputies to meet two or three men who understand French, for they will not listen to these emis- saries until such men from the colonists arrive. "Whereupon, Messrs. Peter Schuyler and Robert Sanders, MM. Gawsheren and Jean Rose, and two more, are this day despatched, with instruc- tions that they hasten with all possible speed," and instigate the Indians to treat these emissaries as enemies, either by securing them and bringing fthem to Albany, "or by slaying them outright;" which Christagie and Jannetie are resolved, on their parts, " and hope the rest" (of the Iroquois) " will agree to." He further writes, that "the French captain, who attacked Schenectady, is one," of these emissaries, "with some more noted persons," — "we have.sent to the Scaticock Indians also to be ready and resolute" — "we this day double the guards, and place Capt. Johnson's men without the town, at Renslaer's Mill." A band of Mohawks are sent to watch upon the lake. He laments that no forces from Ma- PROJECTED INVASION OP CANADA. 185 ryland or New England had arrived, "so that it is impossible to know the time of marching, unless we go without them." This letter of Milbourne's is forwarded, on the 30th, to Connec- ticut ; and, at the same time, a letter from the Governour and Council o( Connecticut is on the way to Leisler, dated the 28th, informing him that they have intelligence from Albany that there is great sickness among the people, soldiers and Indians ; that dysenteries are supposed to be caused by bad pork, and that the Indians are dying with small-pox. It is suggested whether the expedition shall not be stopped, until the issue of these distempers , be seen. About the same time, Leisler wrote to Governour Treat, urging the preparations against Canada, hoping the Connecticut troops would be ready to march with those of IVIassachusetts and Ply- mouth. He says, that he has been forced to seize all the pork found in New York, and a})propriate it to the army. He encloses a copy of the proposals made to the Indians and their answer. He says, that the gentlemen commissioners, on their arrival at New York, urged the government to " make up the number of 800 or 1,000 men, by land," saying they had 800 by sea already, and that they would make it up 1,400 or 1,-500. They calculated. New York, 400 by land, and 240 by sea ; Connecticut, 300 ; Maryland, 100 ; East Jersey, 50. This force was announced to the commissioners at Albany. But, subsequcndy, the gentlemen from Boston would not engage that their fleet should go to Quebec, unless successful at Port Royal, whither they were bound ; in that case, they believed they might be sent to Quebec. He says, he shall give orders that none march but such as have had the small-pox. The fleet from New York sailed the 26th May, 1*690, with orders to stop at Cape Ann, and send to Boston notice of their intent, and " if possible, to stop at Port Royal, to invite the Boston fleet along with them." The next day, Leisler writes to Treat, hoping that Major General Winthrop may be obtained for the command of the forces, and saying, he had sent a blank commission to Albany, to be filled up by the commissioners, but recommends Milbourne. He mentions the successes of Sir William Phipps, to the eastward, rejoices in them, and says he has intelligence that the French were fitting out eight ships of war, to conquer New York. Of the Indians mustering at Albany, one half were to march to Cadaraqui, to make canoes ; the remainder to go " the Canada path," and that the news of Phipps's victories will hasten them. The fleet, despatched by Lieutenant-governour Leisler from New York, was commanded by Captain William Mason. It con- sisted of a ship, a brigantine, and sloop, commissioned against the French, generally, but ordered to make the best w^ay immediately to Quebec, and there remain, doing all possible injury to the VOL. I. 24 186 PHIPPS'S ATTEMPT UPON QUEBEC. French, for a month, to co-operate with the land forces advancing by the lakes. It will be seen by the reader, that all these preparations for the attack of Canada by land, were encouraged by, if not founded upon the great armament fitted out by Massachusetts, and com- manded by Sir William Phipps. I shall make use of Mr. Francis Bower's biography of Phipps, and likewise of Charlevoix's history. William Phipps, a native of Maine, was born on February 2nd, 1651, at Woolwich, on the Kennebec River. Left at an early age, without education, to his own guidance, he apprenticed himself to a ship carpenter, and, in 1673, removed to Boston and worked at his trade. His leisure hours were employed in learning to read and write, and he thus laid the foundation of future fortune on the sure basis of industry and the acquisition of knowledge. He was at this time an English baronet. Port Royal, the capital of Acadie, was the place from whence supplies flowed to the Indians, and where the French privateers found shelter. Thirty years the French had possessed this country, and Port Royal was defended by a fort. A blow was meditated by Massachusetts against this place. Forces were raised, and Sir William Phipps appointed to the command. With a small fleet, and seven hundred men, he undertook the conquest of Port Royal, and arrived there on the 11th of May. The French were unable to resist, and surrendered by capitulation. Before he returned from Port Royal, the House of Deputies resolved on the armament for the conquest of Quebec, and appointed Sir William the comman- der. A fleet of thirty-two vessels, with twenty-two hundred men, was ready by the middle of July. Disappointed in not receiving munitions of war from England, and destitute of pilots or seamen, acquainted with the navigation of the river, the fleet sailed from Nantasket on the 9th of August. It was not until the 5th of Octo- ber that they appeared before Quebec. Frontignac had been actively engaged in preparation to meet the forces advancing from New York, and arrived at Quebec, from Montreal, barely in time to prevent the capture of the place by "Guillaume Phibs," as the Jesuit calls him. The Massachusetts squadron, according to him, anchored before Quebec on the 16th of October, and the governour only arrived on the 14th. Phipps summoned the town to surrender, giving as the cause of his hostile ap[)roach, the barbarities of the French and their Indians, and demanded that every place and thing in Canada should be de- livered to their majesties of England, William and Mary. Fron- tignac replies, that he does not know William as king ; but only as Prince of Orange, as an usurper, a violater of the rights of his father-in-law, &c., and defies Phipps. Charlevoix then says, the English attempted to land, but were repulsed. They cannonaded PHIPPS'S ATTEMPT UPON QUEBEC. 187 the town without effect. Phipps then effected a landing, and after several skirmishes, re-embarked in the night, leaving his artillery. La Hontan, a French writer, who was on the spot, says, that had Phipps effected a landing before Frontignac arrived at Quebec, "or even two days afterwards, he might have taken the city without striking a blow — there being but two hundred regular troops in the place, which was open and exposed in every direction." Phipps delayed, and Frontignac actively prepared for defence. The messenger who carried the summons, was introduced bhnd- fold ; and the letter being read, the French general threw the paper in the face of the bearer, and gave as answer, that "Sir William Phipps, and those whh him, were heretics and traitors ;" adherents "to that usurper, the Prince of Oi'ange ;" but for whom, "iVetw England and the French had all been one f and that no other an- swer was to be expected, but "from the mouth of his cannon." Another day was lost before attempting to land, which was effected three miles below the town. The River St. Charles was to be crossed before they could advance to the attack. Major Walley was entrusted with the command on shore ; Phipps was to second him by a cannonade from the ships, and more men were to be landed, under cover of the guns, for an assault on the lower town. The next day a tempest baffled the plans of the assailants, and one of their vessels was driven ashore and exposed to the fire of the enemy. From this peril she was, however, rescued by the other ships. The Massachusetts force was now so far reduced by sickness, that they could only land, on the succeeding day, thirteen hundred men, and some of them unfit for the service. The weather was already cold, and the troops had to wade from the boats to gain the shore, chilled and dispirited. Near the place of landing, Frontignac had stationed a detachment of Rangers and Indians, in a bog, co- vered by a thicket ; these suffered Walley and his men to approach, and then poured in a fire which disconcerted them for a time ; but the assailants charged and drove the enemy from their covert with some loss. As the landing had not been effected until two o'clock in the afternoon, Walley found night approaching before he had gained the neighbourhood of Quebec, and the ammunition of his men nearly expended before the intended assault was commenced. He, therefore, halted for the night at a house and barn, near a vil- lage, which appeared on his right. By accident, the barn was burnt, the house could only shelter a few of the troops, night came on with a premature frost, and the soldiers were without shelter or food. While the land forces were thus suffering at a distance from the city, the ships were brought up, and again opened an ineffectual fire upon the lower town, where they expended the powder which Walley wanted for his troops on shore. The French returned the 188 PHIPPS'S ATTEMPT UPON QUEBEC. salute of Sir William gallantly, and forced him to drop down the river. When morning arrived, Major Walley found his men dispirited, starving ; some of them sick, and others frost bitten ; and, to add to his discouragement, received intelligence that the New York army having abandoned the enterprize, all the French force of Canada was concentrated in Quebec. That three thousand men were in the town, besides a large detachment posted in a swamp near his encampment, and that a battery had been raised which commanded the crossing place of the St. Charles. Walley neither attempted to force the passage of the river nor retreated to the ships ; but having received a very scant supply from them, continued skirmishing with the French Rangers that day, and the next, and leaving his men in their encampment, he went on board the commander-in-chief's ship, to consult on further measures. The major's account of obstacles, produced an order to return, and withdraw his men to the beach, to be ready for re-embarkation. The military operation of another day was defending the encamp- ment against the enemy, (now the assailants,) and in the night the invaders silently reti'eated to the beach where they had landed. The next day Frontignac pursued his disheartened adversaries to the water's edge, and Phipps did not dare to hazard bringing them off until night ; but withdrew the boats, after sending rein- forcements to check the French advanced force. At night the dis- comfitted troops were conveyed to their ships, leaving five field pieces in the hands of their triumphant opponents. Some more days were spent in contemplations respecting further attempts, which, if ever seriously intended, were prevented by a storm that drove the fleet out of the St. Lawrence. The return of the armament was as disastrous, as all the prece- ding operations were imbecile or unfortunate. The fleet was scattered by tempests. One ship was never heard of — another was wrecked — a third was burnt at sea, and four ships were blown so far from their route, that several weeks elapsed, after the arrival of Sir William at Boston, before they were seen or heard of. Louis XIV was so pleased with this repulse of the Massachusetts armament, that he caused a medal to be struck, which is engraved for Charlevoix's work. On one side is the head of the conqueror, Louis le Grand, with the inscription, "Ludovicus Magnus Rex Christianissimus ;" and on the other, a figure representing France, seated on trophies, and surrounded by the words, "Francia in Novo Orbe Victrix ;" at the bottom, "Kebeca Liberata." Let us now return to New York, from whence, on the 20th of June, Leisler wrote to Treat, upon hearing of the success of Phipps, at Port Royal, urging " the gentlemen of Boston" to undertake the conquest of Quebec, and offering Mr. John Winthrop the com- WINTHROP'S EXPEDITION. 189 mand of all the troops prepared for the land service. Ten days after, no troops had arrived from Massachusetts or Plymouth, at Albany, neither had INIajor General Winthrop arrived. Report said, that Frontignac was advancing by the lakes, and had fitted out a French fleet, destined for New York. The latter threat was not performed, and the Governour of Canada awaited his ene- mies at Montreal, until he was called to Quebec, by the arrival of Sir William Phipps. On the 81st of .Inly, General Winthrop's instructions are given him by the Commissioners of New York, at Albany : they are signed by J. T>. Browne, Johannes Provost, and Jacob Milbourne, in which, the due distribution of plunder is not forgotten. Leisler wished to command the allied forces himself; but the influence of the Albany Convention prevented. He then wished Milbourne to command ; but Livingston and the Government of Connecticut prevailed: Winthrop was appointed, and the Lieu- tenant-governour of New York was obliged to thank him. Schuy- ler had the same influence over the Iroquois. Thus Leisler and Milbourne were completely in the hands of their enemies. It was late in August when Winthrop came to a full pause, at Wood Creek. By the letter of the Governour of Connecticut, dated, 23d of August, 1690, we learn that the general had written, informing the governour that he was then retarded by the failure of the Indians to accompany them and furnish them with canoes. Dissentions existed in the army. Treat seems to have had little hope from the expedition, except that it might distract the attention of the enemy, and aid Phipps, who had sailed from the bay with a great fleet. Mason hadjoined Phipps, and brought in several prizes. Charlevoix says, that sickness was one of the causes of Win- throp's failure ; certain it is, that he returned with his army to Al- bany — the men disheartened, discouraged, and discontented. 190 WINTHROP'S EXPEDITION. CHAPTER Xn. Great Discontent in New York and Connecticut — Arrival of Cap- tain Ingoldshy, with troops — He joins the party of Bayard, Va?i Cortlandt, Livingston, etc. — His claims proiierly denied by Leis- ler — His outrageous proceedings — Sloughter arrives — Leisler is seized, and after a mock trial, is executed, loith his son-in-law. 1690 The retreat of an army is, at all times, pregnant with disorder and suffering : the retreat of the provincial army of Winthrop, which had marched with the prospect of conquest, and retreated with- out seeing an enemy, or coming within many miles of the country intended as the scene of fame, subjugation, and plunder, was pecu- liarly deplorable. Sick, and scantily supplied with necessary food, to toil through such a wilderness as lay between Wood Creek, flowing into Lake Champlain, and the frontier town of Albany, in 1690, was evil enough, without the aggravation of disappointed hopes and sectional dissensions. The two secretaries of New York and Connecticut, Milbourne and Allyn, had long been at sword's points. The officers of the allied forces threw the blame of fail- ure, of course, on each other. Both would join in censuring the Iroquois, who again felt contempt for the boasting white men, and proportional reverence for the power of France. Yet France had failed no less, in her intended conquest of New York, than the Co- lonies of England had done, unaided by the mother country, in the attempt upon Canada. Leisler had fitted out a fleet — had sent to Sir William Phipps the first ship of war fitted out by New York — had raised and pro- visioned an army, considerable for that day, and the resources of the colony he governed. To do this, taxes had been imposed, « collected with rigour, and private property seized, perhaps from necessity ; and had the expedition been successful, the advantages to the province would have been incalculable, and the plaudits of all men would have crowned the government of Jacob Leisler. But all had failed ; the province was exhausted ; the enemy tri- umphed and threatened : and every ill was attributed to his dis- honesty or incapacity. With an honest intent to remedy these misfortunes and grievan- ces, as I see no reason to doubt, the Lieutenant-governour of New York proceeded to Albany, there to meet the discomfitted army of the Connecticut general, who arrived on the 27th of August. WINTHROP ARRESTED BY LEISLER. 191 It appears, that Leisler was biassed by the representations of Mil- bourne and others of New York ; and ahhough Winthrop had, as commander-in-chief, with the advice of his officers in council, re- treated, the Governour of New York arrested him and the Con- necticut commissary, and put both in confinement. This drew from the Governour and Council of Connecticut a letter, dated Septem- ber 1st, 1690, addressed to "the Honorable Jacob Leisler, Esq.," without addition, or other title, in which they say, that the tidings of these arrests are very grievous to them. That the knowledge and confidence in Mr. Winthrop's many virtues, caused that inter- cession which induced him to accept the command of the army ; which confidence is not impaired by Leisler's suspicions of him. That if the retreat from Wood Creek "be the matter" which offends the Lieutenant-governour of New York, they think the commission given by Leisler justified that retreat, made with the advice of Winthrop's council of war. That this conduct of Leis- ler's, will prevent Connecticut from joining with New York, in the measures necessary for future operations. That, by this act, he has disobliged all New England ; nor is a prison " a catholicon for all state maladies, though so much used by" Leisler. They attri- bute Leisler's proceedings to Milbourne. They advise an imme- diate release of Winthrop and the commissary, and threaten to make Massachusetts acquainted with Leisler's proceedings. On the next day, the 2d of September, the Governour and Council of Connecticut address another letter, of the same import, to Leisler, but in a more gentle style, and direct it to him as " Lieu- tenant-governour of the Province of New York." They require to know the reasons for the major general's confinement, " if any such be," that they, as confederates with New York, may assent or not to Leisler's proceedings. They say all New England is concerned in his vindication, and, by arguments, enforce their first request or demand. Without detracting from the high character of Mr. Winthrop for virtue, I am of opinion that there had been at that period, and have been since, men, who, having led an army to Wood Creek, which falls into Lake Champlain, and is the commencement of water com- munication, leading directly to the enemy, would have found some means, by building battcaux, or otherwise, of accomplishing the in- tended attack. One-third of August, and all the fine autumnal months were before him for action. He knew that the armament of Phipps and that of New York were to co-operate, by distracting the attention of the French ; that Frontignac, with an inferiour force, awaited him at Montreal, and having there concentrated his powers, Quebec was left with weak defence. If the land army from New York had been successful, or only occupied Count Frontignac, and the French and Indians up the river, Quebec might have fallen 192 DISSENTIONS BETWEEN LEISLER AND CONNECTICUT. into the hands of the Massachusetts armament, and a junction of the EngUsh provincial forces would have wrested Canada from France. The success of the expedition against Canada would have exalted Leisler in the opinion of America and England. His enemies, the rich and influential men of New York city and Albany, would have been proportionably cast down. These men almost commanded the Iroquois ; and, by their intrigues with the Indians, relied upon the means of ruining the expedition, which, though of immense benefit, if successful, to the province and all English America, was death to their hopes and predictions. Upon the failure, Leisler returned to New York, to meet obloquy, discontent, and the accumulated evils which the faction had it now in their power to heap upon him. On file, at Hartford, will be found the Lieutenant-governour's answer to the Governour and Council of Connecticut, dated, the 30th of September, 1690. In this, he asserts, that violent dissen- sions had arisen between the New England captains and the New York officers before the arrival of General Winthrop ; which he attributes to the friends' of the Albany Convention, and enemies of his government. He accuses Winthrop with siding with Secre- tary Allyn and Robert Livingston, and proving himself a very dif- ferent man from the representations which induced him and the commissioners of New York to place him at the head of the army. He says, Winthrop was directed by Connecticut not to proceed to Canada without the Iroquois, and more than insinuates, that they were rendered unfaithful by the intrigues of Livingston, and that faction. He accuses Winthrop of declaring his army unequal to the intent, without the troops of Massachusetts and Plymouth, (which did not join,) and, after arriving at Wood Creek, of influ- encing the council of war to their return, only sending forward a small detachment, widi a party of Indians. He says, the success of this detachment (of 30 whites and 150 Iroquois, in destroying the enemy's cattle, taking or killing 28 of the French, burning dwel- ling houses and barns,) proved, that with only 150 more men, they could have taken Montreal. He accuses W^inthrop with being in- fluenced by Allyn, Livingston, and the faction opposed to the estab- lished government, and expresses his surprise, that such a person should be considered an honour to New England. And in a se- cond letter, dated January 1st, 1691, calls for atrial of Winthrop, by the colonies of New England. In this letter, he reiterates his charges, and says, he has long waited an answer to his proposal, that Connecticut should empower commissioners, to meet those of New York, at Rye, to consult on the means of defending Albany. Trumbull, the historian of Connecticut, tells us, that Winthrop had been released from his confinement by a party of Mohawks, who bore him off in triumph to his own troops. Yet it was the LEISLER THWARTED. 193 failure in performing the promises of these Indians that was the ostensible reason given for Winthrop's retreat. That it would have been of great service to the Colonies if this expedition against Montreal had succeeded, is very apparent ; but it is no less apparent that success would have strengthened the lieutenant-governour of New York, made him popular with the pro- vince, and raised his credit in England ; while those who had opposed him, under the name of the convention of Albany, would have sunk in proportion ; the representations sent to England by Livingston, Bayard, Van Cortlanclt, and the rest, would have been contradicted, Leisler's ruin prevented, and their nomination to the council pre- vented, perhaps their ruin sealed. Such being the consequence of success, it is, perhaps, not too much to believe, that the gentry, " the people of figure," though no longer acting as the Albany Con- vention, did, by thwarting Leisler's measures, and holding back the Iroquois, defeat the expedition, and turn back General Winthrop. There is a letter on file at Hartford, dated from New London, October the 6th, 1690, from General John Winthrop to Go- vernour Treat, calling for vengeance on Leisler for the insult of the arrest; in which Winthrop plainly says, that when he accepted the command and went to Albany, he was referred for advice, by Treat's instructions to the gentry who had formed the Albany Convention. He says, "the most considerable gentle- men of Albany accompanied him as counsellors to the whole ma- nagement of the design." These were the persons to whom he was referred by Governour Treat, and these were the persons whose credit depended upon Leisler's scheme, and the expedition failing. These gentlemen guided the Iroquois, and could thwart every effort of Leisler. The Iroquois " demanded delay," says Winthrop. Canoes were not ready. Livingston repaired to Win- throp's camp, and had, without doubt, seen and conferred with him before he went to Albany. The gentlemen of Albany concurred with Winthrop's council, that the army could not proceed to Canada ; he marched back, and Leisler was rendered the disgraced and unpopular thing that the "people of figure" wished to represent him. That General Winthrop was deceived by the Albany Conven- tion, to whom he was recommended by Treat, and by those persons whose importance, credit, and perhaps safety, depended upon thwarting the measures of Leisler and Milbourne, is my opin- ion : not that the general, the son and grandson of the two distin- guished .John Winthrops, was a traitor to the expedition he had con- sented to lead. He was exonerated by Governour Treat and the New England provinces, and afterwards governed the province of Connecticut. But that Jacob Leisler, who was ruined by the re- treat, and could not penetrate the councils of those who thwarted VOL I. 25 194 THE FRIENDS OF ANDROS PREVAIL. him, should be enraged agamst the commander, was natural, though perhaps not commendable. Peter Schuyler was a brave soldier, and honest in his intentions. It is much to be lamented that he did not see that the welfare of the province demanded his co-operation with Leisler. From an early day in June, 1089, Leisler, first by the call of the people of the city of New York, and the inhabitants of Long Isl- and, which then constituted in itself the greater part of the pro- vince, ruled with unquestioned authority, until Captain Ingoldsby arrived, with a company of foot, from England, in the latter days of January 1691, and demanded the surrender of the fort to him- self. I must here remind the reader, that the gentry, consisting of Nicholson's council and the leading men of Albany, as soon as they found that Andros had been put down in Boston, and William and Mary proclaimed in England, likewise declared for the revolu- tion : and whatever might have been the event, if James had re- mained on the throne of England, and his creature, Andros, had succeeded in subverting the charters, and carrying into effect the bigot-tyrant's will, in the colonies, the convention at Albany, and the governour's (or his majesty's) council, loudly declared for the pro- testant religion, and King William HI. But they declared still louder against the freeholders of the province, for taking up arms and putting their trust in a merchant of the city of New York, a mere captain of militia, who had, with them, placed himself in opposition to Andros, Nicholson, and the sworn council, under James' govern- ment. The two parties awaited the decision of William's ministry. A governour, appointed by that Jci7ig whom the people of Eng- land had chosen, was expected. The arrival of orders, and a ruler from England, was needed, that the province might be united. But William of Orange had the great game of war to play on the continent of Europe, against the usurpations of popery and Louis XIV, as well as in Ireland to subdue the adherents of James, assisted by the French king. We cannot then won- der, that a distant province was neglected. Yet, the commis- sion of Sloughter was dated the 4th of January, 1689 ; but still, in January, 1691, Lieutenant-governour Leisler knew nothing of the appointment, and was only notified by Ingoldsby, a captain of foot, in a peremptory demand for a surrender of the fort and pro- vince to him — bearing no commission but that which authorized him to discipline and command his company. The arrival of Ingoldsby, and his information that Sloughter had been appointed, was hailed with joy by Bayard, Van Cort- lajidt, Livingston, Phillipse, and their party. They rallied around CAPTAIN INGOLDSBY. 196 the English captain of foot, and brought forward all the discon- tented in their train. During Leisler's administration, war had been felt throughout the province. His efforts against the enemy on the frontiers, and the expedition against Canada, had been paralyzed by the opposite party. He had been obliged to raise money, by taxes and loans, which had turned many of the people against him ; and, in the gene- ral joy at the approach of a kuig^s goverjiour, as announced by In- goldsby, Leisler was blamed for not surrendering his government, at the first summons, from a man who bore no letters or orders from the ministry. The residence of the licutenant-governour was in the fort. The fortifications in every part of the city had been repaired by Leisler ; and within the fort was the governour's house, the Dutch Church, (then the only place of worship,) and the barracks. In this fortress the families of the commander and of his son-in-law, Milbourne, (we must presume,) resided. Notwithstanding the general peace of the southern portion of the province, and some successes at sea against the French commerce, the government of Leisler was now unpopu- lar; and the accession of Ingoldsby, with his audacious behaviour, countenanced by the former mayor and council, was approved by the people — who now wished a change, and were willing, gene- rally, to be guided by the leaders of the party who were again coming into power. 1691 It appears, that Captain Richard Ingoldsby arrived at New York, in January, 1691, in the ship Beaver, the same vessel which carried over to England, Nicholson and Ennis. Im- mediately seized upon by the gentry, with whom an officer, bear- ing the king's commission and livery naturally assimilated, Ingoldsby demanded the surrender of the fort, under pretence, in the first in- stance, of finding quarters for his soldiers. He was made acquain- ted with the posture of affairs ; and having announced the appoint- ment of Colonel Sloughter, as governour of the province, Leisler requested to see his commission, or order, from the ministry or the governour : at the same time, the mayor tendered to Ingoldsby quarters for his majesty's troops. This did not satisfy the "people of figure," and, in the captain's name, the magistrates, or justices of Long Island, were called upon to assist his majesty's officer in enforcing his commands. Whereupon, Leisler published a proclamation, to this effect : " Forasmuch, as Major Richard Ingoldsby, without producing any order from his majesty. King William, or from Governour Slough- ter, has demanded possession, etC:, — not being satisfied with the accommodations for himself and the forces under his command, twice tendered to him, (in the City Hall,) until further orders shall arrive, but has issued a mandate, dated the 30th January, 1691, to 196 SLOUGHTER ANXIOUSLY DESIRED. the magistrates of Long Island, calling upon them to assist In ful- filling his commission, I do, by and with consent of my council, military officers, and others, in behalf of the king and queen, protest against the proceedings of said Ingoldsby. And further, the gover- nour warns him, at his peril, not to attempt any hostility against the king's city and fort." This proclamation is headed, " By the Lieutenant-governour and Council;" but it is plain, that though in possession of the fort, power had departed from Leisler : otherwise, his majesty's lieuten- ant-governour would have shown it otherwise than by words. In fact, Ingoldsby, directed by the party, and his feehngs of superiority over a Dutchman and a provincial, had landed his soldiers, and besieged the fort. He likewise blockaded Leisler by sea, Avith the armed ship in which he had arrived with his troops from England. The fears of the introduction of popery, which might honestly have influenced the conduct of Leisler and the people of New York, at the commencement of the revolution of 16SS, had ceased; but the resentment of those who had been suspected oraccused of being papists or favouring the designs of Dongan, Andros, and James, was increased by recent disgrace and suffering. It has been observed by Robertson, the historian, that popery, in its very genius, is "averse, at all times, to toleration," and that it was, in the early stages of the reformation, " fierce and unrelenting ;" and no less fierce and unrelenting was the enmity of the aristocracy of New York, on the return of power, towards Jacob Leisler. He must have known his peril, and that it proceeded from " the gentry," the "people of figure," who had cut so poor a figure since the flight of Andros and Nicholson. His hopes must have been placed on William, whose cause he had advocated, and whose standard he had raised against James. The arrival of Sloughter must have been looked for anxiously, as that which would relieve him ; for, as yet, he could not know that the expected representative of majesty was even more likely than Ingoldsby, to fall into the views of, and be di- rected by his enemies. Sloughter was a man, described by a king's officer, as, "licentious in his morals, avaricious, and poor."* He was one of those governours who, according to Lieutenant-gover- nour Golden, were sent hither "to gratify a relation or a friend, by giving him an opportunity of making a fortune." Sloughter was the very man that Leisler's opponents might wish for : ignorant, brutal, needy, and vicious ; — yet to his arrival Leisler must have looked for safety. On the last day of January, die besieged lieutenant-governour issued an order to the civil and military officers of the colony, for- * Thief Justice Smith, of Canada. LEISLER AND IXGOLDSBY. 197 bidding them to heed the proclamations of Ingoldsby, but, accord- ing to their oaths, or their commissions, given by him, the lieuten- ant-governour, as authorized by King WiUiam, to call forth all the forces under their respective commands, both horse and foot, and to be in readiness, completely armed, to obey the orders of the lieu- tenant-governonr aforesaid. The next day, Ingoldsby answers, by proclamation, Leisler's protest and order, of the day before, which, he says, is "pernicious and dangerous to their majesties." He professes, that what he does, is to prevent outrages by those persons Leisler " calls" his soldiers. He says, " I know not how you will answer the firing a shot at my men last night, when they were coming on board."* By this, we see that Ingoldsby's soldiers, although landed by day, and probably keeping a watch by night on shore, still had their quarters on board the ship Beaver, in which they had crossed the Atlantic. On the second day of February, Leisler sent a letter to Ingolds- by, saying, that he had examined into the circumstance of the shot fired at the king's soldiers, and finds that it is a fact. He adds, that if the captain will point out any injury done, justice shall fol- low. "None," says he, "under my command shall be counte- nanced in an ill action." He likewise desires to know, in what manner he can better accommodate Captain Ingoldsby. But, on the same day, February 2d, Ingoldsby issued a proclamation, assu- ring the inhabitants that he had come to protect them, all reports to the contrary, notwithstanding. On the 3d of February, the lieutenant-governour notified the inhabitants, by a proclamation issued from fort William, that Colo- nel Sloughter had been appointed governour of the province of New York; and that, on his arrival, the fort and government should be cheerfully surrendered to him. "In the meantime, his honour, Major Richard Ingoldsby, having a considerable number of his majesty's soldiers under his command, for the service of the colony, which, at the present, cannot be otherwise accommodated than in this city, until his excellency appears," therefore, the inhabitants are commanded to receive Major Ingoldsby, and all his people, with "respect and affection." To show the distinction which Leisler made, and wished to im- press upon the people, between this officer, commissioned by King William, and the former council and magistrates, who had been commissioned by Dongan and James, he addressed the inhabitants again on the following day, saying, that Ingoldsby having demanded possession of his majesty's fort, without showing any order from * MSS. in Historical Society's Library, for all the documents quoted. 198 leisler's proceedings. king, queen, or governour, therefore it is not to be surrendered ; but that several offers have been made to that officer, for the acco- modation of himself and his followers, which have been refused, he still continuing to demand the surrender of the fort. The lieutenant- governour then continues thus — " The Major, by flagitious coun- sellors, who to carry on their accursed designs of mischief, and gratify their revengeful spirits, (depending upon his majesty's gra- cious indemnity for their said crimes, which already have been, and may be, committed before the arrival of his excellency,) the said Major Ingoldsby, by such pernicious instigation, hath presumed to levy forces by his own authority, pretending commisssion from his majesty, (and likewise has dignified himself by the sovereign title of us,) by which means, sundry outrages are committed by persons who have been instigators, ringleaders, and promoters of mischief; who have opposed the necessary taxes for supporting the present war, (against the French,) and do encourage the inhabitants to take up arms, to the disturbing his majesty's peaceable subjects." There- fore, he, the lieutenant-governour, again declares that Ingoldsby shall have accomodation for himself and soldiers, and for others who may come, until the governour shall arrive, or orders be re- ceived for surrendering the fort ; which he promises to do, on the arrival of Sloughter, or such orders as shall justify him in the act ; but he commands all persons, on their peril, not to obey said In- goldsby, and w'arns him to desist from his illegal proceedings. These paper-shot made no impression upon Ingoldsby and his advisers ; but, by them, we learn that the former council, the former mayor, and their other adherents, were prevailing ; and that Capt. Ingoldsby w^as arming the people, under pretence of authority so to do from the king's government : for again Leisler, on the 5th of February, repeats his warnings to the captain, and strictly forbids all persons, pretending any authority from Ingoldsby, to raise forces and quarter the same upon his majesty's subjects, or to commit any violence. Such forces as had been raised, are commanded to disperse and return to their homes.* During this time, Leisler was besieged in the fort by the troops Ingoldsby brought with him, and such as the faction could prevail upon to take up arms against him. A portion of Leisler's men, about one hundred, who had possession of a block-house, (two or * On the 6th of February, at a meeting of the worshipful mayor and common council, in the City Hall, "(Ooenties slip,) present, P. De la Noy, Mayor, Major de Brown, (or Bruyn,) Captain Duykinj;, Cornelius Pluvier, Johannes Provoost, Captain Silurtolpherts, Lieutenant P. Van Brugge, Lieutenant Paul Turk, Ensign de Mill, Ensign Peter White, and David Provoost, with the Secretary, Jacob Mil- bourne ; certain resolutions were passed, stating many of the facts already re- counted, viz., permitting the troops to be quartered in the City Hall, provided that thereby there should be no hindrance to the usual courts of judicature, &c. leisler's proceedings. 199 more of which strengthened the paUsadoed wall, which extended across from river to river, on the north side of what is now called Wall-street,) were several times summoned to surrender, and finally did so, upon promise that they might retain their arms. They were, however, disarmed and dismissed. On the 5th of March, which was probably seven weeks after the arrival of Ingoldsby, Leisler held a meeting of his council at Fort William, the proceedings of which are before me. There were present, the lieutenant-governor, Jacob Leisler, Peter De la Noy — the first man that ever was elected by the freeholders and freemen of New York to the office of mayor — Thomas Williams, Hendrick Jansen, Johannes Vermilye, Samuel Staats, Johannes Provoost, Jacob Mauriz, and Robert La Cock. The paper begins thus — *' By the lieutenant-governor and council, in pursuance of his ma- jesty's letter, bearing date the 5th of July, 16S9, for governing this province until further orders," &c., "their majesties' interest hath been asserted and defended, the peace of the province pre- served, until the arrival of certain ships, with soldiers and ammuni- tions, under the direction of his excellency. Colonel Sloughter," appointed to govern the province, "but separated at sea ;" by which, it would appear, that Ingoldsby's ship, or ships, were part of a fleet which sailed at the same time with Sloughter, and that he had been wandering on the high seas seven weeks longer than the com- mander of his land forces. The lieutenant-governour's council go on to state the demand of Ingoldsby for the surrender of the fort, though he bore no com- mission but that of a captain of foot, "with orders to obey the gov- ernour for the time being." They state, as above recited, the acts of Ingoldsby, by which the city had been disturbed, the inha- bitants insulted, by " papists and other profligates ;" and that In- goldsby had undertaken to call out, command, and superintend the militia of the city, and had otherwise insulted the lieutenant gover- nour, although cautioned and warned against such practices. The council finally protest against Ingoldsby and his confederates, and order them to desist from their attempts to destroy the peace of the city and province. On the file at Hartford is found, a note to Colonel Robert Treat, from M. Clarkson, the secretary of the pretended king's Council of New York, saying, that being " directed by the gentlemen named of their majesties' council of Nevi^ York, to give you account ot the present state of affairs here, and to desire the advice of your honour and others of the government of their majesties' colony of Connec- ticut," he forwards a certain order, not to be found ; " and because it hath been thought by many prudent persons in this city, that Capt. Leisler hath had very particular advices from your parts, I am the 200 GOVERNOUK TREAT COXDEMXS LEISLER. more hopeful that nothing shall be wanting within your power, for their majesties' service, etc." Upon the receipt of this note and the order, Mr. Treat sum- moned a council, and they addressed a letter for Captain Jacob Leisler, in the fort, at New York, dated Hartford, 11th of March, saying, that hearing from Mr. Clarkson by order of the six gendemen named, of the troubles between him and Ingoldsby, and asking their advice, they accordingly, inasmuch as Governour Sloughter is expected daily, advise Leisler so to demean him- self, " as may noways violate their majesties' subjects peace," and to refer all matters in dispute to his excellency on his arrival. And they hope to hear of his dutiful compliance, "which will prevent any further trouble" to them. On the same day, the governour and council of Connecticut, wrote to " the Honourable Mr. M. Clarkson, secretary of his majesty's province of New York," " for his majesty's special service." They tell him that they have been " much rejoiced in the news of their majesties' pleasure," to make Colonel Sloughter governour of New York. That they are grieved to hear, " that those honourable persons named of his excellencies council, with the soldiery, obtain no better treatment with Captain Leisler." That they have advised Captain Leisler, as by the letter to him, which they enclose open, and desire may be sealed and delivered as may be ordered, " by the honourable gentlemen of the council." They apologize for being mediators, as Leisler's late dealings with them, had not found " acceptance with them." They apologize, likewise, for former connection with Leisler, and hope they shall not be called upon by his rashness, but shall do their duty. Again on the 16th of March, the lieutenant-governour and coun- cil, address the people by proclamation, and recapitulate Ingolds- by's demands, asserting the intention to resign the fort and govern- ment to any one authorized by the king to receive them. They assert, that Ligoldsby and his ringleaders had interrupted, and con- temned the mayor's court — had controlled the city milida — had endeavoured to provoke the governour of the fort to hostilities, by eight several times in one night, causing soldiers to pass and repass the works — that he had misrepresented the words and acts of the government, and had imprisoned and beaten inhabitants, for doing lawful acts — that he had entertained declared papists in arms, who insult the inhabitants, and put them in fear of their lives, when doing their duty in the king's service — that he interrupted and forbade the lieutenant-governour's officers " to proclaim an order by beat of drum, as was customary, or to pass by the City Hall, being the usual place for the same." The order so prevented was for seve- ral persons, as well officers as others, deserters from Albany and Esopus, to show cause for quitting their posts. They state, that PROCLAMATION OF LEISLER AXD HIS COUNCIL. 201 Ingoldsby entertains the said deserters, to the injury of the king's service — had caused spies to enter the fort for the purpose of be- trayin"' the pUice by niglit — had made prisoners of certain senti- nels, and had prevented wood and other necessaries from being carried to the fort, and otherwise conducted as in time of war. They further declare, that certain gentlemen, calling tliemselves of the king's council, have encouraged Ingoldsby in all these things, "directing tlicir orders unto officers commissioned by the authority of the late King James," which officers have, inconsequence of such orders, levied forces for the designs of Ingoldsby and the said nominal council, who call such as oppose them, rebels. They as- sert, that Ingoldsby, having demanded the keys of the gates of the city, and being refused, had buist the locks, and proceeded against the block-house of the city, as if he was waging war with his ma- jesty's subjects. Other hostile acts are detailed, as well as prevent- ing the receipt of monies granted by the house of assembly for pay- ing the forces on the frontiers, by which, the soldiers placed at Al- bany might be constrained to desert that post. 'i^he council conclude this, the last proclamation issued by them, with asserting that their opponents, who, in the reign of the late K-ing James contributed to the encouragement of papists and priests, acting by the authority of the said king until he was dethroned, were the same who now endeavour to injure those who prevented their designs, " Wherefore, we, not being willing to deliver ourselves and our posterity to such slavery, do hereby resolve, to the utmost of our power, to oppose the same, by joining and assisting the lieu- tenant-governour, and one another, to the hazard of our lives." They assert, that they will not be turned from their duty to God and the king, by fear of the term " rebels" hurled against them, for fairly offering that all things should remain until the arrival of the governour, or further orders from England. And they feel themselves constrained to declare, that the said Ingoldsby and his confederates are "enemies to God, the present magistrates, and the peace of the province," while they continue their present proceedings. They, therefore, command them to disband the forces they have raised ; and all persons are ordered, at their peril, to keep the peace. The genUemen of the former council assembled " at the State House," (meaning, I suppose, at the City Hall,) on the 17th of March, and issued a proclamation, signed "M. Clarkson, secre- tary," denying the assertions of Leisler and his council. They say, that "they are desirous that there be no manner of hostilities" nor bloodshed between their majesties' subjects, but that "the people in arms, which have voluntarily assembled themselves in defence of their majesties' forces" should remain in peace until the arrival of his excellency, or further orders. They say, that if this proposal is VOL. I. 26 302 rloughter's arrival. not accepted, they attribute all mischief to " the said Captain Leis- ler," or such as shall commit hostilities. From this, it appears that the confederates were somewhat daunted by the last proclamation of Leisler, and the long detention which Sloughter experienced, of whom they made sure as a friend and ally : but all their anxiety was relieved by his arrival, and the publication of his commission, on the 19th day of March, 1691. I have before me the copy of a minute of Sloughter's Council, held on March the 19th, ^^ upon the arrival of Htnnj Sloughter,''^ governour, etc. — at which were present, with said Sloughter, Jo- seph Dudley, Frederick Phillipse, Stephen Van Cortlandt, Gabriel Monville, Chudley Brooke, Thomas Willet, and William Pin- home. It is here stated, that Sloughter repaired to the Town Hall, where he published his commission, and took the oaths appointed by act of parliament to be administered to him. From this, we see that he was received by the party, (probably on ship-board,) and immediately embraced the measures of In- goldsby and the confederates. As soon as he was installed, he forthwith ordered Ingoldsby, with his foot-company, to de- mand entrance into the fort : he returned, and brought with him one of Leisler's officers, (the same Ensign Joost Stoll, who had, in 1689, been the first to take possession of the fOrt, in the name of William, and had subsequently borne Leisler's despatches, with the account of the revolution in New York, to the English government,) and this officer was admitted to the governour's presence. The minute of council informs us that Ensign Stoll brought a letter from Captain Leisler, and was told by his excellency that he was glad Stoll " had seen him in Eno;land, as well as now in New York," adding, that Major Ingoldsby should now go with his company a second time to receive the fort into possession ; and that the soldiers, laying down their arms, might go every man to his house. Further, " that be expected Leisler, Milbourne, and such as called themselves the council, to innnediately attend ; and that Colonel Bayard and Mr. Nichols be dismissed from their imprisonment to attend his majesty's service — being appointed members of the council." By this, we know that Bayard, who had most humbly petitioned Lieutenant-governour Leisler for release from the prison at the City Hall, had been removed to the fort, and was still in confinement. The copy of the minute proceeds : " Major Ingoldsby, at his second return, brought with him Milbourne and De La Noy ; and be- ing inquired of for Colonel Bayard and Mr. Nichols, informed that Leisler refused to make any attendance himself, or to dismiss the said gentlemen." *' Whereupon, Milbourne and De La Noy were ordered to the guard, and the major again sent to demand the said gentlemen's LETTER FROM LEISLER TO SLOUGHTER. 203 dismission, with Leisler's surrender of the fort, and attendance upon his excellency — all which was peremptorily and with contempt refused." Upon which, the governour "directed the sitting of the council" next morning. It will be remarked, that this refusal to obey, " with contempt," is the report of Ingoldsby : and it will be seen that on the re-assem- bling of the council, so called, next day, Bayard and Nichols are present and are sworn in. Before I proceed with the record which the king's or Sloughter's council have left of their summary proceedings, I will call the atten- tion of the reader to the letter from Leisler to Colonel Sloughter ; only premising that Leisler was a Dutchman, and that he attempted to write to the acknowledged governour in English — a language he did not understand — as is very apparent in this ofi'er to surren- der the fort, and apology for holding it after the arrival of Sloughter. It will be recollected that the English secretary, Milbourne, was not with Leisler. It is well known, that the Dutch of New York, most of them, knew no schoolmaster, but such as was sent from Holland long after this. The letter is dated March 20ih, 1G91, at Fort William, and is as follows : " May it please your excellency, this, his majesty's fort, being besieged by IVIajor Ingoldsby, so far as that not a boat could depart, nor persons conveyed out of the same, without to be in danger of their lives, which has occasioned that I could not be so happy as to send a messenger to you to give me certainty of your excellency's safe arrival, and an account of what was published, of which I am ignorant still ; but the joy I had, by a full assurance from Ensign Stoll, of your excellency's arrival, has been somewhat troubled by the detention of the two of my messengers. I see here well the stroke of my enemies, who are wishing to cause me some mistakes at the end of the loyalty I ow' e to my gracious king and queen, and by such ways to blot out all my faithful service till now : but I hope to have cause not to commit such error ; having by my duty and faithfulness being vigorous to them. " Please only to signify and order the major, in releasing me from his majesty's fort, delivering him only his majesty's arms and all the stores, and that he may act as he ought with a person who shall give your excellency an exact account of all his actions and con- duct ; who is, with all the respect, your excellency's most humble servant, Jacob Leisler." According to appointment, Sloughter and his friends met on the 20th. The minutes say nothing of the above letter. His majesty's letter was read, ordering the council to be sworn as such, and in the order above written, which was done : consequently, they had acted at the previous meeting without taking the oath to the king's govern- menL 204 LEISLER AND OTHERS ARRESTED. Then, twenty-nine papers were delivered to the secretary, from their majesties, relative to Leisler, which had been sent to England from Albany. Bayard and Nichols appeared, were sworn of the council, and took their seats ; and then Jacob Leisler was brought in prisoner, and ordered to be committed to the guards, and the king's letter, directed to Francis Nicholson, or the person admin- istering the government, was taken from him. Likewise were brought in prisoners, and committed to the guards, "Abraham Governeur, Gerardus Beekman, William Churcher, Cornelius Pluvier, Henrick Janse Van Boerton, William Law- rence, Thomas Williams, John Coe, Mynders Coerlen, Robert Leacock, and Johannes Vermille."* Thus we see Jacob Leisler brought in to his enemies a prisoner, and turned over to the guards, on the same day that the above letter was written. The Honourable William Smith, late Chief Justice of Lower Canada, in his History of New York, says, " if Leisler had deli- vered the garrison to Colonel Sloughter, as he ought to have done, upon his first landing, besides extiuiruishing in a great degree, the animosities then subsisting, he would, doubdess, have attracted the favourable notice both of the governour and the crown. But be- ing a weak man, he was so intoxicated with the love of power, that though he had been well informed of Sloughter's appointment to the government, he not only shut himself up in the fort with Bay- ard and Nichols, whom he had before that time imprisoned, but re- fused to deliver them up, or to surrender the garrison. From this moment, he lost all credit with the governour wdio joined the other party against him. On the second demand of the fort, Milbourne and De La Noy came out, under pretence of confering with his ex- cellency, but in reality to discover his designs. Sloughter, who considered them as rebels, threw them both into gaol. Leisler, upon this event, thought proper to abandon the fort, which Colonel Sloughter immediately entered. Bayard and Nichols were now released from their confinement, and sworn of the Privy Council. Leisler having thus ruined his cause, was apprehended, with many of his adherents, and a commission of Oyer and Terminer issued to Sir Thomas Robinson, Colonel Smith, and others, for their trial. " In vain did they plead the merit of their zeal for King William, since they had so lately opposed his governour. Leisler, in parti- cular, endeavoured to jusdfy his conduct, insisting that Lord Not- tingham's letter entitled him to act in the quality of Lieutenant-go- vernour. Whether it was through ignorance or sycophancy, I * I transcribe these names, which are evidently mis-spelt or mis-wvitten — as names at that time generally were. PROCEEDIXGS AGAIXST LEISLER. 205 know not: but the judges instead of pronouncing their own senti- ments upon this part ol' the prisoner's defence, referred it to the governour and council, praying their opinion, whether that letter ' or any other letter, or papers, in the packet from White Hall, can be understood, or interpreted, to be and contain, any power, or di- rection to Captain Leisler, to take the goveri ir.ent of this province upon himself, or that the administration thereupon be holden good inlaw.' The answer was, as might have been expected, in the ne- gative ; and Leisler and his son were condemned to death for high- treason. These violent measures drove many of the inhabitants, who were fearfid of being aj)prehended, into the neighbouring colo- nies, which shortly after occasioned the passing an act of general indemnity." I fear that it would appear as an insult to the reader, to point out the fallacy of this statement, after laying before him the above docu- ments. Sloughter published his commission, by outcry, at the City Hall, Coenties' slip, on the ISth of March — Leisler being besieged in the fort — and immediately on being installed, the governour sent Ingoldsby, the man who had illegally blockaded the fortress, to demand entrance. Leisler promptly sends an officer to ascertain the report of Sloughter's arrival and assumption of the government. This officer is sent with a peremptory demand for the surrender of the fort to Major Ingoldsby and his soldiers. Leisler now saw that Sloughter acted by the prompting of his inveterate enemies, and like a prudent man wished to obtain a pro- mise from Sloughter of at least personal safety ; he therefore sent his son-in-law, Milbourne, and the mayor of the city to the gover- nour, who immediately makes them prisoners. IJpon Leisler's refusal to surrender the fort, (and as he then knew, his life,) into Ingoldsby's hand, Sloughter adjourned his friends to the next day, and when they met, appointed them, and swore them into office as his council. This same day Leisler, by letter, and personally, surrendered the fort and government to Henry Sloughter and his council, not until then qualified to act as such. Mr. Smith, asserts, that from the moment of shutting himself up in the fort with Bayard and Nichols, (which took place -months before Sloughter's arrival,) he, Leisler, lost all credit with the go- vernouf, who joined tlie party against him. If we suppose the historian to mean, that from the moment of refusing to surrender, when Ingoldsby was sent on the 19th of March, then Leisler '* lost all credit, &c.," it is equally absurd, for it is plain that Sloughter, by the advice of Ingoldsby and the gentlemen who received him, had determined to treat Leisler as a rebel from the moment of his arrival. It was not by any act of the unfortunate Leisler, that he " ruined his cause," as Smith asserts. The hands of hb enemies had been 208 PROCEEDIXnS AGAIXST LEISLER. Strengthened by the falhire of Winthrop and Phipps, and then by Sloughler's arrival. Thus Leisler had fallen (without hope, ex- cept in the justice of his cause, which they had prejudged,) into their power completely. At thij same meeting of the council on the 20th of March, (which was the day they were sworn in,) the governour appointed John Lawrence, mryorof the city, and Thomas Clark, coroner. On the 23d of March, the governour met his council at fort W'llViam Hmtij, the same persons being present, except Bayard. The minutes of this, Sloughter's first council in the fort, inform U3, that Messrs. Dudley, Van Cortlandt and Brook, w^ere appoint- ed a committee "to examine the prisoners, in order to their com- mittal from the guard-house to the common prison." The secre- tary, and attorney-general, were directed to attend this com- mittee. By this, we see, that Jacob Leisler, an elderly and respected merchant, who had raised the standard of William and protestant- , ism, in 1639, and governed the city and province by the choice of the freeholders and the authority of the English ministry, for near two years, with all the above named gentlemen, had been kept from the 2Uth to the 23d of March, confined in the guard-house, before Sloughter and his council find time even to examine them. The next day, the 24th, the council again met, and ordered " that there be a special commission of Oyer and Terminer, directed to the judges whom his exceltenaj will forthwith name,^^ which judges, with "Sir Robert Robinson, Colonel William Smith, W^illiam Pinhorne, John Lawrence, Captain Jasper Hicks, Major Richard Ligoldsby, Colonel John Young, and Captain Isaac Arnold, are appointed to hold a court for the trial of the prisoners accused of murder and rebellion, and their accomplices ;" " and theij or any of them, one of the judges always being one, to preceed in the same court." It is perhaps worthy of remark, that all these names are English or Scotch ; and most, if not all, held commissions as officers. On the 30th of March, seven days after these gentlemen had been removed from the guard-house to the prison, (i. e. one or more of .the apartments in the city hall, or town house, which was the place for the me3ting of magistrates, holding of courts, and confining prisoners,) the council again met at the fort. Bayard be- ing present, but the governour not; and Messrs. Bayard, Van Cortlandt and Pinhorne, were appointed a committee for pre- paring evidences against the prisoners ; and Mr. William Nichols, Mr. George Farewell, and Mr. .Tames Emmett, are assigned as the king's counsel in that affair. Before a court thus constituted, Leisler was arraigned, but refused to plead. He said he was not holden to plead to the indictment, ** until the power be determined whereby such things have beea LEISLER AND MILEOURXE COXDEMXED. 207 acted." His friends asserted, that it was for his majesty to declare whether the power under which he acted was legal ; that his authority remained good until the king determined other- wise : that although Hendrick Jan^en, Cornelius Pluvier, and Robert Le Cock, were committed for the same pretended crimes of murder and rebellion, they had been admitted to bail forthwith : that if Leisler pleaded to the indictment, the king might accuse him of " giving away his right ;" that by pleading Leisler would empower the jury to judge of the fact ; " how, they ask, can twelve men of one county, judge of the government of die whole pro- vince f"' The trial, however, proceeded as had been determined ; and it was insisted that Nottingham's letter entitled Leisler to act in the quality of lieutenant governour. On the 13th of April, the governour and council being met, the judges submitted the question as above, and the council decided in the negative. Leisler and Milbourne being condemned to death, as rebels and traitors, remained in diis condition until the 14th of May, on which day, 1 find by minutes of council, present, Sloughter, Phillipse, Bay- ard, Van Cortlandt, Nichols, and Mienville, the following entry : " The clamour of the people coming daily to his excellency's hear- ing, relating to the prisoners condemned for treason and murder, and having had the opinion of the major part of the representatives now met and assembled,* for the execution of the principal offen- ders, he was pleased to offer to this board his willingness to do what might be most proper for the quiet and peace of the country, intend- ing speedily to remove to Albany." Sloughter therefore demands the opinion of the council, (who were urging him incessantly to hang Leisler and INIilbourne,) whether delaying the execution, might not be dangerous at this juncture ."^ They, in answer, una- nimously resolve that "/or the sfifisfacfio)), of the Ivdians,''^ and for asserting the governour's authority, preventing insurrections and discords, it is necessary that the sentence be executed. Still, it appears that Sloughter feared both to exasperate the friends of Leisler, and incur the displeasure of William 111, or his minis- ters, if he put to death, as rebels and traitors, the men who raised the standard of the Prince of Orange and protestantism, in opposition to James and popery. He hesitated ; but the anti- presbyterian faction was determined on the destruction of the * JamesGrahame was a leading man in tliis assenidly, anb particularly anxious to produce the executionof Leisler and Milbourne. He is accused of having tampered v/ith the friends of these victims, for the purpose of procuring a seat in the house of representatives, and was afterwards elected speaker. — See Letters of Lord Bella- Diont, in N. Y. Hist. Lib. 203 THEIR EXECUTION. men who had baffled and put them down, and perliaps were insti- gated by fear as well as revenge ; " they there'bre," as Smith tells u?, " when no other measure^ could prevail with the governour, invited Sloughter to a feast, on occasion of his intended voyage to Albany, and, when his exccUencij^s reason was drowned in his cups, the entreaties of the company prevailed with him to sign the death warrant ; and before he recovered his senses the prisoners were executed." Leisler and ]\Iilbourne suffered death as traitors, on the IGth of May, 1G91 ; and if the above statement of Chief Justice Smith is correct, the council must have met early in the day ; for I find a minute of that date, saying that the house of assembly, on the 15th, gave their approbation, signed by "James Grahame, speaker," to the resolution of the council of the 14th. This execution must have taken place while the populace was overawed by the soldiers of Ingoldsby and Sloughter, and while the judges and members of his majesty's council were keeping the governour in a state of intoxication. Leisler, at the place of exe- cution, after praise to God, expresses his sense of his dying state, submits and prostrates himself before his Redeemer with hope. He acknowledged, that at the request of a committee, chosen by the major part of the inhabitants of the province, he had taken upon him ("to the great grief of relations to be left behind,") weighty matters of state "requiring more wise, cunning, and powerful pilots to govern" — an undertaking, for which his motives were the pro- testant interest, and the establishment of the present government of William and Mary. He confessed, that in this endeavour for the public good, several enormities had been committed against his will. He professed that he had longed to see a governour sent, to put a period to the disorders existing: some of which, on his part, were committed through ignorance — some through jealous fear that dis- affected persons would act against the government — some through misinformation and misconstruction of people's intentions — and some through rashness or passion, which would require more time than is now permitted. For every offence, he asked pardon ; Jirsf, of God, and then of all persons offended. He prays that all malice may be buried in his grave, and forgives the most inveterate of his enemies. He repeats, " Father, forgive them, they know not what they do." He begs of his friends and relations to forget any injury done to him. He prays for the good of the province, and, as his last words, declares, that as to the matter for which he is condemned, his purpose was for the good of his fellow-creatures, according to the understanding and ability which he possessed, by preventing popery and upholding the government of William and Mary. He concluded a prayer for all in authority, by one for comfort to the family to which he did belong. For his afflicted family, he asks the charity of all, and their prayers for himself. THEIR EXECUTION. 209 Being asked by the sheriff, " If he was ready to die?" he an- swered, " Yes," He desired that his corpse might be delivered to his wife, and as his family had been educated as Christians, he hoped they would act as such. Saying he did not fear death, he turned to Milbourne and said, " Why must you die ? You have been but as a servant, doing my will : and as I am a dying man, I declare before God and die world, that what I have done was for King William and Queen Mary, the defence of the protestant religion, and the good of the country." Having again professed his reliance upon God, he said, " I am ready ! I am ready !" Leisler's son-in-law, Jacob Milbourne, seems not to have died with so much humility ; for seeing Mr. Livingston, who, it will be remembered, was not one of the council, he said to him, " You have caused my death ; but, before God's tribunal, I will implead you for the same." The sheriff having asked him whether he would not bless the king and queen ? he answered, " It is for the king and queen I die, and for the protestant religion."* The rain descended in torrents upon the prisoners and the crowd. The faintings and screams of women were seen and heard in every direction when this fatal scene was terminated by death. What a contrast does it present to this gloom, wailing, and horrour, when we recollect that the enemies of these citizens were carousing in beastly triumph and drunkenness. The records of a province would appear to many as beneath the dignity of history, although that province was the germ of a mighty state. The revolution effected by the burghers of New York, when they raised the standard of William of Orange, and the protestant religion, has heretofore appeared as an undignified subject for the historian. This same phrase, " the dignity of history," is, in my sight, as heretofore upheld, very contemptible and mischievous. Robertson apologizes to his reader for descending from the dignity of history, when he dwells on the character and fate of David Rizzio : but the contemptible Darnely, the ruffian Bothwell, the mur- dress and adultress Mary, are all with him, and most others, fit sub- jects for the historic muse. The true dignitij of history is derived from truth. It is evident that every event, though true, is not fit for the historian ; but no act or person, however poor or low in life the actor, is beneath the dignity of history, if the relation of it elucidates subsequent trans- * The Reverend Doctor S. Miller states, (of course, as tradition,) that when Leisler was executed, " the shrieks of the people were dreadful — especially the women — some fainted, some were taken in labour ; the crowd cut off pieces of his frarments as precious relics, also his hair was divided, out of great veneration, a« for a martyr." — MSS. VOL. 1. 27 210 THEIR EXECUTION. actions or characters, and is a link in the great chain of insstrucfionf which constitutes the philosophy of history. Jacob Leisler, a simple burgher and merchant, becomes a digni-' fied object, when the choice of his fellow burghers, freeholders of New York, place him as their commander-in-chief, in opposition to the lieutenant-governour of the tyrant and bigot James, for the pur- pose of preserving civil and religious liberty. Party, which is in- dispensable to popular government, may be said, if not to have had its birth at the time in New York, at least to have taken its " form and pressure" as it exists in this day. We see in that party of which Leisler was the head, the germ of our present democratic representative government. Ebeling, the Dutch historian of New York, gives a more impar- tial account of the transactions of this time, and the fate of Jacob Leisler, than is given by William Smith, the Chief Justice of Ca- nada. With Ebeling's view of the subject, and a few remarks, I shall close the chapter. On the surrender of the fort, Leisler, Milbourne, and others who had formed the council, were imprisoned and immediately tried by a court of Oyer and Terminer, appointed by the gover- nour, instigated by the enemies of Leisler, who again formed the court. The fallen party were arraigned as murderers and trai- tors. Li vain they reminded the court of their zeal for William and Mary — in vain Leisler denied the authority of the court : any consideration and any humiliation would not have satisfied his ene- mies ; and it appears that he stooped to none, but justified his con- duct. Dudley was the presiding judge. Leisler and Milbourne were sentenced to die as rebels and traitors. Had James been king, they might have incurred the same fate, for treason against him. Ebeling, in his history, says, that after the sentence, " the whole matter was laid before the king ;" (i. e. before William III,) but by whom ? By those who had determined to sacrifice him to their private views and passions. The assembly that had been convened, were persuaded that the misfortunes of the province, were all attributable to Leisler and his friends, and that assembly pressed for his execution. Sloughter feared to exasperate the people, who still adhered to Leisler. The governour thought of proroguing the assembly to Albany. Leisler's friends were cla- mourous on account of his long imprisonment, and at the sentence passed upon him by the opposite party, who feared that if the gover- nour and assembly removed to Albany, the people of New York would liberate the prisoners, and, therefore, pressed the more for immediate execution. Sloughter called, says Ebeling, " a par- ticular council of both houses. Li this council, he was urged and pressed to execute the sentence speedily." Sloughter is said to RETROSPECT. 211 have been unwilling. Was he not fearful ? The historian, Ebe- lin'^, says, "when every thing else failed, he (Sloughter,) was made drunk, and the execution took place, May 17." Every thing proves that Leisler was condemned unlawfully, and executed un- justly. Afterwards, the act of attainder was reversed. This was done at the instance of young Leisler. Gouverneur,* and all the others, except Milbourne, were released. It has been the policy of men of all ages, to preserve the memory of the founders of the nation they claimed as their own. It serves to perpetuate nations. Rome, the eternal, bears the name of its reputed founder. The founder of the Democracy of New York, was Jacob Leisler: and New York is now an empire — founded upon demo- cracy. The line, that says, " An honest man is the noblest work of God," has been received as a truism. And Jacob Leisler was truly an honest man, who, though a martyr to the cause of liberty, and sacrificed by injustice, aristocracy, and party malignity, ought to be considered as one in whom New York should take pride — although the ancestors of many of her best men denounced him as a rebel and a traitor. If an honest man is the noblest work of God, Leisler was a great man — and all agree that the fame of the great men of a nation, is that nation's most precious inheritance. CHAPTER XIIL Retrospect — First Assembly under Sloughter*s government — Cana^ dian affairs — Slaughter'' s death — Ingoldsbij, Governour, pro tern — Schui/ler attacJcs the French, at La Prairie — Indian wars — Richard De Peyster — Fletcher, Governour — Confirms the aris- tocratic council — Caleb Heathcote — His family — His mode of enforcing religious exercises on Lojig Island, — Fletcher is guided by Peter Schuyler — Count Frontignac — Wars loith the Iroquois — Great cxjtedition against them. 1691 In 1664, as we have seen, the province of NewNetherland was surrendered to the English, and became New York. The inhabitants, generally, were glad to exchange the Dutch pro- vincial mode of government for what they knew and what they * Abraham Gouverneur was a French Huguenot. He married the widow of Mil- bourne — of course, the daughter of Leisler. The name of Gouverneur remainji among u.s, and is made a second time distinguished, by the union with that of Morris. 213 sloughter's administration. hoped from the EngHsh system. Until 1683, (with the trifling interruption by the directorship of Colve, or surrender for a few months to the Dutch, in 1673,) New York was governed by what are known as the duke's laws, meaning James, Duke of York.* The assembly which met in 1691, (whose laws were the first considered valid by the publishers of 1752,) consisted of James Graham, William Merritt, Jacobus Van Cortlandt, and Johannes Kipp, for the city and county of New York. Derick Wessells and Levinus Van Schayk, for Albany. Elias Dukesbury and Dally, for Richmond. John Pell, for West Chester county. Henry Pier- son and Matthew Howell, for Suffolk. Henry Beekman and Tho- mas Garton, for Ulster and Duchess. John Bound and Nathaniel Persal, for Queens. Nicholas Stillwell and John Poland, for Kings. " The members for Queens county," says Smith, "were after- wards dismissed, for refusing the oaths directed by the governour's commission. "t It was this assembly that recommended itself to the infamous Sloughter and his council, by declaring that all the evils which had befallen the province, were to be attributed to the usurpation of Jacob Leisler, and accordingly joined with the council in urging his execution. The address of the assembly to Sloughter is one of the most abject expressions of crawling servility, that I remember. They, " in the most humble manner," congratulate him. " From the bottom of their hearts," they declare, that none " can or ought to have right " to govern the province, but by that authority " now placed in his excellency." Their lives and * The government of the Dutch, generally, in New York, was wise, and, of course, just, in regard to the aborigines. They selected some of the best bottom lands for cultivation, but recognizing the Indian right to the soil, they gained the consent of the Indians, and purchased for what was of equal value in the eyes of the original proprietors. The European wanted the soil for cultivation — the Indian did not — and a blanket to preserve him from cold, and fire-arms to procure game, were of more real use to him, than acres of the richest land on the Hudson or Mo- hawk. That progress, by which civilization or cultivation would eventually con- tract or annihilate his hunting-grounds, was far beyond his thought, or, perhaps, be- yond the conception of either 2)arty. The Iroquois valued the friendship of the Dutch, and contrasted the dealings of the Netherlander with the unprovoked hos- tility of the French, and their detestable treachery, in seizing their chiefs at a coun- cil meeting, and sending them to labour at the gallies of the "grand monarque." The Iroquois were the lords of all the laud possessed by the Dutcli, or claimed by them ; for the sea-board Indians had submitted to the power and prowess of the martial confederacy. The Long Island Indians gave the Dutch settlers very little trouble. They had some quarrels, and the planters were, in some instances, obliged to stand on their guard ; but they generally were friendly, and by degreesnielted away before the light of the white man. The Indians who attacked the early settlers were from the con- tinent : but the battle of Fort Neck was fought, apparently, with Long Island Indians. t See Appendix P. sloughter's administration. 213 fortunes are placed at his excellency's disposal, and prayers are added for his excellency's long life and rule. They unanimously resolved, that all the laws consented to by the general assembly, under James, Duke of York, and the liberties and privileges therein contained, granted to the people, and declared to be their rights, are null and void — not being ratified. They enacted a law for establishing the revenue : the receiver-general took this money from the collectors, and it was paid out to warrants issued by the gover- nour : this made the governour independent of the people. They passed a law, securing the rights of the colonists, as English sub- jects, by declaring the legislative power, (under the king,) to reside in the governour and coiuicil appointed by his majesty, with a gene- ral assembly, representing the freeholders : but this act was rejected by the king. A law passed into operation for establishing courts of justice, as had been done in 16S3, and abolishing the old court of assizes.* In May, Sloughter proceeded to Albany, and in June, a council of the Iroquois met him. The confederates were discontented that they had been left to contend, unassisted by the English, after the retreat of General Winthrop, and during the following winter. We are told by Pere Charlevoix, that the brave and active old general. Count Frontignac, after the defeat of Sir William Phipps, and the futile operations of New York and Connecticut, under Winthrop, pressed the French Court to send a force against the city of ]\ew York, as the only means of subduing the Iroquois, who made several inroads upon the Canadian settlements, particularly near Montreal, killing many French inhabitants, and destroying the fruits of nature and industry — according to the practice of glorious war, in every country. In one instance, a party of Oneidas were defeated by the French, several killed and five taken prisoners, who were burnt by the "habitans." Many of these interesting skirmishes are detailed by the worthy father, w^ho tells us that the Onondagas, having sent messengers to the Caughnawagas, or pray- ing Indians of the French, Count Frontignac had suspicions of these Mohawk converts : but they refused to return to their former friends, though threatened by them with being involved in the de- struction prepared for the French. Sloughter succeeded in renewing the treaties with the Iroquois which had formerly been in force. The Mohawks, who had re- ceived the messengers and presents of Frontignac, at first held off. The others told him that they were glad to see a governour again * The chief justice, Dudley, had for salary, £130. The second judge, Johnson, £100. The other judges. Smith, Van Cortlandt, and Pinhorne, with the attorney- general, had nothing. 214 sloughter's death. in Albany : and finally, the Mohawks rejected the overtures of the French, and again pledged themselves to New York. The governour, having returned to New York, suddenly died, on the 23d of July, 1691. It was suspected, or asserted, that he had been poisoned, (as if any extraordinary means were necessary to terminate the life of a glutton and drunkard,) but a pos^ mortem examinadon by physicians and surgeons, removed the suspicion; which only proves the rancour and the fears of the prevailing party. The corpse was buried, as Smith tells us, in Stuyvesant's vault, next to the remains of the old Dutch governours. Dudley, being the senior member of council, was, of right, the ruler of the province ; but he was absent at Curacoa, and the party resigned the reins of government into the hands of Ingoldsby, who bore no higher commission still, than that of a captain of foot. Even on Dudley's return, by the way of Boston, the captain was con- tinued governour. There is no doubt, in my mind, but fear of the people caused this resignation of power into the hands of this man, who had command of the military, and had no ability to fit him for government. In the meantime, reinforcements arrived at Quebec. But Major Peter Schuyler led the Iroquois by Lake Champlain, and finding the Governour of Montreal encamped with a force at La Prairie, attacked him with considerable success ; that is, many French were killed, and the Indians were encouraged to remain firm to New York. Frontignac, however, retorted these uncourteous visits, and sent a large force in the autumn to punish the Mohawks : they did little, and suffered much ; discouraged by the approach of winter, for which they were not prepared, they retreated to Montreal. The Iroquois, on their part, attempted to surprise the French at Sault St. Louis, but failed, and after some skirmishing, retired. The confederates had advanced on this enterprise, in two parties. The Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, by Lake Ontario ; while the Mohawks, Oneidas, and some Mohicans proceeded by Lake Cham- plain, and after committing some destruction by the fire and the knife, were driven back with loss. 1692 The aldermen and assistants elected by the freemen, and constituUng the Common Council of the city of New York for 1692, were for the East Ward, William Beekman, Alderman ; Alex- ander Wilson, assistant. Dock Ward, William Merrett, alderman; Thomas Clarke, assistant. North JVard, Johannes Kipp, alder- man ; Thomas Dekay, assistant. South Waixl, Brandt Schuyler, alderman; Stephen Delancey,* assistant. Out Ward, John Mer- t We see here, a Stephen Delancey elected Jin assistant alderman, in the year J69L Fletcher's administration. 215 ritt, alderman ; Garret Dow, assistant. West Ward, Robert Dar- kins, alderman ; Peter King, assistant. The mayor, appointed by the governonr, was Captain Richard De Peyster. The recorder, commissioned by the king, was William Pinhorne, who was like- wise one of Slonghter's, or his majesty's council. On the 30th of March, 1692, Pinhorne brought in an ad- dress for the mayor and common council to sign, and read it ; but De Peyster, the mnyor, tliough appointed by Sloughter con- sdtutionally, objected to t!i« pussage in which Pinhorne had asserted, "that Leisler hath not j^aid the soldiers he had take?i uimn him to raise,'''' and for " the picsent it was laid aside." The manuscript record in the common council's office. City Hall, New York, says, that the common council and recorder were willing to sign ; but De Peyster was too honest.* On the 29th of August, 1G92, Benjamin Fletcher arrived as governonr of New York. On the 30th he published his commis- sion. His majesty's council at the time was composed of Messrs. Frederick Phillipse, Stephen Van Cortlandt, Nicholas Bayard, Gabriel Mienville, Chudley Brooke, William Nichols, Thomas Willet, and Thomas Johnson. These were, as the reader will re- * In this year, a schism happened anions^ the quakers of Philadelphia, with which New Yoiic is connected — inasmncjj as to tiiat, the latter place i,^ indebted for its first printer and printing-press. In 1GS9, the " friend's pnblic school, of Philadelpiiia," was established, and at its head was placed Georiie Keith. George was a writer, that is, he was possessed by thai restless spirit which induces men to sacrifice ease and comfort, to the desire of appearing in print ; and he undertook to reform quakerism. This did not please his employers, who had called him to teach their children, and not themselves. George Keith was a native of Aberdeen, in Scotland, from whicii town came Barclay, and other distinguished men. Keith was a man of vigorous intellect, but of a restless mind — ever disposed for controversy. He had been distinguished by many writings in defence of quakerism, and in oppo- sition to the churches and ministers of New England. These publications recom- mended him to the friends, of Philadelphia, and George was in high favour as long as his sharp and bitter compositions were directed against New England ; but when he began to reform what he considered amiss in Philadelphia, it was discovered that "he had too much life in argument," " unbecoming vanity," and conducted himself "in a very extravagant manner." Keith insisted that it was unchristian to keep negroes in slavery. He was in advance of the time ; and the truth caused irritation, because it was true. He had his adherents — and particularly the German emi- grants — who, it is said, " from the first, protested against negro-slavery." Not content with endeavouring to teach, Keith made attacks upon the friends, that sa- voured of hostility. Thev, in tiieir turn, i)uhli.-hed a testimony of denial against him. They declared that the mighty man had fallen. They accused iiim of uttering " un- savoury words and abusive language," with calling them " fools, ignorant heathens, silly souls, rotten ranters, aiul n)ugglutonians," and, what was worse, "that quaker- ism was too often a cloak of heresy and hypocrisy." Keith's party were denomi- nated, by him. Christian Qiuilicrs. and his opponents, Apostates. In this controversy, Bradford had been employed by Keith; and the wrath of the more mimerous party, which ])roved to he Keith's adversaries, falling on the printer, he fied and removed his mischievous engine to New York. Bradford was soon after employed by the corporation to print the city laws, and, in 172.5, printed the first newspaper that appeared in New York. In the same year, (1692,) Bartholomew Green established himself in Boston as* 216 Fletcher's administration. collect, the opponents, accusers, judges, and condemners of Leis- ler. Ingoldsby acted as governour until Fletcher's arrival, and then appears 'to have been commander of the military. Sloughter, Ingoldsby and Fletcher, appear to have been sent out merely because they were soldiers who were to be advanced ; and Benjamin Fletcher was even more unfit for the ruler of a province, if possible, than his immediate predecessors. He fell into the hands of the aristocratick party, and adopted their views. The mayor and corporation, resolved on " a treat," to the value " of ^20," to welcome Governour Fletcher. The assembly was in session, and voted an address of thanks to the king for the warlike store which the governour brought to the province ; and the coun- cil, though rejoicing in the accession of strength which an ignorant and violent governour brought them, found it convenient from some private reasons, to remove two of the former members, Joseph Dudley and William Pinhorne : they were succeeded by Caleb Heathcote and John Young. Dudley was likewise excluded from the bench, where he sat as chief justice, and William Smith placed thereon. In the address to the king, from the assembly, they represented the necessity for aid against Canada. They said the province was so diminished by former grants, that it consisted of but " a very few towns and villages," and that the number of men fit to bear arms was less than 3000, " and all reduced to great poverty." Fletcher is represented by William Smith, in his history of New York, as a man of strong passions and inconsiderable talents, very active, and equally avaricious. His desires prompted him to require an independant salary from the people, as well as the dis- posal of the public money granted for specific purposes. His in- structions caused him to press for the establishment of episcopal ministers, and the introduction of the English church by every possible means. printer. He was the son of Samuel Green, who arrived with Winthrop in 1638. Bar- tholomew printed the first newspaper. It was issued on the 17th of April, 1704, on a half sheet of />o< /;fl/;fr. In this year, likewise, was huilt, in New York, the old Dutch Church, in Garden street, "the street adjoining the garden of Alderman Johannes Kip." The street has existed as Exchange Place, has heen burnt in the fire of lOth and 17th l)eceml)er, 18;?5, is now reliuilding, and retains the name of Exchange Place. The ground for this church was given by Siunuel Bayard, in *160l, to three persons, in trust, for a cluirch and burying grouiul, in perpetuity. Since the above mentioned fire, the prescuit trustees have sold it to merchants for building lots, for $1500,000. The descendants of the old Dutch families see their fathers' bones tossed into the street and sticking out from the sides of a newly dug cellar. We see so many proofs of the folly of supposing that the remains of men can be suffered to resti« any place, that it is only wonderful that we should cherish the filial hope. Who can expect to be left undisturbed in death after the opening of the pyramids? There is built, in 1H37, a "Temple," at the north east corner of Murray and Church streets, by the congregation of the Garden street church. CALEB IIEATHCOTB. 217 I will pause to give some notice of the Caleb Heathcote, who became at this time one of the governour's, or his majesty's coun- cil. He was a judge, and a colonel of militia. The name of George Heathcote appears among the inhabitants of New York in 1G7G, and his property is rated at £2doQ, which placed him as one of the rich of the time. Gaorgj died unmarried, and his property devolved to Caleb. Tradidon says, that the father of Caleb was a man of fortune, and mayor of Chester, in England ; but Caleb had two brothers born before him, who, probably, one or both, inherited the father's estate ; both procured titles, and found- ed families well known in England. The oldest brother was Sir Gilbert Heathcote, the founder and first president of the bank of England, and lord mayor of London. Caleb, the youngest, had formed a matrimonial engagement with a lady of great beauty, but unfortunately took his elder brother, Gilbert, to see his intended wife. Gilbert was struck with the lady's beauty, and supplanted his brother, who sought refuge with his uncle in New York, married a daughter of " Tangier Smith,"* of Long Island, and became a distinguished man in our history. He was a sincere Episcopalian, and prob-ibly seconded from principle, the views which Fletcher advocated from interest, and in obedience to his ordprs. Heath- cote, in his military capacity, had command of the West Riding, on Long Island, and in one of his letters gives this account of his method of " converdng," as my friend Doctor De Kay, from whom I have the extract, says, " military into religious exercises." The colonel came to America in JG92, as I gather from this letter, which is dated in 1704-, and he must have had both influ- ence and fortune, to have attained a seat in the council the first year of his arrival. He writes thus — " 1 shall begin the history of the church from the time I first came among them, which was about twelve years ago. I found it the most rude and heathenish country I ever saw in my whole life, which called themselves Christians, there not being so much as the least marks or footsteps of religion of any sort. Sundays were only times set apart by them for all manner of vain sports and lewd diversion, and they were grown to such a degree of rudeness, that it was intolerable. I having then command of the militia, sent an order to all the cap- tains, requiring them to call their men under arms, and to acquaint them, that in case they would not in every town agree among them- selves to appoint readers, and to pass the Sabbath in the best man- ner Uiey could, till such times as they should be better provided, that the captains should every Sunday call their companies under * Smith was so called, from having been goveruour of Tangier, and lo distin- guish him from " BiiU Smith," aiul ail other Smiths. VOL. I. 28 218 WARS BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND IROQUOIS. arms, and spend the day in exercise. Whereupon, it was unani- mously agreed on diroughout the country, to make choice of readers, which they accordingly did, and continued in those me- thods for some time." This was a mild and ins-enious mode of propagating the gospel by aid of the bayonet.* Fletcher showed his good sense in following the advice of coun- cil, and seeking a knowledge of the Iroquois, and of the danger in which the frontier stood from the activity and talents of Count Frontignac, the governoiir of Canada, from Peter Schuyler, the mayor of Albany, to whom the Five Nations looked, as to a father, and who had shown on various occasions that he was fit to guide their counsels and lead them in battle. The governour had capacity enough to see that Schuyler had the knowledge of which he was deficient ; that he was a man on whom he could rely ; and he followed his counsels in regard to the French and the Iroquois. Fletcher had repaired to Albany in the autumn, and by Schuyler's direction, confirmed the Indians in their alliance with New York, and distributed the usual presents. He advanced the colonel to be of his majesty's council, but he still remained as the chief magistrate of Albany, where Ingoldsby was stationed as commander of the troops and fort. The Iroquois not only guarded the province of New York from the French, and diminished the colony of Canada by frequent in- roads destructive to the population and settlements ; but they stopped that great plan of the French court, by which a chain of forts and garrisons was to unite the St. Lawrence with the Missis- sippi — Canada with Louisiana. It was, as has been mentioned, thought, that to remove this nuisance which destroyed Canada and shut the French power from the great Lakes, the English province of New York must be subdued, and then the Iroquois must be extirpated or made to aid the great designs of France. Accord- ingly, the plan was entrusted to Frontignac for its execution. A fleet sufficient to reduce the city of New York, was to be sent to hover in the vicinity, until the Count having taken Albany, should approach the devoted city, and thus die province become French. * This Col. Caleb Heathcote built at Marmaroneck, and Madame Knight, in her journey from Boston to New York, in the year 1704, speaks of passing the residence of Col. Heathcote, who. she says, she was tokl was "a very fine geniJenien." He was lord of the manor of 8carsdale, in Westchester county, and left two daughters, co-heiresses: one married Doctor Johnson, of Perth Amboy, the friend and corres- pondent of Grotius, and the other married Lieutenant-Governoiir James De Lancey. Through the Smiths of Tiingiers, a daughter of which family he married, the name of Heathcote passed into the Wooisey family; through Governour De Lancy, to the present Rev. Dr. VV. Heathcote De Lancey, of Philadelphia, and Heathcote Johnson, who died unmarried in London. Much of this information I derived from my friend, James Fennimore Cooper, who married a daughter of Colonel De Lancey, of Heathcote Hill, in Westchester. WARS BETWEEN THE KKENCH AND IROQUOIS. 219 In the meantime, Frontignac did not remit his efforts against the Iroquois, and they under a chief called by the English, " Black Ketde," and by Charlevoix, " Chaudure Noire,'' (better soundirg, though meaning the same thing,) made a descent upon the neigh- bourhood of Montreal, and ravaged the open country ; the French not being in force to leave their ibrtified places. Frontignac, how- ever, pushed on a detachment in pursuit of the invaders, and they were overtaken on their return. A desperate battle ensued. It appears Uiat the French threw a part of their men between the Indians and their return-path : they, however, fought their way through, with the loss of twenty vvarriours. The Canadian troops lost four officers, and a proportionate number of soldiers ; but re- tained five men, nine women, and five children, as prisoners. But a few days after this rencontre, a party of Iroquois appeared below Montreal, and cut off a captain's command, killing the officer and many of his men. Frontignac, as if to terrify the savages, or to gratify his rage and disposition to cruelty, condemned two of the Iroquois prisoners to be burnt alive. The Jesuits v/aited on the captives, condemned by the civilized governour of Canada to die at the stake, and in- structed them in the mysteries of Christianity. " They preached to them," says Colden, " the Trinity, the incarnation of our Saviour, the joys of paradise, and the punishments of hell, to fit their souls for lieaven by biptism, while tlieir bodies were condemned to tor- ments." The Indians answered by singing their death song. It was said that one of the captives found a knife in his dungeon and despatched himself. This was certainly not characteristick of the people. The other was delivered to the converted Indians, who led him to the stake a)id put him to the torture, according to the practice of their former pagan state. The devoted victim sang his triumphs — defied his tormentors, and boasted of the Frenchmen he had slain. They mangled his flesh — cut his joints — twisted his sinews with bars of iron — tore off his scalp, and poured boiling hot sand on his skull — and it is said, he only received the coup de grace by the intercession of the intendant's lady ; which ended this shameful exhibition, ordered by a French general, executed by what were called christian In- dians, and witnessed by the most civilized people of Europe. 1693 On the i5th of January, 1093, die governour of Canada having projected an expedidon against the Mohawks, sent a body of six hundred men, provided with snow shoes, and accom- panied by light sledges made of skins, and drawn by dogs, to carry their stores. Three captains of the king's regular troops, with thirty subalterns, led picked soldiers. The whole were equipped for a march over frozen lakes, and a wilderness shining with ice and snow- On the 8th of February they passed Schenectady, and 220 WARS BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND IROQUOIS. although a prisoner taken at the destruction of that place in 1690, escaped from them, and carried intelligence of the hostile march ; no warning, the Jesuit historian says, was sent to the Mohawk castles ; a friendly act, which might have been done on the soudi side of the river, as the French advanced on the north. On the night of the Sth of February, after a march of twenty- four days, suffering incredible hardships, the French, with their Canadians and Indians, entered the first Mohawk village, nearest Schenectady. The warriours were all abroad, and only five males were found with the women and children. The second Mohawk castle was easily surprised and entered, being as defenceless as the first. The third castle was the largest, and, being farthest from their friends of Schenectady, was the strongest. Forty warriours were here dancing their war-dance, preparatory to sallying forth in pursuit of battle and scalps the next day. The French had entered the gate of the village unperceived ; but notwithstanding this ad- vantage, and the confusion of an unexpected night assault, the In- dians resisted, and slew thirty of the assailants. Many of the Mohawks were killed, and 300 men, women and children, made prisoners. The complaints were loud that Schenectady had not sent either intelligence or help. Charlevoix says, that in their retreat the French murdered the women and children of the Mohawks, and were pursued by the Oneidas ; that his countrymen finally disbanded ; lost their pris- oners ; and that the wreck of the detachment reached Montreal in March following. As soon as the news of this attack upon the Mohawks reached Albany, Peter Schuyler mustered what Ibrce he could and march- ed to Schenectady. From thence he sent out scouts : and having increased his armed men to 200, he marched in pursuit of the French on the 12th of February. He soon heard that 600 of the Iroquois were on the way for the same purpose. These, I pre- sume, were the Oneidas, of whom Charlevoix speaks. Schuyler waited for the Indians, who amounted when they joined him to only 250 " men and boys, all armed." His whole force on the 15th of February, was 290 New Yorkers, and 2-50 Indians. The white troops had no provisions but biscuit? carried in their pockets. The Indians were probably quite as destitute, but more hardened to starvation. The French finding that they were pursued, sent one of their scouts to join Schuyler, under pretence of desertion ; this spy magnified the force of the Canadian army ; said they had thrown up a fortification and awaited the pursuers, in an advantageous position. Schuyler sent a message to Ingoldsby,who commanded the king's troops at Albany, desiring him to send a reinforcement of troops WARS BETWEEN THE FUEN'CH AND IROQUOIS. 221 and provisions ; this done, he immediately pushed forward, and soon found that he approached the enemy, who had thrown up a defence of logs for their main body, and posted their Indians to receive the advance of the pursuers. The mayor of Albany made a circuit to avoid ambuscades, and soon the Indians of both parties had raised their war shouts and were engaged. The French party at first gained an advantage, and the regidar troops sallying fiom their redoubt, attacked Schuyler furiously, but were repulsed with loss. The Iroquois bore off heads and scalps in triumph : but Schuyler, some of whose men had not eaten for two days, found it necessary to form a redoubt of trees and await reinforcements from Albany, for which he pressed by repeated messengers. The French took advantage of a snow storm to retreat. Eighty men arrived from Albany, not led by Ingoldsby, but a Captain INIathews ; on their arrival, Schuyler recommenced the pursuit as soon as liis troops had been refreshed by the food vv-hich Mathews, who led the van, had brouc;ht. Schuyler had tlie prospect of overtaking the foe before they cotdd cross the Hudson, which he knew to be open, a very uncommon occurrence in February ; but the French, on arriving at the river, found a bridge, formed by some floating cakes of ice which had ac- cidentally choked up the stream and were joined temporarily to- gether. On this they crossed, and the bridge floated off before Schuyler could follow. Giving over the pursuit he returned, bearing the rescued priso- ners and his wounded men. Twenty-seven of the French, of whom four were officers, were found dead on the field. Schuyler, on going among his Iroquois allies, found them feasting on broth, of which he was invited to partake. They were regaling themselves on the dead bodies of their enemies. The French, as mentioned above, dispersed, in a state of famine ; and, in March, the remains of the army entered Montreal, the strongest arriving first, with all the symptoms of discomfiture and rout. An express had been sent to Fletcher, who immediately called out the militia of New York, of whom three hundred men volun- teered to follow him in pursuit of the invaders. The river being free from ice, with three sloops, the governour and his troops arrived at Albany in three days.* His prompjtude, and the extraordinary circumstance of free navigation of the Hudson in February, gained Fletcher great credit. The Iroquois called him "the Arrow." His • Chief Justice Smith, in a note says, "the climate of late days is much altered, and this day (February 14th, 1/58.) 300 recruits sailed from New York for the army, under the command of General Shirley, now quartered at Albany, and last jear a sloop went up the river a month earlier," that is, the 14th of January, 1755. 222 Fletcher's administiiation. expedition, however, was useless, as Schuyler was on his return from the chase. The Assembly, upon Fletcher's return to New York, compli- mented him for iiis exertions on this occasion, not only by thanks, but by raising and placing at his disposal, i'GOOO, for a year's pay of three hundred volunteers, and their officers, for the defence of the frontiers. Complaints were afterwards made by those volunteers that they did not receive their wages. At this session, the governour pressed uj)on the Assembly the settling of schoolmasters, to teach English, and ministers of the Episcopal Church. The House was attached to the Dutch lano-uao-e, and considered the Dutch Church as secured by the articles of surrender. Fletcher's council were as decidedly opposed to Fresbytereanism, as were his instructions ; some of these gentlemen not the less because it was the creed of the Leislerian party ; others, as Col. Caleb Heathcote, because of real attachment to the English Church. The governour told the Assembly, at the close of the session, that notwithstanding his recommendation, they had done nothing in this business, and bade them reinember that insured of the privi- leges of Englishmen, of which they were so ready to talk, they provided not for the religion of the Church of England. Count Fronti