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THE LIFE 



OF 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN 





ytMCei^iyi^^^)~-K^yt.^S> 



f^r . ~ 



THE LIFE 



OF 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN 



WITH SELECTIONS FROM 



HIS CORRESPONDENCE AND SPEECHES. 



EDITED BY HIS DAUGHTER, • 

MRS. CHAPMAN COLEMAN. 



IN TWO VOLUMES. 



VOL. I. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 
1871. 



A^ 



^%<X^ 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1871, by 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO., 
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 



r 



I DEDICATE 

TO MY GRANDSONS WHO BEAR THE NAME OF 

JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 

hoping that this record of a noble life may inspire them to 
unselfish patriotism and acts of love and kindness. 

"may all the ends they aim at be their country's, their 

god's, and truth's."* 

* " May all the ends thou aimest at be thy country's, thy God's, and truth's," were 
among the last words spoken by Mr. Crittenden, and they are engraved upon his tomb. 



PREFACE. 



TT may not seem appropriate that the life of so great and 
good a man as Mr, Crittenden should be written by the 
feeble hand of a woman. There was, however, danger in delay, 
as many of the records necessary for such a work were being 
lost or obliterated. The consciousness of this fact impelled me 
to the effort I have made, and now submit to the public. My 
heart has failed me many times since I commenced the work, 
but I have been again encouraged by words of cheer and kindly 
interest from more than one who knew and loved my father. 

Many distinguished men make preparation, during their lives, 
for handing down their names and reputation to posterity, Mr. 
Crittenden had repeiated applications, from persons acquainted 
with political events, and capable of writing his life, for infor- 
mation necessary for that purpose, but he always declined. I 
heard him say once, in reply to such a request, " I have promised 
a friend that if there should be anything in my poor life worthy 
of record, he shall record it," The name of that friend I have 
never been able to ascertain. My purpose has been to let my 
father speak for himself through his letters and public speeches, 
only endeavoring to link together these scattered fragments, 
and give such recollections of early days in Kentucky as would 
have interest in connection with him in his social and political 
life. Of the mass of letters in my possession, addressed to him 
during forty years of his public life, I have selected such as I 
thought would have a general interest, being in themselves his- 
torical, — a partial history of the times, and characteristic of the 
eminent men who adorned them. I have also ventured to in- 

( vii ) 



viii PREFACE. 



troduce a number of family letters. It has always seemed to 
me that a man's character, his "heart of hearts," is most surely 
displayed by such letters. My father was not a demonstrative 
man in his daily intercourse, most certainly he was not demon- 
strative in his family circle, but his letters to his wife and chil- 
dren are the exponents of his grand, simple, and loving nature. 
I have but few of his political letters; my application to distin- 
guished men, or their executors, for his replies to their letters 
now in my possession, have been almost in vain. His corre- 
spondence with Governor Letcher, Orlando Brown, and A. T. 
Burnley, I have been fortunate enough to secure. He con- 
sidered Governor Letcher the "prince of correspondents," and I 
have thought it best to publish many of his letters, as they 
give, in a familiar form, the views of a man of great discern- 
ment and inimitable humor. This correspondence alone is in 
fact almost a political history of Kentucky during the time 
which it embraces. 

These volumes contain a statement of Mr. Crittenden's views 
and position on all the important questions before Congress 
from 1 8 19 to 1863, and extracts from many of his speeches. 
This seemed to me to be the only mode of doing him justice, 
and placing his opinions as a statesman beyond the reach of 
controversy. 



CONTENTS OF VOL. T: 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGE 

Birth— Parentage— Education— Study of the Law— Admission to the Bar- 
Appointed Attorney-General of the Territory of Illinois by Ninian Ed- 
wards—Appointed Aide-de-Camp by General Shelby, in 1813, for the 
Campaign into Canada— Letters from Chancellor George M. Bibb, Gen- 
eral Samuel Hopkins, General Shelby— Anecdote of his Legal Practice 
in Logan City ^ 

CHAPTER II. 

Elected to the House of Representatives of Kentucky from Logan County— ^ 
Made Speaker of the House— Marriage— Children— Letter from Mr. Clay^ 
on the Death of his First Wife— Woodford County Courts— CriniHKtl Trials 
—Canvassing in Kentucky— Preston Blair I9 

CHAPTER III. 

Letters— Elected to the Senate in 1 817— His Maiden Speech— Extract from 
Speech on Sedition Laws— Settling Controversies between States— Sale 
of Public Lands— Resignation of Seat in Senate— House in Frankfort- 
Letters ■^ 

CHAPTER IV. 

Old and New Court Question— Commission to settle the Boundary Line be- 
tween Tennessee and Kentucky— Ferguson's Defeat— General Shelby- 
Letters 

CHAPTER V. 
Letters— Jackson and Adams— Letters— Appointed, in 1827, United States 
Attorney for Kentucky— Removed by General Jackson— Nominated by 
President Adams to the Supreme Court— Letter of Mr. C. to a Friend, 
written from College of William and Mary 60 

CHAPTER VI. 

- Xongratulations— Testimonials of Confidence— Invitation to " Old Logan"— 

Letters— Criminal Trial in Frankfort 7° 

(ix) 



45 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. 

PAGE 

Letters— Appointed Secretary of State in Kentucky in 1834— Letters— Ben- 
ton's Resolutions as to Fortification— Letters 86 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Mr. Webster's Visit to the West— Anecdote told by Mr. Evarts— Letters 95 

CHAPTER IX. 
Admission of Michigan— Purchasing Madison Papers— Letters 106 

CHAPTER X. 

Great Southwestern Convention — Letter of Archbishop Spalding — Compli- 
mentary Resolutions of the Board of Trustees of the Second Presbyterian 
Church in Baltimore as to the Trial of R. J. Breckenridge — Letters 119 

CHAPTER XL 
Pension to Hannah Leighton — Pre-emption and Distribution — Letters 133 

CHAPTER XII. 

Appointed Attorney-General of the United States by General Harrison — Mr. 
McLeod's Trial for the Burning of the Steamer Caroline — Papers relating 
to this Trial — Judicial Opinion as Attorney-General on Allowance of 
Interest on Claims against the United States 149 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Letters from Clay, R. Johnson, R. P. Letcher — Crittenden's Letter of Resigna- 
tion of his Place in the Cabinet of J. Tyler — Letter of G. E. Badger — 
Letters of Crittenden to Letcher 159 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Tlic Loan Bill — Apportionment Bill — Letter of James Buchanan to R. P. 

Letcher — Letters of Letcher, Clay, and Crittenden 174 

CHAPTER XV. 
I-etters of Crittenden, Clay, Letcher, and Webster l8c 

CHAPTER XVI. 
Lcttcs of General Winfield Scott, of Webster, Clay, Crittenden, and Letcher. 201 

CHAPTER XVII. 
Lcticrtof Crittenden, Letcher, Clay, Buchanan, etc. etc 213 



CONTENTS. xi 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

PAGE 

Admission of Texas — Oregon — Letter to his Wife — Discussion in the Senate 

with Allen— Letter of W. B. Leigh 227 

CHAPTER XIX. 

President's Message — Mexican War — Letters of Crittenden, Letcher, Scott, 
A. Butler — Duties on Imports — Bill for an Independent Constitutional 
Sub-treasuiy — Letter from General Scott to W. L. Marcy — The Secre- 
tary's Reply — Letter of General Taylor to Mr. Crittenden, written at 
Camargo, September 15, 1S46— General Scott to Mr. Crittenden — Gen- 
eral Scott to General Taylor , 241 

CHAPTER XX. 

Letters of Baillie Peyton and General Scott — Bill in Senate for increased Pay 
of Soldiers and Volunteers — Letter of General Worth from Saltillo — 
Letter of G. B. Kinkead, and Crittenden's Reply 259 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Letter of General Taylor to Mr. Crittenden from Monterey, Mexico— Reply 
of Mr. Crittenden — Letter of James E. Edwards to Crittenden — W^ebster 
to Crittenden — Letter of Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, inclosing J. L. 
White's Letter to Mr. Clay , 270 

CHAPTER XXII. 

In Senate, February 3, 1847 — Thanks to General Taylor — Relief for the 
Suffering of Ireland — Letter from Crittenden to Burnley — Defense of 
Mr. Clay — Letter from J. A. Pendleton — The Allison Letter — Letter 
from A. Stephens to Mrs. Coleman on the Subject of the Allison Letter 
— Crittenden to O. Brown 284 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

In Senate — Resolutions tendering Congratulations to the People of France 
by the United States upon the adoption of a Republic — Supreme Court 
Bill — Letter of Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, loth of April, 1848, an- 
nouncing his Intention of being a Candidate for the Presidency — Critten- 
den's Reply to Clay — Crittenden to his Son George — Dinner to Mr. 
Crittenden, given in Washington, at the time he left the Senate and 
became Governor of Kentucky 297 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Great Whig Meeting at Pittsburg — Crittenden's Speech — Letter of Tom Clay — 
Letter of General Taylor to Crittenden from New Orleans — Crittenden's 
canvassing for Office of Governor — Debate with Powell — Letter to Orlando 
Brown 306 



^- CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



PAGE 



Letter of Crittenden to Burnley— Abbott Lawrence to Crittenden— Letter of 
Mr. Clay to James Lynch, A. H. Bradford, etc., as to the Presidency— 
\V. P. Gentry to Crittenden- A. H. Stephens to Crittenden— Crittenden to 
Moses Grinnell— Part of Gov. Crittenden's First Message to the Kentucky 
Legislature— R. Toombs to J. J. Crittenden 322 

CHAPTER XXVL 

Letters— J. Collamer to Crittenden— Jefferson Davis to Crittenden— Critten- 

den to O. Brown— John M. Clayton to Crittenden 337 

CHAPTER XXVn. 

Letters from J. Collamer, Crittenden, and Letcher— Extracts from Crittenden's 
Message to the Legislature of Kentucky in 1849 — Letters of Crittenden 
to Letcher and Thomas Metcalf. 34^ 

. CHAPTER XXVin. 

Letter of Charles S. Morehead — R. Toombs to Crittenden — Letters of Critten- 
den to Letcher 361 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

Letter of Crittenden to his Daughter Mrs. Coleman — Entered the Cabinet of 
Mr. Fillmore, as Attorney-General, in 1850 — Judicial Opinion as to the 
Constitutionality of the Fugitive Slave Law — Eulogy upon Judge McKin- 
ley in Supreme Court — Letters 376 



LIFE 



OF 



John J. Crittende 



N, 



CHAPTER I. 
1787-1811. 

Birth — Parentage — Education — Study of the Law — Admission to the Bar — 
Appointed Attorney-General of the Territory of IIHnois by Ninian Edwards — 
Appointed Aide-de-Camp by General Shelby, in 181 3, for the Campaign into 
Canada — Letters from Chancellor George M. Bibb, General Samuel Hopkins, 
General Shelby— Anecdote of his Legal Practice in Logan City. 

JOHN JORDAN CRITTENDEN was born in Woodford 
County, Kentucky, on the loth of September, 1787, and 
died at Frankfort, on the 26th of July, 1863. His father, John 
Crittenden, who held the rank of major during the Revolu- 
tionary War, was a farmer of moderate means. He was killed 
by the fall of a tree, and left a family of four sons and three 
daughters. His ancestry on the father's side were Welsh, and 
his mother was a descendant of French Huguenots. 

Mr. Crittenden was sent from home to school in 1803-4, in 
Jessamine County, Kentucky. ' J. J. Marshall, T. A. Marshall, J. 
Cabell Breckenridge, Hubbard Taylor, Francis P. Blair, etc. 
were among his schoolmates. Every one of these men became 
distinguished in after-life. I think this could have been no 
accidental coincidence ; their teacher must have had much to 
do with the rich development of character and intellect which 
made of these boys both great and good men: his name should 
be known and his memory honored. One of these gentlemen 
told me that Mr. Crittenden's delight in the study of the 
Latin language, and his facility in mastering it, was a subject 
of surprise and comment among his companions, and they 
believed that his own natural powers of eloquence were greatly 
aided by his study of Cicero's works. 

(13) 



^^ LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. Crittenden's cotemporaries in his own State were most 
remarkable men; it was indeed a proud honor to be distin- 
guished among such brilHant competitors. The names of 
Jesse Bledsoe, Robert and Charles Wickliffe, John Pope, John 
Rowan, John Boyle, Ben Hardin, Richard Menifee, John Adair, 
William T. Barry, Robert Letcher, Governor Metcalf, F. Grundy, 
and Joseph H. Davis will live in history. 

These men were educated in the wilds of Kentucky, — " the 
dark and bloody ground." There was then but little social 
intercourse, even between the neighboring States, books and 
schools were scarce, — in fact, it was not possible to obtain the 
accessories and advantages now considered indispensable to a 
finished education ; and yet as lawyers, as politicians, as orators, 
they were unsurpassed. I have heard it stated that the Ken- 
tucky bar was at that time superior to the bar of any other 
State. This was, perhaps, attributable to the fact that every 
acre of ground in tlie State was covered over by conflicting 
law-claims. In social life, these men were full of originality of 
wit and humor, and although differing widely on legal and 
State questions, each one of them was the personal friend of 
Mr. Crittenden. He was a man of strong and ardent feelings, 
but his opponents were invariably met by him with a marked 
courtesy. 

Mr. Crittenden commenced the study of the law under 
the judicious and kind counsel of Judge G. M. Bibb, — in fact, 
he was a member of Judge Bibb's family, residing at this time 
near Lexington, Kentucky. He completed his law studies at 
the ancient college of William and Mary, in Virginia, and com- 
menced the practice of law in 1807 in his native county of 
Woodford, Kentucky. He did not continue there many years, 
however, but removed to Russellville, in Logan County, this 
l<.>cation seeming to offer more inducements to promising and 
enterprising young men than (what was then considered) the 
old .settled part of the State. 

Soon, by his attention to business, his eloquence and ability, 
he obtained a good and lucrative practice, and inspired the 
entire community with confidence in his sincerity and honesty 
of purpose, and whenever he chose to be a candidate for 
any office in his native State, he was elected without diffi- 



LETTER FROM GEORGE M. BIBB. 15 

culty. In 1809 he was appointed attorney-general of the 
Territory of lUinois, by Ninian Edwards, then governor of the 
Territory, and in 18 10 he received a commission as aide-de- 
camp from Governor Edwards. 

In 181 1- 1 2, Mr, Crittenden was elected to the Kentucky legis- 
lature, and during an intermission between his public duties and 
the courts he dashed over to Illinois and acted as volunteer 
aide to General Hopkins, in an expedition against the Indians. 
The same year he was appointed aide-de-camp, by Governor 
Charles Scott, in the first division of the militia of Kentucky. 

In 181 3 he was selected by Governor Shelby as an "aide- 
de-camp," and associated with Adair and Barry in the cam- 
paign into Canada. He took part in the battle of the Thames, 
where, under Generals Harrison and Shelby, the British under 
General Proctor were captured, the Indian force defeated and 
dispersed, and the Northwest Territory, which had been" lost by 
Hull's surrender of Detroit, was recovered. His conduct in the 
campaign was favorably noticed in General Harrison's report, 
who long afterwards manifested his regard and confidence in 
Mr. Crittenden by appointing him attorney-general in 1841, 
this being the only cabinet appointment Mr. C. was ever willing 
to accept. 

(Hon. George M. Bibb to John J. Crittenden.) 

Senate Chamber, April 16, 1812. 

Dear John, — We have been waiting for a respectable force to 
be embodied. The Kentuckians are impatient. Congress firm ; 
their ultimate acts will not disappoint the expectations of a 
brave people, determined to be free and independent. The 
truth is, the Secretary of the War Department is too imbecile ; he 
has neither the judgment to concert, the firmness to preserve, 
nor the vigor to execute any plans of military operations ; his 
want of arrangement and firmness is now so apparent, that he 
cannot longer remain at the head of the War Department. The 
President and majority in Congress have already suffered much 
by having such a man in that position. He must be dismissed 
by the President, or an inquiry of some kind, touching the con- 
duct of the department, will be introduced. With a proper 
minister of war we might now have been prepared for war. If 
Eustis should be removed, we could soon be ready. Expecting 
that another man will be called to direct our military arrange- 
ments, I hope that a declaration of war will be made before the 



1 6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

expiration of the period for which an embargo has been laid. I 
obtained a commission of first Heutenant for Thomas Critten- 
den ; have been informed that he will not accept. How is 
Butler coming on in his electioneering campaign ? I long to see 
him among the natives, "courting the sovereigns." Are his 
friends active ? He must be elected. We want no wavering, 
time-serving, insincere politicians here ; we have but too many 

already. 

Yours truly, George M. Bibb. 

(General Sam Hopkins to Mr. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, August 24, 1812. 

Dear Johx, — I arrived here, agreeably to the orders of his 
excellency the governor, to-day, by an express from Detroit. 
Certain it is Hull has retrograded, and is now in Detroit, sur- 
rounded by the British. He has twice attacked their post at 
Brownstown : the second attack, in which the gallant Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Miller, of the 4th United States Regiment, com- 
manded, was successful, and the enemy beaten, though the post 
was not taken. The Ohio cavalry refused to charge ; their 
provisions nearly expended, and no supplies can arrive till 
Brownstown is taken. 

Hull's situation is precarious ; the troops from Kentucky are 
on their way to relieve them, — say upwards of 2200. Michila- 
makinaw is taken, and I fear Chicago has met the same fate ; 
in fine, everything in that quarter is gloomy. To-morrow a 
council, consisting of Messrs. Clay, Johnson, Governors Scott, 
Shelby, Harrison, and myself, are to meet and consult upon the 
best means of defending the country. 

The Indians are not friends. This reverse will no doubt 
settle them hostile. Ten other articles could be recounted I 
hate — I can't be the author of anj-thing worse, yet I fear I have 
worse to tell you the next opportunity. 

Yours truly, Sam Hopkins. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Frankfort, August 20, 18 13. 
Di-AR Sir,— Your favor of the fifteenth has been duly re- 
ceived. I liad been casting my mind about, for a day or two 
past, for my second aide-de-camp. Among others, you had 
passeil through my mind, but I feared that the distance between 
us and the short time I had to make my arrangements, would 
not aflord me an opportunity to address you on this subject. 
Having, however, received your letter, expressing your willing- 
ness ami desire to be one of my family on the present campaign, 
I embrace the earliest opportunity to assure you that you shall 



CAPTAIN OF AN ARTILLERY COMPANY. ly 

be my second aide-de-camp. General John Adair is already- 
appointed the first. 

I shall, therefore, look out for no other gentleman to fill that 
station, and beg you will be so good as to acknowledge the 
receipt of this letter, and apprise me of your determination by 
the returning mail. I shall forward a duplicate of this letter 
to Bowling Green, to guard against possible disappointment 
should you have left that neighborhood. 

I have the honor to be, most respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

Isaac Shelby. 

Camp at Limestone, November 2, 1813. 

Major J. J. Crittenden having acted as my second aide-de- 
camp on the late expedition into Canada, I cannot, in justice to 
his merits or my own feelings, take leave of him without ex- 
pressing my warmest approbation of his whole conduct during 
the campaign, and the great obligations I feel for the attach- 
ment shown to my person, and the zeal and promptitude with 
which he always executed my orders, particularly so in the 
battle of the fifth of October last, on the river French. 

Given under my hand, Isaac Shelby. . 

A number of young men in Russellville, Kentucky, raised 
and equipped a volunteer artillery company, in 18 16, of which 
Mr. Crittenden was selected captain ; he was commissioned as 
captain by Governor Shelby, and attached to the 23d Regi- 
ment of militia on the i8th of May, 18 16. This company 
continued its organization under successive captains until the 
late war. Many years after Mr. Crittenden removed to Frank- 
fort, he visited Tennessee, and returned home by the way of 
Russellville. The morning he was to start home, this old com- 
pany paraded before the door and informed him that they 
intended to escort him some distance, with banners flying and 
drums beating. Mr. Crittenden, who was a modest man and 
always shrank from anything like exhibition or display, was, at 
' first, very reluctant to be made so conspicuous ; he soon re- 
covered himself, however, and, after this flattering and touch- 
ing attention, he parted with his old comrades of the com- 
pany with heartfelt thanks. Only a day or two before his 
death, one of the members of this old Logan County com- 
mand was seated by his bedside, when suddenly his mind re- 

VOL. I. 2 



1 8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

verted to those far-off times, and he asked about the company 
and the name of some member whom he had partially forgotten. 

There are, perhaps, people now living in Logan County, 
Kentucky, who remember Judge Broadnax. He was a stately, 
high-toned Virginia gentleman, who dressed in shorts, silk 
stockings, and top-boots ; he had an exalted sense of the dig- 
nity of the court, and a great contempt for meanness, rascality, 
and all low rowdyism, Mr. Crittenden used to describe, in his 
most inimitable manner, a scene which took place in the court- 
room, in Logan, where Judge Broadnax presided. A man had 
been indicted for biting off another man's ear, in a street brawl. 
This was a penitentiary offense, and Mr. Crittenden was engaged 
to defend the prisoner. 

Judge Broadnax was a warm friend and admirer of Mr. 
Crittenden, but he railed at him fiercely for taking fees of such 
low rascals. The judge was, at heart, an aristocrat. 

Li this case, after great difficulty and delay, eleven jurymen 
had been obtained. Many respectable-looking men had been 
summoned, and rejected by the counsel for the prisoner, and 
both the judge and sheriff were much exasperated. At last an 
ill-looking fellow, with a tattered straw hat on his head, half 
the brim being torn off, a piece of his nose gone, and his face 
bearing many other evidences of drunken brawls, was brought 
in. After looking at him a moment and asking him a few 
questions, Mr. Crittenden said, "Well, judge, rather than be 
the cause of any viore dclaj, I'll take this man." 

The judge, who had been looking on angrily, could no longer 
control himself He sprang to his feet, exclaiming, " I knew 
it ; yes, I knew it ! — the moment I laid my eyes on the fellow I 
knew you would accept him." Then, taking a contemptuous 
survey of the jury, he exclaimed, aloud, " Did any living man 
ever see such a jury before ?" 

Mr. Crittenden quietly replied, " Why, your Honor, I pro- 
nounce this a most respectable jury." 

After that speech of the judge, Mr. Crittenden said his mind 
was at case about his client; he knew he would be acquitted, 
and he was. 



CHAPTER II. 
1811-1814. 

Elected to the House of Representatives of Kentucky from Logan County — Made 
Speaker of the House — Marriage — Children — Letter from Mr. Clay on the Death 
of his First Wife — Woodford County Courts — Criininal Trials — Canvassing in 
Kentucky — Preston Blair. 

WHEN Mr. Crittenden was first elected to the House of 
Representatives from Logan County, Kentucky, he 
took his wife to her brother-in-law's, Mr. Sam. Wallace, in 
Woodford, Kentucky. From this point he rode to Frankfort 
on horseback, and was joined on the way by an old gentleman. 
They were utter strangers, but conversed pleasantly together, 
and when they reached Frankfort they separated, not even 
knowing each other's names. 

The House met the next day, and, after some other nomina- 
tions had been made, the same old gentleman, Mr. Paine, of 
Fayette, nominated J. J. Crittenden, of Logan County, for 
Speaker of the House. Mr. Crittenden rose and protested 
against the nomination in a modest but impressive speech, and 
positively declined the honor. Mr. Paine replied that the 
jspeech itself removed all doubt as to the expediency of electing 
Mr. Crittenden. He persisted in his nomination, and Mr. Crit- 
tenden was unanimously chosen Speaker. 

In 181 1, Mr. Crittenden was married to Sallie O. Lee, 
daughter of Major John Lee, of Woodford County. Major Lee 
was a descendant of Hancock Lee, the elder branch of the same 
family from which General R. E. Lee descended. 

Mrs. Crittenden died in 1824, leaving three sons and four 
daughters, — George, Thomas, and Robert, Ann Mary, Cornelia, 
Eugenia, and Maria. The eldest son was a graduate of West 
Point: he became a colonel in the Federal army, resigned during 

(19) 



20 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



the late war, and served for a time as major-general in the Con- 
federate army. 

Thomas L. Crittenden was aid to General Taylor in the battle 
of Buena Vista. He was afterwards sent by General Taylor as 
consul to Liverpool. He entered the army during the late war, 
and was promoted to the rank of major-general, resigned be- 
fore the close of the war ; but soon after its close, he was again 
commissioned, with the rank of colonel. Eugenia Crittenden 
died unmarried, at the age of twenty-one. Ann Mary, the 
eldest daughter, married Chapman Coleman, of Kentucky, and 
has been a widow for twenty years. Cornelia married Rev. 
John C. Young, President of Danville College, Kentucky, and 
is now a widow. Maria Crittenden married Dr. Edward Wat- 
son, of Frankfort, Kentucky, and is also a Avidow. Robert 
Heniy, the youngest son, has always been engaged in com- 
mercial pursuits. On the occasion of Mrs. Crittenden's death, 
Mr. Crittenden received the following letter from Mr. Clay: 

Ashland, 17th September, 1824. 

Mv DEAR Sir, — Although I know how utterly unavailing are 
the condolences of friends, however sincere, and that nothing 
but time can assuage the grief which is excited by a loss so 
irreparable and afflicting as that which you have recently sus- 
tained, I cannot deny to myself the melancholy satisfaction 
of expressing to you my deepest sympathy for your heavy be- 
reavement. 

In the lamented death of Mrs. Crittenden, I do not merely 
recognize the loss of the wife of a friend, but that of a friend 
lierself I knew her, I believe, before you did, and although 
her residence in another and distant part of the State prevented 
my seeing her for many years, I never ceased to feel the respect 
and esteem for her which was inspired by my early acquaint- 
ance. Although thus early deprived of a mother's care and a 
mother's tenderness, it must be some consolation to you to 
know that your children will find their mother's place supplied, 
as far a.s that is possible, in the affections and attentions of Mrs. 
Wilkinson and Mrs. Price. 

One would be almost inclined to think that our State in 
these last years had lost divine favor ; its afflictions by death || 
liave been numerous and extreme. I have myself had a slight 
fever. 

With best wishes, I remain, faithfully, your friend, 

H. Clay. 






WOODFORD COUNTY COURTS. 21 

On the 15th of November, 1826, Mr. Crittenden married 
Mrs. Maria K. Todd, daughter of Judge Harry L. Innis, of 
Frankhn County, Kentucky; she died in 185 1, leaving two 
sons, — John J. Crittenden and Eugene. John died at the age 
of twenty-two, and Eugene is now a major in the Federal 
army. . ^ 

On the 27th of February, 1853, Mr. Crittenden married Mrs.^il«^ (xT/f J 
Elizabeth Ashley, who is now residing in New York. 3^^^5,vV/^^. 

Thinking of Mr. Crittenden's early life and its surroundings, 
I recall many curious customs in Kentucky which have, no 
doubt, passed away. At that time ladies were in the habit of 
attending criminal trials, and I have gone with them to the ad- 
joining counties for this purpose. Mr. Crittenden was born in 
Woodford County, about twelve miles from Frankfort, and the 
admiration and love cherished for him there was unsurpassed. 
Every man in that county felt that he had a sort of right in Mr. 
Crittenden, and criminals from other counties were always trying 
first to engage him to defend them, and then to have the trial 
transferred to Woodford, well knowing that a jury could scarcely 
be found in the county that could resist his arguments and 
eloquence. Indeed, there were many old men there who de- 
clared they could not conscientiously serve on the jury with 
John J. Crittenden as counsel for the prisoner ; they were so 
completely fascinated by his eye and voice that justice and the 
law were lost sight of I remember something of a famous 
trial for murder in Woodford which I will endeavor to relate. 
The name of the man who was murdered was, I think. Cole. 
Court-day is a great day in small inland towns in the W^est. 
All business to be done in the towns is, if possible, deferred until 
that day, and the plowing, planting, and reaping are stopped 
without remorse. The plow-horses are fastened to the long 
lines of fence, and the yeomanry gather in groups about the 
taverns and court-house. Any important trial brought to- 
gether the prominent speakers, and the chance of announcing 
and spreading one's opinions, by a lusty fight or two, was an 
ever-new delight. 

Mr. Cole and a friend named Gillespie, of the like calibre 
and tastes, rode into the little town of Versailles on court-day. 
Everything was propitious : they drank, played cards, and were 



23 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

merry. Late in the day they rode most amicably, side by side, 
out of Versailles, going home together. Unfortunately they 
had both cards and whisky in their pockets, and of the latter 
they partook freely. They rode slowly, and were benighted. 
Passing a dismantled log cabin by the wayside, they deter- 
mined to stop and rest, tied their horses, struck a light, and 
concluded to play "High, low, jack, and the game," and take 
a little grog from time to time, by way of refreshment, till the 
morning. 

As might have been expected, they grew quarrelsome and 
abusive. It is a short step from words to blows. Gillespie struck 
at his friend Cole with a knife, and killed him instantly. The 
sight of the blood and of the dead man, his friend from boy- 
hood, sobered him fully, and his sorrow and remorse were in- 
describable. No thought of concealment of his crime or flight 
from justice was in his heart; he sprang on his horse, and gal- 
loped to the nearest house, told his story with groans, lamenta- 
tions, and tears, and gave himself up to answer for his deed 
of blood and violence. There was, of course, no witness, the 
testimony rested upon his simple statement. Mr. Crittenden 
was employed to defend him, and he was acquitted. 

Mr. Crittenden's speech was pronounced a masterpiece of 
oratory. Almost the entire assembly was moved to sobs and 
tears ; the attempt was made to invalidate or set aside Gilles- 
pie's testimony; he acknowledged the murder, and his state- 
ment of the circumstances was the single point in his favor. 
Mr. Crittenden's reply to this effort on the part of the prose- 
cutor is all I can recall of his speech. In fact, I remember but 
the sentiment he expressed; the voice, the eloquent lip, the 
living eye, it is impossible to portray. 

" Can any man in his senses, with a throbbing heart in his 
bosom, doubt this man's testimony? No, gentlemen of the 
jur>-, the truth gushes from his burdened heart in that hour of 
agony as pure as the water from the rock when smitten by the 
luinii of the prophet." 

Mr. Crittenden seemed inspired, and his aspect and words 
carried conviction with them, not only to the sympathetic audi- 
ence, but to the stern jur\-. 

I think it was of this man Gillespie that I once heard 



CRIMINAL TRIALS. 



23 



Mr. Crittenden say, " Yes, I begged that man's life of the 
jury." 

On one occasion, when Mr. Crittenden was engaged in de- 
fending a man who had committed a capital offense, he closed 
an elaborate and powerful argument by the following beautiful 
allegory : " When God in his eternal counsel conceived the 
thought of man's creation, He called to Him the three ministers 
who wait constantly upon the throne, — jfustice, Tjiith, and 
Mercy, — and thus addressed them : ' Shall I create man ?' ' O 
God, make him not,' said Justice, ' for he will trample upon thy 
laws.' Truth said, ' Create him not, O God, for he will pollute 
thy sanctuary.' But Mercy, falling upon her knees, and looking 
up through her tears, exclaimed, ' O God, create him ; I will 
watch over him in all the dark paths which he may be forced 
to tread.' So God created man, and said to him, ' O Man, 
thou art the child of Mercy : go and deal mercifully with thy 
brother.' " 

When Mr. Crittenden closed, the jury were in tears, and, 
against evidence and their own convictions, brought in a 
verdict of " Not guilty." 

When I was about sixteen, I went with two or three other 
young girls to the house of my aunt, Mrs. Raleigh, in Ver- 
sailles, Woodford County, to attend a trial for murder. 

A young man from one of the Southern States, a student of 
Transylvania College, in Lexington, Kentucky, in a sudden 
brawl, killed one of his fellow-students. There was no charge 
of previous malice ; but the circumstances were aggravated, and 
the feeling of the community seemed against the young South- 
erner. So great was the local excitement about Lexington, 
that a change of venue was demanded and granted. The trial 
was removed to Woodford, and Mr. Crittenden was counsel 
for the prisoner. 

The youth of the parties excited the interest of all the young 
people in that part of the State, and many prominent lawyers, 
not employed in the suit, made a point of being present to hear 
the arguments. 

I remember now, with a glow of satisfaction, the bright array 
of native talent which I saw congregated on that occasion. 
General Flournoy, an eccentric, but clever and kindly lawyer, 



24 LIFE OF JOHN J- CRITTENDEN. 

belonging to that part of the State, had volunteered to assist 
the prosecution. I can never forget his appearance, and the 
effect he produced on the court and audience, when he entered 
the room to make his speech. He was at that time a middle- 
aged man, tall, thin, and angular; he had many personal pecu- 
liarities ; among other eccentricities, he always dressed in green, 
and thc'proverb " in vino Veritas," he had changed to " in vino 
mors ;" this motto he wore about him always in some form or 
other.' He was an old bachelor, with the peculiarities of that 
rigid class stamped upon him unmistakably in every line and 
lineament; he was ambitious to be a bemi,hnt the girls laughed 
at him and ran away from him. He was a man of truth, in- 
tegrity, and intelligence, but, nevertheless, he had a hard time 
of it with the youth of his day. 

The general wanted to be very confidential, even when he 
had absolutely nothing to say. When he desired to be espe- 
cially kind and flattering in his attentions, he would fix his eye 
steadily and bear down upon you from a distant point ; then, 
bowing over you, he would seem to whisper something in your 
ear ; at times you would hear a confused and almost inaudible 
sentence; at others something of about this importance, ''Miss 
Crittenden, I see youy These little confidences of his were a 
source of unending amusement to the young ladies. 

General Flournoy entered the court-room on the occasion 
referred to, dressed, of course, jn green, and followed by a stal- 
wart negro man, bearing a market-basket ; not the pitiful tiling 
now dignified by the name of market-basket, but a basket in 
which Falstaff might have been concealed. 

This was filled with ponderous law-books intended for refer- 
ence during his argument. This spectacle produced a variety 
of emotions in the minds of the spectators. There was, natu- 
rally, some shrinking terror at the thought of the ordeal before 
them on a hot summer day ; but the grave dignity of the gentle- 
man in green, the grinning, panting negro, who seemed to ap- 
preciate "the situation, the solemnity with which the general 
removed the books from the basket and arranged upon a large 
table before him as many as the table would hold, was too 
much for the crowd, and there was a burst of laughter, in which, 
I think, his Honor joined. 



MR. CRITTENDEN AND GENERAL FLOURNOY. 25 

The general was not a graceful orator : his arms were too 
lono-- he threw his head and neck forward, and described a 
half-circle first with his right arm, and then with his left, in 
re-ular rotation ; he made a long speech, read many volu- 
mhious extracts from the lazv library before him, and was 
often so violent as to be unintelligible. He had not learned the 
lesson " that in the very torrent, tempest, and whirlwmd of 
your passion you should acquire and beget a temperance that 
micrht give it smoothness." 

When General Flournoy concluded, Mr. Crittenden rose 
calmly and passed his hand several times over his eyelids, as 
one half asleep is accustomed to do. " Gentlemen of the jury, 
I have either slept and dreamed, or I have had a vivid wakmg 
dream, which I can scarcely dispel. I thought I had gone out 
on a whaling vessel, the winds and waves were high, and the 
mighty waters were roaring around me. Suddenly the sailors 
cried out, ' All hands on deck, the whale is upon us, she blows !' 
I looked', and there indeed was the monster of the deep ; its 
tail was flying through the air and the surging waves, till we 
were enveloped in mist. I am stunned, confused, and your 
Honor must grant me a few moments to recover my self-pos- 
session." 

Mr. Crittenden then commenced his argument. I remember 

only its close. The counsel for the prosecution had made a 

strong point of demanding an example, spoke eloquently of the 

lawlessness of the times, and the necessity of maintaining the 

majesty of the law. On this point Mr. Crittenden said, " The 

counsel against the prisoner demands example. Yes, I agree 

with my stern and learned friend, we should make examples 

from time to time, even among the young and thoughtless, to 

check the heat of youthful blood and the violence of ungov- 

erned passion; but, my countrymen, let us take that example 

from among our own people, and not seize upon the youthful 

stranger, who c^ie confidingly among us, to profit by the 

advantages of our literary institutions, to learn to be a man m 

the best sense, honest and capable and cultivated. We have, I 

am o-rieved to say, frequent opportunities to make example of 

our own sons, in our own borders. Let us do this, then, 

when the occasion offers, but let us send this broken-hearted, 



26 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

trembling mother [pointing to the prisoner's mother, who was 
present], and her dear, loved son, back to their home in peace. 
He has been overtaken in a great crime, but an acquittal, in 
consideration of his youth and other extenuating circumstances, 
will be honorable to our great State, and do no damage to the 

laws." 

The jury retired for a few moments, and the prisoner was 

acquitted. 

General Flournoy left the court-room enraged against Mr. 
Crittenden ; he was standing on the street near a pump (pumps 
were the great rallying-points on court-days), denouncing Mr. 
Crittenden to a group of amused listeners, when Mr. C, 
approaching silently, struck Flournoy on the shoulder, and 
said, " How are you, old whale ? I know you are dry, after all 
that blowing ; come and take a drink." 

Mr. Crittenden's voice and manner were like the sunshine 
after the early and latter rain. Flournoy grasped his hand for- 
givingly, and they went off arm in arm to settle their differ- 
ences over the punch-bowl. 

Mr. Crittenden was so often electioneering in Franklin 
County for a scat in the Kentucky legislature that he knew 
personally every man in the county. No one ever had warmer 
friends ; indeed, he was idolized by the older men of his party. 
Among these was Bob Collins, a sturdy yeoman of powerful 
frame, who had always a shoulder for the political wheel when 
it required putting in motion. Bob was a man of good com- 
mon sense, cltar judgment, and healthy, jovial nature, and he 
almost adored Mr. Crittenden. In some question which arose 
in Kentucky, either as to the old and new court, or Jackson 
and Adams, Bob's personal attachment to Mr. Crittenden and 
his political tendencies were unfortunately at variance. He 
was a man of considerable influence in his neighborhood, and 
as it was well known that he would carry a number of votes 
along with him, Mr. F. P. Blair conceived^ what he himself 
calls the iiitjd idea of winning him completely away from Mr. 
Crittenden by a little well-applied flattery and political dealing. 
He accordingly visited Bob Collins in his humble home, and 
propo.scd a pleasant little social walk and chat ; he adroitly in- 
troduced small insinuations against I\Ir. Crittenden, said he was 



I 



BOB COLLINS' CHURCH. 



27 



a man greatly overestimated, not the man Collins took him for, 
etc. At this point, when Mr. Blair thought he had made con- 
siderable headway, they passed a large pond. " Stop there, 
Blair!" cried Bob Collins, angrily. " Look at that ! that's a frog- 
pond and full of frogs, and the vafmints often make such a hell 
of a fuss the whole neighborhood is disturbed. Every frog 
thinks himself the big man of the lot, and each one tries to 
screech louder than the others ; but. Lord bless you, they take 
no notice of each other. You see, each one knows in his heart 
that the other is but a frog, and scorns him. Presently a little 
boy from the village comes along and thinks to himself, Ha ! 
my fine fellow, I'll put a stop to this. He approaches the edge 
of the pond, and hollows out Wh-i-s-t ! wh-i-s-t ! and every dirty 
little fellow drops down to the bottom of the pond, disappears 
as it were from the face of the earth, and prudently holds his 
tongue : they know the little boy has stones in his pocket. Well, 
just so it is with you and your set. When you get together 
in a safe place, you make a mighty fuss and abuse John J. 
Crittenden ; but let the fine fellow come along, and say Wh-i-s-t! 
wh-i-s-t ! and your heads drop down, and you slink away to a 
safe place. Hurrah for John J. Crittenden, say I !" 

I have heard another anecdote connected with Mr. Crittenden 
and Bob Collins, which is interesting, as going to show the 
characteristics of the people of Kentucky in that day, and Mr. 
Crittenden's influence over them. Bob professed to be an 
enthusiastic Baptist, although not a member of any church. 
There was a Baptist church in his neighborhood, over which 
he ruled despotically, founding his claim to dictate upon the 
fact that many of his slaves were members of this church. He 
used to consult with Mr. Crittenden about the interests of his 
church, giving him an account of baptisms, etc. Bob took 
great interest in these proceedings, and whenever one of his 
own negroes was to be baptized, he superintended the whole 
affair ; nothing would have induced him to allow one of them 
to go down into the water supported by the preacher alone. 
Bob took the candidate for baptism by one arm and the preacher 
took the other, and as they descended into the river, old Father 
N. exhorted at every step, and Bob cried out, "Amen!" most 
devoutly. On one occasion Bob came into town to give Mr. 



28 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Crittenden an account of a misfortune that had befallen him. 
A large, stalwart negro man of his had been baptized. Bob 
was filled with zeal on that occasion : to own another member 
of the church, gave him, he thought, a new right to control 
the con'^regation. The convert was valuable, and Bob was so 
anxious about his safety that he forgot to lay aside his watch, 
which was almost ruined. As they came up out of the water, 
the preacher was exhorting and commending the new brother 
as a model of piety and zeal to the assembled crowd. Bob 
declared he was completely carried away by the discourse, and 
exclaimed, "Yes, yes! a model! a model! I wish I had a 
thousand such." He professed to be hurt on perceiving that 
this was not regarded as altogether a pious ejaculation. The 
church members got into some difficulty among themselves, 
which he attempted to settle in a very summary manner ; they 
resisted, and he entered the church by force, in the midst of the 
proceedings, broke up the assembly, scattered them ignomi- 
niously, and barred up the house. For this act of violence 
they brought suit against him, much to his righteous indigna- 
tion. He employed Mr. Crittenden to defend him. The suit 
was talked about far and wide, and was the occasion of many 
merry jests. A great crowd assembled at the trial. Mr. Crit- 
tenden made one of his best speeches, and placed the char- 
acter and conduct of his client in the most favorable light. In 
conclusion, he stated that he had not been able to do his friend 
justice, but had employed an assistant in the defense, whom 
he would now call up to conclude the argument. To the 
amazement of eveiy one, Mr. Crittenden now summoned Bob 
Collins to speak for himself The call was wholly unexpected, 
but he came forward in.stantly, — in fact, he was as fully convinced 
that he belonged to Mr. Crittenden as that the church belonged 
to him. The speech was, as you may suppose, original, and 
brought down the house. Even the judge and jury gave way to 
the juerry spirit of the hour. At the close of a short speech, 
liob said,." If their Honors would only call upon his friend 
yA\\\ \.o <\o ' the fuiislnng P before he had spoken five minutes 
they would think they heard a pint of bullets rattling over a 
shingle roof" I do not remember how this suit was decided, 
but expect Bob carried the day. 



PRESTON BLAIR. 29 

Mr. Crittenden and F. Preston Blair were playmates, school- 
mates, and personal friends through life. In early manhood 
they were also united in politics, but when the question arose 
in Kentucky between the pretensions of Jackson and Adams 
for the presidency, they differed, and finally separated. Polit- 
ical feeling ran high in old Kentucky (in those days men, 
women, and children were politicians), and as parties were 
nearly equally divided, such a condition of things always led 
to ereat effort and excitement. Mr. Blair and Mr. Crittenden 
were opposed to each other, each making speeches in further- 
ance of his views in Frankfort and the vicinity. Mr. Blair tells 
this anecdote in connection with that period : 

A few days before the election was to take place, an appoint- 
ment was made for a political meeting in the neighborhood. 
Mr. Blair reached the ground first, and made a violent speech, 
in which he brought many charges against Mr. Crittendei's 
political course, and abused him personally. He was greatly 
excited. Ashamed of his course towards his old friend, and 
afraid of the lashing he knew was in store for him, he had, 
during his tirade, been looking round anxiously for his oppo- 
nent, and found his flashing eye fixed steadily upon him. He 
closed his speech, and a rather cowardly impulse took posses- 
sion of him to steal off and escape the scourging, the mere 
anticipation of which weighed heavily upon him. He reached 
the outskirts of the crowd, when, hearing that voice which 
always thrilled and, in a measure, controlled him, he turned back 
almost involuntarily and gave himself up to justice. As he found 
he was not personally alluded to, he drew nearer and nearer, with 
some feeling of security. Mr. Crittenden took up the charges 
with which he had been assailed one by one and refuted them ; 
managed to cast a furtive glance from time to time upon his 
adversary, but did not call his name or allude to him. At first, 
this rather pleased Blair; then, as he became convinced that 
" John" meant to pass him by silently, he was humiliated and 
ashamed. 

A few days afterwards Preston Blair was seated in one of the 
clerks' offices in Frankfort, when Mr. Crittenden entered; he 
advanced to Mr. Blair with extended hand, and a kindly greet- 
ing : " Well, Preston, how are you ?" Mr. Blair, greatly em- 



30 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

barrassed, stammered out a ic\N words of salutation, and then, 
feeling that something more must be said to break the silence, 
remarked, " You had a son born in your house yesterday, 
Crittenden, — what do you intend to call him ?" A cloud of 
mingled feelings passed over Mr. Crittenden's speaking coun- 
tenance. After a moment's pause, he said, " I have been think- 
ing, Preston, of calling him by that name which you have been 
trying of late to dishonor." 

" That," with the kind and sorrowful glance which accom- 
panied it, " went straight to my heart," said Mr. Blair. " The 
fountain of my speech was dried up, and this was the only 
reproach Mr. Crittenden ever made me." 



CHAPTER III. 
1814-1820. 

Letters — Elected to the Senate in 1817 — His Maiden Speech — Extract from Speech 
on Sedition Laws — Settling Controversies between States — Sale of Public 
Lands — Resignation of Seat in Senate — House in Frankfort — Letters, 

(General Isaac Shelby to J. J. Crittenden.) 

April 8, 1 814. 

MY DEAR SIR,— Your favor of the i8th came to hand 
when I was absent from home, and since my return a 
letter from the Secretary of War has been received, informing 
me that the appointment of officers has been made for the 
corps of riflemen to be raised under the late act of Congress. 
This letter was an answer to one of the last which I had written 
to him, in favor of some of my friends who wanted to enter the 
service, and assures me that Kentucky has had her full share in 
those appointments. I have, therefore, deemed it unnecessary 
to trouble the Secretary in favor of Captain H. R. Lewis, whom 
I well recollect, and of whom I formed a good opinion upon 
the late campaign. 

I am very apprehensive that we shall have peace by the 
mission to Gottenburg, if the affairs of Europe do not prevent 
it. Perhaps it may be well for ys if we do obtain peace. 
The war is a ruinous one. We are, literally, " a house divided 
against itself" And, although we may not fall, the war, if 
carried on, will finally exhaust the best blood and interest of 
the nation ; none others will embark in it unless with a view to 
mar its success. This is lamentable, but true ! and unless we 
can cure the evil at home, defeat and disaster will attend the 
efforts of our best patriots. I may in confidence confess to you, 
that I lament over my country, — that she has in her very 
bosom a faction as relentless as the fire that is unquenchable, — 
capable of thwarting her best interests, and whose poisonous 
breath is extending to every corner of the Union. There is but 
one way to cure the evil, and that is an awful and desperate one, 
and in the choice of evils we had better take the least. Were 
we unanimous, I should feel it less humiliating to be conquered, 
as I verily believe that the administration will be driven to 

(31) 



32 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

peace, on any tmns, by the opposition to the war. We have 
no news from our Eastern armies, nor do we know that the 
fleet at Ontario has left its winter-quarters. 

I wish Niagara was near to Kentucky, it should not remam 
Ion- in the hands of those blood-hounds! to be given up for 
Mc!/dcn as no doubt it will on a general peace. Will you come 
to Frankfort this winter? If the war continues the country 
will want her best friends in the legislature, and I shall be glad 

to see you. . . „ 

The Eastern mail has this moment arrived, and brings infor- 
mation that the President unquestionably recommended the 
repeal of the embargo and non-importation acts. This looks like 
giving way to the clamors for commerce. What is to become 
of our new manufactories and young merinoes ? It will afford 
me <^reat pleasure to hear of your happiness and prosperity. 
^ Your obedient servant, 

Isaac Shelby. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(George M. Bibb to John J. Crittenden.) 

WAsmNGTON City, April 24, 1S14. 

Dear John, — The court-martial sentenced Hull to be cash- 
ien-d and shot', hwt recommended him to the mercy of the Presi- 
dent, who, I understand, intends to remit the sentence of death. 
What weakness ! If cowardice such as Hull's, which surren- 
dered a fortress, an army, a territory without firing a gun, — 
which surrender was followed by such loss of lives and treasure, 
— is not punished with death, but pardoned by the com- 
mander-in-chief, what can we expect? No military officer 
hereafter can be punished but by loss of commission for 
cowardice. A negotiation is going on between an agent on our 
part and General Prevost, for an armistice. Prevost is willing 
to an armistice on land ; our government wishes it also by sea. 
The negotiation may, perhaps, terminate in an armistice on the 
land, the lakes, and on our seacoast, leaving our coast to be 
bl(jckatled, and the war upon the ocean to progress, — that is to 
say, that no expedition on land, nor any enterprise against 
towns or forts, shall be attempted, — such an armistice to be con- 
tinueil for a limited time, or until our negotiations at Gottenburg 
arc broken off, or until either party shall give reasonable notice 
that it shall cease. I speak of the probable issue from what our 
government would agree to, and what it may well be supposed 
the Hritish government would not agree to. The maritime 
superiority of Great Britain she will not yield by an armistice. 
Your friend, as ever, George M. Bibb. 



PRESTON BLAIR. 33 

I found among Mr. Crittenden's papers a letter from Mr. 
Blair, from which I make the following extract : 

Washington City, 1831. 

Dear Crittenden, — Eliza sends her love ; she has ordered 
the Globe to be sent you, that you may have the advantage of 
her hemisphere, which she promises to make interesting. The 
black side — that is, my side of the paper — you need not look at. 
I presume you believe all you see in the prints of Old Hickory; 
if you do, you know nothing of him: he is as full of energy as 
he was at New Orleans, and is to his cabinet here what he was 
to his aids there. He is in fine health, and nothing daunted at 
all the plots, conspiracies, and intrigues of which some hope 
he is to be the victim. In a recent conversation with me about 
the Seminole affair, he spoke of you as "his friend Crittenden." 
I suppose he refers to the past. Give my wife's most affection- 
ate remembrances to Mrs. Crittenden, and if you can make my 
offering of good wishes and sincere respects acceptable to her, 
let me hope that you will tender them. I shall be glad to hear 
of the prosperity of the young gentleman who received last 
year a name that you seemed to think "I zuas trying to make one 
of little credit to hint." God knows you did me injustice in that 
at least. If ever I had a kind heart, it is for you ; but, as Tom 
Church says, " although I love you, I don't love your ways." 
Yours, in everything, politics excepted, 

F. P. Blair. 

Tom Church was a Franklin County man, one of the Bob Col- 
lins order, and a man of influence in his neighborhood; he was 
a personal friend of Blair and Crittenden, and when they sepa- 
rated politically, they were both anxious to secure him. Mr. 
Crittenden heard that he was wavering, and walked out to see 
him, and " straighten hint tip." At parting. Church said to him, 
" Well, John, I think I must go for Preston. I love you, John, 
but I don't love your ways." This phrase became from that 
time onward a sort of conciliatory " by-word with the old 
friends." 

Many barbecues (called in some parts of Kentucky, bergoos) 
were given in the State, at that time, for electioneering purposes. 
Men, women, and children assembled for miles around the 
place of meeting to dance and sing, speak and listen to speak- 
ing, eat, drink, and be merry. From the time I was twelve 
years old, I used to go and dance on the hillside for hours. 

VOL. I. — 3 



34 LIFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

A Ion- arbor was generally erected, covered with green branches 
from tlie trees; under this rough planks were set up for a table, 
and upon them the baskets of provisions were emptied, and the 
" good things" spread out before us. 

Some of these occasions dwell most pleasantly in my memory. 
The dogwood and the redbud, quivering in the sunshine, formed 
a charming roof over our heads, the merry groups scattered 
around under the trees, the speakers' stand, the laughter, the 
applause, the songs, the voices of children,— even babies, too 
youngtobe left at home,joined in the chorus,— all this is indel- 
ibly impressed upon my heart. 

I remember an amusing little incident connected with a 
barbecue given near Frankfort. Far and wide the people had 
come together. In those days there were no operas, no con- 
certs, no Grande Duchesses, no Belle Helenes. Barbecues were 
the order and the dissipation of the day. A young woman was 
thought to have more than mortal strength if she resisted suc- 
cessfully the temptation of a barbecue in her neighborhood. 
Young mothers with young babies were the most at a loss luhat 
could be done with their children, — too young to take, too 
young to leave at home ! 

A pretty young country mother, with a baby perhaps a 
month old, suffered terribly with doubts and perplexities on 
this subject. At last, she resolved to take the baby and take the 
consequences; she knew she would have to play nurse, could 
not dance, and could only be a looker-on. Nevertheless, she 
determined to go ! In the height of the entertainment, Mr. 
Crittenden's eye fell upon her sorrowful countenance, and he 
resolved to devote the time that our old Virginia reel would 
occupy to her amusement. He took his seat by her and tried 
to make himself agreeable ; he soon saw, however, that she 
gave him but a languid attention; eye and ear were given to 
Yankee Doodle and the dancers. Suddenly, in the twinkling 
of an eye, before he had time to see his danger or to remon- 
strate, she sprang up, plumped the baby down in his lap, 
exclaiming, " Oh, Mr. Crittenden, human nature can't stand 
that !" Before the last words were finished, she was whirling 
away in the reel, to the great consternation of Mr. Crittenden, 
who had a mortal fear of babies, and the infinite amusement of 



MAIDEN SPEECH /jy U. S. SENATE. 35 

the bystanders. The rival candidate and his party con^dered 
this a very good joke, and use4 to teli it, with great gusto ; but 
there is no doubt that Mr. Crittenden's exemplary discharge 
of his new duties gained him many votes. 

In 1 8 16-17 Mr. Crittenden was Speaker of the House of 
Representatives in Kentucky, and was elected in 18 17 to the 
Senate of the United States. 

There is an anecdote connected with his maiden speech 
which Governor Barbour related with great spirit. The subject 
was worthy of Mr. Crittenden's patriotic eloquence, being the 
first attempt to grant pensions to the soldiers of the Revolution, 
and to his memory belongs the glory of that achievement. On 
rising to speak, Mr. Crittenden was greatly agitated (this was a 
trait which marked his ablest efforts in after-life). His embar- 
rassment became so intense that his friends apprehended a 
failure, and Governor Barbour, who had often been delighted 
by Mr. Crittenden's powers of conversation in social life, 
looked his anxieties to Mr. Clay. 

Mr. Clay gazed steadily and confidently at his young friend 
for a moment, and then replied to Barbour by a whisper (yet 
loud enough to be heard throughout the senate-chamber), 
" Never mind, he will be all right." And soon, indeed, Mr. Crit- 
tenden's magical voice rose to the occasion, and he electrified 
a listening Senate with an eloquence which no first effort had 
ever before effected. 

During this session, as chairman of a committee to whom a 
bill putting fugitives from labor on the same footing with fugi- 
tives from justice was referred, Mr. Crittenden reported it back 
with several amendments, one of which provided that the 
identity of the fugitive should be proved by other evidence 
than the claimant's. 

December 8, 18 17, Mr. Crittenden submitted this amend- 
ment : 

Resolved, That all persons who were prosecuted and fined 
under the sedition law, approved the fourteenth day of July, 
1798, entitled An Act for the Punishment of certain Crimes 
against the United States, ought to be reimbursed, and indem- 
nified out of the public treasury. 

Mr. Crittenden said : 



,6 LIFE OF JOHN J- CRITTENDEN. 

I consider the sedition law unconstitutional, not only from 
a defect of power in Congress to pass such a law, but because i 
its passage was expressly forbidden by the Constitution. The 
sense of the nation had unquestionably pronounced it unconsti- I 
tutional, and that opinion being generally entertained, it ought 
to be solemnly confirmed by the legislature, in order that his- 
tory and the records of the country may not hand it down to 
posterity as a precedent for similar acts of usurpation. If a 
reversion of the proceedings in that case was important in a i 
public point of view, it was certainly so as it related to the indi- 
viduals who became the subjects of prosecution under that act. 
To ever>' citizen of the United States the Constitution guaran- 
teed certain rights, which had been violated under this law. 
This guarantee entitled them to indemnity in all cases where 
those rights were violated; of this indemnity the courts ought 
not to deprive them ; if they did, there was no redeeming power 
in the Constitution. Legal sanctions cannot vitiate constitu- 
tional provisions. The judiciary is a valuable part of the gov- 
ernment, and ought to be highly respected, but it is not ivfalli- 
blc. The Constitution is our guide, our supreme law. Blind 
homage can never be rendered by freemen to any power. In 
all cases of alleged violation of the Constitution it was for Con- 
gress to make just discrimination. When the Constitution for- 
bids a law, it will not hesitate to interpose for the relief of those 
who suffer by its inflictions. The case of Matthew L}'on, now 
before the Senate, was a fair case for the interposition of Con- 
gress. It had a peculiar character. Lyon had a right to remu- 
neration ; this right ought not to be .sacrificed to contingencies 
or speculative opinions. We may not do wrong that right may 
come of it! Justice to the individual, to the countiy, to the 
Constitution, all required this course. Let us add new defenses 
and guards to the Constitution on this assailable point. Let us 
secure it, as far as possible, from future infractions on the 
ground of precedent. 

The Senate, on Friday, December 29, 18 19, resumed the 
discussion of the bill prescribing the mode of settling con- 
troversies between two or more States. Mr. Crittenden said : 

The same course had been pursued at the last session 
which was now proposed, and if this motion prevailed it must 
be considered as a rejection of the bill. The State of Ken- 
tucky had addressed a memorial to Congress in favor of such 
a measure as was proposed by this bill, and I deem it a duty 
to submit the reasons which occur to me in support of it. 
V'ndcr the Constitution, power was given to Congress to make 



CONTROVERSIES BETWEEN STATES. .j 

the provision contemplated in this bill. Why tremble at the 
exercise of this power ? There must be authority somewhere 
to settle disputes between States, and where would it be so 
safely lodged as in the national judiciary? I believe no ground 
of alarm exists. The greatest and proudest States in the Union 
would cheerfully submit to the decisions of that tribunal every 
litigation between them. The States would be sued by their 
consent: as they had given their consent to the provision of the 
Constitution authorizing this law, they would not therefore 
complain of any violation of their sovereignty and independ- 
ence. I deem it essential to the perpetuity of our Union that 
this power should have been given, and that it should be exer- 
cised. The objections came from those States likely to become 
defendants under this act, and from the great and powerful State 
of Virginia. This provision was meant to protect the small 
States against the populous and powerful. Have we come to 
this, that such States threaten resistance to the constitutional 
laws ? I hope such threats will not terrify us into an abandon- 
ment of this power. I appreciate the high and honorable 
motives of the gentleman from Virginia, but think his appre- 
hensions unfounded and visionary. I believe the judgment of 
the Supreme Court, as now limited, executes itself silently and 
effectually, — there was no danger of the necessity of employing 
military force. The States would not settle their disputes 
amicably among themselves, without the mediation of a disin- 
terested tribunal. Virginia and Pennsylvania had almost come 
to war on a territorial difference ; was this the " suaviter in modo" 
which ought to be pursued in settling boundaries ? Such a dis- 
pute would not now be settled between these potent States so 
easily. Suppose, in this difference between Kentucky and 
Tennessee, Kentucky should give up her claim rather than 
come to open war, would it be right for the general govern- 
ment to see her stripped of her rights? Kentucky had no 
alternative but to do this or appeal to the sword. Would it be 
just or magnanimous to refuse to exercise this power and thus 
oermit such wrongs to be done ? Though justly proud of my 
State, I should not deem her disgraced by being made a de- 
fendant under this law, or by submitting to the judgment of the 
Supreme Court. I wish such a high tribunal could be erected 
to settle all disputes between nations, and oblige proud and 
ambitious people to submit to just and equitable terms of set- 
tlement. Should we, of one flesh and blood, quarrel among 
ourselves when so easy a remedy is in our power ? New Jersey 
has had her disputes, Rhode Island has had hers, and if wrong 
has been done, is there any honorable gentlemen who would 
not wish to see wrong righted? 



.y LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. Crittenden made a speech on the i8th of Februar}^ 1819, 
in support of the bill for the sale of public lands. He said, in 
conclusion : 

Mr. President, I acknowledge that I feel a particular par- 
tiality for this bill, independent of the reasons I have had the 
honor of submitting to you. I am influenced by reasons some- 
what of a personal character, to desire its passage. It is the 
work of the honorable gentleman (Mr. Morrow) of Ohio, who 
is so soon to be finally separated from us : he has long been 
our Palinurus in everything that relates tO/this important sub- 
ject; he has steered us safely through all its difficulties, and 
with' him for our helmsman we have feared neither Scylla nor 
Char}'bdis. We have followed him with increasing confidence, 
and have never been deceived or disappointed. The bill now 
before you is perhaps the last and most important act of his 
long and useful life. If it should pass, sir, it will identify his 
name and his memory with this interesting subject: it will be 
his. 

A noble monument, which, while it guides the course of 
future legislation, will perpetuate the memory of an honest man. 
Sir, if the ostracism of former times prevailed with us, I do not 
know the individual whose virtues would more certainly expose 
him to its envious jealous sentence. The illustrious G^eek 
himself who claimed such unfortunate distinction from that 
ancient usage did not better deserve the epithet jfitst. 

Mr. President, I do not intend to flatter the gentleman from 
Ohio. Flattery is falsehood. I burn no such incense at the 
shrine of any man. The sincere homage of the heart is not 
flattery. I have spoken the spontaneous feeling of my own 
breast. I am confident, too, that I have spoken the feeling of 
the Senate. But yet I ought perhaps to beg pardon of the 
honorable gentleman. I have much cause to fear that the 
gratification I have had in offering this poor tribute of my 
respect is more than counterbalanced by the pain it has inflicted 
ujjon him. 

Mr. Crittenden resigned his seat in the Senate in 18 19, and 
resolved to give himself up wholly to local politics and the 
practice of his profession. He was poor, and his family large, 
and he felt its claims to be paramount. 

One of Mr. Crittenden's most intimate friends has written to 
me that this period, from 1819 to 1835, passed in the arduous 
duties of his profession, and in the legislature, was the most 
interesting, and probably the happiest, of his life. 



LETTERS FROM HENRY CLAY. 3p 

The three following letters, two from Mr. Clay and one from 
James Barbour, show the regret of his cotemporaries at his 
resignation, and the political aspect of affairs at that time. 

(Henry Clay to John J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, December 14, 1819. 

My dear Sir, — We have just heard of your resignation, which 
has occasioned general regret here. On the public account, I 
regret it; on yours, I do not! Tell my friend Mrs. Crittenden 
that I congratulate her on the just triumph she has obtained over 
you. You will have seen the correspondence respecting the 
Florida treaty, and you will have read it, as I did, with mortifica- 
tion, for, with the zvorst cause, the Spaniards came off victorious in 
that correspondence. Forsyth has acquitted himself very badly ; 
he appears to me to have been furnishing evidence at Madrid, and 
certainly not of the most courtly kind, to refute an insinuation 
I once made at Washington against him of partiality to the 
King of Spain. I think our eagerness to get the ratification has 
probably lost it. What shall we do ? These people will put 
me in the opposition whether I will or no ! I wanted to go 
with them respecting our Spanish affairs; but how can I join in 
such a foolish course? Instead of resorting to the natural 
expedient of taking possession of our own, they ask us to take 
(on the ground, too, of right) what does not belong to us ! Thus, 
in regard to the Patriots, all the premises of the President point 
to the conclusion of recognizing them, and yet, strange to tell, 
he concludes by recommending further laws to enforce our 
neutrality! — in other words, further laws against the Patriots. 
I shall be glad to hear from you, 

And remain faithfully yours, 

H. Clay. 

P.S. — Tell Bibb that he and you must make out your joint 
instructions to me, relative to Florida, and which, as I acknowl- 
edge the right of instruction, I shall of course obey, or disobey 
under my responsibility. 

(From the same to the same.) 

Washington, January 29, 1820. 
Dear Sir, — I received with very great pleasure your favor 
of the 9th instant, and thank you for the valuable information 
which it contains. I think Tennessee ought to give us an 
equivalent beyond the Tennessee River for our land which she 
holds on this side ; yet it is so important to have the dispute 
settled, as well for its own sake as in order to enable the legis- 



40 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

lature to dispose of the land south of that river, that I shall not 
rcL^ct a determination to accept of the proposition of their com- 
missioners, especially as if we were to obtam the equivalent, 
it may be questionable whether we should acquire more than 
the naked sovereignty. Your friendly advice is received in the 
same spirit of kindness which dictated it. I came here anxious 
to agree with the administration whenever I could, and par- 
ticularly desirous to concur with them in regard to Spanish 
affairs. This wish sprang from that retirement on which I had 
determined and to which I still look forward ; but how is it 
possible for me to lend myself to such a crooked, unnatural, 
untenable course as that recommended by the message? To 
give up what we have a good right to for the purpose of seizing 
That to which we have none, and this, too, when what we pro- 
pose thus wantonly to sacrifice is confessedly of more intrinsic 
value than that we hone after; to consider a treaty as obli- 
gatory which has been executed by one of the two parties only; 
to limit the measures of our redress to that treaty when the 
American negotiator of it acknowledges that Don Ouis was 
authorized by his instructions to grant us more than we get ! 
And to do this, when, if the views of the President be correct, 
Spain, by her failure to ratify the treaty, has taken a position 
most decidedly disadvantageous to her. If, as you seem to 
suppose, it was contemplated to take Florida without the aban- 
donment of Texas, one could consider of the scheme, possibly 
unite in it. But tJiat is not the intention of the President; he 
wishes us to take the former and renounce the latter, and more- 
over to assume the payment of five millions of dollars to our 
citizens. Should we adopt this course and seize Florida, what 
would be the nature of our title to it ? Would it be conventional, 
or one of conquest? Now, I cannot, in my conscience, go 
along with the President in these his views. I mean to propose 
the recognition of the Patriots and the seizure of Texas. These 
two measures taken, and Florida is ours without an effort. I 
might, indeed, be induced to comprehend Florida also in the 
self-redress which I think we are authorized to take; but if I am 
reduced to the alternative of subjecting ourselves to the obliga- 
tions of the treat)' whilst Spain remains free from them, w taking 
Texas, I must prefer tiie latter! The Missouri subject monopo- 
lizes all our conversation, all our thoughts, and for three weeks 
at least, to come, will occupy all our time. Nobody seems to 
think of or care about an)-thing else. The issue of the question 
in the House of Representatives is doubtful. I am inclined to 
think that it will he Jhta/ly coiipyoniiscd. No idea exists here of 
any issue or modification of paper to relieve the country. The 
prevailing opinion is that the only effectual relief for its embarrass- 



LETTER FROM JAMES W. BARBOUR. 41 

ments is in the hands of the people tJicmsdvcs. We regret very 
much the measure to which you have thought yourselves con- 
strained to resort at Frankfort. The Secretary of the Treasury 
said to me that he thought, from the exhibit which he had of 
your affairs, there was no sort of necessity for it, and he added, 
" that he could no longer give any sort of credit to your paper." 
I would be obliged to you" to inform me what amount of paper 
you may issue, and what is the price of stock since the suspen- 
sion, and whether any period is thought of when a resumption 
of specie is contemplated. To give us even as much money as 
before, you must put out an amount equivalent to the deprecia- 
tion, which again will occasion further depreciation, and so on 
ad infinitmn. Tell Bibb he is a lasyfdlozu, but lazy as he is, I 
must subscribe myself his and your 

Faithful friend, 

Henry Clay. 

(James W. Barbour to John J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, February 6, 1820. 

Dear Sir, — I sincerely -regret that your private affairs made 
it necessary for you to leave the Senate. Among our regrets 
to which this life is subject there are few more unpleasant than 
those resulting from sudden and unexpected separations from 
those whom we delight to call friends. I hope it is unneces- 
sary for me to state that my regard for you justifies me in tell- 
ing you that such were my feelings on hearing that we were 
probably to see each other no more. You have, however, been 
relieved from one of the most irksome tasks I have ever expe- 
rienced, — the discussion of the Missouri question. Who could 
have thought, last session, that the little speck we then saw was 
to be swelled into the importance it has now assumed, and that 
upon its decision depended the duration of the Union ? The 
dissolution is one of the alternatives spoken of, rather than sub- 
mit to the spirit of aggression which marks the course of our 
antagonists. A proposition has now been made for a compro- 
mise, — the amendment proposed byThomas, which, I believe, 
unpleasant as it is, will be acceded to, as a lesser evil than 
either dividing the Union, or throwing it into confusion. The 
great movers of this question are against all coinproinise, leaving 
strong suspicions that they look to it as a means to acquire 
power, and unless speedily adjusted, such will be the result. I 
have been laboring incessantly on this subject, and if I can have 
industry enough to write out my remarks, the delivery of which 
cost me the best of two days, I will send you a copy. 
Accept assurances of the most friendly regards. 

J. W. Barbour. 

John J. Crittenden. 



I 



42 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. Crittenden's house in Frankfort was a straggling, old- 
fashioned house on the corner of Main Street. The front door 
opened immediately on the street, and led into a wide hall which 
separated the dining-room and parlor. In fair summer evenings, 
the custom of the family was to take tea some time before night, 
and then assemble at the front door, Avhich was only elevated 
about a foot and a half above the level of the street. The 
house was entered by two broad stone steps, and opposite these, 
on the outer edge of the pavement, were several massive marble 
steps, half circular, which had formed originally the base of 
some of the stone columns of the old capitol, burned down in 
1826. Upon these steps the family and the guests (for there 
were always guests) seated themselves, the old folks on the sill 
of the door and the house-steps, the boys and girls (as Mr. 
Crittenden continued to call his children as long as he lived) 
on the steps opposite. The neighbors and friends would soon 
gather in and join the group at the front door. One of the boys 
would make his way with difficulty into the house, and hand 
out chairs through the low windows. Stragglers taking their 
evening walk would pause for awhile, and take part in the con- 
versation, then move on, and others would take the vacant 
seats. Often the group assembled would be so large that the 
pavement would be filled up, and those who did not wish to 
pause would pass by on the other side. 

There is no feature of the family life, as connected with Mr. 
Crittenden, more indelibly impressed upon my mind than these 
evening gatherings. Mr. Crittenden's cordial and kindly greet- 
ing, his warm sympathy and interest in all that concerned the 
welfare of his friends and neighbors; his inimitable style of 
telling an anecdote and detailing the news of the day could not 
be surpassed ; his quick appreciation of even an attempt at wit 
encouraged the timid to do their best, and sent every one home 
between ten and eleven satisfied with himself and admiring 
and loving him more than ever. First in the order of the day 
or night, on these occasions, were family news, kind inquiries 
for the sick and the absent, little narratives of the wonderful 
children everybody had or supposed themselves to have, then 
politics in the largest .sense, local and general. 

Kvcr>' man in Kentucky was a politician, and felt that he had 



FAMIL V LIFE. 43 

the might and the right to be a pubHc speaker, if he chose, and 
the women and children generally thought the same of them- 
selves. In early times, I recollect a row of tall Lombardy 
poplars, all along the front of the house ; they were grand old 
trees, " growing ever upw^ard, having neither fruit nor flowers, 
and giving no shade ;" they were considered cumberers of the 
ground, and were cut down and replaced by locusts. I remem- 
ber them with regret. The tree has grown out of fashion, but 
whenever I see one it brings back misty recollections of the 
past and of the old home-life. Mr. Crittenden had a real affec- 
tion for his trees ; his locusts were topped from time to time, 
and watched over with great care. He had a habit of talking 
to himself with animation. He came down generally before 
breakfast and walked in front of the house. If alone, he talked 
and gesticulated earnestly, to the amusement of the children, 
who were peeping at him through the window. Strangers, 
guests in the house, would sometimes catch a glimpse of 
him, and say, " Why, who is Mr. Crittenden talking to ?" 
They would be highly amused when the thing was explained, 
and join the children at their post of observation. The old 
corner tree, w^hich was twisted and gnarled and unsightly to 
every other eye, was his especial favorite ; he would stand by it 
every morning, tapping it with his cane, and holding with it, 
seemingly, an animated conversation. These seem trivial things 
to recall, but the old Frankfort people will be gladly reminded 
of them, and these simple facts w^ill bring back with them other 
memories of Mr. Crittenden: his cheerful "good-morning," 
his ready sympathy, his unostentatious hospitality, and all the 
nameless charm of manner, which not even his political oppo- 
nents could resist. Mr. Crittenden was, indeed, hospitable in a 
grand old way, not as many men are with their superfluity, for, 
in his whole life, he never knew " that tiling^ It was his 
custom to entertain the senators and members of the Kentucky 
legislature every winter, giving about three dinners a week, and 
thus entertaining, before the session closed, every member more 
than once. These dinners were of the simplest character. In 
early days " old Bourbon" figured largely at the feast, but later, 
when times grew hard and money scarce, it was dispensed with. 
A big fish and a saddle of venison were the principal dishes, and 



44 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

vegetables of old Kentucky growth the only addition. In 
those days, I am confident that French peas and asparagus 
would have been looked upon with suspicion and avoided. I 
believe that a merrier and wittier set of fellows were never 
assembled around any table than those Kentucky lawyers and 
politicians. 



CHAPTER IV. 
1820-1823. 

Old and New Court Question — Commission to settle the Boundaiy I-ine between 
Tennessee and Kentucky — Ferguson's Defeat — General Shelby — Letters. 

MR. CRITTENDEN did not return to the Senate till 
1835; during the period from 1819 to 1835 he was 
elected to the legislature of Kentucky repeatedly, and made 
Speaker of the House. 

This was a most exciting period in Kentucky. The Old and 
New Court question, originally called Reliefand Anti-Relief, was 
agitating the State as no other question has ever agitated it. 

This was altogether a local question, but as Mr. Crittenden 
was greatly interested and took a prominent part in the dissen- 
sion of the day, it may be well to give a sketch of the rise, 
progress, and defeat of the New Court party. 

The termination of the War of 18 12, with Great Britain, was 
followed by financial distress throughout the whole country, 
but particularly in Kentucky ; the people were greatly in debt, 
and not content to trust to industry and economy for relief, they 
cried to the legislature for aid. Carried away by the force of 
popular feeling, the legislature of 1820-21 .assembled and 
passed first a sixty-days' " stop-law," of all legal process of col- 
lection of debts, and then a two-years' replevin law, in connection 
with the establishment of the Commonwealth's Bank, which 
issued and loaned to the people, in every county, three 
millions of paper money. This currency soon became worth 
only fifty cents on the dollar, but the legislature required the 
creditors to receive it in full payment, or to wait two years for 
the specie. The law was pronounced unconstitutional by one 
or two of the Circuit Court judges, and their decision sustained 
by the Court of Appeals, composed of Boyle, Owsley, and 
Mills. A violent excitement throughout the State was the 
result. The following legislature repealed those judges out of 

(45) 



46 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

office, and reconstructed the Court of Appeals, making it to con- 
sist of four members, of whom William T. Barry was chief jus- 
tice. Amos Kendall was the editor of the Argits, published at 
that time in Frankfort, and this paper was the organ of the 
Radical party. 

A condition of public feeling followed in Kentucky only less 
violent than civil war. Private friendships were broken up, and 
danger of strife and bloodshed was imminent. The Old Court 
party contended that the Court of Appeals was established by 
the Constitution ; was intended to be, and was, in fact, inde- 
pendent of legislative control; that its repeal was a legislative 
usurpation of power, and a practical overthrow of one of the 
co-ordinate departments of the government ; that liberty itself 
lay prostrate at the foot of a legislative majority for the time 
being ; that the Constitution intended the three departments — 
legislative, executive, and judicial — to be co-ordinate, independ- 
ent, and reciprocal checks. True liberty could only consist in 
this arrangement of power. 

After several years of bitterness and strife, the Old Court 
party prevailed, the old judges were reinstated, and the New 
Court decisions were set aside. 

Order and peace were restored, but the New Court party 
became, almost without exception. Jackson Democrats, or Red 
Republicans, and the Old Court party, Whigs, or Conservatives. 
These two parties, their leaders and followers, have continued 
with but little variation to the present time. Mr. Crittenden 
belonged to the Old Court party, — was, in fact, its leading spirit. 
He was made president of the Commonwealth's Bank, and con- 
tinued to fill that position for some time. 

Among the many private friendships interrupted by this em- 
bittered state of feeling, Mr. Crittenden numbered two devoted 
and cherished friends, — George M. Bibb and Francis P. Blair. 
Every man who knew Mr. Crittenden remembers liozu he loved 
his friends. A friend once found was, indeed, "grappled to his 
soul with hooks of steel." Under no doubtful or suspicious 
circumstances was he ever given up. This characteristic of his 
was so marked, that many of those who loved and admired him 
considered it a weakness and reproached him for it. Judge S. 
S. Nicholas, of Louisville, Kentucky, told me that he was at one 



LETTER FROM J. IV. BARBOUR. 47 

time so exasperated with F. P. Blair for the unjust aspersions 
he had cast upon Mr. Crittenden, that he resolved never again 
to recognize him as an acquaintance. Being in Washington 
about this time, he entered one of the departments to visit Mr. 
Crittenden ; found several gentlemen present, and among them 
Preston Blair. True to his purpose. Judge Nicholas straight- 
ened himself up and passed by Blair without even bowing. Mr. 
Crittenden received the judge with that kindly greeting and 
cordial grasp of the hand the magic charm of which many 
will remember; then, with some little embarrassment, he 
turned the judge around hastily, in front of Preston Blair, 
and said, " Here, Nicholas,— here is our old friend Blair. I 
know you will be glad to see him." There was no resisting 
^/lis, said the judge: " I could but speak to Blair. As Mr. Crit- 
tenden would not resent Blair's conduct to himself, I could not 
very consistently do so." 

(J. W. Barbour to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Barboursville, May 31, 1820. 
Dear Sir,— I had intended to have written to you by Judge 
Logan who'left us before the adjournment without any antici- 
pation,' on my part, that he meant to do so. I most cordially 
wish tiiat you may very soon realize your golden prospects as 
well for yourself as for your country. Take care, however, that 
your limits do not recede as you advance upon them. Enough 
has never yet been accurately bounded. Independence is a 
jewel of inestimable price, and should be forever kept in view, 
at least by the head of a family. In pursuing it, you give high 
proofs of prudence. That you will soon reach it I have no 
doubt. The session closed with the catastrophe of the tariff; 
not quite as important as the Missouri question, but probably 
the undisputed progeny of the policy that seeks to promote the 
interest of one portion of the Union at the expense of another. 
Deprived, however, of much of its consequence, from the cir- 
cumstance that it was not so sectional in the support given it. 
Had Tompkins been elected governor of New York, there 
would have been considerable commotion among the aspirants 
to the two great offices. His defeat was a perfect damper. 
They are, for the present, in the language of diplomacy, placed 
" ad referendimir In a year or two they will be, like Falstaff s 
reasons, as thick as blackberries. The old Revolutionary gen- 
eration has passed away. The new presents so many who are 
really equal, or think themselves so (which is the same thing), 



48 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



that every section of the Union will have its claims, except Vir- 
ginia. She, by common consent, is to repose on the recollection 
of what she has done. I fear, however, that the slave question 
will be revived in all its fury, and will be sufficient to bar the 
door against either a Southern or Western man. Time, how- 
ever, win decide these things. It is not my nature to anticipate 
evil.' I inclose you thirty dollars, as the fee in my case. Let 
me hear from you as soon as possible after its decision, or in 
the mean time, if convenient. 

Your friend, J. W. Barbour. 

Mr. Crittenden was appointed one of the Commissioners to 
settle the boundary line between Tennessee and Kentucky, and 
the following is his report : 

To the Honorable the General Assembly of the Commoniuealth of Kentucky, on the 

Boundary Line of that State. 

The undersigned, one of your Commissioners, respectfully 
reports : That the two Commissioners appointed for that pur- 
pose, in pursuance of the act of Assembly, approved the ist 
instant, proceeded to confer and negotiate with the Commission- 
ers of the State of Tennessee for the settlement and adjustment 
of the disputed boundary between the two States. 

It may, perhaps, be necessary, for the more clear understand- 
ing of this report, to trace very briefly the origin and grounds 
of this dispute. 

By the original charter of Virginia, granted by James I., in 
the year , she would have included in her boundaries con- 
siderable extent of territory southward of the parallel of north 
36° 30' north latitude. This charter, however, was repealed in 
the year ; and afterwards, in the year , the charter of 
Carolina was granted, by which the territory of Virginia was 
restricted on the south, and a line to be run on the parallel of 
latitude above mentioned, " throughout the land from sea to 
sea," was, in effect, established as the boundary of the territories 
of Virginia and Carolina, and was, by both of them, regarded and 
considered as the limit of their respective sovereignty and right. 
As the population of those States, then provinces, advanced west- 
ward, and as convenience and policy required, this scientific line 
of division was ascertained and marked, and some time previous 
to the year 1778 had been extended, and marked by Jefferson 
and Fry ris far as to a point on Sleep Rock Creek, about sixty 
miles cast from Cumberland Mountain. About the last-men- 
tioned period settlements began to be so far multiplied, west of 
tile mountains, that it became necessary, for the purposes of 
government, that the line of division between the territories of 



BOUNDARY LINE OF KENTUCKY. 



49 



the two States should be still farther extended. Many circum- 
stances rendered that measure necessary. The governments of 
both States had sold and issued, and provided for the selling 
and issuing of land-warrants to individuals, to be located by 
them on the vacant land of the West. It became, therefore, the 
duty of both States, by a demarkation of their boundary, to 
avoid, as far as possible, all conflict between the claims granted 
by the one and the other, and to put it in the power of every 
individual to know where to locate his warrant with certainty 
and security. Influenced by some or all of these considerations, it 
was agreed between said States that the boundary line between 
them should be extended and marked from the point on Sleep 
Rock Creek, where the line of the former Commissioners, Jeffer- 
son and Fry, terminated, as far westward as the Tennessee River. 
And, accordingly. Walker and others on the part of Virginia, 
and Henderson and others on the part of North Carolina, were 
appointed Commissioners by their respective States, for the pur- 
pose of so extending and marking said line. The Commis- 
sioners met at Sleep Rock Creek, and having ascertained the 
point of beginning and made the necessary observations, then 
commenced the running and marking of said line. Before they 
reached the eastern foot of the Cumberland Mountain, the 
Commissioners of the two States differed about the latitude of 
the line they were to run, — Henderson's observations inclining 
him to go farther north than Dr. Walker's. The parties being 
unable to come to any agreement upon the subject, finally 
separated. The North Carolina Commissioners returned home, 
the Virginia Commissioners went on ; ascertained, as they sup- 
posed, the true latitude, and marked the line, with some inter- 
vals, as far westward as where it strikes the Tennessee River. 

This line was made in the years 1779 and 1780, and is the 
same which has ever since been so generally known and called 
by the name of " Walker's line." In the year the District 

of Kentucky became an independent State, and entitled to all 
the territorial rights of Virginia, west of the line which sepa- 
rates Kentucky from that State. The territory which forms the 
State of Tennessee was ceded by North Carolina to the United 
States on the day of , , under the 

authority of a law of that State, passed , '^^"^ 

Tennessee was admitted into the Union as an independent State 
in the year 1796. It follows from this statement, either that 
"Walker's line," or a line upon the parallel of 36° 30' north lati- 
tude, is the coterminous boundary of the States of Kentucky 
and Tennessee. The Assembly of Virginia, in the year 1781, 
passed an act which recites that, " Whereas, a considerable part 
of the tract of country allotted for the officers and soldiers, 

VOL. I. 4 



50 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

by an act entitled, etc.. etc., hath, upon the extension of the 
boundary Hne between this State and North Carohna, fallen into 
that State and the intentions of the said act are so far frus- 
trated " and then provides that other lands, therein described, 
shall be " substituted in lieu of such lands so fallen into the said 
State of North Carolina." By another Act of Assembly of the 
State of Virginia, passed on the day of 

1791, it is recited by way of preamble, "that official informa- 
tion had been received by the General Assembly that the 
legislature of North Carolina have resolved to establish the 
line commonly called "Walker's line," as the boundary between 
North Carolina and this Commonwealth, and it is judged expe- 
dient to confirm and establish the said line on the part of this 
State." And it was then enacted, " that the line commonly 
called and known by the name of 'Walker's line,'.shall be, and the 
same is hereby declared to be, the boundary- line of this State." 
The Commissioners have not been able to find the act or reso- 
lution of the legislature of North Carolina, which is alluded to 
in the preamble to the last-recited act of Virginia, or to obtain 
any other information of it than what is afforded by that pre- 
amble. Nor does it appear, from any researches which your 
Commissioners have been able to make, that any communica- 
tion or agreement had taken place, or been made, between Vir- 
ginia and Carolina, in relation to "Walker's line," antecedent to 
the Virginia act of I79i,and the resolution of the legislature of 
Carolina therein alluded to ; but from various acts of the North 
Carolina legislature, passed in the year 1781 and 1786, and 
between those periods, it appears pretty strongly that, even at 
that time, they regarded " Walker's line " as the boundary 
between them and Virginia. In several of those acts, passed 
for the erection of new counties, and containing a description of 
their boundaries, there are calls for the " Virginia line;" and in 
some instances the position and locality of that line are. 
described in such a way as to leave little doubt but that 
" W'alker's line" was intended. 

The States of Kentucky and Tennessee having been formed 
respectively out of the Western territories of Virginia and North 
Carolina, are entitled each to all the territorial rights of its 
parent State. And of course the coterminous boundary of those 
Western territories of Virginia and Carolina, whatever it may 
be, must be the true and proper line of division between the 
States of . Kentucky and Tennessee, — and whether "Walker's 
line" is to be considered as their proper coterminous boundary, 
or whether that boundary is to be sought for and established 
now upon the chartered latitudinal line of 36° 30' north, is the 
(jucstion in controversy between the States of Kentucky and 






BOUNDARY LINE OF KENTUCKY. 



51 



Tennessee, It is deemed unnecessary to enter into any detail 
of the proceedings of those States in relation to this subject. 
Too much excitement has prevailed between them. Some of 
their acts have been precipitate and inconsistent, others rash and 
angry, — the remembrance of which can only be useful as a 
means of guarding against their repetition. 

It is only necessary to remark further on this branch of the 
subject, that the line run by Walker has ever since, whether 
rightfully or not, been' observed and regarded as the actual 
boundary of jurisdiction by all parties, and that this question 
of boundary never became a subject of legislative attention or 
of dispute between the two States now interested till about the 

year . Till about that time it is believed that the general 

opinion of those who thought " Walker's line" erroneous w^as, 
that it was south and not north of the proper latitude of 36° 30'. 
It has, however, been since ascertained, beyond any reasonable 
doubt, that " Walker's line," or a very great proportion of it, 
is north of the proper latitude, and that as it extends westward 
from the Cumberland Mountain, it gradually diverges farther 
and farther from the parallel of 36° 30' north latitude. The 
experiments made during the last summer by Messrs. Alex- 
ander and Munsell demonstrate this divergence. They ascer- 
tained the latitude of 36° 30' north on the Mississippi River, 
and found it to be seventeen miles south of where " Walker's 
line," if extended, would strike the same river. They then ran 
a line eastward on that latitude to the Tennessee River, — a dis- 
tance of about sixty-five miles, — and at the termination of their 
line found that it was only about thirteen miles from " Walker's 
line." If this line of Alexander and Munsell be correct, and 
should, if extended, continue to approximate "Walker's line" 
in the degree, it is very evident that these two lines would not 
only converge to a point, but would cross each other some 
miles on this side of the Cumberland Mountain, which, accord- 
ing to Walker's mensuration and report, is about two hundred 
and forty-seven miles from the point at which his line intersects 
the Tennessee. Such is the general history of the origin and 
grounds of the dispute between Kentucky and Tennessee, and 
of the most important facts which relate to it. Your Commis- 
sioners proceeded to the task assigned them with a deep sense 
of their responsibility, and of the high importance of a subject 
involving directly the interest and harmony of two States, form- 
ing parts of one common country united by local situation and 
political ties, and almost identified by sympathy of feeling, con- 
geniality of character, and the still more endearing ties of con- 
sanguinity. 

In the course of our negotiations your Commissioners sub- 



52 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

mitted to those of Tennessee the following propositions : First, 
that " Walker's line," from Cumberland Mountain to the Ten- 
nessee River, should so far form the boundary of the two States; 
that for all the lands lying between that part of " Walker's line" 
above described and the line of latitude 36° 30' north the State 
of Tennessee is to give to Kentucky an equivalent in territory, 
to be laid off between the Tennessee and Mississippi Rivers, on 
the south side of and adjoining to the line which was run during 
the last summer by Alexander and Munsell, and to be included 
in a line to be run from the one to the other of said rivers, and 
parallel to the said line of Alexander and Munsell; and that the 
line, including said equivalent, to be run as aforesaid from the 
Mississippi to the Tennessee, and thence down the latter to the 
termination of " Walker's line," should be also established as 
completing the boundary between the two States. 

The second proposition was, that the said line of Alexander 
and Munsell, from the Mississippi to the Tennessee River, 
thence down that river to the point where " Walker's line" 
strikes it, thence with " Walker's line" to the point where it 
approaches nearest to the mouth of Obed's River, and from 
that point due north or south to the parallel of 36° 30' north 
latitude, and thence eastward on that parallel of latitude to the 
eastern extremity of this State, should form the permanent 
boundary between said States. 

Both these propositions were rejected by the Tennessee Com- 
missioners, who had submitted to us the following propositions: 
That "Walker's line" to the Tennessee River, thence up the 
same, on the western bank thereof, to the line of Alexander and 
Munsell, and thence with that line to the Mississippi River, 
should form the boundary between said States, and that recip- 
rocal engagements should be made for the confirmation of 
certain claims granted by the States of Virginia and North 
Carolina, respectively, and which had been located south of 
" Walker's line," and north of Alexander and Munsell's line. 
.Vnd this proposition, submitted by them as the basis of a com- 
promise and settlement, was declared to be, in substance, their 
ultimatum. The two propositions submitted by your Commis- 
sioners were rejected, and the propositions submitted by the 
Tennessee Commissioners remained as the only basis on which 
a settlement and compromise could probably be effected. On 
these propositions your Commissioners were divided. Mr. 
Rowan was entirely opposed to the boundary which was pro- 
posed, and refused on that account to accede to the terms 
oflered. The undersigned was willing to have accepted the pro- 
posed limits with a sliglit modification, making the Tennessee 
River, instead of its western bank, the boundary of the two States, 






BOUNDARY LINE OF KENTUCKY. 53 

and giving to each a common and concurrent jurisdiction over 
it. Your Commisssioners disagreeing upon this principal and 
important point, did not much consider or discuss the incidental 
propositions which related to the claims of individuals. The un- 
dersigned entertained some doubts about the power of the Com- 
missioners to enter into stipulations concerning those claims. 
But, if stipulations were to be made on this subject, he thought 
that those proposed by the Commissioners of Tennessee ought 
to be modified. Your Commissioners informed those of Ten- 
nessee of their disagreement upon the propositions submitted 
to them, and that^ of course, no settlement could be made upon 
those terms. And in the same note which communicated that 
result, they proposed that the matters of controversy between 
the two States should be referred to the decision of such distin- 
guished men as might be mutually agreed upon, and who 
should neither be citizens of Tennessee or Kentucky, Virginia 
or North Carolina, or of any other State formed out of territory 
which belonged to either of the latter States. This proposition 
was also declined by the Tennessee Commissioners. 

And here terminated our negotiations with them. In addi- 
tion to the above statement, and in order that the legislature may 
have the amplest information, it may be proper to remark that 
the Tennessee Commissioners expressed their perfect readiness 
] to accede to any modification of their propositions that should 
not essentially change them, and particularly that they would 
agree that the Tennessee River, instead of its western bank, 
should be the boundary; and that it should be subject to the 
common jurisdiction of both States; and that they would make 
any modifications in their propositions which related to private 
claims, which should render them more satisfactory, or make 
them more equitable and reciprocal; or, in fine, that if it was 
preferred by Kentucky, they would waive all stipulations or 
engagements about private claims, and leave individuals without 
prejudice to assert and pursue their rights in any lawful way they 
might think proper. And upon the whole, the undersigned has 
no doubt that all other matters mio;ht have been satisfactorily 
arranged, if your Commissioners could have agreed upon the 
boundary of the two States as proposed by the Commissioners 
of Tennessee. 

In differing with his more able and enlightened colleague, the 
undersigned has experienced the deepest and most sincere regret, 
and he feels so sensibly how much the burden of his responsi- 
bility has been thereby increased, that although he will not pre- 
sume to attempt an elaborate argument upon a subject with 
which your honorable body is so well acquainted, he yet hopes 
that, without being considered obtrusive, he may be allowed 



54 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to suggest some of those views which have influenced his 

conduct. , 1 , n^ ^ • 

The only question of difficulty between the two States is, 
whether " Walker's line" should be established, as Tennessee 
insists or whether the line of division shall be sought for and 
fixed, as Kentucky has contended, upon the latitude of 36° 30' 
north. The undersigned has not so much considered on this 
subject what was abstractedly right or abstractedly wrong, but 
what was the best, the most politic, the most equitable, the most 
magnanimous that could be expected or done. And in this 
aspect of the subject he was willing to have concurred m the 
boundary proposed by the Commissioners of Tennessee. Upon 
the qucs'tion of dispute between the two States, the undersigned 
did believe that in strictness the mere right was with Kentucky, 
and that there had been no such mutual and direct confirma- 
tion of "Walker's line" as would render it obligatory upon 
Kentucky in a court of law. But there are many circumstances 
that are calculated to mitigate this right, that address them- 
selves strongly to us, and plead against a rigorous assertion 

of it. 

Walker's was a line of demarkation made by our own parent 
State. In the year after it was completed that same parent 
State, by the act of 1 781, before referred to, recognized it in 
the most emphatic manner as the limit of her territory. And 
again, by her act of 1791, before Kentucky had become an 
independent State, while she yet formed a part of the " Com- 
monwealth" of Virginia, and before the authority of that 
State, as expressly reserved by the act or compact of 1789, had 
ceased over this country, she, in the most solemn manner, con- 
firms and establishes " Walker's line," and acknowledges that 
she had previously received " official information" that North 
Carolina had also " resolved" to establish it. But it is said that 
this resolution of North Carolina and this act of Virginia were 
entirely inoperative because, some short time previous to the 
said act of 1 791, North Carolina had ceded her western terri- 
tories, according to their " chartered" limits, to the United 
.States. Admit this argument to be conclusive, but let us ask 
if this transaction was so understood by the States of Virginia 
and North Carolina? Did they consider their act and resolu- 
tion as mere nullities? And did they yet enact and resolve, as 
it appears they did, from the above-recited act of 1791 ? No, 
they most certainly did consider themseh^cs as then competent 
to fix the boundary of their western territories, and Virginia 
did, in all probability, consider her act of 1791 as effectual and 
conclusive upon that subject. If, then, the States of Virginia 
and Carolina so considered and understood their own acts, does 



BOUNDARY LINE OF KENTUCKY. 



55 



it best become their descendants, Kentucky and Tennessee, 
to apply to those acts rules of construction which will en- 
tirely defeat and frustrate their effect, or to observe them, 
according to the understanding of the original parties, and in 
the same spirit of amity and conciliation? 

" Walker's line," since the year 1780, and for about the space 
of forty years, has been observed as the line of division and 
jurisdiction. North Carolina, the United States, and the State 
of Tennessee have each in succession, as they were the sove- 
reigns of the country, exercised jurisdiction on the south up to 
" Walker's line." That line for the same period has limited 
the jurisdiction of Virginia and Kentucky. Counties and county 
towns have on both sides been established with reference to 
this line. And with very few exceptions it has guided and 
regulated individuals, claiming under Virginia or Carolina, in 
their locations and appropriations of land. The effect of a 
change of this boundary for one a few miles farther south, 
will be to confound and endanger individual rights, to disturb 
and derange the municipal regulations, the counties and other 
sectional divisions of both States, and to coerce a reluctant 
people into subjection to our government. Ought all these 
considerations to be sacrificed to the acquisition of a strip. of 
territory a few miles in breadth, along our southern border? 
or do they not rather strongly prompt us to a forbearance of 
our right and to the establishment of an old and long-respected 
boundary? Is this little acquisition necessary to the dignity 
and consequence of Kentucky? Surely it is not; and it does 
appear to the undersigned that the annexation of it to this 
State would be much less beneficial to us than the dismember- 
ment of it from Tennessee would be injurious to them. 

But suppose that all these considerations avail nothing; sup- 
pose that Kentucky, regardless of consequences, determines to 
insist upon her right to the disputed territory, and to compel 
its reluctant inhabitants to a state of vassalage, or, what is the 
same thing, unwilling submission to her government, — by what 
course is she to effect it? Tennessee has possession, a pos- 
session which has continued uninterrupted forty years. There 
is no tribunal before which a reluctant State can be arrayed. 
Congress has repeatedly refused, though urged in the strongest 
manner, to pass any law authorizing the Supreme Court of the 
United States to take cognizance of controversies between 
States. If their negotiation and compromise fail, where is our 
remedy? What is the value of our naked and abstract right 
— "a right without a remedy?" 

There may now be some magnanimity and generosity dis- 
played in sacrificing it to the peace and harmony of the two 



56 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

States. We shall thereby also obtain a peaceable and quiet 
possession of all the territory which we claim, west of the Ten- 
nessee, and which would, in all probability, otherwise become 
the scene of active controversy and dangerous collision between 
the two States. Upon the whole, then, the undersigned could 
perceive no advantages likely to result to Kentucky from a 
protraction of this disagreeable controversy. He considered 
it as worse than useless to hold up "in terrorem" a barren 
right to be brandished a few years longer in vexatious contest, 
and then to sink into that oblivion to which time will inevitably 
consign every right which is not accompanied with its proper 

remedy. 

Influenced by these circumstances and considerations, the 
undersigned was willing to establish " Walker's line," and to 
accede to the terms proposed by the Commissioners of Ten- 
nessee, with such modifications as they afterv/ards expressed 
themselves ready to allow. And in so doing, he trusts that he 
should in naught have committed either the interest or honor 
of Kentucky. For anxious, as he is willing to acknowledge 
he was, to see all matters of difference amicably settled, and 
proud as he should have been to have been instrumental in the 
humblest degree in removing every obstacle to the peace and 
harmony of two States so united, so allied, and so congenial 
in character, yet all these feelings are subordinate to that supe- 
rior attachment and love which binds him to the interest and 
honor of his own native State. And in acceding to the pro- 
posed terms of compromise, he trusts that he has in naught 
committed either her honor or her true interest. 

The undersigned begs leave to tender his sincere acknowl- 
edgments for the honor conferred on him by your honorable 
body by placing him in this important commission. And 
although he and his colleague have failed, he yet hopes that 
the superior wisdom of your honorable body may devise means 
for the accomplishment of the desirable object you had in view, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mr. Crittenden assisted General Shelby in the preparation 
of iiis defense against the charges brought by Colonel Preston 
against the old hero. 

The following letter from General Shelby to Mr. Crittenden 
with relation to Ferguson's defeat, will no doubt be an object 
of interest : 

Danville, June 16th, 1823. 

My dear Sir, — You have no doubt before this seen the 
replies of both General Preston and his son to my publication. 



FERGUSON'S DEFEAT.— GENERAL SHELBY. 57 

Colonel Preston proposes to establish for his own father the 
merit of planning the expedition which led to Ferguson's defeat. 

I have examined the subject in my own mind in eveiy point 
of view, and cannot, in the remotest manner, discover wherein 
General Preston could have had any agency in this exploit. I 
lived nearly one hundred and twenty miles from him, in a dif- 
ferent State, and had no kind of communication with him on 
the subject, and from every recollection, I am convinced that 
the statement I gave you is indisputably true. I recollect, how- 
ever, that Major Cloyd, with three hundred men from the 
county of Montgomery, commanded by Colonel Preston, fought 
an action with the Tories at the shallow ford of the Yadkin 
River, nearly one hundred miles north of King's Mountain, 
about two weeks after the defeat of Ferguson. It has always 
been a mystery to me as to Cloyd's destination, or that of the 
enemy whom he encountered. I have only understood that 
they met accidentally in the road, and that the enemy was com- 
posed of the Tories in the neighborhood, and of the Bryants, 
of Kentucky, some of whom were killed in the fight. 

If Ferguson was Cloyd's object, he was too weak to effect 
anything, and besides. Lord Cornwallis, with the British army, 
lay directly in the route between them. My convictions are 
so clear on this point I have no fear that General Preston can 
render my statement doubtful. He proposes, too, to invalidate 
the testimony of Moses Shelby. I will, for your own satis- 
faction, give you a short sketch of his history. Moses was in 
his nineteenth year when he left his father's house to join the 
expedition against Ferguson, and had never before, to my 
knowledge, been more than forty miles from home. It is well 
known that our march was too rapid for a youth of that age to 
trespass in any manner, the army having marched two or three 
hundred miles, and fought the battle in twelve days, three of 
which we were detained on the road from different causes. 
Moses was severely wounded at the Mountain, and the bone 
of one thigh being fractured, he could be carried but a short 
distance from the battle-ground, where he lay on his back 
nearly three months, and was only able to ride out a few days 
before General Morgan came up into the district of Ninety- 
Six. He joined Morgan but a day or two before the battle 
of the Cowpens, on the 17th of January, 1781. Here he was 
wounded more severely than at the Mountain, and lay, until 
March or April, under the hands of a surgeon. When Colonel 
Clarke, of Georgia, came on with his followers to commence 
the siege of Augusta, his wounds were still sore and open, but 
at the warm solicitations of Clarke, Moses joined the expedition, 
and was appointed captain of horse. It is well known that the 



58 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



siecre lasted until May or June following, in which Moses was 
acttvely engaged, and Clarke asserted to many that he made 
several charges on the enemy, who sallied during the siege, 
which would have done honor to Count Pulaski. Moses re- 
turned home shortly after the siege, and never crossed the 
mountains again during the war. The next year, 1782, he, 
with other adventurers, went to the new settlements, then 
forming where Nashville now stands, where he continued off 
and on^until he married, two or three years afterwards. As the 
settlements progressed down the Cumberland, he was always 
among the foremost of the pioneers. He finally settled in what 
is now called Livingston County, Kentucky, where, at the unani- 
mous solicitation of the inhabitants, he was appointed colonel 
of the new county, about the year 1793. He had the command 
for a number of years. And after the acquisition of Louisiana, 
he removed to that territory, and now resides on the west side 
of the Mississippi, two miles below New Madrid, covered with 
the scars of thirteen deep wounds, received in defense of his 
country, from which he is too proud to receive a pension, always 
disdaining to apply for one. In his youth he was of a warm and 
ardent disposition, always ready to risk his life for a friend, and 
profuse of his property (of which he had a considerable inherit- 
ance), even to a fault. It would exceed the bounds of a letter 
to give you a statement of the many hair-breadth escapes and 
imminent dangers through which he passed. Soon after his 
marriage he became impressed with religious sentiments, joined 
the Methodist Church, liberated his slaves, and, so far as I know 
and believe, has always supported a good character in that 
county. 

It is possible, while at the South, in 1780-81, from his ardent 
disposition and the prevailing excitement of the times, that he 
may in some cases have acted imprudently. The war between 
the Whigs and Tories Av^as carried on with the utmost rancor 
and malice, each endeavoring to do the greatest injury to the 
other. 

Colonel Willoughby, whose affidavit has been published, 
swears to no point. He lived three hundred miles from the 
scene of action, and his information may have been very erro- 
neous. 

If, however. General Preston proves rt//a;r;z//j/ anything more, 
he shall be answered. 

I have m.ade this hasty sketch for your own satisfaction. 
I remain, dear sir, very respectfully, your friend, 

Isaac Shelby. 

John J. Crittenden. 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 59 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

AsHiAND, September 13, 1823. 

DE.R Crittenden,-! received your letter by Mr Davis \ 
participate most cordially with you in the just so icitude which 
the dispute between Messrs. Breckenridge and Wickhffe awakens. 
When It was first mentioned to me, considermg the pecuhar cir- 
cum'unces and the character of one of the parties, feared tha 
a 1 p^^^^^^^^^^^^ interference would be unavailing, and that the best 
couse would be an appeal to the civil authority, with its chances 
of delay -cooling of the passions, and possible u t.mate accom- 
modation Supposing the intercession of the civil power, would 
not Mr V. be'?elieved from the necessity of having the mter- 
vkw and Mr. B. be stripped of any ground to cany into effect 
Uredternative, which it is said he menaced? There is how- 
ever no incompatibility between the two courses, which may 
be Hed in succession, or simultaneously, according ^o arctun 
stanas I have therefore prepared and, on my own part, signed 
alette; addressed to the parties, and which may be signed by 
\lZor atkcr of you, and the governor. If ^1- -1^^^^^^^^^ 
of them to your brother should induce you to w thhold your 
sicna^ure that of the governor may be affixed without yours 
I ouW Advise a copy^of this letter to be delivered to each of 
he seconds; mid considering that it is uncertain where they 
', S? I would suggest that one of the judges of the Court 
7ippeals or Circuit C^ourts be applied to for a warrant to bi d 
the mrties The public rumor of their intention to meet will 
ornfa sufficient iround for his action. One of the mot iv^ 
which took me to Woodford was to see you. The melancholy 
:ven which occurred there of private affliction to you (on which 
I offer vou my sincere condolence deprived me of that pleas- 
ure My health is not re-established, but is improving, and I 
begin to^ feel that I see land, or rather, that I may not get 

'"''^''''^- I am faithfully yours, 

Henry Clay. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER V. 
1824 — 1829. 

Letters— Jackson and Adams— Letters— Appointed, in 1827, United States Attorney 

for Kentucky Removed by General Jackson — Nominated by President Adams 

to the Supreme Court— Letter of Mr. C. to a Friend, written from College of 
William and Mary, 

(George M. Bibb to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, March 8, 1824. 

DEAR JOHN, — That there are men who will ascribe my 
actioiLs to any motive but a reasonable one, I know, but 
that any should suppose that I have come to Washington for the 
purpose of electioneering against Mr. Clay is an extravagance that 
I did not anticipate would have been charged against me. My 
great motive in coming here was to get a hearing and decision 
in my suit for the land at Falmouth ; in this I have succeeded. 
The opinion is delivered, and is in my favor. I endeavored to lay 
a contribution on other suitors in the court to help pay expenses 
of the trip, but the people of Kentucky are not drilled to paying 
fees to the lawyers. They pay in promises. As to Mr. Clay, 
he has broken the cords of friendship which bound me to him ; 
they can never again be tied. I have no desire to interfere with 
your friendship for him, nor to trouble you with complaints of 
his conduct to me. Beware of such sunshine friends ! As to 
electioneering upon the subject of President, I am as far removed 
from it iis Washington is from Kentucky. I have heard a great 
deal ; said little. I am not a member of Congress, and have, 
therefore, no right to go to caucus or vote in caucus, nor have 
I a vote when the question shall come before the House of Rep- 
resentatives. A listener, who hears all parties, is perhaps better 
able to form his opinions than those who are heated, busy, 
bustling managers. The grand Harrisburg Convention has 
decided, with but a single dissenting voice, for Jackson. Roberts 
was the only man who did not, upon the first vote, declare for 
Jackson. This has given a new impetus to him. The anticipa- 
tion that Pennsylvania would declare for him gave him great 
advantages. The undivided voice of the Convention at Har- 
risburg has surprised the friends of all the other candidates, — 
save those of Calhoun, — they looked for it after the meeting in 
(60) 



LETTER FROM GEORGE M. BIBB. 6 1 

the county of Philadelphia, for the purpose of choosing a dele- 
gate to the Convention at Harrisburg. It seems that the people 
of North Carolina are taking up Jackson, as Pennsylvania did, 
against their politicians and of their own mere will. So it is in 
New York. The majority of the Senate are disposed to keep 
the appointment of electors in the legislature, — that is their cal- 
culation for Crawford; but a large majority of the House of 
Representatives of that State are decidedly opposed to Craw- 
ford. Adams is the most potent there. With the people, Jack- 
son is next to Adams, and should the election go to the people 
Jackson may prevail in that State. The indications in Mary- 
land are for Jackson. Tennessee and Alabama, Mississippi, 
Louisiana and Missouri, for Jackson. All New England for 
Adams. As for Indiana and Ohio, it is difficult now to say for 
whom their vote will be. The most knowing say that the 
substantial controversy is now between Adams and Jackson, 
and by a union of the slaveholding States with Pennsylvania 
Jackson may be elected. Unless Clay gets the votes of New 
York he cannot be one of the three from whom the House of 
Representatives is to choose. What revolutions in the electoral 
votes may take place before the time of choosing the Electoral 
College, should the friends of Crawford find out what eveiybody 
else seems to have found out (that he cannot be elected either 
by the people or the House of Representatives), cannot be fore- 
seen. Jackson's ticket is every day acquiring new friends. 
Since the Convention at Harrisburg his pretensions are placed 
before the people by means of newspapers that were devoted 
before to other candidates. So much for politics. The great 
case, between Jersey and New York as it is called, upon the 
constitutionality of the law of New York, giving to Fulton the 
exclusive right to navigate the waters of New York by steam- 
boats, is decided against New York. In this cause, I heard 
from Wirt the greatest display that I have ever heard at the bar 
since the days of Patrick Henry. His legal argument was very 
strong ; his peroration was beautiful and grand. I did not hear 
Webster, nor Oakley, nor Emmett in this case, but all are said 
to have exhibited great talents. I have heard Webster, Sergeant, 
and White, of Tennessee. Wirt, Webster, White, and Ogden 
are the ablest lawyers, and Walter Jones should also be ranked 
among the first. Emmett I have not heard, but his reputation 
is high. After all, I have not been convinced that the bar of 
Kentucky does not contain as much talent and force as any 
other bar in the Union. 

March lyth. I have heard Wirt in another great case, opposed 
by Clay and Harper. Wirt rises with the occasion and the 
opposing force. The bill for putting the choice of the electors 



62 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of New York to the people has been rejected by the Senate, so 
that it cannot now be foreseen how New York will be. The 
majority of the Senate for Crawford, the majority of the House 
of Representatives against him. Mr. Clay's prospects there, 
feeble as they were, are gone. We may now begin to settle 
down between Jackson and Adams. I can have no hesitation ; 
my voice is for Jackson. 

Monroe is here, our Tom, and is charged with a speech. I 
have no mission in view ; I expect to be a pleader of causes as 
long as I am able to follow the profession. I had not, in coming 
here, any other motive or prospect. This day week I expect to 

be off to Kentucky. 

Yours, as ever, 

George M. Bibb. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, August 22, 1825. 
De..\r Crittexdex, — Upon my arrival here, yesterday,-! found 
your agreeable favor of the 7th instant. Although it is a moment 
of severe affliction with me, I cannot refuse myself the satis- 
faction of addressing a line to you. I rejoice most heartily in 
the event of our elections. I -rejoice in your election, to which I 
attach the greatest importance. I rejoice that the vile and dis- 
gusting means employed to defeat you have failed, as they 
ought to have failed. Your presence in the House will be 
highly necessary. The prnning-knife should be applied with a 
considerate and steady hand. The majority should dismiss 
from their minds all vindictive feelings, and act for the good and 
the honor of Kentucky, and for the preservation of her constitu- 
tion. You will have some trotible in preserving the proper tem- 
per, but you should do it; nothing should be done from passion 
or /;/ passion. Undoubtedly restore the constitutional judges, 
repeal bad laws, but preserve good ones, even if they have been 
passed by the late dominant party. When you have the power of 
appointment, put in good and faithful men, but make no stretches 
of authority even to get rid of bad ones. Such would be some 
of viy rules if I were a member of the G. Assembly. I hope 
we shall preserve the public peace with Georgia, notwithstand- 
ing the bad humor of her governor. Nor do we intend that the 
treaty with the Creeks shall be executed before the time fixed 
by its own stipulations for its execution, which, happily, will 
again bring that instrument in review before Congress. 

Your faithful friend, 

Hexry Clay. 
Respects and congratulations to Harvey. 
John J. Chittenden. 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 



63 



(J. J. Crittenden to Heniy Clay.) 

Frankfort, September 22, 1S25. 
My dear Sir, — Your letter has been received, and I thank 
you for your friendly congratulations on my election. You are 
pleased to attach more consequence to it than it deserves. The 
general result of our late elections is a triumph, and a just 
subject of congratulation among the friends of constitutional 
government. It is my misfortune that so much is expected 
of me. I speak it more in sorrow than in vanity. The "Anti- 
Reliefs" and the " Reliefs" both have their eyes fixed upon me. 
The former expect me to do a great deal, the latter to forbear 3. 
great deal. My situation will be delicate, and I fear I shall not 
be equal to it. The party ought to do nothing from passion, 
nor in passion. We must retrench, and we must have a short 
session, must avoid every act of indiscretion which would turn 
from us the public feeling. It is not certain what course the 
new judges will pursue. They have not resigned ; some of their 
party talk of their holding out to the last extremity. Supposing 
them to take this course, and supposi-ng the governor and 
Senate to defeat the passage of a bill for the repeal of the act 
under which these new judges were created, ought not the 
House of Representatives to declare, by resolution, that act to 
be unconstitutional, and that Boyle, Ov/sley, and Mills are the 
only constitutional judges ? Ought they not to resume their func- 
tions and coerce the redelivery of the records that were wrested 
from their clerk by the new court? Would it be better to leave 
the new court in possession of the records and appeal again to 
the people at the next election ? The subject is perplexing, and 
I should like to hear your views. 

Yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, March 10, 1826. 
Dear Crittenden, — Robert Scott informs me that there are 
several cases of the estate of Colonel Monison on the docket 
of the new Court of Appeals. I should be glad if they were 
anywhere else ; but, being there, I must beg that you will not 
allow the estate to suffer for the want of counsel. If you do 
not practice in the new court and believe that counsel may be 
nevertheless necessary there, be pleased to engage for me some 
one who does. I have absolutely not had time or health to 
keep up my private and friendly correspondence during the past 
winter with any regularity. With respect to politics, from 
others and from the public prints, you have no doubt received 
most of the information which /should have been able to com- 



64 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

municate. In the House of Representatives members and 
talents are largely on the side of the administration. In the 
Senate matters do not stand so well. There are about sixteen 
or seventeen senators resolved on opposition at all events, 
seven or eight more are secretly so disposed, and indulge in 
that spirit, as far as they can, /n/^r;///j. When these two sec- 
tions unite, they make together a small majority. Near three 
months ago a nomination was made of ministers to Panama. 
That subject has been selected for opposition, and by numerous 
contrivances, the measure has been delayed to this time, and 
may be for some days to come. On all collateral questions, 
these senators who are secretly disposed to opposition, vote 
with the Macedonian phalanx, and thus making a majority 
procrastinate the decision. Nevertheless, that decision is not 
believed by either party to be doubtful. The measure will be 
finally sanctioned by a small majority. The Vice-President 
(your particular friend) is up to the hub with the opposition, 
although he will stoutly deny it when proof cannot be adduced. 
One of the main inducements with him and those whom he 
can influence is, that they suppose, if they can defeat, or by 
delay cripple the measure, it ivill affect me. I am sorry to tell 
you that our senator (Mr. Rowan) is among the bitterest of the 
opponents to the administration. He appears as if he had been 
gathering a head of malignity for some years back, which he is 
now letting off upon poor Mr. Adams and his administration ; he 
is, however, almost impotent. As for the Colonel, he is very much 
disposed to oblige all parties, and is greatly distressed that 
neither of them is willing to take him by moieties. If the Re- 
lief party should decline (as Jackson's cause seems to be giving 
way), the Colonel will be a real, as he is now a nominal, sup- 
porter of the administration. The President wishes not to ap- 
point a judge in place of our inestimable friend, poor Todd, 
until the Senate disposes of the bill to extend the judiciary, 
though he may, by the delay to which that body seems now 
prone, be finally compelled to make the appointment without 
waiting for its passage or rejection. It is owing principally to 
Mr. Rowan that an amendment has been made in the Senate, 
throwing Kentucky and Ohio into the same circuit, and his 
object was to prevent any judge from being appointed in Ken- 
tucky. He told me himself that he wished the field of election 
enlarged for a judge in our circuit. Give my respects to Blair, 
and tell h.im I mean to write to him soon, — not, however, on 
Kentucky politics. Say to him that I should be very glad to 
gratify him if I could, by expressing an opinion in favor of tJie. 

or a compromise, but I would rather oblige him in any 

other matter. I mean to abjure Kentucky politics, not because 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 



65 



I have not the deepest interest in all that concerns her char- 
acter and prosperity, but — it is not worth while to trouble you 
ivitJi tJie reasons. 

I am faithfully your friend, 

H. Clay. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Hemy Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, May 11, 1826. 
Dear Crittenden, — I have received your acceptable favor 
of th« 27th. The affair with Mr. R-, to which you refer with so 
much kindness, was unavoidable (according to that standard, 
my own feelings and judgment, to which its decision exclusively 
belonged). I rejoiced at its harmless issue. In regard to its 
effect upon me, with the public, I have not the smallest appre- 
hension. The general effect will not be bad. I believe it is 
the only similar occurrence which is likely to take place here. 
As to McDuffie and Trimble, the general opinion here is that 
Trimble obtained a decided advantage, and in that opinion I 
understand some of the friends of McDuffie concur. You will 
not doubt it when you read Trimble's speech, who really ap- 
pears on that occasion to have been inspired. Mr. Gallatin is 
appointed to England, and there is general acquiescence in the 
propriety of his appointment. Our senator, Mr. R., made a 
violent opposition to Trimble's nomination, and prevailed upon 
four other senators to record their negatives with him. He is 
perfectly impotent in the Senate, and has fallen even below the 
standard of his talents, of which, I think, he has some for mis- 
chief, if not for good. The judiciary bill will most probably be 
lost by the disagreement between the two Houses as to its 
arrangements. This day will decide. My office is very labo- 
rious. Amidst sundry negotiations and interminable corre- 
spondence, I have, nevertheless, found time during the winter 
and spring to conclude two commercial treaties, — one with Den- 
mark and one with Guatemala, which have had the fortune to 
be unanimously approved by the Senate. Publication deferred 
till ratified by the other parties. I am rejoiced at the prospect 
you describe of the settlement of our local differences. It will 
be as I have ever anticipated. I think, with deference to our 
friends, there has been all along too much doubt and despair. On 
the other hand, you should not repose in an inactive confidence. 
I believe with you, that some of the Relief party have been 
alienated from me. Not so, however, I trust zvith Blair, to 
whom I pray you to communicate my best respects. 

Yours, faithfully, 

Henry Clay. 

VOL. I. — i, 



66 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J, J. Crittenden to Heniy Clay.) 

Frankfort, September 3, 1827, 

My dear Sir, — I have received your letter of the 23d of July 
last, and cannot hesitate to give you the statement you have 
requested. Some time in the fall of 1824, conversing upon the 
subject of the tlien pending presidential election, and speaking 
in reference to your exclusion from the contest, and to your 
being called upon to decide and vote between the other candi- 
dates who might be returned to the House of Representatives, 
yo2i declared that you could not, or that it was impossible, for 
you to vote for General Jackson in any event. This contains 
the substance of what you said. ]\Iy impression is, that this 
conversation took place not long before you went on to Con- 
gress, and your declaration was elicited by some intimation 
that fell from me of my preference for General Jackson over 
all other candidates except yourself I will only add, sir, that I 
have casually learned from my friend Colonel James Davidson, 
our State treasurer, that you conversed with him about the 
same time on the same subject, and made in substance the same 
declaration. Notwithstanding the reluctance I feel at having 
my humble name dragged before the public, I could not in 
justice refuse you this statement of facts, with permission to 
use it as you may think proper for the purpose of your own 
vindication. 

I have the honor to be, yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Hon. Henry Clay, 
Secretary of State, 

(Heniy Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

WAsmNGTON, Feb. 14, 1828. 
My dear Sir, — I have delayed answering your last favor 
under the hope that I might have it in my power to communicate 
to you some more certain information than I am able to trans- 
mit respecting public affairs. In regard to New York, the late 
caucus nomination of General Jackson was the mere conse- 
quence of the packed elections to their legislatures last fall. So 
far from discouraging our friends there it is believed that good 
will come out of it. They speak with great confidence of a 
result next fall that will give Mr. Adams a large majority of the 
electoral vote of that State. Our prospects are good in Penn- 
sylvania and Virginia, and especially in North Carolina. If our 
friends, without reference to false rumors and idle speculations 
everywhere, do their duty, the issue of the present contest will, 
in ni)' opinion, be certainly favorable to Mr. Adams. All that 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. (Sj 

we want is a tone of confidence corresponding with the good- 
ness of our cause. Is it not strange that no member of the 
court, nor any bystander, should have given me any account of 
my trial before the Senate of Kentucky, with the exception of 
one short letter before it began, and another after its commence- 
ment, from a friend residing some distance from Frankfort? 
I have received no satisfactory information about the extraor- 
dinary proceeding. Of the result I am, as yet, unaware. I 
hope if I am to be hung I shall be duly notified of time and 
place, that I may present myself in due form to my executioner. 
But to be serious, was it not a most remarkable proceeding ? 
I never doubt the good intentions of my friends, but in this 
instance I am afraid their zeal and just confidence in my 
integrity have hurried them into some indiscretions. By ad- 
mitting the investigation, have they not alloived, what no man of 
candor and of sense believes, that there may be ground for 
the charge? At this distance it is difficult to judge correctly, 
but it seems to me that it would have been better to have 
repelled the resolution of General Allen with indignation. I 
make, however, no reproaches. I utter no complaints. Resigna- 
tion and submission constitute my duty, and I conform to it 
cheerfully. I perceive that Mr. Blair refused to be sworn. I 
persuade myself that his resolution was dictated by honor and 
his personal regard for me. Still, I fear that malice will draw 
from his silence stronger conclusions to my prejudice than could 
have been done if he had exhibited my letter. Should that 
appear to you and him to be the case, I should be glad that you 
^would have the letter published, — there is nothing in it but its 
levity that would occasion me any regret on account of its pub- 
lication. The public will, however, make a proper allowance 
for a private and friendly correspondence never intended for its 

We shall have the tariff up in Congress next week. I antici- 
pate a tremendous discussion. The Jackson party is playing a 
game of brag on that subject. They do not really desire the 
passage of their own measure, and it may happen in the sequel 
that what is desired by ncitlicr party commands the support of 
both. 

I am, as ever, cordially your friend, 

H. Clay. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Govenior R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) " 

Washington City, March 15, 1S28. 
Dear Sir, — I answer your favor of the 4th without a mo- 
ment's hesitation. You ask me whether I have any recollection 



68 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of writino- to you during the pendency of the late presidential 
election, ?equesting you to see Mr. F. P. Blair and get him to 
H-rite to David White, your representative \\\ Congress, to encoiir- 
ao-c or induce him to vote for Mr. Adams, informing me at the 
same time that Mr. Blair, in a recent friendly conversation be- 
t\veen him and yourself, alleged such to be the fact. Now, sir, 
vou nor no other gentleman ever received such a communica- 
tion from me. How could I have made such a request ? What 
necessity was there for it ? Mr. White never, to my knowledge, 
expressed any doubt in relation to his vote for Adams. On the 
contrary, he was determined, positive, and decided in his feel- 
ings against General Jackson from the moment he knew between 
whom^'the contest would be. I knew him too well to suppose 
he needed any stimulants to vote for Adams. His anxiety on ^j 
that subject was superior to mine. I have no doubt if Mr. Blair j 
and yourself will, in that free and friendly intercourse which 
alwa)-s existed between you, call upon White, the mistake which 
you allude to can at once be corrected as far as my name is con- 
cerned. Let Mr. Blair look into his letters to Mr. White, and 
their dates, and he will at once perceive from the whole tenor 
of his correspondence that it would have been worse than idle 
on my part to ask Jiiiii through you to induce White to vote for 
Adams. White showed me several letters from him earjy, I 
think, in January, 1824, advising him in the most persuasive 
language to vote for Adams, saying, " he was much the safest 
ehnnce of the tzvo." I saw similar letters of Mr. Blair to Mr. 
Cla\'. I speak from recollection, but it is probable Clay and 
White have both preserved their letters, by which Mr. Blair can 
satisfy himself I have no doubt he will be very much surprised 
when he looks into the whole of his letters at the great solicitude 
he manifested in behalf of Mr. Adams in 1824. I have said 
nothin<r about these matters. I have interfered less with the 
vile charges made against others and myself also i\i2in any other 
man who has been implicated, having resolved as long as possi- 
ble to keep myself out of all newspaper controversies. I believe 
I can satisfy you how the mistake has occurred between you 
and Blair. I wrote very few letters during the pendency of the 
l)residential election to any one. I wrote tzvo to you, neither 
of which contained more than ten or twelve lines. The first 
was written about the middle of January. In that letter I said 
that Mr. Bibb (I had just understood) had obtained, or perhaps 
was the b:jarer of man}- private letters to Mr. White, informing 
him that his district was in a flame at the idea of his voting for 
Adams, and that Kentucky would burn every man in effigy 
who dared to vote against Jackson. . . . I think I inquired 
if such was the fact, and whether you had any reason to believe 



II 



JACKSON AND ADAMS. 69 

Mr. Bibb had such letters, and suggesting that if he had, they 
contradicted all the information which had been communicated 
by you, Blair, and others in relation to public opinion. Whether 
you read this letter to Blair I can't tell, neither did I care 
whether you did or not, — it contained no treason. You never 
answered my first letter, or my second, which bore date the day 
of the election for President, and in which I informed you of 
the result. I have given you a hasty, but I believe a correct, 
account of our correspondence in 1824. This letter is not 
intended for publication. Should you and Blair get into a 
paper war, and I am called upon to make a statement, I will 
endeavor to do justice to both, but should regret to form any 
part of it. I will apply to Clay to see the whole of Blair's 
correspondence with him in 1824, by which I can ascertain _/vz<r^.y 
and dates. 

With great respect, yours, 

R. P. Letcher. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden,. 

Mr. Crittenden has been charged with inconsistency in his 
political course in early life, more particularly in relation to 
General Jackson. It is said that he was originally a Jackson 
man, and abandoned him for Mr. Adams without cause. This 
was at the time when the cry of "bargain and corruption" was 
brought against Mr. Clay. In this connection I will give a 
letter written by Mr. C, in 1825, to the Hon. Mr. White, and 
another to Ben Taylor : 

Dear Sir, — All compliments aside, I am really much obliged 
to you for your regular correspondence. The information you 
give me concerning the presidential election dissatisfies me more 
and more with the course pursued by our legislature, in 
instructing you to vote for Jackson. Without reasoning much 
about the matter, my preference was for Jackson ; but that 
preference was unmingled with any condemnatory or vindictive 
spirit towards those who should take a different course. I felt 
that it was a subject of deep and vital consequence, and that 
there were many considerations Avhich rendered it important 
that you should be left with entire liberty to act and represent 
us on that occasion. I was totally averse to the instructions 
given you, and desired that you should be guided by your own 
discretion and sense of responsibility. You were as well 
acquainted as the legislature was with the sense of your con- 
stituents, and they ought to have been satisfied that you would 
support Jackson, but for some sufficient reasons which might 



/ 



o 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



arise out of facts and contingencies which they neither did or 
could know. The fact is, our legislature had taken it for granted 
that Jackson was to be the President, and they were ambitious 
of having a hand in the matter, discharging their duty, and 
having the seeming honor of conferring the Presidency. 

From what I have said you may readily conclude that you 
have no cause to expect my condemnation for any course you 
may think proper to pursue, nor do I believe you have anything 
to apprehend from your district. I am told that your senator, 
Charles Allen, was violent against the instructions. It is true 
I am an advocate for the right of instruction, and it is moreover 
true that I prefer Jackson to Adams, but I prefer my country to 
either, and I do not consider a request of the legislature as a 
binding instruction on a representative of the people. Preferring 
Jackson personally, I still feel that many considerations might 
arise which would lead me to forego that preference, and the 
request, or even instructions, of the legislature with it. I would 
not hesitate to give my vote for Mr. Adams, if it was necessary 
to prevent a failure in the election. Of all the results that 
would grow out of this contest, none would be more obnoxious, 
or more to be deplored, than that of devolving the chief magis- 
tracy upon the Vice-President. The people expect a President, 
and will not be satisfied with a subaltern. It will be a reproach 
to the republic, and an ill omen for the future, if it shall appear 
that we have already become too disunited, too factious, 
to agree upon a chief magistrate. I would do almost any- 
thing to avert this 1 Again, as much as I like Jackson, I 
know that he has not that knowledge of politics best calculated 
to qualify him for the discharge of the high and arduous duties 
of the Presidency. The character of his administration would 
depend greatly upon the qualifications of his cabinet or coun- 
selors. Thinking, as I do, of Mr. Clay, of his great integrity, 
his consummate ability, and his lofty American spirit, I believe 
it to be highly important to the public interests that he should 
occupy a distinguished position in the executive department. 
Under all circumstances, my first wish, dictated by my personal 
partialities and considerations of the public good, would be, that 
Jackson should be elected President and Clay should be his Sec- 
retary of Stiite. I really do believe that the common good is 
more concerned in Clay's being Secretary of State than in the 
question between Jackson and Adams. 

My letter is so long I scarcely know what I have written. Of 
this I am sure, it contains a quantity of hasty, trashy politics 
w hich I would not willingly have any but a friend look upon, 
in )()ur List letter you express some friendly apprehensions 
that }ou might have given me pain or offense by what you 



LETTER TO HENR Y CLA V. j I 

said of Calhoun. Dismiss all such fears. Mr. Calhoun has 
seen, but does not know me, and I know but little of him. He 
cares nothing for me; and I, as old Lear says, "owe him no 
subscription." I voted for him as Vice-President; I thought he 
was the abler man. Had I believed that Clay's interests would 
have been advanced a hair's breadth by my voting against Cal- 
houn, it would have been done. It is dark ; I cannot read over 
what I have written. Write to me frequently. 

Yovir friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Frankfort, Dec. 3d, I828. 
Dear Sir, — Though recent occurrences have greatly de- 
pressed my spirits, my principles forbid me to despair. I have 
a strong confidence " that truth is omnipotent and public justice 
certain," and that you will live to hail the day of retribution and 
triumph. Your political enemies render involuntary homage to 
you by their apprehensions of your future elevation, and your 
friends find their consolation in looking upon the same prospect. 
The combination formed against you will dissolve, — its leaders 
have too many selfish views of personal aggrandizement to har- 
monize long. Your friends will remain steadfast, — bound to 
you more strongly by adversity. You will be looked to as the 
great head of the mass that constitutes the present administra- 
tion party. This spirit is already visible, and I am sanguine of 
its final result. What an excellent philosophy it is which can 
thus extract good from evil, consolation from defeat! You 
will, of course, go on with the administration to the last moment, 
as though Mr. Adams had been re-elected, and with all the good 
temper and discretion possible. But what then ? That you 
should return to your district and represent it again in Congress 
seems to be the expectation of your friends. It is certainly 
mine. Our judges of the Court of Appeals, Owsley and Mills, 
have this day delivered their resignations to the governor. This 
will deprive the agitators of one of their anticipated topics. I 
think they will both be renominated. Owsley will be confirmed, 
Mills will be strongly opposed, — he is, unfortunately, very un- 
popular. As to the Federal judgeship, to which you say I have 
been recommended, I have only to remark that if it should come 
to me, neither the giving nor the receiving of it shall be soiled by 
any solicitations of mine on the subject. The kindness of those 
friends who have recommended me is doubly grateful to my 
feelings, as it was unsolicited. I have never been guilty of the 
affectation of pretending that such an office would be unwelcome 
to me, but I have certainly never asked any one to recommend 






LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



me. I wrote to Judge Boyle that I would not permit myself to be 
thrown into competition with him ; but he informed me that he 
would not have the office. I have violated all rule in writing 
so long a letter to a Secretary of State, and will only add that 

I am his friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Hon. Henry Clay, 

Secretary of State. 

(Letter from Mr. Crittenden to Ben Taylor.) 

De.-vr Sir, — I have this morning casually learned that in a 
conversation, held by you in Versailles within a few days past, 
on the subject of my removal from office, you declared it was 
justified, if for no other reason than upon the ground that I had 
written two letters to different gentlemen at Washington, — one 
expressing a WMsh that General Jackson might "beat the 
Yankee," the other " that Mr. Adams might be elected." I may 
not be accurate as to words, but the above is the substance of 
your declaration, as stated to me. The letters alluded to were, 
I presume, those written by me to General Call and to David 
White. They have been published, together with my remarks 
and explanations in relation to them. That publication, I per- 
suaded myself, ought to have satisfied every impartial man, 
who took the trouble to read and to consider it, that the charge 
of inconsistency made against me was groundless, and had been 
propagated by those who did not or would not understand the 
case. I felt, indeed, that I might treat it with disdain. Judge, 
then, of my surprise and astonishment that you, at such a time 
and under such circumstances, should be the first to renew such 
an imputation. My enemies I can defy ! But your multiplied 
kindnesses forbid me to regard you as an enemy; and I was 
not prepared for such a blow from the hands of a friend. Be- 
lieve me that I write to you " more in sorrow than in anger," 
and that if I had regarded you less I should not have troubled 
you with this communication. I do know and feel that you 
have done me injustice, unintentionally, I hope; but this con- 
sciousness will no longer permit me to look upon you as my 
friend so long as your conduct is unexplained or unatoned for. 

I have thought it due to frankness and to the relations which 
have heretofore existed between us to make this communication 
to you. 

In conclusion, I have only to assure you that I do not feel the 
least concern at my removal from office, — that no sensation of 
chagrin mingles with my emotions on this occasion. I care 
nothing fur the office, and nothing for the removal, — it is your 
imputation alone which wounds me. 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Benjamin Taylor, Esq. 



NOMINATION FOR JUDGE. 73 

In 1827 Mr. Crittenden was appointed Attorney of the United 
States for the District of Kentucky by President Adams. 

In 1829 he was removed by General Jackson, and John Speed 
Smith appointed in his place. The same year Mr. Crittenden 
was nominated, by President Adams, to fill a vacancy on the 
bench of the Supreme Court, occasioned by the death of Judge 
Trimble. A partisan Senate resolved not to act on the nomi- 
nation during that session of Congress. I give below two letters 
from Henry Clay on this subject ; one written on the 6th of 
January, 1829, the other on the 27th of the same month, and 
letters from other friends : 

Dear Sir, — I received your letter of the 27th with its in- 
closures, which I have sent, through the post-office, to their 
respective addresses. They arrived in time to produce all the 
good they are capable of effecting. Your nomination was made 
to the Senate, agreeably to the intimation I gave you in my 
former letter ; it has ever since been suspended there, and its 
fate is considered uncertain by your friends. It was referred, I 
understand, to a committee, which is not a very usual thing 
with original nominations. The policy of the Jackson party will 
be to delay, and ultimately to postpone it altogether. 

I believe it is contemplated by some of our friends to move 
to have the committee discharged, and the nomination taken up 
in the Senate. Such a motion will probably be made in a few 
days. As soon as the result is known I will inform you. In 
the mean time you need not to be assured that I will do every- 
thing in my power, consistently with propriety, to promote your 
success. 

I remain, with constant regard, cordially 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

H. Clay. 

January 27, 1829. 

Dear Sir, — I received your letter of the i6th. I was not aware 
of the neglect of your friends to write to you. I do not think 
that you have any ground for apprehending that they have, in 
other respects, neglected your interests. I believe, on the con- 
trary, that all of them have exerted themselves to get your nom- 
ination confirmed. Fletcher has employed the most active 
exertions for that purpose, direct and indirect. Should your 
nomination be rejected, the decision will be entirely on party 
grounds, and ought, therefore, to occasion you no mortification. 
I understand that the Senate is considering a general proposi- 



74 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tion, that they will act upon no nominations during the present 
administration, except perhaps in some few cases of great emerg- 
ency. I need not comment upon the exceptional character of 
such a proposition. It amounts, in effect, to impeding the action 
of the whole government. If the Senate were to resolve that they 
would not, during the rest of the session, act upon any business 
sent from the House of Representatives, such a resolution would 
not be more indefensible. What will be the fate of the propo- 
sition I cannot undertake to say. There is no doubt that it is 
principally leveled at the appointment for which you have been 
nominated. Besides the general party grounds, there are two 
personal interests at work against you, — one is that of Mr. Bibb, 
the other, that of Mr. White, of Tennessee. If General Jackson 
has to make a nomination, I think it probable that the Tennes- 
see man will get it. I wish I could afford you some certain 
information as to the probable issue of your nomination. I 
regret to be obliged in candor to tell you that the more pre- 
vatling impression is that it will be rejected. If the above-men- 
tioned proposition should be adopted, it will not be specifically 
acted upon ; but if the question shall be directly put on the 
nomination, I cannot help thinking, perhaps I ought rather to 
say hoping, that it will be approved. Tyler, McKinley, Smith 
of South Carolina, and Smith of Maryland, have all, I under- 
.stand, been repeatedly spoken to. I had a conversation with 
Tyler and Smith, from which I concluded that they would 
vote for you, whilst a directly contrary impression has been 
made upon the minds of others by the same gentlemen. I was 
told this morning, positively, that Tyler would not vote for you ! 
So uncertain is everything, you see, here. The best course, per- 
haps, for you, is not to let your feelings be too much enlisted ; 
cultivate calmness of mind, and prepare for the worst event. 
I remain, with constant regard, your faithful friend, 

H. Clay. 

Washington Academy, May 22. 

Messrs. White and Craighill, Federalists, — As all the news 
which I have to write will not, at the most liberal calculation, 
be worth more than the postage of one letter, I have judged it 
proper to address you both in the same epistle. I believe you 
were the last of the students who went away during the vaca- 
tion. Nearly all the old students have returned, except the 
Archers, who, Richard Powell informs us, will not come back. 
Isaac Booth has not yet arrived, but I suppose there is no 
doubt but he will return. It is supposed the students will be 
more numerous this session than formerly ; there are between 
forty an(.l fift)- here now, and I think if you two were here we 



LETTER TO MESSRS. WHITE AND CRAIG HILL. 75 

should be a complete phalanx. All your old friends concur 
with me in wishing your return. I should have written to you 
long since had it not been for lack of something to write ; but 
surely the same excuse will not do for you, who should have 
written us certainly whether you would return or no, and like- 
wise change of place would have given you an opportunity of 
seeing and hearing a great many things. I should like to know 
how you employ yourselves ; for my own part, I am studying 
belles-lettres and mathematics, which occupy all my time. 
Nothing hostile has happened of late between the students 
and their enemies. I hope you will be regular and faithful in 
your correspondence. Although it is not my custom, however 
badly I write, to ask forgiveness for my inaccuracies, yet this 
letter will need your utmost partiality. Adieu, 

Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden.* 
P. Craighill and J. White. 

*This letter Mr. W. N. Craighill found among his father's papers, in 1844, and 
sent it to Mj. Crittenden as a pleasant reminder of his college days in Virginia. 



CHAPTER VI. 
1829-1832. 

Congratulations— Testimonials of Confidence— Invitation to "Old Logan"— Letters 

— Criminal Trial in Frankfort. 

IN 1829 Mr. Crittenden was removed from the office of At- 
torney-General for Kentucky. At the time congratulations 
and testimonials of confidence and admiration poured in upon 
him from every quarter. The following letter came from " Old 
Log-an," where he commenced his career : 

Dear Sir, — The undersigned, a committee authorized in 
behalf of the citizens of Russellville and Logan County, invite 
you to a public entertainment during the summer. A visit to 
this quarter of the State would insure them heartfelt satisfaction. 
They cherish with pride and exultation the recollection that 
in the town of Russellville and in the county of Logan those at- 
tractive and endearing qualities of the heart, candor, sensibility, 
and generous magnanimity, and those powerful, diversified, and 
commanding talents that seize upon the mind and sway the 
human soul, were first felt and properly rewarded. Here you 
began your practice at the bar, which has since been to you a 
field of honor and renown ; here the citizens of Old Logan took 
you by the hand and sent you to the legislature, where your 
genius and eloquence won for you the brightest honors of the 
statesman. The people of Logan rejoice that your talents and 
impassioned eloquence, and your private and political virtues, 
commanded and still command the affection and admiration of 
the people of Kentucky. Their motive, however, for wishing to 
give a marked expression of their kind feelings on the present 
occasion is not limited by the sentiments of respect and love 
which tiiL-y cherish for you, — they are influenced by views of a 
more general nature. 

They have learned with .indignation that the hand of arbitrary 
power has reached you, that you ha\-e been rudely hurled from 
the office of hV-deral District Attorney, conferred by the disin- 
terested patriot Adams, because of the virtues and qualities you 



LETTER OF INVITATION FROM LOGAN. 



77 



are known to possess, and for the necessary, prompt, faithful 
discharge of the duties incident thereto. 

The reason of your removal is obvious to all who have noticed 
the signs of the times and the wanton abuse of power. You 
had the independence to think and act for yourself and your 
country, and voted for that distinguished and much-abused 
statesman, John Q. Adams. You had a heart fitted to appreciate 
and a mind to acknowledge and generously sustain the private 
worth and public virtues and patriotism of your persecuted friend, 
Henry Clay. This was offense enough in the eyes of him who 
now guides the destinies of these United States, — a sin never to 
be forgiven by him, whose desperate acts evince a settled determi- 
nation to destroy the liberties of this country, to fetter the human 
mind, and to bribe and corrupt the press by official largesses. 

A new standard is introduced to decide qualifications for 
office. The question is not now, as in the days of the republi- 
can Jefferson, " Is he honest ? is he capable ? is he faithful ?" 
No ! the only questions now propounded are, " Is he a true 
Szviss ? did he vote against my competitor? has he fought for 
me ? has he echoed my slanders against Henry Clay ?" You 
did not suit the powers that be, hence your dismissal from office. 
Your friends here are anxious to declare to the world, in a suit- 
able way, their estimation of your worth and their detestation of 
the wanton outrage committed against the spirit of our institu- 
tions by your removal from office. They believe you to be 
incapable of an unworthy act, they know you have always had 
an eye to the public good. 

With these views and feelings, they invite you to this festival. 
In the event of your acceptance, will you please advise with Mr. 
Clay, and let us know the time agreed upon? 

With sentiments of personal regard, respect, and esteem, we 
remain your humble servants, u/oWaa-^^^jvulV 

Thomas Rhea, A. R. Macey, 

Thomas Porter, Archibald Campbell, 

D. L. Smith, Dudley Robinson, 
John M. Shirley, Richard Bibb, 
Ben Proctor, Robert Ewing, 
W. Starling, Alexander Hull, 
James Wilson, John B. Bibb, 

E. M. Ewing, A. P. Broadnax, 
W. L. Sands, B. Roberts, 

M. B. Morton, Gabriel Lewis^ 

This tribute from " Old Logan" was more grateful to Mr. 
Crittenden than any other he could possibly have received. 
Mr. Clay and Mr. Crittenden accepted this invitation, and 



78 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

their progress through the Green River country was an ovation. 
The tariff was the burden of their speeches. 

In 1829 Mr. Crittenden was Speaker of the House, and the 
ardent advocate of internal improvements and the common 
school system. 

(Letter of Mr. Crittenden to Albert Burnley.) 

Dear Burnlev, — I was gratified by the receipt of your letter 
of the fourth. 'SSlx'&v proscription on one side of me and politics 
on the other, I have been compelled, in a measure, to take 
refuge in the latter. I became a candidate but three weeks 
before the election. You have heard, before now, that I have 
been elected. It is a great discomfiture to some folks here. 
They can never forgive me for the injustice they have done vie. 
There are, thank God, but few of these, however. Very many 
of those who voted against me are well satisfied with my elec- 
tion. They have a story on Charles Bibb, that after voting for 
Richmond, he jumped immediately off the block and huzzaed 
for Crittenden ! I believe it is true; and I hear it is complained 
of by our moxc faitJiful and zealous patriots. As I have stepped 
so far into politics I must go a little further, — I must be Speaker 
of the House of Representatives. I don't wish to make this 
public, but I confide it to you, to be used according to your 
discretion. Mention it to Griffith, and such others as you may 
please, in your own way, and give me what aid you can. Un- 
less I am very much deceived, I think I shall have but little 
difficulty in attaining my object. It is the only sort of revenge 
I feel and seek against my proscribers. I want them to see how 
much I am indebted to them. Remember me most kindly to 
all the family, and believe me to be as ever, 

Your friend. 

(W. S. Archer to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, Feb. 2, 1S29. 
Dear Sir, — I derived sincere gratification from the evidence 
afforded by your letter of the 26th, of your participation in the 
lively impression I have always retained of our early regard. 
We have now lived long enough to know the estimate which 
ought to be put on those regards as compared with those of 
later formation, in which interest in some form has inevitably so 
large a share. In our estimate (if I were to judge from your 
letter) of the reciprocal rights and obligations connected with 
early amity I should think we differed very materially if I 
did nut know that your sentiments would be the same with 
mine were our situations reversed and I the person to stand in 
need of service. W^ere I even your enemy, or separated by 
irrci'crsible lines of party, you would have had a right to require 



LETTER FROM JOHN CHAMBERS. yg 

of me as uiuch as yoii have done, to speak of yo2i as you arc, and 
I should hold myself bound as a man of honor to comply with 
the requisition. Your early associate has thought that the 
duty resulting from ancient friendship bound him to far more. 
I have forborne answering your letter from the desire that my 
acknowledgment of it should be accompanied by something 
further than the mere general expression of my willingness to 
serve you. I wished to be enabled to give you information 
concerning strong presumption of the result of the affair in 
which you are so deeply interested. I have chosen to wait till 
I have no doubt. I have now none. It is understood that the 
Senate have had your case under consideration for several 
days. You zvill certainly be rejected! If the decision had turned 
on" the mere consideration of personal character, you would with 
the same certainty have been confirmed. When I last saw you, 
you were, I remember, the friend of General Jackson, and I was 
violently opposed to any proposition for his advancement in 
civil life. I have the testimony, therefore, of my own conscious- 
ness to assure me of the entire uprightness of the change of 
attitude you have exhibited in this respect, I having been 
the supporter of the general's election in the last contest. I 
now regret separation from you, which I would do under any 
circumstances, the more as it has been connected with the loss 
of the desirable situation to which you have been nominated. 
I have during this winter undergone no little mortification in 
the inefficiency of my zeal in relation to the service of two of 
my earliest friends, yourself and General Scott. The general 
will to all appearances share your fate. 

I am going to be connected to a certain extent with a tri- 
umphant party. If I can be of any service, not to yourself 
personally, but to any one in whom you are interested /wtt'/^w// 
you can ask me to exert myself {you. know that this description 
refers to the faith I shall repose in your declaration), rely upon 
me to do so. 

I need hardly say (if my appreciation of you, founded on 
ancient recollections does not deceive) that you will give credit 
to the sincerity of this profession. If you have heard anything 
of me of late, you will believe of ''thine ancient comrade' that 
he has not permitted political life and party feeling to_ dry up or 
freeze over the heart with which you once had acquaintance. 

I am sincerely your friend, 
Hon. John J. Crittenden. W. S. Archer. 

(Letter from John Chambers on the subject of Judgeship.) 

Washington, 1829, 

Dear Crittenden, — My constant hope has been that I would 
be able to relieve your suspense, but the impenetrability of the 



8o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

senatorial conclave has baffled all our curiosity and kept us 
suspended between hope and fear for the fate of your nomina- 
tion. I believe the die is cast ! They have to-day refused to 
vote upon the nominations, — this decides nothing but a refusal 
to act for the present ; but the committee have made a report 
upon the nominations referred to them (observe this is confiden- 
tially communicated), in substance "that because there are 
several propositions for a change of the judicial system now 
depending, and because the administration of the government is 
about to change hands, it is inexpedient to advise and consent to 
the nominations now." What a set of corrupt scoundrels, and 
what an infernal precedent they are about to establish ! My 
opinion is that your friend Johnson has gone over, has not firm- 
ness enough to resist or disregard the proscriptions of his party, 
Amos Kendall is quartered upon him, and although the poor 
fellow seems to struggle occasionally for a little self-control, 
they hold him down, and he will be compelled to yield. You 
have some very zealous friends in the Senate, particularly in 
Johnson, of Louisiana, and Chambers, of Maryland, but they 
almost despair, not alone of your nomination, but of all the 
others made by Mr. Adams. We are all doing worse than 
nothing- here, and I am tired to death of it. We have a rumor 
that General Jackson is dead, but it is not credited, and I hope 
it is not true ; I would rather trust him than Calhoun ! 

Mr. Clay is quite unwell. " The Old Quill," however, is in 
perfect health, and keeps the machinery in motion, says, " How 
do, sir?" to everybody that calls on him, and gives his friends a 
very cordial pump-handle shake of the hand. The moment 
anything conclusive is done about your nomination I will write 
to you again. Rest assured that your friends here, power- 
less as they are, are neither silent nor idle, but take care to be 
prudent in the midst of their zeal. We have received letters 
communicating the rejection of Judge Robertson's nomination 
to be Chief Justice. Ben Hardin is just the man I took him for. 

Your friend, 

John Chambers. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. Coleman.) 

Fr.'VNKFORT, November i8, 1831. 

Mv Dr...\R Daughter, — I have been long intending to write 
to you ; that I have not done so is not because I have not often 
antl tenderly thought of you; and notwithstanding the excuses 
with which I am furnished by the almost continued occupation 
of my time by courts, the legislature, and visitants, I yet take 
to myself some reproach for not having before written. I have 
not only thought of you often, but anxiously. You are now in 



LETTER TO MRS. COLEMAN. 8 1 

the most interesting and critical period of your life, — a young, 
married lady. Your own welfare and happiness, and that of 
your husband, depend much upon yourself, and your early 
adoption of those rules of conduct that are suited to your situa- 
tion. I have never seen a wife who made her husband happy 
that was not happy herself Remember this, and remember also 
that the reverse of it is equally true. Kindness and gentleness are 
the natural and proper means of the wife. There are wives who 
seek to rule, — who make points with their husbands and com- 
plain, — ay, scold. To love such a woman long is more than mortal 
can do, and their union becomes nothing more than a dull, 
cold, heartless partnership, yielding only discontent and wretch- 
edness. As to your intercourse with and deportment in the 
world, I feel assured that the delicacy of your feelings and your 
good sense will dictate to you the proper course. There is a 
certain dignity and reserve that should always mark the con- 
duct of a married lady ; just enough of it to proclaim that she is 
a tvife, — that she knows what is due to her d.nd from her, and to 
repulse and rebuke, without a word spoken, the fops and triflers, 
and their petty flatteries and familiarities. The wife who would 
desire to be the pride and happiness of her husband, who would 
desire the real esteem and respect of society, should never lay 
aside this reserve and dignity. Esteem and admiration will 
follow her steps, if her qualities entitle her to them, and she 
need not seek after them. There is nothing more repugnant to 
my feelings than a sort of admiration-seeking, beaux-hunting 
married woman. Such conduct shows want of sense and want 
of taste, if nothing zvorse. I have seen married ladies who had 
their friendships with particular gentlemen, who visited them 
with more than common freedom and familiarity. In this there 
is nothing criminal, but it is wrong, — very wrong. Be not ex- 
travagant. You have a husband disposed to indulge you in all 
things. Show him that you know how to estimate and take 
care of his interest, and when his kindness and affection should 
prompt him to any little extravagances on your account, you 
should kindly check him. Show him that you know how to 
practice the economy of a lady. Take care of your health, and 
do not sacrifice it to fashion or amusements. The lacing now 
in use among ladies would kill you ; I pray you not to destroy 
yourself by such 2i petty sort of suicide ! 

But enough of this homily for the present. When this is re- 
duced to practice I may add something more. You seem to have 
been chagrined at my not being elected to the Senate ! I 
could have gone to the Senate ; it was but for me to express 
the wish and Mr. Clay would not have been the candidate. 
There was no collision, no rivalry, between us. All that was done 

VOL. I. — 6 



82 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



I 



was with my perfect accordance. I hope I shall always be 
found ready to do what becomes me. I have done so on this 
occasion and am satisfied. 

We are all well, and wish much to see you. Write to me. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. A. M. Coleman. 

Mr. Crittenden's warm and constant attachment to his friends, 
and his prompt and frank appeals to them when any seeming 
estrangement, or apparent cause of mistrust arose, will be ex- 
emplified by the following letter to Governor Letcher : 

SiR^ — In a handbill, published by Mr. James Love, under date 
of 31st of July, 1 83 1, and addressed to the voters of your con- 
gressional district, he represents you as having stated to him 
"that I was not entitled to the confidence of the party." These 
terms certainly admit of no favorable or friendly construction, 
and are calculated to convey imputations altogether derogatory 
to my character for candor and integrity. From the relations 
which had long subsisted between us, I had hoped that you 
would promptly, and without solicitation, have tendered to me 
some disavowal, or some explanation of the charge and imputa- 
tions which you had been so publicly represented as having 
made against me. In this hope, though waiting long, I have 
been disappointed, and it has now become my duty to ask you 
for some disavowal that may reconcile my feelings and my hojior. 
Another reason why I did not make this application to you 
before now, and before you left Kentucky, was the fear that it 
might, in its possible consequences, lead to some exasperation, 
or renewal of the quarrel between Mr. Love and yourself, a 
result I should have greatly deprecated. That quarrel was to 
me a matter of deep regret ; of its merits I may say I know 
twfhing, and it is my wish to remain ignorant. I have known 
Mr. Love long, and esteemed him as a friend and man of honor ; 
but I may still entertain the hope that he misunderstood your 
language and meaning in reference to me. I will further hope 
that your answer to this letter will be so full and satisfactory as 
to efface from my mind every unpleasant reflection and remem- 
brance of the subject; such as will permit me honorably to 
resume and cherish those feelings of friendship I had so long 
indulged towards you. It is right, perhaps, that I should add 
that 1 did not receive from Mr. Love the handbill alluded to, 
nor was it through him that I became aware of its contents. 

Yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 



CRIMINAL TRIAL IN FRANKFORT. 83 

(R. P. Letcher's Reply.) 

House of Representatives, April 10, 1832. 
Sir, — To your letter of the ist, this moment received, I re- 
spond with pleasure. The statement imputed to me in the hand- 
bill of the 31st of July last, of having declared that you were 
not entitled to the confidence of the party, is without any foun- 
dation. With this disclaimer, I might perhaps stop; but from 
the kindly relations which have so long and uninterruptedly 
subsisted between us, and which have, on my part, always been 
cherished with pleasure, combined with the fact of the active 
frankness and propriety of your communication, I feel justified, 
in the same spirit of frankness, in saying, as an act of justice to 
you as well as to myself, that I never entertained such a senti- 
ment, and am not aware that it was ever entertained by any one 
of your personal or political friends. Of the unfortunate differ- 
ences which sprang up at the last election I shall say nothing ; 
but I will say the only incident connected with it in any degree, 
for which I reproach myself, is in not writing you a letter, 
containing, in substance, what I have now written ; but the truth 
is, I conversed with some five or six of our mutual friends, 
with whom you were in the habit of constant and intimate inter- 
course, particularly with a view of making known to you my 
disavowal of the expressions referred to, and had supposed this 
had been communicated to you. I should regret exceedingly 
to do anything, or to omit anytliing, which would alienate a 
friend, or inflict the slightest wound upon his feelings. I think 
I may say of myself, that I am not wanting in attachment, in 
zeal, or in fidelity in friendship, and I do, therefore, reciprocate 
sincerely the hope expressed in the conclusion of your letter. 

With great respect, 

R. P. Letcher. 

During the sixteen years in which Mr. Crittenden was absent 
from Washington, between the resignation of his seat in the 
Senate in 1819 and his return to W^ashington in 1835, he was 
almost constantly engaged in the diligent practice of his profes- 
sion, — this was, indeed, his principal means of support. During 
this time a murder was committed in Frankfort, where he resided, 
which led to great bitterness and excitement. Sanford Goins 
was the name of the prisoner, for whom Mr. Crittenden appeared 
as counsel, — I have forgotten the name of his adversary. 
These two men had grown up in the same town, and had, per- 
haps, been acquainted all their lives ; but there was bad blood 
between them, produced, no doubt, by small and insufficient 



84 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

causes in the beginning. I doubt if they could themselves have 
accounted for their animosity. Matters grew worse and worse 
between them, and finally Goins heard that his en^my had 
threatened his life. From this time he was forever on the watch, 
and found himself dogged and waylaid at every corner, — at 
morning, at noon, and nightfall: whatever corner he turned, 
or street he entered, the man stood before him. Exasperated 
and half crazed by this, Goins came out of his house at a very 
early hour one morning, and the first object he saw was his ad- 
versary on the other side of the street, opposite his house. Com- 
pletely carried away by passion, Goins seized a stick of wood, 
pursued and caught up with him, ^^id being a much more 
powerful man, he literally beat him to death with the wood. 
These are the circumstances of the murder, so far as I can re- 
member them, but their accuracy is not very important. Goins 
was tried for murder, Mr. Crittenden defended him, and he was 
acquitted, and is, I believe, still living. The case, and Mr. Crit- 
tenden's argument in favor of the criminal, were much discussed 
at the time. The most effective ground taken by him in favor 
of the prisoner was, " that a man had not only a right to live, 
but to be happy," and that for many months Goins's life, so far 
from being a blessing to him, had been an unspeakable torment. 
There had been no moment, night or day, free from the appre- 
hension of sudden and violent death. He could not enter his 
own door at night without finding this, his enemy, skulking 
around the corner ; he could not leave his wife and child, with 
the sunrise, to go to his daily work, without seeing this terror 
before his door. Was it any wonder that he had been driven 
to frenzy and to a deed of blood by such a life ? Prejudice was, I 
think, very strong against Goins in the beginning of the trial, but 
under the influence of Mr. Crittenden's eloquence and the mas- 
terly manner in which he pictured the horrors of Goins's life, 
during the months which preceded the murder, public opinion 
veered round completely, and Goins was not only acquitted, but 
received back into the community with sympathy. This may 
seem rather a trivial detail and Mr. Crittenden's argument of but 
little value, but it made a great impression on the audience and 
thejurj'. In my after-life, when I saw men and women op- 
pressed and terrified, I have remembered that we had all a right 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 



85 



to life and an equal right to be happy. The last great claim, 
however, is often weakly yielded to the strong hand of power, 
and often trampled underfoot 

About this time Mr. Crittenden's brother Thomas was very 
ill in Louisville, and he was summoned to his death-bed. His 
family affection was very strong, and the death of this brother 
was felt for years. The following letter was written at his 
brother's death-bed : 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Louisville, Tuesday, December 25, 1832. 

My dear Wife, — Prepare yourself to hear the worst. My 
brother Tom is still alive, but that is all ; a few hours is all, 
perhaps, that remain for him. All human aid seems to be in 
vain. I never knew, till this affliction taught me, how dearly 
I loved this dearest, best, and noblest of brothers. 

Death has no horrors for him, and if ever a Christian proved 
his faith by a triumphant death, he is doing it. 

'Tis but a few hours now till the arrival of the stage from 
Frankfort. If Mr. Edgar comes in it he may arrive in time, — 
he is most anxiously looked for. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. Maria Crittenden. 



CHAPTER VII. 
1832-1836. 

Letters— Appointed Secretary of State in Kentucky in 1834— Letters— Benton's 
Resolutions as to Fortification — Letters. 

(James G. Birney to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Danville, February 11, 1S36. 

DEAR SIR, — I little expected when I had the pleasure of 
seeing you in Frankfort that we should so soon have to 
lament the loss of our amiable and distinguished fellow-citizen, 
Judge Boyle. I lament it not only on grounds common to our 
countrymen generally, but because he was an interesting and 
pleasant companion, and we concurred in opinion on the subject 
of slavery, and as to the means of accomplishing the relief of our 
State from its suffocating pressure. Just before I went to Frank- 
fort, I had a free conversation with him in reference to it. He 
was then considering favorably an invitation, which our newly- 
instituted society for the relief of the State from slaveiy had 
given him, to act as its presiding officer. I doubt not, had he 
lived, that he would not have hesitated, after hearing that you 
had consented to serve as one of our Vice-Prcsidc7its. Last 
Friday, our board of managers came to the decision of tendering 
to you the station which had been offered to our distin- 
guished friend who has been removed from us. Our secre- 
tary, Mr. Green, told me he would write to you on the subject 
immediately. I know not, my dear sir, that I ought to calculate 
on exerting any influence over you. If I liave any, hozucver 
small, I will hazard its exhaustion in a cause like this, where 
intelligent patriotism and enlightened philanthropy have such 
lofty conquests to achieve and such pure rewards to reap. I 
trust, sir, it will not be in vain that I have added the earnestness 
of private solicitation to the official tender that will be made, 
especially when, I doubt not, I shall be warmly seconded by 
your excellent lady. I propose bringing the whole subject 
before the public in a series of letters addressed to the Hon. 
Charles A. Wickliffe. They will be untainted with anything 
like bigotry, or fanaticism, or uncharitableness towards those 
w ho may dissent from my opinions. Indeed, I propose treating 
the subject entirely in its political aspect. May I ask of you to 
(86) 



LETTER TO A. T. BURNLEY. 8/ 

use such influence as you may have with the Frankfort editors 
to secure their repubhcation? 

Your friend always, 

James G. Birney. 

In 1834 Mr. Crittenden was appointed Secretary of State in 
and for the State of Kentucky by James T. Morehead, Lieu- 
tenant-governor, then acting as governor of the State, 

In 1835 he was elected to the legislature, and returned to 
the Senate. 

As one of my objects is to portray the character of Mr. Crit- 
tenden, pronounced even by his opponents as worthy of all 
admiration and imitation, I give below a letter written by him 
to one of his most intimate friends at this time, and showing 
the sentiments with which he entered upon this contest : 

Frankfort, IMay 2. 

Dear Burnley, — The bell is now ringing to warn us that 
this is the Sabbath-day, and summon us to church. I must 
steal a few moments to write to you. 

I am a candidate, — you have seen it announced. My confi- 
dence of success is strong and decided. Still, the struggle is to 
me most disagreeable, and it would have been satisfactory to 
me to devolve it on any other of my political friends. It was 
urged upon me, and there seemed to be no alternative but to 
re-engage in the contest or to see the field yielded without an 
effort. Pride, principle, both forbade this ! If I am beaten, it 
shall be my consolation that I was doing what I believed to be 
my duty, — struggling to the uttermost for a good cause. It is 
but a poor expression of my feelings to say that I thank you 
for the kindness and friendship which mark all your conduct 
and sentiments towards me. There are some feelings of the 
heart which the tongue cannot utter, that it ought not indeed 
to utter. 

As to the Senate of the United States, I cannot now tell you 
whether I shall be a candidate or not; on such a subject I would 
have no secrets with you ; my course in this matter will depend 
upon circumstances. I do not seek it. But if it should be the 
work of my friends, if it should appear that my name can be 
used with a greater prospect of success than another, then I 
will be a candidate. 

This is my view of the subject, and I cannot determine posi- 
tively till after our general elections in August. 

If there be any other friend who would be as acceptable as 
myself, and who was anxious to go to the Senate, I would not 
have any collision which might disunite us. I would wish to 



88 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

be the foremost to sacrifice personal pretensions for the sake of 
union. As I intend, however, to possess you fully not only 
with a knowledge of my feelings, but of my expectations in 
relation to this subject, I tell you in confidence that I think 
it probable circumstances will make me a candidate. If I were 
even now determined to be a candidate it would be impolitic to 
avow it, for good reasons which will occur to you. It would 
interfere with the wishes of others, and weaken their exertions in 
the common cause, which I have much more at heart than any 
selfish purpose of my own. My friends might express their wishes 
and speculations, and make preparation for the probable event 
of my being a candidate. Of one thing be certain, I have no 
secrets with you, and as events occur which may influence my 
feelings and determinations, you shall hear from me. 

That we should have a majority, a decided majority, in the 
next legislature, is of the highest and most decisive importance. 
For God's sake, exert yourself to the utmost, and animate our 
friends all around you ! One spirited, united, and patriotic 
effort will settle the course of Kentucky. Union is our strength 
and our hope of success; I go for that; cannot therefore pledge 
myself to any particular course as to the speakership. Many 
will have to be consulted; I cannot commit myself to Calhoun 
or any one ; I wish to be free to do my duty, as it may appear 
to me at the time. 

I am your friend, 

A. T. Burnley. John J. Crittenden.* 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Washington, December 27, 1835. 

Dear Orlando, — Your favor of the i8th was received last 
night, and afforded me so much satisfaction that I hasten to 
show my gratitude by an immediate reply. I don't value all the 
politics of your letter in comparison with the domestic news 
}'Ou give me. All that concerns my lioiuc and my friends 
delights me. Distance lends an ciidiajitJiicnt to it all. You 
could not have chosen any two Jicrocs for your story whose 
achievements would have been more interesting to me than my 
two little boys, John and Hick. I am glad to hear that Mason 
and his wife have been dining with my wife. Washington 
cannot afford me so happy a day as I should have enjoyed if I 
could have been present with you all. Present sundry congrat- 
ulations to. Mason on his marriage. To such a wife as he has 
been fortunate enough to get, I hope he will make a dutiful and 
obedient husband. As to politics, curse politics I Webster's pre- 

* Mr. Crittenden was elected to the Senate, and took his seat 4th March, 1835. 



SPEECH ON THE FORTIFICATION BILL. 



89 



tensions are considered virtually at an end ; but, as yet, he says 
nothing, and, as far as I can hear, his course is not ascer- 
tained. He deserves the kindest and most respectful treatment 
from the public on the occasion, that he may fall like a great 
man. Harrison's friends here dread nothing more than that 
White should be scared off the field, or his friends discouraged 
from giving him a zealous support, and perhaps relapsing into 
Van Burenism. To avoid this is a point of obvious policy, and 
I think it is neither right nor politic to exaggerate Harrison's 
prospects at the expense of White's. According to my best 
information as to the existing state of public opinion, White 
may reasonably calculate on receiving as many electoral votes 
as Harrison. Besides Virginia, and his Southern interest, he is 
at present stronger, and has a better chance, than Harrison for 
Illinois and Missouri. At this moment of some alarm with him 
and his friends, it is better to increase than diminish their hopes. 
This will open to your view the whole pitJi of the matter, and 
you can act on it according to your discretion. I see no alter- 
native for you but to have a convention to nominate candidates 
for governor and lieutenant-governor, and electors also. More- 
head must be the candidate for governor ; he is indispensable to 
the present crisis, and no excuse ought to be taken from him. I 
agree with you that Letcher is the man for lieutenant-governor, 
the very man, and will give more strength than any one you can 
select. If it comes to a serious struggle (and that you must 
prepare for), you will find him more efficient than even you 
yourself suppose. He is essentially popular in his talents, 
habits, and manners, and of capacity far beyond what is gen- 
erally ascribed to him in Kentucky, 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Orlando Brown, Esq. 

On the 22d of February, 1836, Mr. Crittenden made a speech 
against the adoption of Mr. Benton's resolutions on the subject 
of national defense and the fortification bill, which had been 
defeated in 1835. Mr. Benton had charged the Senate with 
neglecting proper measures for the defense of the country. Mr. 
Crittenden said, "The Senate needed not his poor vindication ; 
it was the same Senate that had maintained for years the 
noblest struggle for law, liberty, and the Constitution ; belonged 
to history, whose brightest pages would be illumined with the 
names of those illustrious senators who had been foremost in 
that great struggle. In the great reckoning on which judgment 



OO LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

would be pronounced upon them, the fortification bill of the 
last session would be an insignificant item. It appeared, how- 
ever, that to vote in favor of the resolutions seemed to be the 
only admissible evidence of patriotism." The first distinct 
proposition was, that the entire surplus revenue should be 
applied, exclusively, to warlike preparations. As amended by 
Mr. Grundy, the resolutions secure o^ily so imich of the revenue 
as may be necessary. Mr. Benton accepts the amendment 
readily, as it is only a change of phraseology ; Mr. Crittenden 
was opposed to the system ; thought it unwise and improper. 
The money was the product of peace, and peace had claims upon 
it ; he thought a portion of it should be returned to the people to 
increase their sources of national wealth ; this scheme confined 
the whole expenditure of the revenue to the seacoast, cutting 
off the western and interior States from their hope of an equal 
distribution of the public money. Mr. Crittenden did not cherish 
sectional feeling ; the whole of the United States was his country, 
but he could not forget the special interests of his section and 
his constituents ; he did not believe in fortifications as means of 
defense. The sure defense of nations was the courage, intelli- 
gence, and patriotism of the people. We had had wars and 
rumors of wars, but we should not, for that reason, be always 
clad in steel, and oppress ourselves with the weight of our own 
armor. Mr. Benton, in alluding to our difficulties with France, 
had said, " We were in a naked, miserable, defenseless condi- 
tion." This filled Mr. Crittenden with surprise. For seven 
years the administration had been in the hands of a President 
renowned in war, and the senator from Missouri had been one 
of its proudest supporters. Is it not, then, surprising to hear that 
the country is in a "naked, miserable, defenseless condition?" 
In this particular, Mr. Crittenden said. He must be the vindi- 
cator of the administration. The Senate was not responsible for 
the fate of the bill ; its loss was owing to ''scruples of conscience" 
on the part of members of the House, who were not willing to 
act after a certain hour on the last night of the session. Mr. C. 
thought it must be consolatory to its patriotic friends, who 
mourned so eloquently over its fate, to know that it '' died for 
conscience' sake." Neither Washington, Adams, Jefferson, nor 
Madison, norany former Congress, had indulged in such scruples : 



SPEECH ON THE FORTIFICATION BILL. 91 

" the ways of conscience were inscrutable and past finding out;" 
she had made her compunctions visitings at the witching hour 
of twelve, when conscience, long pent up and clogged with the 
politics of a whole session, would most naturally break out. 
Mr. Benton had alluded to the probability of a war with France. 
Mr. Crittenden did not believe war could be made out of 
such slender materials; he had been anxious to know what 
measures were proposed by the executive, and had turned a 
listening ear to the senator from Tennessee, Mr. Grundy, a dis- 
tinguished supporter of the administration, when he arose and 
announced that " he would declare frankly what he zvas for!' 
This promised, frank avowal was, simply, "that he was not 
willing things should remain exactly as they were!' Willing to 
reciprocate all good offices with Mr. Grundy (formerly an old 
Kentuckian), Mr. Crittenden imitated his frankness and declared, 
conscientiously, " that he was not zuillmg that things should 
remain exactly as they were!' "Sir," said he, "we have seen the 
senator from Pennsylvania, 1;hat land of honest peace and 
honest industiy, rebuking General Jackson for his 'too great 
moderation! Nothing can be added to that picture. The gen- 
tlemen think it is indispensable to our dignity to compel France 
to pay the sum of money which, by treaty, she owes us. I have 
not sensibility enough to discover that the honor and dignity of 
the country is concerned. This question affects our htterests 
and not our honor!' Mr. Crittenden agreed with the senator 
as to the fact that France did owe us five millions of dollars ; 
but; he asked, "Should we go to w^iv for that? A war with 
zahom, — for what? With France, our frst, our ancient ally! 
France, whose blood flowed for us, flowed with our own, in that 
o;reat strua-o-le which gave us freedom. A war for money, — a 
paltry sum of money ! He knew of no instance among civilized 
nations of war waged for such a purpose. If among the legiti- 
mate causes of war, it was surely the most inglorious ; can afford 
no generous inspiration ; must ever be an ignoble strife ; on its 
barren fields the laurel cannot flourish ; but little honor can 
be won in the sordid contest, and even victory would be almost 
despoiled of her triumph ! But imagine that the little purse, 
the prize of war and carnage, is at last obtained. There it is ! 
stained with the blood of Americans and Frenchmen, their 



g2 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ancient friends and allies. Could we pocket that blood-stained 
purse without emotions of pain and remorse?" Mr. Crittenden 
hoped and believed that we would be saved from the calamity 
of war with foreign nations, and would enjoy more harmony in 
our counsels at home. 

(Mr. Crittenden to O. Brown.) 

Washington, March 13, 1836. 

Dear Orlando, — I have yet to thank you for your letter of 
the nth. If I were to rate the obligation by the pleasure it 
gave me, I do not know how I should ever discharge it. The 
description you gave of my wife and children, excited by the 
flattering intelligence of me, which you had furnished to them, 
was both painting and poetry to the heart of such a man as I am. 
It was a picture to bring together a smile and a tear upon a 
husband's and father's face. I am not willing to confess, even 
if it were possible to communicate, all the feelings it aroused 
in me. 

Permit me to tell you how much I enjoy the sentiment ex- 
pressed in your letter when you say, "As for myself, I do feel 
as if I was bound to you and yours as strongly as if there was 
a tie of blood between us," etc. But I must quit this subject or 
become altogether too sentimental. 

Mangum is all you have described him to be. Through your 
means we found ourselves well acquainted upon our very first 
meeting, and have ever since been good friends. We talk often 
of)-ou, — thecaptivation seems to be mutual. Leigh,too, isanoble 
fellow; I almost envy him the patriotic eminence of his present 
position, and never did man meet his fate with more unpre- 
tending integrity and fortitude. There is no parade in the 
course he has taken ; not a spark of pretension or ostentation is 
visible. The conduct he has adopted seems to be the natural 
result of native truth and virtue. 

" There is a daily beauty in his life" which makes these ex- 
piDigcrs of the Constitution, who are assailing him, look uglier 
than ever to my sight. I think you will sympathize in all these 
feelings, and I shall be proud to see in the Comino7iwealtJi one 
of those felicitous articles on the subject which I might show 
to Leigh. We have a temporar)'- calm just now in our con- 
gressional proceedings. The French question has passed by, 
and the agitation produced by the recharter by Pennsylvania 
of the l^ank of the United States has subsided. The discussions 
upon tlic petitions of the Abolitionists have become stale and 
worn out. Claj-'s land bill and Benton's fortification bill are, I 
presume, the next subjects to break the calm. 



I 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 



93 



There are some here who entertain hopes of the passage of 
the land bill; for my own part, I anticipate nothing so good; 
party spirit has paralyzed Congress to too great an extent ! 
Van Buren's election to the Presidency is, with many, a much 
more important object than the public good, and so, too, per- 
haps, is his defeat with some of his opponents. With respect 
to the coming controversy, I can tell you nothing more than 
you already know. Webster is still standing in the field, though 
he can hardly be considered a competitor. My confidence in 
him leads me to believe he will do what is right and proper. 
Harrison's interest in the North is manifesting itself more 
strongly than was expected, and every day confirms the im- 
pression that Pennsylvania will certainly go for him. The oppo- 
nents of Van Buren here, from every quarter, are confident that 
a majority of the people are against him, and that the only 
chance of his success is in their divided and distracted con- 
dition. Why did not our friends in Kentucky nominate Granger 
when they did Harrison ? I see that some of our papers in 
Lexington have come out for Tyler. 

Upon every principle of policy, we should rather gratify 
Pennsylvania and the Anti-Masons of the North, by taking 
Granger. I do not like to turn my thoughts to your late act- 
ings and doings in Kentucky. The distance has somewhat 
broken the effect upon me, but still I am grieved in spirit at 
some events. They denote, I fear, even more than a want of 
union, — a bad spirit has gotten up among you ; but let me say 
no more of things which I cannot mend. 

Give my love to your wife ; yes, my love. I do feel that I 
love everybody in Frankfort, and if this is so, I am sure I must 
love her very dearly. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Orlando Brown. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Senate Chamber, April 8, 1836. 

My dear Maria, — I write merely for the pleasure of writing 
to you ; it is a sort of mental association that is the best conso- 
lation for actual absence. I have nothing to write, unless I 
should write in the strains of a mere lover, and I suspect you 
have already had so much occasion to laugh at me for that, so 
I ought to be a little cautious how I proceed in that melting 
mood. 

I am quite amused to hear of what you all call Hick's badness. 
I suspect he is more petted than whipped. Eugenia writes, " Poor 
Hick is whipped almost every day for cursing^' and then adds, 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

" He is a most charming fellow." I suspect he is a spoiled chap, 
and that I shall have work enough to reform the young gen- 

^^''But'l must attend to the business of the Senate, so farewell, 

my dearest Maria. 
^ Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Mrs. Maria Crittenden. 



CHAPTER VIII. 
1836-1837. 

Mr. Webster's Visit to the West — Anecdote told by Mr. Evarts — Letters. 

IN 1836, Mr. Webster visited the West, and came from Lex- 
ington to Frankfort to see Mr. Crittenden. He was his guest 
for some days at that time, and received from the yeomanry 
of FrankHn County the usual comphment paid to distinguished 
visitors in that locahty, " a barbecue," or, as it was called at 
that time, " a bergoo." This was regarded as an unusually great 
occasion, and extensive preparations were made to do honor 
to Mr. Webster. The men were rallied far and wide, and a 
mighty gathering was the result. The place honored by cus- 
tom for this Kentucky festivity was about seven miles from 
Frankfort, on the farm of Mrs. Innis, the mother of Mrs. Crit- 
tenden. A romantic little stream called Benson wound about 
through the woods near the house, and in the dense forest 
along its borders the Kentucky host assembled. I cannot ex- 
plain the origin of the word " bergoo;" the feast differed from a 
" barbecue," in that it was more primitive. Immense iron pots 
were kept on hand in some secluded spot, ready for such occa- 
sions, and each man was expected to bring his own tin cup 
and pewter spoon. " Bergoos" were always the order of the 
day when summer vegetables abounded; only one dish was 
prepared, but it was savory as the mess brought by Esau to 
his father, the blind patriarch. All the birds and squirrels round 
about were shot, prepared, and thrown indiscriminately into the 
large pots ; then all the farms and gardens in the neighborhood 
were put under contribution, and young corn, tomatoes, peas, 
beans, — in short, every vegetable that could be found, was added. 
All this boiled away vigorously till the salutations of the day 
were over, family news told, and kindly questions asked and 
answered. The business of the day (which was making speeches 

(95) 



q6 life of JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

and listening to them) concluded, then all present gathered 
around the steaming pots, cup and spoon in hand, to receive 
their portion. I don't remember that I ever tasted this famous 
broth, but it perfumed the woods, and I know that every one 
"asked for more." There was no distinction of persons on 
these occasions, except that the orators of the day and the 
visitors were first served ; but a tin cup and a pewter spoon were 
the only implements. Mr. Webster was accompanied by his 
wife and daughter Julia, afterwards Mrs. Appleton, and on the 
great day of the feast we drove out to Mrs. Innis's. After rest- 
ing at the house, we walked over to the camping-ground. Mr. 
Webster was received with shouts that almost rent the heavens. 
He was welcomed in the usual form, and called upon for a 
speech, which he made in his inimitable style. Mr. Crittenden, 
knowing Ids boys of old, feared that he also would be called 
upon for a speech. Before Mr. Webster concluded, he was 
seen quietly and stealthily withdrawing to the outskirts of the 
crowd, and concealing himself at last behind a tree. 

One amusing feature of this occasion was seeing Mr. Webster 
accommodate himself to a stump. This was not the kind of plat- 
form he was accustomed to, but he would not have been equally 
acceptable in any other position. I suppose he had never felt 
his footing so insecure, but, being a quiet speaker by nature, he 
got through like a man and a Kentuckian. After the conclu- 
sion of Mr. Webster's speech, a great shout arose for " Crittenden ! 
Crittenden ! Crittenden !" The crowd swayed backward and for- 
ward, the merry laughter of those near his place of concealment 
betrayed him, and he was literally dragged out and passed over 
the heads of the people to a tall stump, and p2it dozvn gently. 
Such a triumphant shout of victory was rarely heard on any 
battle-field as arose when this was accomplished. Mr. Crit- 
tenden was laughing so heartily that it was some time before he 
could utter a word. I shall never forget Mr. Webster's expres- 
sion on that day, — amazement and amusement contended for 
mastery. Those who were acquainted with Mr. Crittenden 
have not forgotten the intensely humorous expression of his 
countenance when hearing or relating a good story. On this 
occasion his mirth was contagious. He peremptorily declared 
he luould not make a speech, made a comic appeal to "his boys" 



ANECDOTE OF MR. EVARTS. gy 

" not to force him to hold up his little lights while greater lights 
were shining;" he declared that "there was not a stump within 
five miles that did not bear the marks of his footsteps." This 
Jf/ea seemed to touch " //le boys," — they behaved well, letting 
him off for that time, although I verily believe they would 
rather have heard him speak than Demosthenes or Cicero. 

Before leaving the ground, many pressed forward to take Mr. 
Webster by the hand and to say a word on the great political 
questions of the day. Every man in Kentucky was a politician, 
and those mass-meetings were political schools for uneducated 
men. They listened with intense interest to public speaking, 
and were, many of them, natural orators. In returning to town, 
one of my sisters and myself occupied the same carriage with 
Mr. Webster. During the drive he spoke almost exclusively 
of Mr. Crittenden, and pronounced an eloquent eulogy upon 
him. Among other things he said, " Mrs. Coleman, your 
father is a great and good man. Great men are not difficult to 
find, but a great and good man is rarely seen in this world. 
Mr. Crittenden is a great and good man." 

In i868 I was in Washington, and was introduced by Senator 
McCreery to Mr. Evarts, then Attorney-General of the United 
States. Mr. McCreery introdi^ced me as the daughter of John 
J. Crittenden, and I received from Mr. Evarts a cordial grasp 
of the hand and a touching allusion to my father's public char- 
acter and private worth. I told him in the course of this 
conversation that I was collecting materials for a life of Mr. 
Crittenden, and asked for his assistance. He encouraged me in 
my purpose, and expressed the conviction that such a book 
would be gladly received by the public, and promised me to 
write out some reminiscences, which he hoped would be useful. 
In this connection Mr. Evarts told me this anecdote: "At the 
very outset of my professional career I was associated with Mr. 
Crittenden as counsel in the famous trial of Monroe Edwards 
for forgery." (Monroe Edwards was a Kentuckian, his parents 
lived in Logan County, where he was born, and where Mr. Crit- 
tenden commenced the practice of law. Mr. Edwards's family 
were among Mr. Crittenden's most intimate friends, and Monroe 
had been, in boyhood, one of his special favorites. In this case, 
as, many years later, in the Ward trial, Mr. Crittenden came 

VOL. I. — 7 



98 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

forward to exert his best abilities in the service of his o\^ friends) 
" Mrs. Coleman," said Mr. Evarts, " I shall never forget that 
trial in connection with your father. I was a young man on 
the threshold of my professional career, and your father's 
reputation was firmly and widely established as a lawyer and a 
statesman. His cordial manner throughout the trial is most 
gratefully remembered by me, and at its close he asked me to 
take a walk with him. During the walk he took a slight re- 
view of the trial, complimented me upon my course during its 
progress and the ability he was pleased to think I had mani- 
fested, and in conclusion, grasping my hand with warmth, he 
said, ' Allow me to congratulate and encourage you on the 
course of life you have adopted. I assure you that the highest 
honors of the profession are within your grasp, and with perse- 
verance you may expect to attain them.' Those Avords from 
Mr. Crittenden would have gratified the pride of any young 
lawyer and given him new strength for the struggles of his pro- 
fession. I can truly say they have been of the greatest value to 
me through life. When I came to Washington to take part in 
the defense of President Johnson, the associations of the senate- 
chamber recalled the memory of your father's words and re- 
newed my gratitude for his gonerous encouragement of my 
early hopes." 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lancaster, May 3, 1S36. 
Dear Crittenden, — I thank you for your favor of the 23d. 
It found me alone in the portico, taking a quiet chew of tobacco, 
in rather a melancholy, desponding, painful temper of mind at 
the prospect ahead, at home and abroad. After reading it, my 
spirits became animated to such a degree that I have felt cheer- 
ful ever since. Indeed, I may say that I am, at this moment, 
cjuitc an amiable, agreeable, entertaining young gentleman. 
Hope, even ^ faint hope, of success is enough to encourage me in 
the present struggle. I can bear anything but despair growing 
out of division in our own ranks and the miserable selfishness 
of our friends. Defeat is nothing to compare with such a state 
of things. This desire of being captain or nobody, "aut Caesar 
aut nihil," ruffles my sivcet temper. I hate and abhor such 
an abominable principle of action. "Make me captain; if you 
don't. I'll be via(f,;\x\([ will do nothing in favorof my own prin- 
ciples." This is too bvid to be thought of It is, in fact, nothing 



LETTER TO SON THOMAS. 99 

more nor less than the ravishment of a whole party. It maj^ be 
that Judge Clark can be elected governor, but I am not without 
apprehensions ; I would not consent to run if he were ruled 
off. I knew if he went off in any other way than by his 
own voluntary consent, he would go with a dissatisfied set of 
friends, who would be happy to see any one beaten that took 
his place. I shall use every fair and strong means to elect him. I 
acknowledge to you I am vexed at his perverseness ; not because 
I wanted to run myself Our Van Buren postmaster, returned 
from a tour through the mountains day before yesterday, 
reports that Flournoy will beat Clark in that portion of the 
State. Unless a vigorous effort is made we shall lose the race. 
It would be well to call all our delegation in Congress together, 
and let each man determine to write six letters every twenty- 
four hours to his district, in relation to the election of governor. 
I mean all except Ben Hardin ; I should leave him to himself. 
Meet in the committee-room, and let each man pledge himself 
to do his duty by writing letters forthwith. One Congress 
letter is worth a dozen letters from a private. I am sincerely 
gratified to hear that Webster is upon the recovery. The truth 
is I had almost brought my mind to the conclusion that his 
case was hopeless. I like him, but he is no such man as Clay ; 
he is most certainly a very great man, and possesses many of 
the highest traits of character, but his ambition is a little too 
much mixed with self-love. Clay is more elevated, more disin- 
terested, more patriotic, and he is always ready to surrender it 
for the possible hope of promoting his country's good. The 
conduct of Mr. Adams, and the verdict of the country against 
him, has had a good effect upon Webster. Say to Bankhead 
everything that a warm-hearted Kentuckian feels ; drink a 
good glass of sherry with \\\m. for me, and a glass of champagne 
with his charming lady. I shall not forget to write to his 
Majesty, suggesting the propriety of making him 3. full minister. 
No doubt he will promptly obey my suggestions, as he has never 
refused me the first application yet. I would tell you many 
pretty things the public say about you, but knowing you will 
just do what I have done very often, throw aside a long docu- 
ment and never think of it again, I will reserve all that until I 
see you. 

Truly your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. ' R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his son Thomas.) 

Washington, Dec. 10, 1836. 
My dear Son, — I received your letter of the 25th, from New 
Orleans. After a journey as little fatiguing as possible we 



lOO LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

arrived here safely. Your little brothfers, John and Eugene, are 
Avith their grandmother. Our wide dispersion is painful to me, 
and would be intolerable but for the hope that it is for our com- 
mon advantage, and that we shall meet again under happier 
circumstances. In parting with you, my dear son, I have made 
a great sacrifice of feeling for what I hoped might be for your 
go^od. Whether this shall be so or not depends, to a great 
degree, on your own exertions and good conduct. The object 
nearest my heart, that engages my pride and my affections, is 
the well-doing and reputation of my children. Of you I indulge 
the best and proudest hopes. I have all confidence in your 
principles of integrity and honor, in your manliness, firmness, 
and capacity. All that gives me uneasiness is the thought of 
your youth and inexperience. The scenes in which you are 
cast are full of evils and temptations. When I think how many 
of maturer age have fallen victims to these temptations, I cannot 
help asking myself, with trembling anxiety. Can my boy resist 
and overcome tJiem all? Can his naked and inexperienced feet 
tread successfully the path that leads through the midst of such 
dangers and temptations ? Has he the good sense, the virtuous 
resolution, the noble, manly ambition to turn away from the 
vices and seductions that will beset and surround him, and look 
only to the more distant, but sure reward that will crown his 
life with prosperity and honor ? In the pride and confidence of 
my heart I answer these questions thus : " My son has the sense, 
the courage, the virtue to triumph over these difficulties ; that 
he ivUl do so, and his father's heart be gladdened by his course 
of conduct." You are thrown upon the world at an early and 
dangerous season of life. Your constant sense of propriety 
must be your guide. Your situation demands discretion 
beyond that which ordinarily belongs to your age ; you must, 
therefore, make your conduct the subject of daily self-examina- 
tion. A ic\y principles and rules of conduct, firmly fixed in your 
mind and acted upon, will insure your safety and success. Con- 
sider tnith and integrity inviolable ! Be zealous, hQ faithful to a 
scruple, to a hair's-breadth, in all business confided to you. Be 
Xio\. forward to take offense, or to cherish a false pride. Do not 
look upon )'our duties as degrading, but rather make the cheerful 
perfoi'inance of them your distinction and honor/ Be frank, 
open, and candid. Practice no dissimulation. Encounter any 
consequences, any sacrifices, sooner than utter ^. falsehood or do a 
dishonorable act. In this, let your pride and resolution be 
fi.vcd as a rock. Do not frequent the haunts of the idle and dis- 
sipated. Be not seen at any gaming or drinking house ! Even 
tlie suspicion arising from such things will be a stain upon your 
character, and impair confidence in you. In the perplexities of 



REVISION OF TREASURY ORDER. iqi 

business, your employers may sometimes act or appear to act 
unkindly. Do not take such things for offenses, but behave 
with deference ^.\\<\ respect, and you will advance yourself in their 
good opinions. Apply your own good sense to all that I have 
so imperfectly written, and you will be able to adopt some valu- 
able rules for the government of your life. I request that you 
will preserve this letter and read it once a week for the next three 
months. Mr. Erwin has promised me to be your friend, and he 
can be a very important one. Omit nothing in your power to 
obtain his good opinion. I have observed that you sometimes 
have the appearance of sternness in society. Correct this, — 
cheerfulness and smiles better become your age, and are, I ara 
sure, more congenial to your natural disposition. I wish you 
not only to be an accomplished merchant, but an accomplished 
gentleman. The vianners of such a gentleman are always nnaf- 
fected and natural. Write often. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden, 

In 1836 the whole country was suffering from pecuniary diffi- 
culties, and it was believed by Mr. Crittenden and his political 
friends that this embarrassment in the general circulation of the 
countiy was the consequence of the Treasury Circular. Under 
this order all the specie was collected and carried into the vaults 
of the deposit banks. Mr. Crittenden thought the great com- 
mercial cities, where money was wanted, were its natural de- 
positaries. He contended that when specie was forced by treasury 
tactics in a direction contrary to the natural course of business, 
it was in exile. Men might be deluded on the subject, and while 
the mystification lasted, the ^^ Treasury order' might be held before 
the eyes of men as a splendid financial arrangement. Like the 
natural rainbow, it owed its very existence to the mist in which 
it had its being. The moment the atmosphere is clear, its 
bright colors vanish from view. The senator from Missouri 
charged that the distribution^ bill had done all the mischief Mr. 
Crittenden bore cheerfully his share of the rebuke ; he was 
proud of having been instrumental in getting so beneficial a 
bill passed. As to the honorable senator's bill, relative to the 
expediency of making gold and silver only a tender in payment 
for the public lands, on motion of Mr. Ewing, it had been laid 
upon the table. In that inglorious repose it remained ; but 
no sooner had the Senate adjourned than the measure was 






I02 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



brought forward and furnished materials for the "Treasury 
orden" Legislative authority was supplied by executive au- 
thorit}^ Mr. Crittenden wished to know if a few individuals 
were to determine such questions of policy involving the in- 
terests of the country far and wide. He thought they were 
questions for Congress. Mr. C. objected to what was done, and 
to the inajiner of doing it. The order should be rescinded, it 
encroached upon the power of the Senate, increased the power 
of the executive. There should be no discriminations made 
between purchasers of public lands in regard to payments, and 
no discriminations between debtors for public lands and all 
other public debtors. " Where is the right to demand payment 
in the terms of the 'Treasury order' found? No such right 
exists. Even if it be conceded that Congress has the right to 
make such discriminations, has the executive such power? 
The order is illegal and beyond the power of the President. I 
thought at first," said he, " that there would be no great difficulty 
in transporting specie to the West from the great cities of the 
North, by means of railroads. I understand now, there is a 
much better scheme in operation. Suppose a man in the city 
of Washington intended to go West to purchase land ; he would 
take a draft to the Washington Bank and present it, and would 
be asked what kind of money he wanted ? 'I zvant specie! Tlien 
a little kesT is taken out and zvhceled from the bank to the 
Treasury. Of this fact I have been informed by a gentleman 
on whom I rely implicitly. Well, this same little keg has been 
so frequently backtvards and forivards on the same errand that 
it has become ridiculous to the people in the Treasury Depart- 
ment. It had been rolled to and fro so often for a distance of 
only sixty yards, that upon calculation it had traveled eleven 
hundred and odd miles. The officers of the country have un- 
dertaken, like common porters, to transport money across the 
country. Pecuniary difficulties do now exist to an alarming 
degree. The honorable senator spoke lightly of 2^ panic. A 
little starveling panic had the honor of dying by the hand of 
the senator, and is this all the comfort that a distressed com- 
munit)' is to receive? The honorable gentleman loves this 
' Treasury order,' and the pressure produced by it is to be 
called rt/»^r///r. This term panic has been found useful when 



LETTER TO SON ROBERT. 



103 



argument was wanting, and by this sort of senatorial cry of 
panic the country must be pacified. Does your statesmanship 
go no further than this? A \\\X\q. panic gotten up by the certi- 
fiers of General Jackson's enemies. The gentleman thinks there 
is a party in this country, whose origin he traces up with the 
skill of a political genealogist to the days of Alexander Ham- 
ilton, who hate gold and silver. I assure the gentleman I am 
am not one of the haters of gold and silver. These rascal 
counters I have a great affection for. The haters of gold and 
silver are not to be found among politicians. Those who 
wished the bank rechartered were the friends of gold and silver. 
Congress is not bound to think the order right, because the 
President thought it right." Mr. Crittenden could see no occa- 
sion for adopting the language of the senator from Missouri, 
indicating gratitude and tlianks to the executive for causing this 
" Treasury order" to be issued ; he would respect the executive 
in proportion to his fidelity and wisdom in the discharge of 
his duty. There is no necessity for treating him as a demigod. 
In 1838 Mr. Crittenden spoke against the new Treasury notes; 
he considered this only a new form of national debt. The 
people were deceived, while the government moved softly on, 
fed fat by the facility with which it supplied itself with means. 
He thought if it took ten millions of extraordinary supplies 
every six or eight months to keep the administration on its 
legs, the sooner they were recorded on the bills of mortality 
the better for the people. The cry of this magnificent adminis- 
tration was still ''Money ! money f but for his part he would 
say, " Take physic pomp." He would not vote a dollar for 
the zxy oi exigency ; he must have liglit, so as to excuse himself 
to his constituents. 

(Hon. J. J. Crittenden to his son Robert.) 

Senate-Chamber, January 3, 1837. 
Dear Bob, — I am so much pleased with the number of your 
letters, and so anxious to encourage in you a disposition to 
write, that I shall not fail to do my part in the correspondence. 
No exercise of the mind seems to me better calculated to form 
the invaluable habit of accurate t/dnking and of easy and proper 
expression than the practice of reducing our thbughts to writing, 
and letter-writing is the most familiar and easy mode of doing 



this. But yet how few there are who ever attain to excellence 
in this most useful and important art ! There is scarcely any- 
thing more indispensable to success in life. An educated man 
may be dressed in rags, his outward appearance may not indi- 
cate his character ; but let him put his pen to paper, and his 
merits are instantly disclosed. Nothing is more sure to con- 
demn a pretender than an ill-expressed, ill-spelt piece of writing. 
In the judgment of a man of taste such a production would con- 
demn the author irretrievably. Let it be your ambition to 
learn early, and strive by steady practice to improve your style 
and manner of writing. Though certainly less in importance, 
even the liamhvriting, the mechanical part, is worthy of con- 
sideration,— sufficiently so, at least, to deserve your earnest 
attention. When I say to you that I know you have high 
capacity, I do not say it to flatter, but to make you sensible of 
obligations to employ and improve it. My hopes of you are 
high and proud, and no small portion of my future ha^Dpiness or 
unhappiness depends on you, — on your fulfillment or disap- 
pointment of those hopes. I trust the recollection of all this 
will be cherished by you and stimulate you to every honorable 
exertion in pursuit of honorable distinction. Do not be satisfied 
with mediocrity either in your exertions or successes. Cherish 
also feelings of honor and kindness, and principles of truth and 
integrity. Suffer anytJdng rather than utter a falsehood or do 
a dishonorable act. Cultivate and guard a sense of honor, and 
struggle, my boy, my dear boy, to be all that you know I wish 
you to be. Your mother, I think, wrote to you a few days 
since, and sent you some nctvspa'pers. I hope, however, that 
you will not give up much of your time to newspapers. You 
asked my permission some time since to give up the study of 
Greek. I am very unwilling, my son, that you should do this.. 
It is a most beautiful language, and easy to be acquired after the 
first difficulties are overcome. In twelve months, and devoting 
only a part of each day to it, I had learned it so well that I read 
for a single lesson an entire book of Homer. I was then older 
than you are and better prepared for the study ; but go on, you 
will find it easier than Latin, and will rejoice that you have 
learned it, — go to it with cheerfulness and spirit, determined to 
master it. I send you a five-dollar note, as you complain of 
being in want of casJi. Your wants cannot be very extensive; 
probably this sum may do, if not, write again. 

Your affectionate father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Robert II. Crittenden. 



LETTER TO A. T. BURNLEY. 105 

(Henry Clay to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, January 17, 1837. 

Dear Letcher, — I yesterday addressed a letter to the Gen- 
eral Assembly, accepting the appointment which it has recently 
conferred upon me. I need not say to you, zvlio knozv inc, with 
what unaffected sincerity I desire to retire, that this decision has 
cost me the most painful sacrifices of feeling, and I shall hail 
with the greatest pleasure the occurrence oi circinnstaiiccs\\\\\c\\ 
will admit of my resignation with satisfaction to myself and 
without dishonor to myself The Senate is no longer a place 
for a decent man. Yesterday Benton's Expunging Resolutions 
passed, 24 to 19; and the disgraceful work of drawing black 
lines around the Resolve of 1834 was executed at nine o'clock 
at night. The darkness of the deed and of the hour was well 
suited to each other. 

You will observe that a bill for the relief of yourself and your 
friend Moore has passed the House. The latter part of it will 
be a bitter pill, which I do not know that I can swallow. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. Henry Clay. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

Washington, March 8, 1837. 
Dear Burnley, — I have at last the pleasure of announcing 
to you the recognition of the independence of Texas by this 
government. Yesterday the Senate confirmed the nomination 
of M. La Branche, of New Orleans, as our representative to 
the government of Texas. . The destiny of Texas may now be 
considered as settled, so far as relates to her national independ- 
ence ; and I trust that independence will be fruitful of all the 
blessings of good government to her people. In the midst of 
this jubilee for the birth of a new nation, I cannot forget to re- 
joice a little at the brightened prospects of my friends, whose 
private interests have been connected with the fortunes of Texas. 
I wish for you an estate of a million only. That will be enough 
for a plain republican, and I hope you will be satisfied with it. 
General Jackson left the District yesterday on his way to the 
Hermitage. As it was said of Richard's natural life, so it may 
be said of Jackson's political life, that " nothing in his life be- 
came him like the leaving it." The Senate is yet in session. 
I shall leave here to-morrow morning. After the glorious news 
from Texas you will have no taste for anything I could write. 
I am in all haste and confusion, in perplexity and preparation, 
for my departure. For God's sake, be an adviser for George. 
Get acquainted with my old friend Archer, and make George 
known to him ; he is a noble fellow and true friend. 

Your friend, 
A. T. Burnley. J. J. Crittenden. 



t 



CHAPTER IX. 
1837-1840. 

Admission of Michigan — Purchasing Madison Papers — Letters. 

IN 1837 Mr. Crittenden advocated the immediate admission 
of Michigan, and opposed the adoption of the preamble 
attached to the bill, because it did not tell the whole truth. 
He also spoke eloquently in favor of purchasing the Madison 
papers, stating his conviction that nowhere could more light 
be found as to the just interpretation of the powers of the 
Constitution. He declared that if the remains of Mr. Madison 
were known to exist, in the remotest corner of the world, he 
w'ould vote for an expedition to bring back dust so sacred to this 
country ; as to the copyright, so precious did he hold the manu- 
script that, if he possessed it, he would not sell it for thirty 
thousand dollars. 

Mr. Crittenden was always in favor of the distribution bill ; 
he did not advocate the collection of revenue for the purpose 
of distribution, but if a surplus of revenue occurred legiti- 
mately, he contended that it should 7iothe thrown into the deposit 
banks, to excite the cupidity of those corporations, but back into 
the hands of the people ; it should not be kept on hand to meet 
\\\Q fancies or lusts of those in power. He believed that virtue 
was the foundation of republican government, and that a lavish 
expenditure of public money had a direct tendency to under- 
mine public virtue. 

The executive had told the Senate that a surplus furnished 
means for speculation ; and so strong had been his conviction 
of the evil, that, with a view to prevent it, he had assumed the 
responsibility of the "Treasury order." Mr. Crittenden re- 
membered well when the President commenced his attack on 
the United "States Bank. He had held out to the nation the 
golden pro.spcct of a specie circulation. This was the cheap 
purchase of anticipated glory, and rang from Maine to Georgia; 
but when the promised time came, the objections were many 
(106) 



LETTER TO LESLIE COOMBS. 107 

and insurmountable. The argument used was, that this money 
would corntpt the people, and it must therefore be left in the hands 
of the ////'t' and incorruptible men who now had the management 
of it. With regard to the fourth installment of the deposit bill, 
Mr. Crittenden contended that it must be paid, that the faith 
pledged by an act of Congress should not be so lightly broken. 
The government could get no available funds by means of this 
bill ; so great was its tenacity for a metallic currency that it 
would not even acknowledge the money of the country. The 
States had entered into contracts, and incurred expenses, on the 
expectation of receiving this money. The States will gladly 
receive these funds which the government rejects ; the people 
have full confidence in the banks and would take their paper. 
Mr. C. declared that the \\\OY\.t.y' belonged to the people, from 
whom the government had collected it. Notwithstanding the 
great distress of the people, and the lessons in economy read 
to them by the President, the only object of the administration 
seems to be to fill the Treasury. 

In the early part of this year, Mr. Crittenden opposed the bill 
for the increase of the army. I believe the bill proposed to 
fix the minimum of the army at 12,500. The pretext for this 
was the danger of sudden irruptions of the Indians on the 
frontier. Mr. Crittenden said it was vain to affect a terror of 
this down-fallen race, trampled in the dust, broken in spirit, 
borne down by oppression and injustice; they were a poor, 
degraded race, living on the charity of the government. He 
opposed all increase of the army, or of the fortifications, con- 
sidering- them a useless burden on the nation. The bill formed 
part of a mischievous system of policy founded on principles 
repugnant to the genius of our country. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Leslie Coombs.) 

Senate, March 20th, 1838. 
My dear Sir, — I received your letter relating to the claim 
of our friend Allen. The excitement which was created here 
by the duel was, for a time, great. The affair was to be blended 
with politics, and all the little politicians were set to work ac- 
cordingly. The case was suited to their capacity, and, for a 
time, their success was great, and the excitement high. But a 
reaction is now, I am told, taking place with almost equal 
rapidity. A vile spirit of political persecution is seizing on the 



io8 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



occasion to injure or destroy-Graves, and for other party advan- 
tages. Wc believe that they will be disappointed in this, and 
that they can derive no advantage from it when the public has 
been made acquainted with the whole matter. I shall not now 
attempt to give you any history of the affair. Graves acted 
from a sense of honor. If he went a step too far, it was from 
extreme sensibility which he felt as a Kentucky representative. 
He worked to avoid cx^txy possibility of reproach upon his honor 
and his gallantry at the hazard of every peril. You know 
how a Kentuckian feels when at a distance from home. The 
honor of Ids State is in his hands, — so lie thinks and feels,— and 
the sentiment, though it may sometimes err, is worthy of en- 
couragement. You will have learned all the circumstances be- 
fore this reaches you, and will, I hope, be prepared to think 
favorably of Graves's case. Depend on it, he is a pure-minded, 
noble-hearted fellow, and as brave as Julius Ceesar. He ought 
to have your sympathies. I have no room for comment. The 
Kentucky blood here is all ivariii toward Graves. From the 
administration presses the vilest abuse is poured out on hivi, 
and on Wise particularly. We Jioped to hear a somewhat differ- 
ent note from our Kentucky papers, but, really, their style has 
been almost as damning, by its faint, puny, stinted sort of de- 
fense. I appeal to you for Graves. Look to this subject, and 
give the proper tone to his vindication in our papers in your 
town, if it meets the approbation of your judgment. 

Your friend, 
Leslie L. Coombs. John J. Crittenden. 

In 1838 Mr. Calhoun's resolutions, authorizing anti-slavery 
documents to be taken from the Southern mails, were under "^ 
discussion. Mr. Crittenden denounced them as vague abstrac- 
tions, calculated to produce agitation, fine-spun theories, upon 
which no two men could agree. The mover of the resolutions 
was continually uttering the trite cry of danger to the Union, 
and declaring that, if he is not followed in this movement, the 
Union w ill be destroyed. Mr. C. thought the surest way to 
break up the Union would be to follow that gentleman in his 
violent course. Such language might be only a polite method 
of carrying, by wild alarm, every trembling vote in his train. 
"Has the South no friends but the gentleman and Ids little 
party? Is no other banner displayed, under which the friends 
of the South can range themselves, but the tattered, shattered 
flag of this little States Rights party ?" Mr. Crittenden thought 
himself a States Rights man, but he could not follow Mr. Cal- 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 109 

houn in his vagaries ; could not go along with him in his men- 
tal terrors. Mr. Crittenden did not think the language of the 
resolutions decorous. The sovereign States are the sovereign 
elements of this Union. He thought a State had a right to 
petition. 

In 1838 the General Assembly of Connecticut instructed 
their representatives, Mr. Miles and Mr. Smith, to vote against 
the sub-treasury bill. These representatives denounced the 
proceedings of their legislature as dishonorable. Mr. Critten- 
den declared that he did not profess to be under the obligation 
of unlimited and passive obedience ; but he protested against 
that sort of language held by the senator against his State ; he 
was sorry to see the spirit with which gentlemen submitted to 
their political retirement. In fact, he thought they had gone 
beyond their depths in a sea of glory. When they had conned 
their lesson in the school of adversity, they might, perliaps, be 
brought to their senses, and be made useful members of society 
in their proper places. 

In 1838 Mr. Crittenden introduced a bill to prevent the inter- 
ference of Federal officers in elections. Some time after he 
expressed a hope that an early period might be allowed him 
for its discussion. He desired to bring to the notice of the 
Senate the sophistries by which this greatest vice in our system 
was defended. 

There was a great outciy against this bill of Mr. Crittenden. 
It was called the gag-law. In 1 840 a great Southwestern con- 
vention was held in Nashville, which Mr. Crittenden attended, 
and at which he made a speech, which was said to be one of 
his most masterly efforts. The legislature of Tennessee in- 
structed her representatives to vote against this bill; and Hugh 
Dawson White, senator from Tennessee, felt that he could not 
conscientiously obey these instructions, and resigned. The 
allusion which Mr. C. made in his speech at the convention to 
that scene in the Senate, and Mr. White's death, which soon 
followed, is most touching. 

(J, J. Crittenden to his wife Maria K. Crittenden.) 

Senate, Febniaiy 28, 1839. 
My dearest Wife, — On Sunday next, three days from this 
time, I shall leave here on my return to you. Sunday week at 



no LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



f 



furthest, I hope to be with you. I count the days now with 
as much impatience as I did months at the beginning of the 
session. My heart almost leaps forward to meet' and embrace 

you. 

My highest wish is to find you full of health and happiness, 
and arrayed in all those smiles which you know I have so long 
admired. I was engaged almost all day long yesterday in the 
Senate, and I feel a little worsted by it to-day. Judge Under- 
wood was married last night to Miss Cox, of Georgetown. The 
Kentucky delegation were at the wedding. Farewell, my 
dearest wife; kiss our children for me. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. Marla. K. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

April 22, 1839. 

Dear Burnley, — I inclose you letters to Webster and Sar- 
geant. With your skill and address, I think you may engage 
those gentlemen in your cause. There is something stirring to 
generous minds in the idea of patronizing and 2^\^\^^ yoiing na- 
tions, and of having these things remembered. Your gentle 
suggestion of the grateful sentiments with which Texas would 
remember sjicJi assistance would not be without some effect. 
But it is not for me to make siicJi suggestions to an old diplo- 
matist. 

I shall not see you again, I suppose, till your return from 
Europe. 

Farewell, then, and "may all good fortune attend you" by 
sea and land, and bring you back to your home and friends, 
speedily, in health, and crowned with success and wealth. 

Your friend, 

To A. T. Burnley. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Daniel Webster to J. J. Crittenden.) 

London, July 31, 1839. 
My dear Sir, — I received yesterday your letter by Mr. 
Burnley, whom I was glad to see, and to whom it will give me 
pleasure to render any service in my power. When I parted 
with you, I hardly supposed I should ever write to you from 
London. We have been here now nearly two months, and 
have been occupied with seeing and hearing. Political excite- 
ment, and the state of parties here, made it rather an interesting 
period. I have attended the debates a good deal, especially on 
important occasions. Some of their ablest men are far from 
being lluent speakers. In fact, they hold in no high repute the 
mere faculty of ready speaking, at least not so high as it is held 



LETTER FROM GENERAL HARRISON. m 

in other places. They are universally men of business; they 
have not six-aiid-ttvcnty other legislative bodies to take part of 
the law-making of the country off their hands; and where there 
is so much to be done, it is indispensable that less should be 
said. Their debates, therefore, are often little more than con- 
versations across the table, and they usually abide by the good 
rule of carrying the measure under consideration one step, 
whenever it is taken up, without adjourning the debate. This 
rule, of course, gives way on questions of great interest. I see 
no prospect of any immediate change of administration. The 
minority acknowledges itself to be weak in the number of its 
supporters in Parliament ; but their opponents, if they should 
come into power, would hardly be stronger, without a dissolu- 
tion and a new election. It is thought that, upon the whole, 
the conservative interest is gaining ground in the country, 
especially in England. Still, the leaders of the party feel very 
little inclined, I think, to be eager for the possession of power. 
Office here is now no sinecure. Business matters have been in 
a bad state, and money remains quite scarce; but cotton has 
risen a little, and some think the ivorst is over. I expect to 
hear bad news from the United States. I fear greatly for many 
of the banks. Nothing can be done with the securities of our 
States, nor can anything be done with them on the Continent, 
though money is plenty in France and Holland. My dear 
friend, I fear it will be very many years before American credit 
shall be restored to the state it was in at the time the late ad- 
ministration began its experiments on the country. 

My wife and daughter are, of course, much pleased with what 
is to be seen in London, and Julia was greatly grieved to hear 
that Cornelia was so near coming the voyage hither and after- 
wards gave it up. The weather is hot ; if no change shall come 
soon, the wheat crop will be in danger. 
I am, dear sir, with true regard. 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

Daniel Webster. 

Mr. Crittenden. 

(General W. H. Harrison to J. J. Crittenden.) 

North Bend, Noveriiber 7, 1839. 
My dear Sir, — My intimate friend (for forty-four years) Judge 
Burnet, of Cincinnati, was appointed with Judge Pease by our 
State Convention as delegates (at large) last winter. Pease died 
some weeks ago. I saw Burnet yesterday ; he is in good health, 
and is preparing to attend at Harrisburg on the 4th proximo. 
The delegate from this district will be chosen on the day after 
to-morrow. None but an intimate and zealous friend of mine 



112 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will receive the appointment. Several are mentioned, but I 
think Colonel N. G. Pendleton will be chosen. Both B. and P. 
have seen your letter of the 25th, from Philadelphia, as have two 
other friends who have been spoken of as the district delegate. 
Burnet (and whichever of my other friends may go with him) 
will endeavor to see you and consult with you as they go to 
Harrisburg. They will explain to you my objections to the use 
you suggest of certain letters in my possession. The policy 
pointed out by the present state of the contest appears to me 
to be that of conciliation ; for I think that the friends of Clay, 
in the Convention, will be convinced that he cannot obtain the 
votes of either Illinois, Indiana, or Ohio, and that I can get 
them all. There never was a time when I could not beat V. 
B. in either of the two last, and I assure you that I am (in the 
latter particularly) daily gaining strength. There are many, 
very many heretofore warm partisans of the administration who 
have declared their determination to vote for me if I should be 
the candidate. Some find an apology in the principle of" rota- 
tion in office," and that they cannot see any difference in my 
pretensions and those of Jackson. Others begin to see some- 
thing wrong in the conduct of affairs, and are willing to give 
their votes to another candidate than the incumbent, provided 
" he has always been on the side of the people." This they 
believe of me, but obstinately persist in refusing to accord to 
Mr. Clay in despite of facts the most undeniable. 

Some of my friends are desirous that I should place, in some 
shape or other, with a view to its being laid before the people, 
my views of the " present desperate state of the country, and 
my opinions as to the necessity of a thorough reform." But I 
do not agree with them as to the necessity or even the propriety 
of such a course. 

It appears to mc that no one should be supported for the 
Presidency of the United States who cannot give a better guar- 
antee for the correctness and fidelity of his conduct than that of 
opinions given and pledges made during the pendency of the 
contest which was to decide on his pretensions. How many 
instances can be adduced of the fulfillment of engagements made 
under such circumstances when there was strong temptation to 
violate them ! What, then, it may be asked, is the security of a 
free j)eoplc in conferring power upon those who are to admin- 
ister their affairs ? I answer that an effectual remedy is only 
to be found by limiting the powers granted to a measure which 
shall be only equal to the proper discharge of the duties required 
to be performed, and even those for as short a period as possible. 
I am satisfied that this general principle does not meet the exi- 
gency now to be provided for, because the powers annexed to 



LETTER FROM GENERAL HARRISON. 113 

the office of President are (greater than are necessary for the 
chief magistrate of a repubhc to possess, and the reduction of 
them to the proper standard not immediately in the power of 
the people. Indeed, the reduction of the unnecessary and dan- 
gerous powers depends upon the selection of the President, as 
the prerogatives conferred upon him by the Constitution, or 
claimed to have been conferred, are such as totally to preclude 
any hope of reform but with his consent. The question, then, , 
recurs, What guarantee, under such circumstances, can be given 
to the people that their confidence will not be betrayed, and 
that the measures so necessary not only for their prosperity, 
but for the preservation of the republican principles of the 
government, will not be thwarted by the candidate whom they 
may select ? The answer seems to me to be obvious. Since it 
appears from the records of history, confirmed indeed by our 
own experience, that pledges given by candidates for high 
trusts are not to be relied upon, the people must look for 
security to a strict scrutiny of the character of those who are 
presented for their choice. Have they been before intrusted 
with power ? In what manner was it exercised ? Was it used 
with a single eye to the advantage of those for whose benefit it 
was given ? Was there any manifestation of a desire to increase 
it beyond the limits which the common-sense meaning of the 
grant which conferred it would authorize ? Any selfishness 
discoverable amidst the general display of magnanimity and de- 
votion to the public good ? There is one candidate for whom 
I would readily vouch for his passing through such an ordeal 
without the slightest imputation upon his honor or patriotism. 
I allude to Henry Clay. During a large portion of his public 
life I was in his confidence, and I am perfectly sure that the 
interest and happiness of his country were the objects to which 
his great talents were devoted. General Scott I only know as 
an honorable man, a gallant and able officer, and a sterling 
patriot. Of his political opinions I know nothing. 

As I am myself the only other candidate of the opposition, I 
must leave it to the people to determine the character of my 
conduct whilst I was in their service. For many years I filled 
offices of no inconsiderable importance, and the powers with 
which I was often clothed great almost beyond example in our 
country, and for that reason greatly enhancing the obligation to 
a faithful discharge of the duties they imposed. To the crime 
against the people a contrary course of conduct would have 
superadded that of bringing disgrace upon the administrations 
of Jefferson and Madison,— those pure patriots by whom I was 
patronized and trusted. If, under circumstances such as these, 
I could in a single instance have departed from that course of 
VOL. I. — 8 



conduct which marks an upright and faithful public servant, I 
am unworthy of the further confidence of my fellow-citizens. 
The deep stake they have at issue in the election of a President 
for the next term, the important consequences which are to flow, 
for f^ood or for evil, from the way in which the contest may be 
decided, create an obligation upon the part of the people greater 
than at any former period strictly to scrutinize the conduct of 
those submitted to their choice, when in the exercise of power 
heretofore conferred. To bring them to the test of the Scrip- 
ture parable, whether having been " faithful over a few things" 
they may be safely trusted " to rule over many things." 

It is in no spirit of arrogance that I challenge such an in- 
vestigation in relation to myself I cannot hope that in the 
discharge of the various and complicated duties which have 
been committed to mc (and which, in the opinion of the patriotic 
Shelby, were at one period " greater than he had ever known 
imposed upon one individual") that it would not be found that 
I have committed errors. I am too conscious of my own im- 
perfections to entertain any such idea. My confidence rests 
solely upon my intentions to do right, and to carry out in prac- 
tice those democratic republican principles, in the theory of 
wliich I had from early youth been trained. I trust that an 
investigation would clearly show that, instead of endeavoring to 
enlarge the great powers which as governor of Indiana I pos- 
sessed, I sedulously sought for opportunities to place them in 
the hands of the people. 

I have said above that I considered pledges given by a candi- 
date for the Presidency as to what he would or would not do, 
unnecessary and improper. I have endeavored to show that 
they were " unnecessary;" and I think, by reference to the opin- 
ions I have given in my letters to Mr. Sherrard Williams and 
Mr. H. Denny in relation to the exercise of the veto power by 
the President, that it would be highly improper in one who 
limits the President's power as I have done, to pledge himself 
to any particular course. Give any other construction to the 
Constitution than that which I have given in those letters, and 
it seems to me that the whole character of the government 
would be changed, and that the President, by the union of the 
direct and indirect means which I have pointed out, would be- 
come as effectually the legislator of the country as is the autocrat 
of the Russias. The veto power was evidently given to guard 
the Constitution and to prevent the effects of a too hasty legis- 
lation. I conceive, that even in cases of doubtful construction 
of the Constitution, the opinions of the President must yield to 
the deliberately expressed wishes of the American people. But, 
again, let the precedent already set become established, and 



LETTER FROM GENERAL HARRISON. 115 

the Presidency eveiy fourth year will be at auction, as was the 
Roman empire upon the death of Pertinax. The leaders of the 
different interests and parties will be the bidders, and the high 
prize will be knocked off to the highest offer, i.e. to the party 
that can bring most strength to the aspirant, although the in- 
terests and perhaps the constitutional rights of the weaker party 
may be sacrificed by the discharge of the debt. What a field 
for intrigue will be here opened, — what a school for giving the 
last polish to political hypocrites ! Further, if the precedent 
of pledges is once established, it would render abortive the 
now so generally favored opinion of confining the presidential 
service to a single term. Will the man who pledges himself to 
support the efforts of a party in the accomplishment of any 
particular object hesitate to pledge himself also to aid with his 
influence the succession of his allies to the seat of power, and 
thus perpetuate the injustice by which his own elevation was 
effected ? 

It will not, I hope, be considered by what I have said above 
that I am opposed to every effort being made by the people 
perfectly to understand the political opinions of a candidate for 
the Presidency, as far as it relates to the principles of the 
Constitution and the fundamental principles upon which it is 
founded. No one should be supported for the Presidency of 
whose sentiments in relation to them there hangs the slightest 
shadow of doubt, of whom it was not believed that having 
received the highest evidence of favor and confidence which his 
fellow-citizens could bestow, that it would be the dearest wish 
of his heart, the constant object of his thoughts, and that upon 
which all his official influence would be devoted to restore the 
government to the purity in which it came from the hands of 
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. 

In the letters to Mr. W^illiams and Mr. Denny above referred 
to, I have endeavored to give my opinion of the principles of 
our government in a manner not to be misunderstood. But I 
refuse to pledge myself in advance, as to the application of these 
principles to particular cases or to the views of any particular 
party; because by so doing I should usurp upon the privileges 
of the legislative branch of the government, of which the Presi- 
dent, notwithstanding his veto power, constitutes no part. And 
because, from my construction of the 'Constitution, a President 
of the United States is chosen, not for the purpose of carrying 
into effect his own political views, but those of the people of 
the United States declared by themselves or their more imme- 
diate representatives. 

I am, dear sir, yours truly, 

W. H. Harrison, 



Il6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Washington, January 2, 1840. 

My dearest Maria,— A happy New Year to you ! and all 
the blessings diie to the tenderest and best of wives ! Oh, what 
a feast of the heart it would have been could I have transported 
myself suddenly home and met the joys of the season with my 
^\•i'fe and children in my arms and on my knees ! It is some 
enjoyment to think of this. And now again I ask you when 
will the weather permit you to start for Washington ? This is 
the most interesting point for me. I was at the President's 
yesterday, and at night at the theatre for the first time. There 
was as usual a great assemblage of all sorts of people and all 
sorts of dress at the President's. I met there with Mrs. Pope, 
of Louisville (formerly Miss Preston), and acted as her gallant 
during the evening. She is clever, and I shall like her; her being 
a Kentuckian is enough to secure all my predilections. I went 
to the theatre to see Vandenhoff and his more celebrated daughter, 
particularly the latter, of whose beauty and talent I had heard 
so much; and I think she deserves it all. She is unquestionably 
the finest actress I ever saw. Without offense to your Pres- 
bytcrianisvi, I wish you could have enjoyed it all. 

I have not heard from you for several weeks, and begin to 
be out of temper with \X\& postuiasters. 

Farewell, my dearest wife. My love to all. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Senate, Januaiy 8, 1840. 
My dearest Wife, — I have not a ^^ord to write, and yet I 
must write to you. It is a sort of aliment that my nature seems 
to require, and as without any cause that I am conscious of, I 
feel rather gloomy and despondent, I naturally turn to you for 
relief. I should indeed feel that "the world was a waste," and 
bore neither fruit nor flowers for me without you. Get well 
and come on to me as soon as possible, but do not expose your- 
self too much to the inclemency of the weather. 

Kiss our little boys for me, and believe that I love you with 
all my heart. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) „ 1 ^ 

Frankfort, April 2, 1S40. 

Dear Crittenden, — My political speculations are not worth 

a copper cent ! I have never believed that Seward would be 

the candidate of the Black party, or that Douglas would be 

the choice of the Democrats ; but I confess your letter almost 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. yi-J 

convinced me that my views were erroneous. If, as you sup- 
pose, it is distinctly understood, upon the meeting of the Charles- 
ton Convention, that Seward will be selected at Chicago, then 
I think Douglas will be the nominee, upon the calculation that 
he will be able to carry Illinois and Indiana. I have had a talk 
with Guthrie ; he was confident of obtaining the nomination at 
Charleston. I told him, frankly, he had not the ghost of a 
chance. I believe now he is of my opinion. The friends of 
Breckenridge licre and at Lexington seem to be confident that 
he will be the lucky man. / don't believe tliat. We hear 
Buchanan has taken him up ; I doubt if he will be true to 
him. I know he hates him, not perhaps as much as he hates 
Douglas. I have read B.'s plea in abatement, protesting against 
an inquiry into his official conduct. The plea is, I think, well 
drawn and adroit, but the points of objection appear to me in- 
defensible. You are right to have nothing to do with a nomina- 
tion. Let Hunt or Everett, or somebody, take the place. Tom 
Clay says if his presence is necessary at. the Baltimore Conven- 
tion to vindicate you, he will go on at once. Coombs begged 
himself in as a delegate to the exclusion of Tom. I see no 
fun whatever. Go to Burnley's and talk to him, then to the 
bank, then back to Burnley's, then home, read, lay down, get 
up, and do the same thing, take medicine, and have myself 
rubbed like a race-horse. Come home ! The queen is thinking 
of what she will have for breakfast the day you get home. One 
thing I know, there will be a quart of rich cream, and I sha'n't 
get a drop of it. I am glad Mrs. Crittenden does not go out in 
Washington; she will be better prepared for a ''poor inaiis 
breakfast y 

Your sincere friend, 
J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Senate, April 30, 1840. 
Dear Orlando, — Our intelligence from Virginia enables me 
now, as all here think, to say to you that the Whigs or Harri- 
son men have carried that State by the election of a majority 
of the legislature and with a majority of the popular vote. The 
first fruits of this will be two senators from that State and then 
its electoral vote for Harrison. This latter consequence, how- 
ever, is our inference. The administration men say there will 
be a reaction in Virginia, and that they will carry the State then 
by a large majority. And it is upon such dreams and visions 
they feed their sickly hopes. Nothing can exceed the confi- 
dence of the friends of Harrison. That confidence generates 
and sustains a corresponding zeal, and as far as there can be 



ll8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

any certainty in respect to future political events, it seems to 
me that his election is certain, and by a very great majority. 
The nation is noiv for him. The current of events is m his 
favor, and the same great causes that have produced that cur- 
rent will continue to give it increased rapidity and force. The 
abuse lavished on Harrison is like oil thrown on the fire, and 
Avill endanger or consume the incendiary only. The popular 
feeling breaks forth in favor of Harrison where it was least ex- 
pected, and makes glad places that were considered as "waste." 
Georgia, notwithstanding all efforts to the contrary, has, of a 
sudden and as by some general and spontaneous impulse, raised 
a mighty shout for him, and seems like all the other States in 
her zealous support of him. I speak from information which 
I consider the very best and most indubitable when I say to you 
that I believe Georgia is just as certain for Harrison as any 
State in the Union. Though the leaders of the administration 
party here affect the language of confidence, it is evident that 
their ranks are wavering with fear and alarm, and that they can 
scarcely withstand the tone of courage and confidence that con- 
stantly resounds from the host of their adversaries. 

They are, in effect, already dismayed and beaten. And if the 
friends of Harrison can only resist the efforts that will be made 
to divert and deaden public sentiment, and will only preserve 
tlieir present patriotic spirit, their opponents will not only be 
beaten, but utterly routed, — "horse, foot, and dragoons." 

The presidential question absorbs everything else, and but 
little is doing, or will be done, in Congress at the present session, 
though the session will, in all probability, be a long one. 

In the great struggle for political deliverance that is now in 
progress, 1 hope that old Kentucky will not be behind the fore- 
most. Her place is in the front, and in that /<?.$■/ of patriotism 
and honor I had rather see her trodden down than make one 
disgraceful step from it. 

Who is our candidate for our county? You must not sur- 
render Franklin at this crisis. We must have a candidate, and 
one that can be elected. 

While I write you, the first number of the Campaign is laid 
on my table. I hail it, and that I may pay my respects to the 
stranger, must conclude my letter. I don't understand thcit you 
have yet erected at Frankfort a "log cabin." This ought to be 
attended to ; it is all the rage on this side the mountains, and 
the common impression is that neither Grecian nor Roman 
architecture ever constructed anything superior to the " Log 
Cabin." My best respects to your wife, and kindest remem- 
brance to all our toM'nsmen and friends. Write to me. 

Your friend, 

O. Hkowx, Esq. J.J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER X. 
1840. 

Great Southwestern Convention — Letter of Archbishop Spalding — Complimentary 
Resolutions of the Board of Trustees of the Second Presbyterian Church in 
Baltimore as to the Trial of R. J. Breckenridge — Letters. 

THE great Southwestern Convention met on the 17th of 
August, 1840, at Nashville, and, after adopting certain 
resolutions, it was addressed by Mr. Crittenden. I am per- 
suaded that no mortal man ever made a greater impression 
upon a popular assembly. Never before did I see such a multi- 
tudinous audience tremble under the power of eloquence, never 
were the deep fountains of my emotions so stirred. Peal after 
peal followed, blow after blow fell with merciless power, sar- 
casm after sarcasm, and coruscations of wit delighted the vast 
assembly. Mr. Crittenden's eye flashed, now with scorn, now 
with other emotions. He has left behind him a name which 
time only can obscure. 

I feel it would be murder in the first degree to attempt a de- 
scription of this masterly display of oratory. No pen can truly 
write out that speech, no tongue can truly describe it. Great 
as is the reputation of its author as a statesman and an orator, 
his warmest admirers declare that they never heard him on any 
occasion make a better speech, more eloquent, more appropriate. 
I heard conspicuous Van Buren men proclaim that it was the 
greatest speech they had ever listened to. 

The style and manner of the distinguished statesman cannot 
be spread upon paper : an outline only of the principal points 
he dwelt upon will be attempted. 

Mr. Crittenden began by expressing a wish that he could 
feel himself worthy to address such an audience, feel himself 
able to entertain so vast a multitude on so great an occasion : 

Fellow-Citizens, — We can all do something for a great cause. 
Let no man say he can do nothing, but rather let him gird on 



120 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

his armor, take one step fonvard, and he will find himself en- 
gaged in the struggle of the people against power and oppression. 
Let him look at the great and critical measures which are 
involved in this contest. Let him reflect upon the sad, the 
fatal consequences which will be visited upon the people if 
the executive should triumph ; let him calmly survey this 
overshadowing power which the executive is contending for ; 
let him reflect that the great issue is liberty against oppres- 
sion, the people against the office holders,^then let him pre- 
pare for the contest and say he can and ivill do something in 
the conflict. 

Fellow-citizens, every man knows that the office holder feels 
bound to electioneer for the President. In order to hold his 
place he must give up his independence as a freeman, submit 
to the requirements of his master the executive, — he knows that 
this is one of the cardinal principles of Van Buren democracy. 
As my illustrious colleague truly observed yesterday, all the 
qualifications an applicant may possess will avail him nothing. 
The questions put by, or in behalf of, Martin Van Buren are 
not. Is he honest ? Is he capable ? Will he support the Consti- 
tution ? Oh, no, fellow-citizens, these old-fashioned questions, 
recognizxd by Jefferson's democracy, have been superseded by 
another catechism which was somewhat after this fashion : What 
has he done for our party ? Who has he bullied at the polls ? 
Has he used means to mislead the people and entice them to our 
support? Have the people rejected him? Let him establish 
these claims, and his reward is sure. All who are willing to 
come under this Russian serfdom and to give up the breath of 
freemen are qualified for office under Martin Van Buren. All 
applicants who have been thus meanly willing to submit to 
such terms have been rewarded with office. 

But do such officers answer the purpose of the people, to 
whom indeed all the offices belong ? Are their best interests 
faithfully watched and guarded by such servants ? Is the 
money of the people faithfully guarded ? No, fellow-citizens, 
no ! out of sixty-seven land officers, sixty-three have proved 
to be defaulters. What do the people think of this ? What is 
its moral tendency ? What the moral effects of such a state 
of things? Who does not see that it is Mr. Van Buren's object 
so to vitiate, to corrupt the public mind that he may appoint 
the most desperate and despicable politicians to office, who will 
stop at nothing in assisting him in the accomplishment of his 
grand scheme of subjecting this great people to his arbitrary 
rule for another term ? I do not believe Mr. Van Buren pos- 
sesses cither the head or the heart to be the President of this 
proud and independent nation. He was nurtured in the Albany 



SOUTHWESTERN CONVENTION AT NASHVILLE. 121 

Regency school of politics ; he has not the capacity or sensi- 
bility to act or feel like a Western politician. Van Buren is 
2i free-trader in politics, buying where he can purchase cheapest, 
and selling where he can command the highest price, — he was 
for the zvar, and he was against tlic ivar. Should the Federalist 
say to him, " Mr. Van Buren, we can support no man who ad- 
vocated the last war, which ruined our commerce and brought 
our country so deeply in debt," how readily would he reply, 
Gentlemen, who took more decided ground against that zvar 
than I did? Madison I opposed, and gave my hearty support 
to Clinton, your own favorite candidate. On the other hand, 
should the Republicans approach him, and say, " We can sup- 
port no man who did not advocate the last war," how promptly 
he would assure them, that he did support it, and point to his 
reports and speeches in its favor made after Madison's re-elec- 
tion, after the war had become popular. Now, take the subject 
of abolition. Should leading Abolitionists tell Mr. Van Buren 
that they would like to vote and use their influence for him 
if they could only have some evidences that he would help 
to carry out their principles, who could furnish them with 
stronger and more enduring proofs than Mr. Van Buren of his 
firm attachment to their cause ? How gravely, with what sih- 
cerity, he would point to his vote instructing the New York 
senators upon the Missouri question ; his vote in the New York 
Convention in favor of extending the right of suffrage to 
negroes ; to his vote in Congress to restrict slavery in Florida; 
to his declaration, for the public, that Congress has the consti- 
tutional power to abolish slavery any day in the District of 
Columbia, and to his recent rescript, that he saw nothing of the 
admission of negro testimony in court against a gallant officer 
of the navy that called for his interference ! 

On the other hand, should the Anti-Abolitionists say to him, 
" Mr. Van Buren, what guarantee will you give us that if we 
vote for you, you will not favor the scheme of these infamous 
fanatics?" how quickly would he refer them to his repeated 
declarations that he would apply the veto to any bill having 
for its object the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ! 
Upon the subject of internal improvements he is as well pre- 
pared. To one party he points to his vote to establish toll- 
gates upon the Great Cumberland Road, — such was his love, his 
zeal, for internal improvements ! He calls attention also to his 
approval of numerous other bills making great appropriations 
for works of that nature. 

To the opposing party, he will avow that he is against internal 
improvements by the general government, and point with 
exultation to the complaints of the friends of the great national 



122 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



road, that he asked for no appropriations for it in his last table 
of estimates and expenditures. 

On the subject of Federalism he pursues the same policy. 
To the Federalists, he can turn to his evident support of Rufus 
King, their great champion, and exhibit the book he wrote in 
his favor. To the Republicans, he can point to his support of 
Daniel D. Tompkins. Now, am I not justified in calling Mr. 
Van Buren a free-trader in politics ? What has he ever done to 
advance the true interests of his country, or promote its pros- 
perity? There can be but one answer, — he has done nothing! 
If old Plutarch were to burst from his tomb and be called upon 
to record the services he has rendered to his country, what a 
dread blank the old historian would be compelled to present to 
the world! What reasons have the people to advance such a 
man to the highest office in their gift ? Repeat his name to his 
countrymen : does it fill the heart with grateful emotion ? No! 
but at the name of Washington, or even Jackson, and of Harri- 
son men's souls are moved; but sound the name of Van Buren 
and the hearts of men are as cold as a tombstone, or even as 
cold as Van Buren himself His administration has been, thus 
far, a series of unprovoked wrongs and violated pledges. 

Look at the ruined currency, the depreciated paper now 
floating over the country, the only currency almost in circula- 
tion. Vox his country, Mr. Van Buren has done nothing; for 
the office holders he has done much ! He has given them a 
currency far above that of the people, and he had reduced the 
wages of the laborer to enhance the salaries of the office holders. 
When I see office holders busying themselves in elections, I 
think of the declaration of my friend Grundy, who said, "They 
were voting for their bread." They are the Praetorian bands of 
the executive ; they come all "drilled, armed, and paid into the 
contest," while the people, whom they oppose, are only armed 
with the republican principles instilled in their minds by their 
fathers. 

Here the great orator drew a striking parallel between the Pres- 
ident's army of office holders and the Praetorian bands of Rome, 
and mirrored forth the fatal consequences that would inevitably 
ensue if our people did not fully rouse themselves and put 
the usurper down. He spoke of England's democracy ; how 
much it had at one time accomplished by resolving to submit 
no longer to the arrogance and insufferable dictation of the 
throne. He took a glance at our own country, when Jefferson 
was elected Vice-President, and told what the great Republican 
promised if the people elected him President, — that he would 



SOUTHWESTERN CONVENTION AT NASHVILLE, i 



^3 



effectually put a stop to the interference of ofifice holders in 
elections. This evil, even at that early day, was beginning to 
alarm the Republicans of the country. 

Jefferson was elected, and fulfilled his promise. Harrison 
now gives a similar pledge, which he will surely fulfill. See- 
ing that no check in that direction was to be expected from 
the present President, Mr. Van Buren, he had introduced a bill, 
a year or two ago, into the Senate, to bring about again what 
Mr. Jefferson effected, but which Mr. Van Buren opposed, and, 
indeed, he was constantly seeking to aggravate the offense com- 
plained of His bill was designed to secure the freedom of 
elections against the interference and dictations of office holders. 
It left them free to vote as they pleased, and made them inde- 
pendent of the executive. Under this bill they were not com- 
pelled, in order to retain their places, to electioneer for the 
President. They were filling the people's offices, and ought not 
to be required by the executive to neglect their legitimate duties 
in order to electioneer for him. In selecting a judge of a court 
the main object ought surely to be to obtain one who will faith- 
fully discharge the duties of his station, biased by none, uncon- 
trolled by any superior. This bill had been most grossly mis- 
represented. It had been called a " gag-lazv" by those who 
were really attempting to gag all office holders, closing their 
lips, not allowing them to say one word against the powers that 
be, however corrupt and dishonest they might have found them. 
Instead of gagging them, the bill would relieve them from that 
state of surveillance and make them independent; restoring to 
them the liberty to vote for whom they pleased. Mr. Critten- 
den said, "this was the object he had in view in introducing his 
bill." He referred to Benton's bill to restrict executive patronage, 
introduced in 1826, and stated some of its arguments and pre- 
dictions. Those predictions had been verified. The President 
says to his office holders, " Electioneer for me and secure my 
re-election, and I will keep you in office." Benton's prediction 
has been fully realized. This worst species of venality and cor- 
ruption has come upon us. His bill was intended to put a stop 
to it. He loved freedom of speech, partly, perhaps, because he 
used it so freely. When his bill came before the Senate for 
action, and Benton opposed it, he referred him to his own bill 



124 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

and predictions of 1826. When Mr. Buchanan opposed it, he 
referred him to what he had said on a former occasion against 
the interference of office holders in elections. He read to the 
Pennsylvania senator, who was taking notes to reply, his own 
words. The senator dropped his pen and stood aghast. Three 
days after he got himself prepared with a defense which he pro- 
nounced before the Senate. But this was not enough, though 
Mr. Buchanan was an old Federalist and was presumed to be 
well acquainted with the best method of defending Federal and 
opposing Jeffersonian Republican doctrines. Mr. Hall, of New 
Jersey, another old Federalist, stepped forward to the rescue and 
framed a report, which not only countenanced the office holders 
in all their indecent interference in elections, but absolutely 
enjoined it upon them as one of their duties. This report was 
adopted by the administration, and thirty thousand copies were 
ordered to be printed and circulated. He said he thought the 
number should be a hundred thousand, so that every office 
holder could have a copy of his orders. " For himself," Mr. 
Crittenden said, " his motives were pure in offering that bill." 
He was proud of it, and no name its revilers could give it would 
make him ashamed of it. He knew to what use the bill had 
been turned by demagogues in Tennessee to effect the object 
which was accomplished last year ; he knew it had been used 
against the senators of this State (Tennessee) who voted with 
him for its passage. They, like himself, voted for it, wishing 
to effect what Jefferson had the " honesty to order done" without 
the aid of legislation, and it gave him pleasure to have it in his 
power to proclaim that, had his colleague, Mr. Clay, been 
present when the vote was taken, he, too, would have given it 
his support. By means of that bill the Senate had been deprived 
of the services of the State of Tennessee, and the whole country 
had been deprived of the valuable services of his distinguished 
friend, Mr. Forster, now presiding over the deliberations of this 
Convention. But justice will be done him, and that, too, at no 
remote day. 

Fellow-Citizens, said Mr. Crittenden, I wish that I could stop 
here. I wish I could say that no other statesman but my hon- 
orable and esteemed friend Forster had been sacrificed by 
means of that bill, and the manner in which it was grossly per- 



SOUTHWESTERN CONVENTION AT NASHVILLE. 



125 



verted and misrepresented. Some of your banners floating over 
us this day tell me, tell us all, of his departed colleague, Hugh 
Lawson White. It was my good fortune to know that venerable 
patriot well, to possess his full confidence. He was a good, 
honest, upright, and sincere man, — as sternly honest as Cato, 
as scrupulously just as Aristides ! Full well do I remember 
that most solemn and imposing scene in the senate-chamber, 
on the Instructing Resolutions, when he took his leave, forever, 
of that body, of which he had been a bright ornament for many, 
many years. Hugh Lawson White stood erect, with his old 
gray locks floating over his shoulders, and calmly, but sternly, 
performed his duty. All was hushed and still as death ; it was 
a scene which filled the beholder with awe and veneration. 
When on the point of leaving Washington to return home, I 
strove to detain him. I sought him for that purpose, and found 
him, not in his carriage, but on his horse. I warned him that 
the winter was rude and cold, the winds bleak, the snows deep 
and treacherous. I implored him not to depart at such an in- 
clement season. His reply — so simple, so characteristic — I 
shall never, never forget : " Tennessee recalls me ; I must go." 
No human power would have swayed him ; he loved and 
honored his State, and when she spoke he was ever ready to 
obey. He did return at her call, and now lies buried beneath 
the green sod in her eastern mountains. He died a martyr to 
that bill which the partisans of the administration so loudly and 
vehemently condemned. Well, let them denounce it, — Jefferson 
proclaimed it, Harrison proclaims it, Clay is for it, and White 
died a martyr to it. 

Mr. Crittenden said that the terms he applied to Mr. Van 
Buren and his leading partisans he did not apply to the great 
body of the party, that from one cause or other suffers itself to 
be led by them : 

Mr. Van Buren calls himself a Democrat. I, said Mr. Crit- 
tenden, call myself a Democrat. He maintains that it is just 
and right to possess and wield the power he claims ; I avow it 
is unjust and wrong. He pretends that his measures are Re- 
publican ; I contend that they are ultra Federal. He usurps the 
name of Republican ; by this he hopes to carry out his ultra 
Federal doctrines, and get his office holders to deceive the 
people into the belief that he is a Republican, a pure Democrat. 
Martin Van Buren a pure Democrat ! Great God, what a 
pedigree for Democrats to refer to hereafter! By creeping 
about on his hands and knees he has got the start of the De- 
mocracy. Are my hearers willing to confide in such a man — 



126 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

in such a President ? He wished " to extenuate nothing, to set 
down naught in mahce." If he had not painted Mr. Van Buren's 
character fairly, he wished his hearers to add what they could 
in his favor, and then, for the sake of comparison, place him by 
the side of Harrison ; then choose, shall it be this cologned and 
whiskered Democrat, or the plain, clear-headed, substantial old 
resident of the West ? General Harrison is an honest man ; 
the testimony of the numerous old soldiers guaranteed this ; 
he knew himself something of Harrison in the field, but the tes- 
timony of others proved enough. Mr. Crittenden referred to 
the many offices Harrison had filled, by means of which he 
could have enriched himself, lived in a costly mansion, and, like 
Van Burcn, drank wines from the south side of Madeira. 
General Harrison was content to perform his public duties 
faithfully, then retire to his farm, and live by its cultivation, 
dwelling in his plain, old-fashioned house. Will you have such 
a man for your President ? Now, I will tell you what old Van 
Burcn and his advisers at Washington are probably thinking: 
" Oh, well," say they, "these little transient excitements, conven- 
tions, etc. of the Whigs are foolish affairs ; they will die out 
by-and-by, and all will go smoothly for us." 

Their long enjoyment of public office and continued plunder 
of public money makes them hopeful. 

They .say to us, " Oh, you have begun too soon, you'll get 
tired before November." Thus power was flattering itself; but 
he could tell the spoiler that the zeal and enthusiasm now in 
action throughout this broad land will not subside till the Goths 
are driven from Rome and honest men put in their places. The 
deep-seated feeling which we now see is not ephemeral. A 
spark of the glorious old Revolution is blazing ! it is not dying 
out ! It burned seven years in darkness and storm, and it will 
burn on now, and blaze higher and hotter, until freedom shall 
again trample upon oppression. 

The spirit of liberty was aroused everywhere throughout this 
vast country ; he had seen it up in the North. The aurora 
borealis was nothing to it. He had seen the people with up- 
lifted hands pledging themselves not to lay down their arms 
till the nation is restored to her just rights. 

Mr. C. reminded his hearers of Commodore Hull's address 
to his men on board the Constitution, just before going into 
action with the Guerriere. After picturing to them the conse- 
quences of defeat, he said : 

" You can conquer if you will. Will you do it ?" I tell you, 
in the language of the great Hull, You can conquer if you 



SOUTHWESTERN CONVENTION AT NASHVILLE. 127 

will. Will you do it ? Do not let the predictions of the 
President and his office holders prove true. 

Mr. C. portrayed with thrilling effect the consequences of de- 
feat, and declared that it would be better that we should fall 
before some Csesar or Napoleon, "with our backs to the field 
and our feet to the foe," gazing up to heaven from a death-bed 
of glory, than to be conquered by venality and corruption. He 
referred to the sister States of Tennessee and Kentucky, said 
they were alike in soil, climate, and pursuits, and about equal 
in population. He wished to see, and believed he would see, 
them side by side, hand in hand, in this great struggle for 
liberty. He knew the fire was up in the mountains ; it will 
burn yet brighter. He had heard that to the North the flame 
of liberty w^as blazing ; he had himself seen there flags flaunting 
the heavens as high as a bird can soar. 

Old Virginia — God bless her ! — the mother of States, was up 
and doing. As for New York, she is determined to call home 
her son. Martin has been out too long already ; she knows 
him for a wayward boy, and is anxious to have him back. 

He assured his audience that the enthusiasm they were now 
witnessing was but a small part of that which was pouring down 
the Alleghany, the Ohio, the Mississippi. These great streams 
are vocal this moment with the shouts of freemen, the gladsome 
songs of children ! 

The people, like Noah's Ark, have been out for a long time 
in the dark and troubled waters. Noah saw a sign of relief in 
the myrtle which the dove bore back to the ark. Have we not 
also a glorious augury of success in the bright eyes which now 
look with smiling approbation upon our proceedings ? Every- 
where the grace and beauty of the land have blessed our 
assemblies with their presence, — God bless them ! In their 
footsteps I am willing to follow. The women of America 
always have favored, and always will favor, every great and 
good cause. 

I feel confident of the triumphant success of the Whig cause, 
but I would not exult over a prostrate foe. I would have 
the Whigs magnanimous in their triumph, giving no needless 
offense to the enemy. 

The victory achieved. General Harrison will rule like a loving 
father over all this great people. 



128 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Archbishop Spalding to Mrs. Coleman.) 

Baltimore, December 26, 1S70. 

My dear Mrs. Coleman, — As I am not a civilian, but a cler- 
gyman, I feci some reluctance in complying with your request 
to write out the substance of what I related at the elegant break- 
fast of our mutual friend, Dr. Samuel D. Gross, in Philadelphia, 
on the 9th of August, in regard to your venerable father, John 
J. Crittenden. I recalled that reminiscence as a Kentuckian, 
whose State pride was all aglow when remembering an incident 
among the popular forensic efforts of one of Kentucky's most 
eloquent sons. The facts, briefly referred to on that occasioii^^ 
were, in substance, as follows :-j— Finding myself accidentally in 
Nashville, in August, 1840, whither I went for purposes of 
recreation, I was induced by my friends to attend the great 
Southwestern Whig Convention. Mr. Crittenden was to be the 
chief orator of the day, — Mr. Clay having spoken the day before. 
I went, not as a politician, for I took no interest in politics, but 
as a Kentuckian, anxious to hear a brother Kentuckian speak, 
and I was well repaid. Though thirty years have elapsed, I have 
not forgotten the deep impression produced upon my mind by 
one of the most brilliant and impassioned bursts of oratory it 
has ever been my privilege to listen to, either in Europe or 
America. The whole scene is before me now, frcsli and vivid 
as on that morning when I stood enraptured by your father's 
eloquence. I still hear his silv^ery voice ; I still hear the accla- 
mations of thirty thousand people, whose very souls he com- 
manded and bore along with him throughout his masterly 
oration. Mr. Crittenden had taken a low stand upon the plat- 
form, and I still hear the cry, " Higher, higher, Mr. Crittenden ! 
Go up ; we wish to see yowx zv J lole stature f And as he ascended 
higher upon the stand, so he rose higher and higher in 
eloquence. He took up every cry of that vast audience (as, 
when he was about to close, they threw to him first one and 
then another of the great political questions of the day) and 
rang the changes upon it, becoming more and more grand in 
eloquence at every step of his physical and moral elevation, 
showing that he and his audience were one. I particularly 
remember his comparing the outcry of the people for a political 
change to an avalanche rushing down from the summit of the 
Alleghanies to the East and to the West, and bearing all before 
it. This brilliant figure was carried out till the immense multi- 
tude made the welkin ring with their applauding shouts. Sel- 
dom have I witnessed such a success. I well remember, also, 
the acclamations with which Mr. Clay and himself were greeted 
by the multitude on their departure from Nashville. Mr. Clay 
spoke//-.)/, from the guard of the steamer, with his usual grace 



COMPLIMENTAR V RESOLUTIOA-S. 



129 



and eloquence ; then the cry was, " Crittenden, Crittenden !" 
Your father stepped forward, and in his most happy manner 
he said (smiHng and bowing to Mr. Clay), " I suppose this flat- 
tering" greeting is chiefly owing to the good company in which I 
have the privilege to be found?" "Not at all T shouted the 
multitude. " Not at all ; it is for yourself! Come again, — come 
alone next time, and we will prove it to you !" 

This, my dear Mrs. Coleman, is the substance of what I 
related at Dr. Gross's of the great Southwestern Convention. 

Faithfully yours, 

M. J. Spalding, 

Archbishop Baltimore. 

(Complimentary Resolutions as to tlie Trial in Baltimore of R. J. Breckenridge.) 

At a meeting of the Board of Trustees of the Second Pres- 
byterian Church of Baltimore, — the first that has taken place 
since the trial of their highly-respected pastor, the Rev. Dr. 
Breckenridge, for an alleged libel on a certain James, — it was 
considered to be both proper and necessary on the part of this 
Board to express their opinions and feelings in regard to that 
matter. Accordingly, several resolutions were moved, seconded, 
and unanimously adopted ; one of which is as follows : 

Resolved, That the most sincere and hearty thanks of this 
Board and of the whole congregation are justly due to the 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden, of the United States Senate, who so 
promptly left his seat in that honorable body at the call of 
friendship, to interpose the aegis of his talents and his fame, in 
order to cover the head "of one whom he had known from his 
earliest boyhood, and known him to be every way worthy of his 
best exertions." 

And nobly did he sustain the high reputation which pre- 
ceded him here by his masterly and powerful arguments, and 
by his chaste and manly eloquence. His speeches will long be 
remembered by the citizens of Baltimore as fine specimens of 
oratory, and they most cordially unite with their fellow-citizens 
of the West in assigning to Mr. Crittenden a distinguished rank 
among the most profound lawyers and the best public speakers 
in America, 

This Board considers it to be the glory of the legal pro- 
fession, that in the worst of times the cause of truth, justice, 
and innocence never wanted able and disinterested advocates, — 
a position so illustriously exemplified on the present occasion, 
and to which the present triumph may justly be ascribed. 

Baltimore, April 2, 1840. 
VOL. I. — 9 



I-^O LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



'J 



(J. J. Crittenden to Mrs. Lucy Thornton.) 

November 12, 1840. ^ 

My dear Sister, — I cannot tell you how much I was gratified 
by the receipt of your letter ; you atone so handsomely by 
your flattering- excuses for your delay in writing that I not only 
pardo)i it, but am tempted to wish for a little more of your 
neglect to be atoned for in like manner. I had the happiness 
of meeting with your friend, Judge Hopkins, at the great Con- 
vention at Nashville, and of making the acquaintance of many 
other interesting and agreeable gentlemen of your State. How 
is it that with so many very clever people your State should be 
so Locofocoish ? Since your election in the summer, I have 
not allowed myself to expect anything from Alabama in the | 
great presidential contest. I shall give her the more credit if 
she shows herself superior to Van Burenism, with its patronage 
and spoils. With or without you, we shall elect Harrison. What- 
ever course your State may take, I suppose we must admit you 
to a share in our victory, as you talk so patriotically on our side. 
We shall, therefore, be glad to see you in Washington as soon 
as we zxQ fairly in possession of the Wliite House and the Capitol, 
which, without a special Providence to the contrary, we humbly 
think will happen on the 4th day of March. If I could say it 
without flattering you too much, I should say you have cause to 
be proud of your children. I make an exception of your little 
Bess, who ought to have been a boy, though I suppose that is 
not her fault, and she ought not to be blamed for it. Are you 
not proud of old Kentucky, your native State ? Her majority for 
Harrison will be twenty-five thousand. Let any State beat that 
if she can ! Kindest regards to Mr. Thornton. 

Your affectionate brother, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. Lucy Thornton. 

(Thomas Corwin to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lebanon, November 20, 1840. 

Dear Sir, — I received a week ago your kindly letter of con- 
gratulations, and have just now bethought me that I must say 
a word or two by way of reply. I feel uneasy about the future, 
and scarcely know why. I perceive, in various quarters, news- 
paper instructions as to the principle on which the President 
should construct his cabinet, and this from some of the most 
respectable of our prints. Among other things, it is strongly 
insisted on that no member of the cabinet shall be taken from 
cither branch of Congress. I do not object to this principle, but 
it seems to me to be carried further than has yet been contem- 
plated by an>body. If this is to be the rule, will it not limit 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. I^I 

the range of choice, as matters now stand, to a most incon- 
venient point ? I should be glad to know whether you would 
accept a cabinet appointment; and, if so, tvliat place you would 
prefer. I could give you a satisfactory reason for this. I 
do not suppose that Mr. Clay would take anytJiing General 
Harrison could give him. I feel anxious that some I know 
should be near the President, for the reason that I should carry 
about wnth me an assurance that there was one honest man to 
give counsel when needed. I dare say you will think all this arro- 
gant. Well, be it so ; but you ought to remember that I have made 
more than one linndrcd regular orations to the people this sum- 
mer; that I have, _;?'rjr/ and last, addressed at least seven hundred 
thousand people, men, women, and children, dogs, negroes, and 
Democrats, inclusive ; that I have made promises of great 
a-mcndnients in the administration of public affairs, and I do 
not wish to be made out liar, fool, or both, by the history of the 
first six months of the new era. I have the utmost confidence 
in Old Tip, but I know also that his cabinet advisers will and 
ought to have great weight with him. Pray let me hear from 
you in confidence, if yon so zoish it. 



Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 



Yours truly, 

Thomas Corwin. 



(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, November 30, 1840. 
Dear Crittenden, — General Harrison is to return here to- 
morrow evening, and to dine at the Palace with the electors. 
The arrangement was that he was to dine with Peter Dudley 
with the electors, and I was one of the invited. It seems he 
has changed the ve7iue without notice. It's all right ! I under- 
stand he had a hard time in Lexington. I hear the strongest 
movement has been made upon him to appoint C. VV. Postmas- 
ter-General, and the young D. private secretary. I don't believe 
it ! When here he made two or three attempts to chat with 
me, but was interrupted. I think then he talked in the right 
strain ; how he feels now can't say. Apprehending he might 
be fed too highly during his sojourn in Lexington, and possibly 
need a physician, I told Dr. Dudley how to treat his case. The 
doctor is a man of science, and if there is any difficulty in the 
treatment of the case, he will apprise me. I am a good doctor, 
of long experience in all diseases of the brain as well as of the 
stomach. I am overloaded with petitions ; at least four«have 
been poked under my nose since I commenced writing. What 
a charming thing this government business is ! I know you 
want to be my successor, and, if you behave yourself well, Izvill 



J. 2 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

appoint you. The office ought to be held by a good Christian 
man of meekness, patience, and humihty. We have had all 
sorts of venison dinners and suppers since you left us. There 
has been more eating done in Frankfort during the last ten days 
than you ever heard of. Electors are pouring in upon us from 
all quarters. A few words of instruction, by way of practical 
improvement : Take strong hold, — don't be too modest. I know 

what I say. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

December 14, 1840. 

Dear Crittenden, — As I told you, your election to the 
Senate will take place on Wednesday. It may be that some gen- 
tlemen will press you hard to say whether you will hold the 
station or resign it before the legislature adjourns. Some wish, 
no doubt, to have an election this session. Should you go into 
the cabinet, I do not wish to be under the necessity of appoint- 
ing your successor ; but still, let me tell you, take your time, — 
view the ground, and don't be hastened. If, after mature reflec- 
tion, you can see your way clear, I would be pleased that the 
legislature should know the fact and make an election, bnt 
understand well what you are about. The old D. is butting 
himself against some resolutions, offered by Pirtle, in favor of a 
national bank. He has been speaking an hour or two. When 
will wonders cease? He will be tired of his honors before this 
session closes. I understand he says, " That Harrison's cabi- 
net will be a Clay fixing, out and out, and that it will all go 
doivii. Crittenden is to go as Attorney-General (Clay's work), 
and he can't hold out twelve months," etc., and some other 
little compliments he paid you, which it would make you too 
proud to repeat. Since the young D. returned from his 
scojit after Harrison, the old fellow is in a bad humor. There 
are many very uneasy souls here lest W. should get some 
place. You have no idea of the feeling of hostility created by 
the conjecture that he was to be provided for. I entertain no 
personal feeling against him myself, but what I tell you is so. 

Truly your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 



CHAPTER XI. 
1840-1841. 

Pension to Hannah Leighton — Pre-emption and Distribution — Letters. 

IT is generally known, that on the evening of the i8th of 
April, 1775, the British army left Boston to proceed to Con- 
cord, where the colonial stores were collected, and to seize them. 
This was the commencement of the war. The morning- of the 
19th this intelligence had been communicated to a considerable 
distance by the use of torches, tar barrels, and other signals ; 
and before noon Isaac Davis, a young man of eighteen or 
nineteen years of age, captain of a militia company, was on his 
way to protect the colonial stores. Isaac Davis was the husband 
of Hannah Leighton. Before the British troops could arrive 
at Concord they sent forward a party to take possession of two 
bridges on the Concord River, which were situated three or four 
miles apart ; and this was known at an early hour for many 
miles around. Isaac Davis with his company were soon under 
arms and on their march. They arrived at Concord by a road 
that led to the lower of these bridges, and there on the right 
and on the left were seen other collections of Massachusetts 
troops, but there was no organization amongst them. Davis, 
however, kept on his course ; before he reached the bridge 
admonitory shouts were given to the militia not to approach ; 
this was disregarded ; the British fired, and several men fell ; 
Davis pressed forward, and as he neared the bridge the British 
fired, and he fell. In the contest that ensued, the British 
were driven back to Boston. Davis's widow married a man 
by the name of Leighton ; she was ninety years of age, was 
penniless, and asked relief from the government. 

Mr. Calhoun said he considered the pension-list no more 
than a great system of charity, and that the pension to men for 

(.^33^ 



1^4 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

six months' service was an imposition ; to call it a pension was 
a fraud on the public; it was under the name of charity, but its 
true name was plunder. 

Mr. Crittenden said : I have been under the impression that 
this bill had passed through both houses of Congress at the 
last session. Am sorry to find I was mistaken. It is vain to 
say that this case is like every other case, vain to tell me that 
this can be tortured into a precedent which could be abused. 
This case stands by itself, morally, socially, indeed, in every 
point of view. 

It is an application in favor of the widow of the first man that 
fell in the Revolution, when there was no regularly organized 
government. That man, stirred by his own patriotism, without 
a country, I may almost say, went forward to make, and then to 
defend, that country. Shall I, then, be told that this case would 
not be distinguished, both in the hearts and reasons of men, 
from the case of others under an organized government ? Such 
a statement cannot reach my understanding or my feelings. I 
hope the bill will pass, and that this nation will no longer remain 
under the reproach of refusing a piece of bread to maintain this 
poor widow of a Revolutionary officer who received his death- 
wound under such circumstances. I shall call for the ayes and 
noes that I may record my vote ; and if these are abuses, let 
those who commit them take the responsibility, 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, January i, 1841. 

Dear Crittenden, — One word : I have just received and 
read your letter to a few good friends who happened in my 
office. Your warm expressions of gratitude to your State for 
the kind manner of again electing you to the Senate made the 
tears run down their cheeks. I could hardly read it in an audi- 
ble voice. I have heard no one of any sense say you ought to 
resign before you actually accept some other office. Do nothing 
from motives o{ delicacy. I am persuaded you ought to run no 
risk whatever. Suppose General Harrison should die before the 
4th of March, what might be your condition then? Suppose 
}'our associates in cabinet should be anything but agreeable to 
}-ou, how would the matter stand? There is some hazard in 
resigning, and none by holding on. A safe course in this life 
is the better course. I again repeat, do nothing to relieve me 
frovi cinbarrassmcut (in case of a called session), to fill the 
vacancy. I am ready to act, or not to act, as occasion may 
require, and care nothing about responsibility, or as little as I 



PRE-EMPTION AND DISTRIBUTION. 



135 



ought. All well. Went last night to a party at Judge Brown's, 
To-day, have a small dining-party of tJiirty myself. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

On the 5th of January, 1841, Mr. Crittenden proposed an 
amendment to the pre-emption laws ; he thought that before 
granting to foreigners any of the privileges provided by the bill, 
they should record evidence of their intentions to become na- 
turalized. The advocates for the bill had urged its passage 
upon the ground that the foreigner exposed himself as a bulwark 
to guard our frontier. Mr. Crittenden declared the American 
people were not yet reduced so low as to offer mercenary re- 
wards to strangers to bribe them to expose their bosoms as a 
rampart against a foe. Not " against a world in arms" would 
he seek such protection, much less against a horde of naked 
savages. He contended that the soil of the United States be- 
longed to. the citizens of the United States. He was the son of 
a pre-emptioner, was born on a pre-emption, and was ready and 
willing to give a pre-emption right of three hundred and twenty 
acres to every real bona fide settler who was not worth over one 
thousand dollars. As to a distribution of the proceeds of the 
common estate in the public lands, Mr. Crittenden always con- 
tended that the people had that right, that it had not been 
denied, and could not be disproved. In a speech made by Mr. 
Crittenden on pre-emption and distribution, he alluded to Mr. 
Benton's having stated that the presidential election of General 
Harrison was brought about by bankers and stockbrokers in 
Eng-land. Mr. C. declared that the result of the late election 
was not the effect of British gold, but the sense of the American 
people as to the management of their public affairs. The ex- 
pression of opinion came from the old genuine Republican stock ; 
it was a spark from the old Revolutionary flint, and had blown 
the gentleman '^ sky high." He hoped they would not, nozv that 
they had reached the ground and were rubbing their bruised 
and broken shins, try to disguise the truth to themselves. The 
people were coming on the fourth of March, and bringing the 
man of the Log Cabin with them. The Van Burenites were 
puzzling their heads to account for it, but we will work out the 
sum for them. The honorable gentleman from Missouri seemed 



I -.6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



o 



to think that if the States once lapped blood during this process 
of distribution it would eventually become their common food, 
and the general government would be stripped of its revenue. 
The general government was the offspring of the States, and 
the States were not vampires ; they would not feed upon the 
strength and empty the veins of their child. 

The following letters, received and written by Mr. Crittenden, 
explain fully the circumstances connected with his re-election to 
the Senate, and his immediate resignation, to take a place in 
General Harrison's cabinet. 

General Harrison was elected President, and took the oath 
of office 4th of March, 1841. The President called an extra 
session of Congress, to meet the 31st of May, but did not live 
to see it meet; he died on the 4th of April, 1841, 

(John Bell to Governor Letcher.) 

Washington, January 13, 1841. 

Dear Governor Letcher, — I presume White keeps you ad- 
vised of all the on dits of the day here, — of the binder-current 
plots and counter-plots, etc., — so I shall say nothing of them. 
Of myself I will say, that I believe for the whole time since the 
opening of Congress the rank and file of our party here have 
been strongly in favor of my going into the cabinet. With not 
a few the feeling has been a positive one, not of mere acqui- 
escence. Still, the great leaders evidently hang back. 

Both Clay and Webster would be glad to have some more 
active or unscrupulous partisan (I know not which) than either 
of them think I could be made. Webster thinks I am, or will 
be, a decided partisan of Clay, and the latter thinks I Avould not 
go far enough, or be bold enough in his service. This is the 
gospel truth of the matter. 

It is either so or General Harrison himself has objections, for 
I have learned that he, or his friends about him, have been long 
since well advised of the course of sentiment in regard to me. 
Yet the War Department is still held up for the further devel- 
opment of public sentiment. I am growing pretty sick already 
of this thingof ^_^r^ in my own case, and the increasing tide of 
ap[)lication from new quarters that daily beats against my ears 
gives me spasms. In truth, I begin to fear that we are, at last, or 
rather that our leading politicians in the several States are, chiefly 
swayed by the thirst for power and plunder. Would you think 
that Senator Talmadge is willing to descend from the Senate to 
the New York custom-house? This is yet a secret, but it is 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 1 37 

true ! God help us all and keep us, I pray. I fear to speak of 
the list of congressional applicants. 

You gave me from the 25th December to the 4th March, — 
two months' time on the draft ! Great stretch of liberality ! 
Don't you think so ? Much I got by the liquidation. Do you 
suppose the 4th March is to put me in funds ? Be ashamed ! 

Yours truly, 

John Bell. 

P.S. — It has been a great mistake in General Harrison not to 
come on sooner. We have great questions of policy to settle 
upon before we separate on 4th March. He will be too late to 
have anything well considered before we have to break up. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Tuesday Morning. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have been too constantly occupied day 
and night to write to you. This, however, is the less to be re- 
gretted, as the intelligence which you have received from a hun- 
dred different persons of your election to the Senate, is, or ought 
to be, sufficient to fill you with joy for the next six years. The 
plain fact is, taking into consideration the whole manner and 
matter of this election, it must be set down as the greatest 
triumph of your life. To beat a candidate for President and 
Vice-President, — all at the same time, by such a majority, — 
after so much boasting and parading, and threatenings to carry 
so many of his own party, is just about the severest operation I 
ever saw. I am told the old cock is very much dissatisfied with 
having been run, though there is no doubt he fully consented 
to the arrangement. This election has created quite a heart- 
burning with the whole squad of Locos. The impression is 
gaining ground that the affair was arranged to kill the Colonel 
for the benefit of the little Dutchman. He was brought to the 
stake and burnt for the honor and glory of Van Buren, so say 
many of his friends. The truth is, he is dead and damned for- 
ever. I believe they have recommended him to be brought 
before the great Convention, and to submit patiently to what is 
then and there done to him. All a farce ! Nine out of ten of 
the Democratic party are for Van Buren. There will be a hell 
of a quarrel before long in ''these diggings." I had a fine 
saddle of venison sent to me last night, which is to be eaten to- 
morrow night. My wife wishes you could be present upon the 
occasion. 

Most truly your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 



138 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, January 11, 1S41. 

Dear Letcher, — Though I feel all the pangs " that flesh is 
heir to" at the idea of even the least apparent separation of my- 
self from good and noble old Kentucky, I suppose the proba- 
bility is that I shall, for a time, quit her immediate service to 
take the office of Attorney-General. I say probability, because 
the state of the case remains essentially as it was, subject to all 
the circumstances and contingencies that may change the views 
of General Harrison, or may influence my own judgment when 
the time comes for effective decision. As an honest man and 
politician, I ought to know who are to compose the cabinet, and 
some other things, before I commit myself as a member of any 
administration. And these matters I must, to a reasonable 
degree, ascertain before I act. I shall, I think, be enabled to 
act as I ought soon after General Harrison reaches here, and 
in time to enable my successor to be here on the 4th of March. 
It may be of importance that Kentucky be fully represented on 
that day. It is a matter of regret to me that, if I should resign, 
my resignation should not be made to the legislature, and that 
it may devolve on you the responsibility of making an appoint- 
ment. But it may be that I cannot help it : and, indeed, the 
probability is that I cannot avoid such a result. Since I began 
this letter I have become party to a hot debate that is now 
going on in the Senate. Farewell. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Washington, January 17, 1841. 

Dear Orlando, — I have just received your letter of the 8th 
instant, and before this I trust you have received a long letter 
that I wrote you some time ago. I do not remember how long 
ago it has been, but I should say long enough for you to have 
received it before the date of your last. It may be that you 
have lost it altogether in the great mail robbery that took place 
some weeks ago between this and Wheeling. lam not account- 
able for that, and you will, therefore, so far as I am concerned, 
please to retract proportionably from the scolding you have 
directed against me ; and my present diligence in answering 
will surely protect me for awhile longer. 

I learn from ni}' wife that both you and she are somewhat 
indignant at the frequency of my letters to Letcher. Isn't he a 
governor ? and has he not at this time the management of two 
governments (the general government and government of Ken- 
tucky) on his patriotic hands ? and does not all this require a very 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 



139 



active correspondence ? Ah ! when you become a governor, 
you will then know the difference between governors and com- 
mon folks. In one word, I am for you as governor of Iowa ; 
and I shall not, as lazy lawyers often do, submit the case ; I 
shall argue that case ; I shall try and give Chambers some other 
directions. We are old friends, and I can do as mucli^ with 
him as almost anybody else can. We now expect General 
Harrison here about the first of next month. In the mean 
time there seems to be a great pause in the affairs of men, as if 
every one was holding his breath. He will bring along with 
him such a storm as old yEolus could hardly raise. In anticipa- 
tion that the houses of the city cannot accommodate all that 
will be here, the Baltimoreans are now engaged in erecting, 
near where I am, a log cabin, about one hundred feet long, for 
their reception. I believe we have done all the cabinet-making 
that we can do here before Old Tip's arrival. It seems settled 
here that Webster, Ewing, and myself are to have places offered 
to us ; and as to the other cabinet appointments, nothing is 
known here, nor is there any very settled or definite opinion or 
preference among our politicians. 

Very little business, I think, will be done by the present Con- 
gress. We can't do what we would, and the Van Buren men, 
who are mustering for opposition, will leave us as many diffi- 
culties and embarrassments as they can. We apprehend that 
they intend to leave us in debt and without money. How does 
Letcher bear the afflictions that Mr. Wickliffe has made him 
licir to ? To me he pretends to laugh over them like a philos- 
opher. And how is D. succeeding in his new career ? He 
must seem a strange figure to those that have observed him in 
past times and past scenes. He appears to be advancing back- 
ward about as rapidly as he ever went forward. He must find 
a wonderful confusion of tracks on his path. Remember me to 
our friends. Thank God, they are so many that I cannot con- 
veniently name them all. But you and they will know who I 
mean. Tell Mason he is a lazy fellow, and to his wife and your 
own present my most respectful compliments. 

Your friend, 

Orlando Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Letter from J. J. Crittenden.) 

January 25, 184 1. 

Dear Letcher, — Yesterday brought me your letter of the 
1 6th inst. I feel for Coombs all the esteem and sympathy that 
3^ou or any of his best friends can entertain, and I stand ready 
to endeavor to do whatever can and ought to be done in his 
behalf I shall bear his case carefully in my memory. But 



140 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

what can I do ? I begin already to perceive that even he who 
has power to dispose of all the offices, is only made to feel more 
sensibly the poverty of his means to satisfy the just claims of 
his friends. Although, as yet, it does not seem to me that any 
extraordinary avidity for office has been disclosed, yet I must 
confers that the number of claimants far surpasses my expecta- 
tion. With this mass of claimants, I hope that no one will con- 
found our friend Coombs ; but still, they create obstructions and 
embarrassments in making proper selections. 

All I ask of my friends is not to overrate me or my means, 
and to be sure I shall never be found wanting in any proper 
case, when the interest of a friend is at stake. 

I am quite amused at Hick's becoming one of your visitors 
and companions. You must remember that if, as is very likely, 
he should become troublesome to you, it will be your own fault; 
and you may remember, too, that you will not find it so easy 
to dismiss him from office. 

Inter nos — I had hoped that Harrison's arrival here might 
enable mc with propriety to determine on my own course, and 
to resign, if it became necessary, in time for my successor to be 
here by the 4th of March. But I doubt now whether it will be 
either in my power, or proper for me, to send you my resigna- 
tion till after the 4th of March. This has been a subject of 
anxious reflection to me. 

The general opinion — the almost unanimous opinion — here is 
that an extra session of Congress is necessary and expedient, 
and that it ought to be held as soon as the elections will permit 
it. I was sorry to hear, therefore, that some of our friends in 
our legislature were in favor of appointing some day, as late as 
the latter part of May, for our elections ; it should, I think, be 
at least as early as the first Monday in May. 

I heard that Old Master had a sore foot, and, from the scold- 
ing letter I received from him the other day, I guess he has a 
very sore foot. You should call and see him. I gather from 
my wife's letters that both he and she are made a little jealous 
of. my frequent correspondence with you. And if you wush to 
suppress a little rebellion, I would advise you to have a little 
care in the direction to which I have pointed you. 

Your friend. 

To R. v.. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

(J. J. Ciiltenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, January 30, 1841. 
Dear Letcher, — I feel myself overcharged with dullness to- 
night, and I must endeavor to relieve myself by pouring out 



I 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 



141 



some of my stupidity upon you. I know no gentleman who 
can better bear it, or whose cheerful, active spirits, can sooner 
overcome such visitations. We know nothing yet of " old Tip's" 
approach, but our information leads us to suppose that he started 
from Cincinnati, on the 26th inst., and will be here in about a 
week. I hear a rumor within the last hour that our State 
Senate had laid upon the table the bill providing for an earlier 
election of our members of Congress in the event of an extra 
session of Congrress. I cannot credit such a rumor. Considera- 
tions of the highest necessity, as well as expediency, seem to 
me to require that the President elect should convene Congress 
at the earliest practicable period ; this is the general opinion. 
I was present, a few evenings since, at a dinner, where almost 
every Whig senator was assembled. The necessity and pro- 
priety of a called session of Congress was made the subject 
of general conversation, and it appeared that there was an 
enth'c conairrence in the measure, and an almost nnaniinoiis 
opinion that it was proper and would be found to be absolutely 
necessary. 

My belief is that the party now in power, while professing to 
deprecate a called session, are resolved to leave the coming 
administration in such a situation that it must be swamped or 
resort to that measure. Under such circumstances, it seems 
to me that the friends of Harrison ought to give him every 
encouragement and facility to convene Congress, and do what- 
ever else the propriety or necessity of the case may require. 
And in the adverse circumstances in which his opponents will 
be sure to place the commencement of his administration, it 
would be most discouraging indeed if his supporters, if Ken- 
tucky, should refuse to afford her assistance in the only mode 
of remedy or defense that may be left him. I do not believe 
that the party in power intend to make, or will make, any ade- 
quate pecuniary provision for the support of the government. 
They have spent eveiything. Have delayed and postponed 
many payments that they ought to have made ; and while they 
will leave to Harrison's administration many of their debts, they 
will leave the Treasury without a dollar. 

Harrison, in my opinion, can succeed only by an energetic 
administration. He must go on and he must act. The people 
expect it, and are entitled to expect it. The fears that some 
entertain of an extra session are visionary. The real danger is 
in inaction, and falling behind, and disappointing the high hopes 
and feelings of the people. This is my judgment of the matter, 
and I go for serving the people and not for attempting to rule 
them. 

I dare say, by this time, you are ready to cry " Enough," and, 



142 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

according to Kentucky law, that ought to put an end to all 
further infliction, and so I conclude. 

Your friend, 
Robert P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, Februaiy i, 1841. 

Dear Crittenden, — Don't forget, for the sake, of the Lord, 
that best ofallgoodfcllozvs, Judge Eve ; he is overwhelmed with 
the weight of debt, but sustains himself with dignity, modesty, 
and cheerfulness. He declares he would almost as soon be 
Imiig as trouble his friends to ask for office for him. I will 
write to Webster and General Harrison in his behalf, and 
refer Webster to you for his character and claims. I have been 
too busy to write, but no doubt others have informed you of the 
little, mean, culpable manoeuvring in this quarter, by a few rest- 
less spirits. Keep cool ! take pattern by inc ; I am always cool; 
don't believe Old Master,* he has " a sore foot" and does no man 
justice while he is confined to his room. There he sits smoking 
and damning everything but Iowa. He hopped up here yester- 
day, and told me he had drawn the most vivid picture of mc, in 
a letter to you, that was ever seen. " Ah," said he, " I never 
wrote as pretty a thing." Did it contain a word of truth? I in- 
quired. " No," said he, " not a word ; but that don't mar its 
beauty." Here he is noiv ; has just hopped in out of breath. 
" Listen to this short article," said he ; an answer to a letter in 
the Observer, attacking you, 2eci(^ gently toucldng me. " \\^ill that 
do ?" said Orlando. H. says if our young friend is appointed 
private secretary with the privilege of opening all the letters 
and writing to the newspaper editors, Crittenden ought to take 
office in no such concern. So say I, replies Old Master. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Februaiy 2, IS41. 

Dear Crittenden, — I did my best to keep your enemy, and 
all his tribe, off of you, but all to no purpose. You will see his 
last lo7'e letter in the Reporter, to which I alluded in my hasty 
letter of yesterday. He wrote that letter himself, in my opinion. 
Dr. Watson is much excited upon the subject ; has received a 
letter from Lexington, telling him that villainous article ought 



* Orlando Brown. 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 1 43 

to be noticed. The truth is, the old gentleman wishes a change 
oi venue, and you may look out for some of his heaviest blows. 
He is tired of abusing me, and, I was told the other day, he 
undertook, with a bad grace, to praise me in the Senate. Upon 
hearing this fact I requested one of the senators to call liiin to 
order if he ever dared to utter similar language during his natu- 
ral life. Laying aside all jokes, and in sober earnest, he and his 
set have been lavish of their abuse upon you, but in fact I pay 
little heed to such poor stuff I know this much, however, 
many of your friends, both in and out of the House, give him 
the very devil upon all occasions, and his coadjutors are not 
spared. Since God, in his infinite wisdom, created the heavens 
and the earth, such another set of untiring intriguers never ex- 
isted as are now walking abroad. Mark me: I am not in a 
passion by any means, and have no "sore foot," but I speak my 
deliberate opinion of the matter. Hick has been here to-day; 
he gives notice of his appearance by a loud laugh. " Banish 
him !" No ! he sha'n't be removed from office. I would rather 
see him than any ten members of the legislature. Oh, yes, Mrs. 
Crittenden and Orlando were getting quite jealous ; I often pre- 
tended to get letters when none came, and would send word 
that if they wanted to hear from you every day, they had only 
to send up to the office of the Secretary of State. Orlando was 
merry over your letter. " Oh," said he, " if you have two gov- 
ernments under your charge, the thing is explained." Here 
comes five or six members ! How happy I am to see them 
with their petitions ! 

Yours, 

R. P. Letcher, 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, Februaiy 9, 1841. 
My dear Letcher, — Yesterday and to-day I received your 
letters of the ist and 2d inst. Let my wife and Orlando say 
what they will, and be as jealous as they please, you are an ex- 
cellent correspondent and entitled to the highest consideration. 
The D. cannot harm me, if he would. All that surprises me is 
that he should have any disposition to injure or attack me. I 
am not conscious that I ever gave him cause. On the contrary, 
I have served him and his. Whatever of malice he has to me 
must be unmixed and primitive, and the sole product of his own 
heart. I say to myself " that he cannot hurt me unless I afford 
him much better cause for attack than he now has." I would 
have you to know that I am more of a philosopher than to be 
much disturbed or perplexed by such attacks. From the appre- 
hensions you express for me, I cannot help inferring that you 



144 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

have suffered a good deal from the patriotic and philosopliical 
animadversions of the senator and his organ at Lexington. 
Orlando's account of your mingled smiles and contortions, your 
inward grief and outward cheerfulness, under the operation, 
cannot be altogether fictitious. For myself, I am a cool, un- 
impassioned man, looking on in calm humility at all such 
personalities. I wish I could impart some of this moral forti- 
tude to my suffering friends. 

I do confess that, from all I have heard, I do occasionally 
feel some natural resentments against him and his would-be 
party, " I do not lack gall to make oppression bitter." The 
Scripture teacheth us to love our enemies, but it does not go 
so far as to require us to love perfidious friends. I take my 
stand on that ground, and it will puzzle any one to dispute its 
orthodoxy ; I conclude that I am not bound to love the old 
gentleman. You, too, will be justified in going that far, but I 
admonish you not to pass that Christian limit. The gentleman 
is, doubtless, a purely patriotic old man, and member of the 
church, and what may appear to vulgar eyes to be selfishness or 
malice must, in him, be regarded as mysteries of patriotism and 
piety. I trust that this conclusion will suffice to convince you 
of the good state of my feelings. I have addressed to you, 
under cover to my friend C. S. Morehead, two letters, the. one 
or the otlier to be delivered, as the legislature may or may not 
happen to be in session. The reasons for this are explained in 
my letter to Morehead. Before this reaches you that commu- 
nication will, I hope, be received. The circumstances had 
occurred and the period arrived, which I have constantly looked 
forward to as the only state of case 'n which I could properly 
act. I feel it a duty to act and to act promptly. Be assured I 
have not only not been hastened, but entirely unmoved by any 
of the exhibitions of impatience which appeared in certain 
quarters. You are not to regard this, by any means, as even a 
constriictk'c resignation. My purpose on that subject will be 
made known to you by my letter, which you will receive through 
Morehead. Old Tip arrived here to-day amidst a storm of 
snow and of people. He is in the hands of the city authorities 
here. I have not yet waited on him, but am to see him by 
appointment this evening. Write to " Old Tip" a strong letter 
in favor o{ Old Master and inclose it to me, so that I have it by 
the fourth of March. Farewell. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 



LETTERS FROM R. P. LETCHER. 



145 



(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, February 9, 1S41. 
Dear Crittenden, — Promises, you know, must be complied 
with.- Keep cool; a warm, decided, zvhole-efidurmg, everlasting 
friend of yours and of the Whig cause, has a call to go to Mis- 
souri and aid them in their political struggles against Benton & 
Co. I believe he is inclined to obey if he can be made register 
or receiver in the Platte County. You know him, — he was once 
lieutenant-governor of Missouri, and deservedly popular. I like 
him, and he will make a faithful officer in any station. Mr. 
Clay must not consider himself slighted if I do not write him a 
similar letter upon this occasion. I hope you will explain to him 
that I mean no offense ; he is just as welcome to throw in a 
word for my friend as if he had been specially solicited. I re- 
ceived your letter of the 30th this morning. I hope you will 
often get into a similar mood and inflict similar letters upon me 
to relieve yourself Some of the chaps who wished to admin- 
ister upon you before the breath left your body have been, I 
learn, a little cunning, — have written letters to members of 
Congress pretending that everybody here thought you ought to 
resign before you accept another appointment ; these letters 
were to be read to you, and to produce the desired effect. I 
heard of that game tlie other day. Don't give yourself a 

moment's uneasiness. I heard, this morning, the old 

swore if they did not take care he zvould 7rsign his seat. How 
unfortunate that would be to the country, and how crnei to me ! 
Do you cry " Enough ?" Then get up like a man, give me a 
list of the cabinet, I want to see liozv it looks. I wish I had the 
making of the critters. Don't Bell look scared ? Wise is a case. 
Clayton, I have heard nothing of him this winter ; he is the best 
fellow in the world. I want to see his name on the list. Don't 
speak of Thad. Stevens ; rumor says he is to be one, but if the 
old gentleman talks over the matter, Thad. can't succeed. Take 

care of our little darling, the young . 

R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, February 19, 1S41. 
Dear Crittenden, — The legislature has adjourned, and the 
village looks gloomy. I feel as if it was a funeral occasion. 
They made a senator this morning, — Governor Morehead is the 
man. This was unexpected to me. From all I have heard 
during the progress of the run, the result was produced by a 
violent and heated state of feeling between the friends of Buch- 
ner and Calhoun. The result is by no means dissatisfactory to 
me. Considering the governor's condition, to say nothing of 
VOL. I. — 10 



146 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

his amiability and true devotion to the Whig cause, no one 
will, I think, regret his success, I am gloomy this morning, 
indeed I may say sad. You have not forgotten how a boy 
feels when his associates all separate from him the last day of 
the school ? This is noxv my case. I shall write a letter for Old 
Master to old Tip. Now, look here ! Woman with a crying 
child has just come in to get her husband out of the Lexington 
jail. This is too bad ! It is a case which would call into requi- 
sition all your Christian virtues. 

Your friend, 
John J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(Letter from J. J. Crittenden.) 

February 20, 184 1. 

My dear Letcher, — We have not yet heard of your recep- 
tion of my official communication to you. It will produce, of 
course, a considerable excitement in the legislature, and among 
the competitors for the succession. It is quite probable, I think, 
that though my course may disprove the charge of conspiracy 
between us, that is, of withholding my resignation till adjourn- 
ment of the legislature, it may give rise to another, and that is, 
that, upon some collusion between us, the thing has been so 
timed as to take some candidate (our friend C. for instance) by 
surprise. I must cut your acquaintance, it subjects me to so 
many suspicions ; all the charges against me, I find, are founded 
on the presumptions arising out of my intimacy and connection 
with you. You are the great contriver and politician that has 
seduced my innocency. Our amiable friend, Mr. W., must have 
taken this view of the matter. I am sure that of me, taken 
alone and in the abstract, he entertains the kindest and highest 
opinion. You have, in some way, sadly deranged his notions 
as to persons and things. His proposed amendment to elect 
members of Congress to serve till the first Monday in August 
is a fine specimen of constitutional learning and legislation. He 
is a capital old fellow, and I don't know what you would do 
without him if Providence should remove him from your coun- 
cils. You would be left in darkness. I trust in Heaven that 
the legislature will not separate him, or any of his adjuncts, 
from you, by sending him or them to my place in the Senate. 
You will perceive by this I still retain a friendly regard for you, 
notwithstanding the various charges and attacks that your ac- 
quaintance has exposed me to ; and in despite of all the past, I 
must still subscribe myself, 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

P. S. — Old Tip is absent in Virginia. The cabinet he has 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. ij^j 

designated meets with general approbation here. At the instant 
there was some Httle sensation produced by some of the appoint- 
ments (Granger and Badger), but this has subsided, or is sub- 
siding, and, so far, we shall have a fair start. General Harrison, 
so far as I know, has not here announced any resolution as to 
the measure of a called session ; but my own impression is con- 
fident there will be one. You need not fear that the little 
clique who are opposed to you at home will have any undue 
influence or favor here. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. A. M. Coleman.) 

Senate, March 2, 1841. 

My dear Daughter, — It is impossible forme to convey to you 
any just idea of the incessant occupation of my time. Between 
the court, the cabinet, the Senate, many friends, and a host of 
office seekers, I can hardly say that my life is my own, much 
less one moment of time. It seems to me that if I had the sole 
disposal of all the offices and honors of the government, I could 
not be more hunted after, and Jmnted dozvii, than I am. I am 
hardly sure of keeping my senses, and yet I reproach myself 
for not writing to you in despite of all obstacles. Your letter 
of the 23d of February, just received, has brought back upon 
me an increased amount of self-reproach. You know, however, 
that my silence cannot proceed from any want of affection for 
you. You know that I love you dearly and with all my heart. 
You know now how the cabinet is to be constituted. My posi- 
tion in it is exactly that of my own choice, — the only one I 
zvould accept. I could have selected another if I pleased. Gen- 
eral Harrison's offers to me were very kind and flattering. I 
was really imposed upon by Bob's Joke ; I could not be angry 
about it, and I can nozv laugh at it ; but I feared that you were 
all about to make some concerted attack on General Harrison 
in my behalf, and that would have grieved me. It was unneces- 
sary, and I would have no solicitation for me. I am impatient 
to be at home. My new duties will soon call me back, and 
here I mxxstjix my residence. 

Kiss the children for me. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. A. M. Coleman. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, March 4, 1S41. 
Dear Crittenden, — You have cut my acquaintance by way 
of soothing D., and what have you gained by it either in this 



1^8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

State or the United States ? I see that, just at that time, you 
drew upon yourself a burst of indignation from the galleries, 
and a mighty rebellion would have been the consequence but 
for the generous and humane interposition of your friend, Tom 
Benton,''who had the goodness to cry out with a loud voice, 
" Take 'away the blackguards ! out with the blackguards !" I 
have read it in the papers this moment, and veiy good reading 
it is. "Old Master" says the riot was occasioned by Preston's 
bestowing a high compliment upon you, which created the 
disturbance in the galleries ; but he don't know everything. 

However, Benton saved you, and I feel just the same kmd 
gratitude to him for his timely interposition in your behalf, 
that I felt to the old D. for his special attention and benevo- 
lence towards me. "Out with the blackguards !" said Benton. 
" Save the ladies !" said Clay. Sensible to the last, never un- 
mindful of the ladies in any emergency. It is well for Benton 
that his order was not strictly executed. However, you owe 
him a debt of gratitude, that's certain, and I hope you will 
always acknowledge the obligation, though you may not live 
long enough to discharge it. He must have the offer of a big 
dinner when he comes through this State. Kentucky will 
never fail to treat the benefactor and protector of one of her dis- 
tinguished senators with becoming and marked respect. This 
is the 4th of March. What a great day this is in the city ! Yes- 
terday was a great day also to the nation ! — the last day of Van 
Buren's reign ! The Lord be praised for all his mercies ! Van 
Buren went out of office yesterday, and so did two fellows go 
out of the penitentiary. I turned them out; they had h\\\.five 
days left to hold their places, and I thought it was but just and 
right to emancipate them at the same time Van Buren was 
emancipated. When will you be at home? How does Bell 
look and act, and ivalk and talk ? I should like to see him veiy 
much indeed. Secretary of War I think he is. Well, that's a 
very good place ; I hope it will be well filled. 

1 must tell you, this is rather the dullest place since the legis- 
lature adjourned that the Lord ever made in his six days' work. 
I should die of ennui, if I had not the pleasure of being an- 
noyed by everybody and everything. Come home and stay 
here six weeks, receive my instructions, and, if necessaiy, aid 
me in making out directions for the governor of Iowa. 

I would not be at all surprised if, instead of two governments, 
I shall have the care oi tJiree at the same time. 

Your sincere friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 



CHAPTER XII. 
1841. 

Appointed Attorney-General of the United States by General Harrison — Mr. Mc- 
Leod's Trial for the Burning of the Ste.amer Caroline — Papers relating to this 
Trial — Judicial Opinion as Attorney-General on Allowance of Interest on 
Claims against the United States. 



O; 



N the fifth of Mai-ch Mr. Crittenden was appointed At- 
torney-General by General Harrison. The tibial of McLeod 
for the burning of the steamboat Caroline was expected to take 
place in New York about that time. 

The British government had avowed the transaction as 
done under their authority, and demanded the release of the 
prisoner. At the urgent solicitation of the President, Mr. Crit- 
tenden consented to go to Albany and look into the matter, 
though he considered the undertaking as altogether distinct 
from his official duty as Attorney-General. The following 
letters knd papers were found among Mr. Crittenden's papers, 
and possess, I think, a general interest as relating to this im- 
portant matter : 

(J. J. Crittenden to Robert P. Letcher.) 

March 14, 1841, 11 o'clock at night. 

Dear Letcher, — See what sacrifices I make of time and 
sleep to my correspondence with you ! God knows how you 
manage two governments and yet live. For my part, with only 
a small portion of one resting on my shoulders, I can scarcely 
find time to say my prayers. I am in arrears to you several 
letters, and I acknowledge the debt. I have the best of all 
excuses: it has not been in my power to pay up punctually. 
To-morrow I start for the remotest part of Western New York 
n to attend the trial of McLeod, indicted for murder and burning 
the steamboat Caroline. You understand the case : the British 
government avows the transaction as done under its authorit}', 
and demand the release of the prisoner ; it has thus become a 
. national affair of delicsjcy and importance, and it is the Presi- 

(149) 



];o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

dent's pleasure that I should attend the trial. This has disap- 
pointed me sadly, in deferring my return home. You, too, must 
be grieved and make yourself very unhappy on this occasion. 
That will be some consolation to me. I may be absent two 
\\-eeks on this trip, but I sliall then return home if I have to run 
away from office, President and all ! We are laboring along 
and endeavoring to keep the peace among the office seekers ; 
but nothing less than a miracle could so multiply our offices 
and patronage as to enable us to feed the hungry crowd that are 
pressed upon us. 

I have one sad thing to communicate. It has grieved me 
sorely. I have been laying my trains and flattering myself 
that I was making progress towards the accomplishment of our 
object in making Orlando governor of Iowa. Chambers was 
to be located here. I was pleased to think that was fixed. To 
my surprise, in the last few days, I have understood that Cham- 
bers has changed his mind, and is to go to Iowa as governor, 
and the indications now are that such will be the result. This 
is going a little ahead of what is generally known, and you 
must treat it as confidential ; but disagreeable as it is, you must 
let Orlando know. I like Chambers, and cannot blame him, 
but he has disappointed me in two respects, — by not sta}'ing 
here himself, and interfering with my hopes for Orlando. Nov/ 
I must go to bed. Farewell. 

Your friend, 

Robert P. Letcher. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Paper relating to McLeod found among Mr. Crittenden's Letters.) 

My visit to New York in March, 1841, and all my agency 
in regard to the case of McLeod, was undertaken at the instance 
of the President, General Harrison. It was inconvenient to 
me, — my wishes and ni)' interest required my return to Ken- 
tucky. I proposed the selection of some other person ; but 
it was insisted on that I should go, and I submitted. It was an 
undertaking altogether distinct from my official duty as At- 
torney-General. The object of my visit and the duties enjoined 
on me appear from the letter of instructions addressed to me 
by Mr. Webster, the Secretary of State, and drawn up by the 
direction of the President. I had before received in substance 
the same instructions orally from the President himself, and it 
was to his authority and not that of the Secretaiy that I con- 
sidered myself subordinate. At Albany I met Governor Sew- 
ard, exhibited my letter of instructions, and delivered to him 
the pajicrs therein alluded to as intended for him. We con- 
versed a good deal at large on the subject of my instructions. 
They were before the governor, and I desired to know what 



CASE OF MCLEOD. 1 5 i 

his views were in respect to the case of McLeod. He was 
unwilling to direct a nol. pros., and perhaps added that he had 
no such power; but he stated his entire confidence that McLeod 
was not guilty, and that the proof was clear that he was not 
engaged in the expedition against the Caroline, and was absent 
in Canada when the murder charged against him was com- 
mitted, and on this ground he must be acquitted whenever 
tried ; and furthermore he stated that if convicted he could 
and would pardon him, and so avert the threatened war ; that 
the President might rely on his pursuing this course. He pro- 
fessed his earnest wish to act in harmony with the Federal 
government, but was unwilling, as before stated, to direct a nol. 
pros., and thought the preferable and best course was to await 
the acquittal of McLeod by a jury, a result which he consid- 
ered certain, and that such an acquittal, or proof of his inno- 
cence, would be more satisfactory to the community and tend 
to allay the great popular excitement then prevailing. 

Wishing to know, as far as I could, what would be the course 
of Governor Seward in any contingency, a question was sug- 
gested as to the pardoning of McLeod before the trial. The 
governor was averse to this ; it would be unsatisfactory to the 
community, and still said he could and would pardon him if 
convicted, and thereby prevent the anticipated hostility. We 
did, after the examination of Mr. Fox's letter and consultation 
on the subject, agree in the conclusion that, though his demand 
was for the release of McLeod, then in prison, there was no 
ground to apprehend that hostilities would be attempted unless 
or until McLeod should be sentenced and punished. The gov- 
ernor knew that the chief object of my agency in attending the 
trial was to see that the case was properly placed on the record 
in the event of a conviction, so as to enable the Supreme Court 
to exercise its revisory jurisdiction, if it had any. Though I 
do not know that the governor made any objection to any law- 
ful proceeding having such revision in view, I think he mani- 
fested, z/ he did not express, some objection to the Federal gov- 
ernment taking any part in the prosecution against McLeod, 
and perhaps mentioned it as an objection to the appointment 
' of Mr. Spencer as District Attorney for the United States that 
he had him employed as counsel for McLeod. 

(To Mr. Webster.) 

I have the honor to make known to you for the information 
of the President of the United States that, in obedience to his 
instructions received through you, I set out from this place to 
attend the trial of Alexander McLeod, which was expected to 
take place at Lockport, in the State of New York, on the day 



152 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of March last. I had proceeded on my way as far as Albany, 
where I received certain intelligence that the trial would not 
take place at the time appointed, and that the case would neces- 
sarily be continued in consequence of some irregularity or de- 
fect in the legal preparations for the trial. It was also said that 
the prisoner had given notice of his intention to ask for a con- 
tinuance and a commission to take depositions, etc. Under 
these circumstances, it was unnecessar}^ for me to proceed fur- 
ther, and, after resting a few days at Albany, I returned to this 
city. 

At Albany the case of McLeod seemed to be a subject of 
interest and general conversation, and with the distinguished 
governor of that State and his enlightened secretary I frequently 
conversed on the same subject; and, disappointed as I was, I 
think I may assure the President that there has been great ex- 
aggeration in the rumors that have reached him of the violence 
of popular feeling and excitement against McLeod. 

At Albany I had the honor of several interviews with Gov- 
ernor Seward, in which I made known to him that the case of 
McLeod had acquired a character of some national importance 
and delicacy, in consequence of the recent formal avowals of 
the British government, and demand for his release ; that it was 
only in this national aspect of the case that the President had 
any care or concern about it, and that he was only desirous to 
be fully informed of the truth of the case, and that it might be 
dealt with and disposed of upon a full view of all the facts, in 
a manner conformable to the justice of our laws and the char- 
acter of our country ; that he entertained the highest opinion 
of, and confidence in, both the wisdom and justice of the courts 
of New York, and, not doubting but that they would dispose 
of the case properly, he wished that it might be so conducted 
that all the facts of the case, and questions of law arising out 
of them, might be on the record, so as to be subject to any 
revision that the courts of the United States might have a right 
to exercise and to stand as a perpetual and authentic memorial 
of facts, — of a case which had become the subject of complaint 
by the British government, and might become the occasion of 
still more interesting negotiation and controversy between that 
government and the government of the United States ; that it 
was for these objects, and not for the purpose of any interference 
in the case, that it had pleased the President to direct me to 
attend the trial. It would thus appear that he had not been 
inattentive to a matter which, in possible contingencies, might 
affect his duties as chief magistrate. 

Governor Seward expressed himself anxious to act in harmony 
and concert with the general government ; but I need not attempt 



CASE OF MCLEOD. 



153 



to give you his views as he has himself communicated them in 
letters to you. From conversations I had at Albany with many 
intelligent gentlemen, well acquainted with Western New York, 
and some of them residing in that part of the State, I am sure 
the account of excitement has been greatly exaggerated. 

As to the object of my intended visit to Lockport, it may be 
proper, perhaps, for me briefly to state the information I ob- 
tained from all those sources that were accessible to me at 
Albany. There can be no doubt that the invasion of our terri- 
tory, the destruction of the Caroline, and the killing of one or 
more of the unresisting people that were sleeping on board that 
vessel on the night of her destruction, are regarded by the 
people of Western New York as a great outrage and insult, and 
that a deep sense of the injury still prevails in that community, 
although the excitement of the moment has generally passed 
away. It was in this temper of the public mind that McLeod, 
voluntarily coming into New York, and in the very neighborhood 
of the place where the outrage was committed, proclaimed and 
boasted publicly in a hotel of his participation in that outrage. 
By this offensive conduct the resentments of the people were 
excited ; he was arrested, an indictment was regularly found 
against him for the murder of which he boasted, and he has 
ever since remained in custody for his trial on that indictment. 
Public sentiment demands that the law should have its due 
course, and that if entitled to it on any ground of national or 
municipal law, he should receive his discharge from the legal 
tribunals in the regular course of jurisdiction. Any executive 
interference to prevent or arrest the judicial examination and 
decision of the case would be regarded with great jealousy 
and disapprobation. If this case is left to the judiciary, and 
he is acquitted or discharged upon a hearing by their courts, 
they would be satisfied. They have no disposition to make 
him a victim to their vengeance or to see any injustice done 
him ; but now that his case is regularly in the hands of the 
law, they think it due to public sentiment and to the adminis- 
tration of public justice that it should be disposed of by their 
courts in due course of law ; they desire that his defense, what- 
ever it may be, may be fully heard and justly decided upon, — 
and the universal opinion seemed to be, that if he were other- 
wise guilty, the recent avowal, by the British government, of 
the transaction in respect to which he stands accused, will be 
•received and adjudged a good and sufficient defense. From 
the professional and public opinion that I heard everywhere 
expressed in New York, I entertain not the least doubt that 
whenever his case shall be heard by the proper tribunals of 
New York, he will be acquitted or discharged, if it shall be 



1^4 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

made to appear that the acts for which he is charged were done 
under the sanction or orders of his government ; that can only 
be made to appear to the legal tribunals by some regular course 
of judicial procedure. It may be well known to the executive, 
but neither the executive of this country or a king of England, 
acting upon their knowledge, can enter a court of law and 
dictate or interrupt the course of its proceedings. _ The king 
may cause a nolle prosequi to be entered in a criminal prose- 
cution, or pardon a condemned man. 

(William H. Seward to Hon. J. J. Crittenden.) 

Albany, May 31, 1841. 
My dear Sir, — I welcome the news of your return to Wash- 
ington. If it is regarded as worthy of your consideration, you 
will learn that during your absence a correspondence, not more 
unpleasant than unprofitable, has taken place between the Presi- 
dent and myself concerning the affair of Alexander McLeod. 
Your memory will retain the views presented to you, when here, 
concerning the disposition of that subject deemed proper by me, 
and the fact that it was requested that if those views were not 
approved at Washington, a further consultation might be had 
with me before definite action was adopted. You will, I trust, 
remember that I distinctly advised against any extraordinary 
proceedings being taken, or with the consent of the government 
permitted, to secure the prisoner's release without a trial before 
a jury, and that I, with all my counselors, especially advised 
against the appointment of his retained counsel as district at- 
torney, especially on the ground of its incongruity and of the 
injurious and unseemly effect it would present. From that time 
no communication, formal or otherwise, was received here until 
very recently, and in the mean time the course of the govern- 
ment was left to be learned from rumor, until the subject of a 
supposed collusion between the government at Washington 
and that of this State, to effect the prisoner's discharge without 
a trial, became a point of legislative inquiry and a charge of the 
opposition press. While satisfying the legislature and the 
public on that subject, I, in good faith, addressed a brief letter 
to the President concerning Mr. Spencer's appearance as counsel, 
to which I received a kind reply. From that reply I was 
induced to believe that the subject was viewed as having less 
importance at Washington than, considering its bearings upon 
so delicate a question, I thought it really had, and that, at all 
events, my acquiescence in the course adopted would not be 
proper and safe. I therefore addressed a second letter to the 
President, in the same kind and confiding .spirit as the former. 
An answer from the President, in any general form, overruling 



LETTER FROM WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 155 

my opinions (although I should not have been convinced by it) 
would have ended the correspondence, and, leaving both parties 
to their proper responsibilities, would have avoided all unkind- 
ness. The President, however, replied at length in a spirit that 
seemed to me unkind, and in a manner which required the firmest 
adherence to my positions and the most vigorous defense of 
them I could make. I replied accordingly, and his rejoinder is 
before me, in which (as I cheerfully admit was to be expected) 
he preserves the same disposition and tone as before. My 
further reply will go with this letter. 

Although I feel that I am injured in this matter in the house 
of my friends, I care nothing for tliat, but I regret that I am 
misunderstood. I cannot but believe that the confusion into 
which things necessarily fell for a time at Washington was the 
consequence of the death of General Harrison, and your absence 
from Washington in a season when your explanations would 
have been useful, has contributed to this result. My object in 
addressing you is to call your attention to the subject, in order 
that you may now do whatever shall seem to you to be useful. 
I do not ask your inteTposition. I have no personal reason for de- 
siring it. I do not ask you even to acknowledge this commu- 
nication. I should deem it improper for you, as a member of 
the cabinet, to write me on the subject, except in support of the 
President, but I think it well, in this informal way, to suggest 
that the talejit and wit of a Whig administration might be more 
profitably employed in some other manner than in an unavail- 
ing effort to drive me from a course which, in my poor judg- 
ment, is required not less by patriotism and the honor of this 
State than by devotion to the administration itself, — that enough 
has already been written by the President upon an exciting 
subject (in , regard to which I must take leave to think the 
feelings of the people must be better understood here than at 
Washington) to do incalculable evil if it should ever meet the 
public eye. I think that during your visit here you acquired 
information enough to know what President Tyler cannot know, 
that in all that has passed I have been firm, frank, and consistent. 
The course pursued in regard to the same question at Wash- 
ington has not been so. If you think it well to acquaint the 
President with what you know concerning the matter I shall be 
personally obliged ; but I desire that it may be understood it is 
done only as a thing of public importance, and by no means in 
such a manner as to induce an opinion that I would either so- 
licit notice of a personal grief or carry it into the general account. 
With very sincere respect and esteem, 

your friend and obedient servant, 

William H. Seward. 

Hon, J. J. Crittenden. 



I "6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his son Robert.) 

June 7, 1 841. 

My dear Robert, — Your letter has just reached me, and I 
am now taking the remnant of a most laborious day to answer it. 
You requested me to send you ten dollars to defray the expenses 
of your trip to Harrodsburg on occasion of the celebration of 
the settlement of Kentucky. I inclose it to you, and am pleased 
to find you interesting yourself in the early history of your own 
State. If the fact was not so common, it would appear strange 
that there should be so many persons well acquainted with 
Rollin's Ancient History who know little or nothing of their 
own country. You are reading the life of Alexander Hamilton, 
and I am not surprised that you should feel great admiration 
for him : he was undoubtedly a man of the rarest and greatest 
mental endo%vments ; but you should be a little careful of 
adopting your opinions of Mr. Jefferson from his biography. 
You must know that Alexander Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson 
were the great rival and popular political antagonists of their 
day, and no doubt felt and communicated to all within the 
range of their influence, unfavorable opinions and prejudices in 
respect to each other. Mr. Jefferson was a man of great genius 
and learning, and devoted to the cause of human liberty and 
the principles of free government. There are some things in 
history, some specks in the character of Mr. Jefferson, we must 
regret; but these imperfections maybe overlooked and par- 
doned, to some extent, in consideration of the great passages of 
his life, and the many illustrious exertions of his genius in the 
cause of his country. It does you credit, and shows taste and 
judgment, that you have read Chevalier's U. S. with so much 
satisfaction. It is an able political and philosophical work. It 
is singular that Chevalier and De Tocqueville should be the two 
most profound observers and commentators upon our countiy 
and its institutions. I am gratified at your taste for history, but 
take care not to withdraw from your collegiate studies. I wish 
you to graduate with as much reputation as possible. I believe 
you can obtain ihQ frst lionor if you make the effort. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

R. Henry Crittenden. 

(Henry Clay to E. M. Letcher.) 

Washington, June 11, 1841. 

My dear Sir, — White was elected Speaker. He does not 

come up quite yet to my hopes, but I trust he will improve. I took 

no part in his election. We are in a crisis as a party. There 

is reason to fear that Tyler will throw himself upon Calhoun, 



AN OPINION. 157 

Duff Green, etc., and detach himself from the great body of the 
Whio- party. A few days will disclose. If he should take that 
course, it will be on the bank. It is understood that he wants 
a bank located in the District, having no power to branch without 
the consent of the State where the branch is located. What a 
bank would that be ! The complexion of the Senate is even 
better than I anticipated, and although Mr. Adams has created 
some disturbance in the House, there is a fine spirit generally 

prevailing there. 

Your faithful friend, 
Mr. E. M. Letcher. H. Clay. 

This opinion, given by Mr. Crittenden during his term of 
Attorney-General, under General Harrison, is the only one 
which will be published : 

In respect to your second question, it appears to me unneces- 
sary to go into the general question of interest, or the liability 
or obligation of a government to pay it. In this instance the 
single inquiry is, not whether interest ought, in justice, or any 
principle of analogy, to be allowed, but whether the judge has 
been invested with any authority to award it ; and this depends 
on the proper construction of the act of Congress of the 26th of 
June, 1834, — his sole and whole authority is derived from that 
act. ' It is the standard by which his jurisdiction must be meas- 
ured and limited. By the terms of this act he is authorized to 
receive and examine, and adjudge, in all cases of claims for 
losses occasioned by the troops in the service of the United 
States in i8l2and 1813. Interest on the amount of such losses 
is certainly a thing very distinguishable and different from the 
losses themselves. It may be that justice would have required, 
in this case, the allowance of interest as well as of the principal 
that was lost ; but Congress alone was competent to decide the 
extent of its obligation, and to give or withhold authority 
for the allowance of the principal, — that is, the value of the 
property lost, with or without interest. The whole subject 
was before them for consideration and legislation, and the 
question of interest was as important in amount as the principal. 
They did legislate, and provided for the liquidation and pay- 
ment of claims for losses, but made no provision for any clamis 
of interest. The inference, to my mind, is irresistible that they 
did not intend to authorize the allowance of interest. 

It is confidently believed, that in all the numerous acts of Con- 
gress for the liquidation and settlement of claims against the 
government, there is no instance in which interest has ever been 
allo\^d, except only when these acts have expressly directed 



158 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

and authorized its allowance. I feel myself constrained, there- 
fore, to entertain the opinion that, so far as relates to the allow- 
ance of interest, the decision of the judge is unwarranted and 
erroneous. 

Very respectfully yours, 
Hon, Thomas Ewing, ,_^ J. J. Crittenden. 

Secretary of State. 



CHAPTER XIII. 
1841-1842. 

Letters from Clay, R. Johnson, R. P. Letcher— Crittenden's Letter of Resignation 
of his Place in the Cabinet of J. Tyler— Letter of G. E. Badger— Letters of 
Crittenden to Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Washington, August 16. 

MY DEAR SIR, — It is understood that the President con- 
cedes the power of estabhshing agencies or branches, with 
authority to deal in the purchase and sale of bills of exchange, 
and to do all other usual banking business except to discount 
promissory notes or obligations ; that with the assent of a State 
branches inayh^ established, with authority to discount notes zmA 
to do all other usual bank business. Upon this basis it does seem 
to me that a bank may be constructed with a larger recognition 
of Federal authority and of more efficiency than the one which 
the President has refused to sanction. It should be done by 
conferring on the bank and its branches all the usual banking 
powers, and then, by restrictions and exceptions limiting them 
to the basis before stated; there is less danger of embarrass- 
ment and error in this form of legislation than in the attempt 
to limit the powers of the institution by specific description 
and enumeration of them. I pray you to consider this well, 
with all the great consequences which attend it, and do what- 
ever your known liberal spirit of covipromise and yonx patriot- 
ism may direct. Mr. Clay can lose nothing by a course of 
conciliation ; his opinions are known to all, and to whatever 
extent he may forbear to act or insist upon them, it will be 
regarded only as another and further sacrifice made to his 
country. Do not believe that the least selfishness influences me 
in anything I have suggested. 

P. S. — Consider if it would not be better to drop everything 
about the assent of States, and making the banking power a mere 
emanation of congressional authority, exclude it from the 
discounting of promissory notes. The moneyed transactions of 
men will be put into the shape of bills of exchange, and the 
bank thus formed may be easily amended by future legislation, 
if the power of discounting notes should be found useful or 

(159 J 



l6o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

desirable. The political effect of settling this matter now and 
\iy your means will be great. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(Reverdy Johnson to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Baltimore, August 30, 1841. 

My dear Sir, — I have just heard, from a source which I know 
may be relied upon, that Mr. Alexander Hamilton, of New York, 
who, it is understood, has been for several weeks in Washington 
and almost an inmate of the President's house, came over last 
evening from Washington to have an interview with Mr. Maher, 
of this city, and Judge Upshur, of Virginia, who has been in this 
place several days. Not being acquainted with either of the 
gentlemen, he obtained this morning an introduction to them. 
Mr. M. at once introduced the President's course in regard to 
the bank bill, and heard only the most decided opinions against 
it from him, which seemed to surprise him, and in a few mo- 
ments, without more being said of a political character, the in- 
terview terminated. He then went to see Upshur, and was with 
him /;/ private for several hours. Now, sir, our impression is 
(that is, the impression of the few to whom these facts are 
known) that he Jias been sent np to sound these gentlemen in regard 
to a neiv cabinet, and Mr. M., in respect to the department yon 
hold ; so thinking, I deem it due to you — to the friendship ex- 
isting between us — that I lose no time in making this fact 
known to you for your consideration. It is exceedingly im- 
probable that the visit of Hamilton could have any other pur- 
pose, and, if half the reports we hear from Washington are 
true, it is almost certain that the object I suggest is true. If 
you think it proper, you are at liberty to show this to any mem- 
ber of the cabinet you please. Assuming my conjecture to be 
right, I forbear to speak of the movement, because I cannot do 
it without using terms of the President that should not be 
applied to him except in the last emergency. 

Sincerely your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. Reverdy Johnson. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfokt, September 3, 1841. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have just read your letter of the 26th 
with the liveliest interest. All your trials, difficulties, and vex- 
ations were fully understood by your friends in Kentucky as 
accurately as I now understand them after reading your inter- 
esting communication. No friend blamed you for not writing. 
Your silence told everything. We talked matters over and 
expressed our sympathies and our heartfelt regrets that official 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. i6i 

connection, obligations, and prudence necessarily limited your 
freedom of speech and action. No one, so far as I know, has 
intimated that you ought to have resigned upon the coming in 
of the veto. Some of your friends believed you would do so ; 
others feared that in a moment of indignation and disappoint- 
ment you might do so ; but those who knew you best thought 
you would take no hasty action, but be governed by circum- 
stances which should or might control a majority of the cabinet 
in their movements. I rather think that, under the influence of 
that opinion, I wrote you some five or six weeks since to keep 
zuide azuake and be cool. The veto did not surprise me. I was 
fully apprised of the Captain's intention for some considerable 
time before. I had rather indulged in the hope that his heart 
might fail him before the time for final action. Duff Green told 
me the President told him he would veto the bill. The Van 
Buren party, in this quarter, announced that the veto would 
come .weeks before it reached us. 

After I saw he had some four or five Virginia schoolmasters 
around him, I confess I lost all hope. Ah, that was too bad ! — 
our chief cook, in whom we placed all confidence, to poison 
our favorite dish ! Yes, I believe most confidently he has the 
arsenic ready for the second dish, and will certainly dash it in 
if Wise and Rives and Mallory tell him. Just let those fellows 
say "(7<? it, my Captain Tyler, old Virginia is at your back; 
Clay is trying to head you ; don't be frightened by one of Clay's 
mobs. If you do, Virginia will disown you ; Virginia will be 
everlastingly disgraced in your person if you yield. Jackson 
carried everything before him by his firmness, and so can you. 
You are the most popular man in America ; yon elected Har- 
rison, and can elect yourself again easily. If you give way, 
you are a lost, ruined, disgraced, discarded creature, and Clay 
will be the next President !" Then let Calhoun make him a 
secret visit, and the poison goes in to a dead and moral cer- 
tainty. The motives by which the Captain is influenced are 
as distinctly known throughout all the land as his illustrious 
name is. AH parties speak of it openly, mixed up with abuse, 
scorn, and ridicule. Should the cabinet be placed in such a 
situation by the President as to force them to resign, he will 
have no party. He may have five or six miserable, vain, fool- 
ish abstractionists, three nuUifiers, and one Anti-Mason, — not 
enough for a decent funeral procession. The Whigs, before 
they adjourn, in the event of a dissolution of the cabinet, ought 
to hold a meeting and solemnly devote him, transfer and assign 
him over to the " Locofocos." They ought, furthermore, by 
resolution, to declare " that no honest Whig should hold office 
under such a faithless public servant." Then let the Captain 

VOL. I. II 



1 62 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

" paddle his own canoe," assisted by his Virginia friends. If 
once he gets ashore, I will give him a certificate of honesty, 
probity, and good demeanor, — qualities which he never had 
and never can have except upon paper. I am rejoiced in my 
soul that Webster will conduct himself like a man in this busi- 
ness. To tell you the plain truth, I honestly distrusted him. I 
feared he would disgrace himself by giving up his principles 
rather than his place. I thought he was upon the edge of a 
precipice, just ready to fall into an abyss, not knowing how far 
down he had to go. Now, I am relieved in my feelings, and 
am highly gratified. I feel as joyful over him as a good, old, 
faithful member of a church would feel over a brother who had 
wandered off from the true faith in pursuit of idols and had just 
returned to the fold, full of prayer and devotion, ready and will- 
ing and able to persevere to the end in the good cause. The 
Whigs are more firmly united now than before ; rely upon this. 
T/ic vetoes are a good cement to hold them together. 

I received your letter this evening just after I had finished 
the labors of the day, and this accounts for my long letter. 
Should the cabinet dissolve just after you finish reading it, you 
will be ready to come to Kentucky, where all will be rejoiced 
to see you, and none more so than your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(Governor Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Sunday Morning, September 5, 1841. 

Dear Crittenden, — We got no mail from Washington to- 
day nor yesterday. Our anxiety to hear how matters now 
stand in the city has, I assure you, become too intense to be 
altogether agreeable. My own fears, I confess, as to a favorable 
issue are much greater and stronger than my hopes. I have 
talked over matters with a very few select friends, again and 
again speculating upon this, that, and the other thing, so re- 
peatedly that really I have lost all sort of interest in my own 
conversation; still, I allow myself to be harassed, fretted, vexed, 
excited by reflection to such a pitch, that, by way of a sort of 
occupation to keep myself as cool as possible, and to avoid all 
intercourse to shun the everlasting question. What is the news ? 
do, for God's- sake, tell us the news from Washington? I have 
shut myself up in the office (Sunday as it is) and find myself 
writing, for what purpose or for what object the Lord only 
knows. Why don't you go to church, say you, and take the 
benefit of the clergy ? Why, it would be a great sin in me to go 
to church with ms/ state of feelings at this moment. I should be 
cursing and d — g at all the Virginia politicians (with a few ex- 
ceptions), the schoolmasters, and "Tyler too," during the whole 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. i6- 

of the service. I could not hear with any patience the Apostle 
Paul preach just at this time. If I had all power in my hands 
for one month I wonder if I should not be the mildest ruler that 
ever lived ! I should not ask Lynch for any of his assistance. 
I would be calm, and cool, and prudent, though not wise by 
any means; but as sure as the sun shines I should afford ma- 
terials enough for some historian to write a mighty big book, in 
which there would be a great deal of good reading too. 

In the first place, I would have the law of treason better un- 
derstood, more practically defined, and more clearly illustrated, 
so that the weakest man in society could comprehend it, and 
"Tyler too" should be able to see and to feel its force. Im- 
peachments ! why, there should be no such foolish word in all 
my vocabulary. As a man gets older he gets more sensible, — 
I know I do. He sees things in a clearer light. I feel quite 
sure Botts does. I have just read his love letter to his con- 
stituents, and I would not be at all afraid to trust him with all 
necessary powers for, and during, a short reign. I don't know 
Botts personally, but I like him ; he is an honest man, a bold 
man, and a sensible man. I wonder, if Tyler should make another 
electioneering tour to the great West, if Botts will bear him 
company! I should say they would be exceedingly agreeable 
to each other, just at this time, as traveling companions. 

But enough of all this. If you are under the necessity, both 
as a patriot and as a gentleman, to quit the miserable concern, 
come home quickly. There is but one Kentucky. Keep up 
your spirits; be of good cheer and of good temper; above all 
things, come back to my government, and my people will take 
care of you and will take a pleasure in it. 

John Russell told me, some days ago, when I wrote to you, 
he wished to say if you returned to Kentucky you must send to 
his mill all the time. He says he will zvhip any man who 
denies his right to furnish you with corn-meal, and flour, and 
pork, and whip yon if you don't take it, or if you make a wry 
face at it. 

Having written thus far, I feel much better, I thank you. 
One idea: if you return to Kentucky and feel like practicing law, 
take my everlasting worker Harlan, for your partner, and he 
will be pleased, I have no doubt, to join you. Such another 
partner could not be had in any country. 

Still, I have a little sort of a hope that Tyler's advisers will 
admonish him to yield, and that all may yet be well. I am 
going to join a hunting-party, Wednesday, — Charley Morris and 
the Bacons, — about three miles from town. I shall make the 
experiment whether the chase is not more agreeable and amus- 
ing than reading petitions and cursing our rulers. 



1 64 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Now, if you halloo Enough ! I will let you off. Enough ! you 
say, then I am done. 

Your friend, 

Letcher. 

P.S. — Give Webster, when you come away, one good, affec- 
tionate shake of the hand for me, and say every kind thing to 
him you please. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

September 8, 1841. 

Dear Crittenden, — What's a man to do when he sees 
nothing, hears nothing, knows nothing, and wants to see, hear, 
and know everything ? Such is my condition at present. We 
get nothing from Washington, except the passage of the land 
bill, which may be vetoed, and if so, we shall run distracted 
without a doubt. I wrote you yesterday, and I write again 
to-day, just for the want of occupation. What adds to my vexa- 
tion is, that I had the misfortune, returning from dinner, to meet 
old W., or rather as I stepped into the judge's room, there he 
was, talking loudly against a United States bank. My presence 
brought him to a conclusion, and, when he recovered, he did 
me the favor to walk out. I am told he is much tickled with 
the idea that "brother C." is to be one of the cabinet. Should 
there be a new cabinet Calhoun will have a finger in the pie, 
and one of the dynasty comes in to dead certainty. I saw by a 
paper of the 2d that Archer was to make a speech in favor of 
the bank bill. I am rejoiced ! I like Archer much, and should 
be highly gratified for him to do his country some service, and 
add to his own reputation. The bill will pass with Archer's 
vote, and who knows but Tyler may have a dream, or see sights, 
which will bring him to a knowledge of the truth? If he don't 
see sights now, he will after awhile. I expect to hear of his 
talking and crying in his sleep before long ; he has raised the 
devil in this country. I received a letter this morning from a 
man in Russell County, asking me if I thought it would be an 
unpardonable sin to go to the city and kill him ; the fellow wrote 
as if he thought he had a call to put him to death. Another 
writes me, to call the legislature together for the purpose of 
passing a Commonwealth's bank, and damning John Tyler. I 
don't know whether you will be a private gentleman or a public 
one when you get this. If you have left the city, I hope you 
have authorized John Tyler to open this letter. 

Truly yours, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER: 165 

(J.J. Crittenden to the President.) 

Washington, September 11, 1841. 
Sir, — Circumstances have occurred in the course of your 
administration, and chiefly in the exercise by you of the veto 
power, which constrain me to beheve that my longer continu- 
ance in office, as a member of your cabinet, will be neither 
agreeable to you, useful to the country, nor honorable to myself 
Do me the justice, Mr. President, to believe that this conclu- 
sion has been adopted neither capriciously nor in any spirit of 
party feeling or personal hostility, but from a sense of duty, 
which, mistaken though it may be, is yet so sincerely enter- 
tained that I cheerfully sacrifice to it the advantages and dis- 
tinctions of office. 

Be pleased, therefore, to accept this as my resignation of the 
office of Attorney-General of the United States. 

Very respectfully yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 
The President. 

The following March Mr. Crittenden was elected to the 
Senate to fill Mr. Clay's unexpired term, and was re-elected for 
a full term. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, September 11, 1S41. 
Dear Letcher, — I have just received and read your long and 
mteresting letter of the 3d instant. You say towards the con- 
clusion of it, "Should the cabinet dissolve just after you finish 
reading this," etc. Now, for so long a shot this is absolutely 
the best on record ; it was exactly to the centre. The cabinet 
was in the process of dissolution. The resignations of Ewing, 
Bell, Badger, and myself were on the way to the President's 
when your letter was brought in and thrown on my table. I 
fear you will have to detract somewhat from your culogiunis on 
Webster ; he has declined to join in our resignations, and will 
continue in office, finally, as I calculate, to be turned out. 
Granger, too, will continue in office, and perhaps be reserved 
for the same fate. I do not know who will supply the places of 
the resigned. I am not even fully apprised of the speculations 
of the day. Baillie Peyton is here and greatly pressed to take a 
cabinet place. I have talked with him ; he is resolved not to 
accept, but may be overcome. I have just heard General Clinch 
spoken of for Secretary of War. I am satisfied he will accept. 
Judge Upshur, of Virginia, is spoken of, and will, I suppose, ac- 
cept. The President will have hard work to make up a cabinet 
which w^Il please the Senate. As the time is but short, he will 
probably have to resort to the alternative of nominating uncx- 



1 66 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ceptionable individuals at a distance; if they do not accept, he 
gains time and may supply the vacancies in the absence of the 
Senate. There is great firmness and great excitement among 
the Whigs in Congress, and a more resolute union among them, 
except, perhaps, as to a portion of the Northern Whigs, who are 
held in a sort of neutrality and suspense by the course of Mr. 
W^ebster. The Whig members from the great West are, to a 
man, united, fierce, and denunciatory towards Mr. Tyler. From 
what I have heard, they will publish an address to the people 
of the United States, recommending a course of action to the 
Whigs of the Union, denouncing the course of Mr. Tyler as a 
betrayal and abandonment of the Whigs, and proclaiming that 
they will no longer consider themselves responsible for the con- 
duct of the Executive Department, etc. A nobler set of fellows 
than the Whig members of the present Congress never repre- 
sented any people, and the energy, union, and firmness which 
has marked their conduct is worthy of all praise. The diffi- 
culties, trials, and mortifications to which they have been sub- 
jected were very great; yet, so far, they have been equal to it 
all, and but few have been faithless or slow of heart. 

Since I closed the last sentence, I have heard that the new 
nominations for the cabinet have been made, — Walter Forward, 
Secretary of Treasury ; Judge McLean, Secretary of War ; 
Judge Upshur, Secretary of Navy; and Mr. Legare, of South 
Carolina, Attorney-General. What the Senate will do with 
them I am not informed. The great difficulty will be with 
Upshur. 

Do not prepare any of your sympathies for me. I am proud 
and happy, and as for all the losses and inconveniences that 
may come on me from the loss of my office, I shall bear them 
manfully, strengthened to do so by the consciousness that I 
have acted as honor and dut>^ to the country required. Between 
the first and tenth of the next month I shall take a drink with 
you in your own house. Keep your bottles set out and full, 
and if your liquor be good and your entertainment the same, I 
will then give you all the particulars about the great affairs at 
Washington. Farewell. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, September 13, 1841. 
Dear Letcher, — I wrote to you the day before yesterday, 
and I promise that this shall be a short letter, provoked chiefly 
by your letter of the 5th instant, received this morning. Since 



LETTER FROM GEORGE E. BADGER. 167 

I last wrote you, Granger has resigned, so that Mr. Tyler has 
been deprived of the whole of his most enlightened and patri- 
otic cabinet, except Mr. Webster. He holds on, and looks like 
grim death ! What say you ? shall I give him all the affec- 
tionate gratulations and messages you sent in your last letter ? 
or what disposition shall I make of them ? 

He has, at least, faltered on the way ; I still hope that that is 
the most of it, and that, though he has faltered, it will be but 
for a moment, and that he will redeem himself by an abandon- 
ment of Mr. Tyler. His time for repentance is very short; the 
thoughts and .feelings of men are moving on too rapidly to 
afford him much delay. 

He may yet, by energy and decision, rescue himself; his 
delegation are uneasy at his situation, and if they advise him 
manfully it may save him. 

The Whig members of Congress are about to publish an 
address ; it is said to be a very good one ; you will get it almost 
as soon as this letter, and that, together with Ewing's letter in 
the Intelligencer of this morning, will give you a full view of the 
state of affairs here. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

You do not think more highly of Harlan than I do, and 
when I get back to Kentucky, if he should think a partnership 
would not be disadvantageous to him, I dare say it would be 
quite to my liking. On my return we will talk more of this. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(George E. Badger to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Raleigh, February 4, 1S42. 
My dear Sir, — I learn from the papers that you are in Wash- 
ington. What on earth are you lurking about there for ? Do 
you expect any favors from the White House ? or are you endeav- 
oring to get Legare to appoint you his clerk ? Are you prepared 
to become a Tyler-man in politics ? and do you, in poetry, prefer 
the Poet's Lament to Milton, or Ahasuenis to Paradise Lost? 
This latter question you ought to be prepared to answer before 
you indulge any hopes of advancement. Pray give an account 
of yourself. Do you ever visit President Square ? If you do, 
you can think of a late Secretary of the Navy. Do you remem- 
ber a certain carpet which will owe its preservation from moths 
for half a century to your diligent sprinkling thereon of what 
zue boys used to call '' Amber f Do you remember a certain 
lady of a certain Secretary of the Navy, who exhibited the 
greatest singularity of taste in saying that a certain Attorney- 
General was a good-looking man ? I know you have been long- 



1 68 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ing to write to me, but have been withheld by the fear of the 
seeming presumption of an r,r-Attorney-General addressing an 
r,r-Secretary, and I write as a proof of my favor, and an evidence 
of my condescension to put you at ease. What is to hinder you 
from getting in the cars and paying me a visit ? I can give you 
a good bed, a good dinner, good v/ine, and a hearty welcome. 
I suppose Ewing is endeavoring to get an appointment. His 
corn-planting letter of resignation ought to get him a clerkship, 
particularly if he has read Ahasuerus, and committed half as 
much of it to memory as he once recited to me from Dante's In- 
ferno. Wishing you success in all your efforts to obtain execu- 
tive advancement, 

I am very truly your friend, , 

George E. Badger. 

(Letter from J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

February 8, 1842. 

My dear Letcher, — I have just finished a sort of business or 
semi-official letter to you, and now I wish to write you entirely 
on private and personal account. 

You are, I know from past experience, a sagacious gentle- 
man, and good at far-seeing and guessing ; but still, I think you 
can hardly have an adequate notion of the state of things here. 
Utterly condemned as the administration has long been, and it 
is still growing in scorn and contempt, and there is really 
danger of its sinking into such impotence and odium as to par- 
alyze the whole government, — and yet Mr. Tyler, in this con- 
demned and desolate condition, steeped to the lips in shame, is 
still, if the universal reports that I hear be true, inflated with 
ideas oi\\\% gnat popularity, — second to none but Washington, 
— thinking of nothing so much as his re-election, — holding 
Whigs and Locofocos equally as his opponents, and reserv- 
ing his favors and offices for Tyler-men. From all I can collect, 
such is about the condition of your President. Of his ministry 
I know but little. Webster looks gloomy and sad. In Con- 
gress they seem to have but little influence. The little corps 
of Tyler-men do not seem to thrive well, and even they do not 
always conform to administration measures. In the midst of 
such disasters, discipline may naturally lose its force. 

Notwithstanding the necessity of the case, and that even 
members of Congress were without their pay, the treasury-note 
bill for five millions of dollars was forced through Congress by 
a nominal majority of one in each branch, and that majority 
obtained only by the silence or voluntary withdrawal of members 
whose votes, if given at all, would have changed the majority 
and defeated the bill. There was, in fact, a majority against it 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 169 

in both houses of Congress, and yet, without that supply, there 
was not a dollar in the treasury to pay either army or navy. 
In one month I suppose it to be inevitable that Mr. Tyler must 
come before Congress for another supply of treasury notes, and 
I doubt whether any exigency will induce them to grant it. 
Such is the state of affairs, and from their sad condition I must 
infer that you have withdrawn that salutary participation which 
you were formerly pleased to exercise in the administration of 
this government. Clay, I think, would now acknowledge our 
wisdom in advising against his coming to this session of Con- 
gress. You have saved him from a most critical and delicate 
position by the failure to pass the legislature resolutions 
against the bankrupt law. He will soon resign, and in time for 
the General Assembly to elect his successor, and that event will 
occur with some circumstances rather disagreeable to me, in 
respect to my being a candidate. I was, year after year, a 
somewhat prominent advocate of that law; but yet it is one of 
those measures in respect to which I should have conformed 
to the wishes of my constituents had I remained in the Senate. 
To declare that sentiment on the eve of an election might ex- 
pose me to the suspicion of sacrificing a former opinion, not to 
a high sense of duty, but to the ambition of obtaining a seat in 
the Senate. 

And now, sir, I wish to take a little hand in your adminis- 
tration. Imprimis, being informed that Bishop Smith is not to be 
reappointed to the office he now holds, or lately held, of superin- 
tendent (I believe that is the title) of common schools, I do very 
cordially recommend Mr. Sayer, of our town, to that office. I 
think he will devote himself to it zealously and usefully ; he 
has education and talents and manners ; and lastly, my wife 
writes me, quite imploringly, to entreat you to give to Atticus 
Bibb the office of Commonwealth's Attorney, for the district in 
which he lives. 

He is said to be a noble-hearted and talented fellow, and his 
late reform may entitle him to kind consideration. I hope that 
you may be able to reconcile it to your sense of duty to give 
him the office. 

Remember me kindly to our friend, the Lieutenant-Governor, 
and to all our other friends in and out of the legislature, and, as 
the Chinese said to Mr. Van Buren, " May you live long to be 
a security to your people," 

Your friend, 

J, J. Crittenden. 

R. P, Letcher, 

Governor of Ky. 



i;70 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, December 9, 1842. 

My dear Sir, — After a most toilsome and most dangerous 
journey I reached here on the second day of the session, being 
the eleventh day after I left home. 

The Whigs from all quarters seem to me, as far as I can see, 
to bear their defeats with fortitude and spirit, and to look to the 
future with all the confidence that could be expected. It ap- 
pears to be the general impression of those that I have talked 
with here, that, for want of a present motive and immediate 
object, the Whig party has not been and cannot be roused to a 
full exertion of its strength till the next presidential election. 
This is at least a consolatory view, and I am willing to confide 
in it as the true explanation and state of the case. But this 
fluctuating zeal, that requires so much to get it up and so little 
to put it down, is not the most reliable. Under present circum- 
stances. Clay's truest friends here seem inclined in favor of a 
national convention. They do not doubt his nomination by 
such a convention, and think it will have the effect of reassuring 
the party and combining all the little fragmentary parts that 
might otherwise be disposed to fly off in the hour of need. I 
incline to this course myself, and regard it as a measure to 
fortify, and not really to bring in question, the pretensions of 
Mr. Clay. 

I send you with this a copy of the President's message, that 
the people might not be delayed in the enjoyment of this 
precious document. Expresses were prepared to convey it with 
the rapidity of steam throughout the land at the moment of its 
delivery to Congress, and upon some false rumor that a quorum 
of the Senate was present on Tuesday last, off went the mes- 
sage in all directions one day before there was any Congress 
assembled to receive it. This little accident produced so much 
ridicule as to disturb that grave consideration with which such 
a revelation from John Tyler might otherwise have been re- 
ceived. 

Since my arrival here I have been surprised to learn, from 
inquiries made of me, how extensively the hopes and appre- 
hensions of my defeat in our senatorial election had gone 
abroad. A Loco member of Congress, from Arkansas, told 
another member, a Whig, who scorned the idea of my being 
beaten, that he was well informed about it, and thought I would 
be defeated, and I suppose that the Tyler party fully expect it. 
All this furnishes grounds to apprehend that greater effort and 
preparation have been used for the purpose than we anticipated. 

Owsley heard, as he passed through Lancaster, that your 
nephew, George McKec, would vote for Hardin in preference 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 171 

to all others. And Phelps, of Covington, informed me that the 
member from Kenton, a Mr. Bennett, I think, was very in- 
different for whom he voted. He was elected as a Whig, but 
his county, I believe, is Locofoco. This was told me as I 
came up the Ohio. And Phelps also gave me to understand 
that he had defeated an attempt that had been got up by the 
Locos to instruct him to vote against me. I give you these 
particulars that they may be remedied in equity, if any such 
remedy there be. My old acquaintance and friendship with his 
father and relatives would make McKee's opposition quite 
mortifying to me. I know that the mere fact of your relation- 
ship puts it out of your power to do anything in the matter. I 
hope, however, it will turn out that Owsley's information was 
incorrect. 

You will see that in both houses of Congress propositions 
have been made for the repeal of the bankrupt law. I thought 
from the first that a temporary bankrupt law was better suited 
to this country than a permanent system, and was in favor of 
limiting it to two years. It was one of a series of measures 
urgently sought for by the Whigs of New York, Louisiana, etc., 
and rather conceded to them than desired by those of the Ken- 
tucky Whigs who supported it. It has to a great extent accom- 
plished its object, and, though there may have been abuses, it 
has relieved from imprisonment (for in many of the States that 
remedy is continued) and a hopeless mass of debt many an 
honest man whose fortunes had been wrecked in the disastrous 
times through which we have passed. Under all the circum- 
stances, and especially in deference to the opinions, of my con- 
stituents, who, I believe, are opposed to the continuance of the 
law, I have made up my mind, I think, to vote for its repeal. 

Your friend, 

To R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

P.S. — Aren't you glad my paper has given out? 

(R. p. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

February 25, 1842. 

Dear Crittenden, — The election for senator will come off 
this afternoon at three o'clock. I doubt whether there will be 
any opposition ; none unles.s it should be old Duke, — y owx friend 
and my enemy. I don't believe, however, he will run. Colonel 
Johnson has just left me again, after renezving Ids bond of fidelity. 
We are getting very thick, I can tell you. If I had time I 
would make you laugh heartily about many matters connected 
with this election. Oh, the duplicity of this world! 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Letcher. 



I'j2 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

February 24, 1842. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have only a moment to say a word or 
two. Mr. Clay's resignation was filed yesterday, and I am told 
that in one moment afterwards a few deiJions set about the 
woi'k of mischief. They are endeavoring to bring out all sorts 
of opposition, trying everybody and anybody. Underwood, 
they think, would embody the greatest force, because of his 
Green River residence ; but that point has been guarded. His 
friends won't allow the trick to be played, tliat is settled ; and if 
Underwood was here he would settle it in the same way. 
Charley Morehead is talked of, but, in my opinion, he won't 
make the attempt. Ben Hardin is here ; I presume he will be 
the opposition, — hope he will make a poor show. The old 
Monarch is also here, but I don't believe he came on that busi- 
ness. The D. is heading the party in opposition to you. I am 
told that a caucus was held last night ; don't think there is the 
slightest danger of the result. Colonel Richard Johnson is now 
with me ; he will act the gentleman, and go for you " through 
thick and tlnn!' Had a long tal-k with him since I commenced 
this letter. He will carry with him as many friends as he can, 
and really I must tell you that you are not to forget his honor- 
able feelings and fair dealing. I know you like him, and you 
ought to like him. 

Yours, 

Hon. J. J, Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, Februaiy 26,- 1S42. 
Dear Crittenden, — O. K., as you will, no doubt, hear from 
various quarters. The affair went off handsomely, quietly, flat- 
teringly. Old man Golhom aided like a gentleman after he took 
time to cool. He nominated you. Colonel Dick Johnson called 
upon me last night, and swore " he had never exerted himself 
so much in all his life to keep down (as he said) a damned fac- 
tious opposition of damned rascally Whigs, as well as Demo- 
crats," He did behave well, indeed, and no mistake. 

Yours truly, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, April 9, 1842. 
Dear Crittenden, — Clay's valedictory is exceedingly fine 
and appropriate ; I admire it much. This village is crowded 
with bankrupts and lawyers. The D.and young D. are among 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 173 

the distinguished visitors. I know you will take pleasure in 
hearing that these two noble fellows are in good health. I had 
the honor to see them "Cais, .vaoxx\\xv^, face to face, at the State- 
House gate. They looked interesting, but I had only a moment's 
satisfaction in beholding them. They appeared anxious, I 
thought, to deprive me of that pleasure. When will Congress 
adjourn ? When will you be at home ? What will Congress do ? 
How does Captain Tyler stand? How do his promising boys 
behave ? How does Webster stand the racket? Has he proved 
himself clear of all fornications by affidavits or otherwise, and 
will he remain in his present situation long, or will he be pushed 
out ? I think he will be thrown overboard before very long. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. p. Letcher. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
1842. 

The Loan Bill — Apportionment Bill — Letter of JSmes Buchanan to R. P. Letcher — 
Letters of Letcher, Clay, and Crittenden. 

THE following eloquent and touching appeal to the senator 
from Arkansas, will strike all who knew Mr. Crittenden 
as eminently characteristic of him : 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, in reference to the charge 
made against the Whig party by the senator from Arkansas, 
that they were a debt, loan, and tax party, I can only observe, 
that I had hoped a pause would be allowed, in the present con- 
dition of the government and the country, for breathing-time, 
for patriotism to come into action. I have, however, heard, in 
the last few days, two speeches from a gentleman known to me, 
and esteemed by every one in all the relations of life, in which 
he charges his friends with unworthy objects and intentions. I 
have heard this charge uttered with deep regret. The calami- 
tics which menace the country require the co-operation of wise 
counsels and unimpassioned deliberation. What tendency can 
crimination and recrimination have to reach just conclusions? 
What light can they shed upon public counsels? The fierce 
fire of party is one that burns, but sheds no light. I am sure 
it is impossible that in a heart so generous and so just as that 
possessed by the senator from Arkansas, there should exist a 
belief that the object of the Whig party was to bring down de- 
struction on the country, or to involve him and his posterity in 
the calamities that he depicts. It seems to me we might debate 
on the affairs of government without so much asperity. I am 
willing to bear all my responsibility; but it is known to every 
gentleman in this body that the Whig party have not the con- 
trol of the government, and in all fairness an undue share of 
responsibility should not be thrown upon them. There is no man 
more willing to retrench and reform than myself, and I believe 
this to be the case with my friends. We are willing to take 
counsel with these gentlemen themselves, and I implore them 
not to suppose that we wish to fill the hands of the government 
with money to squander in extravagance. How can the senator 
(174) 



SPEECH ON THE APPORTIONMENT BILL. 175 

from Arkansas, after casting an imputation on the Whig party 
of opposing and abusing the President, suppose that they were 
anxious to place in his hands the means of wasteful expenditures? 
I will vote for this bill, but I will do so with profound reluctance ; 
I vote for it under a sense of obligation, which impels me to act 
from public duty. It seems to me that the allusions made by 
the senator from Arkansas, to the relations of the Whig party 
with the President of the United States, were unkind and un- 
generous ; but I will not be drawn into any debate on this 
point ; I will choose the time and occasion to revert to such 
matters, if it should be ever necessary to do so. I had hoped 
the time had come — a marvelous time — when the two great 
contending parties might meet on one common platform and 
reason tog-ether. 



'fc>^ 



On the 24th of May, 1842, there was a debate on the appor- 
tionment bill, and Mr. Crittenden argued for the smallest ratio 
of congressional representation. In relation to the other amend- 
ment proposed, that of not requiring States to be districted for 
the election of representatives, Mr. Crittenden did not approve 
of the modification; he did not wish it to be left optional with 
the States to take the district system or the general ticket 
system ; he was conscientiously opposed to the latter and in 
favor of the former; he believed that the only fair mode of ob- 
taining a just representation was by the local district system; 
he thought the general ticket system nothing but a return to 
the old continental Federal system. Give the States of New 
York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio that general ticket system, and 
these three States, he was confident, could control the other 
twenty -three with imperial power; he believed there was not 
now a single State which elected their presidential electors 
by district, and in that there was a bright example burning with 
evidence of what might be expected in relation to elections for 
members of Congress. He was not willing to convert our re- 
publican system into an oligarchy. The senator from New 
York, Mr. Wright, tells us that if we pass the law for districting 
the States, New York will not obey. This sort of defiance 
should not be brandished in the face of the country to weaken 
our great bonds of union. He trusted this sentiment, though 
forcibly spoken, was uttered without deliberation. 



1^6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(James Buchanan to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, April 17, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — I have done all I could do for Kentucky and 
her highly esteemed governor. I believe the course I have pur- 
sued has been satisfactory to his magnificent ambassador, Gen- 
eral Leslie Coombs, and to Mr. Crittenden. By-the-by, this same 
ambassador is a man among a thousand ; I like him very much, 
and yet I have never seen any specimen of human nature with 
which he could be compared. I think he possesses a clear head 
and a warm heart, and yet he talks too much for a diplomatist, 
unless he acts upon the principle of Talleyrand, that the use of 
speech was given to man to conceal his ideas. He is an 
agreeable study, however, and I should be pleased to have 
another chance at him. I think the Whig party, just now, is in 
a sick and lowly condition, and the sooner you get out of it the 
better. The grand Sir Hal is worth the whole concern, and 
they will, in the end, be false to him. Some of them are begin- 
ning to look over their left shoulder already. With how much 
more dignity he would close his political career by retiring to 
Ashland, and keeping out of the presidential struggle! The just 
fame which he has acquired ought to satisfy any man's ambition. 
So far as I am personally concerned, I am sincerely sorry he 
has left the Senate ; he was an ugly customer, it is true, but there 
was a pleasure in contending against such a man, and one sus- 
tained no disgrace in being vanquished by him. I like Critten- 
den very much, and he is a very able and adroit partisan debater. 
I know nothing of the four-horse team to which you allude ; I 
think they do not desire to hitch on with them the hero of the 
Thames. The late minister to England, or the late governor 
of Tennessee, will, most probably, be Van's Vice, should he be 
nominated. But you will learn all about it from his own lips, 
as I presume you will be of the party at Ashland to welcome 
the ex-President and his N'eptune. Tyler and his cabinet are a 
poor concern ; they live upon expedients from day to day, and 
have no settled principles by which to guide their conduct. 
The Tt^f^c&j flatter him with the belief that whilst the politicians 
are deadly hostile to him, from jealousy of his rising fortunes, 
the people are everywhere rising en masse and coming to his 
rescue. Such is the tone of the Madisonians, and if you desire 
to obtain an office from him I advise you to pursue that course. 
Unless I am greatly mistaken in the signs of the times, an 
attempt will soon be made to licad Mr. Clay on the subject 
of a national bank. It would seem that Tyler is now willing 
to approve the bill of Ewing, and Mr. Clay is to be attacked 
for having defeated the establishment of a bank from jealousy 
of Tyler, — Heaven save the mark ! His constitutional scruples 



I 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. ^jj 

would be satisfied with the provision, that no branch should be 
established in any State without the consent of the legislature, 
though an agency to transact the business of the treasury 
would not require such permission. Tyler and Webster, then, 
are to become the cliicfs of the great Whig National Bank party, 
and Clay is to be denounced for having prevented the adoption 
of his own favorite measure. So we go ! This seems to be the 
present track, but how they may continue it is mighty uncer- 
tain. For myself, I am a looker-on here in Vienna. I have been 
long enough here to understand the game, though I never //(Tj/ 
myself.. The movements in Pennsylvania have been voluntary, 
so far as I am concerned. The attempt of Colonel Johnson's 
friends there has been a greater failure than I anticipated. We 
shall not divide upon our presidential candidate. We have a 
way of chopping off the heads of those, without ceremony, who 
will not submit to the decisions of the party in the National Con- 
vention assembled. 

With sentiments of grateful kindness, 

I remain your friend, 

James Buchanan. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Governor Letcher.) 

W.\SHiNGTON, May I, 1842. 

Dear Letcher, — My wife's arrival and my change of loca- 
tion, etc. have interrupted my correspondence for a time. 

Clay's leaving Congress was something like the soul's quit- 
ting the body. His departure has had (at least I feel it so) 
an enervating effect. We shall gradually recover from it. 
Captain Tyler will serve as a blister-plaster to stimulate and 
excite us, and that, perhaps, is the very best use that he is sus- 
ceptible of 

Tyler has produced the strangest sort of distraction and in- 
action that was ever seen. He sits in the midst of it, mighty 
busy and bustling, — the Tom Thumb of the scene, — thinking 
himself the admiration of the world and the favorite child of 
Providence. Take it altogether, it is the most severe bur- 
lesque on all human ambition and government that was ever 
witnessed. I know, however, that I can add nothing to your 
conception of the full merits of the scene. You have a quick 
taste for the perception of such rare exhibitions, and to your 
imagination I leave them. We understand here (and certainly 
the Madisonian gives signs of wrath) that the President is very 
angry with the poor Senate for its rudeness in rejecting some 
of his nominations, and especially that of Mr. Tyson, and 
threatens to turn out of office all "Clay Whigs and ultra Demo- 
crats," and to appoint none but " moderate men," alias Tyler-men, 
VOL. I. — 12 



i;8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

The President and his men have been blustering about that 
matter, and I do beHeve that it has of late been seriously thought 
of, if not determined on, in his councils. But they will not dare 
to execute such a purpose. We cannot restrain him from turn- 
ing men out of office, but the Senate can, and will, control him, as 
they ought, in respect to his appointments. There is not in the 
Senate a single member \v\\o calls himself, or is willing to be called, 
a Tyler-man. There are some oi both sides of the chamber that 
are more or less infected, but this rather contributes to unite all 
the others, and to insure a majority against improper or un- 
worthy appointments. 

Benton acts and speaks openly and manfully, and says he 
will have no wh — g with this administration. On the contrary, 
Calhoun is supposed to be contracting a little more kindness 
for it. I understand that he is not unfrequently of their parties 
and councils, and things are supposed by some to be tending to 
a closer union between him and the administration. This is 
mere surmise, but it seems to me not at all improbable from the 
character and condition of the parties. They both want help 
badly, and each, perhaps, counts on using or cheating the other in 
the end. It is a pity such congenial parties should be kept asunder, 
and I wish, with all my heart, for a consummation of their 
union. If the administration will flatter Mr. Calhoun's ambition 
for the Presidency, he may carry over his followers to their 
support, and give them something of a basis for an "Adminis- 
tration Party." The very first movement, however, towards 
such an end would be the signal of alarm and hostility on the 
part of Benton, Buchanan, etc. But what is to issue out of the 
strange and unsettled state of things that now exists no one can 
foretell, and all seem to be standing still and looking and wait- 
ing for events. So far as I can learn. Clay's retirement has had 
the happiest effect upon the public feeling and opinion in respect 
to him, and all the indications seem to be that, without the aid 
of any convention, he will be the candidate of the universal 
Whig party. I think we have every prospect of unanimity on 
our side, and that there is on the other side almost a certainty 
of division and discord. 

I hope that Kentucky will give Clay a triumphant reception 
on his return home. If ever man did, he deserves it, and Ken- 
tucky will be as much honored in giving as he in receiving. 
Its effect abroad will be good, and will give a tone to that public 
feeling which, I hope, will be everywhere awakened. 

I am weary of Washington, yet see no prospect of getting 
away from here sooner than the middle of July. 

The prevailing impression here seems to be that Lord Ash- 
burton will settle all difficulties with us. He appears to me to 



i 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. I'lg 

be a clever old gentleman, and that, you know, is saying a great 
deal for a lord. Webster must hope to heal his character a 
little by making peace, and I think, therefore, that we may ex- 
pect it. 

I have no intercourse with Tyler and his secretaries. I do 
not seek them, and they seem to avoid me. I can hardly im- 
agine how you get along without me. I hope that you suffer 
greatly from my absence. I should like to spend the balance 
of this evening with you, " Old Master," Mason, etc. Coombs 
must be doing a good business in Philadelphia, and I hope will 
be able to bring the Schuylkill Bank to terms. My best respects 
to Mrs. Letcher. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(E. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, May 30, 1S42. 
Dear Crittenden, — Van Buren arrived and departed very 
soon after I wrote you last ; he reached here in the evening and 
left next morning. Don't mention it, for the honor of our city, 
but such another reception never occurred in any age or country. 
He was received on top of the Hill by some thirty Locos, and 
the procession formed immediately with all the pomp and parade 
you can imagine. Four rickety buggies, sixteen horsemen, — 
poor horses and shabby riders at that, — a stage with three pas- 
sengers inside and twenty little boys outside, an open barouche in 
front with the musicians (exclusive of negroes and boys), consti- 
tuted the procession. I don't know zuhcre the little fellow was 
placed, whether in the middle or behind. Jeptha Dudley and 
the honorable gentleman were somewhere in the same vehicle. 
They marched through the city, down by Phil Swigert's, and 
up by your house, and up to the front of the Capitol. And 
where was Phil Swigert ? I can't tell you. Phil was one of 
the committee to receive Mr. V. B. from Colonel Johnson and 
his friends, and give him a grand entry hito town. "W^ell, poor 
Phil, when he saw the sight on top of the Hill, and heard the 
little rascals cry out, "Stand back, gentlemen, don't cnmui," broke 
down the Hill and got into the railroad cut, and has not been 
seen since. 'Well, when the shoza arrived in front of the Capitol, 
there was quite a good-looking crowd assembled. Hewitt spoke 
at him. I heard not a word of it. Van Buren spoke a word or 
two, in a sort of confidential whisper, when two or three fellows 
called out, "A little louder, Mister! we want to hear you." "The 
speech is over, anyhow," cried another fellow. Taking it alto- 
gether, this was the most complete burlesque on all public 
receptions that could be devised by the art of mortal man. I 



I So LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

was vexed and a little mortified, but my mortification went off 
in a roar oilaiighter 2X\ by myself 

Your sincere friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(Heniy Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, June 3, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 27th with its 
inclosure. I was glad to perceive that you had taken ground 
in favor of a numerous House of Representatives. I have long 
entertained that opinion, and I believe the larger house will have 
always a greater effect in checking executive power, as well as 
being a better representative of the people. I am very sorry 
that you think so little good is to come out of Captain Tyler. 
I hoped that my absence from Washington might have contrib- 
uted to his improvement ; if it has had no such efifect, he must 
be incorrigible. Is it true that he has threatened, and means to 
turn out the Collector of Philadelphia, because he would not 
dismiss some forty Whigs from office ? There is a very great 
embarrassment and distress prevailing in Kentucky, much more 
than I imagined before I came home. Every description of 
property without exception is greatly depressed and still declining 
in value, and what aggravates the distress, — no one can see 
zvhcn or hcnu it is to terminate. Most of our hempen manufac- 
turers are ruined, or menaced with ruin. This is owing to the 
introduction of India and other foreign stuffs used in bagging. 
Our people say that they cannot do with a less protection than 
five cents the square yard upon bagging. When the tariff gets 
to the Senate (will it ever get there ?) you and yo2ir colleague are 
expected to take care of this single Kentucky manufacture. I 
am glad that our friends in Congress bear up so cheerfully 
under recent adverse results in State elections. Seeing, how- 
ever, that the Captain claims the victory (whether it be won by 
Democrats or Whigs, with rather more pleasure when achieved 
by the former), I hope that our friends will recover from their 
apathy and disgust and treat him to some Whig victories. 
Will you notconcur in the Senate in the reduction, made by the 
House, of the enormous appropriations asked by the Depart- 
ments of War and Navy? It seems to me that the state of the 
country, the state of the treasury, and the interest of the Whig 
party, all unite in favor of that reduction. The senseless cry 
of the defenses of the coufilrj', the augmentation of the navy, etc., 
ought to be wholly disregarded. Had the estimates been 
double what they are, and a proposition made to bring them 
down to their present amount, this same cry would have been 
raised. Mr. Van Buren spent four or five days with me, accom- 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER, iSl 

panied by Mr. Paulding ; we had a great deal of agreeable con- 
versation, but not much of politics. Both the gentlemen 
appeared to be pleased with their visit. The public reception 
was quite imposing in Lexington, — much better than Van 
Buren has probably received anywhere during his journey. 

Present my warm regards to Mrs. Crittenden and your mess- 
mates, General Green and lady. 

Faithfully your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. H. Clay. 

(K. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, June 3, 1S42. 

Dear Crittenden, — I cannot imagine what you will all do 
in the city to keep yourselves out of a state of torpidity since 
the war in Rhode Island is ended, and the Stanley and Wise 
affair is compromised Jionombly to both parties. I have not seen 
the terms of adjustment, but it is enough to hear the affciir was 
arranged to the mutual satisfaction of each party concerned in 
the handsomest manner possible. Kiiied none, zvounded none, 
scared none, and Jionor divided. Well, I am really glad there 
was nobody hurt, and that there was no fight ; but just between 
ourselves, I don't exactly see how that lick was withdrawn. I 
guess it was all right and proper ; but, for want of accurate 
knowledge, I cannot quite see into the thing. Hereafter I hope 
each will entertain towards the other all proper respect. 

The judges of the Court of Appeals adjourn to-morrow, and 
I shall be left very much alone. Hodges has gone to Wash- 
ington to get an office. Phil Swigert has eloped since the Van 
Buren reception, and may possibly never return. Judge Brown 
is sick in bed, but will be well enough to take a little of my 
old brandy to-day with the judges, — none of whom, I am sorry 
to tell you, have joined the temperance cause. Old Master is 
entirely incog.; nobody even sees him. Cates is very gloomy 
and snappish, and is exceedingly disagreeable ; he has lost all 
his bets upon every race that has been run. Jake Swigert has 
retired into private life. Edmund Taylor is agreeable at all 
times except when Cates is about, and then he takes the pouts. 
Colonel Dick Johnson was here a few days ago ; he seems to 
understand very well that Mr. Van Buren is stacking the cards ; 
but he will have to stand it. Dick is much the best fellow of the 
two ; but he will be bamboozled as sure as a gun. He inti- 
mated to me he would prefer Clay next to himself to any man 
in the Union. You never saw a more restless, dissatisfied 
man in your life than Dick is. 

The Clay barbecue is all the talk now. I wrote to Governor 
Morehead this morning about one hundred and ninety-five 



1 82 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

stand of arms due the State of Kentucky from the United 
States. You once introduced a bill about them ; look into the 
affair. The claim is perfectly just. I wrote to Morehead last 
winter or fall upon the subject; but he may have forgotten 
the business altogether. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, June 7, 1S42. 
Dear Crittenden, — I write to-day merely to keep up a sort 
of running fire. Since Van Buren's departure I have not seen 
or /ward of Clay. I presume he is engaged in loading his dig 
gun, to make a great report Thursday next. The old horse is 
upon rising ground, I think, and if he should meet with no 
accident, will run a great race. Keep a good lookout in your 
part of the track and see that there are no obstructions thrown 
in his way; he "can win the race if he is kept well, turned well, 
and rode well." Phil S. has once more made his appearance in 
public ; he laughed at himself till the tears ran down his cheeks. 
What has become of John Russell ? Is he helping Hodges to 
get an office ? The Relief party are not so ranipcDitant as they 
were in the spring; such another pressure was never known in 
this State. I had a hearty laugh with Van Buren. He asked 
me how I stood the campaign for governor, how I liked 
crowds, etc. I replied, "Well, I delight in crowds." "But," 
said he, " did you not get tired of speaking, and how long 
did you speak?" " Generally about four hours," said I, "in the 
daytime, and then a small clieck of about two hours at night." 
" Is it possible ?" said Van. " But I suppose you must have been 
fatigued making the same speech so often!" "Ah!" said I, 
" never the same speech. Your administration furnished the most 
fruitful topics for discussion, and I had not gotten half through 
with you before the campaign closed." Van laughed heartily, 
and said he had not thought of t/iat. He inquired if I ever told 
that stud-horsQ story upon him. "Yes," I replied, "once, to 
about five thousand people." " It took well," said he, " no doubt, 
for it is the best story in the world." The little fellow is busy 
making his arrangements for another trial. Let him come ! I 
believe we can beat him, or any man of his party who has been 
spoken of 

Yours, 

Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, June 21, 1842. 
Dear Crittenden, — The old Prince is taking a pretty con- 
siderable rise everywhere, I can toll you. I guess he now 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 



183 



begins to see the good of leaving the Senate, — of getting off 
awhile merely to get on better. He must hereafter remain a 
little quiet and hold Ids jcnv. In fact, he must be caged, — that's 
the point, cage him ! He swears by all the gods, he will keep 
cool and stay at home. I rather think he will be prudent, 
though I have some occasional fears that he may write too many 
letters ; still, he is quite a handy man with the pen, and his letters 
have some good reading in them. Will Scott run upon his ticket 
as Vice-President ? That matter ought to be understood very 
soon. Our people will move before long, and they would like 
to know what they are about before the work is begun. The 
Whigs were fooled too badly not to be particular another time. 
If Scott is the man of sense I think he is, he will not hesitate 
about the matter. Tyler, it appears from what Wise says, in- 
tends to veto the tariff bill, if it should pass ! I wonder if he 
liopes to die a natural death? I rather think he wishes to render 
himself conspicuous by being hung. I should be sorry to 
say anything to wound your sensibilities, particularly as he is a 
friend of yours ; but I am inclined to say he is the damndest ras- 
cal and biggest fool of the age. Hodges has returned full of 
wrath ; he failed in getting an office. Charley Morehead is the 
man who is entitled to all the damns of the Whigs if a Loco is 
elected here. Tell John Russell to move himself home ; he has 
been playing the game of cheating and deception long enough. 
Does he still board with Captain Tyler, or does Bob board with 
him ? Order him off, and come home as soon as you can. I 
have the best assortment of good wines now in Kentucky, to 
say nothing of whisky and brandy, and nobody to drink a 
drop of it. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to K. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, June 23, 1S42. 

My dear Letcher, — I owe you for two or three very inter- 
esting letters, and have nothing to pay you with. Captain 
Tyler and his sayings and doings are rich themes ; but, then, 
he and they are so notorious that you are as well acquainted 
with them as I am. 

He is supposed to be now pluming his wings for a new flight 
of treachery and folly. Rumors of changes and cabinets and 
measures fill the city, and are the subjects of our conversation 
in all companies. I believe that some such movement is in con- 
templation. Tyler cannot be insensible to the impotency and 
degradation of his present position, and may well conclude 
that any change must be for the better. He has injured the 



1 84 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Whigs deeply, and therefore hates them deeply. He does not 
hope for, and probably does not wish, any reconciliation with 
the Whigs ; that is altogether impracticable. He must look, 
therefore, to the*Locofocos, and his natural inclinations concur 
with the necessity of the case. His contemplated movements 
must, therefore, be made with the view of conciliating and 
coalescing with tlicm or some section of that party. I think 
there cannot be a general coalition of that party with him, but 
that he may probably come upon terms with the southern 
branch of it; that is, with Calhoun and his tails, etc. The 
result of this would be a schism in the party very beneficial to 
the country. My wish is to see the Whig party rid of him — 
rid of the nuisance ; and their true policy is to strip him of all 
disguise and compel him to appear in his true character of 
enmity and hostility. I think you may rely on it that the 
Whig party in Congress will act considerately and firmly. No 
public body, at least no previous Congress, were ever called 
to act under more circumstances of disadvantage and embar- 
rassment. Thwarted and obstructed by the President, abused 
and reviled by the press, they have still toiled on in their pa- 
triotic course, and endeavored to serve their country in the 
midst of all this opposition and reviling. They are ever abused 
and slandered for imputed delay and negligence in the transac- 
tion of the public business, and they are thus abused by the 
President and the press, when he himself has been the main 
cause of all the derangement and delay that have occurred. I 
wish I could have been with you at the great Clay barbecue (I 
am opposed to the word "festival"). You may depend on it 
that Clay is going ahead like a locomotive. You will have 
heard of his nomination in Georgia, — a really popular and 
enthusiastic movement. In New York the Whigs will have no 
one but Clay; they are determined, ardent, and confident of 
success. I was surprised and delighted to find prevailing there 
so pure and noble a spirit. The Whigs of the city of New 
Yoi'k are already acting with skill and efficiency, and pressing 
their operations and clubs throughout the State. They say 
they will have Clay, and no one but him ; that they can and 
will give him the vote of the State. I believe them, for their 
spirit and energy give appearance of success. 

I must make a little speech; so farewell, and God bless you. 

Your friend, 

RoBT. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor, 



f 



CHAPTER XV. 
I 842-1 843. 

Letters of Crittenden, Clay, Letcher, and Webster. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Mr. Clay.) 

Senate-chamber, July 2, 1S42. 

MY DEAR SIR, — I have learned here, from a source to 
be relied on impHcitly, that at the meeting to be held in 
Pennsylvania, on the 26th of this month, for the nomination of 
a presidential candidate, it is intended to nominate General 
Scott, but with a declaration of their intention to support the 
candidate of the Whig party, whether designated by a national 
convention or other evidences of the choice and preference of 
that party. All these qualifications of their nomination are 
understood as having reference to and as providing for the 
event of your being the candidate of the party, which all seem 
to regard as a settled matter. It would be better for all parties 
that the Pennsylvania convention should at once and directly 
give you their nomination ; and I have had conversations with 
some of Scott's most confidential friends to convince them of 
the correctness of my opinion, especially as it regarded Scott 
himself Such a nomination, in the midst of so universal and 
ardent a sentiment in your favor, would place him in a very 
awkward, if not ridiculous, position before the world, and would, 
besides, expose him to much jealousy and prejudice. No one 
that I have conversed with dissents from this view of the mat- 
ter ; but yet it is doubtful if anything can be done to change 
this purpose of the Pennsylvania convention. It is most prob- 
able that their nomination will be given to Scott, but will be 
regarded by themselves and others as merely nominal, and, 
with the qualifications annexed to it, as virtually and substan- 
tially a nomination of yourself I shall not cease, however, to 
attend to the subject and to give it, as far as I can, the best 
shape and direction. There is but one opinion here, and that 
is that you are the candidate of the Whig party, — the only man 
to be thought of; the people have already settled that question. 
I assure you I have never witnessed on any other occasion 
such a flow of public opinion as is now going on in your favor. 
Making all allowance for my own bias, I can say that the 

C185) 



1 86 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

progress of this public opinion is such as to surprise both your 
friends and opponents. The influence of that pubhc opinion 
is manifest ; it decides the doubtful, encourages the timid, stim- 
ulates the bold, and alarms your opponents. All this I see 
around me. There is no longer any serious thought of a Whig 
competition for you. I understand that Scott has lost all hope, 
and I wish he could be saved from all further disappointment 
or difficulty on the subject ; he is a good Whig and a good fel- 
low, and will eventually support you heartily. It is not to be 
wondered at if, in the first moments of his disappointment, 
he should show some little impatience, and his wounded vanity 
not permit him to take the most proper or prudent course. In 
common with the rest of us, he has his portion of vanity, and 
that may well be excused on account of his other great and 
good qualities. I like him, and am sure he will do right at 
last. I have not conversed with him about this Pennsylvania 
convention or his purpose in respect to it. I have spoken freely 
with Preston and Archer, his most intimate friends, and left it 
with them to counsel him. Both of them fully agree with me 
as to the folly of bringing him into competition with you, and 
would be glad to see him 02it of the tvholc affair. The only 
question seems to be how he is to get out of it in the most re- 
spectable manner. Since I have been writing this, Evans, of 
Maine, came to my seat to tell me that he had just heard that 
the convention assembled in his State to nominate State officers 
had nominated you for President in a most enthusiastic manner. 
At my request, he has promised to write to you as soon as he 
receives a printed account of the proceedings. Be sure that 
you answer his letter ; all our friends here would be flattered 
by your correspondence, and you must task yourself a little to 
please them. If we can only keep up the feeling that now ex- 
ists, your election is certain. Tyler is one of your best friends ; 
his last veto has scored us all well ; it had just reached the 
convention in Maine, which nominated you and denounced him. 
it has also a fine effect upon our friends here, and will insure 
the passage of our tariff bill, with a reserv^ation to the States of 
the proceeds of the public lands. Suppose Tyler vetoes that, 
what, then, shall we do ? Shall we pass the tariff, giving up 
the lands, or adjourn and let all go together? Write me 
immediately in answer to these questions. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Hon. H. Clay. 



LETTER TO HENRY CLAY. 187 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henrj' Clay.) 

July 15, 1842. 

My dear Sir, — Our friend Botts is passionately resolved on 
impeachment of the President. I beheve that the very fact of 
his taking such a lead in the matter has had the effect of check- 
ing or repressing, to some extent, the tendency that was apparent 
to such a result. Botts's ardor, and the strong personal feelings 
that are ascribed to him, alarm the more timid and prudent, and 
they do not feel safe or confident in following him in so respon- 
sible and delicate an affair. Besides, it is considered a little 
premature at present, when we have another veto impending. 
Botts is dissatisfied at not finding all the Whigs concurring 
with him, and, I am just told, has written to you on the subject. 
His discretion, you know, is the least of his virtues, and you 
should, I think, answer him very carefully and cautiously. He 
could hardly forbear to use your name and authority as a sanc- 
tion for his course, and I should consider it as most unfor- 
tunate and injurious to have your name at all mixed np in this 
matter. 

My feelings against Tyler are strong, but I doubt the policy 
of impeachment. He would be acquitted, and his acquittal 
might be considered a justification of his offenses by a country 
that now condemns him. A vote of a want of confidence 
amounts almost to an impeachment in all its moral conse- 
quences. We have just received intelligence of the election in 
New Orleans ; it is most cheering, and will serve to increase the 
confidence of your friends, and to augment the tide that is now 
running in your favor. 

Nothing has occurred to change or disturb my convictions 
that we shall pass the permanent tariff, with a reservation of the 
land fund to the States, and that Tyler will veto it. " Clouds 
and darkness " rest upon all beyond that. If our tariff friends 
from the North can be reconciled to it, we will, as the last alter- 
native, pass a bill on Simmons's plan, with a duty of twenty per 
cent, on the li,ome valuation. I received yesterday your letter 
of the loth, and, as the merchants say, contents are noted. I 
have this moment seen our friend Abbott Lawrence, and hap- 
pening to tell him I was writing to you, he bids me to say 
"that there is a sort of a gronndszvcU going on in Massachu- 
setts in your favor;" and as to the negotiation with Ashburton, 
in which you know he is engaged as a sort of auxiliary, he 
says " that though there have been great difficulties in the way, 
he sees light ahead, and hopes for favorable results in a few 
days." With the conclusion of this negotiation, I think it very 
probable, from what I hear, that Webster will retire from the 
cabinet, whether into private life or into some other office is more 
doubtful. 



1 88 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Heaven knows when we shall get away from here. The last 
conjecture is that it will be about the 15th of the next month. 
That depends on contingencies. 

Your friend, 

Hon. Henry Clay. J. J. Crittenden, 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, July 16, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — Your favor of the 9th is received. You ask 
whether there may not be danger, in the event of another veto 
upon the permanent tariff, of some of our ardent friends of a 
tariff yielding distribution. I hope not. Acting together in 
the passage of the bill ; the indignation which another veto will 
excite ; the public manifestation of disapprobation of the past, 
and the still stronger disapprobation which will be exhibited at 
the second; the. confusion which has been occasioned in the 
collection of the revenue by the late veto, — all these circum- 
stances combined will, I trust, knit you together, consolidate 
your strength, and prevent dissension. I think you cannot give 
up distribution without a disgraceful sacrifice of independence. 
The moral prejudice of such a surrender upon the character of 
the party, and upon our institutions, would be worse than the 
disorder and confusion incident to the failure to pass a tariff. 
Great as that disorder and confusion would be, it would be to 
give up the legislative power into the hands of the President, 
and would expose you to the scorn, contempt, and derision of 
the people and of our opponents. The disorder and confusion 
would continue but for a short time, until Congress met again, 
or was called together, and then let them pass just such another 
tariff as he had vetoed. The occasion calls for the greatest 
firmness. Do not apprehend that the people will desert you 
and take part witli, Mr. Tyler. They will do no such thing. 
When the veto comes back, the Locos will probably vote with 
the President ; tliat will identify them still further with him, and 
as, by their vote, they would enable you to pass the bill against 
the veto, they will have to share with him the odium of its de- 
feat. But if, in the contingency which has been supposed, 
some of our friends should desert, let them go ; they will find 
it difficult to sustain themselves against the storm they will 
have raised around their heads. If they go they can effect 
nothing but by a union with the whole Loco party, and thus 
attempting to pass a good tariff without distribution. Now, I 
suppose it will be impracticable to carry the whole Locofoco 
party, or enough of them, with the deserters, to pass such a 
tariff In my view of it, I think our friends ought to stand up 
firmly and resolutely for distribution. The more vetoes the 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 



189 



better now ! assuming that the measures vetoed are right. The 
inevitable tendency of events is to impeachment; but notliing 
ought to be done inconsiderately, or without full consultation. 

1 was sorry, therefore, to see our friend Botts allow himself 
to be drawn out prematurely by Mr. Gushing. As to a vote of 
want of confidence, it would be a right thing if you will resolve 
to follow it up by more stringent measures. The idea of such 
a vote is drawn from English usage ; and there, if ministers do 
not resign, the vote is followed by other more efficient proceed- 
ings. Here, John Tyler and John Jones would laugh at your 
vote if you stopped there. They would pass a vote oi ivant of 
confidence in you. It would not do to move such a vote in the 
Senate, because it is the tribunal to try impeachment. It should 
be confined, if moved, to the House. I am afraid that you would 
not effect the object of a more thorough identification between 
the Locos and Tyler. They would go off upon the ground of 
its being irregular and unconstitutional, and would say that you 
oiiglit to impeach. If a vote of " zvajit of confidence' would be 
carried by the union of the great body of both parties, its effect 
would be very great. If it can be carried in the House without 
any splitting of our party, and notJdng better can be done, I 
should think it desirable. You may show these views, if you 
think them worth anything, to the Speaker and your colleague, 
and General Green. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Henry Clay. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, July 16, 1842. 

De.\r Letcher, — The Senate will adjourn in a few minutes, 
and I have determined to employ the interval in writing to you. 
You are a man of business, and a few words are enough for a 
wise man. 

The permanent tariff bill, reserving the land fund to the States, 
will pass the House to-day or to-morrow. It will pass the 
Senate and will be vetoed. What then ? I think we will then pass 
a bill in conformity to your compromise act, laying the duties 
at twenty per cent., etc. This will leave the distribution act un- 
affected. What more we shall do personal to Captain Tyler I 
can't say. Impeachments, votes of want of confidence, etc. arc 
talked of, but it is hard to tell what may issue from the wrath — 
the just wrath — of Congress. 

Webster will succeed, and in a few days, in concluding a treaty 
with Ashburton ; so I believe from sure information. It is 
supposed that Webster will then retire from the cabinet, and 
then, or shortly after, it is probable that that illustrious body, 



1 90 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the cabinet, will fall into a pretty general dissolution in some 
decided Locofoco firm. So may it be. 

We shall have stirring times here when Tyler's next veto 
is announced. My great moderation and patience will then, I 
fear, give way, and explode in a speech. The Senate has ad- 
journed. Farewell. 

Your friend, 
R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, July 21, 1S42. 

My dear, Sir, — I received your letter of the fifteenth. Botts 
has not replied to me. If he should, I shall express to him my 
serious regret at that movement of his about impeachment. It 
was, I think, ill timed and injudicious. No such movement 
ought to be made, if made at all, without full consultation 
with friends. 

I am not surprised at its tendency to repress the spirit of im- 
peachment. There is cause enough, God knows ; but it is a 
novel proceeding, full of important consequences, present and 
future, and should not be commenced but upon full considera- 
tion, not of one mind only, but (and I dare say Mr. Botts has so 
considered it) of many minds. 

Mr. Tyler will probably veto the tariff, and dismiss old Jona- 
than Roberts. If he should do so, and Congress adjourns 
without settling the tariff, there will be a state of feeling among 
the people that may force Congress to impeach him when it 
reassembles. In the contingency of his impeachment, I do not 
think that his acquittal by the vote exclusively of the Locos 
would have any bad effect. 

In my former letter I wrote you what struck me about a 
vote of want of confidence, as a preliminary measure confined to 
the House. I thought well of it, but as a definitive, final pro- 
ceeding, without any ulterior measures, I was afraid it would 
not do much good. 

We have lost the governor of Louisiana ; a committee of five 
gentlemen from that State, which they left on the 9th, dined 
with me yesterday, and they assure me that the result was owing 
entirely to the predominance of the Creole feeling and other 
local causes, and that there cannot be a doubt of the State being 
Whig, and for me. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. H. Clay. 



LETTER TO HENRY CLAY, I^I 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, August 2, 1842. 

Dear Letcher, — I have just received your letter of the 27th 
July. I will let you know when I shall be at home, but when 
it will be, I grieve to say, I cannot now tell. I have a hope, 
but it is only a hope, that we shall adjourn about the 20th of 
this month. I feel somewhat relieved to-day, having had, on 
yesterday, an opportunity of discharging a portion of my detes- 
tation of John Tyler. I am resolved that I will not in future 
allow any great accumulation of it to remain on hand, but will 
expend it gently upon him, from day to day, to the end of the 
session. This course will be necessary to my health in this hot 
season of the year. I go often to the Treasury to inquire about 
your distribution or land money. The answer is still, " The re- 
turns and accounts are not yet received and made out." I take 
pleasure in dunning them, and shall do it diligently. 

We are now on the tariff bill. Bagby is drumming away, 
and makes some allusion to me. I must listen to him. He 
thinks while I am writing this letter that I am taking ''notes on 
his speech," and has just said that he sees me taking notes. 
He is a bag of wind. Farewell. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

R. P. Letcher, 

Governor. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Heniy Clay.) 

Senate, August 3, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — Tariff bill is now under consideration in the 
Senate, and I hope we shall order it to be engrossed before we 
adjourn. So far we have succeeded in rejecting all amendments, 
as well those reported by our committee as those offered by 
our opponents. The bill is not in every particular as I could 
wish it, the duties being in some instances too high, as, for ex- 
ample, 0111' duty on bagging of five per cent, the square yard. 
This is much complained of by our Southern opponents, and in 
truth I could wish it four per cent. But, upon consideration 
of circumstances, the exigency for money, the exigency of the 
times, and the delay and danger of sending the bill back to the 
House, we concluded, with the probability of a veto before our 
eyes, to take and passi the bill as it came to us. I think our 
determination was right ; there is nothing essentially wrong in 
the bill. We will carry it through without amendment, and 
have it before Mr. Tyler by Saturday night. Its fate with him 
is scarcely doubtful, though there are some who indulge the 
hope that he will sign it. So far as anything can be anticipated 
from such a man, he will most certainly veto it. My mforma- 



192 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tion confirms such an anticipation. Mr. Adams is of opinion 
that, in such an event, we ought at once to adjonni without at- 
tempting anything more. In that sentiment sonic of our ardent 
friends concur ; / do not. I think we should then pass Sim- 
mons's bill with a duty of twenty per cent, and immediately 
adjourn, and that, too, with a determination and agreement to 
disregard the threatened proclamation of the President to con- 
vene us instantly to supply him with revenue. So far as I can 
learn, Tyler still retains all his delusion, malignity, and mad- 
ness. The treaty with England will be communicated on Sat- 
urday, — so I am confidentially informed by one of our foreign 
diplomatic friends. There have been some difficulties in ad- 
justing the Creole case not yet entirely settled, but give rise to 
no apprehension. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, August 8, 1842. 

Dear Crittenden, — I thank you for your letter of the 2d just 
received. Do, for God's sake, let out all your wrath and gall 
and bitterness upon John Tyler before you come to Kentucky. 
Make haste and come home and be amiable all the time you 
have to spend with us. I have not been very sweet-tempered 
myself for the last six or seven days ; but, through the grace 
of God, I am getting a little better. We shall have a few more 
Whigs in the legislature than I thought. We shall have about 
fifty-five or sixty Whigs in the lower House, and seven or eight 
pledged fellows of the Loco stripe pledged to vote for Crittenden. 
There is good reading for yon ! In my opinion, you need not 
have the slightest apprehension about your election. Ben 
Hardin and John Helm may possibly try to figure in the game, 
but it will not amount to much. I have neither seen nor heard 
from the old Prince very lately. I am anxious to see what Web- 
ster will do or say when he leaves the cabinet. If he has one 
grain of common sense left, he will give the Tyler concern a hell 
of a kick and fall into the Whig ranks and swear he is now and 
always was a true Whig. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Senatk, August 12, 1842. 
Dear Sir, — We are in a state of great embarrassment here, 
and, as yet, no course has been determined upon to lead us 
through the confusion and difficulty resulting from the last veto. 



LETTER TO JAMES HARLAN. 193 

It is difficult to adopt such a course as will satisfy those who 
are bent on resistance to the usurpations of Tyler and those 
who fear the effect of our adjourning without an adequate 
tariff. Our friends of the North seem to be very seriously and 
sincerely apprehensive that their constituents will be discon- 
tented to such an extent as to be fatal to their coming elections 
if we should adjourn without doing or attempting something 
more. We had several meetings on the subject with but little 
success, and are to have another this evening. In the midst of 
these differences of opinion a kind and conciliatory spirit pre- 
vails, and all agree that union is our greatest interest, and we 
will not allow that to be shaken in any event. This is the only 
conspicuous sign remaining in the dark prospect before us. 
To-morrow I may be able to write you more distinctly, and you 
may be assured that, whether wisely or not, we will act con- 
siderately. Mr. Adams is chairman of the committee and is 
preparing a report on the last veto. We look for an able and 
stirring report, and take care to stimulate him by letting him 
know that our expectations are high. The treaty with England 
was laid before us ; there has been no action or indication of 
opinion about it, but I presume it will be approved by the 

Senate. 

Your friend, 
Hon. H. Clay. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to James Harlan.) 

August 16, 1842. 

Dear Harlan, — At the receipt of your last letter and ever 
since I have been constantly expecting so early an adjournment 
that I supposed you would prefer my retaining and bringing 
with me the certificates of stock, for which you wrote, rather 
than hazard their transmission by mail. Finding how much I 
have been mistaken, I regret that I did not at once send ; but as 
it can now not be long before our adjournment, I shall not 
think it safe to commit them to the mail, seeing that there will 
be so little difference in the time of arrival, and supposing that 
it cannot make any difference in the ultimate result. 

I believe we shall adjourn during the next week, but all is 
uncertainty and confusion. While all the Whigs share in the 
indignation against Tyler's usurpation and despotism, sectional 
and particular interests connected with a tariff are drawingthem 
in a different direction, and threatening us with divisions. Night 
after night have we held meetings and consultations with a view 
to harmonize in some course ; but I am sorry to tell you that 
we have not yet reached any such conclusion, and that I look 
forward to the issue with some apprehension. A general senti- 

VOL. L 13 



194 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ment, however, is avowed by all to preserve the union of the 
Whig- party in any event, and in that it is to be hoped we may 
find a remedy for the differences of opinion that exist as to the 
course we ought now to pursue. Some are for giving up the 
lands, others for passing such a bill as will not raise the ques- 
tion about the lands, and others again are for adjournment 
without doing anything. 

It is almost inconceivable how so paltry and impotent a being 
as Tyler could do so much mischief; he is endeavoring to make 
his apostasy the more paradeful and glaring, in order to recom- 
mend himself to the Locofocos. He is willing, for his accept- 
ance by them, to pay the price of open shame and treachery, 
and even on those terms offers himself somewhat in vain. For 
they are really ashamed openly to take and avow him, though 
they secretly incite and use him as a tool, as I believe. 

We have not yet acted on the treaty with England. It has 
not been much examined, but I presume that it will be ratified. 

The elections in the West have somewhat disappointed us, 
and especially that in our own State. The distresses of the 
country are such, and originate in such causes, as seem to me 
to entitle to lenient consideration those of our friends and 
countrymen who are excited to some indiscretion, and the way, 
as it appears to me, to prevent excesses, is to appeal to them in 
a spirit of kindness and indulgence, and to grant all the relief 
that is required, and that is w^arrantable and constitutional. By 
a small, timely concession, we may avert, what may otherwise 
probably turn out to be, the same miserable career that w^e ran 
about twenty years. My anxiety on the subject induces me to 
say perhaps too much. You, who are in the midst of the scene 
and can look over the whole of it, will best know how this ex- 
citement for relief can be best tempered, and what I have said 
you must regard as the private suggestions of a friend, who is 
too far off, and so little acquainted with the exact state of things, 
to decide upon it with any confidence in his own judgment. 

Your friend. 

To James Harlan, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

August l8, 1842. 

My dear Letcher, — I have only time write you a line. 

I think now that we shall adjourn on Monday, according 
to a resolution passed by the House and now before us. 

There will be no tariff law ; that seems to me to be pretty certain. 

The last communication from the treasury on the subject of 
your land-money is herewith inclosed. It Jiurts my feelings 
very much to be dunning so good a man as Mr. Tyler. But 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. ip^ 

will not a man suffer for his country ? Let the diligence of 
dunning in this case answer the question. 

In hopes to see you before long, I subscribe myself, 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, December 8, 1842. 
Dear Crittenden, — I was called to the office to-night upon 
a matter of business, and told my wife not to look for me back 
before ten o'clock. My business is through, my fire is good, 
and it's only nine o'clock. The idea occurred to me that you 
would like to get a short letter from old Kentucky, so I give you 
a few lines. I called at your house yesterday to inquire if you 
were dead ox alive, but got no satisfaction on either point. The 
Yeoman is still upon your bones ; I know that information is 
quite agreeable to you. There is a long article in the morning 
paper about the senatorial election. Turner never wrote that 
piece ; I will bet tzvo to one that McCalla wrote it all, except a few 
sentences penned by the D. All I have heard in regard to the 
election of senator is favorable to you. Since you left, after 
a few social gatherings, our town has become solitary and 
alone. Colonel Johnson spent some time with me a few days 
ago. He talks zaell, but how he will act remains to be seen. It's 
all a mistake about his going for Clay next to himself for Presi- 
dent. He is for vie, after himself, for he told nie so ^^pressly, 
and said, moreover, he did not care how soon they put that in 
the papers. He says he will carry Pennsylvania all hollo ! and 
no mistake ; he is happy in the prospect ahead, and feels confi- 
dent of success. I told him he would have to hold very strong 
cards to win the game against a stocked pack : he thinks his 
cards strong enough. Ask Buchanan if the Colonel has any 
chance for his State. I like Buck, and should be sorry to see 
the Colonel take his own State from him. The plain truth is, 
Buchanan is the cleverest man of all his party, and has the best 

I capacity. Van Buren not excepted. 

' Yours, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(Daniel Webster to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, December 20, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — I received, this morning, your letter of the 
23d. I assure you, my dear sir, I should be most happy to see 
you and talk with you a good deal. I do not believe that in a 
free conference we should differ very widely as to the causes 
which have brought things to their present condition ; but I am 



IC)6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

much more doubtful whether either of us could invent a remedy. 
I have noticed, of course, what has taken place in Kentucky, 
not omitting the speeches, letters, etc, at the Frankfort bar- 
becue. Very well ! It would be affectation in me to pretend 
that some of these things, coming from the quarters they did, 
have not given me pain. They certainly have, while for others 
I feel nothing but contempt. But neither those which cause 
pain nor those which only excite contempt will be likely to 
move me from any purpose which I may entertain. I am glad 
you think favorably of the correspondence with Lord Ash- 
burton. I send you herewith a copy of some parts of it. I 
wish it could be generally read in Kentucky, but I suppose that 
is hardly possible. I will add, my dear sir, that I retain my per- 
sonal regard and good feeling towards you, never having heard 
of any personal ill treatment on your part, and not at all ques- 
tioning your right, as well as that of others, to differ from me 
politically as widely as you please. Who thinks most correctly 
of the present, or who predicts most accurately of the future, are 
questions which must be left to be solved by time and events. 

Yours very truly, 
Governor Letcher. Daniel Webster. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, January 13, 1842. 

Dear Governor, — I have this day received information of 
my re-election to the Senate ; the majority has far exceeded my 
expectations. I know not what to say on this occasion ; my 
heart is full, but not of words. 

Better friends no man ever had, and to you especially I owe 
much ; but, if the debt is to stand against me forever, I can 
never pay it off in words. 

I have received all your letters, and most agreeable and satis- 
factory they have been to me. Your message is a veiy good 
one, and will be popular. It is prudent, wise, and temperate, 
and very prettily blended with some tender strokes of the ''ad 
captaiidiini," — I mean no criticism, — just enough of that sort of 
coloring to give the whole a fair and glowing complexion. 

Since the commencement of this letter, in the writing of which 
I have been interrupted, I have yours of the loth inst., and one 
from Harlan, inclosing your certificate of my election. I sup- 
pose that in good manners I can say no le-ss than "Thank yon, 
gentlemen." The result goes so much beyond my calculations 
that I am almost afraid there has been some conjuration about 
it. You have had about you, as I learn, sundry suspicious 
characters, such as Graves, Haws, Metcalf, Duncan, Pindell, etc., 
who, though without any seeming connections with you, have, 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. igy 

as I suspect, been acting in some sort of concert with you, and 
under auspices My patriotism opposes all improper inter- 
ference in such matters ; but, yet, as I would not be an accuser, 
and as I have nothing but suspicion against you all, I shall not 
consider myself bound in conscience, as Mr. Tyler would say, to 
decline accepting the commission which you have sent me. 
Indeed, I have rather made up my mind to banish all suspicious 
thoughts, and to consider my friends as the very cleverest fel- 
lows in the world, and the most competent, especially in the 
selection of a senator. Your old friend Buchanan has just 
passed through an awful time, — a deatli-sivcat. His re-election 
was suspended by a single hair, and for one day, at least, he 
believed that he was to be beaten. Tliat was a fearful day. 
The danger was occasioned by the same sort of combinations 
which threatened me at home. I comforted him and gave him all 
my sympathy, and in the most disinterested jnanncr I denounced, 
for his sake, all coalitions designed to prevent the election of 
the man who was the choice of the party having the legislative 
majority. But Buck has escaped, and I am rewarded for my 
disinterestedness. We have exchanged congratulations. 

My old friend Johnson has allowed himself to be drawn into 
the commission of a sad error. In the situation which he now 
occupies as a candidate for the Presidency, he ought not to 
have exposed himself to such a defeat ; it will be considered as 
ominous. I am very much disposed to concur in the suspicion 
that has been expressed to me, that some of the seeming friends 
who have urged him to this course, have really done so for the 
purpose of killing him off out of Van Buren's way. If the 
Colonel should have cause to believe this, I should think it 
would open his eyes a little. If the Van Buren-men have played 
this game upon him it was certainly very adroit, whatever may 
be said of its fairness. The greater probability, however, is, that 
it is nothing more than one of those blunders that the mistaken 
zeal of honest friends leads them to commit. The Calhoun-men 
are moved, "perplexed in the extreme," by the late letter of 
General Jackson, and the Philadelphians declare in favor of 
Van Buren. What they will do I don't know ; they don't know 
themselves. I think they are strongly disposed to nullify that 
letter. Whether they will shrink from so daring a purpose 
remains to be seen. 

There is one duty I must discharge before closing this short 
letter, that is, to send my most profound respects to Mrs. 
Letcher. The ladies have a right to interfere in elections. 
Even my gag-law does not touch their rights. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, J. J. Chittenden. 

Governor. 



198 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

My dear Letcher, — I have received your several letters 
concerning the senatorial election, and last night your official 
certificate of its results in my favor. I do not intend to turn 
sentimental at my age, or, at any rate, to make professions ; but 
to you and a few other friends in particular, and to the legisla- 
ture of Kentucky in general, I do feel something more than a 
sense of obligation ; it gives me pleasure to feel an affectionate 
sense of gratitude. Considering all the circumstances, my 
absence, my residence in the same little town with the other 
senator; the congregation, at Frankfort, of so many of our mag- 
nates who sigh for the place, and the presence of the sinister 
little party so adverse to me, and sustained by the favor of 
the federal administration, etc., I do think I may well be 
proud of the friends who could so signally triumph over all these 
difficulties and keep down any open opposition. Will some 
turn in the wheel of worldly events enable me at some time or 
other to do something in acquittance of these great obligations? 

I have repeated consultations here with Sergeant on the sub- 
ject of our application to the Pennsylvania legislature, and in 
respect to the most favorable legislation we could expect. In 
these matters I have been very much guided by him, and we 
have at length agreed upon a bill, and I start to-morrow for 
Harrisburg to try toget it passed. I shall touch at Philadel- 
phia, on way to or from Harrisburg, and just feel the Schuyl- 
kill Bank a little, to see if there is any better disposition for an 
amicable settlement. 

But for this business I should have returned home, and should 
now have been on the way, as I finished yesterday the last of 
my cases in the Supreme Court that will come on at the present 
term. But this business so encroaches upon the little time 
between this and the period that I must take my seat in the 
Senate, that I have abandoned all hope of seeing Kentucky till 
the adjournment of Congress. The disappointment is a severe 
one to me. Besides seeing my wife and children so soon, I had 
the liveliest visions of evenings spent at your house, with ex- 
changes of Frankfort and Washington news, and a most unre- 
served denunciation of Tylerism and all its appliances and 
appurtenances. I can see Old Master ^\.xiiXc\\(iA on the sofa, and 
you lecturing, and at least counting the drinks that Mason and 
I would take from your bottle. But, alas ! all this must be post- 
poned for at least three months. What a long three months ! 
Indeed, it has seemed to me since the world began Time 
never went by so slowly as it has since the accession of John 
Tyler. Tyler and his cabinet still hold on together ; but they 
are daily acquiring more and more contempt and odium, and 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. iqq 

I think it impossible that they should hold out together much 
longer. 

But I am about to become a politician of the most exemplaiy 
forbearance and moderation. Clay is in pretty good health and 
spirits, but I have no doubt he feels a secret melancholy at the 
thought of quitting the scenes in which he has been so long 
engaged. I think that I can sometimes perceive the gloom upon 
him ; but his friends here with almost one voice agree that it 
is the right course for him. Harvey abandoned, as I have 
before stated, the idea of returning this month to Kentucky. I 
have written to my wife to set everything in order at home, and 
then to come on to Washington immediately with the first com- 
pany that offers. Farewell. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor, Ky. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Washington, February 5, 1843. 

My dear Wife, — I have received your letter of the 28th ; it 
renews to me the gratifying assurance that you are well, and 
gives me that delight which everything from your hand always 
does. Indeed, at the date of your letter all hands seem to 
have been not only well but frolicking. This is all very agree- 
able to me. I am glad to hear of Mr. Bullock's return in good 
health, and of the success of his mission. I shall not quarrel 
with you all for imputing the little indisposition of which I 
some time ago complained to my drinking too much on hearing 
the news of my triumphant election ; but I must say it shows 
you all to be a very suspicious set and not overcharitable to be 
slandering a grave senator with such imputations. I think I 
have fully as good cause to suspect you of a little intemperance 
on the occasion. I certainly heard of your having a great ca- 
rousal and a crowd of good and merry drinkers around you. 
I do consider my re-election, under all the circumstances, as 
the greatest and most honorable event of my life, and I rejoice at 
it the more because you have taken such an interest in it and 
derived so much gratification from it. I visited Mrs. Bayard last 
evening ; she inquired for you. I never saw her look better or 
younger. I shall soon have the pleasure of seeing and being 
happy in the midst of you all. • 

I have this moment received two letters from Texas, giving 
me the afflicting intelligence that my son George was with 
Colonel Fisher in the late most unfortunate invasion of Mexico, 
and that he is, in all probability, now a prisoner. What is to 



200 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

become of him in such hands, God only knows. I shall see the 
Mexican minister immediately and do all I can for his safety 
and release. 

Farewell, my dearest wife. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. Maria K. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Senate, February 28, 1843. 

My dearest Maria, — I have just received your letter, — the 
last, you tell me, that I am to receive this session. Then I am 
sure that I must go home very soon ; for not to hear from you 
or see you is more than I can bear. I am growing quite cheer- 
ful at the prospect of being with you so soon, and feel as if I was 
almost near enough to kiss you. Friday is the last day of the 
session. We have a great deal to do, — shall probably be in the 
Senate the whole of Friday night, and cannot be sure of start- 
ing homeward sooner than Sunday morning. I hope you will 
excuse me for setting out on that day ; expect me as soon as 
the journey can be performed. Next Saturday week I shall, 
without accident, be at home. For that evening let our friends 
of the legislature be invited to rejoice with us. You know how 
to anticipate my wishes, and have done so exactly in your pro- 
posal to entertain our friends on that evening. I shall be de- 
lighted to see the members of the legislature at our house. To 
find you all well and the house full of friends, will make me 
happy. My love to all, and to you, my dearest wife, a thou- 
sand kisses. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. M. K, Crittenden. 



CHAPTER XVI. 
1843-1844. 

Letters of General Winfield Scott, of Webster, Clay, Crittenden, and Letcher. 

(General Winfield Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, April 5, 1843. 

DEAR CRITTENDEN,— It is just a month to-day since 
you, Archer, and others turned your backs upon me, 
leaving me to my fate ; and here is your first letter cruelly 
taunting me with the miseries of my isolation. In revenge, I 
have a great n)ind to turn Tylcr-vian and seek consolation in 
the pure circle about him. The run of the kitchen, as I have 
been cut off from his table since 1841, would be something. 
As he is everywhere organizing the Szviss, a now numerous 
body even in the United States, he may be glad to accept a 
" tall fellow" — a " proper man;" and if I get the command of 
the guard, look out, — you can't licad me — from the shoulders 
upwards, taller than your Botts. I shall begin under the good 
old second section to behead him and all the members of the 
cabinet except Z)^?//, " the faithful among the faithless," and their 
abettors. ''Ego ct rex'' — I and the Captain — will do the work 
thoroughly. I shall teach Wise that he is an ass, and Cushing 
that he is a stool. None of your bloodless reforms. Those 
whom I turn out shall be finally turned in. Dead men make 
no clamors. Did not you, at Mangum's supper, give me a 
lesson in despotism ? " Oh, the Father, how he held his coun- 
tenance !" Oh, rare, " he did it like one of those harlotry 
players as ever I see." I shall imitate Macbeth : " Be bloody, 
bold, and resolute," until the whole mass of Whigs shall cry 
out for mercy. The age stands in need of an example. / am 
the man to give it, — I will bestride the narrow world like a 
colossus ! There's Archer, a " petty man," who of late did 
" walk under my huge legs and peep about," did no sooner 
reach Port Gibson than he writes, " Help me, or I sink !" and 
appoints me St. Louis, in May, to make the tour of St. Anthony's 
Falls, the lakes, etc. I have flatly denied him, because the Cap- 
tain can't spare me. Preston, too, after much fond talk of you, 
has just desired me to bring Archer to his solitude ; and here's a 
letter from Clinch tempting me with bacon and greens to his 

C201 ) 



202 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

end of the world. As to Clinch, who is always talking about 
you, I have summoned him to receive judgment at the begin- 
ning of the next session. Your eloquence shall not again res- 
pite him. Besides the " apple-brandy',' I owe him a grudge 
about the junction of " ihcm rwcj's" Talking of cutting off 
heads, reminds me of your invitation to commit treason by 
promising to play the part of a silent accomplice ; but he who 
plays at that game must be sure that he wins. 

" Treason never flourishes, what's the reason ? 
When it flourishes, none dare call it treason !" 

I have not seen the President but for five minutes last month, 
when I went to say that I was about to run away for a few days 
to New York on public business and to my house in Jersey on 
private business, and I have scarcely seen a member of the 
cabinet. In this month they have committed rather more than 
the usual amount of meannesses. Preston, in the letter before 
me, thinks this kind of tape rather more dangerous to our insti- 
tutions than the open, ruffian violence of Jackson. Removals and 
putting in relatives and corrupt hacks are the order of the day. 
Webster is gone east. I learn from good authority that he has 
been in doubt whether to go to London or stay at home and 
run for the Presidency on the question of the assumption of 
State debts. In one or the other position he hopes to become 
the agent of the European holders of American securities and 
make a million. Can this best be done as President or minister ? 
That's the question ! He may therefore be expected to return. 
The new Secretary of War makes us already regret the old. 

Upshur, it is said, is to go to the Department of State, and 
be himself ve\Aa.cQd. by Cushing. Wise, I fear, will be re-elected, 
and our friend Botts beaten. This I should greatly lament, for 
" we could better spare a better man" — or rather a uuiser. B. 
has great moral intrepidity, which the times call for. 

Profit, I am told, is still here, but whether detained by sick- 
ness or waiting for his reward I know not. 

I know not how to help your Missouri friend, who wants the 
charge of the hemp business, having no communication with the 
Secretary of the Navy. I shall continue to turn the matter over 
in my mind, but with little hope of being able to do anything. 

In a brown study I was brought up the other day all stand- 
ing at your door in Jones's Buildings. Eight long months more 
must elapse before we meet again. 

You will see Webster's dispatch about the right of visit. The 
Madisonian of to-day is even bellicose on the subject. With 
respects to Mrs. Crittenden and Letcher, 

I remain your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 203 

(Genei'al Winfield Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, June 29, 1843. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have just returned from a tour of 
special duty at the Military Academy, and find the accompany- 
ing letter, which I hasten to send you. 

I see that (as they say of theatricals) you are " starring" in 
Missouri, in the same troupe \\A\X\ Benton! How is this? I 
shall have to cut your acquaintance or take the other tack and 
become a Tyler-man. I'll cut my throat first! Did you note 
how nicely I got off from swelling the pageant at New York, 
Bostan, etc. by going to hard work at West Point? The 
President wanted me very much ; but I spoke to him of tlie im- 
portance of the duties in zahich I ivas engaged, — and I told the 
truth. You have had a lucky escape, for I came very near set- 
ting out for Frankfort and Lexington yesterday. The Fayette 
Legion invited me to join them, but I was compelled to return 
here, and apologized to the Kentuckians. I shall never have 
another chance of seeing you under your own roof 

Hoping that you are taking care of your health and pockets, 
I remain, in haste. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

(General Winfield Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, October 14, 1843. 
My dear Sir, — I dispatched a hasty note to you some days 
ago. You may remember what I said to you in the summer of 
the design to run Mr. Webster on Mr. Clay's ticket. The pro- 
ject has" recently been revived in the Nezv York Conrier and En- 
quirer, and the Whigs in that city by resolutions have spurned 
the proposition. The Richmond Whig is equally indignant 
against the Courier and Enquirer. " Where am I to go ?" the 
ex-Secretary may again piteously ask. I have no doubt there 
was some foundation for the report I formerly mentioned to 
you. We have had great success in Maryland and Georgia, 
upon which I felicitate you. In Philadelphia we have had a 
glorious victory. I have declined all invitations to public meet- 
ings,— the Bunker Hill, Fort Wayne, and some thirty others,— 
not wishing to divert a single Whig from the single candidate 
or to excite attention to my humble self; I understand, however, 
that certain newspapers still keep up my name. I have pre- 
vented the establishment of a new paper here with the same 
partial views. I wish to give a clear field, and God grant us 
success. Dick Johnson was here lately rather under the weather. 
He begins Jo think the Locofoco leaders will shuffle him out of 
'the contest! He is gone North and East. I have no doubt he 



204 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will gladly take the Vice-Presidency, and thatw^iW be the result. 
Of what the cabinet is doing, or design to do, I know nothing. 
I have not seen Mr. Tyler since the 4th of July, when I called. 
Upshur, I learn, has been writing certain bellicose articles in the 
Madisonian against England in relation to Texas. Clinch is 
with me for a day or two. We talk a good deal of you, the 
Terns, and the Withlacoochee. He will be back in January, 
when, if he does not abandon that junction, I shall have him 
shot under the former merited sentence. By the way, he brought 
some of Schley's brandy with him from Baltimore. 

In great haste, most truly yours, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Daniel Webster to R. P. Letcher.) 

Marshfield (Mass.), October 23, 1843. 

My dear Sir, — I read your letter of the 2d instant not only 
with interest but with emotion. I believe every word you say, 
of your kind feelings and friendship towards me, which I am 
sure you believe I reciprocate fully and cordially. 

In the first place, you are right in supposing that I must live 
and die, as I was born, a " Whig ;" as we have understood that 
term, and especially as we have understood it in the contest of 
1840. He is a fool as well as a foe who supposes it possible for 
me to tread back the steps of my whole political career, and 
abandon those principles, the support of which has made me 
considerable in the country. I am as willing now as I ever was 
to exert my faculties for the continued support and further dif- 
fusion of those principles. 

But, then, I have some degree of self-respect and some pride ; 
I shall certainly submit to no sort or degree of ill treatment, and 
such, I must confess, I think I have received. I seldom speak 
of myself or my affairs ; but, as you invite it, I will be frank. I 
think, then, that a certain party, or division of the Whigs, mostly 
in the West and South, have not extended, in time past, that 
cordial respect towards some of us, this way, which they have 
ever received from us. For instance, in 1836 there was no 
Kentucky candidate before the people; there was a Massachu- 
setts candidate. How did Kentucky act? And, let me add, it 
was Kentucky, in the course adopted by her in 1836, that gave 
a new and unexpected direction to Whig preferences, and kept 
her oivn favorite son from the place in ivhich she xvishes to see him. 
I need not prove this; reflect upon it, and you will find it is just 
so. But let that pass. We all finally concurred in General Har- 
rison's election. His death blasted our prospects, and we had 
another man, and another kind of man to deal with. The Whigs 



DANIEL WEBSTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 205 

were immediately alarmed, but the universal cry was, " Let Gen- 
eral Harrison's cabinet keep their places." I kept mine, and 
yet there are those who will never forgive me for it. The last 
conversation I ever had with Mr. Clay, he said, " I had great 
national objects, which I supposed I could answer by staying in 
the department; I was justified in staying." That was my own 
opinion. I had such objects, and I stayed till they were accom- 
plished. You regret that I remained after the treaty was com- 
pleted. My dear sir, when was the treaty completed? It was 
ratified at the end of the session of 1842. The laws for carry- 
ing it into effect had not passed, and I knew were to be opposed, 
as they were opposed. They passed, however, at the end of the 
last session ; and then, and not before, the treaty was " coui- 
plctedr 

I then drew up the papers for the China mission, a measure 
which had originated with myself, and then immediately re- 
signed my office. Now, my dear sir, what is there to complain 
of in all this, supposing me to have been right in staying in the 
cabinet one hour after the other gentlemen left it ? 

There are other things : I did not approve of some acts of the 
Whigs in the called session of 1841. I did not approve of the 
rejection of Mr. Ewing's bank bill ; I did not approve of the 
readiness, not to say eagerness, which was manifested in some 
quarters to have a quarrel between the Whigs and Mr. Tyler. 
I thought we ought to try, to the last, to hold him, as far as pos- 
sible, to Whig principles and a Whig administration ; for I was 
unwilling to lose all the great objects of the preceding contest. 
I lamented, therefore, the Whig manifesto of 184 1, both in re- 
gard to its spirit and its topics. 

In September, 1842, a proceeding took place at a Whig con- 
vention, in Boston, which I knew was aimed against me. Its 
object was to destroy my standing and character, politically, 
with the Whigs. This object I determined to defeat at all 
hazards, and all consequences ; and, thank God, I did defeat it. I 
defended myself, and nothing more; and if what was done, 
necessarily, on that occasion, reached so far as to be detrimental 
to others, I am not answerable for that result. 

And now, my dear sir, let me recall to your recollection a 
little the course of events, and the conduct of some leading 
Whigs. I remained in office under the circumstances already 
stated ; I got through the negotiation with England, and it docs 
not become me to say how important this was to the country, 
or whether it was well or ill conducted. But, one thing is 
certain, it never received a word of commendation from certain 
leading Whigs. They did not complain of its results; but 
they did not appear to think that, in the conduct and conclu- 



2o6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

sion, there had been any merit worth speaking of. Very well ; 
no man is bound to praise ; praise and commendation must be 
voluntary. But, then, if to withhold approbation is no injury to 
be complained of, gross abuse, personal and political, is such an 
injury ; and you know how freely that has been bestowed on me. 
You know how I have been attacked and vilified by such men 
as Garrett Davis, Botts, Jno. C. Clark, Rayner, and many others, 
in Congress, all of them being more especial friends of Mr. Clay ; 
I say nothing of what has been done outdoors, or of the con- 
duct of the scoundrel who publishes the leading Whig press in 
Kentucky, 

•< And, I must add, that if any attempt has been made by any- 
body to check this course of atrocious abuse, in and out of Con- 
gress, such an attempt has never come to my knowledge. 

I have now, my dear sir, spoken to you, of myself, quite as 
freely as I have spoken to anybody ; I have done so with entire 
confidence in your friendship, and it is time, I believe, to take 
leave of the subject. 

I wish well to the Whig cause, and am ready to make all 
reasonable sacrifices to insure its success. But those who 
expect to displace me from my position, will find, if they have 
not found already, that they have a work of some little diffi- 
culty. I verily believe there is Whig strength enough in the 
country to elect a President ; but that object can only be accom- 
plished by the exercise of much consideration, wisdom, and 
conciliation. We must have a hearty union, or the prospect is 
hopeless. That we must all be convinced of 

Our State elections are now going on as they should have 
gone on last year, with a studied abstinence from national topics. 
The result will be, as I believe, that we shall carry the State 
by a strong majority. Massachusetts may then properly speak 
on national subjects. At present, she must reckon herself 
among Locofoco States. 

I shall be glad to hear from you, my dear sir, freely and fully 
as I write you. I go to Boston this week, at which place please 
address me. 

With constant and sincere regard, truly yours, 

D, Webster.* 

Gov. Letcher. 



* Two or three letters of Mr. Webster's to Governor Letcher have been kindly 
given to nie by Mrs. Letcher, and I think they will be interesting in this connec- 
tion. 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 207 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, November 30, 1843. 

Dear Crittenden, — That you may not be disappointed, I tell 
you in the outset I have no news of any sort to interest you. The 
town looks like a deserted village ; whether this is occasioned 
by your absence I will not undertake to say. We Jtiave, every now 
and then, a very good saddle of venison and a few jolly fellows 
around it, — some drinking, and others wishing to drink, but re- 
fraining lest they might incur the heavy penalties of excommu- 
nication from ''temperance privileges." I wonder how my friend 
General Scott would figure as a member of the temperance 
body ? If he will apply for it, I will send him a commission as 
president of the anti-drinking club without delay. Let him 
have no false delicacy about the application. One of the merits 
of my administration is, to reward merit, though in obscurity. 
How do the political cards run now ? The old Prince holds 
the honors, don't he ? I see some signs of Calhoun's intention 
to run, under the "free trade banner!' Let him try his luck ; 
he may do good — can do no harm. That old sinner declares 
and swears, I am told, that John Davis is the agent of the Yankee 
and English abolitionists, to raise an insurrection in the Western 
States, and that he is paid by the day for services. Shall he be 
put in the asylum at Lexington or Frankfort ? Benton, I am 
told, called upon the old Sea Serpent on his way to Wash- 
ington ; that was, I suppose, to clear up the charge of a coalition 
with Clay. I think, after that, he might venture to visit Captain 
Tyler. Warmest regards to Mrs. Crittenden. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, December 5, 1843. 
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 29th, on the 
subject of Texas, or rather its annexation to the United States. 
I had received a letter from Mr. Child, the editor of an abolition 
paper in New York, to which I returned no answer; not that I 
was unwilling to announce my opinion upon that subject, but 
that I did not think it right, nnnecessarily, to present new ques- 
tions to the public. Those which are already before it are 
sufficiently important and numerous, without adding fresh ones. 
Nor do I think it right to allow Mr. Tyler, for his own selfish 
purposes, to introduce an exciting topic, and add to the other 
subjects of contention which exist in the country. How is he 
to prevent it? Texas can only be annexed to the United States 
by treaty or by conquest. If the former, it is Mr. Tyler's duty 
— if he thinks it right to annex it — to conclude a treaty for that 



2o8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

purpose, if lie can, and lay it before the Senate. Nobody, I pre- 
sume, would propose to acquire it by war and conquest. But, 
let me suppose that he limits himself to a simple recommenda- 
tion of annexation without having negotiated any treaty for that 
purpose, — what could Congress do upon such a recommenda- 
tion? They could pass no act to effect it; he might as well 
recommend the annexation to the United States of Mexico 
itself, or of any other independent power. Indeed, a recom- 
mendation of any other independent country would be less 
irrational than the annexation of Texas, because to Texas 
Mexico asserts a title which she is endeavoring to enforce by 
the sword. We could not, therefore, incorporate Texas into 
the Union without involving the United States in war with 
Mexico, and, I suppose, nobody would think it wise or proper 
to engage in war with Mexico for the acquisition of Texas. 
We have, it is true, acknowledged the independence of Texas, 
as we had a right to do, for the sake of our commercial and 
other intercourse with Texas, but that acknowledgment did not 
extinguish, or in any manner affect, the rights of Mexico upon 
Texas. What has the House of Representatives, to do with 
the treaty-making power prior to its exercise by the President 
and the Senate ? Considered as a practical question, every man 
must be perfectly convinced that no treaty, stipulating the an- 
nexation of Texas, can secure for its ratification a constitutional 
majority in the Senate. Why, then, present the question? It 
is manifest that it is for no other than the wicked purpose of 
producing discord and distraction in the nation. Taking this 
view of the matter, I think, if there be such a recommendation, 
it would be best to pass it over in absolute silence, if it can be 
done. Should a discussion of it, in spite of your wishes, be 
forced, then, I think it would be better to urge some such topics 
as I have suggested above, and to treat it as a question with 
^which Congress has nothing to do, and which has been tlirnst 
upon it by one who has neither the confidence of the nation, 
or either of the great parties in it, with the evident view of pro- 
moting his own personal interests by producing dissension, dis- 
cord, and distraction. If there be no formal application from 
Texas itself, it might be urged, that to discuss the question of 
annexing it to the United States would be derogatory to the 
respect due both to Texas and Mexico, and would violate the 
dignity and character of our own government. I think, in some 
of the modes which I have suggested, or in some other which 
may present itself to our friends at Washington, the mischievous 
designs of Mr. Tyler may be averted. Should, however, a ques- 
tion be actually forced upon you in such manner that you will 
be compelled to express an opinion for or against annexation, 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 209 

I do not know what your view may be ; but / should have no 
hesitation in voting against it. Here are some of my reasons : 
First, the territory of the United States is ah'eady large 
enough. It is much more important that we should unite, har- 
monize, and improve what we have than attempt to acquire 
more, especially when the acquisition would be inevitably at- 
tended with discord and dissatisfaction. Second, it is wholly 
impracticable to accomplish the object of annexation, if it were 
desirable, for reasons already stated ; and, in the third place, if 
Texas were annexed to the United States, the motive with 
those who are urging it would not be fulfilled. It would not 
now, or ever, give to the slaveholding section of the Union a 
preponderating zvcight. The other portion would continue to 
retain the ascendency, which would be ultimately increased by 
the annexation of Canada, to which there could be no objection 
if Texas were admitted to the Union. I might add that there 
is great reason to doubt whether Texas coidd be admitted con- 
sistently with the Constitution of the United States ; but I do 
not dwell upon that point because of the force of the examples 
of Louisiana and Florida. Some six or seven years ago I ad- 
dressed a confidential letter to a distinguished friend, communi- 
cating my opinion adverse to the annexation of Texas. I placed 
it upon the ground that we already had quite as much, if not 
more, territory than we could govern well ; that I had no desire 
to see a new element of discord introduced into the Union ; 
that it was far more important to the happiness of our people 
that they should enjoy in peace, contentment, and harmony 
zvJiat they have than to attempt further acquisitions at the 
hazard of destroying all those great blessings. I have no copy 
of that letter, but I hope it is in existence, and I will endeavor to 
procure a copy of it to be used hereafter if rendered necessary 
by the progress of events. I shall regret very much should the 
proposition come to a formal question. If the Whig party 
should in a body vote in the affirmative, such a vote would be 
utterly destructive of it, without the possibility of securing 
Texas. The best 7ise to make of Texas, perhaps, is to hold out 
to our Northern friends that if by the unhappy agitation of the 
question of slavery they should force a separation of the slave 
from the free States, in that contingency the former would be 
prompted to strengthen themselves by the acquisition of Texas. 
Texas is destined to be settled by our race, who will undoubt- 
edly carry there our laws, our language, and our institutions; 
and that view of her destiny reconciles me much more to her 
independence than if it were to be peopled by an unfriendly 
race; wj may live as good neighbors, cultivating peace, com- 
merce, and friendship. I think you will find there is not the 
VOL. I. — 14 



210 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

smallest foundation for the charge that Great Britain has a de- 
sign to establish a colony in Texas. Such an attempt would 
excite the hostility of all the great powers of Europe, as well 
as the United States. But odious as such a design on the part 
of Great Britain would be, as she would probably cover it under 
the pretext of emancipation, her conduct would not be regarded 
with so much detestation hy the civilized zvorld 2.^ would that of 
the United States in seeking to effect annexation. The motive 
that would be attributed to her, and with too much justice, 
would be tliat of propagating instead of terminating slavery. I 
send you this letter in its rough draught just as I have dictated 
it to my son John, who has acted as my amanuensis. When 
the message arrives I may write you again, if there is any 
occasion in that document for doing so. I am glad to hear of 
the faith which our friends entertain in our success next year ; 
but I hope they will add good works, which I cannot help 
thinking important both in religion and politics. 

I remain faithfully your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden, 

(J. J- Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, December 10, 1843. 

Dear Letcher, — I have received your letter and thank you 
for it. 

The concern you expressed for that old gentleman who is so 
distressed about his son's banishment and troubled with such 
evil visions about John Davis's mission to the West is quite 
natural to one of your tender sensibility ; and I am quite sorry 
that your charity should be disturbed by the doubts you enter- 
tain as to which of your asylums would be the properest recep- 
tacle for him. Something ought to be speedily done, for I 
understand he has been fighting lately almost in your presence, 
and if his distemper should take a belligerent direction, the 
danger might be great. I suppose you are now convinced, 
all your speculations or fears to the contrary notwithstanding, 
that Van Buren will be the candidate of his party. There is 
no doubt about it. All the developments that have taken place 
here prove it, and no question is any longer made about it. 
His friends have a clear majority in the House of Representa- 
tives, and the Calhoun men and all other malcontents sunk 
under their ascendency ; though they had been plotting and 
threatening opposition, they did not, when the crisis came, 
dare to make it openly. They are now, I believe, ashamed of 
their tameness, and are revenging it by muttering their discon- 
tent, which I have no doubt is greatly increased, though to the 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 21 1 

world everything appears quite smooth and calm. Calhoun has 
no strength — no abiding supporters — out of South Carolina, 
and must soon be given up by the friends he has. When that 
time comes, I cannot tell where they will go. I think but few 
of them will support Van Buren, and I feel still more confi- 
dence that the better part will rally to Clay. They will have 
more confidence in the Whigs than in the Van Burenites, and 
I think we ought to manifest to them that ours is the liberal 
and catholic cause, and that all true men who come to its 
standard are received and treated according to their merits, 
— "that the latch-string is always out" and a welcome ready for 
them. The Whig press has been and continues to be very 
impolitic, and I may say ungenerous, in the hostile spirit with 
which it pursues Mr. Calhoun and his party. Cannot a wiser 
and a more liberal tone be given to it in Kentucky ? Talk 
with Robertson on the subject ; and if he concurs, as I, am sure 
you will, he is the very man to give the right direction in this 
matter. 

Tyler is very much incensed at the election of Blair & 
Rives as printers to the House of Representatives. He con- 
siders it as a sanction of all the abuse that the Globe has visited 
upon him. And so far he is right. He and his son Bob de- 
clare that the Democrats have insulted the President at every 
step they have taken during the session, and that if the contest 
must be between Van Buren and Clay they will prefer the latter. 
There is no doubt, I believe, that they are saying this, and 
much more, of anti-Van Burenism, as, for instance, "that the 
world cannot furnish a parallel of tJie ingratitude and treachery 
with which they have been treated by the Democratic party." 
But these gentlemen are at best very unsartin, and are now 
truly in a great passion. They are, thank Heaven, of no 
particular importance, and no calculation can be made about 
them. Webster is expected here about the last of the month. 
All that I hear about him is but confirmatory of the conclu- 
sions we formed at home, — that he wants to come back to 
the Whigs, that he will come back, and that he must come 
back. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor of Ky. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, December 18, 1S43. 
Dear Crittenden, — Your letter of the loth is received. You 
will get the Coimnonivealth to-morrow, and there you will see a 
hurried little article in regard to Calhoun and his friends. It 



212 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will do pretty well for a beginning. Calhoun's friends feel flat 
and foolish, and talk and look like a slave who has been well 
chastised by his master, swearing he will be damned if he ever 
takes such another flogging without liitting a lick in return, and 
all the while looking around to see if his owner does not over- 
hear his threats. Now, the plain matter of fact is, they are en- 
tirely too tame — too submissive ; no reliance can be placed in 
such a bragging set of fellows. 

However, cultivate their acquaintance, — they will surely come 
to the aid of the Whigs, particularly if their support is not 
needed. If we can do without their aid, they will be the most 
fiery, rampant fellows you ever saw or heard of / knoiv the 
boys of old, — the same fellows I served in Congress with for 
many years ; but they come now with changed names. I am 
anxious to hear what Webster is about ; what he says ; how he 
looks, and what he will do. I think your idea about him is 
correct. I shall mourn over his downfall should he fail to come 
up to the mark. 

I am rarely in town, — never, in fact, unless I go out to help 
some good friend to eat venison. That I am sure to do, being 
naturally a kind-hearted, obliging sort of fellow. Let me hear 
from you often. 

Very hastily, your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 



CHAPTER XVII. 
I 844-1845. 

Letters of Crittenden, Letcher, Clay, Buchanan, etc. etc. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, January 18, 1S44. 

DEAR CRITTENDEN.— As I shall eat no dinner to-day 
I can take a moment to give you a line. IV/iy eat no din- 
ner? Because I shall give a large oyster-supper to-night to 
about forty, and of course I wish to have a good appetite. This 
legislature don't move to suit me at all, — there is no concert, no 
energy, no tact ; therefore there will be no good results. Helm 
heads the Locos in his decisions and in most of his votes. I 
have never been in the House ; see nothing of the members, 
except in large parties. A leader is wanted. Graves takes but 
little interest in the House ; perhaps he is too modest to aspire 
to be a leader. Jake Swigert and others wish me to put you on 
your guard in reference to Hardin, the postmaster, saying there 
was a rascally intrigue on hand to oust him. Had you not bet- 
ter see Wickliffe about his illustrious kinsman, and endeavor to 
save him. I have not read Rives's letter, — itzvill no donbt do to 
talk about. I should like to see and hear what Calhoun can say 
why sentence should not be pronounced upon him. I still have 
my fears about Van's ability to stand up, — he is too weak to run, 
you may rely upon it ; he is like Baillie Peyton's steer, which 
was so poor and weak it had to be held up to be shot. Mr.- 
Crittenden will have, no doubt, a full report of the fair held last 
night. All I know is that a gentleman of your acquaintance 
suffered severely in the action. This thing of eating for a church 
is no light affair, I can tell you. I have been upon the decline 
ever since the fair opened. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, January 22, I844. 

Dear Crittenden, — You know I never complain; but I 
should like to suggest, in the most delicate manner, that you 
have all become exceedingly i-Z/tv/iT in and about Washington for 

(213) 



214 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the last four weeks. What's the matter ? Have you all turned 
Tyler-men? No, I should say not, as I see that the great 
" Prophet of Indiana" is rejected, and so is Henshaw. So far 
so good. Spencer, I suppose, will also be genteelly executed. 
If you can't get a good man, hold the place open for the next 
administration. My legislature is no great things, and I have 
very little reliance upon their sagacity or usefulness. The Locos 
have a leading control in everything, with the assistance of the 
Whigs, and I say it with the most perfect respect, take them 
altogether they are a poor set of fclloivs. They were afraid to 
give Dick Apperson his seat, though he was certainly entitled 
to it, lest they might hnrt feelings. You may think I am writing 
you a letter, but I am not, — I am nozu talking to a fellow about 
d.fne which he will have to pay to a dead and everlasting cer- 
tainty. He is about closing his last speech, and when he gets 
through I have nothing further to say to you. What has be- 
come of Calhoun's love-ltttQv} I am waiting with impatience 
to see it. Rives's letter takes very well in this county. Will 
Van Buren be the candidate ? I fear not ! Answer all these 
questions and a great many more which I have not time to put 
to you. 

Good-by says my man, and good-by says I. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 



(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New Orleans, Jan. 24, 1S44. 

My dear Sir, — I received your favors of the 2d and 8th 
instant. The object of the latter is attained by the death ot 
our excellent friend, Judge Porter, so far as respects a vacancy. 
I wish I could add that it would surely be filled by a Whig. 
That is very uncertain, although my hopes preponderate over 
my fears. A few days will supersede all speculation. I thank 
you for the information contained in yours of the 2d. If Mr. 
Tyler's present dispositions do not lead you to attach an undue 
importance to them, nor induce the Senate to confirm nomina- 
tions which they ought to reject, they are not to be regretted. 
Among those nominations are Cushing's, Profit's, and Spencer's, 
the latter decidedly the most important of them all. Does any 
man believe these men true or faithful or honest? If Spencer 
be confirmed, he will have run a short career of more profligate 
conduct and good luck than any man I recollect. 

My departure from this city I have fixed between the 20th 
and 25th of February, and my arrival at Raleigh I2th of 
April. I shall leave Mobile the ist of March. I have appro- 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 215 

priated about a month and a half for the tour of Alabama, 
Georgia, and South Carolina. 

Your friend, 

Henry Clay. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, Jan. 28, 1844. 

Dear Letcher, — I have just received your letter of the 
22d instant, and am pleased to discover in it some evidence 
that a little neglect on my part in writing has had the effect of 
producing mortification and making you unhappy. This is 
quite flattering. But that poor petitioner ! You were mad at 
not receiving one of my agreeable letters, turned your ill humor 
on him, and refused to remit his fine. 

But now .for your question. Calhoun's letter has no doubt 
been returned to him by his friends for reconsideration, because, 
as it is said, they thought it a little too strong or liarsh. We 
sJiall soon have it, I suppose, in some form or other. His friends 
here give indications which satisfy me that they will prefer 
Clay to Van Buren. They have, however, been so much dis- 
appointed and thrown into such a predicament by the superior 
strength and management of the Van Burenites, that they seem 
hardly to know what to do or say. For the present, they are 
very cautious and stand on their reserved rights. Clay, I be- 
lieve, will ultimately get the vote of South Carolina, if necessary 
to his election. Her public men will Jiave a hand in the con- 
test, and will be quite willing, I suppose, to take a share /// tlie 
crop. They must be tired, it seems to me, of that pretension 
to superior purity, which in times past made them turn their 
backs on such contests and thiviu away their votes. Webster, 
you know, is here. He called to see me, and I returned the 
civility, and we are quite gracious, as much so as could be 
expected. We talk of the approaching presidential election as 
a common concern. He identifies himself with us, and says ivc 
ought to do this, that, and the other, and he has decided on 
his"^ course, and will go with us in support of the Baltimore 
nomination, and he knows well what that will be. You may 
soon expect to see a manifesto from him in the form of an 
answer to some New Hampshire men who were good enough 
to ask him to be a candidate for the Presidency. It will an- 
swer the purpose well enough, but it is not in that lofty and 
magnanimous style in which, for his sake, I should have liked 
to see him take his station in the field. Rives's letter is a good 
one, and he deserves credit for it. He is in earnest, and means 
to act up to it. After a long withdrawal, he again attends our 



2i6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Whig meetings and consultations, and evidently wishes to be 
considered one of lis. The confidence of Clay's election is 
already producing noble effects. The tide is in his favor, and 
all the floating votes are turning to him. Van Buren is surely 
to be the Loco candidate ; that is the settled doom of the party, 
and the authors of it could not, if they would, change it. 

The abandonment of Van Buren now, or his withdrawal 
from the contest, would be the signal of dispersion and defeat 
to the party, so you need not make yourself at all uneasy lest 
he should withdraw. For my part, I should be very willing 
to see them make the experiment. Tyler, there is no doubt, 
is now chiefly hostile to the Van Burenites, and may probably 
give the Whigs a preference over them during the balance of 
his administration, but there is no anticipating his vacillations 
or where he will settle down. We will certainly do nothing to 
repel his preference ; ive will even do what we can to cherish 
in him any returning sense of kindness to the Whigs ; but we 
intend also to hold on our course firmly and act our part in 
such a manner as to be satisfied with ourselves in any event that 
may happen. I think Porter will be rejected as Secretary of War, 
and Spencer, as Judge of the Supreme Court. This week will 
probably witness the decision in both cases. Wise has been 
nominated to Brazil, and will probably be confirmed. Many of 
the Whigs will vote for him from motives of kindness or policy, 
and some because they are satisfied with reducing him to so 
inferior a station. I have not determined myself what to do. 
I feel a repugnance at voting for him, and I do not like to 
vote in opposition to the friends who will vote for him. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, Governor, etc. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Heni-y Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New Orleans, Februaiy 15, 1S44. 

My dear Sir, — General F. Mercer has just arrived here from 
Texas, and brings intelligence which has greatly surprised me, 
but which, in fact, I cannot believe to be true. It is in substance 
that it has been ascertained by a vote in secret session, or in 
some other way, that forty-two American senators are in favor 
of the annexation of Texas, and have advised the President 
that they will confirm a treaty to that effect ; that a negotia- 
tion has been opened accordingly \\\ Texas, and that a treaty 
will be speedily concluded. 

Is this true, especially that forty-two senators have concurred 
in the project? Do address me instantly, both at Montgomery, 
in Alabama, and Columbus, in Georgia, and give me such infor- 
mation as you feel at liberty to communicate. 



LETTER FR OM HENR Y CLAY. 217 

If it be true, I shall regret extremely that / have had no 
hand in it. 

Your friend, 

Henry Clay. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, March 13, 1844. 

Dear Crittenden, — No. This is fact in regard to White's 
declension of the judgeship. It will wear the appearance of a 
mere connivance, a sort of strategy, on my part, to take time, 
etc. If I could have had the least intimation in advance of his 
change of opinion, I would have been ready for the occasion. 
But let it pass ; no doubt there are some strong reasons why 
he should not leave his post. Squire Turner is in the field to 
fill White's vacancy. The disappointment which he will expe- 
rience on the occasion is enough to break the heart of any man 
of your tender sensibility; and how do you suppose White can 
stand that ? What about Virginia ? I am afraid of the April 
elections ; my strong impression is the State will go against us. 
There is this comfort in the matter, however : it may be the 
means of making Van Buren run the race. On this point I 
have always entertained strong fears. I can give you no town 
news. Oh, yes, I did hear that General Mtic^ili pulled the nose 
of a little fellow by the name of Green last Sunday evening. 
Let him pay his fine like a gentleman. I have already notified 
him not to look for any mercy from the executive, but to pay 
up promptly. He replied " that what occurred was confidential, 
and he hoped no trial would take place." When do you ex- 
pect to be at home ? I know the idea of an adjournment is 
distressing to you ; but I want to know when you will be forced 
to come home. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. - R. P. Letcher. 

(Hem-y Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Savannah, March 24, 1844. 
Dear Sir, — I arrived here on the 21st, and shall leave to- 
morrow morning. My reception everywhere, from Mobile to 
this place, has been marked by extraordinary enthusiasm. I 
have borne the fatigues of the journey better than I feared ; 
indeed, I have nothing to complain of but a hoarseness pro- 
duced by public speaking, into which I have been reluctantly 
drawn. I received at Montgomery and Columbus both of your 
letters relating to Texas, and I find that subject is producing 
great excitement at Washington. I have forborne hitherto to 
express any opinion with regard to it. I reserve for my arrival 



2i8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

at Washington the consideration of the question whether it is 
not necessary to announce my opinions. I think I can treat 
the question very differently from any treatment which I have 
yet seen of it, and so as to reconcile all our friends and many 
others to the views which I entertain. Of one thing you may 
be certain, that there is no such anxiety for the annexation here 
at the South as you might have imagined. I take pleasure also 
in informing you that I have not seen one Whig during my 
journey who is not satisfied with the ground on which I place 
the principle of protection in connection with a tariff for revenue; 
and you may say to the senators from the South who belong 
to our party that they may with perfect safety and confidence 
vote against the fraudulent tariff which is working up in the 
House. I adhere to my purpose of reaching Raleigh by the 
1 2th of next month, and of getting to Washington towards the 
end of April. I expect to pass by Columbia and Charleston. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. H. Clay. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, April lo, 1S44. 
Dear Crittenden, — You are so very much elated since the 
unexpected success of the Whigs in Connecticut, that you are 
entirely above writing to your poor friends. Never mind, the 
next news you hear will make you " laugh the wrong side of 
your mouth." I'll see then whether White and yourself will 
go off and get confidentially tipsy. Jeptha Dudley says, I am 
told, that when the full returns come in it will be seen that the 
Democrats have carried the State by a small majority against 
the combined fraud of the abolitionists, the Tylerites, and the 
rascally coons. Wait awhile ; don't crow so soon ; look out for 
complete returns. The Yeoman may possibly furnish you more 
accurate information than can be obtained from the Connecticut 
papers. However, upon a moment's reflection, I doubt whether 
the editor of that valuable journal is just now in a communi- 
cative mood. " Mr. Turner," said a young gentleman near the 
post-office door this morning, " can you tell me liow the Con- 
necticut elections have gone?" ''Damn Connecticut," said he, 
" I neither knozv nor care f I doubt from this whether the hon- 
orable gentleman will give you information on this point. What 
do you think of Virginia? I should be sorry for her to go 
with us at her spring elections, lest we should be deprived of 
the pleasure of beating that same little fellozv. I have always 
been afraid he would " slope off sorter' before the day of the 
race. Don't let him get away, — hold him to the track. Is Bu- 
chanan happy now ? What does he say ? How does he look ? 



LETTERS FROM HENR V CLA V. 219 

I wouldn't have been so badly scared about Connecticut as you 
were for tiuo such States in fee simple. Now, take that. Ad- 
journ your memorable Congress as soon as possible and come 
home. If you must get tipsy and will get tipsy, and nothing 
else will do, come home and I'll take a turn with you myseff 
rather than you should fall into the hands of strangers. I did 
not see Benton when he passed through here. I regret it. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. ' R. P. Letcher. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Raleigh, April 17, 1844. 

My dear Sir, — I transmit herewith a letter, intended to be 
published in the Intelligencer, on the Texas question. In my 
opinion, it is my duty to present it to the public, and in that 
Badger, the governor, and Stanley concur. I wish you to con- 
fer with Mangum, Berrien, Morehead, Stephens of Georgia, and 
any other friends you please about it. I leave to you and them 
the time of the publication, whether before or after my arrival 
at Washington. To slight modifications of its phraseology I 
should have no objections. I leave here to-morrow for Peters- 
burg. I shall leave Norfolk, if I can, Wednesday. 

Your friend, 

H. Clay. 

(Heniy Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Petersburg, April 19, 1844. 

My dear Sir, — I transmitted to you from Raleigh a letter, 
on the subject of the annexation of Texas, for publication. I 
observe with the greatest attention all that is passing in regard 
to it as far as it is visible to my eye. I feel perfectly confident 
in the ground which I have taken, and feel, moreover, that it is 
proper and politic to present to the public that ground. I leave 
you and other frie? ids merely the question of deciding when my 
exposition shall appear. I cannot consent to su/ypress or un- 
necessarily delay the publication of it. I think it ought to ap- 
pear not later than to-day or to-morrow week. I entertain no 
fears from the promulgation of my opinion. Public sentiment 
is everywhere sounder than at Washington. I should be glad 
to receive at Norfolk, if you feel authorized to send me confi- 
dentially, a copy of the treaty. I leave here to-morrow for 
Norfolk, from which I shall take my departure Wednesday or 
Thursday next. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. H. Clay. 



220 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) f \f^ I 

Frankfort, Monday. 

Dear Crittenden, — We have our troubles here, and they 
are not few. The Whig pafty is in the greatest peril and dis- 
traction, — no mistake. I am no alarmist, but a close observer 
of the times. There is a restless state of things in the Whig 

ranks which amounts almost to delirium. D has behaved 

outrageously ; he has offered a resolution in the Senate nomi- 
nating General Taylor for the Presidency. He promised not 
to do so, but it is done. This increases the distraction. The 
Senate will no doubt give it the go-by. It is unfortunate and 
inexpedient in every point of view. What is greatly needed is 
information from Washington. One word more : Dixon came 
to my house last night and said he had no doubt about his 
nomination, but he had doubts as to his election. He then pro- 
posed that I should request ji^<3?^ to run. I refused. He said he 
believed he would write to you to that effect ; said he had pro- 
posed to Graves that they should both stand back, which Graves 
refused. My object in telling you this is to afford you a chance 
in case he does write, to reply in such a way as your better 
judgment may dictate. 

Your friend, 

Hon. John J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher, 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, May lo, 1844. 
Dear Crittenden, — I have read your letter of the 4th with 
uncommon pleasure. Yes, I think the whole affair is now pretty 
well settled. Indeed, I never had any hesitation in believing 
most confidently that the second edition of the campaign of '40 
would come out in '44 embellished and improved. You had a 
grand affair at the Convention in Baltimore, probably the most 
imposing spectacle that has ever been witnessed in America, and 
it is destined to have a great effect throughout the country. I 
am glad the old Prince is behaving handsomely in his travels and 
in his general deportment. The Van Buren party are really to be 
pitied ; they change their man every day. Commodore Stewart, I 
understand, is their candidate to-day ; to-morrow they will have 
another. Oh, how awfully they curse Benton ! " Traitor, villain, 
rascal," are words of common use in connection with his 
name. Guthrie is sitting here reading a newspaper. I am too 
much of a gentleman to introduce a disagreeable topic of conver- 
sation, but I should like to hear him say a word or two about 
Texas and Van Buren. Well, let Charley W. walk the pla7ik. 
I want to see him out of office ; think he well deserves his fate 
if Tyler puts his foot on him. 



LETTER FROM JAMES BUCHANAN. 



221 



The town is filled with lawyers, and the Whigs are the hap- 
piest rascals you ever saw. You might hear Jake Swigert 
laugh at least a half a mile. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. p. Letcher. 

(James Buchanan to R. P. Letcher.) 

Lancaster, July 27, 1844. 

My dear Sir, — I have received your favor of the 19th, and 
am rejoiced to learn that your distinguished friend has probably 
thought better of the publication. You have ever been a saga- 
cious man, and doubtless think that James K. Polk is not quite 
so strong an antagonist as Andrew Jackson, and therefore that 
it would not be very wise to drop the former and make up an 
issue with the latter. If this had been done, it would not be 
difficult to predict the result, at least in Pennsylvania. The 
affair has worried me much, and yet I have been as innocent as 
a sucking dove of any improper intentions. First, to have been 
called on by Jackson as his witness against Clay, and then to 
be vouched as Clay's witness against Jackson, when, before 
Heaven, I can say nothing against either, is a little too much to 
bear patiently. I have got myself into the scrape from the 
desire I often expressed and never concealed, that Jackson, first 
of all things, might be elected by the House, and next that Clay 
might be his Secretary of State. It was a most unfortunate 
day for the country, Mr. Clay, and all of us, when Mr. Clay ac- 
cepted the office of Secretary of State. To be sure, there was 
nothing criminal in it, but it was worse, as Talleyrand would 
have said, " it was a blunder." Had it not been for that, he 
would, in all probability, now have been in retirement, after 
having been President for eight years, and friends, like yoii and 
/ (who ought to have stood together through life), would not 
have been separated; but, as the hymn says, I trust "there's a 
better time coming." You ask, Has Polk any chance to carry 
Pennsylvania ? I think he has. Pennsylvania is Democratic by 
at least 20,000, and there is no population more steady on the 
face of the earth. Under all the excitements of 1840 and Mr. 
Van Buren's want of popularity, we were beaten but 343, and 
since we have carried our State elections by large majorities. 

Muhlenburg, candidate for governor, is a fast horse, and will 
be elected; this will exercise much influence on the presidential 
election. But your people are in high hopes, and after my 
mistake in 1840, I will not prophesy. I was ignorant of the 
fact that any portion of the Democratic party were playing the 
part of Actseon's dogs towards me. I stood in no man's way. 
After my withdrawal, I never thought of the Presidency, and 



222 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the few scattering votes I received in Baltimore were given 
against my express instructions. The very last thing I desired 
was to be the candidate. If they wish to Jmnt mc down for any 
thine, it must be because I have refused to join in the line and 
ay against Benton, who has been, for many years, the sivord 
and slncld of the Democracy. I differed from him on the Texas 
question, but I believe him to be a better man than most of his 
assailants, and I hope he will be elected to the Senate. I have 
delayed the publication of my Texas speech, to prevent its use 
against him in the Missouri election. It is not according to my 
taste or sense of propriety for a senator to take the stump, but I 
owe Muhlenburg much, and, if he should request it, I could not 
lucll refuse. I shall never say (as I never have said) anything 
which could give the most fastidious friend of Mr. Clay just 
cause of offense. As I grow older, I look back with mournful 
pleasure to the days of "Auld Lang Syne." There was far 
more heart, 2i\\d soul, and///;/, in our social intercourse then than 
in these degenerate days, but perhaps to think so is an evidence 
of approaching age. Poor Governor Kent ! I was forcibly re- 
minded of him a few days ago, when, at the funeral of a friend, 
I examined his son's grave-stone. To keep it in repair has been 
for me a matter of pious duty. I loved his father to the last. 
But away with melancholy. I have better wine than any man 
between this and Frankfort, and no man would hail you with a 
heartier welcome. When shall we meet again? 

Ever your sincere friend. 
To R. P. Letcher. James Buchanan. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Frankfort, November 13, 1844. 
My dear Sir, — The intelligence brought to us this morning 
has terminated all our hopes, our suspense, and our anxieties, 
in respect to the presidential election. We now know the worst. 
Polk is elected, and your friends have sustained the heaviest 
blow that could have befallen them. You will, I trust, feel no 
other concern about it than that which naturally arises from 
your sympathy with them. You are, perhaps, the only man in 
the nation who can lose nothing by the result. Success could 
have added nothing to your name, and nothing I believe to your 
happiness. You occupy now, but too truly, the position de- 
scribed as presenting the noblest of human spectacles, — 

" A grj-eat man struggling with the storms of fate, 
And nobly falling with a falling State." 

Business in the Federal court now hastens my departure. I 
will try to carry with me a heart as light as possible, but deeply 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 223 

impressed with the difficulties which overliang the country. It 
seems that we can only learn wisdom by suffering ruin, and I 
am tempted to leave the Polkites to dispose of the tariff among 
themselves. The people have preferred Mr. Polk, and are 
entitled to the benefit of his measures. 

Very respectfully, your friend, 
Hon. H. Clay. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Heniy Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, November 28, 1844. 

My dear Sir, — I received your very kind letter written j ust be- 
fore your departure for Washington. It is hardly necessary to say 
that I deeply sympathize with you, in consequence of the most 
unexpected and disastrous results of the presidential election. 
As to myself, it is of but little importance. But I deplore it on 
account of the country and of our friends. I had cherished the 
fond hope of being an humble instrument, in the hands of Prov- 
idence, to check the downward tendency of our government, and 
to contribute to restore it to its former purity. I had also hoped 
to be able to render some justice to our enlightened and patri- 
otic friends, who have been so long and so cruelly persecuted 
and proscribed. But these hopes have vanished, and it is 
useless and unavailing to lament the irrevocable event. 

It will be more profitable to seek to discern the means by 
which the country may be saved from the impending dangers. 
I regret that they are not visible to me; still, it is our duty to 
the last to struggle for its interest, its honor, and its glory. And 
it is in that spirit that I venture to offer a few suggestions. It 
seems to me that the Whigs, or some of them, in Congress, 
would do well to have an early consultation, and to adopt some 
system of future action. We, I think, should adhere to our 
principles ; for, believing in their wisdom and rectitude, it is 
impossible that we can abandon them. The recent election 
demonstrates that, although the Whigs are in the minority, it is 
a large minority, embracing a large portion of the virtue, 
wealth, intelligence, and patriotism of the country. That mi- 
nority constitutes a vast power which, acting in concert, and 
with prudence and wisdom, may yet save the country. Then, 
there are the errors which we confidently fear and believe 
our opponents will commit in the course of their administration, 
an exposure of which must open the eyes of the people and add 
to the Whig strength. In your letter, you intimated an inclina- 
tion to leave the dominant party free to carry out their princi- 
ples undisturbed by the Whigs. I confess I am inclined to agree 
with you in that opinion ; for, unless there is a partial operation 
and experience of the opposite systems of the two parties, I do not 



224 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

see how the country will ever settle down in a stable and perma- 
nent policy. As a general rule, I think that the dominant party 
ought to be allowed to carry out their measures, without any other 
opposition than that of fully exposing their evil tendency to the 
people, if they have such a tendency. Of course, I do not mean 
that members should vote contrary to their conscientious con- 
victions, or to the will of their constituents ; but I suppose that 
there are members, in both branches of Congress, who can vote 
in conformity with the will of their constituents without vio- 
lating their own convictions, and thus leave the other party at 
liberty to establish its own policy. If that party should attempt 
to embody, in a tariff, just enough of protection on the one 
hand, and of free trade on the other, to secure its ascendency 
and farther to deceive and mislead the people, such partial legis- 
lation ought to encounter the most determined opposition. 
That is the course, I confess, which I most apprehend they will 
pursue. They will give protection where it is necessary to the 
preservation of their power, and they will deny it to States with 
whose support they can dispense. 

There is a great tendency among the Whigs to unfurl the 
banner of the Native American party. Whilst I own I have 
great sympathy with that party, I do not perceive the wisdom, 
at present, either of the Whigs absorbing it, or being absorbed 
by it. If either of those contingencies were to happen, our ad- 
versaries would charge that it was the same old party, with a 
new name, or with a new article added to its creed. In the 
mean time they would retain all the foreign vote, which they 
have consolidated ; make constant further accessions, and per- 
haps regain their members who have joined the Native Ameri- 
can party. I am disposed to think that it is best for each party, 
the Whigs and the Natives, to retain their respective organiza- 
tions distinct from each other, and to cultivate friendly relations 
together. If petitions be presented to alter the naturalization 
laws, they ought to be received and respectfully dealt with. 
There can be no doubt of the greatness of the evil of this con- 
stant manufacture of American citizens out of foreign emigrants, 
many of whom are incapable of justly appreciating the duties 
incident to the new character which they assume. Some day 
or other this evil will doubtless be corrected. But is this 
country ripe for the correction? and will not a premature effort, 
instead of weakening, add strength to the evil ? 

I perceive, in several quarters, a wish expressed that I should 
return to the Senate. I desire to say to you that I have not the 
remotest thought of doing so, even if a vacancy existed. I can 
hardly conceive of a state of things in which I should be tempted 
to return to Congress. My anxious desire is to remain during 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 225 

the remnant of my days in peace and retirement ! Do me the 
favor to present me affectionately to all our friends in the Senate, 
and particularly to Messrs. Berrien, Bayard, and Rives, from 
whom I have received very friendly letters. I may write to 
them, perhaps, on some other occasion. 

I remain faithfully your friend, and obedient servant, 

H. Clav. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Thomas Corwin to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lebanon, November 15, 1844. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have scarcely courage to address a line 
to a friend, but feel so disconsolate that I must inquire how the 
result of this election is received in Kentucky. 

Much as I have distrusted public judgment on the merits of 
great men, yet I could not believe this last sin against the honest 
reason of man would be actually committed. 

How does Mr. Clay bear himself under this last exhibition of 
ingratitude? Is truth, indeed, omnipotent? Is public justice 
certain ? Is it only at the grave of a truly great man that the 
world opens its eyes to his real worth ? 

What is to happen ? What will the charlatans do next ? Will 
they repeal the tariff, and wage war on Mexico ? or will they 
pretend to do this, — make a hypocritical effort and drop it, 
and complain that a Whig Senate or a Whig party prevented 
them ? 

Will they kick Calhoun out, and tJien in two years more make 
another bargain with him, and then deceive him {oxXXx^fiftli time ? 
Pray tell me what we are to look for ? I see it is said Van 
Buren is coming to the Senate. Will Mr. Clay decline all public 
concern ? 

Do let me hear about these things. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. Thos. Corwin. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, Januaiy 9, 1S45. 
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 3d, and transmit 
inclosed a letter to Judge Story. I am not surprised at his dis- 
gust with his service on the bench of the Supreme Court. 
Among the causes of regret, on account of our recent defeat, 
scarcely any is greater than that which arises out of the con- 
sequence that the Whigs cannot fill the two vacancies in the 
Supreme Court. I see that they have got np Texas in the 
House, and I anticipate that some scheme of annexation will 
VOL. I. — 15 



226 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

be cooked tip there. Whatever fate may attend it in the Senate, 
I think that the resolution of our friends in this body to leave 
it to Mr. Polk is correct. Among my fears, one is, that it will, if 
annexed, disturb the territorial balance of the Union, and lead to 
its dissolution. Letcher, of whose silence you complain, bears 
badly our recent defeat. Time, the great physician, may heal 
his wounds. I sometimes have occasion to use another's super- 
scription, and wish you would send me some half a dozen of 
franked envelopes. 

Yours faithfully, 

H. Clay. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 
1845-1846. 

Admission of Texas— Oregon — Letter to his Wife — Discussion in tlie Senate with 

Allen— Letter of W. B. Leigh. 

MR. CRITTENDEN said : I rise to address the Senate 
with an embarrassment which I seldom feel in address- 
ing that body. The subject under discussion is one of immense 
magnitude, not only involving the question of the extension of 
this Union but that of the preservation and duration of the great 
charter, the Constitution, upon which this confederation rests. 
I could have forborne the expression of my opinions had it not 
appeared important to other senators to make known their views. 
I am not willing to let my silence be attributed to any backward- 
ness to avow my sentiments openly. 

Mr. Crittenden then stated the principles of the joint resolu- 
tion under consideration, and instituted an inquiry into the 
grand powers of the Constitution upon which the action of Con- 
gress was now invoked. He proposed first to examine the argu- 
ments upon which it was assumed that the power granted in 
the fourth article of the Constitution extended to the admission 
of States, erected out of foreign territory or foreign States al- 
ready formed. In pursuing this examination, he should confine 
gentlemen who designated themselves par excellence strict con- 
structionists to their own doctrine. He quoted the provision of 
the fourth article that new States may be admitted by the Con- 
gress into this Union, and commented upon the construction 
which alone should be the guide of legislation, and asked Jioio 
could the express grant be applied as the friends of annexation 
applied it without opening it up to such a latitudinous con- 
struction as would be wholly at war with the nature of the 
instrument in which it is found and the natural inference of 
the intention of the framers of the Constitution. Can it be im- 
agined by any candid and dispassionate mind, — a mind divested 

(227) 



228 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of predilections to arrive at a foregone conclusion, — that if it 
had been contemplated by the framers of that instrument to 
authorize the admission of foreign States or foreign territory by 
act of legislation, they would have left such a vast and impor- 
tant power indefinite and hidden in mysterious expressions, 
wholly dependent upon construction and interpolation? To 
suppose this is to suppose what is contrary to all reason. Was 
it to be believed that the wise, jealous, and cautious men who 
weighed and deliberated upon the grants of power so long and 
so carefully would, if they intended that foreign States and for- 
eign territory should be admitted by Congress at its discretion, 
have forborne the expression of their intention in clear and 
explicit terms which could not be misunderstood ? 

Mr. Crittenden reviewed at considerable length the arguments 
urged throughout this debate by the friends of annexation, com- 
menting on each and dissenting from all, and in many instances 
insisting that gentlemen had wholly misapprehended the au- 
thorities upon which they relied. He did not intend to under- 
take the task of defining the exact line of demarkation between 
the legislative and treaty-making power; he agreed with the 
senator from Alabama, Mr. Bagby, " that there is a line." It 
would be sufficient for him to show that the acquisition of ter- 
ritory was confined exclusively to the treaty-making power. 
He quoted Justice Story's definition of the power to make 
treaties. It might be that some part or portions of the subjects 
enumerated by Justice Story may be regulated by law. Justice 
Story says the treaty-making power embraces the power of 
treating for peace or war, regulations of commerce or for terri- 
tory. Did not, then, the treaty-making power embrace the 
case of acquiring territory ? Mr. C. directed much of his re- 
view to the remarks of the senator from South Carolina, Mr. 
McDuffic. He quoted largely from the Federalist and author- 
ities for the purpose of establishing his position that the power 
to admit new States into the Union was confined exclusively to 
the admission of States arising out of the bosom of the old 
thirteen States and territory in the neighborhood — the neighbor- 
liood meaning the territory belonging to the States, but out of 
the limit of the State confines. He next touched upon the 
limits of the treaty-making power, with a view of showing that, 



ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. 229 

from their very nature and their possible effects upon our for- 
eign relations, the power was lodged where it ought to be 
lodged, in the executive and the Senate ; and he argued that 
the experience of the government before the adoption of the 
Constitution had proved the inconvenience and impropriety of 
exercising the power of Congress. He denied the position 
assumed by the senator from South Carolina that Congress has 
the power to declare war and make peace. Wliere was the 
power of making peace given to Congress by the Constitution? 
Would the senator tell him how Congress could make peace ? 

Mr. McDuffie. — Yes, sir, by disbanding the army and navy. 

Mr. Crittenden. — That would not stop the war. 

Mr. McDuffie. — He did not presume the executive and Sen- 
ate would undertake to carry on the war after Congress dis- 
banded the army and navy. 

Mr. Crittenden. — No, sir ; but that would be a very good time 
for the enemy to carry on the war. [Great laughter.] 

In the course of Mr. Crittenden's remarks, he referred to Mr. 
Jefferson's opinions concerning the power of acquiring territory. 
He maintained that if it can be acquired by this government, it 
must be exclusively through the treaty-making power. It was 
admitted by the senator from South Carolina that territory 
might be properly acquired by treaty ; but it was denied by 
him that the acquisition of it belonged exclusively to the treaty- 
making power. Now he (Mr. Crittenden) held that if foreign 
territory can be properly acquired by the treaty-making power, 
it is exclusively by that power and that alone in this govern- 
ment that it can be acquired. He admonished the Senate to 
hold fast to the Union as it is,— ^oX. to attempt expanding its 
territory, — not to risk anything by hazardous experiments. He 
denounced the idea of grounding any course of policy upon 
apprehensions of the grasping power of England. He beared 
nothing from England or any other power: his fears were of 
the destruction of our own constitution and institutions by novel 
and dangerous experiments. His objections to the annexation 
of Texas were founded upon public considerations ; some of these 
were passing away,— they may yet be wholly removed. He 
feared at present this measure would disturb our foreign rela- 
tions. It seemed to him unwise to act upon it now, — the peo- 



230 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

pie have not had an opportunity of expressing their will upon 
the subject at the ballot-box. The question was started for 
purposes of the presidential election since the people last ap- 
pointed their representatives. Let the matter be postponed till 
the people can speak, — let its consummation be reserved for the 
incoming administration. To do this in an offensive way, at an 
improper time, and by unconstitutional means can excite nothing 
but hostility to the whole movement and its authors. This 
was a measure of the most vital importance to the country. Be 
patient and be just, and all may be well. The hand that grasps 
ambitiously, dishonestly, or unlawfully at the plunder of others, 
particularly when they are in a defenseless condition, is sure to 
be festered with the leprosy of dishonor and disgrace. 

The question being taken on the motion of Mr. Berrien, Mr. 
Crittenden rose and said : 

I wish to make a few remarks, and will not detain the Senate 
five minutes. According to the arguments which gentlemen on 
the other side had urged here. Congress has the power to admit 
new States into the Union, acquiring thereby not only the peo- 
ple, but the territory which they occupy. It is said that under 
the provision to admit new States Congress can admit foreign 
States ; and if the argument of the gentleman from Mississippi 
(Mr. Henderson) is correct, this power has been exercised in 
several instances, and North Carolina and Rhode Island were 
foreign States, admitted by the same power that could admit 
Texas or Mexico. The gentleman had traced the history of 
their admission, and the Senate had learned from him that no 
law was passed for their admission, — that they merely signified 
their approbation of our Constitution, elected senators and 
representatives, who appeared in Congress and took their 
seats ; and from that time these States acted as portions of our 
Union. The argument from this was, that we may do the same 
thing in regard to Texas. Now, I call upon the gentleman to 
say of what manner of use is all this legislation upon this sub- 
ject. Let Texas make a republican constitution ; let her ap- 
point senators and representatives, and she has a right to come 
into this Union and participate in our legislation and all the 
affairs of the government. This is-lhe' argument of the gentle- 
man from Mississippi : " Norm Carolina was a foitign State ; 
Rhode Island was a foreign State ; Texas cannot be more than 
a foreign State." This was the inference: let Texas do just 
exactly as they did, and the work is complete. The syllogism 
is perfect, according to the rules of logic. The whole fallacy 



OREGON. 2M 

consists in the utter groundlessness of the fact that these two 
States, North Carohna and Rhode Island, were foreign States. Let 
Texas read our history and the history of North Carohna and 
Rhode Island, and follow in their footsteps, and their senators 
and representatives may come here and take their seats by our 
sides. There was no occasion for her to ask for any law upon 
the subject, — none at all. " North Carolina and Rhode Island 
were foreign States ; Texas is a foreign State ;" and all that is 
necessary for her to do, according to the honorable senator, is 
to appoint her senators and representatives and come at once ! 
He who could imagine that North Carolina and Rhode Island 
\^QXQ foreign States, might easily imagine, if his imagination was 
true to itself, that Texas was a domestic State. To him legisla- 
tion did not appear at all necessary ; it would be derogatory to 
the rights of Texas, California, or any other State that had 
nothing to do but to send her senators and representatives here 
and become forthwith a member of the Union, 

In the Senate, on i6th of December, 1845, ^he subject of 
advising the President to give immediate notice to Great 
Britain of the termination of the joint occupancy of Oregon 
Territory was under discussion. Mr. Crittenden saw no objec- 
tion to the resolutions themselves, but he did not share in the 
apprehensions of the senator from Michigan, Mr. Cass, as to a 
tear. The honorable senator, Mr. Cass, makes his inference as 
to war contingent upon the happening of other events, — upon 
the concurrence of other circumstances ; his conclusion to be 
complete requires other facts, such as that Great Britain will at 
the end of the year take hostile possession of the whole of 
Oregon. Mr. Crittenden thought it might be fairly inferred 
that such a course would lead to war ; and if Mr. Cass desired 
to make out a somewhat stronger case, let him suppose that 
Great Britain should land her forces and take possession of the 
city of Charleston, or Norfolk, or Baltimore. The meaning of 
the senator seemed to be that war would inevitably take place, 
provided grounds for war were hereafter supplied. Mr. Critten- 
den thought the diplomacy and wisdom of the countiy could 
certainly settle the bounda?yl5f^ distant strip of territory with- 
out the shedding of blood ; it was no question of honor or 
national character. If we are to give the notice, let us give it 
to take effect two years hence. Let us not, like a spiteful land- 
lord, limit our tenant to the shortest possible time, but give 



232 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

opportunity for reflection and negotiation. An insult between 
two high-spirited nations is a grave matter. This is a diplo- 
matic question between the proper departments of this govern- 
ment and Great Britain. Theirs is the proper responsibility, 
and not one jot of that responsibility was he willing to abate. 
Of all the interests of the co\xxv\xy peace was the mightiest. No 
fanaticism in politics must be suffered to guide the councils of 
a great nation upon so solemn a question, no little pouting, 
fretting, and strutting upon the stage ; we have no necessity to 
go to war to make a character ; we have a character to which 
we have a genealogical and historical title. It is the grand 
characteristic of a great nation that it vaunts not, boasts not 
of its power. Mr. Crittenden expressed great regret at the 
rejection of the proposition for arbitration. He did not know 
upon what right we exalted ourselves above all laws heretofore 
recognized amongst nations, and say that our territorial ques- 
tions were to be placed above all arbitration. We had no ground 
upon which to base this mighty prerogative. The world has 
adopted a great code of pacification and acted upon it from the 
beginning. The choice of an arbiter is important. The adminis- 
tration may have good reason for rejecting the arbitration of 
crowned heads ; but, thank God, they are not the wisest and 
best heads. What a glorious homage would this republic 
render to its own best principles by accepting the arbitration 
of a tribunal composed of men distinguished only for their 
talents, knowledge, and worth! This would tend to the eleva- 
tion of the age. How majestic this spectacle to proceed from 
the hands of this free government ! It would be worth more 
to us than all Oregon, if every inch had been awarded to us. 

Mr. Crittenden regretted that this question had not been 
allowed to slumber ; it would gradually have been settled by 
emigrants from the United States. It had been made the sub- 
ject of party action and party declamation introduced in the 
Baltimore Convention by gentlemen met together for a party 
object. This is a mere question of property. Let us not be 
driven to war for a strip of territory. The child has seen the 
light who will behold one hundred millions of freemen in this 
land. TJiat sought to be achieved to-day by arms will be ours 
to-morrow by natural inheritance. We are the great first-born 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 233 

of the continent. I smile with contempt at all the petty schemes 
of European ambition and Mr. Guizot's balance of power in our 
land. You have all no doubt heard of a memoir prepared and 
presented to the King of Prussia in which the author described 
the country, the bays, and rivers, and mountains, and stated 
that nature had raised a barrier against the dangerous usurpa- 
tions of the American people by establishing on their borders 
the powerful tribe of Cherokee Indians, who would always 
keep them in check ; nevertheless, the author thought the 
Americans in their wild ambition might seek to cross the 
Mississippi. Mark how our progress has outstripped the com- 
prehensive views of this writer. Why show such eagerness of 
acquisition ? Why pluck green fruit which to-morrow will fall 
ripe into our hands ? Let us violate no right, and preserve our 
sacred Union, and all the rest is certain. From our lineage is 
to descend a race wielding a sceptre of imperial power such as 
the hand of emperors never grasped. I cannot doubt but 
that the President will do right. In my judgment, there is 
in the office of President a means of purification by which a 
man, whatever the medium of his elevation, becomes a new 
moral being. Providence has made him a leader in a part 
of that great march we are performing with giant steps. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Senate, December 29, 1845. 

My dear Wife, — I have received your letter giving me the 
agreeable intelligence that you are well. How happy I should 
have been to have been with you at your Christmas dinner. 

My Christmas was a different one, a joyless and heartless 
one. Mrs. Webster has not been here this winter. Mr. Web- 
ster has gone for her, and we may expect her at the close of 
the holidays. I shall spend my New Year's day at Baltimore, 
being invited to attend Miss Johnson's wedding on that day. 

At the late dinner at the President's, the lady Presidentess 
was the brightest object of the party. She of course occupied 
her place at the table, and I must say performed her part well 
and gracefully. I, at least, ought not to complain, for to me 
she was most polite. 

I can't tell you how I long to see you. You arc much in- 
quired for here, and many wish to see you. 

My love to all. Your husband, 

J. J. Crittenden. 



234 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Office, Saturday, Februaiy 14, 1846. 
My dear Sir, — Holding you to be duly indented to me, — 
that is, shipped and enlisted, — I send my orderly (a regular 
sergeant) with precise directions to move you up to my garrison 
this day, bag and baggage, without let or hinderance. Against 
him, a young veteran of three campaigns in Florida, what can 
you do, a mere civilian ? No more than Sir Henry Vane and 
his mace-bearer against old Noll and his grenadiers. It is evi- 
dent that you labor under some infirmity of purpose, some 
"w> inertia^'' which must be overcome by martial law — a touch 
of the second section a la Jackson, and the times stand in need 
of a wholesome example. It is for me to give it, and for you 
to submit. Therefore and wherefore, sir, I know you are to 
dine to-day with Corcoran (and so am I) ; you may as well then 
let the orderly get you a hack and store away in it trunk, books, 
and papers. He will take good care of all and deposit them in 
your new lodgings, where they will be safe, and you too. Backed 
as you are by that old veteran of the last war, it is possible that 
he may attempt a rescue. In that case I beg to admonish him 
that I will send down another detachment and move him up 
also ; but if he (Cousin Vance) behaves well, and you come 
along, as you must, why, you may see him in your prison with 
your other friends, — not, however, oftener than six days in the 
week, nor more than six hours at a time. Such are the jail 

limits. 

Yours according to behavior, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, March 9, 1846. 

Dear Letcher, — I have received yours of the 27th of the last 
month, and upon my word I read it through and through, little as 
you seem to have expected such a grace. I am truly sorry to hear 
that Orlando's health and habits are so bad as you describe 
them ; I think it is all due to my absence and the want of my 
good example. Your house was a bad house for drinking be- 
fore I left home, and it is quite natural to infer that it has be- 
come worse since the restraints of my presence have been 
withdrawn. I will still hope I may be home in time to prevent 
fatal consequences, and before all your brandy is gone ! 

Well, well, your good luck does a little surprise me. What 
a ivinniHg young man you must be to convert Messrs. M. and G. 
into warm friends 1 Your solution of it is no doubt true. Har- 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 235 

din kept you, and you are indebted to him for these new friends. 
I should not wonder to hear next that Hardin and yourself are 
close confederates and friends, and that he is warmly for you in 
order to defeat the supposed hostility of M. and G. This is a 
rather prettier game than " }'ide and tyeT Scott does seem to 
me to be happy. His prospects of the Presidency look bright 
to him ; tJiat makes him happy. Like the consumption, this 
ambition for the Presidency may be called a flattefing disease. 
I believe I told you before that all you read or heard of nomi- 
nation or recommendation of him as the Whig candidate at 
caucuses or dinner-parties was altogether unfounded, — the mere 
flummery and invention of letter-writers. But it is true that he 
rather seems to bear the palm here, and there is a more exten- 
sive looking io him than to any other. As a party, the Whigs 
stand uncommitted, and determined to avail themselves of the 
best selection that can be made when the time comes. We all 
think that if we are wise we can succeed in the next presidential 
election. Bitter dissensions are already manifested among our 
opponents ; they are about equally divided in the Senate. They 
quarrel about what the President's sentiments and purposes are 
in relation to Oregon, — each interprets the " oracle" to suit him- 
self, and each pretends to speak for him, while all are suspicious 
and jealous of him and of each other. They know that one 
side or the other is cheated and to be cheated, but they can't 
yet exactly tell which. In the mean time they curse Polk hy- 
pothetically. If he don't settle and make peace at forty-nine 
or some other parallel of compromise, the one side curses him ; 
and if he yields an inch or stops a hair's breadth short of fifty-four 
degrees forty minutes, the other side damns him without redemp- 
tion. Was ever a gentleman in such a fix ? He might almost say 
like Satan, that "hell was around him." What a pity he hadn't 
such a friend as you to smooth down all his troubles and con- 
vert a few of these imprecators and swearers into friends ! The 
Whigs,/^w- chastened race, are so far very quiet in the midst of 
the uproar, — they "look in?iocent," and say nothing. What can 
the poor creatures do but mourn over such troubles ! But all 
this is not enough ; our friend Buck not only comes in for his 
share of these common troubles, but has his own particular 
grief besides. He is for all Oregon, — he would not yield an 
inch " for life or death," and he is quite careful to hai'c it told 
and known that he stands fixed on the north pole, right at the 
point of fifty-four forty. There maybe some discretion in their 
valor. The hardest swearers are for fifty-four forty, — and he 
thinks, perhaps, by taking the same position he may escape 
more curses than in any other way. But what comes next ? 
Why, he is charged with wishing to have a war in order to save 



236 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the tariff for Pennsylvania and defeat his colleague, Mr. Walker, 
depriving him of all the glory of his free-trade bill lately sub- 
mitted to Congress. If war comes, all know we can't think of 
reducing the tariff. Thus you see this unhappy dissension has 
penetrated even into the sanctuary of the cabinet, and may 
eventually drive Buck out of that political paradise. It being 
understood and agreed here that Walker is the ruling spirit in 
that council, I expect Buck is nearly ready to exclaim, " all is 
vanity and vexation of spirit." Scott already knows of the fu- 
neral eulogy you have prepared for him in case of his death, 
and I shall also inform him of the instructions you are preparing 
in case he should live to be a candidate, so that he may feel 
easy in the assurance that whether he lives or dies you will pro- 
vide for him. 

Your friend, 
R. P. Letcher, ' J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

(W. C. Rives to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Castle Hill, March 9, 1846. 

My dear Sir, — I have seen with the greatest pleasure the lofty 
and courageous patriotism with which, in the spirit of peace, you 
have not feared to treat the question of Oregon from the moment 
of its warlike introduction by Colonel Polk. Your last speech on 
the subject has just reached us. I should do great violence to 
my feelings if I were not to tell you with what sincere gratifica- 
tion I have read it. Your bold declaration for peace, as the 
highest interest of the nation, will find a hearty response in the 
bosoms of nineteen-twentieths of the people. I can hardly con- 
ceive of such a hallucination as seems to have come over the 
dreams of some of our "grave and reverend seigniors," who, by 
their daily harangues, are seeking to prepare the hearts of the 
people, as they tell 21s, for war. One would suppose that when 
things had come to such an extremity as can alone justify the 
ultima ratio, the hearts of a brave and intelligent people would 
require no preparing for war by the arts of oratory. What is to 
become of all this singular and complex manoeuvring of our 
modern Machiavel at the head of the government ? It seems 
to me hard to foresee. But that they have gotten themselves 
into a narrow defile, between warring sections of their own party, 
with the solid phalanx of the public judgment arrayed against 
them, — a position from which no art can rescue them, retreat 
or advance being alike impossible or fatal, — admits, I think, of 
no question. Foreseeing that our friends in the Senate, from 
their high official position, would naturally feel themselves re- 
strained in the expression of any unfavorable jiidginent on our 



DISCUSSION WITH SENATOR ALLEN. 237 

boasted title to the whole of Oregon, I thought I would venture 
to say a word or two to suggest for consideration some doubts 
respecting the infallibility of our friend Buchanan's dialectics 
upon the old Spanish title. This question of right, by-thc-by, 
though a very delicate one to discuss, lies at the bottom of the 
whole subject with the people. If they can believe our right 
clear, they will maintain it all hazards. I am not surprised that 
Mr. Polk is beginning to realize, at the hands of his own party, 
some of the consequences of his folly and duplicity in attempting 
to combine the braggadocio of speculation with the intended 
surrender of national claims. I hope you will so manage the 
subject in the Senate as to leave him exposed to all the incon- 
veniences of his own position, while you do everything that is 
practicable to preserve the peace of the country. At all times, 
and very truly and faithfully 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden, W. C. Rives. 

In the Senate, on the loth of April, 1846, Senator Allen, of 
Ohio, chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations, made a 
violent speech on the subject of an amendment he had offered 
to a resolution of Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, on "giving notice 
to Great Britain." Mr. Allen lectured the Senate for not having 
passed the House resolutions, thought they should have yielded 
to the moral influence of the almost unanimous vote of the 
House ; he charged the Senate with forgetting the interests of 
the country, and their own dignity, etc. 

Mr. Crittenden's reply was masterly. The speech will be 
published entire in another volume, but I will give some ex- 
tracts from it now, and also some letters, in relation to it, 
received at that time by him. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I cannot suffer such imputations against the 
character and action of the Senate to pass unnoticed. What is 
the honorable gentleman's commission ? Who authorizes him 
to assume here the air and tone of pre-eminence which so 
strongly marks his language when addressing the Senate? 
"Upon what meat doth this our Caesar feed, that he hath grown 
so great?" Is it this petty office of chairman of the committee 
which warrants him in putting on these airs of authority, in 
assuming this predominance, and lecturing us as to our official 
duty? The Senate has just adopted a resolution, proposed to 
it by the senator from Maryland, Mr. Johnson, and the gentle- 
man from Ohio characterizes it as a miserable, feeble, pattering, 



238 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

contracted, abject resolution. Let me tell the gentleman he 
does not know this body, or the material of which it is com- 
posed. There is another and more difificult lesson, which, I 
fear, the senator has got to learn, that is, to know himself I 
can tell the senator that the majority of the Senate and the 
humble individual who now addresses it, are as little moved by 
the dread of any responsibility, except that of doing wrong, as 
even the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. If 
the force of the gentleman's argument was to be measured by 
the extent and vigor of his manipulations, it would indeed be 
difficult to answer him. I will not stand here to be rebuked, 
or to hear the Senate schooled or called to account by any such 
authority. The gentleman undertakes to make himself the ad- 
vocate and defender of the House of Representatives. Who or 
what is the House of Representatives of the United States, 
that it stands in need of such an advocate ? 

The gentleman's advocacy of one of the Houses of Congress 
is equally an act of supererogation (shall I say of assumption?) 
with his rebuke of the other. The gentleman tells us of the 
majority by which a certain resolution has passed another body, 
and brings that as an argument to govern and control us in 
our independent action. When before did any member of this 
body tell us we were to be controlled by such majorities? The 
gentleman informs us the " President will hide behind no bush." 
What does he mean ? Is his remark of that innocent kind of 
rhetoric which means nothing ? He calls upon us for ima- 
niuiity. Was the like ever heard ? A gentleman in a small 
minority calling upon us continually for unanimity! Could 
the gentleman's comprehensive ingenuity point out no other 
mode of arriving at unanimity ? Suppose the gentleman should 
pack up, with all his dignities of chairman of the committee, 
and go over to the majority? That would be some approach 
to unanimity; but no, we must come to him as the great 
standard-bearer, beneath whose banner alone all national una- 
nimity is to be found. Really, sir, I had supposed it to be 
possible that a man might have as much patriotism and as 
much bravery as even the senator himself, and not rally under 
that standard. The gentleman seems to think he has an unan- 
swerable claim to invoke our unanimity because, as he tells us, 
for many long years he himself on a great public measure 
stood solitary and alone. He was then, I imagine, not quite so 
ardent in favor of unanimity. But mark it, sir, such was the 
effect, such the influence of that magnanimous example, that 
now the Senate and all mankind have come to rally round the 
gentleman from Ohio. True, he says it took five years to 
accomplish this. Now, sir, will not the gentleman have mag- 



LETTER FROM B. W. LEIGH. 339 

nanimity enough to allow us five years to resign our principles 
and convictions, and adopt his,— or does he demand instant 
submission, and is this his new doctrine of unanimity? The 
gentleman now tells us that he will vote against all resolutions ; 
as we have not adopted his amendment, he goes against the 
whole. Well, sir, be it so ; the gentleman's course may be a 
cause of great regret, he may consult his personal dignity by 
standing alone another five years and waiting in solitary gran- 
deur till the Senate and House shall congregate around him — 
AcJiilles i7t his tent ! Yes, sir, Achilles in his tent! I recom- 
mend the lesson to which I once before referred, " Kncnv thy- 
self." It is the wisest lesson any man can learn. Mr. Presi- 
dent, I have no pleasure in this sort of animadversion, but I 
cannot and will not sit here and allow such language and see 
such airs of superiority and arrogance without making a reply. 

(B. W. Leigh to J. J. Crittenden,) 

Richmond, April 13, 1846. 
My dear Sir, — I am obliged to you for your letter of the 
lOth. I shall take care that its contents shall be made known 
to Mr. R. C. Wickham, whom I am sure they will highly 
gratify. I have seen the account in the newspapers of Mr. 
Webster's invective against Mr. Ingersoll, and of the course 
which Mr. Ingersoll has thought proper to take in consequence 
of it, or rather to revenge it, and the conduct of both has given 
me great pain, and that of the latter unspeakable surprise. I 
lament Mr. W.'s remarks, because they appear to me unsuitable 
to the dignity of Mr. W. and to that of the Senate, and alto- 
gether unnecessary to his own vindication, calculated to lower 
him and the Senate too in the opinion of the world, especially 
of the European world, where they will no doubt be reported. 
Not fit to be employed by such a man as Mr. W. against so 
weak an assault as Mr. I.'s really was. Why could not Mr. 
W., considering the charge against himself as repeated by Mr. 
Dickinson, on the authority of Mr. Ingersoll, have contented 
himself with saying, that on whose authority soever the charge 
was made, the facts on which it were grounded were a mere 
fabrication ? I do not think the coarse abuse he heaps on the 
fabrication tends in the slightest degree to strengthen his vindi- 
cation, and surely the floor of the Senate is not the proper place 
for the indulgence of such a temper as dictated Mr. W.'s 
remarks. I can only account for them upon the supposition 
that Mr. W. was informed of imputations made upon him by 
Mr. I. in conversation, similar to those he has since made in 
the House of Representatives. But what is to be thought of 
Mr. L's retaliation ? To gratify his revenge, he goes to the 



240 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Secretary's office, inspects the papers relative to the application 
of the secret service fund, finds, as lie thinks, matter to impeach 
the integrity of a former Secretary of State, and calls for the 
exhibition of the evidence. Mr. W.'s friends could not object 
without giving color to this charge; yet I am utterly amazed 
that his enemies in the House should consent to this call, that 
they should require an account of the expenditure of money 
which they appropriated for the very purpose of being ex- 
pended without any account of the purposes to which it was 
applied. There is no longer a secret service fund ! The call 
which has been made amounts in effect to tJiis, and nothing 
more or less. Can the House think that it has a right to object 
to an improvident or even a wasteful use of the secret service 
fund, assuming that there has been such an expenditure, and 
that the present Secretary or the President of the party in 
power may use their offices to attack a former administration, 
or that there ought to be no such thing as a secret service fund? 
I dare say I think as ill of the late President Tyler as any 
reasonable man ought to think, but I should as soon suspect 
him of robbing a church of the plate belonging to its altars, as 
of embezzling or of being party to a corrupt use of the secret 
service fund. I do not suspect that there is the least possibility 
of truth in Mr. IngersoU's charges; and that the House should 
lend its aid to the gratification of his revenge, so far as it has 
done in making this call, seems to me to justify the apprehen- 
sion that it will go the length of giving its sanction to these 
monstrous charges. I fear Mr. W. is in great danger; he must 
depend upon the judgment of a furious and reckless party for 
acquittal from an accusation which assails his integrity and his 
honor as a man and a statesman. I infer from Mr. IngersoU's 
speech that he has had the inspection of the papers in the 
Secretary's office relating to the expenditure of the secret 
service fund. Has Mr. Buchanan opened them to his inspec- 
tion? If he has, what is to be thought of Mr. B. ? Has he 
done so with the privity and by consent of the President ? If 
so, what is to be thought of Mr. Polk ? I cannot conceive of a 
greater crime ! I wish you would tell me Jioiv the points are. 
I shall, for the country's sake, be rejoiced to see that he has 
got his information without the aid or connivance of the execu- 
tive officers. I am grieved to see the resolution offered by Mr. 
IngersoU to the Senate. His object is to get the means of 
defending the innocent. The end does not justify the means. 

Your friend, 

B. W. Leigh. 



CHAPTER XIX. 
1846. 

President's Message — Mexican War — Letters of Crittenden, Letcher, Scott, A. 
Butler — Duties on Imports — Bill for an Independent Constitutional Sub- 
treasury — Letter from General Scott to W. L. Marcy — The Secretary's Reply — 
Letter of General Taylor to Mr. Crittenden, written at Camargo, September 15, 
1846 — General Scott to Mr. Crittenden — General Scott to General Taylor. 

ON the 1 2th of May, 1846, a message was received from the 
President on the subject of the Mexican war. Mr. Crit- 
tenden asked on what order General Taylor had acted in taking 
up his position on the left bank of the Rio Grande, and the 
clerk read an order, addressed to General Taylor, from the War 
Department, dated January 30, 1846. Mr. Crittenden said he 
was glad to see what he had before apprehended, that General 
Taylor acted under the authority of the government ; he was 
an officer of great discretion and had full authority for what he 
had done ; he regretted the events communicated by the Presi- 
dent's message ; he thought it was our duty to extend sympathy, 
comfort, and friendship to South America and Mexico in their 
struggles for liberty. In place of that, we had entered into war 
with one of those republics, our nearest neighbor ; he depre- 
cated it the more as the republic was feeble and impotent, her 
strength consumed by anarchy and revolution. The war being 
entered upon, however, defense was now a duty; that being 
done, it was our duty to find out %vlio had brought about this 
most extraordinary state of things, who is responsible for the 
hostilities commenced, for the American bloodshed. The blood 
of the brave is not to be wantonly shed. Mr. Crittenden thought 
it our duty to settle our differences as soon as possible ; we were 
so much mightier than they, that our condescension would be 
noble. This subject was worthy of a special mission. It would, 
indeed, be a great embassy. Take Henry Clay, Martin Van 
VOL. I.— 16 (241 ) 



242 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Buren, the senators from South Carohna and Missouri, — one, 
two, three, or all of them, — and he believed they would make a 
just and honorable peace. By taking this position on the left 
bank of the Rio Grande, we had done all that could be done to 
wound the national pride of Mexico; we should try healing 
measures to remedy this state of things. 

Mr. Crittenden did not think the emergency so great as some 
senators supposed ; he had unbounded confidence in the officer 
commanding on the Rio Grande ; believed that in forty-eight 
hours after the date of the last advices, it would be found that 
General Taylor had whipped the Mexicans, driven them across 
the river, and was in possession of the town of Matamoras. Mr. 
Crittenden said he would be glad to send a minister plenipoten- 
tiary along with the general, and hold out the offer of peace with 
every blow. On the fifth of June, it was stated that General Tay- 
lor had been enabled to meet and conquer the enemy, by being 
reinforced by troops called out by General Gaines. Mr. Critten- 
den rose, and said : 

I deny this ! Honor to whom honor is due. The brave 
little army under General Taylor deserves and shall have 
all the honor. Our glorious little army has won the glory 
and should enjoy it. It has been said that General Taylor 
was once in imminent danger of being attacked and destroy cdhy 
those terrible enemies, the Mexicans. I never believed he was 
in the least danger ; I know the man ; I was assured that, when- 
ever General Taylor thought it necessary, he would drive the 
enemy across the Rio Grande, whip them, and take Matamoras. 
With regard to the insinuation made by Mr. Sevier, that Gen- 
eral Scott had shunned the field of danger by idling his time 
away from the post to which his country called him, Mr. Crit- 
tenden denied that there was the slightest foundation for such 
charges. No ! a braver soldier never met an enemy than Gen- 
eral Scott ; he was no idler, never shunned danger. How could 
he have reached the scene of war? He was not ordered there ; 
he was compelled to wait for orders. Should he have rushed 
to the battle-field without law or orders ? No, sir ; he has given 
every evidence that he was willing to serve his country in 
any place which the government might assign him. I make 
no comparison between these brave soldiers ; they are patri- 
otic, brave, and tried. As for honors, for public thanks, what 
has not General Scott received for his long-tried services ? 
Justice and patriotism, under the laws of the country, ever char- 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. -,., 

acterized his conduct. During these investigations, let us not 
forget that we Hve under a government of law and a Constitu- 
tion. It has been said that the laws and Constitution are some- 
times silent, or asleep. No ! no ! The Constitution never sleeps ; 
it is dead when it sleeps; it is awake, day and night, and so may- 
it be forever. 

The following letters will explain the state of affairs at that 
time between the administration, General Scott, and General 

Taylor : 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, May 31, 1846. 
Dear Letcher, — I received to-day your letter and Coombs's 
of the 26th inst. I have just written to him, and am deter- 
mined to oblige you with a very short epistle. Coombs's destiny 
is evidently to be a general, though circumstances seem to strug- 
gle hard against it. His destiny must bear him through, and 
we shall yet hail him as a " military chieftain." I hope you did 
not fail to give him the "drink and the comfort" you promised. 
Indeed, it is a right hard case to exclude from this volunteer 
service all who aspire to any command above that of a regi- 
ment. Such persons are generally the most influential in rais- 
ing forces, and their exclusion must tend to diminish the activity 
and zeal of the higher grades of our militia officers. I du not 
like it. It in effect takes from the States, or renders nugatory, 
their militia powers, and it is natural enough that the instincts 
of an old Kentuckian should be roused to some indignation ; 
but still I don't approve of swearing, and especially swearing 
at Mr. Polk. I have not seen Scott since he read your letter. 
If he goes to the ivars, I shall urge him to go by Frankfort ; 
but he has lately been in a " sea of troubles" here with the ad- 
ministration, and, though it has calmed down, I do not think 
the waves have altogether subsided. Scott got into some nice 
qu-^tions with them, — wrote a hot letter, and was answered in 
kind, and told he was not to go to the Rio Grande. They have 
been s'mce. mejiding itp matters ; but I suppose he will not be 
permitted to gorthough it is not yet, I understand, absolutely 
settled and certain. Singleton's will case was to have been 
tried again this spring. Wolley promised to inform me of the 
result. Can you not give me the information ? 

Yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden, 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Thursday, June 4, 1S46. 

My dear Crittenden,— When the supplemental bill to the 
volunteer act of May 13, 1846, shall be disposed of, it is prob- 



244 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

able that Congress will take up one of the joint resolutions, 
that of the Senate, No. 26, or the one passed by the House, 
No. 34, presenting thanks to General Taylor. The second sec- 
tion of the Senate's resolution proposes a sword to be presented 
to the gallant and distinguished Taylor ; that of the House is 
silent as to this or any other similar honor. Permit me to 
suggest that in all cases of thanks heretofore a gold medal (the 
highest honor) has been given to the commander of the army. 
Swords of honor are usually given to inferior officers under his 
command. In respect to the glorious victories of the 8th and 
9th ultimo and the admirable defense of Fort Brown, I humbly 
suggest that a sword be given to the nearest male relative of 
each officer who fell on those occasions, or who may die of any 
wound there received. General Taylor has already been most 
justly rewarded, in part, with the brevet of major-general. It 
is probable that on the receipt of his detailed report of those 
victories, promised in his dispatches of May 9th, the President 
will be pleased to nominate other distinguished officers in the 
same victories for additional rank by brevet. Pardon this 
intrusion hastily made. 

With great respect and esteem, yours truly, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(General Scott to Hon. R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, June 5, 1846. 
My dear Friend, — It is always impossible to write a short 
letter to a friend, hence it has been impossible to write to you 
at all. Since about the 17th of May, including candle-light, I 
have averaged at my office table more than eleven hours a day 
amidst every sort of vexation, nay persecution, that you can 
imagine. On receiving the news of the passage of the Rio 
Grande by the Mexicans (the capture of Thornton's squadron), 
and when it was supposed Taylor's tzuo positions were in great 
peril, the executive, as you may suppose, was in great alarm. 
Then it was (May the 14th) that I was told I should be sent 
with some twenty odd thousand twelve months' volunteers and 
a few additional regulars to reinforce Taylor and to conquer a 
peace in the heart of Mexico. The volunteers had just been 
authorized. I was needed here to make a thousand arrange- 
ments with the Secretary of War and the chiefs of the general 
staff, which could be made nowhere else and by nobody but the 
commander in constant contact with those persons, to distribute, 
to apportion, to settle rendezvous and routes, to regulate sup- 
plies of arms, ammunition, accoutrements, subsistence, medi- 
cines, means of transportation, camp equipage, and to raise the 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. o'^ 



•+5 



troops, have them properly organized, put in motion at the 
right time, and put upon the right points, etc. These objects 
necessarily occupied me here till about the 30th of May, 
being much of the time engaged in doing besides all the criti- 
cal work of the Secretary zuitli my oiun pen. It was my inten- 
tion then, about the 30th of May, to have left this place, in 
order to see that all was in a train of rapid execution. I should 
have passed down the Ohio and the Mississippi, to see with my 
own eyes, or assure myself by correspondence, that all was 
going on rapidly and well, keeping a little ahead of the troops 
to change rout(is, destinations, etc., and finally arriving on the 
Rio Grande with such a cloud of reinforcements as would have 
insured the conquest of peace, perhaps this side of the city of 
Mexico, and have saved the honor and pride of (as I called him, 
even before his victories) the gallant and judicious Taylor. 
This, as I told all here (officially) from the first, could only be 
done by a cloud of reinforcements; I added, three days before I 
heard of any success, nay, when all nearly but myself believed 
his army in the utmost peril, that I should esteem myself the 
unhappy instrument of wounding the Just pride of the gallant 
Taylor, who had done zuell 2ind was understood to be doing zue/l, 
if ordered to supersede him, except as above. In the mean 
time whilst so employed, day and night, about the i6th of May, 
as soon as it was known that I was to be sent to Mexico, 
Democratic members of Congress began to wait upon the 
President to remonstrate against me, on the ground — as is well 
known — that if I were sent I would certainly succeed, and 
that with success I would as certainly prostrate the Democratic 
party in 1848, and perhaps forever! The President is also 
known to liave been embarrassed by these remonstrances, and 
to have faltered and apologized for having thought of me in 
the moments of alarm. It became necessary to devise means to 
supersede me. Tivo were resorted to about the same time, say 
May 19th and 20th. First, the Secretary of War, without con- 
sulting me, stole into the Senate's Military Committee (the 19th 



in the absence of Crittenden, ///t' i?///)' Whig of tlie five. He took 
with him a popular bill I had drawn for the better organization 
of the twelve months' volunteers. With the four Democrats of 
that committee he prefixed the first section, authorizing the 
President to add tivo major-generals and four brigadier-gen- 
erals to the regular military establishment. One of each grade 
was designed to supersede me and Wool (who was here) in the 
command of troops against Mexico. It was avowed that all 
of these generals were to be Democrats. Seeing the bill in 
print the morning of the 20th, and knowing already of the 
Democratic clamors against me, " I smelt the rat," and immcdi- 



246 J-IFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ately told the Secretary that I saw the double trick ; first, to 
supersede me, and at the end of the war, say in six or eight or 
twelve months, disband every general who would not place 
Democracy above God's country. The same evening, having 
constant work, as above, and with the Secretary, I was lectured 
by him, or rather he conuncnccd a lecture (no created man shall 
lecture me with impunity, except as a friend) about my em- 
ployments here (one-third on his own peculiar work), instead 
of being off, "without w^aiting for reinforcements, to the Rio 
Grande and to supersede Taylor." He muttered something 
about impatience in the public mind (Democratic leaders were 
his public). His objects were evident, — the objects of those 
whom he diffidently attempted to represent in the lecture. To 
damn me with the army, and the just men out of it, for super- 
seding Taylor zuithout reinforcements. To damn me, when, on 
the Rio Grande, for inactivity, while waiting for two-thirds of 
the new army, probably eight hundred miles in my rear. To 
damn me, more certainly even with twenty odd thousand nezv 
troops, on account of unavoidable inactivity during the rainy 
season, beginning in June and terminating in September, months 
in which we all then believed, and still believe, it is impossible 
to carry on military operations to any advantage much beyond 
the Rio Grande; and, failing to drive me upon utter ruin, as 
above, he hoped to establish a quarrel with me, and to damn 
nic for not going against the clamors of Democrats. Governor 
Marcy had not the spirit (he is not a bad man, but is deficient 
in candor and nerve) to say, General Scott is here executing in- 
dispensable preliminary arrangements, including much of my 
own peculiar work, which I could not do without his help; he 
as yet, though designated for Mexico, has received no orders 
to go. At the proper time I shall give him orders in the name 
of the President, when he will be o^ fast enough. Remember 
this was the state of things on the evening of the 20th of ^lay, 
and that we did not hear of any success of Taylor till the even- 
ing of the 23d. His dispatches were received forty-eight 
hours later. Feeling that I was in the toils, and if not a Sam- 
son, that I was a man, and a stronger man than any of my e)i- 
trappers, I flung, the next day, the 21st, a letter into the teeth 
of the poor Secretary (the mere tool in the hands of party), 
my employments and what had been my purposes, but in com- 
miseration I suppressed the work I had done and had yet to do 
for him. I took care, however, that he should see and feel that 
I knew all their machinations. Suffice it to say, whilst I have 
continued to avow my readiness to go with the reinforcements 
necessary for the work to be done and to save the honor and 
pride of Taylor, I was told, May 25th, that I would not be sent 



LETTER FROM A. BUTLER. 247 



to Mexico, but would remain in my office here. The glorious 
victories of Taylor, his brevet, his assignment to the com- 
mand as major-general according to that brevet (which / 
contrived to effect), make it nozo impossible for any new 
major-general to couimand him. Such has been the glorious 
development of public feeling in his behalf that he may proba- 
bly be the one new major-general to be added to the establish- 
ment. Even if not so, that enthusiasm will secure him in the 
continued chief command of the army against Mexico. The 
correspondence has been, and continues to be, grossly misre- 
presented by the Democrats here, and their newspapers else- 
where. Two members of the House have threatened to call 
for it ; one of them was in the War Department a few days 
since, no doubt to consult with the Secretary on the subject. 
He was probably told that he would catch a Tartar. I have 
begged that no friend of mine would originate a call, but that 
all might join if the move came from the other side. The 
Democrats dare not call. Please keep me out of the newspa- 
pers. I write in great haste. You will see that I cannot take 
the friend of our friend Crittenden to Mexico. I have no 
power to help anybody in any manner here. 

Always yours, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 
Hon. R. P. Letcher. 

(A. Butler to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Baltimore, June 15, 1S46. 
My dear Sir, — I am apprehensive that General Scott has 
committed political suicide. The correspondence recently pub- 
lished was read to me during the day I spent with him. It was 
too late to arrest the mischief, the letters having already passed, 
or I would have advised striking out certain passages in his let- 
ters to the Secretary of War. His views as a military man are 
correct in relation to the period of commencing the campaign 
as well as his objections to taking the command out of the 
hands of General Taylor until the force on the frontier was 
augmented; and if this alone had been done, omitting the soup 
portion of the letter and the simultaneous fire against his front 
and rear, and the use of the phrase "persons in high places," his 
letter would have been unobjectionable. As it is, public opinion 
sets against him very strong, and, worse than all, he is unmer- 
cifully ridiculed. I think it is Lord Chesterfield who cautions 
his son against a " nickname.'" And now to the principal object 
of my present communication. On the subject of the next 
presidential election, the opinion uniformly expressed to me at 
Washington has been that you, John !/. Crittenden, stand fairer 



248 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

as a candidate, with better prospects of success, than any other 
man of the Whig party. I quote to you the remark of the late 
Mr. Lowndes. In reply to an application to know whether he 
would be a candidate for President, he replied " that the Presi- 
dency of the United States was an office that should be neither 
sought nor declined," and I commend the sentiment to your 
consideration. Be silent, and leave your friends to pursue their 
course; that is, in no wise indicate a reluctance to being nomi- 
nated. Your merits, talents, and services commend you strongly, 
and, in addition, your uniform amenity of character and gen- 
eral courtesy has earned you friends and secured you a support 
among members of the other party which I will undertake to 
say no other Whig possesses. 

Your friend, 

Anthony Butler. 

On the loth of July, 1846, a bill to reduce the duties on im- 
ports was under discussion. Mr. Crittenden opposed the whole 
measure and every part of it ; was opposed to any decrease of 
the revenue when the utmost amount that could be obtained 
was required by the government. If the gentlemen on the 
other side were determined to pull down this great fabric by 
which American industry was fostered, they had no doubt the 
strength to do so. Samson pulled down the temple of the 
Philistines, and the result would be the same to them as it had 
been to Samson. He was opposed to all amendments ; did 
not want to befriend the bill by making it a little better ; was 
for bringing it at once to judgment with all its sins upon its 
head ; wished it to receive that condign doom which it so richly 
merited. Mr. Crittenden thought such a state as the country 
now exhibited was never seen before. The administration had 
made a war that they might get back a peace after getting 
the country into a war which required all its resources ; they 
reduce the duties to increase the revenue ; they had been dig- 
ging vaults and cellars and putting on locks and bars to keep 
the hard cash of the country, and now they were passing a bill 
to issue floods of paper money. Gentlemen were working dili- 
gently to fulfill the decrees of the Baltimore Convention. All 
these questions about free trade and sub-treasury and Oregon, 
etc., were but so many empty barrels set afloat on the stream 
of the late presidential election ; they had answered their pur- 
pose, and ought now to be overboard. 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 249 

As for the sub-treasury, he thought that\wa.s overboard. On 
the 1st of August, a bill for an " independent constitutional 
sub-treasury" was before the Senate. Mr. Crittenden declared 
I it was an old acquaintance in the Senate. He thought if any 

measure had been ever rejected by the American people, it was 
this sub-treasury scheme. He wanted the old name retained, 
that the people might know it was the same thing forced upon 
them once before, which they quickly broke to fragments. The 
object of the bill in "cabalistic phraseology" was to divorce the 
government from the banks ; its true object was to divorce the 
people from their government. This was tried once, and the 
people did not bear it well. If the gentlemen choose to dare 
their fate a second time, — well, be it so; let them take the con- 
sequences. Political life was not apt to make saints, but it has 
made many prophets, and the consequences of this measure 
might be safely predicted. We have authorized the govern- 
ment to issue twelve millions in treasury notes. They\N\\\ help 
to augment the deposits in the treasury. There will probably 
be ten or twelve millions locked up in the sub-treasury. There 
may be more ; but this is an old subject, — the bill must pass. 
There must be an tipper as well as a nether millstone, or there 
will be no grindiiig. We have the tariff- — we must have the 
sub-treasury. All we can do is to give the people warning. 
The people must decide whether the divorce of the people from 
the government sJiall or sJuxll ?iot be answered by a divorce' of 
the government from the people. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

West Point, September 17, 1846. 
My dear Sir, — I send, to be read by you or any other dis- 
creet friend, copies of two notes. The Secretary's reply is 
vulgar and cold-blooded. Although I have not had a line from 
General Taylor himself, I have learned within a iew days, 
through many channels, that he has all along expected and 
desired my presence ; hence my renewed application. Being 
able to state his wishes, I scarcely doubted but that I would 
receive a favorable reply. But there is a project on foot, I 
suspect, at Washington, to withdraw Taylor and leave l^utler 
in command. (Seethe 6^///^w of the 14th.) Of course General 
Butler is incapable of any machinations of that sort. The object 
of the party is to build him up to run for the Presidency, or 



250 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

second to Silas Wright. I came here with chills and fevers, 
but am nearly well again. Shall be absent from Washington, 
vi all, nearly twelve days. We shall have you back again. 

I am yours faithfully, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

(General Winfield Scott to Secretary W. L. Marcy.) 

Headquarters of the Army, West Point, 
September 12, 1846. 

Sir, — In the letter I had the honor to address to you the 
27th of May last, I requested that I might be sent to take the 
immediate command of the principal army against Mexico, 
either to-day or at any better time the President may be pleased 
to designate. The horse regiments (twelve months' volunteers 1 
destined for that army, being, I suppose, now within fifteen or 
twenty marches of the Rio Grande, and the season for consecu- 
tive operations at hand, I respectfully ask to remind the Presi- 
dent of that standing request. I do this without any hesitation 
in respect to Major-General Taylor, having reason to believe 
that my presence at the head of the principal army in the field 
(in accordance with my rank), is neither unexpected nor unde- 
sired by that gallant and distinguished commander. A slight 
return of chills and fevers may detain me here with my family 
long enough to receive your reply. Should the President yield 
to my wishes, a few hours in New York and Philadelphia would 
enable me to make certain arrangements, and save the necessity 
of a return to those cities from Washington. I suppose it would 
be easy for me to reach the Rio Grande by the end of this 
month. 

With high respect, I have the honor to be, 

your obedient servant, 

Hon. Wm. L. Marcy, Winfield Scott. * 

Secretary of War. 

(Secretary Marcy to General Winfield Scott.) 

War Department, Washington, 
September 14, 1846. 

Sir, — I have received your letter of the 12th instant, and 
submitted it to the President. He recjuests me to inform you 
that it is not within the arrangements for conducting the cam- 
paign in Mexico to supersede General Taylor in his present 
command by assigning you to it. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

W. L. Marcy, Secretary of War. 

Major-General Winfield Scott. 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 25 1 

(General Taylor to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Headquarters of Army of Occupation or Invasion, Camargo, 

September 15, 1846. 

My dear Sir, — Your very kind and interesting letter of the 
5th of June was duly received. The complimentary, and, I 
fear, too flattering manner in which you have been pleased to 
notice my services in this quarter has created feelings of no 
ordinary character, which are heartily appreciated but are diffi- 
cult to describe, but for all of which I can truly say I am not 
ungrateful, and which are doubly gratifying to me coming as 
they do from one who holds, and has done so for such a length 
of time, so large a space in my friendship and esteem as your- 
self From- certain editorial remarks in the Union, as well as 
extracts of speeches made in the Houses of Congress, I must 
say I was not a little surprised at the course matters and things 
were assuming at Washington by those in power towards me, 
when it was supposed I was in great peril, from which, had I 
not succeeded in extricating myself, the administration and its 
friends were prepared to throw the whole responsibility on me. 
Mr. Sevier and the editors of the government paper, judging 
from what they stated (the first in the Senate, the latter in their 
paper), stood ready not only to deny, but had made up their 
minds to have sworn on the Holy Bible, had the executive re- 
quired it, that I had received no order to take a position on the 
Rio Grande, before any court, civil or military, had I been ar- 
raigned before either to answer for doing so. 

The capture of Thornton and his command was owing to his 
too great contempt of the enemy, in addition to his neglecting 
to obey my orders, both verbal and written, for which I deemed 
it my duty to bring him before a general court-martial, the 
result of which is not yet known. The affair in question, I 
observed from the papers, caused the greatest apprehension and 
most disastrous forebodings throughout the country, as well as 
no little dismay among the officers of the command ; but I had 
no apprehension as to the final result, and continued, in a cjuiet 
way, to complete my arrangements, and with the blessing of 
Divine Providence and the discipline and courage of my com- 
mand, more than succeeded in all my plans and designs. 

The additional rank conferred on me by the President, in 
conjunction with the flattering and highly complimentary notices 
which have been taken, as well as communicated by several of 
the State legislatures, as well as by Congress, as regards my 
recent conduct and that of the army under my command, has 
been very far beyond what I expected or deserved, and howev^er 
gratifying, I will not say it was less so in my case than it would 
have been in others under like circumstances; yet it was trifling 



252 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to what I felt when I saw and read the bold, fearless, and confi- 
dent statements (made by you in the Senate during the most 
gloomy period, as regarded my situation) expressing, in strong 
terms your confidence in my sustaining myself and the honor 
of the country, adding obligations which I can never repay, but 
which cannot be obliterated or forgotten. The promotion con- 
ferred on me, both brevet and general, was unexpected and 
unsolicited, connected as they were with the management of 
this war. I would have declined could I have done so with 
propriety. But under the circumstances in which I was placed 
in being assigned to so honorable, at the same time responsible, 
a position, I did not feel at liberty to decline it; and although 
prospects of success were, and are still, gloomy, yet I deter- 
mined to go through one campaign, and to leave nothing in my 
power undone, which can be accomplished, to carry out the 
views and wishes of the executive in bringing about a speedy 
and honorable peace, at the same time with less prospect of 
advantage to the country, all things considered, as well as 
reputation to myself, than I could have wished. 

The last order of importance I had then received from Wash- 
ington was in February, while at Corpus Christi, dated in Jan- 
uary, which was to move forward to take and maintain a position 
on the left bank of the Rio Grande, but not to cross it unless 
Mexico made war on us. I was, therefore, not a little surprised 
when about the 25th of July I was informed I had been selected 
by the President to conduct the war against Mexico with the 
brevet rank of major-general, which had been conferred on me, 
accompanied by a plan of campaign, the number and description 
of the troops to be employed, as well as many other details; 
and although differing in many respects in regard to it, particu- 
larly as to the number of volunteers, as being greatly too large 
for the means of transportation which is and can be procured 
in the country to make them available, or can be brought to it 
in any reasonable time. The first wagon or wheel-carriage, in 
addition to the limited means previously here for the use of the 
troops who accompanied me from Corpus Christi, has not reached 
my headquarters up to the present moment. Notwithstanding I 
anticipated many serious difficulties, yet I did not feel at liberty 
to decline the trust in question ; and although I may not equal 
the expectations of the country as regards my successful opera- 
tions against the enemy, I trust, however, my friends, at least, 
will give me credit for my zeal and exertions, which will be 
untiring, to put an end to the war. As soon as I found war was 
inevitable with Mexico, I made a requisition on the governors 
of Louisiana and Texas for a little upwards of five thousand men, 
to be brought into service for the longest time known to the laws 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 253 

in like cases ; of equal numbers from each of the States,— not, as 
I informed the War Department and Major-General Gaines,' to 
aid me in defending our soil, but to enable me to carry the war 
into the enemy's country. Instead of the two thousand seven 
hundred asked from Louisiana, double that number was sent 
me, besides a regiment of near one thousand strong from St. 
Louis and about the same number from Alabama, half of which 
was authorized by General Gaines. This force, in addition to 
the Texas quota, was more than could be used to advantage in 
this quarter. They were called out for six months. Before 
these or a part of them could be removed from near the mouth 
of the Rio Grande, the twelve months' volunteers commenced 
arriving at Brazos Island, and have continued doing so from 
time to time, until, a few weeks since, they amounted to sixteen 
regiments and one battalion, averaging seven hundred men 
each, the landing of which and their baggage, and removing 
it and their supplies, some fifteen or twenty miles, to the 
banks of the Rio Grande, the first or nearest place where 
wood and water fit for use could be had, has occupied much 
the largest portion of transportation to remove them from 
their place of landing to their place of encampment. While 
this was doing, Mier, Rionosco, and this place were occupied 
by small commands of regular troops as fast as I had or could 
get the means of doing so. While this was going on, it was 
determined at Washington that the troops from Louisiana 
brought into service under my call could not be legally held 
to serve beyond three months, and those from that State, 
Missouri, and Alabama, mustered in by authority of General 
Gaines, were illegally in service, and that they should be all 
discharged, — the first at the end of three months, the latter 
immediately, unless they would agree to serve for twelve 
months or during the war. This they declined doing, and, of 
course, they were sent to New Orleans and discharged. The 
whole had been removed from Brazos Island to the Rio Grande, 
and four regiments above Matamoras, expecting to concentrate 
them here preparatory to a move into the interior of the enemy's 
country. In this I was disappointed. The whole of the volun- 
teers were brought out and landed near three hundred miles 
from where there was a probability of finding an enemy at 
the foot, or perhaps the table-lands, of the Sierra Madre, with a 
wilderness intervening of near half the distance, without bring- 
ing with them the means of removing, by land or water, a barrel 
of pork or flour, as well as being deficient in many other arti- 
cles to render them comfortable and efficient. For want of the 
proper means to remove the men, a large portion of them are 
still occupying the first position taken on the Rio Grande, and 



254 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will continue to do so for some time to come. I do not men- 
tion those things either by way of complaining or despairing. 
Be the obstacles what they may, I expect to overcome them 
and march into the heart of the enemy's country in the way 
you recommend, and will not only take but will occupy some 
of their principal towns and provinces until a peace is concluded 
between the two countries, if we can get supplies, or we will 
find honorable graves. I have with great difficulty and labor 
succeeded in getting here, near four hundred miles by water, 
from its entrance into the Gulf, up one of the most difficult 
rivers to navigate by steam known to our people, a large supply 
of ordnance, ammunition, forage, etc., besides between three 
and four hundred thousand rations, with the proper arrange- 
ments for keeping up the necessary supplies of every kind. One 
hundred thousand rations have been thrown forward to Lesalto, 
about half way between this and Monterey, where I am locating 
another small depot, and expect to leave here in six days for 
Saltillo, two hundred and fifty miles distant, by the way of 
Monterey, with six thousand men, two thousand five hundred 
regulars, the balance volunteers, which is the largest number 
we can get transportation for, and that for the most part pack- 
mules hired from the people of the country, where, if I succeed 
in reaching it, I contemplate, if there are supplies to be had in 
the country (even corn and beef), to throw up a strong fortified 
work, which can be defended by a small force, to bring forward 
to that point the largest force which can be fed there ; after 
which I purpose to act as circumstances may seem to justify 
and warrant. On the contrary, if no adequate supplies are to 
be had at or near Saltillo, we must, as a matter of course, fall 
back within reach of our depot on the Rio Grande, concentrate 
at Brazos Island, and take Vera Cruz as soon as the season will 
permit, and march on the city of Mexico from that place. By 
referring to a map of Mexico, you will perceive Saltillo is a 
highly important position for concentrating a large force, which 
can be employed in cutting off all communication between sev- 
eral of the northern states and the capital, and where the ne- 
cessary arrangements can be made for marching on San Luis 
Potosi and other important cities. 

A revolution has recently taken place in Mexico. The prin- 
ciples on which it is based, or is to be carried out, are not fully 
known here. Some say the Federal party has come into power; 
others, that the people have put down the military; but I presume 
the principal actors hardly know or have any fixed object in 
view other than that of getting into power. 

Certain it is, however, that Paredes has been put down, and 
is now, if he has not been murdered, in the hands of his oppo- 



LETTER FROM GEAERAL TAYLOR. 355 

nents, and that Santa Anna has been recalled. How all this 
is to affect our present relations with that country, time must 
determme ; but I trust the result will be favorable. 

No one respects General Scott more than myself^ and it would 
have been gratifymg to me had he been assigned to duty in this 
quarter, which I had not only wished but expected would have 
been the case, in which event I would have taken his orders 
with much pleasure and given him every support in my power. 
You must not, my dear sir, expect too much from me. You 
have but little idea of the difficulties I have had to contend 
with in consequence of so large a volunteer force having been 
thrown on my hands. The bad arrangements at Washtngton 
■ in addition to, if not a feeble quartermaster's department, an 
inexperienced one, and, instead of marching on Monterey, 
which I ought to have done more than two months since, I 
have been occupied, among other matters, in getting the volun- 
teers removed to and encamped at the most eligible positions 
in regard to health, which I considered to be my first duty, as 
many of them, poor fellows, will fall victims, do what I can to 
prevent it in this latitude. 

Let me assure you I have no political aspirations ; my whole 
thoughts and wishes are now occupied in bringing this war to 
a speedy and honorable close. Let this be accomplished, and 
I will be perfectly satisfied, whether in a cottage or parlor.' No 
one can appreciate your views and opinions as regards military 
matters more than myself, or the course I ought to pursue, which 
coincides fully with my own. But circumstances, over which I 
had no control, have prevented me from attempting what I 
wished and would have done under a different state of things. 
I have given you, in my crude way, the situation of affairs 
past and present in this quarter, which I hope you will be able 
to understand. The future must speak for itself, and I hope it 
will not be without interest. I hope to be in possession of 
Monterey and Saltillo as soon as our legs can carry us there. 
The troops have commenced marching for those places, and 
will not, I hope, be halted for any length of time on the way 
by the enemy. Should we reach those places, I will write you 
from the latter, if my life is spared and I am able to do so. 

I have looked up the Hon. Mr. Pendleton's acquaintance, 
and find the 1st Regiment U. S. Infantry in good health and 
spirits ; will see his company commander and know what can 
be done for him as soon as I have time to attend to such mat- 
ters. I am interrupted every five minutes while writing, so 
you must make great allowances for blunders and blotting, etc., 
and take the will for the deed, as it is all most kindly intended. 
Be pleased to remember me most kindly to your excellent 



256 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

lady and every member of your family with and near you, as 
well as wishing you and them continued health and prosperity. 
I remain your friend truly and sincerely, 

Z. Taylor. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, September 30, 1846. 
Dear Crittenden, — I send herewith a copy of my letter to 
General Taylor, written four days ago. I wish I could send 
copies to Corwin, Morehead, Archer, and Burrow. Perhaps you 
may take the trouble to send the paper to them, beginning with 
Morehead. Probably you may soon hear that Jessup is on 
his way to New Orleans ; he goes, 7iot to take command, 
but to give a general superintendence to the business of the 
Quartermaster's Department at that city and on the frontier. 
The desire to supersede General Taylor with Patterson (which 
can only be done by recalling the seniors, Taylor and Butler), 
or with Butler, I know, through confidential private sources, 
still prevails. Taylor wishes very much to visit his family 
and property about the first of November. This fact I care- 
fully withhold, and beg you to do the like, as, if known, 
the wish of the executive and the party would be instantly 
carried out. I should not know that you had reached home 
alive but for a short account I have seen of the grand barbecue 
near Frankfort. I am too proud to complain of neglect. Archer 
repassed this way improved in health. I think I am pretty 
clear of Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart, — the little dogs and all, 
— who, since May, have been so eager to fly at my throat. And 
perhaps you might do well to imitate the example of that 
heathen who touched his liat to the fallen statue of Jupiter, 
saying, "Who knows but he maybe replaced upon his pedestal!' 
There's a taunt of vanity for you, and I add another, — 

<' True as the dial to the sun, 
Although it be not shone upon." 

I remain ever yours truly, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

(General Scott to General Z. Taylor.) 

Washington, September 26, 1846. 
My dear General, — Having had within a month several 
returns of chills and fevers, I went North, the loth instant, to 
visit my family, and have returned nearly well. I find here 
your friendly letter of the 29th. Mine to you, of May i8th, 
required 110 answer; but, under the persecutions I had to sustain, 
— in part the result of my confidence in, and respect for, you, — I 
certainly felt a little hurt that you did not acknowledge, ^?r cause 
to be acknowledged, that communication. The fact that, with 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 



257 



the knowledge and approbation of the Secretary of War, I had 
written and dispatched that letter, became, in the controversy 
with the department, of great importance to me ; hence my 
anxiety to have your acknowledgment, and hence the feeling 
that I had been neglected. Perhaps, under the persecutions 
alluded to, official and otherwise, I may have been too sensitive 
on the subject. Be this as it may, I never for a moment ceased to 
watch over your fame and interests with the liveliest solicitude, 
and I can assure you that even after hearing (May 23d) of your 
brilliant victories, that zvatchfuhiess was not unnecessary. By 
the 1 2th, public opinion in your favor had become powerfully 
developed in all quarters of the Union, and hence the instructions 
you received of that date, which I was desired to draw up; three or 
four days before it was still intended to supersede yon and other 
old generals with, a batch o'i ?>iyi Democratic generals (see Colonel 
Benton's declaration in the Senate), which Mr. Marcy had asked 
for, May 19th. My first thought was to defeat the whole batch, 
if I could, leaving you in command by means of your new brevet, 
and get you assigned to duty accordingly ; but, relying on the 
strength of public opinion, I was subsequently well pleased that 
the batch was reduced to one major-general and tivo brigadiers. 
The first place could not then be withheld from you, and the 
second and third, I hoped, from Worth and Harney. You have, 
however, since been in danger of being superseded, or recalled, 
in favor of Butler or Patterson. About the 7th, several leading 
Democrats waited upon the President, complained of your 
'' dilatoriness^' of your intention to throw the regulars forward, 
and to keep the volunteers (the better troops) in the background, 
that Jones and myself were sending to you more troops than 
you needed (except to aid you in that policy), that it was neces- 
sary to bnild up a reputation for Butler, in order to run him for the 
Presidency or the Vice-Presidency, etc. What reply the Presi- 
dent made to this I did not learn ; but that he himself, about 
the same time, had a wish to charge Patterson with the chief 
direction of the war in the field, I think I know with certainty, 
as well as the name of the individual (a Democrat) who defeated 
that wish for the time, on the ground that Patterson is a for- 
eigner by birth, and the necessity of withdrawing the tzvo senior 
major-generals. Having some knowledge of these machina- 
tions, and hearing of your liberal sentiments towards me through 
private letters from Colonel Taylor, Majors Thomas and Bliss 
to their friends, I addressed a letter to the Secretary of War, 
a copy of which I herewith inclose, together with his reply. 
You will perceive that there is nothing in the reply that pre- 
cludes superseding you by placing Butler or Patterson in com- 
mand. It is due to these generals that I should add, as far as 

VOL. I. — 17 



258 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

I know or believe, both are entirely innocent of any participa- 
tion in these machinations. My hope and confidence remain 
firm that you will (as heretofore) defeat your enemies, both in 
front and in rear. All that I can do to give you that double 
victory you may rely upon. Candor requires that I should say 
while laboring under a sense of neglect on your part, I men- 
tioned your silence, in a tone of couiplaint, to several common 
friends — all your admirers, — Crittenden, Morehead, Archer, and 
Corwin. Since I heard of your liberality towards me, about 
the 7th instant, I have written to these distinguished senators 
to do you justice. 

In haste, very truly your friend. 

To General Z. Taylor. Winfield Scott. 



CHAPTER XX. 
1846-1847. 

Letters of Baillie Peyton and General Scott— Bill in Senate for increased Pay of 
Soldiers and Volunteers— Letter of General Worth from Saltillo— Letter of G. 
B. Kinkead, and Crittenden's Reply. 

(Hon. Baillie Peyton to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Monterey, October 2, 1S46. 

DEAR SIR, — This city capitulated on the 24th, after several 
days' hard fighting, and with the loss in killed and wounded 
on our side of five hundred men, among whom are some valu- 
able officers, both regulars and volunteers. General Worth has 
immortalized himself in storming this city. He was detached 
with the second division of the regular army and Col. Hays's 
regiment of riflemen for the purpose of taking the city, occupy- 
ing the Saltillo road and operating against the outworks and 
town from the west side. His success was complete ; he per- 
formed a series of the most brilliant feats which will be classed 
with the brightest in our annals. Seven or eight battles won in 
the most splendid style, scaling heights, storming batteries, and 
forcing his way into the city, driving the enemy and his batteries 
before him in the streets. Worth's judicious conduct and noble 
and gallant bearing are the theme of universal applause. I 
had the honor of acting as one of his aids on the occasion, and 
no man could be near his person without becoming acquainted 
with the music of balls, with cannon, including grape, canister, 
and a whole orchestra of martial music. Now at some of the 
most emphatic of these notes my horse was a " /cctle skittis/i ;" 
but understand distinctly that I s^edk o{ in)' horse, and no other 
member of the family. General Worth has been so kind as to 
notice me in the handsomest manner. To this distinction I 
assure you I have very little claim. He requests me to tender 
to you his warmest regards, and to say that you must and siiall 
be the President of the United States ; that he has not fully 
made up his mind as to whether he will accept the office of 
Secretary of War, which he considers as tendered to him in ad- 
vance. This depends much on your improvement in one 
particular — that is, in digiiitv d.nd distance ; he means to sustain 
all the pomp and circumstance of office himself, and cannot 
think of serving under a chief who is not up to the mark. 

(259) 



26o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

" Take him all in all," he is the high-combed cock of the army, 
head and shoulders above the crowd. 

I have written out, at some length, my views of the opera- 
tions under General Worth and sent them to New Orleans for 
publication. I was not altogether in favor of letting the Mexi- 
cans off so lightly ; but when the thing was done by such men 
as Generals Taylor and Worth, I felt bound to sustain it. 

Very truly your friend, 

Baillie Peyton. 

Hon. J. J, Crittenden. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, October 19, 1846. 
Dear Crittenden, — I am afraid you will exclaim. What, 
is a recess to be no holiday to me ? for this is my third or fourth 
letter. Notwithstanding the three glorious days at Monterey, 
the terms of the capitulation came very near causing Taylor to 
be recalled ; his standing with the people alone saved him. 
Mr. Polk, Mr. Buchanan, and some others of influence out of 
the cabinet argued that Ampudia and his army zvcrc bagged; that 
they could not have held out a day, if three hours longer; that 
a surrender 2,?, prisoners of zvar would have led to an early peace; 
that we have now to beat the same enemy again at the mount- 
ain pass (very difficult) between Rinconada and Los Muertos, 
thirty miles beyond Monterey, with such reinforcements as may 
arrive in the meantime from the interior; that Taylor (ignorant 
of our new proposition to treat having been rejected by the 
new Mexican government) was cheated into the abandonment 
of his first terms by rfie adroitness of Ampudia (and contrary 
to the instructions) to grant the armistice, etc. But, as I have 
said, notwithstanding the ardent desire to put Butler or Patter- 
son in command, the/mrof Taylor's popularity prevailed, and 
the UnionsN^JS, instructed to praise him. Perhaps Butler's wound 
may have aided this result. I know that minute inquiries about 
tJiat ivoiind were made of the bearer of dispatches, by two of 
the cabinet and Ritchie, who replied that Butler might not be 
able to resume the saddle in many weeks. Taylor's detailed 
report has not been received, and, indeed, nothing from him 
since 25th September; he makes JVort/i the principal //rr<7 of the 
occasion, which gives a lively joy to everybody, yet I fear he 
will not be breveted. I shall renew the application to that 
effect on the receipt of the detailed report. The armistice will 
be terminated by notice about the end of this month. No time 
will have been lost; for, under the impatience of the executive, 
the movement from the Rio Grande was premature. From the 
want of maturity in the arrangements, Taylor was forced to 



FAV TO SOLDIERS AND VOLUNTEERS. 261 

leave the great body of volunteers behind, and a respectable 
portion of the regulars. The Kentucky and Tennessee mounted 
regiments could not have reached the Rio Grande before the 
loth, perhaps the 15th. For the want of this important force, 
Taylor and Henderson had to prevail on the Texan horse to 
engage for a second term, notwithstanding the Secretary's orders 
to discharge all volunteers for a term less than a year. They 
thus obtained a mounted force of some fourteen hundred men, 
including three hundred and fifty regular cavalry. But the 
Texan horse had already, on the 25th, become impatient to re- 
turn home. The two regiments from Kentucky and Tennessee 
will be in time to replace them before the recommencement of 
hostilities. The cavalrv will be of but little use in storming the 
difficult pass just beyond Monterey; but, in the plains beyond, 
they will be indispensable to protect our volunteer foot against 
the clouds of Mexican horse. Notwithstanding Santa Anna's 
fierce and unexpected letter, declining the dictatorship, I think 
we shall have peace before next summer. Two more victories 
at the pass of Rinconada and at Saltillo, with an evident capacity 
to continue the triumphant advance, will make him sue for 
peace, and sufficiently impress the nation to enable him to dare 
to accede to our terms, — the left bank of the Rio Grande and 
along the parallel of 36 from that river to the Pacific. / should 
be unwilling to claim an inch beyond these boundaries, but sup- 
pose the administration will be more extortionate in the case of 
continued successes. Friend Archer has written me two most 
abusive letters. He is angry with me (on old grounds) because 
I do not professedly and in fact think, speak, and act precisely 
as he directs. He crossed a ^' or dotted an i in your beautiful 
letter about the dissolution of the cabinet in 1841, and hence he 
always holds you up as a model o'i successful docility. If I would 
only put myself exclusively under his government, he would be 
the best friend in the world. As it is, he is a valuable one, 
for whom I have a very sincere affection. I inclose you a copy 
of my reply to his two letters, half ]Ocose and half retaliatory. 
I deprecate his wrath, but I have also taken care to show him 
that he is not invulnerable. Show the copy to our friend 
Letcher, and please return it to me. 

Yours sincerely, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

In October a resolution was offered in the Senate to increase 
the pay of the soldiers, especially the volunteers, engaged ni 
the Mexican war, and also to grant a certificate of merit to 
every private soldier who distinguished himself On this sub- 
ject Mr. Crittenden made the following remarks: 



262 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. President, I am not tenacious about the form of the reso- 
lution, but the substance is important. There were peculiar 
circumstances attending the service of our troops in Mexico, 
which, in my judgment, in the judgment of the people gen- 
erally, render it proper that those troops should receive in- 
creased pay, especially the volunteers, who left their homes 
for the service with less experience of camp life and less ability 
to take care of themselves than the regular soldiers; they were 
entitled to receive an increased compensation. This resolu- 
tion, however, was made to embrace the regular soldiers of 
the army as well as the volunteers. It is well understood that, 
owing to the character of the service, their expenses have been 
greatly increased. The resolution does not specify the amount 
by which it is proposed to increase their pay, and I think it just 
that this point should be left open to the judgment of the com- 
mittee. I insist, however, on the propriety of some amount of 
increase. 

The second branch of the resolution contains a provision 
which I am satisfied will meet with the cordial approbation of 
every one. Our officers who distinguish themselves receive an 
honorable reward for their services by brevet promotion ; but 
the soldier may toil and dig and fight valiantly and perform the 
most heroic deeds without the possibility of signalizing his 
humble name. The resolution proposes that the committee 
shall provide a means by which this defect shall be remedied, 
by granting a certificate of merit to each private soldier who 
has distinguished himself, and that such certificate should not 
be a mere empty honor, but the holder should, in consequence 
of it, be entitled to some additional pay, — something to remind 
his companions that his country had taken notice of his ser- 
vices, humble as they were. I confess, however, that I have a 
decided preference for the form of the resolution. This is not 
a new subject to me. I think the prompt and unhesitating 
adoption of the resolution in its present form would be the most 
complimentary and honorable testimony which the Senate could 
bear to the army. I do not believe there is -a nation in Europe 
which would not have honored with increased pay any army 
which had performed the same service. The British army in 
India had been very liberally rewarded for the services they 
rendered in achieving their recent victories over the Sikhs, and 
I believe a reward is usual in every victory won by the armies 
of the nations of Europe. Not only the privations to which 
the troops are exposed, not only the increased expenditure at- 
tending the soldier's life, but the meritorious and great services 
rendered justly claim an increase of compensation at the hands 
of the country. The resolution did not propose a permanent 



LETTER FROM GENERAL WORTH. 263 

increase, but an increase only during the continuance of the 
war. I hope there is no diversity of opinion. I am unwilHng 
to make it a subject of inquiry. Inquiry implies hesitation — 
doubt. I think the troops have a right to expect decision. 
Their conduct has been decided ; so ought our sense of it to 
be. We should provide some consideration of honor as well 
as of emolument for the brave soldier who has hazarded his 
life equally with the officers for his country, though the eyes of 
the world rest upon the officers only. There is not an army in the 
world where a private soldier has not some hope of attaining a 
higher honor than in ours. That great soldier Napoleon made 
the star of the Legion of Honor to glitter on the breast of the 
humblest soldier as well as on that of the proudest marshal. 
This government can confer no such honor; it is not consistent 
with the institutions of our country. All that we can give is a 
mere certificate of honorable merit, which the brave soldier can 
hand down to his children with pleasing and grateful recollec- 
tions. I am sorry that my friend from Florida takes such a 
view of the question ; I had hoped a ready support for this 
resolution from him. I am sorry that his sterling democracy 
is alarmed by the creation of what he supposes to be distinc- 
tions in this country contrary to its laws. I think if the gentle- 
man will reconsider the question, he will find no cause to fear 
lest this lead to a state of military despotism. The gentleman 
is willing to grant land to the soldiers or pay them out of the 
treasury, but not willing to give them any other kind or de- 
scription of reward — no such token of approbation as grateful 
countries usually bestow upon meritorious services. How much 
more acceptable to the heart of a soldier is some lively token of 
the appreciation of his country than the mere mercenary recom- 
pense ! I can find nothing in this proposition to justify the ter- 
rible apprehension of the gentleman. I regret that it is pro- 
posed to convert the question into a resolution of inquiry. No 
one has stopped to inquire whether our soldiers have taken 
Monterey or fought at Palo Alto or Resaca de la Palma. I 
hope the resolution will pass in its original form ; this will give 
it more weight and bring it home more pleasantly to those who 
are interested in it. 

(General W. J. Worth to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Saltillo, Mexico, December 28, 1846. 

My dear Sir,— General Scott has written to me respecting 
your son The young gentleman has not yet come withui my 
reach When he does, be assured I shall lay my hands upon 
him and look well to his interest. From present appearances, 
he may soon have chances to flesh his sword ; then I have no 



264 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

doubt his blood will show itself. The enemy is very strong, 
numerically, in our front and within a few marches; whether to 
come here or observe Taylor, who is moving upon Victoria on 
the left, and perhaps strike his flank, "cannot yet be divined." 
During his absence I am under command of Major-General But- 
ler. We have about five thousand men at and in supporting 
distance of this point, and quite indifferent what numbers they 
bring. The desert in front, without iv at er, absolutely forbids a for- 
ward movement until the rainy season, which they say is not till 
June. They are operating on the wrong line, and from a base too 
remote. The inauguration of the President {ad iiitcrhii) is highly 
belligerent, and his Minister of War smells of sulphur ; but he 
of the finance says he has not a dollar. After a display of he- 
roics, the President leaves it all to Congress — fifty- four forty or 
very like it. Shall we have peace? 

Faithfully yours, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. W. J. Worth. 

In the latter part of December, 1846, Colonel Alexander Bar- 
row, senator from Louisiana, died very suddenly in Baltimore. 
Several of his intimate friends in the Senate were summoned to 
his death-bed, Mr. Crittenden among the rest. Colonel Barrow 
and himself had been warm personal friends for many years. 

Both the colonel and his brother senators were aware of the 
immediate approach of death, and the final grasp of the hand 
and the sad words of farewell were very touching. With his last 
breath Colonel Barrow commended his two sons to his friends. 

The funeral services took place in Washington ; several ad- 
dresses were made and warm eulogies pronounced. Mr. Crit- 
tenden had been requested to speak, and intended doing so. 
He rose and made several ineffectual attempts to control his 
voice. After uttering three or four almost inarticulate words, 
with his speaking countenance convulsed with grief and both 
eyes and voice filled with tears, he bowed low and took his seat. 
That this was more eloquent than any spoken words was mani- 
fested by its effect upon the brilliant audience. Such a scene 
was never witnessed in the senate-chamber ; every eye was filled 
with tears, and low sobs were heard from every part of the 
room. The following letter from Senator W. J. Mangum is 
interesting as relating to this subject : 



LETTER FROM G. B. KINKEAD. 26' 

(Willie J. Mangum to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, December 31, 1846. 

My dear Crittenden,— The scene of yesterday in the Senate, 
and the part you bore in it, have dwelt upon my mind, my 
heart, and my memory, the whole time, as it were, burned in 
all with a brand at white heat. You know me well enough to 
know that I never flatter my friends,— I have not flattered you. 
I will therefore say that the more I know of you, the more I 
respect and love you. 

I would not exchange such a heart as yours, were it mine or 
my friend's, for one that the world would ordinarily call good, 
and for all your high and brilliant eloquence and undoubted 
abilities. 

Could our excellent and lamented friend Barrow have wit- 
nessed the scene, his high and noble soul would for such a 
tribute have been almost willing to meet his fate, premature, as 
we short-sighted mortals regard it, for himself, for his family, 
and for his country. 

Your friend. 
To the Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Willie J. Mangu.m. 

(G. B. Kinkead to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, Ky., January 2, 1847. 

Hon. John J. Crittenden, 

Sir, — I regret that I was disappointed in conversing with you 
on the subject of this letter before you left Kentucky, for it has 
been one of reflection with me and conversations with prudent 
friends for some weeks. I am, therefore, not acting rashly or 
without consultation with common friends ; and from the nature 
of the subject, the motives which influence me, and the length 
of time since I first fell under your kindly notice, I trust and 
believe you will not consider me guilty of unauthorized free- 
dom in addressing you. 

I think it manifest that the present administration, from a va- 
riety of causes useless to enumerate to you, has made itself so 
unpopular as to break down all reasonable expectations that 
the party that placed it in power can elect its successor or pre- 
vent the candidate of the Whig party, whoever he may be, — 
with one exception, — from an easy triumph. That exception, 
in my opinion, and in the opinion of others of the Whig party 
worthy of much consideration, is no other person than Mr, 
Clay. And in thus frankly speaking I need hardly stop to vin- 
dicate to you, who have so long known me, from any suspicion 
of being discontented with the Whig party, its leading measures 
or men (a charge too often brought to terrify those who e.xprcsss 
themselves with freedom about that distinguished gentleman), or 



266 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

from having a disposition to erect my judgment and that of a few 
friends against the will of that party whenever it is uttered; nor 
will you suspect me of any improper feeling against Mr. Clay 
himself, from whom I never sought or was denied, or what in 
some natures is more offensive still, received a favor of any sort 
in my life, — whom from my earliest youth up I have supported 
and admired as becomes one man to admire another, — in whose 
hopes of success I have exulted, and in whose defeats I have 
felt deep and almost personal mortification ; nor, to close my 
negations, do I look for or desire office from any President 
which I would not receive from Mr. Clay, — that is, I do not 
expect it of any. 

I have thus been particular in denying all improper motives 
or feelings in connection with this subject because I know the 
habit has been in Kentucky to suspect the fidelity of any man 
to his party, or the singleness and sincerity of his motives, who 
believed and expressed the belief that that party could exist, or 
have any hopes of success, without Mr. Clay as its head. I con- 
fess for myself that for some time past, since his last defeat, the 
converse of this proposition has seemed to me to be true ; and 
that the Whig party cannot exist, or with any hopes of success, 
so long as Mr. Clay continues his political aspirations. And 
instead of this opinion being an evidence of want of patriotism 
and sincere devotion to that party to which I have always be- 
longed, I claim it as the highest I can present. I love that 
party too well willingly to see it dwindle into a faction, as it 
must become from a great party, by again supporting a man 
whom the people have so often rejected. I love the principles 
of that party better than I do any man; and I am sure I speak 
the sentiments of a large majority of the Whigs of the State 
when I say, I would rather take a certain triumph with. another 
than to risk being, or rather to be certain of being, defeated 
with Mr. Clay. 

And am I not right ? Is the Whig party reduced so low, 
and its present leaders so unskilled, or its measures so compli- 
cated, that without Mr. Clay we can do nothing, and if he were 
dead we would be hopeless ? Surely not so think the people, 
who, in the last few years, whenever Mr. Clay's name has been 
withdrawn, have manifested every disposition to sustain the 
Whig policy, but, with his name before them, have shown a 
willingness to forget their interest in his defeat. You should 
know better than I do, or any other in Kentucky ; but, rest as- 
sured, should Mr. Clay -again run for the Presidency he will be 
defeated, and the Whig party routed worse than ever, and scat- 
tered to the winds. 

The facts and reason leading to this conclusion must strike 



LETTER FROM G. B. KINKEAD. 



267 



you and every other unbiased mind ; and so strong is this con- 
viction with many of the best men of the party, that they doubt 
even whether he will carry Kentucky. You know Kentucky, 
however, better than they or I do. I am satisfied she does not 
want him nominated again. 

Under the circumstances, your friends in Kentucky are 
anxious, with your permission, to place your name before the 
people of the United States, and they grow a little impatient 
sometimes, when they think they see the road clear before you 
of all other obstructions but Mr. Clay, and your generous nature 
preventing you shoving him aside. Under your name they 
have confidence of success, because they feel that they can throw 
their souls into the conflict. I am no flatterer to you, but believe 
me, there is scarcely a precinct, in Kentucky at least, where 
men would not feel their bosoms beat for you as for a brother. 
And your very political enemies would feel themselves disarmed 
of their accustomed rage, because they would know you had no 
hoarded revenge to pour out against them, no vindictive and 
proscriptive feelings to gratify. 

It is possible the body of the people, fascinated with the bril- 
liant victories of General Taylor, would, at present, seize with 
more avidity on his name for the Presidency. But that is not 
a thing to change the action of Kentucky, or, at any rate, of your 
friends in it. A thousand casualties may befall General Taylor, 
and they desire to place you in a position which may be advan- 
tageous for all contingencies. They desire, unless you forbid 
it, to let the members of the legislature nominate you for the 
Presidency, and they know the people of Kentucky will stand 
by the nomination. They are unwilling to see you yield claims 
for the high place, which they acknowledge, to what they con- 
sider the selfish and vain ambition of another. 

I have thus far expressed myself frankly to you, and I will do 
so once more. In searching for the motives which are stimu- 
lating your friends in Kentucky, I find them with others as with 
myself, not springing from expectations of office, or from any 
other unworthy source, but I feel great pleasure in giving my 
feeble approbation to the generous sentiments which, from your 
lips, impressed themselves on my boyhood's memory, to the 
enlarged and liberal views and magnanimous sense of justice 
which have compelled the admiration of my manhood, to the 
strong social nature, and warm and earnest eloquence which 
won alike boy and man. These I find the motives, and the 
expression of them the reward we seek in your elevation. 
With sentiments of respect, 

I am your obedient servant, 

G. B. KiNKEAD. 



268 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to G. B. Kinkead.) 

Washington, January lo, 1S47. 

Dear Sir, — I have received your letter of the 2d instant, and 
thank you for it. I may well feel some pride in the partiality 
and commendation of one known to me from his boyhood, 
and who is himself (I can say it in language of the simplest 
truth) esteemed and commended by all who know him. 

I concur cordially with you in the patriotic sentiment, that 
principles are to be preferred to jncii, and that the triumph of a 
good cause ought not to be sacrificed or hazarded by the in- 
dulgence of any personal favoritism in the selection of a candi- 
date. The selection of a candidate is a secondary consideration, 
and should be made with a due regard to all the circumstances 
that might render him more or less efficient in advancing the 
great' cause that he represents. 

And it is therefore that I think the nomination of a candidate 
for the Presidency ought to be forborne by the Whigs as long 
as possible, so that they may have the benefit of all intermedi- 
ate occurrences, and all indications of the popular feeling and 
opinion to guide them in their choice, and may have the ad- 
vantage of the last lesson that tijiic can give them on the sub- 
ject. 

This is the general sentiment of the Whigs here. They 
think that it would be premature and impolitic for their party 
to bring forward, in any prominent or conspicuous manner, 
candidates for the Presidency at this time, or for some time to 
come; that those candidates would immediately become objects 
of attack by their political opponents, and enable the latter to 
divert the public mind from that attention to, and scrutiny of, 
the conduct and measures of the present administration, which 
is now bringing down daily condemnation upon it and the 
party that sustains it. 

From all this you may readily infer my answer to your ques- 
tion, whether I am willing to consent that my Kentucky friends 
should place my name before the people of the United States 
as a candidate for the Presidency. I should very much regret 
it, and I do believe that such a nomination would be more 
prejudicial than favorable to the pretensions which you and 
other too partial friends are disposed to set up for me. My 
name, without the least agency on my part, has somehow or 
other gone abroad to the public in connection with the Presi- 
dency, and to an extent that has surprised me, and I find my- 
self most unexpectedly set down in the grave list of personages 
out of whom it is supposed a President may possibly be made. 

If there is any " conjuration" in my name, it will be found 
out as well without any formal nomination as with it. My 



LETTER TO G. B. KINKEAD. 



269 



opinion is, however, that no such discovery will be made. 
There will then be an easy end of the matter, so far as I am 
concerned, and my friends and I will be saved from any im- 
putation of intrusiveness on the subject. In any event, it will 
be time enough to act next winter. By that time things will 
be developed, and we shall be able to see and act more clearly 
and understandingly. My opinion, my advice, my wish is that 
all action be postponed till then. I wish you to believe that I 
speak in all sincerity when I say that I not only feel no longing, 
no impatience, on the subject, but that I feel something more 
like alarm than gratification at being spoken of as a candidate 
for the Presidency. I do not know whether this indifference 
or shrinking results from my natural disposition or from the 
circumstances and relations towards others in which I have 
grown up. But if I was ever so anxious on the subject, if my 
feelings were ever so different from what they are, I should 
think it very bad policy, considered in that point of view only, 
that I or my friends should appear even to pnsli Mr. Clay aside. 
I grieve to be obliged to concur with you that his present pros- 
pects seem to me to be discouraging and gloomy. But a change 
may take place. If not, he will not desire to become a candi- 
date, and his mighty aid will be then freely and nobly given to 
any other that may be selected as the standard-bearer of his 
principles and his party. I think that such a deference and 
such a delay are no less due to him than required by sound 
policy. 

In my anxiety to secure your hearty concurrence in these 
views, and to satisfy you that it is best to postpone any move- 
ment on the subject of the Presidency, I find that I have been 
very tedious, and this acknowledgment, I fear, will be con- 
sidered as but a poor recompense to you. 

Believe me to be very sincerely, your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

G. B. KiNKEAD, Esq. 



CHAPTER XXI. 
1846-1847. 

Letter of General Taylor to Mr. Crittenden from Monterey, Mexico — Reply of Mr. 
Crittenden — Letter of James E. Edwards to Crittenden — Webster to Critten- 
den — Letter of Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, inclosing J. L. White's Letter to 
Mr. Clay. 

(General Taylor to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Monterey, Mexico, January 26, 1847. 

MY DEAR SIR, — Your highly esteemed and very wel- 
come and interesting letter from Frankfort of the 6th of 
November, favored by your son, Mr. Thos. L. Crittenden, was 
handed me on the night of the 25th ult. while on the march 
from this place to Victoria, the capital of the department of 
Tamaulipas, for which you have my sincere thanks, more par- 
ticularly so for intrusting to my care my young relative, who I 
much fear, from the awkward and unpleasant position I have 
been placed in by those in high places, will be greatly disap- 
pointed in not having an opportunity to accomplish what he 
has made such great sacrifices to do, which was to have an op- 
portunity to come in collision with the enemies of his country, 
as I have in a great measure been stripped of my command — 
laid on the shelf; or, in other words, I am ordered to act strictly 
on the defensive, or it is expected that I will do so ; so that I 
need not expect again to see the enemy in force or in battle 
during the continuance of the present administration. But let 
matters and things fall out as they may, I shall take the best 
possible care of him as long as he is disposed to continue in 
the country, and hope to restore him, if not covered with scars 
and laurels, to his family and friends in at least excellent health, 
as well as being gratified at many of the scenes he will have 
passed through while in this country. 

On the loth of October I received, by Lieutenant Armstead, 
dispatches from the War Department informing me that copies 
of the same had been sent to Major-General Patterson, author- 
izing him to organize a force to move on Tampico, if I appro\'ed 
it, giving as a reason for commencing a correspondence with 
my subordinates on such subjects was to prevent delays, which 
might occur in consequence of the distance between General 
(270) 



» 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 27 1 

Patterson and myself, which reason was futile and without foun- 
dation, as, in the first place, General Patterson could not move 
without I approved the measure ; and secondly, the distance 
between us could be readily overcome by express in twenty-four 
hours. As soon as 'the secretary commenced tinkering with my 
subordinates in my rear I was satisfied I was not to be fairly 
dealt by by that high functionary, and my suspicions have been 
fully verified. Again, on the 2d of November, I received by the 
hands of Major Graham, of the Topographical Corps, sent as 
an express, dispatches in answer to mine announcing the fall 
of Monterey, directing me to put an end to the armistice en- 
tered into with the Mexican commander, and to recommence 
hostilities with renewed vigor, when the same would have ex- 
pired in five days by limitation after due notice was given to 
the enemy. This dispatch was followed by another brought 
by Mr. McLane, son of our late minister to England, directing 
me not to advance on San Luis Potosi, but to remain where I 
was and to fortify Monterey ; at the same time suggesting a 
descent on Vera Cruz, which they thought might be taken with 
four thousand men, presuming I could spare that number from 
the lower Rio Grande ; and, if I thought well of the measure, I 
could detach Major-General Patterson with the force in question 
on said duty. In reply, I informed the secretary that I thought 
not less than ten thousand should be employed on such an 
enterprise ; that but little should be left to hazard so far from rein- 
forcements, supplies, etc.; but that if he would organize an effi- 
cient force in the States of six thousand men and send them to 
Vera Cruz, with the necessary means to carry on the most 
active operations against the city and castle, which ought to be 
done by the loth of the present month, I would hold at or in 
the vicinity of Tampico four thousand men to join the six thou- 
sand, the whole to be under the command of General Patterson, 
or any other officer the department might designate. This com- 
munication was written about the 14th of November, to which I 
have, up to the present moment, received no answer, as well as 
to several other important ones. 

Soon after sending the communication referred to, I received 
a private or unofficial letter from General Scott, stating he had 
addressed a memoir to the War Department on the subject of 
an attack on Vera Cruz, stating that it ought not to be made 
with a less force than ten thousand men, six thousand regulars, 
claiming the command of the expedition, which he did not expect 
would be given him, and objecting to its being given to Patter- 
son on account of his being a foreigner. It appears, however, 
that he. General Scott, wormed himself into the same, which he 
effected, and which was determined on, on the 1 8th of Novem- 



272 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ber, when he proceeded to New York, from where he wrote me 
another private letter full of professions, in which he states he 
was on his way to this country, charged with important duties, 
which he did not feel authorized to disclose or communicate by 
mail, for fear his dispatches might fall into the hands of the 
enemy ; that he had no officer at hand to send with them, etc., 
in which I have no doubt he was entirely mistaken ; that he 
would leave New York for New Orleans on the 30th of No- 
vember, expected to reach the latter place by the 12th of De- 
cember, Brazos by the 17th, and Camargo on the 23d, when he 
would communicate with me fully by letter, as he did not ex- 
pect to see me, and he might have very properly said he did 
not wish to do so ; that he was not coming to supersede me, 
but would take from me the greater portion of my command, 
both regulars and volunteers, leaving me to act purely on the 
defensive until Congress could raise an army for me to com- 
mand, which he hoped they would do by adding to the estab- 
lishment some eight new regiments, and by large bounties would 
fill the ranks, so as to enable me to move into the enemy's 
country by May or June, and meet him somewhere in Mexico; 
all of which he knew was out of the question. 

From the middle of November to the middle of December 
I was busily engaged in occupying Saltillo and Parras, when I 
left here for Victoria, for the objects I stated to you in my last 
communication, with about four thousand men, directing General 
Patterson to move from Matamoras with two regiments of foot 
and one of mounted volunteers, to unite with me at Victoria, 
leaving Major-General Butler with a respectable force in com- 
mand here, General Wool at Parras, and General Worth at Sal- 
tillo; all to be under the command of the former when united, 
which was to be the case in the event of Santa Anna's moving 
on the latter place. On the night of the third day's march 
from here, when forty-five miles distant, I received by express 
from General Butler information that a dispatch from General 
Worth had reached him stating that Santa Anna was march- 
ing on Saltillo with a large force, asking reinforcements, in 
consequence of which I returned here by forced marches, pass- 
ing Monterey the second day a short distance with most of the 
regulars with me, directing General Quitman to continue on to 
Victoria with upwards of two thousand volunteers and one bat- 
tery of regular artillery, to form a junction with General Patter- 
son, with orders to drive a body of the enemy's cavalry at and 
near Victoria, about fifteen hundred strong, across the mount- 
ains, which was done. The third day, and the next after pass- 
ing this place, I received a letter from General Butler, who had 
proceeded to Saltillo, that the report of Santa Anna's move- 



I 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 273 

ment was entirely without foundation, when I at once returned, 
and, after resting the command here one day, proceeded on 
again to Victoria, which we reached on the 4th inst. On the 
24th, the^second day after leaving here the last time, I received 
General Scott's private letter from New York, which I have al- 
ready referred to, which was the only intimation I had received 
of said arrangement up to that time, when I did not consider it 
advisable to change any of my arrangements, but informed him 
by an officer sent to Camargo that I would await his orders at 
Victoria, which communication he received in due season. He 
reached Camargo on the 3d of December, and, as I was at Vic- 
toria, ordered General Butler to send down to Brazos, or the 
mouth of the Rio Grande, all the regular infantry and artillery 
serving as such, with two batteries of artillery, five hundred regu- 
lar cavalry, and five hundred mounted volunteers, — the best to 
be selected by General Cox, premising that I had under my com- 
mand seven thousand five hundred regular troops, a larger force 
of that description than has ever been under my orders at any one 
time, which fact he. General Scott knew, or ought to have known, 
as the prescribed monthly returns have been constantly fur- 
nished the department through the adjutant-general's office, to 
which he had constant access. The largest number of troops 
of that kind we have ever had here was about six thousand, 
and nothing like that number fit for duty ; and at Victoria I 
received orders, after taking a sufficient escort to accompany 
me to this place, to send the balance of the command to join 
him at Tampico. 

I must say that a more outrageous course was never pursued 
towards any one than has been in the present instance so far as 
I was concerned. I can but look on General Scott's course as 
marked by the greatest duplicity that he could have practiced. 
Mr. McLane, when here, stated to me that Mr. Polk informed 
him that great efforts had been made to have me relieved by 
General Scott, and stating among other reasons that I was anx- 
ious for General Scott to be sent here, and that I was deter- 
mined or was very desirous to leave ; that Mr. Polk stated in 
reply that I had never intimated a wish to be relieved by Gen- 
eral Scott or to leave the country, and that he (General Scott) 
would not be placed in command. The same persons then pro- 
posed that Worth should be breveted and placed in command, 
which the President also refused to do, stating that I had fully 
carried out all the views and expectations of the department, 
and that if I wished and asked to be relieved, that General But- 
ler would succeed me; authorizing Mr. McLane to say to me 
that I should not be interfered with. But it appears that Gen- 
eral Scott not only knew the effect of a well-directed fire in the 
VOL. I. — 18 



274 LIF^ O^ JOHN J. tRITTENDEN. 

rear, but understands the proper mode of directing it with effect 
on others, particularly when aided by the Secretary of War 
and another individual in my front or neighborhood. But let 
it all pass; for, had General Scott claimed the command of the 
army as his right by seniority, and it had been granted him, and 
he had come out in an open and manly way and entered on the 
duties appertaining to the same, I certainly would have made 
no objection to the arrangement, but would have taken his orders, 
had I been placed in my proper position, and given him every 
aid in my power in carrying out his plans in accordance with 
the views and wishes of the department, or would have retired 
without a murmur if my services were considered of no impor- 
tance ; as some little relaxation would not have been unaccept- 
able after having had my faculties, both mental and physical, 
completely on the stretch for more than a year and a half, — a 
large portion of which time has been passed in the saddle, witl - 
out having passed one night in a house, or any other covei 
than a tent. What I complain of is in not being advised 
of the change which was to take place as soon as it was deter- 
mined on at Washington, which would have been the case had 
the slightest regard to courtesy or decency been observed to- 
wards me; for in that case the murder of a young officer sent 
to me with important dispatches which fell into the hands of 
General Santa Anna, making him fully acquainted w^ith the 
contemplated attack on Vera Cruz, as well as the limited force 
left for the defense of the conquered country, would have been 
prevented, and would have saved a portion of the troops here 
and myself a long and tedious march of more than four hun- 
dred miles, besides the expenditure of several thousand dollars; 
for had Mr. Marcy and General Scott come to the conclusion 
that their plans were not safe in my keeping, instructions might 
have been given to me to have suspended all movements of 
troops until the -arrival of the latter ; but it may be they thought 
the risk of their plans falling into the hands of the enemy, even 
if it turned out to be so, was less objectionable than it would 
be to have intrusted them to me. Their course would warrant 
such a conclusion. 

As the department has withdrawn its confidence from me, 
whether with or without cause, the interest of the service, it ap- 
pears to me, required I should at once have been superseded 
altogether or have been at once withdrawn from the country. 
Had I been disposed to be ill contrived, or even punctilious, I 
would not have turned over the troops or any portion of them 
to General Scott or any one else without an order from the Sec- 
retary of War, which order General Scott did not produce ; in 
which course I would have been fully sustained by the regula- 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 2"- 

tions made for the government of the army. (See Article III. 
paragraph 15.) But it was sufficient for me to know the wishes 
of the President on the subject in question to do all in my power 
to carry them into effect ; and have, therefore, withheld no one 
or thrown any obstacles in the way to prevent General Scott's 
complete success, even if compelled to fill back to the Rio 
Grande, preferring to be sacrificed rather than the expedition 
to or against Vera Cruz should fail, or even than it should be 
thought by the most censorious I had thrown any obstacles in 
the way of its complete success from any cause whatever. 

Had General Scott, as I conceive he ought to have done, 
mounted his horse or got into a carriage and visited me at Vic- 
toria, or if he was not physically able to have done so, ordered 
or requested me to have met him at any point on the Rio 
Grande, where he could have at once ascertained the precise 
regular force under my orders, if he had neglected to inform 
himself on that point before leaving Washington, as well as to 
have discussed other matters connected with the further prose- 
cution of this war face to face, it might, and in all probability 
would, have prevented some heart-burnings, as well as might 
have resulted beneficially, as far as some portion of the public 
service was concerned. But such a straightforward course did 
not suit, as he would necessarily have acted under great re- 
straint, as he must have been constantly reminded of the in- 
trigue concocted by him and Marcy, aided by the misrepresent- 
ations of a certain individual here, who has been promised a 
brevet of major-general, and to be specially assigned to duty with 
the same, for the performing his portion of the dirty work, in 
taking from me every battalion of infantry and every company 
of regulars or volunteers. But this will not prevent me, I trust, 
from doing my duty here and everywhere else as long as I con- 
tinue in the public service. I have never asked for a command, 
and did not come here to serve myself, but the country ; and when 
promoted to the high rank of major-general, which I neither 
asked nor expected, and charged with the management of this 
war, I informed the chief magistrate of the country, through the 
proper department, that I had great fears of not being able to 
meet his expectation, but would do all in my power to bring 
the war to a speedy and honorable termination, and would, at 
any time, turn over to another or lay down the command with 
more pleasure than I assumed it. No matter as to the course 
of General Scott, I truly and sincerely wish him success, 
notwithstanding one of the principal objects in getting up 
the expeditfon in question was to break me down, which I 
have been looking for ever since the surrender of the cit\' <o{ 
Monterey, particularly as so many persons had, contrary to my 



276 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

wishes, connected my name with the Presidency at the next 
election, which disconcerted and annoyed General Scott and 
other aspirants, who deemed it no doubt necessary to have me 
at once killed ofE I regret to think of General Scott, and to 
express myself towards him to you as I have done, knowing, as 
I do, you are friendly to him, nor do I wish to destroy or even 
to shake the same ; but I must think and speak of him, when- 
ever I deem it necessary to do so, in the way I consider his 
conduct towards me warrants, judging from acts alone, not from 
words or professions. 

It seems to me the expedition against Vera Cruz is a false 
move at this late season ; nor will Santa Anna, if anything of a 
general, attempt the defense of the castle of San Juan ; if the 
Mexican Congress determine not to negotiate, which I truly 
hope they will not do, but determine to carry on the war, Santa 
Anna will at once abandon the battle as soon as he is aware of 
the preparations made by us to take it ; oppose the landing of 
our troops as long as practicable, falling back to the mountains, 
defending all the difficult passes through the same, and destroy- 
ing the road, will so retard the progress of our troops that the 
vomito or yellow fever must drive us from the country, as it is 
more to be dreaded than one hundred thousand Mexican bayo- 
nets. I believe much the safest course would have been to 
have concentrated the whole force at Saltillo, which could have 
been made up to near twenty thousand effectives, and at once 
marched into the heart of the country and taken possession of 
the rich mining departments, where we would have found sup- 
plies of provisions and forage, and which must have compelled 
Santa Anna to have fought us on equal terms or to have thrown 
himself between us and the capital, if we had beat him, which 
we must have done, or if he had retired before us his army 
would have disbanded; in either case peace must have resulted, 
had there been a government to treat with. I should have 
suggested this course to General Scott had we met, if he had 
been invested with full powers, which should have been the 
case ; for, although there might have been some, or indeed 
many, disadvantages in regard to the same, yet they would have 
been greatly overbalanced by health., etc., which would have 
enabled the command to act throughout the entire year. 

Thomas wished to have gone on with that portion of the 
army to Tampico from Victoria, bound from thence to Vera 
Cruz ; but I was not willing he should do so, as in that case he 
would have been running too great a risk among strangers as 
an amateur, particularly from the northers, and yellow and other 
fevers common to that part of the country. I considered him 
placed under my charge, and therefore have insisted on his re- 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 37; 

maining and living with me until he leaves the country; and 
should any chance for distinction offer he shall have the oppor- 
tunity to embrace it. 

The Kentucky volunteers were, by accident, or rather the 
Louisville Legion were, prevented from taking a more conspic- 
uous part than they otherwise would have done in the battle of 
Monterey, particularly on the 21st, on account of .their having 
been drawn up on the right of General Butler's division, nea'r 
our battery of artillery ; and when the general was ordered to 
advance and sustain the regulars then engaged in the town, I 
ordered one regiment to remain stationary and protect the 
artillery and for other purposes; the Kentucky troops were 
selected for that object purely on account of their position. 
Unless Santa Anna attempts to drive me from my present posi- 
tion, in which case I shall resist to the last, no matter as to the 
description or amount of my force, which I hardly expect he will 
do, the Kentucky troops shall have a full share of the work. 
McKee and his regiment I have the greatest confidence in ; 
they are now in advance, which position they shall continue to 
occupy as long as they and myself continue to remain in the 
country. 

On receiving the order at Victoria, which I considered a most 
outrageous one, I determined on the moment at once to leave the 
country, or rather to apply to do so; but on more mature reflec- 
tion I have concluded to remain for the present, or until the 
department thought proper to relieve or supersede me in reality 
as well as in effect. In the mean time, if I can aid in bringing the 
war to a close I will take pleasure in doing so, with a perfect 
indifference as to who may get the credit of the same. On the 
subject of the Presidency, I am free to say, under no circum- 
stances have I any aspirations for the office, nor have I the 
vanity to consider myself qualified for the station ; and while I 
can say to you that while I would not refuse, perhaps, to serve 
and do the best I could, if the good people of the country should 
be so indiscreet as to confer that high station on me, at the 
same time could I reach the same by expressing even a wish to 
do so, I would never arrive at it. I had hoped, from the recent 
elections in several of the States, that some distinguished politi- 
cal Whig, yourself for instance, would be selected, and would 
be elevated to the office in question, and I consider the great 
cause in failing in bringing about so desirable an event will be, 
that there may, and will be, too many aspirants for the place 
among those calling themselves Whigs. Butler's division, with 
less than one thousand regulars, will compose my principal 
force ; and I cannot precisely say what the first, or, indeed, what 
the latter, will number until General Scott leaves for Tampico 



278 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

or Vera Cruz. One of my greatest apprehensions is, that many 
of the volunteer officers and privates came here with the hope 
and expectation of gaining personal distinction by coming in 
contact with the enemy, and as soon as they understand they 
are barely to act on the defensive, with no hopes of a fight, they 
will disregard everything like instruction and orders, become 
dissatisfied, and will insist on being discharged to return to 
their homes ; this state of things the officers of rank say they 
very much fear. I would much rather force extensive lines of 
an enemy, such as I have to look after with volunteers, than 
defend them with the same description of force. They must, 
the volunteers, have something constantly in prospect to excite 
them, keep them contented and efficient. 

I much fear your patience will be exhausted before you get 
through this long and, I greatly fear, uninteresting epistle ; if 
so, I must say to you, as I have on a former occasion, throw it 
aside, or in the fire, as you may think best, taking the will for 
the deed, as I can truly say it is kindly intended, admitting, at 
the same time, that I write under some excitement and con- 
stant interruption. Wishing you and yours uninterrupted health 
and prosperity, I remain truly and sincerely, 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden, Z. Taylor. 

United States Senator, Washington City. 

p.S. — Just as I finished this, a report has reached here from 
Saltillo, sixty or seventy miles in front of this, where there is a 
considerable force stationed, that one or two companies of the 
Arkansas mounted men, under Major Borland, of that State, sent 
in advance, some fifty or sixty miles, to gain intelligence and 
watch the movements of the enemy, had been surprised and the 
whole captured; although it comes from an officer of high rank, 
yet I flatter myself it will prove erroneous. 

Z. T. 

(J. J. Crittenden to General Taylor.) 

My dear General,— a few days before I left Washington, 
on my return home at the close of the session of Congress, I 
had the pleasure to receive your very welcome and interesting 
letter of the 26th of last month from Monterey. 

The treatment you have received was certainly calculated to 
excite your discontent and resentment, and your friends, I may 
say. The whole country sympathize in your feelings. 

The public seem very much disposed to put the harshest 
construction — the most sinister construction — on the conduct 
of the administration towards you, and of all concerned in it. 
I am not surprised that you have been discontented and excited 
on the occasion, but I am gratified to find that, notwithstanding 



LETTER TO GENERAL TAYLOR. 279 

your deep sense of personal wrong, you determined to remain 
in the service and to stand by your cojmtry until actually super- 
seded, so that it may appear to all the world that your retire- 
ment was the act of the government and not your own voluntary 
choice. The country will appreciate your conduct and your 
services, and will reward them, whatever individuals may say 
or do. You and your reputation are under the best protection 
in the world — the protection of the people. You have deserved 
and acquired it by your services and your victories, and still 
further services and victories will strengthen and animate it. 
The public is not inattentive to your situation, and to the im- 
potent condition in which you have been left. The perilous 
situation in which you are supposed to be placed with Santa 
Anna and an overwhelming force in your front, excites here 
the keenest apprehension and sensibility. Any disaster that 
should befall you will be visited with universal execration on 
the heads of those who have exposed you to the peril. 

This place and the whole vicinity were thrown into the 
greatest excitement and agitation a few days ago by the fearful 
rumors that reached us that Santa Anna had marched upon 
you with overwhelming numbers, that your communications 
were cut off, and that you were engaged in doubtful and bloody 
battles. I send you with this a slip from the Commomvealtli, 
a newspaper published here, announcing this intelligence. I 
have seldom seen such a burst of public feeling as it produced. 
You seemed to be the object of universal sympathy and con- 
cern. And every voice seemed to be raised against those by 
whom you had been left exposed to such inevitable dangers. 
They were ready to believe that it was impossible for you to 
defend yourself against such odds, and that you had been 
blindly, if not willfully, sacrificed. 

The greatest anxiety still prevails, and will continue until 
further intelligence is received to clear away our fearful doubts 
and apprehensions. We wait for further intelligence with the 
utmost impatience. 

I must confess that I feel the greatest uneasiness when I 
consider your situation and the great numerical superiority of 
your enemy, and the desperation that compels and forces that 
enemy to the conflict. But still my confidence, perhaps unrea- 
sonable, prevails over my fears, and makes me say that \-ou 
will defend yourself and be again victorious. God grant that 
it may be so, and that our next intelligence from you may con- 
vert all our fears into rejoicings and triumphs. I must tell 
you, however, that the public mind is full of the forebodings 
of evil. If these should prove true, the blame will not be laid 
on you. You will be considered as a victim, and others will 



28o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

be held responsible. But if out of all these difficulties and 
perils you shall be able to come victorious, what a victory it 
will be, and how it will fill the heart of the nation with exulta- 
tion ! I will indulge that anticipation to the last. 

I think, general, as you do, that the administration is very 
blamable in its conduct towards you. It has been wanting, 
as it seems to me, in that courtesy, respect, and confidential 
communication .and consultation with you that were due to 
you and to theVpublic service. But perhaps this may have 
been the -result of inadvertence only, — a blamable omission 
merely, — without any intention of disrespect or offense. I hope 
that it may be so, and that you may be willing at least to 
admit that construction to prevail, unless something shall occur 
to render a different course necessary to your own vindication. 

I should exceedingly regret any controversy between you 
and General Scott, and hope that it may be avoided, unless it 
becomes necessaiy for your defense and your honor. I hardly 
think it can become necessary for any such purpose. You need 
no defense, and your reputation having become part of the 
cotintrfs fame, the country will take care of it. My views in 
all this, I must confess, are not limited only to your military 
position 

Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(James G. Edwards to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Burlington, Iowa, March 4, 1847. 

Dear Sir, — In accordance with instructions, I take great 
pleasure in forwarding to you a resolution, which was unani- 
mously adopted by a larg,e Whig meeting, held at the capital 
of Iowa, on the 22d ult. I have delayed forwarding the reso- 
lution until I could furnish you the proceedings in detail, which 
you will find in my paper, the Hawk Eye, of this date. 

Resolved, That inasmuch as we have been deprived of our 
representation in the Senate of the United States by the uncon- 
stitutional refusal of the Locofoco party of Iowa to consent to 
an election, we therefore commit the interests of the people of 
Iowa, in the United States Senate, to the kind care and keeping 
of the Hon. John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, and Hon. Thomas 
Corwin, of Ohio. 

With heartfelt feelings of admiration for your undeviating at- 
tachment to the Whig cause, as well as for your virtue and 
patriotism, 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 

James G. Edwards, Ed. Haivk Eye. 






LETTER FROM DANIEL WEBSTER. 28 1 

(Daniel Webster to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, April 6, 1847. 
Dear Crittenden, — My son Edward is a captain in a regi- 
ment of Massachusetts volunteers, and has arrived at Rio 
Grande with two or three companies under his command. In 
the course of events, I hope he may arrive at General Taylor's 
headquarters. My own acquaintance with General Taylor is 
slight, and I have thought that you might be willing to inclose 
Edward a note of introduction, to be presented to General Taylor 
when he shall meet him, or to be forwarded, in case he should 
find it convenient. Edward's first desire will be, of course, to go 
on that he may see active service, and not remain passive. His 
command consists of fine fellows, quite well drilled and disci- 
plined for the time. I believe they are as well inclined to follow 
as to lead, where something is to be done. General Taylor is 
certainly a most remarkable person. He has shown himself 
not only superior to his enemies, but far abler and wiser than 
his superiors at home. I admire his prudence, judgment, and 
modesty as much as his coolness and bravery. In my opinion 
we have had no such military man since Revolutionary times. 
Your son gave us an hour while here, for which we were greatly 
obliged to him. There were about as many of us putting ques- 
tions to him all at once as there were men in buckram upon 
Sir John Falstaff, 

Truly and cordially yours, 

Daniel Webster. 

The following letters from Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, and 
the letter from J. L. White, which Mr. Clay inclosed to Mr. 
Crittenden, explain themselves. 

These letters show the commencement of that coolness be- 
tween Mr. Clay and Mr. Crittenden, and the causes that led to 
it, which arose about the time of the nomination of General 
Taylor for the Presidency, and continued until a short time 
before Mr. Clay's death. I regret that I could not obtain Mr. 
Crittenden's reply to Mr. Clay's letter of the 21st of September, 
1847. I found, by a letter from Mr. White to Mr. Crittenden, 
that Mr. Clay had forwarded Mr. Crittenden's reply to him. 
I made an application to Mr. White's executors for the letter, 
but did not succeed in obtaining it. 

No event of Mr. Crittenden's public life, relating to him per- 
sonally, distressed him so much as his alienation from Mr. Clay 



282 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, September 21, 1847. 

My dear Sir, — I think it due to our mutual friendship, and 
the candor and confidence which have ever existed between us, 
that I should afford you an opportunity of perusing the inclosed 
letter. I need not say that I do not indorse any of the conjec- 
tures and reflections affecting you which it contains. You will 
give to it such consideration as you may think it merits, after 
which, be pleased to return it to me. 

Your faithful friend, 

H. Clay. 

(Letter of J. L. White sent by Mr. Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

My dear Sir, — I should have made one of the New York 
party who visited you at Cape May had I been in the city when 
it left, but at that time I was absent in Indiana and Kentucky. 
My desire to see you was stronger than ever, because I hoped 
to learn something of the cause of the movement in your State 
by leading Whigs in behalf of General Taylor. That Mr. Crit- 
tenden should lend himself to it was, to all your friends here, a 
subject of regret and disappointment; yet I had a lingering hope 
that his object was not to go ultimately for General Taylor, but 
temporarily to divert public attention from yourself to him, and 
thus create an opinion among our opponents that you would in 
no event be a candidate. Such a hope was natural, knowing, 
as I did, Mr. Crittenden's former devotion to your interests. 
My recent visit to the West has destroyed it, and unless he has 
acted in the matter with your knowledge and approbation, he 
has separated himself from his friends, in this region, without 
warning and, I fear, without just excuse. Is it possible tJiat lie 
had such approbation? and has the recent movement in Kentucky 
been made after consultation with you, and approved by you ? 
I do hope you will inform me on these points, if it is not asking 
too much of a not very old but as an undeviating and unchange- 
able a friend as you ever had or now have. 

My visit to Kentucky convinced me that there was, among 
the controlling spirits of the Whig party, little or no interest 
felt for General Taylor out of Kentucky. If our friends in it 
would remain quiet, the flame kindled for him, with the aid of 
his incessant correspondence, would soon be extinguished, and 
the entire mass of the Whig party, excepting only Webster, 
Seward, Weed, Greeley & Co., with whom we can dispense, 
would again rally for their first love. Will not the Whigs of 
your State preserve a neutrality at present, or are they de- 
mented ? My desire is simply to ascertain if the Whigs of 
your State are acting with your concurrence. 

I remain, as ever, your sincere friend, 

J. L. White. 



LETTER FROM MR. CLAY. 283 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

September 26, 1847. 

My dear Sir, — I hasten to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter, and to relieve your mind from any iinpression that I 
shared in the views taken, in regard to the next presidential 
election, by Mr. White. Repeatedly, whilst I was recently 
abroad and since I have returned home, such statements in 
respect to your course have been made to me. I thought I 
understood you. I find I did, and to all such inquiries I make 
representations of your conduct substantially corresponding with 
your own account of it. 

Your friend, 

H. Clay. 



CHAPTER XXII. 
1847-1848. 

In Senate, February 3, 1847 — Thanks to General Taylor — Relief for the Suffer- 
ing of Ireland — Letter from Crittenden to Burnley — Defense of Mr. Clay — 
Letter from J. A. Pendleton — The Allison Letter— Letter from A. H. Stevens to 
Mrs. Coleman on the Subject of the Allison Letter — Crittenden to O. Brown. 

THE three following speeches I have thought proper to 
introduce here rather than in the volume of collected 
speeches. They do not so much indicate Mr. Crittenden's 
patriotism or political views as his humanity and large-hearted 
charity for the suffering poor, his love for and confidence in his 
friends, and his prompt courage in defending them and bat- 
tling for a just recognition of their rights. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, it appears to me, from the 
character of this resolution of thanks to General Taylor, that 
there is a feeling existing against the general, arising, no doubt, 
from that sort of party spirit which has interfused itself through 
everything and with which all persons are more or less imbued. 
I think a subject of this nature should be treated irrespective 
of party. As the leader of the forces of the country. General 
Taylor had nothing to do with party ; he was above all party ; 
he sought for no party approbation — desired only the ap- 
proval of his country. I believe, if it were known how little 
General Taylor busies himself about politics, parties, or po- 
litical operations, how exclusively devoted he is to the service 
of his country, the knowledge of the fact would shield him 
from every unkind suspicion. 

General Taylor is not a political partisan, much less is he 
actuated by that sort of spirit which seemed to have given 
complexion to this resolution. The whole country has re- 
ceived the intelligence of the gallant achievements of our little 
army, under the leading of General Taylor, with proud satis- 
faction, mingled with surprise at the singular success which 
has attended these operations. Conducted under circumstances 
of extreme difficulty and embarrassment, I believe they are not 
surpassed by anything which has ever occurred in the history 
of the world. Now, when the councils of the country are 
called upon to express the public gratitude inspired by these 
(284) 



SPEECHES IN THE SENATE. 



285 



great achievements, why should they give room to that sort of 
spirit which prompts them to look for some circumstance to 
dim the lustre of these great achievements? Why qualify 
the expression of their approval in such a manner as to make 
it doubtful in the opinion of the world whether it was not the 
intention to cloud the glory of his renown and drug the very 
cup of thanks they are holding to his lips? It is not usual to 
inquire, after a great victory has been won, whether, if man- 
aged in some other way, the battle could not have been better 
fought. It is surely enough that victory has been gained, 
without regard to the order of battle, whether gained by the 
superior exertions of the centre, or of the left wing, or of the 
right. General Taylor has done all that was expected, has 
evinced the skill of an accomplished general, and the courage 
and valor of a perfect soldier. Why, then, strive, with a critical 
eye, to grasp at some little circumstance in order to convey 
a sentiment of disapproval ? I do not impugn motives. I 
speak of the interpretation which will be put upon the reso- 
lution by the world. It bears evidence upon its face that 
they do not approve the armistice. What can they know 
about the armistice which would enable them justly to deter- 
mine whether it is a subject of approval or otherwise ? Some 
gentlemen whom I have heard converse upon this subject 
seemed to entertain the expectation that General Taylor, with 
his slender forces, exhausted by a three days' battle, should 
have rushed upon thousands of their intrenched adversaries 
and forced them to an unconditional surrender. Would any 
of those cavilers have so acted ? 

At the close of the battle, General Taylor had about five 
thousand available troops. Was it to be expected that those 
brave fellows, after three days' fighting, should rush, bayonet 
in hand, upon the enemy, nine thousand in number, strongly 
fortified, and make them prisoners ? It is an easy matter to 
talk of such deeds by our firesides ; but I venture to say that 
the opinions of Worth, Davis, Henderson, and General Taylor 
are of more value than the judgment of any man, or men, 
who did not participate in the battle. In regard to the 
armistice, what could have been done more than had been 
done if the armistice had not been agreed upon? For two 
months, at least, after such a battle and victory the army 
could have done nothing, whilst the armistice would have 
the effect of paralyzing the enemy during the time of its con- 
tinuance. The fact of assenting to an armistice proves Gen- 
eral Taylor to be a man of sound judgment as well as humane 
feeling; it gave him time to obtain supplies and restore the 
vigor of his own little army, and afforded to the women and 



286 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

children of the beleaguered city tinie to escape the horrors 
which would attend the sacking of a town by a triumphant 
soldiery. 

Military men are the best judges of these matters ; they stand 
upon the point of honor; they are trained to that sentiment; 
they //z'r and die for honor, and appreciate, above all other things, 
the honors conferred upon them by their country. What, then, 
would they think of this obliterated compliment, — this uncer- 
tain mark of approbation ? How would such a compliment be 
received by an army after winning such a battle ? What will 
the people think when it is perceived that senators are endeav- 
oring to qualify the matter so as to go against or for General 
Taylor according as the tide of war or politics might turn ; 
ready to take a sort of neutral position ; to take shelter under 
the armistice, and to vote approval and disapproval at the same 
time? Such resolutions should be not only a reward for past 
good service, but an incentive for further achievements and fur- 
ther victories. Will this be so ? The next time they fight, the 
next time they accomplish a brilliant victory, what thanks will 
they expect? If an expression of approbation is of any value 
it must be free and unrestrained, — free as the rain from heaven. 
The compliment, if qualified, is turned to dust and ashes. The 
senator from Alabama seems to entertain an impression that 
striking out this proviso would imply some censure or disap- 
probation of the President of the United States, who disapproved 
the armistice. Now, I think the gentleman unduly sensitive on 
that point. I do not see how such a construction can be given it. 
General Taylor might have had reasons unknown to us which 
induced him to make that capitulation ; while, on the other hand, 
the President may have had purposes which were unknown to 
General Taylor and which justify him in disapproving it. The 
conduct of both may be reconcilable, and both may be right. 

No one can undertake to say that that battle was managed 
with the skill of a Washington or a Napoleon ; but it was con- 
ducted with skill enough to accomplish a great purpose and 
achieve a great victory. For this the country rejoices, and we 
return thanks. I am not thoroughly acquainted with military 
history, and have listened with respectful attention to the sen- 
ator from Alabama, who says there has never been an instance 
of a conquered army leaving a conquered city as the Mexican 
army left the city of Monterey — with arms in their hands — after 
dictating the terms of their capitulation. I agree with the gen- 
tleman in this ; my slight reading does not furnish a similar ■ 
case. Nor do I know of any case where seven thousand, eight 
thousand, or nine thousand troops, in good training, in the 
heart of a city, with cannon, and equipped and provided with 



I 



I 



SPEECH ON THE POOR OF IRELAND. 



287 



all the destructive means of warfare, — a city in which every 
house is a fortress, — had surrendered to five thousand and 
agreed to march out between the files of the enemy, — taking 
with them nothing but their clothes and side-arms, — leaving 
their ammunition and all public property behind. Now, how 
did Santa Anna regard this ? As a triumph ? If all that we hear 
can be relied upon, Santa Anna has those officers in custody, 
from Ampudia down, and they are to be tried for cowardice. It 
would, indeed, be a singular state of things for us to be disap- 
proving the conduct of our general in permitting the officers to 
go out, and Santa Anna should be trying them for cowardice for 
going out ! Enough has been done to entitle our soldiers to 
our unqualified thanks ; they liT-ve shown themselves to be 
brave and patriotic. General Taylor had no purpose but to 
serve his country to the best of his power ; he and his little 
army had done great things ; their exploits are to form part of 
the history of this country, and the Senate is forming material 
to enable others to detract from the value of those services, — 
authenticating records by which the historian may blemish our 
military glory. I hope this will not be done ! This victory is 
more dear to the American heart because it is crowned with the 
wreath of humanity. General Taylor has shown not only 
courage and skill, but also humanity, — humanity to women 
and children. This armistice is sanctioned not only by the laws 
of nature, but by the laws of God. To have acted otherwise 
would have been to commit most sacrilegious murder, for which 
there would have been no defense. Thank God, this capitula- 
tion had been distinguished not more by courage than by hu- 
manity. 

(In Senate, February 26th, 1S47. Relief for the suffering poor of Ireland.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I rise in accordance with 
a notice given on a former day to introduce this bill for the 
suffering poor in Ireland and Scotland, but before making this 
motion I beg leave to make a i&\^ remarks. The whole world 
has heard of the calamity which has fallen on these countries, 
of the scarcity and famine which prevail there. I do not rise 
with an empty parade of words to impress the picture of a 
famishing people upon the minds of this honorable body. 
I wish only to discharge what I consider a solemn duty. As 
representatives of the people it is our duty to carry out their 
views, as they have been presented to this body. The calamity 
is no ordinary one. It is not the result of idleness or folly on 
the part of the people. It is one of those inscrutable dispensa- 
tions of Providence to which we are as nations one and all 
liable, and in which we should be one and all interested. The 



288 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

depth and extent of the calamity is known to the whole world, 
and the whole world must feel for the sufferers. It may be 
asked, is it any duty of ours to attempt to relieve their suffer- 
ings, to interpose our charity? I think it is. Our liberality as 
a nation has been exhibited in cases by no means as appalling. 
The bill which I have drawn up is in the language of the bill 
passed in 1812 for the relief of the people of Venezuela suffer- 
ing from the effects of an earthquake. That bill was approved 
May 8th, 1812. It was introduced by a committee, of which 
Mr. Macon was chairman. The character of Mr. Macon is 
well known. From his ceaseless vigilance he was called the 
watchman of the committee. The bill passed by the unanimous 
vote of the House of Representatives, and I notice among 
those voting for it the names of Randolph, Richard M. John- 
son, and Mr. Calhoun. It does not appear that there was any 
opposition to it in the Senate, and the bill appropriated fifty 
thousand dollars. In that case it was but a partial calamity, 
arising from an earthquake. No great national famine seemed 
to sweep the people from the face of the earth, and yet the case 
presented a sufficient motive for the exercise of our national 
sympathy. How much more appalling and widespread is the 
evil now appealing to our charity! The people of Venezuela 
were of a different race, yet they were men, and the appeal 
came to us, and though connected only by the tie of a common 
humanity, we interfered for their relief. But who are the suf- 
ferers at this time ? They are our kindred, bound to us not only 
by a common humanity, but by a more intimate bond of brother- 
hood. We are, to a great extent, the descendants of the people 
of Ireland, the kindred, the offspring, of Irishmen, and every 
day the tie is strengthened and endeared by emigrants coming 
to our shores to become one with us. This famine fills the 
world with the voice of lamentation. Are we not bound as 
men and Christians to listen and respond ? I think we are. 
So far as the constitutional argument is concerned, with the 
voice of suffering ringing in my ears, and this precedent before 
me, I lay down all objections at the feet of charity. But we 
are under other obligations to incite us to this deed of mercy. 
Our happy land is crowned with plenty, surpassing in fertility 
and abundance anything known in the history of nations. Do 
not these rich blessings lay an obligation on us? " From him 
to whom much is given, much will be required." We must 
render obedience to the great law of humanity. It would be 
strange, indeed, if our Constitution was so fashioned as to 
interdict the exercise of Christian charity, when the hearts of 
the people prompt them to offer such assistance as is now pro- 
posed. It would look as if the Constitution was set up in 



SPEECH ON THE POOR OF IRELAND. 



289 



opposition to the commandments of our religion, and laying 
down rules for the government which repealed the laws of 
heaven — the law of the King of kings. No sir, no ! 

Every consideration of high, moral, and political character 
calls upon us to meet this question in a liberal spirit. There 
are other incentives almost as strong and as high as those to 
which I have referred. What will be the influence of such an 
example ? What a spectacle will it be for the people of the 
world to see one nation holding out her hands full of plenty and 
pouring joy and consolation into hearts now sick with sorrow 
and into desolate and famine-stricken homes ! Can you im- 
agine any moral spectacle more sublime than this ? Hitherto 
the hands of the nations have been red with each other's blood; 
national hearts have been without sympathy and without char- 
ity. Thank God, it is not so now. Governments have been 
converted to Christianity and have learned that the great source 
of human happiness consists in peace and amity among nations. 
The day is coming when nations will be bound together in a 
common brotherhood, and war, if not extinguished and forgot- 
ten, will be less frequent, and will only arise from overwhelming 
necessity. There is nothing more noble than to give, to the 
extent of our ability, both food and raiment to the naked and 
the hungry. We should be proud of the opportunity. The 
people everywhere are moved to act generously. From Boston 
to New Orleans, the heart of the nation is alive and panting 
with the spirit of charity. The villages emulate the cities in 
the exhibition of the noblest sympathy with the sufferers. In 
giving this national bounty, we but follow the impulses of the 
national heart ; we act within the pale of our duty when we 
undertake this great work ; we can do what individual charity 
cannot do. I would not give the national reputation of such 
an act for ten times the appropriation proposed. I would not 
do this with ostentation, but unobtrusively; I would not herald 
it with the sound of trumpet and call the attention of tiie world 
to our charities, but I would have it done effectively. I have 
introduced a clause to authorize the President to send out a 
national vessel under a national flag to the British government, 
carrying the national contribution, a present from the govern- 
ment of a people rejoicing in plenty to another government, 
whose people are suffering from a national calamity. What a 
glorious spectacle to see these floating instruments of death, — 
their decks no longer frowning with implements of destruc- 
tion, but wafting substantial evidences of a nation's good will 
to the afflicted! Such exhibitions would mark the onward 
march of benevolent civilization, brighten the intercourse be- 
tween nations, and speak the longing aspirations of the peo[)le 
VOL. I. — 19 



290 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of all climes for the advent of a holier and happier day. Yes, 
sir, I would have this offering of our sympathy and fraternal 
feelings for the generous sons of Erin and Scotia borne to them 
under our national flag; I would have all the world honor and- 
love and welcome that flag, not only as it is now known, as the 
flag of valor, but I would broaden its stripes and brighten its 
stars by making it the welcome messenger of generosity and 
humanity. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

Washington, January S, 1848. 

Dear Burnley, — I received your letter of the 1 2th of last 
month with the pleasure it always gives me to hear from you. 
Our friend Duke has been somewhat mistaken in respect to oc- 
currences at Lexington. I have no recollection of saying to 
Mr. Clay what he supposes me to have said, and what I think I 
did not say. My sentiments in relation to Mr. Clay, General 
Taylor, and the Presidency have not been concealed. / prefer 
Mr. Clay to all men for the Presidency; but my conviction, my 
involuntary conviction, is, that he cannot be elected. That 
being my belief, I thank God that He has given us, in the per- 
son of our noble old friend General Taylor, a man who can be 
elected, if Mr. Clay cannot. In these few words you may read 
all my opinions and feelings, — you may read me and the whole 
subject. I am apprised that the mere fact of my belief that Mr. 
Clay could not be elected (though expressed only to his friends) 
has drawn upon me the suspicion and jealousy of some of them. 
Mr. Clay, I trust, is of too noble a nature to admit of any such 
feeling, or to doubt the sincerity of my friendship because of 
my regard for truth and candor. I should consider myself as 
dishonored — I should consider myself a false and treacherous 
friend — if I should advise or say that Mr. Clay could be elected 
when I believe the contrary. Such a course might suit di flat- 
terer — not a friend. My relations with Mr. Clay have been per- 
sonal and peculiar. I feel myself honored by them, and they 
are precious to me. I hardly know what sacrifice, consistent 
with honor, I could refuse to make to them. You may well 
imagine how much, under all these circumstances, I am con- 
strained and embarrassed. I endeavor to be as prudent and 
quiet as I can until the present difficulty shall have passed by, 
as soon it must. I did not till lately believe that Mr. Clay 
desired to be regarded as a candidate. I knew that he was not 
even willing to be a candidate except under circumstances which 
showed clearly that it was the general wish of the people, and 
that his election was certain. It was manifest to me that this 
state of things had not occurred, and hence I concluded he 



LETTER TO A. T. BURNLEY. 391 

would not wish or even consent to be brought forward; but his 
information and his view of the state of public opinion are dif- 
ferent from mine. I have every confidence in him that he will 
do right when he is rightly informed. He is now at Baltimore, 
on his way to Washington, and he will have full opportu- 
nity here of seeing, hearing, and deciding for himself. Since 
my arrival in Washington I have not sought, indeed I have 
rather avoided, inquiry and conversation with members and 
others on this subject ; but I have heard members say, that 
though Mr. Clay Jiad many warm friends among them, they did 
not believe there was a single one would desire arid advise him 
to become a candidate under present circumstances. General 
Taylor has some very active, zealous friends among the mem- 
bers, and the almost universal tendency is plainly and strongly 
towards him. There is evidently a general impression that he 
is to be the President, and that itself becomes a powerful cau§e 
of success. Mr. Clay's oldest and most eminent friends in 
Congress and out of it, in this part of the country, believe that 
he cannot be elected, and are, therefore, adverse to his being a 
candidate. But, for the present, his position in respect to it 
keeps them in suspense. As soon as they are relieved from that 
they will be prepared to take an active and energetic part for 
General Taylor. In the mean time they are all anxious that all 
excitement and collision between friends of Clay and Taylor 
should be carefully avoided ; that they regard as a primary 
policy. This is as good a view as I can give you in the limit 
of a letter (already too long) of the state of things here. Some 
might suppose that I am inclined to make out a case against 
Mr. Clay, when I am only endeavoring, at your request, to give 
you a true and candid statement. 

For this and other reasons I desire you to consider this letter 
confidential, and its contents not to be spoken of in connection 
with my name. I inclose you a letter for my son in Mexico. 
It may be a great relief to my brave boy George to know that 
the President has declined to accept his resignation. He is in- 
debted for this to his gallant conduct displayed in the battles 
near the city of Mexico. The interest that has been felt and 
expressed for him by the most eminent men here may well ex- 
cite his pride and furnish new motives for action. My friend 
Conrad, formerly one of your Louisiana senators, left here a 
few days since for New Orleans. He is a good Whig, and a 
gentleman. I expressed to him the wish that he would become 
well acquainted and place himself on terms of friendship with 
Baillie Peyton and yourself Receive him kindly and with con- 
fidence, — he is to be relied on. He has intelligence, honor, and 
spirit. When you meet him receive him with open hand and 



292 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

heart, and, if necessary, you may say at my request. There is 
coming rapidly a tinic of great scarcity of money and great em- 
barrassments in the currency and business of the country. All 
prominent men here most skilled in finance are of that opinion. 
Indications and symptoms of its approach are already operating 
and visible. I pray you to be zvarncd in season. Collect your 
debts ; avoid liabilities. Your friend, 

A. T. Burnley. J. J. Crittenden. 

Some time in January, Hon. Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, during 
a debate in the Senate on the Mexican war, charged Mr. Clay 
with using political arts for the purpose of promoting his pre- 
tensions to the Presidency. Mr. Crittenden interrupted him 
with the following remarks: 

Give me one moment, sir. I have had the honor of know- 
ing Mr. Clay, of calling him friend, and being called friend 
by him for the last twenty-five years. I think I know him, and 
I can venture to assure my honorable friend from Mississippi 
that there is no man in this country more incapable of the 
practice of any ignoble act than he is, — that he would not accept 
the Presidency at the price of any arts practiced by him. 

To his renown the Presidency could add but little ;.he will 
adorn a bright page in the history of this country. Then, sir, 
when the passions and prejudices of party shall be hushed, his 
will, indeed, be held by all Americans the " claruvi ct vencrabilc 
nonien," a name honorable and illustrious, which, combined with 
the names of his great and distinguished opponents, will, with 
their blended light, illuminate and illustrate the annals of our 
country through all time. I regret, then, sir, that, in the course 
of these animated remarks (and much, I know, escapes us in the 
heat of debate which we would willingly retract), a passage 
should have occurred which may, perhaps, be construed more 
seripusly than was intended. I can assure the gentleman that 
whatever information he may have received to the contrary, Mr. 
Clay has practiced no art,— neither the art of the mesmerizer, the 
magnetizer, nor the politician to promote his pretensions to the 
Presidency. The highest /official honors could add but little to 
•his name. Office, in itself, is but an ignoble object of ambition. 
Mr. Clay has ever had the higher object of serving his country; 
he is incapable of any art to circumvent, to obtain, any object; 
he has used no means which the honorable senator from Mis- 
sissippi, Mr. Foote, would, in the exercise of his nicest judg- 
ment, condemn. I make this appeal kindly and respectfully in 
vindication of a private citizen and my friend now absent, and 
represented here, however unworthily, by myself. 



I 



THE ALLISON LETTER. on- 

(Wm. Ballard Preston and odieis to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, February 28, 1S4S. 

Honorable John J. Crittenden, 
Senator from Kentucky. 

We have heard this day with regret that )'ou have accepted 
a nomination from your State as the Whig candidate selected 
by them for the office of governor of Kentucky. We, the 
Whig members from Virginia, are deeply distressed that such 
acceptance will deprive the Senate of the United States of the 
services of one who has rendered his country such signal and 
distinguished services in that exalted station. The present is a 
crisis which demands the experience, wisdom, moderation, and 
courage which has so long rendered you conspicuous, and now, 
in your person, commands the confidence and judgment of an 
immense portion of your countrymen. We therefore request 
that should it not be wholly incompatible with your own views 
of public duty, that you would not resign your present station 
as senator until the great and impending issues which are be- 
fore the Senate for decision are disposed of We say to you 
in sincerity, and in view of the true glory of our common coun- 
try, that we regard your presence in the Senate of the United 
States as of the very highest importance. 

With sentiments of profound respect and regard, we are your 
most obedient, humble servants, 

Wm. Ballard Preston, of Va., 
w. l. goggin, 
Jno. S. Pendleton, 
And. S. Fulton. 

It will, perhaps, be remembered that there were two Allison 
letters ; they were signed by General Taylor, addressed to his 
brother-in-law, Captain Allison, and published throughout the 
country. In September, 1 848, Mr. Crittenden received a letter 
from General Taylor, written at Baton Rouge, in which he says : 
" In consequence of the intentional misrepresenting of the 
meaning of several of my letters, or parts of my letters, A\hich 
have been given to the public by my enemies to prove a A\ant 
of consistency in my course in regard to the Presidency, par- 
ticularly one I wrote to Mr. Pringle, of Carolina, accepting 
the nomination tendered by the Democrats of that city, I 
deem it necessary, in order to place such matters right before 
the pubKc, to address a letter to Captain Allison, which you must 
have seen, and which, I hope, will meet your approbation." This 



294 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

letter was soon followed by another letter to Captain Allison 
The first was greatly discussed, and the last produced a great 
sensation. It was, in fact, the political platform upon which 
General Taylor was supported throughout the country, and it 
was written by Mr. Crittenden. I had heard from several sources 
that it was written by Mr. Crittenden in the Hon. Alex. H. 
Stephens's room at Washington. I wrote to him on the subject, 
and he has given me permission to use his reply as I may think 
best. I have concluded to publish it, as it contains a history of 

the affair. 

(Hon. Alexander H. Stephens to Mrs. Coleman.) 

Liberty Hall, Crawfordsville, Ga., October 13, 1S70. 
Dear Mrs. Coleman, — Your letter was received this morn- 
inc-. I am glad to hear that your work is so nearly finished. 
General Taylor's second Allison letter, I am quite sure, was 
written, in substance at least, by your father. He, Mr. Toombs, 
and myself were then living together, occupying one house 
in Washington. Major Bliss visited us from General Taylor. 
We were all earnest advocates of General Taylor's nomination 
for, and election to, the Presidency. It was, upon consultation, 
thought best, as General Taylor had had but little to do with 
politics, and was not very conversant with the public measures 
likely to enter the canvass, that an outline of such issues as 
should be presented, both for nomination and election, should 
be prepared and sent to him by Major Bliss for his considera- 
tion and announcement, if it met with his approbation. After 
a thorough understanding and agreement between your father, 
Mr. Toombs, and myself about all the points proper to be pre- 
sented in such a paper, lie, your father, undertook the drafting 
of it. He did not read it to us when it was finished, but told 
us the substance of it. Major Bliss set out that night, with the 
paper, to General Taylor. In a few days this second letter to 
Major Allison made its appearance in the newspapers. It em- 
bodied in substance what had been agreed upon as proper to be 
said by General Taylor, and what yoiu- father told us he had 
written. This general statement of facts connected with it you 
may make any use of you may think proper. 

Yours most respectfully, 
Mrs. Ann Mary Coleman, Alexander H. Stephens. 

Baltimore, Maryland. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Senate-chamber, March 25, 184S. 
Dear Orlando, — I was shown, this morning, a letter from a 
confidential friend of General Taylor, from which I infer that he 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 295 

was about to write to you a letter intended for publication, ex 
pressing, probably, some political opinions, and especially in 
respect to the policy which we ought to observe towards 
Mexico, and the indemnity we ought to insist upon. That 
letter states that he zvould have indemnity, and territory for 
indemnity. Though this is the manner in which the letter- 
writer expressed himself, I am persuaded that General Taylor 
ivoiild not so express himself. This is a point in our present 
politics of exceeding delicacy, and in regard to which there is 
a great deal of sensitiveness, particularly in the New England 
States. You will see Mr. Webster's speech published in the 
Intelligencer of this morning, in which he takes such very de- 
cided ground against the acquisition oi teiritoiy, or against such 
acquisition as might form neiv States. I may say that 1 almost 
knoiv he would not be opposed to the establishment of the Rio 
Grande, up to New Mexico, as the boundary of Texas, and thence 
(excluding New Mexico) to such a parallel of latitude as would, 
when pursued to the Pacific, include the harbor of San Fran- 
cisco. But if General Taylor was to say in general terms that 
" he ivoidd have indemnity and territory for indemnity," it might 
fairly be construed that he meant to include in that indemnity 
all the expenses of the war, and to coerce that indemnity in 
territory, regardless of its extent. Such a declaration, on his part, 
would put him, as you will perceive, into direct conflict with the 
opinions of Mr. Webster and the feelings and prejudices of the 
New P^ngland States, — a position much to be avoided at this 
crisis. I know that such is not General Taylor's true meaning, 
and I am persuaded that he has not and will not so express 
himself in his contemplated letter to you. If, however, he has 
done so, it was probably the effect of carelessness and inadvert- 
ence, and I would advise, by all means, that you write to him 
on the subject, and return his letter for revision before publica- 
tion. Another reason for this course may be, that when it was 
written he did not know of our treaty with Mexico. Whatever 
General Taylor may say in reference to public questions, ought 
to be, in general terms, relating to principles rather than to 
measures and avoiding details. His opinions (as I believe them 
to exist) in regard to a peace with Mexico, might be sufficiently 
expressed in some such manner as this : That peace between 
the two republics was greatly to be desired, that the honor of 
our country had been fully vindicated by our victories, that the 
fallen condition of Mexico ought to prompt us to magnanimous 
moderation and forbearance towards her, and make us careful 
to exact nothing beyond the just measure of her rightful claims, 
and a satisfactory establishment of a boundary for Texas ; that 
for the satisfaction of those claims we ought to accept, //more 



296 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

convenient and suitable to Mexico, such limited cessions of 
territory as might give 7is a boundaiy, including the harbor of 
San Francisco, without incumbering us with a useless extent of 
territory, that might embroil us with disturbing questions at 
home. This would cover the whole case without entering into 
detail. Out of it, with your good pen, you could frame some- 
thing that would do, and for that contingent purpose have I 
made these suggestions. It is important to General Taylor that 
all should go smoothly on this subject, so that we may avoid 
all disadvantage, if it should so turn out that he, and not Mr. 
Clay, should be finally selected as our candidate. Things have 
been so badly managed among us that, with all oiu- prudence, 
we may find it no easy matter to elect either of them. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 
1848. 

In Senate — Resolutions tendering Congratulations to the People of France by the 
United States upon the adoption of a Republic — Supreme Court Bill — Letter 
of Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, loth of April, 1848, announcing his Intention 
of being a Candidate for the Presidency — Crittenden's Reply to Clay — Critten- 
den to his Son George — Dinner to Mr. Crittenden, given in Washington, at the 
time he left the Senate and became Governor of Kentucky. 

In Senate, April 6, 1848. 

MR. CRITTENDEN.— Mr. President, I wish to occupy the 
attention of the Senate a few moments, rather because 
I differ from some of my friends than with the expectation of 
enhghtening the Senate. Some gentlemen have supposed that 
the Senate of the United States have no power to express, and 
ought not to express, the congratulations of the American 
people to the French government in the form of this resolution. 
I do not consider that there is any question of power involved. 
We express an opinion, a sentiment, that is all. Surely this is 
a right belonging to every individual. Is the Senate of the 
United States the only body in Christendom which is to be 
paralyzed on the occurrence of such scenes, — to stand as a sort 
oi cap2it inortJiiun in the midst of the civilized world? No, sir; 
we have a right to do this. It is said that we ought to delay our 
congratulations, that enough has not yet been accomplished to 
enable us to pronounce judgment. I concur in that we are 
not in a condition to pronounce a final judgment; but the ques- 
tion now is, Has not enough occurred to make us rejoice, and 
offer congratulations to France and to the world ? If we are 
to wait until all the consequences of the revolution are known 
to congratulate them, when \\\\\ that time come? The youngest 
man here will not live to see that day. The conseqences for 
good or ill will extend beyond our time. This is one of the 
great events of the world, full of mighty consequences to man- 
kind. There is no exaggeration in this thought. It is the 
greatest movement in civilized and social life which has occurred 
within our knowledge, one of the signs, and marks, and wonders 
of the times. It excites the hopes, and fears, and tremulous 
anxiety of mankind. I have my fears, but my hopes prepon- 
derate. This is a mighty work to be accomplished, requiring a 
degree of virtue, intelligence, and experience which is rare, m 

(297) 



298 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the midst of alarmed Europe. The French have made this great 
experiment in the midst of hostile crowns and principalities. I 
hope that the God of truth and liberty will be with them in this 
mighty trial, and that they are destined to be successful. 
Whether this revolution is to form the basis, to be the proxi- 
mate cause, of a great amelioration in the condition of mankind, 
I know not; I cannot anticipate. 

But however that may be, of one thing I am satisfied : its 
ultimate consequences cannot but be for the good of humanity. 
Who can say of the French Revolution of 1792, with all its 
carnage, and tumult, and the terror which it spread throughout 
the world, that from all that horror and blood good has not 
accrued to mankind ? 

The earth and the sea have covered up the victims of that 
revolution. They are no more ; but the great principles of 
liberty involved in that contest have lived to expand and spread 
abroad among mankind. A new world of intellect has been 
opened ; a new sense of freedom has been spread throughout 
the civilized univ^erse. The ideas and principles to which it 
gave size, though for a time seemingly trampled on by the iron 
heel of tyranny, yet live. So will it be with this revolution. 
Gentlemen imagine this to be nothing more than a temporary 
ebullition of popular feeling, and prophesy that it w^ill go down 
in crime and disaster. This may be ; but it has already shown 
to the world the power of public opinion. There is an estab- 
lished government, with its army of a hundred thousand men 
at the command of the reigning sovereign, — a sovereign who 
has been firmly seated on the throne of his ancestors for seven- 
teen years, who traces back his royal descent for centuries, — 
suddenly finding its ramparts broken down, and by what? 
Not the power of a mob under temporary excitement. No, sir, 
but by a great and majestic feeling pervading the whole mass of 
the people. That feeling took from the sword of his army its 
edge. The ultima ratio of kings was here at an end. A moral 
change was proclaimed by a power which is above all thrones, 
greater, more exalted, more irresistible, than all their impreg- 
nable ramparts and fortifications. The change is strange and 
grand ! The mighty movement of the people, produced by a 
deep sense of what was due to themselves, is to be applauded. 
Sir, I congratulate them ! France may have to go through 
many disastrous convulsions before she attains her great aim — 
the establishment of a system of free government. I wish I 
could believe that this revolution is to be the proximate cause. 
I am not confident that it is so ; but I have hope. It cannot be 
otherwise than productive of good. For this we congratulate 
France, and bid her God speed ! 



SUPREME COURT BILL. 299 



About this time a bill was introduced in the Senate proposing- 
to authorize the judges of the Supreme Court to hold a second 
term in the course of the year. Mr. Crittenden thought the 
accumulation of business in the Supreme Court rendered this 
necessary, and made the following remarks in favor of it : 

Mr. Speaker, I shall only occupy the Senate a few moments. 
I regret that gentlemen have chosen this occasion, so impor- 
tant in itself, for the purpose of debating questions and prin- 
ciples which, according to my judgment, are not included 
in the subject under consideration. To what purpose is it 
to debate the question as to the political character of the 
Supreme Court of the United States — to debate the question 
whether it was best to appoint the judges in the manner pre- 
scribed in our Constitution, or to change that Constitution and 
make them elective ? Where is the necessity of inquiring into 
the nature and extent of the jurisdiction of the court on this 
occasion ? Where the propriety of inquiring into the indi- 
vidual or collective competency of the judges? This bill does 
not touch the subject in regard to any principle or question in- 
volved in it as a system. It takes the court as it stands, as it is 
legally and constitutionally established, without change or alter- 
ation of its jurisdiction, and simply proposes — what? That 
because of an inconvenient accumulation of business in the 
Supreme Court of the United States, rendering it impossible 
for that court to dispose of the business in less than two or 
three years, a remedy should be applied to obviate the evil. 
And what is the remedy ? The bill simply proposes to author- 
ize the judges of the Supreme Court to hold a second term 
in the course of the year besides that to which they are now 
limited. Now, wdiat principle is involved in this ? If I under- 
stand the arguments which have any application to this sub- 
ject, gentlemen would have no objection to this measure if 
they did not apprehend that it was intended as a wedge — 
the commencement, as they express it — of another system, 
having for its object the suspension of the judges of the Su- 
preme Court from all duty in the Circuit Courts, confining them 
solely to their duties in the Supreme Court. They imagine 
this, and refuse to apply the proposed remedy for an acknowl- 
edged ill. 

They speak of the danger of the remedy ! Let us examine 
it. The bill provides for a single year. According to existing 
laws the next term of the Supreme Court will commence on the 
first Monday in December next. We are now in the first week 
of April; four months of the year have expired. The three 
corresponding months of the next year will be occupied by the 



300 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

court in the transactions of its business, so that the whole peril 
of the proposed measure lies in the compass of eight months. 
But, forsooth, if we indulge the Supreme Court (for gentlemen 
seem to regard it as an indulgence) by granting them permis- 
sion to come here and dispatch the business of the court in that 
period, great danger is to arise, a new system is to grow up, a 
new principle is to be evolved, which is to relieve the judges of 
the Supreme Court from all other duties except those belong- 
ing to the Supreme Court, and other serious political conse- 
quences will result. I apprehend no such evil. There is not a 
senator here, so far as I can judge from the opinions that I have 
heard expressed, who is willing to change the present system 
so far as to separate the judges from the Circuit Court and 
limit them to the Supreme Court. The Senate, then, has 
the issue and consequences in its hands, and, I ask, what solid 
ground is there for apprehension ? Is there any danger that 
the senator from Arkansas will be, even in these revolution- 
ary times, so perfectly revolutionized in his opinions as to 
come back prepared to reverse all his opinions which he has 
expressed to-day. Why, sir, are we afraid of ourselves ? It 
is supposed that this is a bill for the relief of the Supreme 
Court. Relieve them from what ? It relieves them by requiring 
them to hold a term of the Supreme Court and discharge all 
the arduous duties of their office. Are these labors less ex- 
pensive to them than traveling on their circuits would be ? I 
apprehend not. But relief, it is obvious, is not the purpose of 
this bill. The honorable senator is apprehensive that some 
cases may not be tried according to law ; that some admiralty 
cases may be delayed to the tremendous and incalculable detri- 
ment of all parties; and we hear also of appeals to the Circuit 
Courts. Now, litigation may be infinitely more active in the 
part of the country where the honorable senator practices his 
profession so much more profitably than I do ; but in my sec- 
tion of the country there has not been in twenty years twenty 
cases of appeal from the District to the Circuit Courts. 

As to the Spanish pirates, the gentleman will agree with me 
that our entire coast is free from such pestilence. The keeping 
a felon out of the penitentiary for a few months is the only pos- 
sible contingency that may occur. Such a case may occur. 
Some petty robber of your mails, or something of that sort. It 
seems to me that the honorable senator's mind is a little fevered 
on this subject; that he does not view it with calmness and dis- 
cretion, which usually characterize his labors as chairman of 
the Committee on the Judiciar^^ I apprehend that he has al- 
lowed his mind to run off from the consideration of the particular 
subject before it to other questions not at all involved in it. His 



LETTER TO HENRY CLAY. 301 

mind is evidently prejudiced. He apprehends that the judges, 
consulting their own experience, had suggested this bill as a 
proper remedy for the existing evil, and that that is a sort of 
Nazareth from zvJiidi no good can come. But, as my friend from 
New Jersey has said, who so well qualified to suggest a remedy 
as the judges of the courts ? I do not know that they have sug- 
gested this plan ; but admitting it, I desire no prejudice against 
the measure on that account. The judges are competent. I 
desire the decision of the Senate, — to their judgment I shall bow 
with all the deference to which it is entitled. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, April 10, 184S. 
My dear Sir, — I transmit you inclosed a copy of a note, the 
publication of which I have authorized. 

I can add nothing to the reasons which it assigns for the course 
which I have finally felt it my duty to adopt, but I shall be most 
happy if they meet with concurrence of your judgment. 

I am faithfully your friend, 
The Hon. J. J. Crittenden. H. Clay. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Washington, May 4, 1848. 
My dear Sir, — I had the pleasure to receive your letter, 
inclosing to me a printed copy of your published note of the 
lothof the last month, announcing your course and determina- 
tion in respect to the ensuing presidential election. I hope it 
may turn out for the best ; but you are apprised of my opinions 
and apprehensions on the subject, and though so much less 
competent than yourself to judge, I must confess that I still 
retain the same impressions. It has all along seemed to me 
that there was not that certainty of success which alone could 
warrant your friends in again presenting your name as a candi- 
date. The whole subject of the presidential election is becom- 
ing more and more perplexed. General Taylor's two letters of 
the 20th and 22d of the last month, which you will have seen, 
have reached here. No certain judgment, I suppose, can yet 
be formed of their effect. The public press has not been heard 
on the subject. I have conversed with but few about it. I un- 
derstand that these letters have produced considerable sensa- 
tion here, that of the 22d being entirely satisfactory and miti- 
gating, to a great extent, the discontent produced by that of the 
20th. The declaration contained in the latter, " that he would 
not withdraw from the canvass even if yourself or any other 
was nominated by the national convention," was received here 
with great surprise, and though not inconsistent with the 
grounds taken in his previously published letters, it seemed to 



302 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

give quite a shock to the Whigs. It was regretted by us all. 
What will be the result of the position thus taken by General 
Taylor I am at a loss to conjecture. It makes the future still 
more impenetrable an3 dark, and I cannot contemplate it with- 
out despondency. General Scott, as I learn, begins to be much 
spoken of as a candidate, and his friends are said to be making 
preparations to press and sustain him strongly in the national 
convention. I know nothing of the extent of these prepara- 
tions or of the grounds on which his friends rest their confi- 
dence. So far as I can see or judge, it appears to me that the 
general can have no great strength of his own in the conven- 
tion, and that his nomination can only take place (if at all) in 
consequence of the conflict of other interests. 

Upon the whole, it seems to me that the political prospects 
before us present only a troubled scene, from the contemplation 
of which we can derive no pleasure. 

That you may be saved from, or pass through, that scene in 
safety and honor is the sincere wish of your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden,* 

Hon. Henry Clay. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his son George B. Crittenden.) 

Senate-chamber, April 14, 1848. 
My dear George, — Before this reaches you, I hope you will 
have received your commission as major of your regiment, 
which I sent you through the State Department, addressed to 
General Butler. I have also the great satisfaction to inform 
you that in a long list of brevet nominations for distinguished 
services lately made by the President, you have the honor of 
being breveted as major. These nominations have not yet been 
acted on by the Senate, but will doubtless be confirmed. I 
can hardly express, my dear son, the gratification I feel at these 
honors won and obtained by you. You have won them fairly; 
take care and zvear them worthily. I am honored in my sons. 
Their honors are nn)ie, and as dear to me as life. To enjoy them 
fully I must feel secure in them. I have not yet received a line 
from you. I have looked long and anxiously for a letter. We 
are looking anxiously for news from Mexico, — for intelligence 
from our commissioners, Sevier and Clifford. May it be news 
of peace, and may that peace soon restore you to us. You 

* TJiis is supposed to be the last letter ever addressed by Mr. Crittenden to Mr. 
Clay. Circumstances growing out of General Taylor's nomination and election 
produced an alienation between them. During Mr. Clay's last illness there was a 
cordial reconciliation, and Mr. Clay expressed to his son Thomas, on his death- 
bed, the warmest affection for Mr. C, and his approbation of his course throughout. 
I am indebted to the kindness of Mi-s. James Clay for this and other letters of Mr. 
Crittenden to Mr. Clay. 



PUBLIC DINNER. 

may not have heard that I was lately nominated as candidate 
for governor of Kentucky. I was constraim,/ to accept it, and 
shall return to Kentucky in the early part of June 
farewell, my dear son. 

i\/T • n r, r- J- J- Crittenden. 

Major G. B. Crittenden. 

A public dinner was tendered to Mr. Crittenden on the occa- 
sion of his retirement from the Senate, by a large number of 
his friends in Congress and a number of the citizens of the Dis- 
trict. This compliment may be said to have been impromptu. 
Almost every member of the Senate in the city, and a large 
number of the members of the House of Representatives, with- 
out distinction of party, united in the invitation. 

No similar mark of respect was, perhaps, ever offered to any 
public man with more readiness and sincerity. The dinner 
was given at the National Hotel, Mr. Senator Mangum pre- 
siding, assisted by the Hon. J. S. Pendleton and the Hon. Robert 
Toombs, of the House of Representatives. The toast to Mr. 
Crittenden, expressive of affectionate respect and warm admira- 
tion, was responded to by him in eloquent and affecting terms. 
The following is the correspondence which preceded the ban- 
quet : 

WASHINCrrON, June 12, 1848. 

To the Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

The undersigned, a few of the many friends whom you have 
made in the course of your distinguished career as a public 
man, having heard that you were about to leave Washington 
immediately, in obedience to the call of the great State wliich 
has honored you so long, and in honoring you has so much 
honored herself, beg that you will remain long enough to 
receive at their hands a slight testimony of their confidence, 
respect, and esteem, and they will also add, of their sincere 
regret that any circumstances should at this time make it 
necessary that you retire from a "theatre" on which you have 
enacted, and by all the qualifications of a statesman and a 
patriot are able to enact, so useful and so eminent a part. They 
purpose that you will remain long enough to dine with them 
on such a day and at such an hour as may suit your conven- 
ience. 

D. Webster, A. P. Bagby, A. C. Greene, 

W. P. Mangum, Sydney Breese, John I^ki.i,, 

W. L. Dayton, A. Felch, Wm. Ui'ham, 

J. M. Mason, D. S. Yulee, J. C. Calhoun, 



304 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



S. M. Downs, 
D. W. Lewis, 
H. Johnson, 
J. A. Pearce, 
J, R. Underwood, 
Solon Borland, 



C. G. Atherton, 
J. McP. Berrien, 
Thos. Corwin, 
Reverdy Johnson, 
Thomas J. Rush, 
A. P. Butler, 
R. M. T. Hunter, 



J. M. Niles, 

On the part of the Senate, 



Jefferson Davis, 
Simon Cameron, 
John A. Dix, 
D. S. Dickinson, 
J. D. Westcott, 
W. K. Sebastian, 
D. R. Atkinson, 



J. S. Pendleton, 
R. Toombs, 
W. B. Preston, 
R. W. Thompson, 
George G. Dunn, 
T. S. Flournoy, 
P. T. Sylvester, 
J. W. Houston, 
E. C. Cabell, 
Green Adams, 
James Pollock, 
T. A. Talmadge, 
Th. p. Campbell, 
George Ashmun, 
R. C, Winthrop, 
J. B. Thompson, 

W. DUER, 

A. S. Fulton, 
R. C. Schenck, 
J. C. Roman, 
W. T. Lawrence, 
John Blanchard, 

On the part 

W. W. Seaton, 
John Carter, 
Henry Chauncy, 
Dan. F. Delaney, 



M. P. Gentry, 

John Freedly, 
J. E. Holmes, 
John Strohm, 
g. n. eckert, 
E. Therrill, 
j. collamer, 
John Dickey, 
John Crozier, 
J. G. Hampton, 
L. C. Sevier, 
A. Stewart, 

A. H. Stephens, 
J. R. Ingersoll, 
Aylett Buckner, 
D. Rumsey, 
P. W. Thompkins, 
W. L. Goggin, 
Garnett Duncan, 
J. W. Crisfield, 

B. G. Thibodeaux, 
William Cocke, 

of the House of Representatives. 

W. H. AspiNWALL, G. C. Washington, 
W. A. Parker, John E. Shell, 

R. C. Weightman, D. F. Slaughter, 
M. St. Clair Clarke, T. L. Smith, 
Charles Morgan, 



E. B. Holmes, 
W. Hunt, 
T. Butler King, 
E. Embree, 
D. M. Barringer, 
Daniel Duncan, 
R. C. Canby, 
M. Hampton, 
O. Kellogg, 
T. L. Clingman, 
John W. Jones, 
Caleb B, Smith, 
Samuel F. Vinton, 
J. W. Farrelly, 
W. Nelson, 
D. B. St. John, 
Joseph Grinnell, 
John Gayle, 
A. Lincoln, 
C. S. Morehead, 
John L. Taylor, 



Citizens of Washington. 

(Mr. Crittenden's Keply.) 

vSenate, June 12, 1S4S. 

Gentlemen, — I have received your most kind letter and in- 
vitation of this day's date, in which you are pleased to express 
your regret at my intended resignation of my seat in the Senate 
of the United States, and request that I would postpone my 
departure from Washington " long enough to dine with you on 
such a day and at such an hour as will suit my convenience." 



* 



PUBLIC DINNER. ^05 

This most unexpected mark of your kindness and regard does mc 
too much honor. Your commendation, gcndemen, is praise 
indeed ; it is far, I know, beyond any merit of mine. But yet 
I take it to my heart as a testimony of your personal regard; 
I will treasure it as a most precious treasure, and it will grow 
in my memory as long as memory shall last, 

I have no language in which to make you suitable acknowl- 
edgments. I will only ask you to believe that I receive this 
testimony of your "confidence, respect, and esteem" with a 
heart full of feeling, which I know not how to express. 

I have only to add that I accept with pleasure the invitation 
to dine with you. The necessity of my speedy departure from 
the city obliges me to name to-morrow. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient 
servant, 

J. J. Crittenden, 

To Dan, Webster and others of the Senate; Hon. J. S. 
Pendleton and others of the House of Representatives ; W. 
W. Seaton and others of the citizens of Washington, 



VOL. L — 20 



CHAPTER XXIV. 
1848. 

Great Whig Meeting at Pittsburg— Crittenden's Speech— Letter of Tom Clay- 
Letter of General Taylor to Crittenden from New Orleans — Crittenden's 
canvassing for Office of Governor — Debate with Powell — Letter to Orlando 
Brown. 

(From the Weekly Commercial Journal of Pittsburg, June 24, 1848.) 

IT having been announced that Mr. Crittenden would address 
our citizens last night, a large yard in the rear of the hotel 
was crowded at an early hour to its utmost capacity. 

Mr. Crittenden appeared upon the platform and was greeted 
with loud applause. Mr. Forward rose and said he had great 
pleasure in introducing to the meeting the Hon. J. J. Crittenden, 
of Kentucky. (Loud and continuous applause.) From the 
prominent part which this eloquent and able gentleman had 
taken in the advocacy of interests especially near to us, his name 
has become as familiar to us as household words. 

After Mr. Forward sat down, the cries for Crittenden! Critten- 
den ! were absolutely deafening, and when he rose the welkin 
rang with shouts and cheers. 

Mr. Crittenden said he wished he could address the meeting 
in a style to justify the highly complimentary introduction he 
had received from Mr. Forward, or that he was as well able to 
instruct and entertain his fellow-citizens as that distinguished 
gentleman. " Could I address you with his ability, the utmost 
measure of my ability would be filled. Fellow-citizens, I hope 
no one will believe me guilty of the presumption of desiring 
the people of this great city to be called together for the pur- 
pose of hearing an address from me. I received an invitation 
by telegraph, and promised Hampton I would be here. 

" The great topic now agitating the public mind is that relative 
to the presidential question. The chief executive magistrate of 
this Union occupies a position which extends over the whole 
country and into all the departments of government. The two 
o-reat parties have met in convention and selected their candi- 
dates and made their nominations. The Whig Convention has 
nominated General Zachary Taylor. Preceding this nomina- 
tion there existed, as there always will upon such occasions, 
great difference of opinion among the Whigs as to who should 
(306) 



GREAT WHIG MEETING AT PITTSBURG. ->o- 

be their candidate. It was not possible that the wishes of all 
could be gratified; but the convention was composed of dele- 
gates from all sections of the Union ; they compared their 
opmions and General Taylor's nomination was the result of the 
free and full mterchange of their views. The only virtue these 
conventions can have is to unite us. The National Whi'^ Con- 
vention of Philadelphia has nominated General Zachary Taylor 
for President of the United States, and he is presented to us as 
our candidate by all the forms known to us in such cases. I 
now propose to examine somewhat into the qualifications of 
General Taylor for this high office, and the traits which recom- 
mend him for it. In the first place, I know General Taylor per- 
sonally. What objection can be made to him ? What objec- 
tion is made to him by his opponents? I have heard no 
impeachment of his character as a soldier or a man ; but his 
qualifications for the office of President have been called in 
question. I do not myself think that mere military talents and 
renown qualify a man for exahed civil stations any more than I 
think that great civil talents qualify a man to command an army. 
It is sometimes the case, however, that those who wield the 
s\vord bravely in the defense of their country are also endowed 
with the qualifications of statesmen, learned in civil duties, and 
submissive to the Constitution and laws of their country. What 
is the foundation of the belief that the possession of high in- 
tellectual powers is the great qualification necessary for an aspi- 
rant to the presidential office ? After all, the heart of a man is 
the best qualification, — a heart that is honest and faithful. Grati- 
tude will keep such a heart in the right path, and under the rule 
of such a man we could not be in danger. None of our Presi- 
dents have ever failed through want of intellect. The failure of our 
administrations (where they have failed) have been through want 
of heart, and not of head. A man with a sound American 
heart and a good common understanding is what is wanted, and 
with such we are secure against treachery and danger. An 
honest man is needed, and honest men are not so scarce as is 
sometimes supposed. We have an anecdote of an old philoso- 
pher who, when asked why he walked in daylight with a torch, 
replied, that he was searching for an honest man. Well, gen- 
tlemen, I think the people of the United States have found what 
the old philosopher searched for, — they have found an honest 
man in Zachary Taylor. They have not needed to cayyv a torch 
to find him, — his character is a torch, lighting up and show- 
ing an honest man. That torch flames so high that all the world 
can see it, and the earth and the heavens are filled with its light. 
A word as to General Taylor's political principles, and to the 
attempts of politicians to investigate his character. No man 



J 



08 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



was more universally recognized as a Whig among his personal 
acquaintances than General Taylor. I know him to be a Whig. 
He has said (and if there is a man living who would not tell a 
falsehood that man is General Taylor), ' I am a Whig, but not 
an ultra Whig!' If he had been near a place of election in 
1844 he would have voted for Mr. Clay. This brave man has 
spent his life in camp, — in distant places, — where the service of 
his country called him. He has kept his mind free from the 
bitter animosities of a party politician. While actuated by all 
the leading Whig principles, he has no unkind feelings towards 
those who differ with him. Wliigs and Democrats have fought 
under his orders side by side, — equally fighting, shedding their 
blood, and conquering under him. How could it be possible 
for him to regard the one with less favor than the other? How 
can General Taylor give place to any of those little animosities 
of the petty politician ? How could the old hero be bound by 
paltry party ligaments, inducing him to favor one more than 
another of those who fought under him, bled under him, and 
to whom their old general is alike the object of obedience and 
affection ? This, my fellow-citizens, is the school of General 
Taylor's politics. ' I have seen Whig and Democrat bleed to- 
gether in the cause of their country,' said General Taylor; 
'and if I am President I will proscribe no man. I would as 
soon turn my back upon a friend or run from a Mexican as pro- 
scribe any man for an honest difference of opinion.' General 
Taylor, though he took no degree in college, is a reading man ; 
he is familiar with history, ancient and modern ; he is a student 
of Plutarch, — he is one of Plutarch's men ! In worth, in mod- 
esty, he is equal to any of Plutarch's heroes, and as an Ameri- 
can I am proud to proclaim it, and to claim him as my coun- 
tr}-man ! 

" When General Taylor commanded the army in Texas, he 
was ordered to advance to the western boundary of Texas. 
The honest old soldier had sense enough to perceive that it 
was not his business to decide as to where this line lay, and he 
made the cabinet tell him that which they had not distinctly 
decided among themselves. When asked by the cabinet to 
take a position on the Rio Grande, he did so, and commenced 
the campaign. Let any one who doubts General Taylor's ca- 
pacity examine the history of this campaign, and let him say 
if he can discover one solitary fault, one thing which was 
omitted, but which ought to have been done, or one thing done 
which ought to have been omitted. 

"The government — never friendly to him — had found fault 
with him for the capitulation of Monterey ; but the officer who 
carried him the reproof of the War Department has said that, 



GRE'AT WHIG MEETING AT PITTSBURG. 309 

as a military man, he would have preferred the honor of that 
capitulation to the glory of General Taylor's previous victories. 
This officer was Major Graham, one of the most accomplished 
men in the American army. Major Graham carried the rebuke 
of the War Department, composed in the midst of peace, safety, 
and luxury in the White House, to the brave old soldier who 
was fighting in the mountains of Mexico. Graham says he 
watched the old man's countenance as he read the letter : no 
sign of anger or emotion was visible. After reading it calmly, 
he said, ' I am sorry my conduct has not met the approbation 
of the President, and that the government condemns my course.' 
' General,' said Graham, ' the people do not condemn )-ou.' 
' I would have taken Monterey,' said General Taylor, ' w'ith a 
high and bloody hand, but it would have cost me the lives of 
five hundred more of my men. I did not care about the Mexi- 
cans ; I could whip them at any time ; what I wanted was the 
town. The President does not understand the matter, or the 
reasons for my conduct. I had my cannon and my supplies 
to bring up, and my lines of communication to establish and 
secure. While I affected to grant the enemy time, I was really 
securing it for myself This is the only objection I have heard 
against General Taylor ; and public opinion and military critics 
have long since decided that in his favor. (A voice from the 
crowd, " I know another objection: he never knows when he is 
whipped.") I think you are mistaken there, too, ni)- friend. Gen- 
eral Taylor has never been whipped, and I don't think he will 
live long enough ever to be whipped. 

" To command an army of ten thousand men in a foreign 
country, scattered over a large space, requires talents and 
genius. General Taylor has done this successfully, and I think 
we may fairly conclude he has the ability necessary to be our 
President. General Gibson, of Washington, told me a circum- 
stance relating to General Taylor which is well worth repeating. 
You all know General Gibson ; at least you all ought to know 
him. A Pennsylvanian, he is not only an honor to his State 
but to the Union. I have passed through times in Washington 
when almost everybody's integrity was questioned, but in all 
times General Gibson's name stood crowned for truth and hon- 
esty. Well, speaking of General Taylor, he said to me, ' I 
know him well ; we were in the same regiment ; I was one 
grade above him, and so we kept on in the service together. 
the promotions of one keeping pace with the promotions of 
the other. We have served together on nineteen courts-martial, 
and we always selected Taylor to draw up the opinion of the 
court and the report of the proceedings ; he was the best writer 
among us !' By a rare combination General Taylor is not onl\' 







10 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



a conqueror in war, but he is eminently a friend of peace. Said 
he, ' If I could restore peace to my country, and put an end to 
this bloody war, I would go with pride and pleasure to my 
farm and spend the balance of rny life in retirement.' A war- 
rior, a hero in the hour of battle, when the battle is over this 
lion becomes a lamb. Not only in America, but in Europe, 
has he established our fame as a warlike and martial people, 
and yet he is always the advocate of peace. His soldiers love 
l^im — all love him ; and the military critic, when in looking 
over all his campaigns, cannot point to a single error of com- 
mission or omission. 

" In all his career, so far as I am informed, General Taylor 
never put his hand to a death-warrant of a soldier for execution 
under military law ; he rules his army by affection, and not 
through fear. How great must be the satisfaction of the brave 
old man, when he reflects. The enemies of my country fall be- 
fore me, but my hand is free from the blood of any of my fellow- 
citizens ! 

" A remarkable instance of his reluctance to sentence men to 
death is related of him as occurring after the battle of Buena 
Vista. When the battle was over, two deserters were brought 
to him Avho had been taken fighting among the Mexicans. One 
might suppose that in such a case he might be expected to give 
way to feelings of vengeance. Between five and six hundred of 
his soldiers lay bleeding on the earth; but the battle was over; 
he thought there had been enough blood shed. The thirst 
of conflict was over, and the feelings of humanity prevailed. 
If acknowledged as deserters, these men must be put to death ; 
but Taylor could not do this. ' No, no,' said he, ' these men 
were never my soldiers ; they never belonged to my army ; 
drive them back again to the Mexicans, to the tune of the 
Rogue's March !' (Loud laughter and great applause.) 

"No man ever questioned Taylor's honesty. A short time 
since General Twiggs said to me, ' There is not a man in the 
world who can look five minutes in Taylor's face and make a 
dishonest proposition to him.' A private soldier in the army 
would refer a difficulty with a major-general to General Taylor 
with the certainty that he would receive from old Zack the 
most absolute justice." 

After a few words descriptive of the battle of Buena Vista, 
Mr. Crittenden proceeded to say : " I mean no disparagement to 
any other general in the army, — many of them are great men ; 
but I do not believe there is another officer in the army who 
could have fought that battle ; or, if so, who could have won it. 
(Loud and continued applause.) 

" And now, since he has returned home, I hear nothing of him 



GREAT WHIG MEETING AT PITTSBURG. 311 

except his going up and down the river visiting his friends. 
Why, there can't be a wedding in the neighborhood without his 
being present. (Loud laughter and applause.) They follow him 
about like chickens. He moves about talking to the farmers, 
for he is as good a farmer as any of them; and if he should visit 
Pennsylvania, although he could no doubt learn something from 
you, he would not fail to give you also some instruction. 

" General Taylor's habits are of the simplest kind. His fare 
was only that of the common soldier ; so that no man could 
say he endured more than his general. No general in the 
American army was ever so loved, so obeyed, so fought for ; no 
sentry, no guard, was around his tent ; any private soldier might 
enter it, and if the general was not occupied he would sit down 
and talk kindly with him about his family and home. During 
all the months of his service in Mexico he never slept in a 
house, — the tent was his home, in the midst of his men. There 
is a soldier for you ; there is a citizen for you. 

"And this man, — so pure, so plain, so upright, — as ready with 
a tear for the sorrows of a friend as with a blow for an enemy, 
would he not make a real, genuine, old-fashioned Democratic 
President ? (" Yes, yes ;" and loud applause.) Not a spurious, 
partisan Democrat, but a real Democrat? Would not his 
election be a new light over our fading Democracy ? Do you 
not think, my friends, that our Democracy has been falling to 
the rear a little in the sere and yellow leaf? Have not abuses 
crept in, from the long continuance of power in the same hands ? 
I make no allusion to any individual. Are we not gradually 
getting into our government too many little aristocratic notions ? 
(A voice, " It all comes of the loaves and fishes.") Yes, my 
friends, there is a good deal in that, too. One set of Presidents 
have held power a long time, — I mean a set of Presidents pro- 
fessing the same political principles, — and in this long contin- 
uance of power in the same hands abuses must have crept in. 
But, my fellow-citizens, I have already detained you too long, 
and I must now conclude." 

Mr. Crittenden was about taking his seat when he was pre- 
vented by a perfect tempest of shouts, " Go on — go on — go 
on ! give us a little more grape," etc. 

" Well, my countrymen, I will make a few more remarks, but 
they must be brief. I wish to say a word on one subject in 
regard to which there is a good deal of feeling in this section 
of the country. It is objected to General Taylor that he is a 
Southern man and a slaveholder. Why are these local dis- 
tinctions made ? I am a Kentuckian, but I thank God I can 
take you Pennsylvanians by the hand and call you brother. 
Separated by State boundaries, under different State govern- 



312 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ments, there is still a bond of union, — the Constitution of the 
United States, which binds us all into one great country. I am 
proud and thankful to call you all my countrymen. Providence 
never allotted to any other people such a country as ours. 
Rome, when she had desolated half the world, and tinged 
every streamlet and river with blood in her career of conquest, 
never possessed half the power that you possess or will possess. 
That power is for extending liberty to millions yet unborn, and 
your influence to every portion of the inhabited world. If we 
but hold together — this and greater will be our lot — we will 
go on increasing to incomprehensible, indescribable greatness. 
Over all this wide domain, stretching from the Pacific, four 
thousand miles distant from us, to the shores of the Atlantic, 
we are, and can be, one great people, speaking the same lan- 
guage, and governed by the same laws. I know not for what 
purpose we may be reserved, but so far our progress has been 
unexampled in the history of the world. Let us not, then, 
speak of a Northern man, a man from the Middle States, or a 
Southern man, — what matter where he is from so he is the man 
to serve our purposes and work out our destiny? We are none 
of us Kentuckians, none of us Pennsylvanians, we are all 
Americans ! (Loud cheers.) 

" General Taylor is called a Southern man. Well, in Ken- 
tucky, we call ourselves Western men. Let us inquire where 
General Taylor has passed his life, — in the South, in the North, 
in the West. For forty years he has lived in his tent, for forty 
years he has been covered by the glorious stars and stripes. Is 
not this answer sufficient to silence all those objections ? He has 
lived where his country's interests called him, and is he now to 
be questioned as to where he comes from? (Applause, "Hurrah 
for old Zack !") General Taylor has said, I will proscribe no 
man for difference of opinion: which of you, who now hear me, 
will proscribe him ? 

"Will you proscribe him, — the gallant, warm-hearted, kind, 
truthful old soldier, the great warrior, the kind neighbor, 
the skillful general, the good husband, the good father, and 
good citizen? Will you proscribe him, the indulgent master 
whose slaves are always most happy when his duties allow 
him to return among them? ("No — no — no!") I have always 
supposed you Pennsylvanians to be particularly susceptible to 
the claims of high military qualities. I saw it in the days of 
Jackson. I have remarked it on many other occasions. I have 
a sort of superstitious belief about me, a certainty, I may say, 
that when General Taylor's character and achiev^ements shall be 
known among you, a generous enthusiasm in his favor will 
sweep your State from the Delaware to your utmost mount- 
ains. (Continued applause.) 



GREAT WHIG MEETING AT PITTSBURG. 313 

A voice, " What about Fillmore ?" 

" I know him well. He is an excellent man, and man of great 
ability, honesty, and sound principles ; he aided materially in 
the construction of that bill of which you Pennsylvanians think 
so much, — the tariff of 1842. 

" I have dwelt but little on the politics of General Taylor, but 
there is one subject of which I will speak, as it touches closely 
your interests here. You, my friends, may be called the Spar- 
tans of America. The old Lycurgus, in order to prevent luxury 
and avarice among his Spartans, made iron money their circu- 
lating medium. You in Pittsburg, by your enterprise and 
industry, have done the same thing. You are workers in iron, 
and you have made your iron money. If in your business 
you need some little aid, some little protection from your 
government, and Congress shall pass a law giving it to you, 
it will receive no obstruction from General Taylor's veto. 

" I will add one more remark, gentlemen. If the tariff laws 
do not afford sufficient protection for you, they soon will. 
There is no evil without some good accompanying it, and 
even this evil of one hundred and eighty-five millions of debt 
growing out of the war with Mexico will result in some 
good. To meet this debt, the taxes on importations must be 
exorbitant, and the tariff, of course, increased. Providence 
has given us great advantages, and I see not why they should 
not be used for the benefit of our own people. Is it not lawful 
for us to enjoy these advantages ? In Europe, with its crowded 
population, industry is enslaved; with us, industry confers in- 
dependance and wealth. If we throw open our doors to for- 
eigners, sleep with them, and make them as our own country- 
men, is it not lawful for us to protect ourselves against the 
pauper labor of the old world ? It is surely the duty of each 
nation to protect its own citizens, and the world is best managed 
when this system is most closely adhered to. General Taylor 
says that he thinks all this legislation should be left to Con- 
gress. When Congress passes a tariff law it is not the business 
of the President to veto it. If you elect old Zack President, 
— and we are bound to do it, — you will have an honest, humane 
man. And you can point him out the old world, ruled over 
by kings, some of them almost idiots, others despots, and say, 
Here is a man! look upon our President, — a man whom you 
cannot buy, whom you cannot sell, whom you cannot scare, 
and who never surrenders !" 

When Mr. Crittenden sat down, the cheering was tremendous. 
Three cheers were given for John J. Crittenden with a will 
which made the mountains ring. 



314 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Thomas H. Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mansfield, June 24, 1S58. 

My dear Crittenden, — I received on yesterday a copy of 
your speech, delivered in the Senate of the United States, cor- 
rected by yourself, on Kansas and the Lecompton question, 
which you did me the honor to inclose to me. 

It was my intention to have written to you before this to ex- 
press to you my thanks and gratitude for the able, patriotic, 
and conservative course you pursued during the late session of 
Congress ; not that the opinions of as humble an individual as 
myself could avail you anything, but I thought that a proper 
veneration for my father's memory demanded this from me. I 
am satisfied, as you observed in your speech on last Monday 
evening, that, had he been living, he would have pursued a 
course similar to that which you adopted. 

Why should you regard the denunciations of the Southern 
Democratic press ? Was not he, throughout his career, assailed 
by it with the charge of abolitionism ? When did public virtue 
and patriotism ever escape its detractions ? 

If the Black Republican party eschews sectional issues, and 
have become national and conservative in their action, whilst 
the Democratic administration manifests itself as corrupt and 
imbecile, why should not all true Americans unite with it to 
cleanse the Augean stable at Washington, and to purify the 
country from this baleful influence? 

With my best wishes for your continued health, and with the 
highest regard, 

I am truly your friend, 

The Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Thos. H. Clay. 

(General Zachary Taylor to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New Orleans, July i, 1848. 

My dear Sir, — Your highly esteemed and interesting letter 
of the I ith ult., in relation to my nomination as a candidate for 
the Presidency at the coming election, by the National Whig 
Convention, which recently assembled in Philadelphia, reached 
me a short time previous to my leaving Baton Rouge for this 
place. However much I might have felt gratified, which was 
not a little, at the distinguished honor done me by that talented, 
pure, and patriotic body, yet, when I first received information 
of my nomination, I must say that I felt nothing like pride or 
exultation at the same, which may be owing to my reluctance 
in embarking in the canvass and doubts as to the propriety of 
my going into the high office in question, which seem to grow 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 



315 



stronger as the time approaches when it is possible I may have 
to do so. Perhaps another cause may have operated on me in 
connection with the above, which is on account of Mr. Clay's 
feelings of disappointment and ev^n mortification at the course 
matters and things took, and resulted, in the convention, which, 
from his age and temperament, I fear he will not bear with the 
greatest philosophy, or even with that resignation and magna- 
nimity which should be displayed on such occasions. But, I 
hope for the best. Without regard to my personal wishes or 
pretensions to the high office in question (for which I have 
none), I very much regretted Mr. Clay permitted his name to 
be brought before the country as a candidate for the Presidency, 
which, I make no doubt, he was overpersuaded to do by many 
false friends ; but as he did so, if there had been anything like 
a certainty in his being elected, I would have been much more 
elated on hearing of his nomination than I felt when my own 
was communicated to me, or since then, notwithstanding the 
warm congratulations I have received on my success from many 
warm friends, — yourself among the number, — which was greatly 
enhanced in value by the regret you felt at the defeat of an old 
and dear friend. If I could place him in the presidential chair, on 
the 4th of March, 1 849, 1 would gladly do so. At the same time, 
I deem his election, even had he been the nominee of the con- 
vention, entirely out of the question; nor do I believe his real 
friends, on that account, wished to have seen him again in the 
field, as they were satisfied, had that been the case, it would 
have resulted in saddling the present party in power on the 
country for another term of four years, and, in all likelihood, 
until our institutions were utterly destroyed, or nothing left of 
them but their name. In that light I must view them should 
the nominee of the Baltimore Convention be elected, which is 
not unlikely will be the case. But the Whigs must contest that 
matter to the utmost, and if our fair fabric of government is to 
be pulled down and destroyed, they, the Whigs, must do all 
they can to prevent it. The question by the convention was 
not who ought to be elected, but what Whig could be elected 
and arrest the downward tendency of our institutions. I have 
not language to express in appropriate terms the distinguished 
and high compliment done me, more especially for the manner 
in which it was paid by that enlightened assembly, in which 
there were so many fathers of the land. That they should, in 
a state of high party times like the present, growing out of the 
management of our national affairs, have nominated me, an 
humble individual, personally unknown to but few of them, as 
a suitable candidate for the highest office in the gift of a great 
and free people, and, in fact, to rule over them, is an honor I 



3i6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

did not expect or deserve, and for which I felt, when notified of 
the same, more grateful and elated than I know I shall do, even 
if the good people of the country should carry out what the 
convention has recommended by placing me in the presidential 
chair, — an honor I shall never forget, for which I. am truly 
grateful, and which I will try to continue to deserve. I have 
not yet received official information of my nomination by the 
convention, but expect daily to do so. When I do, I trust my 
letter of acceptance will meet the approbation of my friends. 

Previous to the receipt of your letter, I had a conversation 
with a very discreet friend in regard to the nature of my reply 
in acknowledging the receipt of the communication informing 
me of my nomination, and it was thought best to make it very 
brief, barely referring to the high honor done me without at- 
tempting to define my position, leaving that to be judged by 
what I had already written. It was with great pleasure I learned 
that you coincided in this opinion. I have never intimated my 
intentions to retire at the end of four years, should I be elected 
to that office ; nor shall I do so, but will leave the subject to 
future consideration, although there is but little doubt I would 
gladly retire at that time to private life. I have never intimated 
who would form my cabinet ; it will be time enough to do so 
after I am elected. I have said more to you on the subject than 
I have to any one else ; indeed, I have but in one instance al- 
luded to it, to Colonel Davis of the Senate before he left Mexico, 
and only to him that, in the event of my election to the Presi- 
dency (which I did not then expect), my cabinet would be com- 
posed entirely of Whigs. That I will be visited by many de- 
signing individuals to draw from me expressions by which they 
can assail me, as well as others who will write to me under the 
mask of' friendship to draw from me some opinions which they 
hope to use to my injury, there can be no doubt. Such I hope 
to disappoint, as I will be as cautious as possible with all such 
persons and everything connected with them. There is a cer- 
tain class which neither vigilance nor prudence can guard 
a"-ainst, therefore they must be endured, — such as a celebrated 
Doctor B., who repeats conversations which he says occurred 
between us without ever having seen me, made up without the 
slightest regard to truth, but whose high character for veracity 
was vouched for upon the floor of the House by such men as 
Brown, of Mississippi, McClernand, of Illinois, and Henly, of 
Indiana. Things in this respect must take their course, and we 
must make the best of them. I came to New Orleans to meet 
the volunteers who are rapidly arriving from Mexico. I am 
happy to say they are, for the most part, in excellent health 
and spirits, being delighted at the prospect of returning to their 



DEB A TE WITH PO WELL. . , 7 

0'/ 

families. The Kentucky regiments have not yet reached here. 
I hope they will do so before I shall be under the necessity of 
leaving the city. I am very desirous of seeing them, particu- 
larly my friend and cousin, your son Thomas, who, from last 
accounts, was in excellent health, which, I hope, he will long 
continue to enjoy. While I regret your having to quit the 
Senate to canvass the State of Kentucky for the office of chief 
magistrate, I sincerely hope you will conduct the same in a way 
calculated to improve, instead of injuring, your health. Your 
life is of too much importance to your friends, family, and coun- 
try to be endangered. Having recently been assigned to the 
command of this division of the army, I deem it most consist- 
ent with my position to enter quietly on my duties, remaining 
in this section of the country until after the election, leaving it 
to my friends to attend to my political affairs, in whose hands I 
consider them safe ; at any rate, I am willing to abide the issue, 
and most cheerfully acquiesce in the result. 

Wishing you and your family health and prosperity through 
a long life, I remain with high consideration of respect and 
esteem. Say to Mr. O. Brown that I have profited not a little 
by his judicious advice ; it is not and will not be forgotten. In- 
terruptions are frequent, — I scarcely know what I have written. 

Your friend, truly and sincerely, 

Zachary Taylor. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

In 1848, Mr. Crittenden, in obedience to the wishes of the 
Whig party, resigned his seat in the Senate of the United States 
and became a candidate for governor of Kentucky; he was 
elected without difficulty. Governor Powell was his opponent, 
and a speech made in Versailles during the canvass was con- 
sidered one of his finest efforts. Of this speech a correspond- 
ent of the Commonwealth said : 

When Mr. Crittenden rose to reply to Mr. Powell, his manner 
had undergone a great change ; he was roused by the remarks of 
his competitor. The genius of the debater — the keen, dexterous, 
pungent debater — was up; his countenance wore that exj^res- 
sion, half comic, half sarcastic, midway between a smile and a 
sneer, with which benevolence curbs and half conceals scorn, 
and which a soul, naturally kindly and generous, flings, like a 
graceful and delicate veil, over unbounded powers of raillery and 
ridicule. Nature has conferred upon Mr. Crittenden, among 
other gifts, some of the highest qualities of an actor, and a comic 



3i8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

actor. It requires all his dignity to retain within just limits his 
perceptions of the ludicrous and his exquisite powers of mimicry. 
The weapons of his wit, if wielded by malignity, would suffice 
to kill. In his hand, however, and guarded by fraternal charity, 
they are used as instruments of defense and chastisement ; he 
never strikes at a vital part or aims a mortal blow. No one can 
report Mr. Crittenden literally and do him justice, — the look, the 
peculiar accent, and half-mocking pronunciation would be want- 
ing. In this speech, however, all was courtesy; stimulated by 
the delight of the crowd, he felt himself pursuing this jesting 
vein too far, suddenly checked himself and said, " But this is 
badinage," and resumed the air and manner of the great states- 
man. 

When Mr. Crittenden rose, he spoke of Woodford as the 
licart of Kentucky, and of Kentucky as the licm-t of the Union, 
and of the ties which bound his own to *' this heart of hearts.'" 
He alluded to his birthplace and his present position with 
graceful propriety, with a taste, a delicacy, a beauty, a tender- 
ness of which, I think, he alone is capable. To attempt to 
report him is always grossly unjust, unless you could use 
words as colors and paint the expression, the tone, the action, 
and, above all, the countenance. Mr. Crittenden said, sixty 
years before, he had been a nursling there, in Woodford, in 
what was then a canebrake. Since then what revolutions had 
swept over the beautiful face of the country where he was born, 
lovely in its original wilderness, still lovelier, perhaps, under the 
forming hand of taste, art, and culture ! He stood now upon 
the spot where he had set out, his starting-post and goal. A 
child of Woodford, s-wd proud of his nativity. In discussing the 
presidential question, Mr. Crittenden said that Mr. Powell 
claimed a great advantage. for his candidates over General Tay- 
lor because they had principles — printed principles — and a plat- 
form to stand upon, and poor old Roiigh and Ready presented 
himself, his naked self, on foot, without printed principles, with- 
out any platform. Mr. Crittenden said there was great con- 
venience in these printed principles and candidates made to 
order! "These creatures of the type and press could be made 
to suit circumstances — new editions could be struck. Does 
the gentleman really think it is in the power of a Baltimore 
Convention to manufacture principles for this country? The 
principles which guide a man's understanding and control his 
actions are discoverable by an observation of his whole life, 
and the result is more or less correct according to the variety 
and severity of the circumstances under which he has been 
called to act. Tried by this test, has General Taylor no princi- 



DEBATE WITH POWELL. 319 

pies? Is he just, is he faithful to his word, is he brave, docs 
he love his country, has he been clothed with power and ac- 
customed to high command, has he been placed in subordinate 
stations ? How did he demean himself to his superiors ? Has 
he been surrounded with dangers, pressed with enemies, clothed 
with supreme command, with thousands of his fellow-men de- 
pendent for life and safety upon the steadiness of his nerves ? 
How has he borne himself throughout? Has he seen battle, 
has it been his stern duty to direct the murderous charge and 
gaze on fields of slaughter? Hoiu did he lead? Did he blanch 
from the helm when the wind blew highest? Did his spirit 
sink or soar as the whirlwind swept over him ? Has victory 
perched upon his standard ? When flushed with triumph, and 
fresh from the bloody conflict, with what countenance did he 
regard the vanquished? Let his long, and honorable, and 
glorious life answer these questions. Is there not principle 
involved in justice, truth, courage, and patriotism ? Can a 
committee manufacture these things? Imagine, if you please, 
gentlemen, that in 1789 a committee of politicians, a little squad 
of party organizers, who had figured at county meetings, had 
called upon Genei-al Washington to know if he would sign 
t\\e.\v printed principles and become their party candidate. Figure 
to yourself the shades of Mount Vernon, — the lawn, the trees, 
the heights, where still stands, in simple majesty, the hero's 
homestead, unchanged, since last its walls resounded to his 
tread, the whole river, which spreads itself out there, like a 
broad mirror, to receive and fling back, as if in grateful pride, 
the image of the most beautiful and affecting scenery in the 
world. Surround, steep yourselves in the very genius of the 
spot, and then, in the cool, summer evening, in the portico 
which looks to the east, dedicated to his solitary musings, 
seated with thoughtful brow and capacious eye, bending its 
deep, tranquil gaze upon the stream he loved so well, behold 
the grand, the awful form of the Father of his Country. Imagine 
the little squad, with their printed platform, signifying to Gen- 
eral Washington that he should be the nominee upon condition 
that he zvonld sign. They enter, fearless and unblushing, with 
their printed principles. With a grave politeness and a dignity 
which never through life deserted him. a dignity which was 
with him in death, when he turned his face to the wall, in con- 
scious pride, that the last agony which convulsed and distorted 
the hitherto heroic calm of his features might have no witness, 
he rises to receive this committee of his countrymen. Imagine 
the explanation ! See the grand face, long used to veil emo- 
tions, never apt to kindle under light or transient excitement. 



320 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

The face of the hero remains fixed, rigid, impressive. Imagine 
the long-gathering storm now concentrated on that Olympian 
brow; then look at the committee!" At this point the crowd 
burst into one long, loud roar of applause which drowned the 
residue of the sentence.* 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Madisonville, July 27, 1848. 

My dear Sir, — I had time only to write you a very hasty 
letter, and without much consideration, from Russellville, and 
since then I have been so whirled along that I have hardly had 
time to think. 

There is a mystery to me as to the source from which it is 
pretended to derive information as to the contents of a letter of 
mine to Mr. Anderson. I have not the least recollection of 
having written a letter to any other Anderson than Mr. Lars 
Anderson. He is a friend and gentleman, perfectly incapable 
of betraying confidence or of doing any other dishonorable act; 
and, besides, I cannot be more confident of anything that depends 
on recollection than that I have never written to him or any 
one else any letter of which that extract you sent me formed a 
part. I send you in this a statement in the form of a letter, to 
which you will please to prefix the name of any of your editors, 
and have published, if you deem it proper so to do ; and I 
presume that it will be proper, unless Mr. Anderson has in 
the mean time given such a contradiction as will be entirely sat- 
isfactory, or unless you shall have learned, what I do not be- 
lieve possible, that any letter of mine to Anderson contains any 
careless expression that could at all warrant the statement con- 
tained in the extract you sent me. I am as certain as I can be 
of anything that that extract is a fabrication or perversion. But 
yet I would desire to act with all the caution of a man more 
tenacious of his truth than of his life. 

It may be, and that seems most probable, that some forgery 
has been resorted to, and, to detect it, the production of the 
original letter may become necessary, in order to determine the 
genuineness of the handwriting. 

* This speech is given entire in the volume of speeches now in preparation. 
Mr. Crittenden's official acts during the two years he was governor of Kentucky 
were local in their character ; but portions of his messages to the legislature, 
1848-1849, have a general interest, and will be given here. After General Tay- 
lor's election to the Presidency, he visited Mr. Crittenden at the Government 
House, in Frankfort, and offered him choice of the cabinet appointments. Mr. 
Crittenden thought it most consistent with his honor and dignity to decline, and 
remain in Frankfort. 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 331 

Do not believe for a moment, from the caution I mani- 
fest, that I have the least idea that I ever wrote that extract 
or anything equivalent to it. I am most confident that I did 
not, and, unless something has been disclosed that satisfies you 
I am mistaken, I place the inclosed at your discretion for pub- 
lication. As far as I can now see, it will be proper to publish it 

J. J. C. 

VOL. I. 21 



CHAPTER XXV. 
1848-1849. 

Letter of Crittenden to Burnley — Abbott Lawrence to Crittenden — Letter of Mr. 
Clay to James Lynch, A. H. Bradford, etc., as to the Presidency — W. P. Gentry 
to Crittenden — A. H.Stephens to Crittenden — Crittenden to Moses Grinnell — 
Part of Gov. Crittenden's First Message to the Kentucky Legislature — R. 
Toombs to J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

Henderson, July 30, 1848. 

DEAR BURNLEY,— I have received your letter of the 21st 
inst. and the one which preceded it a few day.s, I was, in- 
deed, astonished at the imputation to me of the "Anderson letter." 
I knew that I had never thought, spoken, or written of Mr. 
Clay in the terms or spirit of that letter. On the other hand, I 
could scarcely conceive of the audacity and depravity of such a 
forgery. It was a dark mystery to me. You have seen my 
contradiction of the genuineness of that letter and its exposure, 
which I rejoice to say has been more prompt and complete than 
I had even hoped for. 

This affair and the subject of your first letter, which is con- 
nected with it, has made me sick at heart, and has too greatly 
excited me. I am ready for peace or zvar, and will certainly 
submit to nothing that encroaches on my honor or independ- 
ence as a free man and a Kentucky gentleman. I have been a 
true friend, — I will not be checked and rated like a bondman. 
And there is another thing I will not submit to : I will not make 
excuses or explanations on compulsion, or to gratify or appease 
the unfounded or voluntary irritation of anybody. I feel that 
I am more sinned against than sinning. I believe th'at Mr. Clay 
cannot, will not, give his countenance to the course that I un- 
derstand some of his friends about Lexington are pursuing 
towards me. As to their votes, I care nothing ; I want no vote 
grudgingly given. The contradiction and exposure of the An- 
derson letter may, I suppose, be considered as disposing of the 
villainous letter of the Washington correspondent of the Herald 
which you sent me ; but there is one statement in that letter 
which I am hardly satisfied to pass by without a contradiction, 

(322) 



LE TTER FR OM ABBO TT LA IVRENCE. . . . 

It is this : " Mr. Crittenden still declares, I understand, to the 
friends of Mr. Clay, that he was anxious for that gentleman's 
nomination." I was not anxious for the nomination of Mr. 
Clay, because I did not believe that he could be elected, and 
it is false that either before or since the nomination of the Phil- 
adelphia Convention I ever declared that " I was anxious for his 
nomination." I did not wish it, because I believed his defeat 
would be inevitable. I told him this in substance, and with all 
the candor of sincere friendship. I regretted deeply that he 
permitted his name to be used before that convention. When 
late, and contrary to my wishes and expectation, he expressly 
permitted that use of his name, I from that time endeavored, as 
far as I could, to refrain from taking any part or agency against 
Mr. Clay in respect to the nomination. My feelings prompted 
to this forbearance, and I think I acted up to it. This was a 
matter of feeling with me, and there were moments when those 
feelings were conflicted with by a sense of duty and other periods 
when I thought it quite probable that Mr. Clay would not be 
General Taylor's most formidable competitor in the convention. 
However others may please to interpret my course, I did not 
consider that I was exerting my influence as against Mr. Clay. 
But enough of all this for the present. I have given you but 
an imperfect sketch ; it will enable you to understand my gen- 
eral motives and course in respect to this presidential question. 
I have given it for your private satisfaction. On Tuesday, I 
will be in Louisville with all the expedition I can. 

Your friend, 
A. T. Burnley. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Abbott Lawrence to Hon. J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, September i8, 1S48. 
My dear Sir, — I have your letter of the loth, and regret to 
say I am obliged to employ an amanuensis in consequence of 
inflammation of the eyes. With regard to our political condi- 
tion in New England, I feel entire confidence that General 
Taylor and Fillmore will carry Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode 
Island, and Massachusetts. We have some chance of including 
Maine. The letter of General Taylor of the 4th of September 
is a noble production: that, with the letter to Captain Allison, 
embraces everything that any reasonable Whig can desire. The 
composition and sentiment of those letters would have done 
honor to the framers of the Constitution, or to General Wash- 
ington himself I ask nothing and want nothing more from 
General Taylor; he is the man raised up by Providence at this 
important period of our history to administer the government 
of this great country. 



324 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

We have had manv obstacles to overcome in this State; we 
have been in a false position for the year past, and are just now 
dissipating the fog under which we were enveloped by the 
action of one man who has lately given some poor, famt praise 
to the pure and elevated candidate for the Presidency and the 
Whio- partv. We look with anxiety to the action of your 
<.reat ;;L/. in Kentucky. I cannot but hope that he will have 
5ie ma-nanimity, for the sake of his own honor, the happiness 
of his old friends, and the good of his country, to come out 
boldlv and fearlessly in favor of General Taylor I took the 
liberty last week, to write to him ; and as for us, I was able to 
nlace before him his true position. It was a plain statement, 
which I hope will be received with the same candor m which 

it was written. -i i u 

In reo-ard to my own position, I feel most sensibly the im- 
portanc? of the coming election. I propose to spend and be 
spent in the cause. As soon as my eyes permit, I will abandon 
all business of a private character, and give myself up entirely 
to the important business of the country and the election ot 
General Taylor. I have already made engagements to address 
the public, and so far as writing, speaking, and paymg, my 
friends ivill not find me ivanting. 

Pray let me hear from you, and believe me, always, your 

^"^" ' Abbott Lawrence. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Henry Clay to James Lynch, A. H. Bradford, etc.) 

Ashland, September 20, 1848. 
Gentlemen,— I have received your official letter as members 
of the Whi<^ Democratic General Committee of the City and 
County of New York, and I take pleasure in answering it. 
Never from the period of decision of the Philadelphia Conven- 
tion a-ainst my nomination as a candidate for the Presidency 
have f been willing, nor am I now, to have my name associated 
with that office. I would not accept a nomination if it ^vere 
tendered to me, and it is my unaffected desire that no further 
use be made of my name in connection with that ottice i 
have seen, therefore, with regret, movements in various quarters 
having for their object to present me as their candidate to the 
Amertcan people. These movements have been made without 
any approbation from me. In the present complicated state of 
the presidential election, they cannot, in my opinion, be attended 
with any public good, and may lead to the increase of embar- 
rassments and the exasperations of parties. W h.lst I say thi 
much without reserve, I must, nevertheless, add, that 1 teel 



HENRY CLAY TO JAMES LYXCH, ETC. 325 

profound gratitude to such of my warm-hearted and faithful 
friends as continue to indulge the vain hope of placing me in 
the office of chief magistrate of the United States, and that I 
neither think it just nor politic to stigmatize them -ds factioiiists 
or by any other opprobrious epithets. Among them I recognize 
names which have been long distinguished for ability and de- 
votion to the Whig cause and for ardent patriotism. You 
advert with entire truth to the zeal and fidelity with which the 
delegation from New York sought in the Philadelphia Con- 
vention to promote my nomination as a candidate for the 
Presidency. I am most thankful to them, and shall ever recol- 
lect their exertions with profound gratitude. And here, gen- 
tlemen, I would stop, but for your request that I would 
communicate my views. This I shall do, briefly and frankly, 
but without reluctance and regret. Concurring entirely with 
you that the peace, prosperity, and happiness of the United 
States depend materially on the preservation of Whig princi- 
ples, I should be most happy if I saw more clearly than I do 
that they are likely to prevail. But I cannot help thinking that 
the Philadelphia Convention humiliated itself, and, as far as it 
could, placed the Whig party in a degraded condition. Gen- 
eral Taylor refused to be its candidate ; he professed, indeed, 
to be V/hig ; but he so enveloped himself in the drapery of 
qualifications and conditions that it is extremely difficult to 
discern his real politics. He ivas, and yet is, willing to any 
and every nomination, no matter from which quarter it might 
proceed. In his letter to the Rich?>ioiid Republican, of the 20th 
of April last, he declared his purpose to remain a candidate, no 
matter what nomination might be made by the Whig Convention. 
I know what was said and done by the Lousiana delegation in 
the convention ; but there is a veil about that matter which / 
have not penetrated. The letter from him which, it was stated, 
one of that delegation possessed, has never been published, and 
a letter on the same subject, addressed to the Independent party 
of Maryland, has, at his instance, been withheld from the pub- 
lic. It was quite natural that after receiving the nomination he 
should approve the means by which he obtained it. What I 
should be glad to see would be some revocation of the declara- 
tion in \\\Q Riclwiond Republican letter before i\\e nomination wa.s 
made. On the great leading measures which have so long di- 
vided parties, if he has any fixed opinions they are riot publicly 
known. Exclusively a military man, without the least experi- 
ence in civil affairs, bred up and always living in the camp, 
with his sword by his side and his epaulets on his shoulders, 
it is proposed to transfer him from his actual position, as second 
in command of the army, to the chief magistracy of this great 



326 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

model republic. If I cannot come out in active support of such 
a candidate, I hope those who know anything of my opinions, 
deliberately formed and repeatedly avowed, will excuse me. 
To those opinions I shall adhere, with increased instead of 
diminished confidence. I think that my friends ought to be 
reconciled to the silence I have imposed on myself From 
deference to them, as well as from the strong objections which 
I entertain to the competition of General Taylor, I wish to lead 
or mislead no one, but to leave all to the unbiased dictates of 
their own judgment. I know and feel all that can be urged in 
the actual position of the present contest. I entertain with you 
the strongest apprehensions from the election of General Cass, 
but I do not see enough of hope and confidence in that of Gen- 
eral Taylor to stimulate my exertions and animate my zeal. I 
deeply fear that his success may lead to the formation of a mere 
personal party. There is a cliance, indeed, that he may give the 
country a better administration of the government than his com- 
petitor would ; but it is not such a chance as can arouse my 
enthusiasm or induce me to assume the responsibility of recom- 
mending any course or offering any advice to others. I have 
great pleasure in bearing my humble testimony in favor of Mr. 
Fillmore. I believe him to be able, indefatigable, industrious, 
and patriotic. He served in the extra session of 1841 as chair- 
man of the Committee of the two Houses of Congress, and I 
had many opportunities of witnessing his rare merits. If you 
deem it necessary, you may publish the first four and the last 
paragraphs. 

With great respect, I am your friend and servant, 

Henry Clay. 

James Lynch, A. H. Bradford, etc. 

(W. p. Gentry to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Home, Nov. 20, 1848. 
Dear Crittenden, — Since the presidential contest has ter- 
minated in the election of General Taylor, men begin to specu- 
late about coming events. It is assumed that you will be 
offered, and will accept, the position of Secretary of State. A 
conversation held with you, makes me doubt if you will accept 
that position: I perceive there exists a public opinion as to 
the influence you will exercise over General Taylor, which will 
hold you responsible, in a great degree, for the acts of his ad- 
ministration, especially in respect to appointments for office. 
Aspirants to executive favor will expect to enlist your influence; 
those who fail w\\\ curse you, and those who succeed will soon 
persuade themselves that their own superior merit needed no 
fictitious aid to secure that result, and they will forget to be 



LETTER FROM IV. P. GENTRY. .37 

grateful. If you decline to take the helm, and the vessel of 
state should sail before prosperous gales into a harbor of safety 
others will claim the glory,— if she founders, the blame will fali 
upon you. Your friends will say, Crittenden did not hold the 
rudder, and is not responsible. Your enemies will answer, he 
might have held it, but would not; he launched the ship,'but 
would not trust himself with her amid the storms; he gave the 
vessel, with its rich freight, to the winds, and selfishly sought 
safety for himself on shore. As you cannot escape the blame 
if misfortune comes, would it not be wiser to take the responsi- 
bility, dare all dangers, and guide the ship through the storms 
and breakers that are obviously ahead? Placed as you are, this 
appears to be the wisest course, but I do not presume to advise; 
you have doubtless considered seriously, and with lights to 
guide you to proper conclusions which I do not possess. I 
write for the purpose of advising you of some small dangers 
on this part of the political ocean. Having gone to sea, I 
suppose I had as well stay upon water to the end. You have 
not forgotten that in this State a portion of the Whig party 
made powerful efforts to defeat the nomination of General 
Taylor, and that when those monster deinojistrations at New 
York and Philadelphia, in favor of Mr. Clay, sent the idea 
abroad that he would be the nominee, they made a vigorous 
effort to make this State change front. This produced a colli- 
sion, or trial of strength, between the Taylor Whigs and the 
Clay Whigs ; the struggle was animated and vigorous. Aided 
by the talent of our old Captain, we triumphed completely. 
Our defeated friends were sore under the defeat. The victory 
won, we sought to soothe them by giving them posts of honor 
under that standard they had labored to cleave down, and by 
our united exertions we carried that standard to victory. Some 
of the prominent Clay Whigs referred to are supposed to main- 
tain very friendly relations zuith you, and I am informed that 
some of them have been so silly as to boast, that although 
originally opposed to General Taylor, they will control all 
questions of executive patronage pertaining to Tennessee 
THROUGH YOUR INFLUENCE. This is offensive to the original 
friends of General Taylor, and anything which may seem like 
a realization of it would create towards you unappeasable 
resentment with those who can wield a larger influence than 
the boasters referred to. Let me, then, advise you to do nothing 
or promise nothing to support the idea that your influence can 
be obtained for the accomplishment of any such purpose. Let 
it be understood that you stand inflexibly aloof from such ques- 
tions. I want no favors for myself, and do not know that I 
shall desire to control any questions of that kind for my friends. 



328 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

My advice to you is founded upon the conviction that any 
interference of the kind alluded to for tJie persons alluded to 
would permanently injure your popularity, I confess also that 
I feel a personal resentful unwillingness to see men who did all 
in their power to prevent the nomination of General Taylor, 
insolently assuming, in the very moment of his election, to con- 
trol his administration through you. Bezvare of them ! 

, Your friend, 

W. P. Gentry. 

(Alexander H. Stephens to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, Deceml^er 5, 1848. 
Dear Sir, — When will you be with us to fill the cup of our 
rejoicing to the full? We want you here, above all things, and 
you must come. The session opened to-day with a pretty full 
attendance, and we had the longest message ever before made 
by any President. I would not be surprised if Ritchie should 
say in the morning that it is the ablest. You will, however, see 
it, if you do not read it. I think Judge Collamer made a good 
criticism upon it. Some member said " it was like a lawyer 
arguing a point after it zvas decided." Collamer said " it was 
rather like a lawyer in one of the courts who, upon being repri- 
manded for arguing against the opinion of the judge, replied 
he was not rearguing the case, but damning the decision." Polk 
seems to be damning the decision. The best spirit seems to 
prevail among our friends, and the tone and temper evinced in 
all quarters argues well. General Taylor will doubtless be 
annoyed with applicants for office, but the prevailing spirit here 
is that of discretion and moderation. Some men are busy 
making a cabinet for him, but they are not the men who had 
any sympathy with the Taylor movement. The real Taylor- 
men aj-e all right, all disinterested. They look upon the late 
most glorious achievement as a public deliverance, and not a 
party victory with no other advantages but the acquisition of a 
few spoils for the faithful. They look for greater and higher 
objects — for reform in the government, and not bounties and 
rewards for partisan services. All they desire is for General 
Taylor to keep all managers and cliques at a distance, and after 
the maturest deliberation to select for his cabinet men of ability, 
wisdom, prudence, moderation, and purity. They have full 
confidence in the correctness of his judgment in the matter. 
With his administration is to commence a new era in our his- 
tory. "Old things have passed away, and all things are to be- 
come new." The t07ie and temper here is all right, it will only 
require to be kept so when the press from without becomes 
strong. I rt^QdX, you must be here. Your friends demand it, 



LETTER TO MOSES H. GRINNELL. 309 

the friends of General Taylor demand it, and tlic country de- 
mands it, — I need not be more definite or more emphatic; and you 
will allow me to say that I am not without my apprehensions of 
some mischief in case your senatorial election should take a 
particular turn. That ought to be averted if it can be done. I 
may be wrong in my conjectures, and I am fully aware that von 
will think that I am, but I will nevertheless be candid and frank 
in telling you my apprehensions. More danger to the success 
of General Taylor's administration is to be feared from that 
source than all others. You must bear with me, I tell you. I 
fear this is so, and I am not often mistaken. I wish I was 
acquainted with some of the leading men in your legislature, I 
would put them on their guard. It is important that no blunder 
be committed, and I know it will require firmness to prevent it. 
This is' a crisis which calls for decision. After hostilities have 
commenced, it is too late to pay compliments. Toombs is not 
here, nor Pendleton, nor Duncan. Preston is here, and so is old 
Trnnian, as we familiarly called our late field-marshal, and with 
their zeal, knowledge, good sense, and sound judgment I know 
you are acquainted. I need not add, therefore, that their efforts 
are to keep all things in good order until old Zack himself shall 
arrive on the field. You see I still scribble with the left hand; 
I trust, however) you can make out to understand what I mean. 

Yours most respectfully, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Alexander H. Stephens. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Moses H. Grinnell.) 

Frankfort, December 9, 1848. 

Dear Sir, — I received this morning your letter of the 2d 
inst. inclosing Mr. Draper's note to you. 

It is quite natural that some public curiosity and interest 
should be felt in respect to the formation of General Taylor's 
cabinet, and the press in its impatience circulates all sorts of 
rumors and gossipings on the subject. 

The rumor that Mr. Draper has heard of my being author- 
ized by General Taylor to offer the Treasury Department to 
Mr. Abbott Lawrence is without any foundation or color of 
truth. 

You, sir, I readily believe, are one of the disinterested friends 
of General Taylor, who, wanting nothing, desire only to see his 
administration just and successful. You ma^ be satisfied that 
his course will be marked with prudence, firmness, and decision. 
I do not suppose that he has even made up his own mind as to 
the individuals who are to compose his cabinet. He will do 
that, I have no doubt, with care and deliberation. My firm 
impression and belief is that he is far from commitments, and 



330 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will come into office more non-committed than any President 
we have had since the days of Washington. 

It need not, I think, be feared by his friends that he will entan- 
gle or encumber himself with promises of office; he is too wise 
and prudent for that. I know nothing of his general course 
except as I infer it from his published declarations and from 
the opinion I entertain of his character. 

Like you, sir, I desire only to see him preserve such a course 
in his administration as will redound most to the advantage of 
the country and to his own honor. That course I believe he 
will preserve, and I trust that we shall all have cause to rejoice 
in his success. 

Very respectfully your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Moses H. Grinnell, Esq. 



Mr. Crittenden resigned his seat in the Senate and was elected 
governor of Kentucky in 1 848, and the following extracts are 
made from his first message to the legislature of Kentucky : 

Frankfort, Ky., December 30, 1848. 
Gcntlcineii of the Senate and H021.se of Representatives, — ^In obe- 
dience to the provision of the Constitution requiring the gov- 
ernor, from time to time, to give to the General Assembly in- 
formation of the state of the Commonwealth, and to recommend 
to their consideration such measures as he shall deem expedient, 
I will now proceed to address you briefly on the topics that 
appear to me to possess the most general interest. And here 
permit me to state that, in contemplating the peace, plenty, and 
security with which the Creator has blessed our people, the 
first impression of the mind and impulse of the heart should be 
of gratitude and praise to Him for the happiness of our con- 
dition. He has given to us a country having the advantages 
of a vigorous climate and a soil of unsurpassed fertility, and 
placed within our reach the natural means of greatness and 
prosperity. We have but to use these gifts with thankfulness 
and wisdom to insure a glorious destiny to the inhabitants of 
our favored land. Nor should we, on an occasion like the pres- 
ent, when the General Assembly will be called upon, in the course 
of their deliberations, to prepare the way for a new order of 
things, be unmindful of the obligations we are under to the wis- 
dom and virtue of those who have gone before us, who framed 
for us a system of government and laws so well adapted to the 
genius and wants of the people for whom they were enacted, 
and which have for so many years afforded the amplest protection 
to the rights and liberty of the citizen. To the benign influence 



GOVERNOR OF KENTUCKY. ... 

of their wise and patriotic legislation wc owe much of that char- 
acter that constitutes the pride of every Kentuckian, causing- 
him to feel that there is something honorably distinctive in the 
name, and attaching him, by the institutions of his country and 
the force of early association, to the great principles of repub- 
lican government. The strength of our form of government is 
in the truth of the principles upon which it rests. Those prin- 
ciples are the liberty and equality of all before the law, and in no 
State or country have those ends been more thoroughly attained 
than in ours. Ours is, indeed, a glorious past, and that should 
be an example and an encouragement to us to endeavor so to 
shape the future that it may truly be said of us that the republic 
sustained no damage at our hands. The article of the Consti- 
tution that makes it the duty of the executive to see that the 
laws are faithfully executed, whilst it is among the most im- 
portant of the functions of that officer, is happily one that he is 
rarely called upon to exercise in any forcible manner. There is 
such a judicious distribution of powers to the various depart- 
ments, and the legislation of the country has been marked by 
so much justice, temperance, and moderation, that there is an 
habitual respect and obedience paid to them, and anything like 
opposition to the laws by individuals or by organized resistance 
is almost unheard of Undoubtedly there are imperfections 
incident to all legislation, and it must, in the nature of things, 
sometimes happen that the laws are unequal in their operation. 
Should such be the case, it will not escape the attention of the 
people's representatives, and they will be the first to apply the 
corrective. 

The people having expressed their will in the legal and con- 
stitutional mode for a convention to frame a new constitution, 
it will become your duty to pass such laws as are necessary to 
carry their wishes into effect, and I would recommend an early 
action on that subject. 

The important question of a change in the fundamental law 
of the land was wisely left to the determination of the people 
alone, and they have, in two consecutive elections and by an 
increased majority at the last, voted for the call of a convention. 
They have exercised their high prerogative in a manner that 
augurs favorably for its ultimate issue. We have seen them 
assemble without violence, excitement, or tumult, expressing 
their will with the calm dignity of freemen too well acquainted 
with their rights to bring them into contempt by an unseemly 
manner of asserting them. The extraordinary unanimity of 
the vote proves beyond controversy that the question rose high 
above party or ephemeral considerations, and it is to be hoped 
that this lofty spirit will prevail unto the end. When the people 



332 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

speak, the voice of faction or of party should not be heard. Par- 
ties rise and fall with the exciting topics of the day, and catch 
their hue from the schemes of their leaders. But constitutional 
law is the aegis of a w^hole people, and those who are called 
upon to frame it should never forget that their labors are to affect 
not only the present but future generations. The people of Ken- 
tucky should remember that their old constitution has been to 
them the shadow of a great rock in a weary land ; that it has 
protected them in the midst of strong excitements and the most 
embittered party conflicts ; and that it had the power to do 
this because it was not the work of party, but of patriotism 
and political wisdom. I have no fears myself as to the issue 
of the approaching convention. I believe that it will be guided 
by a wise and temperate spirit, which, whilst it avoids all rash 
innovation, will at the same time, by its prudence and wisdom, 
satisfy that public opinion which called it into existence and 
trusts so much to its hands. 

Under the auspices of our State governments to take care of 
our domestic concerns, and of the general government to guard 
our national and external rights, we may confidently look for- 
ward to a future full of everything that can gratify the hearts 
of a civilized and free people. 

It is in this general result of the operation of the American 
system of government that the States feel and know that they 
are important parts of a great w'hole ; and that they have other 
cares, interests, and duties which claim their attention beyond 
those that are merely local and peculiar to themselves respect- 
ively. If we could act in the right spirit, and under the influ- 
ence of proper sentiments, we must habitually contemplate our- 
selves and our State as members of the great national Union. 
It is in and by that Union that we are known among the nations 
of the earth. It is in that Union that we are respected by the 
world. And under the joint protection of the government of 
the Union and the government of the States, we have the am- 
plest securities that patriotism and wisdom can furnish for free- 
dom and prosperity. The union of the States is not only 
indispensable to our greatness, but it is a guarantee for our 
republican form of government. With the preservation of that 
Union and the Constitution by which it is established, and laws 
by which it is maintained, our dearest interests are indissolubly 
blended. An experience of near sixty years, w'hile it has con- 
firmed the most sanguine hopes of our patriotic fathers who 
framed it, has taught us its inestimable value. Its value A\ill 
be above all price to us so long as we are fit for liberty, and it 
will fail only when we become unworthy of it. No form of 
government can secure liberty to a degenerate people. Ken- 



GOVERNOR OF KENTUCKY. 



tucky, situated in the heart of the Union, must and will exer- 
cise a powerful influence on its destiny. Devotion to the Union 
is the common sentiment of her people. I do not know a man 
within the limits of the State who does not entertain it. We 
all feel that we can safely rely upon a Union which has sustained 
us so triumphantly in the trials of peace and war; and we en- 
tertain no fears from those who have a common interest in it 
with ourselves. The paternal feelings with which we reo-ard 
them, and the filial reverence we ourselves have for thelink 
that binds us together, give us strength in the faith that they 
cherish the same bonds of brotherhood, and will practice no 
intentional injustice towards us. We can have no better 
security for our rights than that Union and the kindred feelings 
that unite us with all the members of the Confederacy. If these 
sentiments ever cease to prevail, I trust that Kentucky will be 
the last spot from which they will be banished. Errors and 
even abuses may occasionally arise in the administration of the 
general government,— so they may in the administration of all 
governments, — and we must rely upon public opinion, the basis 
of all republican governments, for their correction. The disso- 
lution of the Union can never be regarded — ought never to be 
regarded — as a remedy, but as the co)isinninatwn of the greatest 
evil tJiat can befall us. 

Kentucky, devoted to that Union, will look to it with filial 
confidence, and, to the utmost of her might, will maintain and 
defend it. We let no meditations or calculations on any sec- 
tional or other confederacy beguile us to the point of weaken- 
ing our attachment to the Union. Our relations and our attach- 
ments are with and to all the States ; and we are unwilling to 
impair them by any entangling engagements with a part. 

We are prouder of our rank as a member of the United States 
than we could be of any sectional or geographical position that 
may be assigned us. We date our prosperity as a nation from 
the adoption of the Federal Constitution. From the govern- 
ment that it established we have derived unnumbered blessings, 
and whatever of evil has occurred in its administration bears 
no proportion to its benefits. 

In proof of the foregoing sentiment we may appeal to our 
past history. We have seen measures of national policy which 
we consider of vital importance to our welfare perish in the 
conflicts of parties; and other systems, deemed by us inimical 
to our best interests, prevail. Yet we did not falter in our alle- 
giance to our common government, but waited with patience 
for the development of the conclusion to which a majority of 
the whole nation would ultimately arrive after a calm survey 
and experience of what would best promote the public good. 



334 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

The administration that is now drawing to a close was not 
called into existence by the vote or the wish of a majority of 
the people of Kentucky. Many of its most important meas- 
ures have not been such as we desired to see enacted. Yet it 
has met with no other opposition than a manly expression of an 
honest difference of opinion. And when war was declared with 
Mexico, notwithstanding the opinion that prevailed that it might 
have been avoided by wise statesmanship, still Kentucky re- 
sponded to the call of the President, not halting to debate the 
necessity of the war, but finding in the fact that it was declared 
by the constituted authorities of the nation a sufficient claim 
of her patriotism. She has come out of that war with an in- 
crease of glory, being behind none in advancing the honor of 
the national flag ; and to our brave volunteers, who gained for 
us that proud eminence, the thanks of the State are due. If 
such has been her action through the past, may we not safely 
promise that the administration of General Taylor will receive 
a cordial support from the State of Kentucky? The veteran 
patriot, who has been just chosen to administer the government 
of the United States, was brought to Kentucky an infant in his 
mother's arms. He was here reared to that vigorous manhood, 
and with those sterling virtues, that have sustained him through 
a long period in his country's service. There is, therefore, a 
natural reason for our confidence and attachment. 

But he comes into his high office with the avowed purpose 
of endeavoring to carry out the principles and policy of Wash- 
ington, and this should commend him to the affections of the 
American people. It will be his aim to soften, if he cannot 
extinguish, the asperities of party strife, — to give to the govern- 
ment its constitutional divisions of powers, as they were de- 
signed to be exercised by its framers, and to make the Congress 
of the United States the true exponent of the will of their 
constituents. 

Under such an administration, guided by such principles and 
motives, the people of the United States seem to have the best 
assurance of their liberty and of all the blessings that good 
government can bestow. These relations have been alluded to 
in no partisan spirit, but in the hope that we at last see the 
dawn of an era ardently desired by every lover of his country, — 
when the discordant elements that have so long disturbed the 
public repose will give place to more fraternal feelings, and the 
pure patriotism of the Revolution prevail in every American 
heart. But in the midst of our bright prospects and high hopes, 
it becomes us to acknowledge our grateful dependence upon 
that Supreme Being without whose favor all schemes of human 
happiness are in vain, and without whose benediction the wis- 



LETTER FROM R. TOOMBS. 

dom and exertion of man can accomplish nothincr truly .rreat 
and good. ^ ^ 

^ , 10^ J- J- Crittenden. 

December 3otn, 1848. 

(R. Toombs to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, D. C, January 22, 1849. 
Dear Crittenden,— We have been in trouble here for the 
last month about this slavery question, but begin to see the 
light. I am anxious to settle it before the fourth of March. 
The longer it remains on hand the worse it gets, and I am' 
confident it will be harder to settle after, than before,' the fourth. 
We have, therefore, concluded to make a decided effort at it 
now. This morning, Preston will move to make the territorial 
bill the special order for an early day, which will bring the sub- 
ject before us. We shall then attempt to erect all of California 
and that portion of New Mexico lying west of the Sierra into a 
State as soon as she forms a constitution and asks it, which we 
think the present state of anxiety there will soon drive her to 
do. This will leave but a very narrow strip, not averaging 
more than fifteen or twenty miles, between this California line 
and the Rio Grande line of Texas. This Texas line the Demo- 
crats are committed to and some of our Northern Whigs. Cor- 
win, etc., say, if that line is established, they will vote this strip 
to Texas. I think we can carry tJiis, or something like it. The 
principle I act upon is this, — it cannot be a slave country ! We 
have only the point of honor to serve, and tJiis will serve it and 
rescue the country from all danger of agitation. The Southern 
Whigs are now nearly unanimous in favor of it, and will be 
wholly so before the vote is taken. We know nothing of 
General Taylor's policy, but take it for granted he would be 
willing to any honorable settlement which would disembarrass 
his administration from the only question which threatens to 
weaken it. If you see any objections, write me immediately, and 
we will keep ourselves in a condition to ease off\{\\. is desirable. 
I have a strong opinion in favor of its propriety and practica- 
bility, and with a perfect knowledge of the Jiopes, fears, cliques, 
and combinations of both parties. I do not hesitate to say now 
is the best time to force it to a settlement. We have completely 
foiled Calhoun in his miserable attempt to form a Southern party. ■ 
We found a large number of our friends would go into the 
wretched contrivance, and then determined it was best to go in 
ourselves and control the movement, if possible. We liad a 
regular yf^n^ up in the last meeting, and at the call of Calhoun 
I told them briefly 7£^/^«/ we were at. I told him that the union 
of the South was neither possible nor desirable until we were 



336 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ready to dissolve the Union. That we certainly did not intend 
to advise the people now to look anywhere else than to their 
own government for the prevention of apprehended evils. -That 
we did not expect an administration which we had brought 
into power would do an act, or permit an act to be done, which 
it would become necessary for our safety to rebel at; and we 
thought the Southern opposition would not be sustained by 
their own friends in acting on such an hypothesis. That we 
intended to stand by the government until it committed an 
overt act of aggression upon our rights, which neither zve nor the 
country ever expected to see. We then, by a vote of forty- 
two to forty-four, voted to recommit his report. (We had before 
tried to kill it directly, but failed.) We hear that the committee 
have whittled it down to a weak viilk-and-ivater address to the 
ivliole U/non. We are opposed to any address whatever, but the 
Democrats will probably outvote us to-night and put forth the 
one reported, but it will have but two or three Whig names. 
Don't think of not coming into the administration. There is 
but one opinion here as to its necessity. 

Yours truly, 

R. Toombs. 
J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 
1849. 

Letters — J. Collamer to Crittenden— Jefferson Davis to Crittenden— Crittenden to 
O. Brown — John M. Clayton to Crittenden. 

(J. Collamer to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, January 30, 1S49. 

DEAR SIR, — I have summoned resolution to write to you, 
and you know it will be done with confidence and frank- 
ness ; so forgive my presumption. First, then, the great topic 
here is the cabinet of General Taylor. Now, sir, among the 
very few things generally conceded on this subject ts this : that 
you zvill be and oiigJit to be consulted on this point by General 
Taylor. I trust this may be so, and that he and the country 
may have the advantage of your judgment and knowledge of 
men on this occasion. Next, sir, I desire to say distinctly that 
the Whigs of Vermont have desired and expected that you 
would be Secretary of State, and I think the Whigs of the 
Union, or at least a large majority of them, participate in this 
desire. I would add that if in the cabinet you should be at the 
head of it, to sustain your public and political position. I re- 
gard tJiis as a national demand, more imperious than any local 
claims Kentucky can have upon you and paramount thereto. 
Such are my views, but T never volunteer my unasked advice; 
nor do I regard my views of any great value ; but in this case 
I express them because I think the public opinion coincides 
with mine. I, however, frankly acknowledge that I should not 
have written this letter but for another matter, which relates to 
myself You know, sir, I am utterly incapable of soliciting 
any man, even yourself, to sustain me for an office; but I have 
a favor to ask which comes so near it that I have great reluc- 
tance to state it. Last summer and autumn the very dccisi\-c 
and active course I thought it necessary to take in Vermont in 
relation to the election of General Taylor exceedingl)- exas- 
perated the Free-Soil party, and they, holding the balance of 
power in the House of Representatives in the State, prevented 
my election to the United States Senate. Before the adjourn- 
ment in November, at a convention of the Whig members of the ' 
two Houses, they unanimously recommended me to General 

VOL. I. 22 (337) 



338 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Taylor for the office of Attorney-General. This was without 
my knowledge. That recommendation has been sent to Gen- 
eral Taylor. Now, sir, I do not mention this matter with any 
view to press such appointment or to expect it; for though I 
think the claim of Vermont as the only uniform Whig State 
in the Union, and in which no cabinet appointment was ever 
made, is very great, yet I suppose no such appointment will be 
made, especially as the State presents such a candidate. I have, 
however, a favor to ask. You perceive my situation. I desire 
that my recommendation by the State may not be to my dis- 
paragement and injury. It seems to me that if both this rec- 
ommendation and myself are disregarded, myself entirely over- 
looked and the claims of Vermont are attempted to be met by 
the appointment of otJier men to otlier places by private influ- 
ence, it will, undoubtedly, be to me a viattcr of direct personal 
injnry and reproach. Now, sir, I solicit the exercise of the 
influence which all ascribe to you to save me from this. In 
short, sir, if anything of value is to be offered to Vermont, 
should it not be offered to me ? 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. COLLAMER. 
(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

Dear Burnley, — Your letter by Swigert reached me yester- 
day at Mrs. Innis's, where I now am, and you will receive this 
to-morrow after due consultation with Letcher, who is em- 
braced in your invitation to the Mammoth Cave. As to the 
cigars, you have acquitted yourself well ! Letcher would have 
taken them all if you had not assigned him a part I do not 
know what Letcher may think of it, but he is reputed a wise 
man, and I must, therefore, believe he will concur with me in 
regarding your proposition to go to the Mammoth Cave as a 
most strange and wild fancy. Go to the cave ! travel three long 
summer days to get there, and as many to get back, and for 
what ? There is no medical water to restore or invigorate 
health. Thomas tells me that you promise venison and salmon 
every day for dinner. That's a "fish storyT I know better. You 
are more likely to get both at the Blue Licks; but the cave, — 
the cave itself, — the Mammoth Cave is the attraction. There is 
a deathlike coldness in the idea that may have some charm for 
people who come panting from the tropics, and who have lately 
felt that it was better to be buried alive than to endure the 
burning sun. It must be some disorder of the mind that thus 
misleads you, and from which I trust the temperate climate you 
are now m will soon relieve you. For my single self, if I was 
standing at its mouth, I would not again enter its mi^xwAjati'S. 



LETTER FROM JEFFERSON DA VIS. 



359 



I had rather make my explorations on the surface of the earth, 
in the free air and open hght of heaven; I have neither ambition 
nor curiosity to be thrusting myself into places that were never 
intended for living- men, nor anything better than dragons or 
reptiles. My seven senses altogether can't comprehend the 
pleasure of leaving " the warm precincts of the cheerful day" to 
stumble and grope about in the Mammoth Cave, making its 
everlasting darkness hideous with miserable glimmering, smoky > 
torches. I would greatly rather have descended with .Eneas 
into the infernal regions. Tlicre a man might indeed sec sights; 
here the utmost of his achievements would be to see, perhaps 
catch, 2i poor, little blind fish that says to him as plain as a fish 
can speak, "What a foolish thing it was to come so far for such 
an object." No— no — no, sir, you will not get Letcher and 
myself into that cave, but if like sensible men you would rather 
live in society than be buried in a cav^e, and will go to Harrods- 
burg or Blue Licks, zue are your men. Don't let Dr. Croghan 
hear one word I have said against caves. If I could fancy anv 
cave it should be his, because it is his. 

P.S. — Well, I have consulted with Letcher. I find to my sur- 
prise that he does not agree with me altogether as to caves. 
Indeed, he says "he has a passion for caves" and has constrained 
me to consent to suspend a final determination, and to hear an 
argument from you on the subject. Letcher desires an argu- 
ment, and if you can remove the objections we will change our 
decision and go to the Mammoth Cave. Bring Alex. Bullitt 
along to the argument. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(Jefferson Davis to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Senate-chamber, January 30, 1S49. 
My dear Governor, — I have been long intending to avail 
myself of your kindness by writing to you ; but you know the 
condition of a senator during the session of Congress, and may 
be able to estimate the condition of a lazy man thus situated. 
It is, I hope, unnecessary for me to say that my sympathies 
have been deeply enlisted in the case of Major Crittenden, and. 
what is more important, my conviction is complete that he has 
been unjustly treated. You know Mr. Polk, and your view 
of the manner in which he should be dealt with, as shown by 
your letters, has very closely agreed with my own. Worried 
by his hesitation, I have called for the proceedings in the case, 
and if he holds out, it is a case in which the weaker goes to the 
wall. I think I will beat him, and so you may say in confi- 
dence to your gallant son. 



340 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

My boy Tom, in which style I hope you will recognize Col- 
onel Crittenden, has been discreet and, I think, efficient in a 
cause where feeling might have warped the judgment of an 
older man. I regret exceedingly to see that Mr. Clay is to 
return to the Senate. Among many reasons is one in which I 
know you will sympathize — the evil influence he will have on 
the friends of General Taylor in the two houses of Congress. 
Many who would have done very well in his absence will give 
way in his presence. This will also introduce a new element 
in the selection of the general's cabinet. It must be composed 
of men of nerve and of no Clay affinities. 

One instance to illustrate my meaning : Berrien, of Georgia, 
though well enough without Clay's shadow, would not do under 
it. You see that I disregard Mr. Clay's pledge to support the 
administration; he may wish to do so, but can his nature reach 
so much ? The Englishman, Baker, who came from the Rio 
Grande to draw pay, mileage, and a year's stationery, as a 
member of Congress, is here, with recommendations from legis- 
latures for the post of Secretary of War. What would General 
Taylor say to such impudent dictation and indelicate solicita- 
tion ? L. Butler King wants to be Secretary of Navy. You 
know the little Yankee, Andrew Stuart, wants to be Secretary 
of Treasury — the man who proved wool to be a vegetable. I 
hope you will talk fully with General Taylor; he knows very 
little of our public men personally, and will have very little 
opportunity to observe them after his arrival. 

Clayton is true, and talks right. Has he the necessary nerve? 
How would Binney, of Philadelphia, do for the Treasury? As 
Lawrence is not a lawyer, and is a manufacturer, how would 
Mr. Lawrence do for Navy? How would Gadsden do for War? 
How will a Postmaster-General be selected ? The general will 
need you, and I hope to see you here. Loose and hurried as 
my remarks are, written in the midst of much " noise and con- 
fusion," you may, from intimate knowledge of all I have treated 
of, unravel what would be unintelligible to one less informed. 

Your friend, 

Jefferson Davis. 

(J. J. Crittenden to O. Brown.) 

Frankfort, July 3, 1849. 
My dear Sir, — Your letters of the 23d and 27th of the last 
month were anxiously expected, and read with great interest; 
and yesterday your telegraphic dispatch was received, announc- 
ing your acceptance of your new office. You have now be- 
come the great saclicvi, and I have no doubt will demean your- 
self like a proper chief You have but to take hold of your 



LETTER TO O. BROIVX. ^41 

office earnestly, and all its exaggerated difficulties will vanish 
before you. It can be no great matter for you, and to compre- 
hend all your official duties, you will then feel at ease. And 
master of your house, you can order and execute as you please, 
and with but little trouble, if you have such subordinates as 
you ought to have. Knowing your capacity. I desire to see 
you do justice to yourself in your present office, so as to show 
yourself capable of higher and greater things. And these I 
anticipate for you without the least pretension to prophecy. 
Without anything the least personal or selfish in the wish,' I 
hope you will avail yourself of all opportunities of cultivating 
the acquaintance, the friendship, and the confidence of General 
Taylor. I desire this for your own sake, for his sake, and for 
the sake of the country. Such relations with him will be hon- 
orable to you, and will, I am certain, be useful to him. His 
prepossessions are all in your favor, you stand with him as the 
representative of his great bulwark. Old Kentucky, and he will 
be glad to have some one with whom he may talk outside of 
the cold, formal limits of the cabinet. That's as natural as the 
desire to break out of prison. You are exactly the man to 
occupy that relation with him, all circumstances favor it, and 
nothing but negligence, or something worse, will prevent your 
falling into that position. 

He is a noble old patriot who deserves to have disinterested 
and faithful friends to soothe and assist him, and I know that 
you will be such a friend. 

Indeed, I have had a sad time since you and the boys left me. 
It seemed as if all my light had- gone out. But yet there was 
a ray from within that was constantly breaking from the clouds 
to cheer me and to brighten my thoughts. I had advised you 
all to go. It was good for you to go. And the brightness of 
your prospects, and of the skies above you, reflect a sunshine 
upon me. I shall flatter you by telling you how much we all 
miss you; how much the town misses you; and how much we 
inquire, and speculate, and talk about you. Letcher seems to 
be widowed by your departure. In walking together by your 
house, a few evenings past, he, the practical man, grew poetic, 
and insisted that your vines, plants, and trees seemed to droop 
and mourn your absence. Your absence has been an actual 
grief to me. Missing you in the office day by day, I feel as if 
my office, "my vocation," was gone. I am glad that you are 
where you are, and yet grieved that we cannot have you here. 
There are many peculiar reasons why none of your friends here 
can lose so much, or miss you so much, as I — but I will not 
grow too serious or gree-vi-ous on the subject. 

The emigrants deducted, our little town remains just as you 



342 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

left it. I haven't felt like more than half a governor since you 
left. I have succeeded, however, in getting a very clever fellow, 
Joshua H. Bell, to take the office of secretary. He has written 
me that he would be here to-day. And it is quite necessary he 
should be, as from the last days of June, when your resignation 
was entered, there has been an interregnum, and will be till his 
arrival. 

By the intelligence which you and Thomas gave us from 
Washington, we have set it down as certain that Letcher is 
to have a mission, and most probably that to Mexico. As to 
what you say of my friend. General W. Thompson, I had heard 
about the same through a letter from Thomas, with whom also 
Thompson had conversed, and to about the same effect I re- 
ceived a letter from himself on the day that your last reached 
me. Fearing that Thompson might think that I had brought 
about the collision and competition between him and Letcher, 
I wrote to him immediately on the receipt of Tom's letter, ex- 
pressing my regret at the competition; that the object of Letcher's 
frie;ids Avas to obtain a mission for him, not caring as to what 
mission it was, and that if it was the wish of the administration 
to confide to him the mission to Mexico, that Letcher's friends 
and I would undertake to say Letcher himself would willingly 
waive any preference he might have for that mission, provided 
there should be given to him either the mission to Berlin or 
St. Petersburg. I wrote this not only to acquit myself with 
Thompson but to place the responsibility where it ought to 
rest, or at least to throw it off my own shoulders. The truth, I 
suppose, is that the administration cannot well give one of the 
first-rate missions to South Carolina after the disposition of other 
offices which it has made; and not being able to give one to my 
friend Thompson, are explaining away his disappointment as 
well as it can be done. That does not concern me ; but I do 
not wish to appear to have gotten up the rivalry between Letcher 
and Thompson, and to be chargeable, of course, with the dis- 
appointment of one of them. 

Letcher's spirits have evidently improved greatly under the 
influence of the letters of Thomas and yourself; and we all 
congratulate ourselves on the certainty of his success. We 
shall hold you not a little responsible for the mission to Mexico, 
Prussia, or Russia. And I don't believe Letcher cares a pin 
which. But, by Jupiter, I wonder at my own disinterestedness ! 
I am wishing good offices for all my friends here and aiding in 
getting them, — offices which will carry them far away from me. 
I shall then be left solitary and alone, and what is to become 
of me? You stand in need of no lessons from me. Just be 
yourself and follow your own natural bent and character, and 



LETTER TO O. BROWN. 343 

all will be right. Be not jealous of the "Satraps ;" be respectful 
and give them all due deference and honor upon the proper 
occasions, but show no anxiety to seek or avoid them. Let 
old Zack be the rock on which you build, — that is the proper 
position for you, — and all the " Satraps" will soon seek you. 

Clayton is a noble fellow ; he may have faults and imperfec- 
tions, but still he is a noble fellow. I want to hear that you are 
good and confidential friends. You must try and break down 
the barrier that seems to divide Bullitt from the administration. 
Between the editor of such a paper and the President and cabi- 
net there ought to be an unreserved communication. It used to 
be so in old times. There was hardly a day in the administra- 
tion of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and Monroe that the editor 
of the Ijitelligencer did not visit the President just to hear what 
he had to say and to imbibe the spirit of the administration. 
It ought to be so again. Tell Bullitt that his paper is still too 
much on the defensive. He does not show forth old Zack 
enough, his plainness, his integrity, his patriotism, and that 
therein lies the hostility of old Ritchie and that whole breed 
of politicians. These are all mad with the people for electing 
him. Old Ritchie, for instance, is mad to the amount of ten 
to twenty thousand dollars annually that has been taken from 
this old feeder in the treasury. These are the gentlemen that 
are making all the outcry against old Zack, and they, to conceal 
themselves and their "private griefs," affect to represent and 
speak in the name of the Democratic party. I would take the 
ground that the people of that party honored and reverenced 
old Zack, and that it was the partisans only who live on party 
warfare and its plunder that were abusing and making war on 
him ; that he was emphatically the people's President and not 
the President of office holders and of Mr. Ritchie. And to illus- 
trate all this, I would signalize Mr. Ritchie's case, — show how he 
was fattening on the spoils, how he had been cut off from those 
spoils by the people's President, and what good cause he had 
to be mad with the people and old Zack for all this. But 
Bullitt, I think, will soon bring all this right. 

You must hold on to your office for a time at least, and let 
me know all that is going on at Washington. 

Your friend, 

O. Brown, Esq. J- J- Crittenden. 

p. S.— Buckner's district is doubtful ; but I think you may be 
confident that we will send you eight Whig reprcsentati\-es at 

least from Kentucky, 

J. J. C. 



-44 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(John M. Clayton to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, July ii, 1849. 
My dear Crittenden, — Letcher will be appointed Minister 
to Prussia or Mexico as soon as your Kentucky elections are 
over, and so you may tell liim. He understands me, and when 
he returns yon must go in his place. Tell him I Uy to do as he 
says / should do, " have winning ways ;" but if I am kind in 
manner to some men, they take occasion to construe tJiat into a 
promise of office. The President says that it has now come 
to such a pass that if he does not kick a man down-stairs he 
goes away and declares he promised Jdni an office. You never 
wrote a more sensible letter in your life than that in which 
you gave me your lessons in diplomacy. I agree with you in 
everything, and you will see by-and-hy that I have sent an agent 
to recognize the independence of Hungary on the first favorable 
indication. The agent (at present unknown) is Dudley Mann, 
nozv in Paris. The same policy (sympathy with the advance 
of republican principles) will characterize all my course, if the 
President will allow me. On this subject do you write to me to 
give me a loose rein. Some of my colleagues [zvho are noble 
fellows) are somewhat young and tender-footed. We must 
keep up with the spirit of the age. Preston got it into his head 
that our " Sir John Franklin expedition" was like Mason's 
Dead Sea expedition, and so his dcpartmeiit defeated us, by 
holding the matter under consideration until it was too late to 
do anything. My mortification has been extreme about the 
failure of it, especially as the British Parliament and the Royal 
Society received the intelligence of the President's intention to 
send out the expedition with applause absolutely enthusiastic. It 
was a pretty feather in the President's cap, and lost by the oppo- 
sition of the navy. Oh, if you could see what a fine letter the 
''Lady Franklin'' sent me in reply to the one the President wrote 
to her, and what a jewel of a letter I was preparing in reply to it! 
But, alas ! we were blown sky-high by the navy after the Presi- 
dent had ordered them to prepare the expedition. Many here 
blame the old Commodores Smith, Warrington, etc., the com- 
mittee to whom the matter was referred, and who reported that 
we had not a ship in the navy _/?/ to go. These 'old commodores 
are all behiiid the age. The spirit of progress ought to be ours. 
We must keep up or be distanced. Our friend Collamer is 
behind; he is a glorious fellow, but too tender for progress. He 
has been often indeed at his wit's end, frightened about removals 
and appointments, but I cry courage to them all and they will go 
ahead, all, by-and-by ! Taylor has all the moral as well as 
physical courage needed for the emergency. I know Brown ; 
he is at first siglit a trump — " the king if not the ace." Your son 



LETTER FROM JOHN M. CLA YTON. 

Thomas has gone to Liverpool as happy as a lord. I had to 
recal Armstrong ; he refused to resign. If you will come here 
and take my office I will give it up to you with pleasure, and 
with a proviso to stand by you all my life. I have not had a 
day s rest for nearly five months. The honor of scrvino- the man 
1 now serve is the only reward I can offer you. riiat is indeed 
an honor I have never met with a man who more justly 
deserved the respect and devotion of his friends and of all o-ood 
men. Tell Letcher I am willing to be Jmng if this admini*^tra- 
\.\ow fails. Letcher has, in a letter to me, sivorn to Jiamr mc if it 
does. 

Remember me kindly to Letcher. I mean to instruct him 
gloriously. He shall know a tiling or tivo. 

Faithfully your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. John M. Clayton. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 
1849-1850. 

Letters from J. Collamer, Crittenden, and Letcher — Extracts from Crittenden's 
Message to the Legislature of Kentuclcy in 1S49 — Letters of Crittenden to 
Letcher and Thomas Metcalf. 

(Hon. J. Collamer to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, July 14, 1849. 

DEAR SIR, — I have before me your letter of the 9th inst., 
frankly expressing your feelings of dissatisfaction at my 
apparent neglect of your recommendation of Dr. Alexander as 
local mail agent at Louisville. Many persons were recom- 
mended, and Russell had many leading men for him, including 
the member Mr. Duncan. Alexander had no paper on file, but 
your letter, that would have been very potent with me. In this 
state of things I received charges enough against Pilcher for his 
removal. The President having made his own selection for 
postmaster, then handed me a line addressed to me, but which 
had been inclosed to him, signed J. S. Allison, recommending 
the appointment of Russell as agent, and as being most desired 
at Louisville. The President expressed to me his desire that I 
should follow the recommendation of Captain Allison. This I 
regarded as law for me. I am btit a subaltern, and obey, but it 
seems that in so doing I must lose all the personal attachment 
and respect of those whose respect I value. It seems to me 
that even in this matter I have done no wrong, nor have I de- 
ferred your wish to anything but what I regarded as imperative 
upon me. 

Respectfully, but afflictcdly, yours, 

J. Collamer. 

I should be pleased to send my respects to Mrs. Crittenden, 
but I hardly think they would be at present well received. 

J.C. 
His Excellency J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, July 26, 1849. 
De.4R Orlando, — I learn from your letter to Letcher that 
you are becoming better reconciled to Washington. The few 
C346) 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. o.-, 

first weeks there would be the dead point in your transactions • 
after that you will have formed new associations that will make 
all go smoothly. With Burnley and Bullitt for your associates 
you have a great resource, and may be a mutual relief to each 
other m the troubles of your covnnon exile. Whatever may be 
your intention as to resignation, it is best to say nothing about 
it for the present. It may weaken your position at Washington 
without doing you good anywhere. I hope to see you a cabinet 
minister before the expiration of old Zae/es term. Give my 
commendation and my thanks to Bullitt, and tell him he has 
now got the Republic up to the right temperature ; he must 
keep it as hot as a furnace till the U/iion is purged in " liquid 
fire.'' Old Zack must be kept constantly in view as \\\q people's 
President, and the rage of Ritchie & Co. must be attributed to 
its natural cause — their exclusion from the domination and spoils 
they have so long indulged in. Old Zack is trying to manage 
things for the good of tlie people, — Ritchie & Co. trying to get 
back to the days when the office holders managed things for 
their advantage and fed fat on the public treasury. Old Zack 
is the people's man, and old Ritchie the champion of the late 
office holders ; the issue is, whether the people shall rule by 
their man, or whether old Ritchie shall be able, by misrepre- 
sentation and defamation, to put down the people's administra- 
tion and take possession of the premises as their own. It is 
easy to perceive that you feel some distrust of the cabinet and 
some apprehension of its success. This is a contagious feeling 
with you, Burnley, and Bullitt, and your association keeps it 
up. I am anxious to see you all cured of this disorder. 

Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, September 5, 1849. 

Dear Orlando, — I start for the Estell Springs to-day, and I 
am constantly finding little last things to be done that have 
been before neglected. 

A Mr. Harrison, of Greenupsburg, in this State, is very 
anxious to obtain an office. Application was some time ago 
made for an Indian agency for him, and I write on his behalf. 
I have since received a letter from him, suggesting that his 
application had been too limited ; that if he could not get an 
Indian agency he desired some other equivalent office, and re- 
quested me to write again in his behalf You know Mr. Har- 
rison, I believe. I think you were in my room when he first 
visited me on this subject. My impression is that he was a sort 
of Democrat who became a zealous Taylor-man. 



348 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

He is a good-hearted, worthy man, and very competent to 
the duties of any such office as he solicits. If you find an 
opportunity of doing anything for him, I pray you to do it. 

I have received your letter of the 29th ult., but have not time 
now to reply to it further than to say that I am glad you have 
got your hands to a work more worthy of them than the 
ordinary drudgery of office. Insist, if it be necessary, on 
having it all your own way, and take responsibility so far as to 
make it your own work. Give up in no essential point without 
an appeal to old Zack. There is no necessity for you to stand 
in awe of any secretary. And where anything important and 
good occurs to you, insist on it independently, and, my life 
upon it, the President will back you. Bate not your breath for 
ministers. Your tenure is as good and strong as theirs. They 
will know it, and you will be the more respected and appreciated 
by them, if they are as smart as they ought to be. 

Your friend, 

Orlando Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittende\\ 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, November 17, 1S49. 

Dear Crittenden, — This letter is headed, as you perceive, 
with a word calculated to inspire the expectation that some- 
thing of much interest is to be communicated. Not exactly so, 
— but as yet I know not zvJiat I may say, what guesses I may 
make, what apprehensions I may express in regard to the pre- 
sent and the future. Things are terribly amiss, out of sorts, 
out of joint, in this quarter. There will be a change in the 
cabinet, sooner or later, to a dead certainty ! I can't cheat my- 
self in this matter, though I have tried to do so. 

Clayton is in great trouble, poor fellow. I am truly distressed 
for him. I have seen but little of him for five or six days. The 
truth is, it gave me pain to see him, and as I had not the heart 
or courage, without being specially invited to do so, to say all 
I felt, all I thought, and all I know, I purposely kept away, 
merely telling him when he needed a doctor to send for me. I 
scarcely know how to begin to tell you the whole story, and, in 
fact, it would be too tedious and laborious to attempt a narra- 
tive in detail. His misfortune is, that every man in the cabi- 
net wants him out. These letters, which you see published in 
the Herald, telling the secrets of the administration and fore- 
shadowing its policy, have rekindled a flame which had been 
almost extinguished to the highest point. For the last twenty- 
four hours, without saying a word to any human being but 
tivo of the cabinet, my efforts have been directed to prevent 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 34Q 

(right in the face of Congress) an open rupture — a ruinous rup- 
ture. All I hoped to accomplish was to endeavor to inspire 
prudence in action and wise forbearance. Possibly I may have 
had some slight agency in pouring a little oil upon the troubled 
waters ; but the storm is bound to come, it is only a question 
of mode and time. My opinion in regard to Mr. Clayton's hold- 
ing on to his place has totally changed since I got here. His 
position is such that it is altogether impossible for him to be 
useful to the administration. There is no mistake, no doubt, 
about it whatever, and if he gives me half a chance I mean to 
tell him what I think, as sincerely as I would tell you or my 
brother, under similar circumstances. Clayton don't know, 
don't see, the abyss before him ! General Taylor has said 
nothing as yet, — in truth, is unacquainted with all the facts con- 
nected with the case, but they mean to tell him. They charge 
and say that they can prove that Mr. C. made that clerk write the 
communication which you saw in the Republic denying the au- 
thenticity of his Herald letter. Well, as I said to one of the 
party (very much excited), "suppose he did. What of it? 
Had he not a perfect right to call upon any man who had slan- 
dered him and ask him to do him justice?" But say they, "This 
letter that rascal wrote was by the knowledge and with the 
consent, and even by the request, of Mr. C, and this we can 
prove!' I don't believe that ! What is to occur, and when it 
may occur, the Lord only knows. All I say is, that something 
will occur before long. I would not be surprised if it happens 
in two hours. I will use every effort within my power to see 
that what is done shall be done decently and in order. I was 
consulted with for two nights past, until two o'clock in the 
morning, in case of a vacancy in the State Department, as to 
ivJio ought to be the appointee. My opinion was given just as 
truly and candidly as if upon oath, and you are at no loss to 
understand what that opinion is, though your wife would like 
me none the better for it. I think I may venture to say from what 
I know and from what I learned from one of the distinguished 
parties concerned, that the whole of the cabinet would ///// 
together upon this point. I give you this gentle hint that you may 
think about it, and if the contingency arises, don't refuse till you 
see me. I don't know when I can get away. I am in a whirlpool ; 
perhaps I may be here ten days. I am most sincerely damned 
•mpatient to get away, — not meaning to sivear in your presence. 
I am unhappy in my mind. The cabinet are now in session. I 
trust they may break up in harmony. I have not had a good 
night's sleep since I got here. The hours for close chat in this 
city are from eleven to two at night. That don't suit me. 
There are many reports on the street of the resignation of the 



d 



^O I'J'^^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



cabinet ; none of which are true. Nobody wishes to resign, 
unless it be Clayton. More to-morrow. 

Hastily, but sincerely, your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(Extract from Governor Crittenden's Message to the Legislature of Kentucky, 

December 31, 1849.) 

The preceding remarks have been confined to the domestic 
affairs of our own State ; but as nothing that concerns the Union 
can be alien to us, I am unwilling to close this communication 
without some reference to our relations and duties to the Con- 
stitution and government of the United States. This seems to 
be made more imperatively my duty by the deplorable agita- 
tion and political excitements which have recently been but too 
manifest in the proceedings of one branch of Congress, and 
which, if they do not threaten and endanger the tranquillity and 
integrity of the Unioii, have excited solicitude for its safety. 
The Constitution of the United States was made by the whole 
people, and no compact among men was ever made with more 
deliberate solemnity. Inviolable respect and obedience to that 
highest law of the people, in all its consequences, is the bounden 
duty of all. While it confirms all our State institutions, it 
unites us for national purposes as one people, one great re- 
public. It is in that Union alone that we exist as a Jiation and 
have our bond of brotherhood. From it, as from a rich foun- 
tain, public prosperity has streamed over our whole land, and 
from the base of our great national republic a spirit has gone 
forth throughout the world to quicken and raise up the op- 
pressed, to teach them a new lesson of freedom, and, by pointing 
to our example, show them the way to self-government. The 
heart of man must swell with conscious pride at being the free 
citizen of such a republic. Dear as Kentucky is to us, she is 
not our whole country. The Union, the whole Union, is our 
country; and proud as we justly are of the name oi Kcntuckian, 
we have a loftier and more far-famed title — that of American 
citizen, — a name known and respected throughout the world, 
and which, wherever we may be, has power to protect us from 
the despotism of emperor or king. 

As a party to the Constitution, Kentucky, interchangeably 
with the other States, pledged herself to abide by and support 
that Constitution and the Union which it established. If that 
pledge were her only obligation, it ought to be inviolable. But 
the seal of Washington stamped upon it, the thousand glorious 
recollections associated with its origin, the benefits and bless- 
ings it has conferred, the grander hopes it now inspires, have 
day by day increased our attachment, until the mere sense of 



MESSAGE TO THE LEGISLATURE. 



JD 



plighted faith and allegiance is lost in proud, grateful, and affec- 
tionate devotion. I can entertain no apprehension for the fate 
of sucli a Union. The approach of any danger to it would be 
the signal for rallying to its defense,— the first moment of its 
peril would be the moment of its rescue. I persuade myself 
that there will be found in Congress, on the exciting subject 
which has given rise to the late agitation and alarm, a zvisc for- 
bearance and a zvise patience, 'Ci\zX.\V\\\ secure us from danger; 
and that the very men Avho, in the heat and contention of debate^ 
have spoken most boldly the language of defiance and menace 
to the Union, will not be hindmost in making sacrifices for its 
I preservation. The Union has further security in the parental 
care and guardianship of its present illustrious chief magistrate; 
and far above all other securities, it has the all-powerful public 
opinion and affections of the people. 

To Kentucky and the other Western States in the Valley of 
the Mississippi, the Union is indispensable to their commercial 
interests. They occupy the most fertile region of the world, 
eloquently described by a celebrated foreigner as " the most 
magnificent abode that the Almighty ever prepared as a dwell- 
ing-place for man." These States, already populous and pro- 
ductive, are rapidly increasing, and in no long time must become 
the most populous and productive portion of the United States. 
They are remote from the sea, and to enable them with any 
advantage to dispose of their boundless production and pur- 
chase their supplies, they will require the use of all the chan- 
nels and avenues of commerce, and of all the markets, ports, 
and harbors from Boston to New Orleans. Under our present 
Union we enjoy all these facilities, with the further advantage 
of a maritime force capable to protect, and actually protecting, 
our commerce in every part of the world. Disunion would 
deprive us, certainly, to some extent, and most probably to a 
great extent, of those advantages and of that protection. I 
cannot enlarge on the subject. A moment's reflection will 
show the ruinous consequences of disunion to the commerce 
of Kentucky and the other Western States. The most obvious 
considerations of interest combine, therefore, with all that are 
nobler and more generous, to make the Union not only an 
object of attachment, but of necessity to us. Kentucky is not 
insensible to the causes which have produced so much sensi- 
bility and irritation with her brethren of the Southern States, 
nor is she without her sympathies with them. But she does 
not permit herself to harbor one thought against the Union. 
She deprecates disunion as the greatest calamity ; she can see 
NO REMEDY in it, — none, certainly, for any grievance as yet com- 
plained of or to be apprehended. Kentucky will stand by and 



352 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

abide by the Union to the last, and she will hope that the same 
kind Providence that enabled our fathers to make it, will enable 
us to preserve it. Our whole history has taught us a consoling 
confidence in that Providence. It becomes us, as a people, to 
acknowledge with gratitude and thankfulness the many signal 
proofs we have received of divine goodness, and to invoke the 
Great Ruler of events for a continuation of his favor, humbly 
acknowledging that without his aid the labors of man are but 
vain. 

J. J. Crittenden. 
December 31, 1849. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, November 26, 1849. 

Dear Crittenden, — Things look better upon the surface for 
the last few days ; the elements are in much less commotion ; 
and it may be that the storm indicated will pass away for the 
present. But it will come, I fear, certain and sure some day. 
The message is made up. It was finished last night, but may 
possibly undergo some little pruning. I have not seen but will 
probably be asked to hear it read, and invited to make such 
commentaries as I think proper. It was intimated that the 
general migl it probably desire tliis. No news. Breck got here 
last night on his way North. Benton is here. I had quite an 
agreeable and satisfactory chat with him this morning. He 
said, "Sir, you must not go away until the meeting of Congress." 
I was utterly opposed to staying so long, and am so still. Gen- 
eral Taylor looks zuell, acts zuell, and Judge Breck called to see 
him, and was perfectly charmed. He says "all hell can't beat 
him in the next race." Orlando is mighty busy with his Indians. 
I have hardly seen him for four or five days. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to O. Brown.) 

Frankfort, January 14, 1850. 

Dear Orlando, — It has been so long since I received a letter 
from, or written one to, you that I hardly know where or how 
to recommence our correspondence. I suppose I must, as the 
lawyers say, begin de novo. 

I have read about two columns of your official report about 
your red brethren, and expect to read the residue at the first 
leisure moment. I congratulate you on the many compliments 
it has received from the public, and I now especially congratu- 
late you on your deserving all those compliments. 

Old Zack's message is characteristic. It is marked with a 
noble resolution and simplicity th£\t must commend it to ever}'' 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 



OOJ 



sound head and heart in the nation, and its whole matter and 
manner make it a model and monument. 

The reports of the Hon. Secretaries are excellent, and such 
as ought to bring honor and strength to the administration. 

I must say, however, that I differ from our friend the Secre- 
tary of War on two points of his report— namely, the mode of 
increasing the army, and the exclusive employment of the topo- 
graphical corps in superintending all the works of improvement 
for which Congress may make appropriations. 

As to the first, I should have preferred the raising of nexv 
regiments to any extent that increase of the army was necessary, 
thereby preserving the old policy of keeping our little army in 
such a form as to admit of great expansion in time of need 
under its old and experienced officers. The officers of our 
army may be considered as reduced in force and number by 
all those who are now, and who must be, stationed anywhere 
on the coast of the Pacific, for they are so remote as to be in- 
capable of any co-operation with our forces on the Atlantic. I 
think, therefore, that the old policy ought to have been adhered 
to. And with me, it would have been a recommendation of 
this course that it would have afforded the President the oppor- 
tunity of giving military appointments to some of the gallant 
fellows among our volunteers and temporary troops who distin- 
guished themselves in the Mexican war. 

My objection on the other point seems to me to be still 
stronger. Why give to the " topographical corps" by laxv the 
exclusive or any exclusive direction and superintendency of the 
public works of improvement? 

Why not leave the President and his cabinet to make, accord- 
ing to their discretion, selections of proper superintendents ? 
The administration must at last be responsible for the due ex- 
ecution of the works, and it seems to me that the choice of the 
agents to be employed is a part of their proper duty and patron- 
age, and ought not to be surrendered. I see no propriety re- 
quiring such self-denying ordinances. Some of those works 
would require the science of the topographical corps, and then 
the President would employ them as a matter of course. ]"5ut 
in other works, such as clearing out our rivers, this science 
would not be necessary, and the President should be left free to 
choose competent employes among his friends who did not 
already enjoy the benefit of public office. 

I am opposed to this monopoly of the topograpliical corps 
for reasons public and private, general and particular. Such a 
monopoly would confer the means of great political infiucnce, 
and opportunities for exercising it. How far officers of that 
corps might be disposed to use that influence I do not know. 
VOL. I. — 23 



354 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

But should any of them be disposed to use it, the greater prob- 
abihty is that it would be used against the administration, as 
probably every officer of that corps has received his commis- 
sion from its political opponents. I by no means intend any 
disparagement of that corps, but am arguing only from general 
and natural causes. Now, though I do not desire to see any 
of the President's appointees playing the part of partisans, or 
appointed for any such purpose, I would not, on the other hand, 
have him and Mr. Crawford voluntarily surrendering the power 
of appointing their friends, and voluntarily exposing themselves 
to the inimical influences of those who may be their enemies. 
I say, therefore, that I do not see the justice or policy of giving 
to the topographical corps, in this instance, the exclusive legal 
preference which the secretary's report seems to concede them. 
I am not very conversant about such matters, and may not un- 
derstand correctly the extent and import of that report, but, as 
I do. understand it, it would exclude our friend Russell, and cut 
him off from any competition for the superintendency he for- 
merly had over our river improvements. Pray let me know if 
that would be its effect, and if so, intercede with our friend 
Crawford, and tell him that Russell understands the navigation 
of our rivers better, and knows better how to improve it, and 
especially how to remove snags, than all his topographical corps 
tocrether; and furthermore, that all they could do would be 
criticised and complained of, while all that he would do, even 
though not quite so well done, would, from a fellow-feeling, be 
praised by his fellow-boatmen. Attend to this matter, and do 
all that is possible to secure Russell in his expectations and 
hopes of being restored to his old office and employment. 

Our legislature, as you know, is now in session, with nothing 
very interesting as yet before them, unless it be the various 
resolutions that are occasionally exploded concerning you 
Washington people and Federal affairs, disunion, slavery, etc. 
All these will no doubt be eventually reduced to the standard 
of a sound discretion and a sound patriotism. There is evi- 
dently among the members of the legislature a good deal of 
dissatisfaction with the late convention and the constitution 
they have proposed to the people. Yet it remains doubtful 
whether any serious opposition will be made to its adoption. 
I am led to believe that it would not be difficult to raise an 
opposition that would be very formidable, if not fatal, to the new 
constitution. 

Our little town is very quiet, and stands just where it did and 
as it did when you left us. It is at this time covered with one 
of the deepest snows I have seen for a long time. It has been 
snowing for about eighteen hours. Letcher, you know, has 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 

left us, and has left a sort of darkness behind him, which wc 
cannot entirely dissipate. 

I see that my old friend Cass is threatening him in the Sen- 
ate, and rebuking the love of office. That is well. The old 
gentleman, as is very natural, having been surfeited with office, 
wonders that anybody can have any appetite for it. I hope 
there can be no danger of Letcher's rejection. 

The two most important events of the last month were fights 
between David Humphreys and Philip Swigert and between 
Gates and Hodges ; pretty well matched in both cases, and no 
damage done. Both, indeed, have resulted fortunately; the first 
led to a prompt settlement of an old quarrel, the compromise 
of an old lawsuit, and the reconciliation of the parties ; in the 
other, the affair has been so far arranged that the parties when 
they meet are to meet as friends, and peace is established again 
throughout our borders. 

And now, unless this long letter should be consideredas a 
grievance and drive you into a dissolution of our Union, I shall 
expect a ver}' long answer, for you can tell a great deal that I 
want to hear. 

How do you and old Zack get along together, and huw 
does the old general bear himself amidst the storm of oppo- 
sition in Congress? Who have you become acquainted with 
among the members of Congress ? Are Toombs and Stephens 
among the number? How comes on the cabinet generally and 
in the particular, etc.? 

But first in order and above all these mere public concerns, 
how is your household? Do you intermeddle much in politics? 
How is Burnley, who has not written to me since we parted? 

Your friend, 

Orlando Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J- Crittenden.) 

Norfolk, Sept. 6, 1S50. 
Dear Crittenden, — Here I am, and here I have been for 
seven long days, waiting, in the first place, to have Tom Cor- 
win's canoe repaired, and in the second place, for more fax'ora- 
ble winds. It is hoped we may embark to-morrow, but the 
Lord only knows how this may be. It would take a man of 
your amiable disposition to bear with Christian meekness and 
patience all I have borne since I left home. I have not been 
quite equal to it, and you know well that, next to )-ourseU". I 
am decidedly the best-natured fellow living. I was forced to 
leave Washington without having the pleasure of an interview 
with the President. I regret it exceedingly. I was anxious 
to hold a confidential chat with him on two or three matters of 



356 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

much interest. But, to rid myself of the constant, eternal, and 
ungodly ivipoi'tuuitics of some folks who were always at my 
heels dogging me, I felt ready to jump into the raging sea to 
get out of their reach. I shall use every exertion to accom- 
plish the object of my mission, but I must tell you my hopes 
of success are by no means as strong as I could wish. Mexi- 
can affairs are in the most terrible disorder. My advices from 
that quarter are full. I wanted to see you before I left, but 
you were too happy in the mountains to tear yourself away. 
I wrote to Bob Crittenden, if he were not profitably employed, 
and could contrive to have his expenses paid to Mexico, to 
call over there in a month or so. For the sake of the Lord, 
the Virgin Mary, and all the saints, write to me. A poor 
man in Mexico feels unhappy in his mind without letters. Be 
kind enough to offer my warmest regard to the President, and tell 
him if it be in the power of mortal man to accomplish the objects 
he has so much at heart in Mexico, I intend to do that thing. 

Your sincere friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mexico, Feb. 5, 1850. 
Dear Crittenden, — Here I am in this great bell-ringing city, 
and hardly know how to employ myself Calls upon calls, of 
a civil and business character, have worried me down to such 
a degree that I have refused to see anybody else this blessed 
saint's day. I can't write, I can't read, I ivon't tJnnk, and I can't 
sleep. In this state of half existence I will make a poor attempt 
to write you a sort of a letter, but it seems like writing to a 
man in the moon. I hope you won't see it, and lest you should, 
I sha'n't tell you how I feel in this ungodly city. You would 
laugh me to death, should we ever meet again, if I were to tell 
you the half oi whsX I have experienced since I was fool enough 
to leave home. All I am willing to confess is this, if any man 
wants to know exactly how well he loves his wife, his friends, 
his country, and the toivn of Frankfort vi particular, let him 
take a sea voyage over the renowned Gulf of Mexico, and 
then over the mountains in a stage with eight mules, and some- 
times ten, in the team, running ten miles an hour at that. Then 
let him be called the American viinister, let him be worried day 
and night by distressed, moneyless claimants, and if he is not 
brought to a knowledge of the truth by this process I should 
pronounce him an original fool. There have been more false- 
hoods told about this city, in some respects, than about all the 
rest of God's globe. The city and the surrounding country is 
beautiful ; the valley of Puebla is also a delightful country : 



I 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 



00/ 



but such a poor, wretched, miserable people are nowhere to 
be found upon the face of the earth ; four-fifths of thcni, at 
least, are beasts of burden, and most of the residue are destitute 
of moral principle. No gentleman can live here for less than 
ten or twelve thousand a year; everything is dear; butter a 
dollar a pound. No article of diet cheap, except beans. I 
have seen but few of the great men. My audience takes place 
day after to-morrow. Between ourselves, in confidence, I must 
get away from here soon. I wrote to Clayton a private note, 
to obtain leave of absence for me in May. I want you to write 
him a line to the same effect. If I am not hemmed in by the 
yomito and yellow fever, I wish to go home for my family, even 
if I viust come back. I won't go away if the interest of the 
country is to suffer by it; but it won't suffer. I don't know 
where I shall go, — one thing is certain, I don't mean to lay out 
all my salary in chickens and butter, thafs a fixed fact ! I 
think you might make a speculation in those articles if you 
would bring on a cargo. You will never know during your 
natural life anything about the charms of home until you take 
a trip to Mexico, — so just come over here and learn luisdoni. 
I am the smartest man now living in the whole world, and " Jio 
mistake." But I have suffered terribly in obtaining such a valu- 
able education. I haven't heard one word from home since I 
left. If you are a Christian man, write to me. There are at 
least one hundred and fifty bells now ringing, and have been 
ever since four o'clock this morning. I don't know the name 
of the saint who causes all the fuss. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mexico, March 4, 1S50. 
Dear Governor, — Mr. Walsh, my secretary of legation, will 
hand you this line of introduction ; he will spend a few days in 
Frankfort to ascertain if all his lands in Kentucky have been 
fully administered upon. Mr. Wickliffe, he tells me, was his 
executor. My private belief is that he won't find very much 
left after his executor is paid and satisfied. Mr. Walsh is on his 
way East ; his health is bad, and spirits worse. I thought it 
just to let him go. I care nothing about work in this country. 
In fact, it is my only recreation. I want to get off from here 
in May. It is better/^r effect that I should be absent three or 
four months. Not one syllable have I received from Kentucky 
since the blessed hour I left. Now make the calculation ! 1 low 
much is \i worth — in other words, what would you take — to cross 
the Gulf in a great square trough, and then travel three hundred 



358 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

miles by land in a small stage, be three thousand miles from 
home, and remain three months without hearing one word ? 
Will you take all my salary ? If yes, then it's a bargain ; but 
you must pay cliargcs. One charge, to bring my carriage from 
Vera Cruz, two hundred and fifty dollars "right sjnack bangf 
bringing horses, seventy-seven dollars, — that's cheap. I don't 
complain about bills ; not at all, but give you a few items in 
case you wish to take the bargain. I wish I was a doctor, and 
could be called in to a few cases in this country; somebody 
would sulTer. Don't ask me how I look, how I feel, or what I 
think. Take it For granted I look wise. I send you a small 
pitcher dug out of the ruins of this place ; no doubt of its 
antiquity. I am determined to curtail every possible expense 
within my power. To come here and be miserable, and make 
nothing, would be a hard case. " No, sitTce," you don't catch a 
weasel asleep. I am robbed a little bit every day; but they 
sha'n't rob me of all my salary. If my horses turn out well I 
expect to get eighteen hundred for them. If I can get away 
upon a leave of absence for four months, I guess I could save 
right smartly. 

Ah ! my dear fellow, I thank you — I thank you for your 
letter of the 24th of January, — the first tidings from home 
since mv arrival in this distant region. Your letter was handed 
to me just as I was about to sit down to dinner; it Avas 
twilight. I sprang from the table and ran out to the door to 
get light enough to read it. Oh, you have no sort of concep- 
tion of the excessive delight I experienced on reading it ! I 
had made up my figures this morning that in nine days, if 
I heard nothing from home, I should be a maniac to a dead 
and everlasting certainty. Your letter and one from my wife, 
received at the same moment, have saved me from that terrible 
misfortune. And what a rascally letter it is, after all f I don't 
see how it had the impudence to travel in company with my 
wife's letter. Her letter told me of her gloom, melancholy, 
despondency, and misery in consequence of my absence. Yours 
tells me of her gayety, cheerfulness, happiness, and good looks 
by reason of the same thing. What a contrast ! 

But I won't quarrel with you, nohoiv, I was so rejoiced to 
hear once more from old Kentucky. No time to finish my 
letter; my boy Sam will be off in a few minutes. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 



LETTER TO THOMAS METCALF. .-n 

(J. J. Crittenden to Governor Thomas Metcalf.) 

Frankfort, March 25, 1850. 
My dear Sir, — I have received and perused with great con- 
cern your letter of yesterday, and hasten to reHeve your feel- 
ings and my own as far as I can by an immediate reply. You 
do me but justice in supposing me incapable of betraying or 
deceiving so old a friend as yourself I am, indeed, incapable 
of deceiving any man intentionally, and my nature would revolt 
from the betrayal of one whose friendship I have valued and 
cherished so long as I have yours. For our friend Orlando 
Brown I would answer as for myself It was during the last 
fall that, at your written request, I addressed a letter to the 
Secretary of War recommending your grandson, young Camp- 
bell, for appointment as one of the cadets at West Point. You 
were anxious for his appointment, and I felt a sincere pleasure 
in contributing all I could to your gratification. I accordingly 
recommended him zealously, and urged his appointment not 
only on account of his own qualifications but on account of 
his hereditary claims and the great consideration that was due 
to you, your wishes, and your public services. A prompt ac- 
knowledgment of that letter was received from the War De- 
partment, which I made known to you. I do not remember 
whether, when I wrote that letter, I was apprised that there was 
or was about to be a vacancy for a cadet from your district ; 
nor do I recollect whether I recommended your grandson in 
general terms as a person that ought to be appointed, or spe- 
cifically for a district appointment or one of the presidential ap- 
pointments. In all this I was no doubt guided by your letter 
requesting my recommendation. I will write immediately for 
a copy of my letter, and will send it to you that you may see 
how earnestly I recommended your grandson. Some time after 
all this a friend stepped into my office (then generally thronged) 
and requested me to write a recommendation of a young Mr. 
Lashbrook for a cadet appointment. Upon his representation I 
did so, and without the least thought or apprehension that he 
and your grandson were seeking the same place or that there 
was any competition between them. Had such a thought ever 
crossed my mind, I should never have recommended )-oung 
Lashbrook. No consideration would have induced me know- 
ingly to recommend anyone in opposition to your grandson; 
besides, I had no motive to do so disreputable a thing. I had 
no personal knowledge of young Lashbrook and was under 
no special obligation to his father. My letter in his son's be- 
half passed at once from my mind, and would probably never 
again have been remembered but for your late letter and the 
untoward circumstances that now recall it to my recollection. 



360 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

The whole case, I suppose, is this : I have inadvertently given 
a letter in favor of young Lashbrook and produced an effect 
that I never contemplated. It is as though I had shot an arrow 
which, missing the mark it was aimed at, wounded a friend, an 
old and valued friend. I regret it most deeply; nor can that 
regret be altogether removed by my confidence that you will 
not attribute what has happened to any design or ill intention 
on my part. There will still remain the regret of having fallen 
into a blunder. I am not willing to make the painful addition 
to that regret of supposing that my letter in favor of Lashbrook 
was the cause of his being preferred to your grandson, for 
there was also my more earnest letter in favor of your grandson. 
But I will say no more on this most unpleasant subject, and 
can but hope that my explanation will be satisfactory to you. 
It will gratify me to receive a line from you as soon as your 
convenience will permit, — my feelings are much disturbed by 
this matter. 

Your friend, etc.. 
Governor Thomas Metcalf, J, J. Crittenden, 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 
1850. 

Letter of Charles S. Morehead~R. Toombs to Crittenden— Letters of Crittenden 

to Letcher. 

(C. S. Morehead to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, March 30, 1850. 

MY DEAR SIR, — I received your letter of the 19th inst., 
for which I am very much obhged to you. All that is 
done here is so fully detailed in the daily papers that I need not 
attempt to give you an account of it. We are proceeding slowly 
with the debate on the absorbing topic growing out of our ter- 
ritorial acquisitions. I begin to believe that the whole question 
will be satisfactorily settled by admitting California as a State 
and making territorial governments for the residue of the coun- 
try without the proviso. I regret, however, to state that we 
can hope for very little, if any, aid from the Whigs of the North 
in the House. I do not know one man that we can certainly 
count. There were eight or ten who promised to go with us, 
but I have reason to believe that the cabinet influence has drawn 
them off Ewing and Meredith have evidently much feeling 
on the subject. Clayton, Crawford, Preston, and Johnson, I 
understand, will go for territorial bills. It is understood that 
General Taylor himself would be glad if such bills can be 
passed without the proviso, and would prefer such a settlement 
to the non-action policy. I cannot, however, speak from any 
personal knowledge on this subject. I have no doubt, however, 
as to the four members of the cabinet I have named. Indeed, 
it is indispensably necessary that it should be settled on this 
basis. There is not one single man from any slaveholding 
State who would agree to any other settlement, and I fear the 
very worst consequences from any attempt to force through the 
California bill without a full settlement. Fifty members, under 
our rules, can prevent the bill from being reported from the 
committee of the whole, where it now is, to the House. But I 
believe we have a decided majority for such a settlement as the 
South demands. There are twenty-nine Democrats from the 
North pledged to go with us. McClernand, from Illinois, has prc- 







62 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



pared a bill upon general but private consultation, embracing all 
the points of difference, and will offer it as a substitute, in a few 
days, to the California bill. If General Taylor would take open 
ground for a full settlement, we could get ten or twelve Whigs 
from the North. I believe he only wants a suitable occasion to 
do so. I never have in my life had so deep and abiding a con- 
viction upon any subject as at this moment of the absolute ne- 
cessity of a settlement of this whole question. I am pained to 
say that I fear that there are some Southern men who do not 
wish a settlement. We have certainly something to fear from 
this source, but they are so few that I think we can do without 
them. 

The cabinet, as you might well imagine from the present state 
of things, receives no support from any quarter. John Tyler 
had a corporal's guard who defended him manfully, but the 
cabinet has not one man that I can now name. Each member 
of the cabinet has a few friends, but I do not know one man 
who can be called the friend of the cabinet. I apprehend that 
they are not even friendly to each other. You may have no- 
ticed in the Union, if you ever read it, a charge against Ewing 
for having allowed a very large claim in which Crawford was 
interested personally to the extent of one hundred and seven- 
teen thousand dollars. It turned out that Mr. Ewing had no- 
thing to do with it ; that Whittlesey reported that there was 
nothing due, and Meredith, in accordance with the opinion of 
the Attorney-General, allowed it. Now, Ewing, if I am not 
mistaken (but conjecture on my part, I acknowledge), through 
his friends is attacking Crawford for having a claim acted on 
in which he was interested while a member of the cabinet. . 
Upon the whole, I am clearly of opinion that there is but one 
safe course for General Taylor to pursue, and that is to recon- 
struct his whole cabinet. I am perfectly satisfied that he can- 
not carry on the government with his present ministers. Your 
name and that of Winthrop and of Webster have been spoken 
of as Secretary of State in the event of a change ; but if I had 
to make a full cabinet I could not do it satisfactorily to myself. 
I am inclined to think that Mr. Webster would like to be Sec- 
retary of State, not from anything I ever heard him say but 
from occasional remote intimations from his friends. Just at 
this time his appointment would be exceedingly popular in the 
South. I wish most sincerely that you were here. W^e are 
altogether in a sad, sad condition. There is no good feeling 
between Mr. Clay and General Taylor, and I am afraid that 
meddling and busybodies are daily widening the breach. I 
keep entirely aloof, taking especial and particular pains to par- 
ticipate in no manner whatever in the feeling on the one side 



LETTER FROM C. S. MOREHEAD. .^. 

or the other. I hear all, at least on one side, and try always 
to reconcile rather than widen the breach. I have sometimes, 
however, thought that a want of confidence in me resulted from' 
the fact of my being his immediate representative. I may be 
mistaken — probably am; it may arise altogether from a less 
flattering consideration. At all events, I have never been able 
to converse one minute with the President upon politics without 
his changing the subject, so that when I see him now I never, 
in the remotest manner, allude to political matters. 

March 31st. Not finishing my letter last night, I have to 
add this morning the news, which you will no doubt hear long 
before this reaches you, of Mr. Calhoun's death. He died this 
morning at eight o'clock. I do not yet clearly see what effect 
his death is to have on political events. He was firmly and, I 
suppose, honestly persuaded that the Union ought to be dis- 
solved. I understand that he has prepared a paper showing 
that the only salvation of the South is by disunion. It is .said 
to be a very strong and dangerous argument, placing the whole 
matter upon the ground that there can be no security for our 
property by any other possible or attainable means, and that 
the South has all the elements of unbounded prosperity without 
the Union; while with it it is fast assuming a mere provincial 
character, impoverishing itself to aggrandize the North. I do 
not, of course, know that this rumor is true, but I believe it 
is. This was the purport of a conversation he held with Mr. 
Toombs a few days ago. He told him he would not live this 
session out, and that he must leave to younger men the task of 
carrying out his views. A pamphlet has recently been pub- 
lished in Virginia calculated to do much mischief It is an 
argument for disunion with an array of pretended facts, which, 
if true, or if not shown to be unfounded, I think would pro- 
duce a very great effect. Mr. Clay told me that he thought it 
the most dangerous pamphlet he ever read. 

Our Northern friends are blind, absolutely blind, to the real 
dangers by which we are surrounded. They don't want to be- 
lieve that there is any danger, and in general they treat the 
whole matter as mere bravado and as scarcely worth notice. I 
concur this far with them, that it is utter/j impossible iormwWy to 
dissolve this Union, and it never will be dissolved by any con- 
vention or by any declaration of independence. The dissolu- 
tion must precede these things if it ever does take place. Tlie 
fear I entertain is of the establishment of mere s'ectional parties, 
and the commencement of a .system of retaliatory local or State 
legislation. You may have seen that this has been already 
recommended by the governor of Virginia. If the slave ques- 
tion should not be settled, there is scarcely a Southern State 



364 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

that will not pass laws to prevent the sale of Northern products 
by retail in its limits. The decision of the Supreme Court, in 
the case of Brown vs. Maryland, declaring the unconstitution- 
ality of taxing the imports of another State, contains some 
dictum of the right of a State to tax such imports after they 
have become incorporated with the property of the State. The 
whole proceeding would doubtless be a violation of the spirit, 
if not the letter, of the Constitution. But what is it that men 
will not do when smarting under real or imaginary grievances ? 
You may think that I am inclined to be gloomy, but I do most 
solemnly believe that disunion will ensue, and that more 
speedily than any man now has any idea of, if there should be 
a failure of an amicable settlement. You cannot be surprised, 
then, that my whole heart and soul al-e engaged in the effort to 
bring this about. I feel as you do about the Union, as I know 
that Kentucky does, and it must be preserved at the sacrifice of 
all past party ties. I am perfectly sure, from the most mature 
and calm consideration, that there is but one way of doing this. 
The North must give up its apparently determined purpose of 
making this general government assume an attitude of hostility 
to slavery. We cannot prevent individual agitation and fanati- 
cism, but I think we have the undoubted right to ask that a 
common government shall not, in its action, become hostile to 
the property of a large portion of its own citizens. 

Mr. Clay sent for old Mr. Ritchie, and had a long and confi- 
dential conversation with him upon this subject. The tone of 
the Union is evidently changed since that time. You may have 
noticed that he speaks much oftener in favor of union than he 
did. This is not generally known, and of course I do not wish 
it spoken of as coming from me. I have written you a long 
letter, which may occupy some of your dull moments at Frank- 
fort. I wrote to your new Secretary of State some time ago, 
which he has never answered. I hope in the enjoyment of his 
new honors he has not forgotten his old friends. 

I remain very truly and sincerely your friend, 

C. S. MOREHEAD. 

(R. Toombs to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, April 25, 1850. 
Dear Crittenden, — I have been thinking for several months 
that I would write to you, but as I did not wish to annoy you 
with disagreeable intelligence, I deferred it, hoping that events 
would open up a better prospect for the future. That expecta- 
tion has not yet been realized. " It were a tale too long" to 
detail all the blunders of the cabinet, which have brought the 
Whig party to the brink of ruin ; but of the special question upon 



LETTER FROM R. TOOMBS. .a- 

which their pohcy has nearly estranged the whole Whig party 
of the South it is proper to give you some brief hints that you 
may understand our position. During the last summer the 
government, with the consent of the whole cabinet, except Craw- 
ford, threw the entire patronage of the North into the hands of 
Seward and his party. This was done under some foolish idea 
of Preston's, that they would get rid of a Northern competition 
for 1852, as Seward stood for 1856. The effect of this was to 
enable Seward to take the entire control of the New York 
organization, and force the whole Northern Whig party into 
the extreme anti-slavery position of Seward, which, of comse, 
sacked the South. I knew the effect of this policy would cer- 
tainly destroy the Whig party, and perhaps endanger the Union. 
When I came to Washington, I found the whole Whig party 
expecting to pass the proviso, and that Taylor would )iot veto it, 
that thereby the Whig party of the North were to be built up 
at the expense of the Northern Democracy, who, from political 
and party considerations, had stood quasi opposed to the proviso. 
I saw General Taylor, and talked fully with him, and while he 
stated he had given and ivoitld give no pledges either way about 
the proviso, he gave me clearly to understand that if it was 
passed he would sign it. My course became instantly fixed. I 
would not hesitate to oppose the proviso, even to the extent of 
a dissolution of the Union. I could not for a moment regard 
any party considerations on the treatment of the question. I 
therefore determined to put the test to the Whig party and 
abandon its organization upon its refusal. Both events hap- 
pened to defeat this policy ; it was of the first importance to 
prevent the organization of the House going into the hands of 
the Northern Whig party. I should have gone to any extent 
to effect that object, — they foolishly did it themselves. With- 
out fatiguing you with details, my whole subsequent course has 
been governed by this line of policy. I have determined to 
settle the question honorably to my own section of countr\', if 
possible, at any and every hazard, totally indifferent to what 
might be its effect upon General Taylor or his administration. 
In the course of events, the policy of the cabinet has vacillated 
to and fro, but has finally settled upon the ground of admitting 
California, and non-action as to the rest of the territories. 
Seward and his party have struck hands with them on this 
policy, but Stanly is the only Southern Whig who will stand by 
them. I think it likely the course of events may throw the 
whole of the Southern Whigs into ojjposition, — such a result 
will not deter us from our course. We are willing to admit 
California and pass territorial governments on the principle of 
McClernand's bill; we will never take less. The government, in 



366 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

furtherance of their stupid and treacherous bargain with the 
North, are endeavoring to defeat it ; with their aid we could 
carry it, as more than twenty-five Northern Democrats are 
pledged to it. They may embarrass us, possibly may defeat us, 
but our defeat will be their ruin. The cabinet have intense 
hostility to Mr. Clay, and I think it likely zve, and the country, 
will be greatly benefited by the feud, inasmuch as it makes 
Clay the more anxious to conform to the interests of his own 
section and of the Southern Whigs, and this the rather because 
the government has the whip hand of him (through Seward) 
with the Northern Whigs. The Senate's committee will, I think, 
agree upon propositions which will pass ; this can only be de- 
feated by the want of common sense and common prudence on 
the part of Mason, Butler, and others of that " ///'" in both 
houses of Congress, and the efforts of the administration. But 
as to the latter it is but candid to say that they have little 
power, either for good or evil. For some reason, wholly unac- 
countable to me, the Northern members of the cabinet are uni- 
versally odions, even to the Northern Whigs. Clayton is a dead 
body tied to the concern. Johnson is honorable and clever, but 
without wisdom. Preston is speculative, and, what is worse, has 
no sentiment in common with the section which he represents. 
Crawford alone is true and faithful to the honor and interest of 
our section, and the late scene about the Galphin claim is an 
effort of men in the service of government to drive him out. 
He is the last link that binds a majority of the Southern WHiigs 
to the government, and I have no doubt but they will soon 
make it inconsistent with his own honor to remain there. I 
have thus given you a brief outline of men and parties in the 
government. I have said nothing of General Taylor; my 
opinion is that he is an honest, well-meaning man, but that he | 
is in very bad hands, and his inexperience in public affairs, and 
want of knowledge of men, is daily practiced upon, and renders 
him peculiarly liable to imposition. I think there has been a 
studied effort to alienate him from his original friends, and that 
it has been eminently successful ; time will show that he and 
not they will suffer most by that alienation. Morehead is now 
making a good speech at my back, and has perhaps, to some 
extent, destroyed the continuity of my narrative. Let me hear 
from you. 

I am truly your friend, 

R. Toombs. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

Frankfort, April 29, 1850. 
Dear Burnley, — I reached home last night, and found a 
letter from our friend Orlando Brown, which explains some- 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. .g^ 

what the causes for which you have been called back to Wash- 
ington. I trust that you will be able to reconcile all differences 
and difficulties, and give a right direction to thin<^s It is 
important to the country, to the administration, and to the 
interests of the friends that are engaged in the Republic to 
whom I am greatly attached. ' 

From what I understand, it is a settled matter that the 
cabinet is to remain unchanged, and I think you will a^ree 
that but little good could be expected from any imaginable 
new cabinet that could be formed in the midst of the present 
tumult and discord in the political world, increased by the dis- 
ruption of the present cabinet. What remains, then, for those 
who, though dissatisfied with the cabinet, are the friends of 
General Taylor and his cause, but to yield up that dissatisfac- 
tion, and for the sake of old Zack and his cause to go thoroughly 
to the work in their support? I would not have a gentleman 
for any consideration to concede his honor or his independence ; 
but still, in public life, where the opinions and feelings of many 
must be consulted and conciliated, there is a necessity for many 
concessions. It is a false and unwise pride that would refuse 
these concessions where they relate to mere questions of expe- 
diency or opinion, and are necessary to that union and har- 
mony without which nothing good or great can be accomplished 
in public affairs. Your own good sense and your generous 
feelings of attachment to General Taylor would have suggested 
to you all that I have or could say on this subject, and it is only 
out of my great solicitude that there should be no break be- 
tween the President and the Republic that I have written at all. 
I trust you will do all you can to prevent any such break. 

I shall feel great impatience and anxiety till I hear from you. 

Your friend, 

J. J. CrITTExNDEX. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, April 30, 1S50. 
Dear Orlando, — On my return, last Saturday, from Louis- 
ville, where I had been spending some days, I found your letter. 
I perused it with the most painful interest. My heart is troubled 
at the discord that seems to reign among our friends. Burnley 
will be in Washington when this reaches you, and with his good 
sense and his sincere devotion to General Taylor will be able to 
settle all difficulties about the Republic, and give to it a satisfactory 
and harmonious direction. The editors of that paper are the 
friends of General Taylor, and if his cabinet is not altogether what 
they could wish, they ought, for his sake and the sake of his 
cause, to waive all objections on that score. Concession among 



368 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

friends is no sacrifice of independence. The temper to do it is a 
virtue, and indispensable to that co-operation that is necessary 
to political success. I do not, of course, mean that any man, for 
any object, ought to surrender essential principles, or his honor; 
but in this instance nothing of that sort can be involved. The 
utmost differences of the parties must consist of personal feel- 
ings, or disagreements in opinion about expediencies. If even 
an old Roman could say, and that, too, with continued approba- 
tion of about twenty centuries, that he had rather err with Cato, 
etc., I think that we, his friends, one and all of us, ought to 
give to General Taylor the full benefit of that sentiment, and 
strengthen him thereby to bear the great responsibility we have 
placed upon him. Cato himself was not more just or illustrious 
than General Taylor, nor ever rendered greater services to his 
country. When I read your account of that interview, in which 
he uttered the indignant complaints extorted from him by con- 
tumely and wrong, I felt, Orlando, that scene as you did, when 
you so nobly described it, — my heart burned within me. It is 
not with such a man, so situated, that friends ought to stand 
upon niceties, or be backward in their services. The men of 
the Republic will not, I am certain. They are men of the right 
grit, and I assure myself that all will be amicably arranged and 
settled with them. The course pursued in Congress towards 
General Taylor and his cabinet will, I think, react in their favor, 
and out of the very difficulties that surround him he will triumph, 
as he has triumphed before. This is my hope and my faith. 
The committees intended to persecute and destroy, will 
strengthen and preserve, the cabinet, and the slavery question 
settled, the friends that it has dispersed will return to the 
standard of old Zack. 

I am sorry that you intend to resign your office so soon. I 
am satisfied that you are useful to General Taylor, and that 
your leaving Washington will deprive him of a great comfort. 
There must be something soothing in escaping occasionally 
from the stated and formal consultations of the cabinet and in- 
dulging in the free and irresponsible intercourse and conversa- 
tion of a trusted friend. Who is to succeed you when you 
resign ? Every one, I believe, feels some particular concern in 
his successor, as though it were a sort of continuation of him- 
self If you have not committed yourself otherwise, I should 
be pleased to see Alexander McKee, the clerk of our county of 
Garrard, succeed you. You know him, I believe. He is the 
near relation of Colonel McKee, who fell at Buena Vista, a man 
of business and a bold and ardent friend of General Taylor. If 
you are willing and will advise as to the time and course, he 
will probably visit Washington and endeavor to obtain the 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 35^ 

office. Let me hear from you on this subject. I think you 
will yet be offered the mission to Vienna, and that you ought 
not to declme so fine an opportunity of visiting the Old World. 

It seems to me evident that the slavery question must now 
soon be settled, and that upon the basis of admitting Cali- 
fornia and establishing territorial governments without the Wil- 
mot proviso. If this fails, great excitement and strife will be 
the consequence, and all will be charged, right or wrong, to the 
opposition of the administration to that plan. In the present 
state of things, I can see no inconsistency in the administra- 
tion's supporting that plan. It is not in terms the plan re- 
commended by the President, but it is the same in effect, and 
modified only by the circumstances that have since occurred. 
General Taylor's object was to avoid and suppress agitation by 
inaction, and by leaving the slavery question to be settled by 
the people of the respective territories ; but the temper of the 
times was not wise and forbearing enough to accept this pacific 
policy. To promote this policy, General Taylor was willing to 
forego what, under ordinary circumstances, would have been a 
duty, the establishment of territorial governments. But what 
has since happened, and what is now the altered state of the case? 
The agitation which he would have suppressed has taken place, 
and, instead of the forbearance recommended by him, a course 
of action has been taken which, must lead to some positive set- 
tlement, or leave the subject in a much worse condition than it 
has ever been. Here, then, is a new case presented ; and it 
seems to me that the grand object exhibited in the President's 
recommendation will be accomplished by the admission of 
California and the establishment of territorial governments 
without the Wilmot proviso. The prime object was to avoid 
that proviso and its excitements by inaction ; but any course of 
action that gets rid of that proviso cannot be said to be incon- 
sistent with the object in view. The only difference is in the 
means of attaining the same end, and. that difference is the result 
of the altered state of the subject since the date of the Presi- 
dent's message. In the attainment of so great an object as that 
in question, the peace and safety of the Union, it will, as it 
seems to me, be wise and magnanimous in the administration 
not to be tenacious of any particular plan, but to give its active 
aid and support to any plan that can effect the purpose. I 
want the plan that does settle the great question, whatever it 
may be, or whosesoever it may be, to have General Taylor's 
Iviprimatur upon it. 

I shall expect letters from you with impatience. 

Your friend, 

To O. Brown. J. J. Crittenden. 

VOL. I. — 24 



370 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mexico, May 6, 1850. 
Dear Crittenden, — Ah, my dear governor! not quite so 
fast. You have pulled trigger a little too quick. There is no 
discrepancy between my speech and my letters. What a man 
says in his official capacity is one thing, and what he has a right 
to say in his private capacity is quite another thing, — it's all 
" as straight as a gun-barrel." / spoke for the United States, and 
am in no way responsible for what I said as an advocate ; mind, 
I appeared as counsel. I reserve my defense till my return. If 
Clayton is a tender-hearted man, he will give me leave to return 
in October. I could not go now if I had leave, because of the 
crowd of business, — because, also, of the vomito. I am sur- 
prised, disappointed, and mortified exceedingly to hear that you 
are all taking the rounds, eating and drinking just as merrily 
and as happily as if I were with you. It is too bad, really. 
Had the good ship Walker been cast away, sure enough I don't 
believe it would have made a single szuallow less, particularly 
of the liquids, among the whole squad of you. What a prolific 
topic of reflection does this furnish to one of my tender sensi- 
bilities, whose vanity had prompted him to suppose his absence 
would make a vacuiun in the social circle that time itself would 
hardly ever fill up ! Nobody died of a broken heart, nobody 
shed a tear, nobody lost a meal, or even a drink, — in fact, in- 
creased their drinks when it was fully believed I was food for 
the sharks in the Gulf of Mexico; and if this had been so, by this 
time the whole matter would have been iitteidy forgotten. Well, 
all I can say is, my friends can stand trouble and loss better 
than any other man's friends living. A noble set of fellows they 
are ! I am as bad off as Orlando Brown was in Washington, 
when he took it into his head that the Frankfort people were 
glad he had left, and asked me to tell him candidly how it was. 
I told him he was right, and the only fear was that he might 
possibly come home. I am not altogether happy in my mind, 
but I don't wish my rascally friends to know that, they might 
think it was on that account, — not a bit of it ! My depression 
is owing to the deep interest I feel for my country. Write to 
me often, write me the longest sort of letters. The Prussian 
minister just called to take a last farewell. A noble fellow he 
is ! It was quite a tender scene. I shall miss that man more than 
any human being in this city. I have had one of Bob's and 
Harry's hams boiled, and I eat it tivicc a day, — no eating three 
times a day in this country. Bankhead and his wife are here ; 
they are more broken down than any couple I know. I am 
distressed to look at them. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, May iS, 1S50. 

My dear Sir,— Your letter of the 9th inst. was duly received, 
and, by the telegraph, we already know that all you taught nie 
to expect has come to pass. The Republic has changedluuuls, 
and Mr. Hall has succeeded the former editors. It is to be 
greatly regretted that there should be any motive or cause for 
such a movement. Not that Mr. Hall is not very competent 
and worthy, but the regret is that there should have been any 
disagreement between tne retiring editors and the admin- 
istration. I had hoped that Burnley's mediation might have 
reconciled all differences, and that our friend Bullitt's known 
attachment to the President would have made him forego all 
his objections to the cabinet. The extent of his objections I 
do not know, nor do I mean to blame him, for I am very certain 
that he has acted from honest convictions and motives. But I 
must say, at the same time, that for myself I am not sensible of 
any objections that require such an opposition to the cabinet. 
Indeed, I doubt very much whether General Taylor could select 
another cabinet of more ability, or character, or personal worth. 
But I do not mean to make comments on the subject. The 
storm that has just passed by will be followed, I hope, by that 
calm that usually coinpensates for its ravages ; and I trust that 
we shall yet see the administration emerging successfully from 
the difficulties that now surround it. 

I shall be delighted to see you at home, but this is overcome 
by the absolute sadness I feel at your quitting old Zack at sucii 
a time, when, perhaps, he most requires the comfort and assist- 
ance of your society and counsel. I received Robert's letter 
yesterday. You may tell him so, and his children and all are 
well. I have not another word to say about his affairs and 
solicitations at Washington. Under a first impulse I said and 
wrote much more than I ought. Hereafter he can only ha\'e 
my good wishes, and must depend on himself I must not be 
mixed up with any office-seeking for my own family. 

I have written to our friend Mr. Richard Hawes, apprising 
him of your views and wishes, and inquiring whether he would 
be willing, in the event of your resignation, to accept \-our 
present office. I have not yet received his answer, but I 
anticipate, from many conversations with him, that he will not 
accept it. If he will, he is the very man, and the man of my 
choice. Without much acquaintance with Mr. Alexander Mc- 
Kee, I had formed a kind opinion of him, and supposed, fiom 
information, that he was very much a man of business. In a 
conversation last winter, I mentioned that it was not cxpectcti 
by your friends that you would continue long in oflke, and 



372 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

suggested to him the vacancy as one that would very well suit 
him. But little more was then said on the subject, and nothing 
since has passed between us about it. I am told that he went 
through the place a few days ago, on his way to the East, but 
he did not call on me, and I know not his object. I have heard 
that his thoughts have been turned of late towards California, 
and an office at Washington may not now be desirable to him; 
and in the present uncertainty I have no more to say about it. 
He is not apprised of what I lately wrote to you in his behalf. 

I wish that before you leave Washington you would espe- 
cially take it upon yourself to have something clever done for 
our friend, Mr. George W. Barbour, a senator in our General 
Assembly from the Princeton district. You recollect him, I 
hope. He is a fine-looking, high-spirited, and noble-hearted 
fellow, — a lawyer by profession, and of fair capacity. He is 
poor, and too modest and proud to seek for office, though he 
wants it. He is an ardent and thorough Taylor-man. Now, 
what can be done for such a man? I have undertaken to be 
his intercessor, and have written in his behalf time and again to 
Clayton, and perhaps to others, but, so far, have not got even 
any answer relating to him. A charge-ship to anywhere in 
South America would be very acceptable to him ; so would a 
judgeship in any of our territorial governments, or the office 
of secretary in those governments. Now, this is a wide range ; 
there are many offices in it, and mighty few such clever fellows 
anywhere as Barbour. The place that that fellow Meeker was 
slipped into, and ought to be slipped out of, would suit poor 
Barbour exactly, and he is worthy of it. I have told Barbour 
that he must be patient, and that I was certain something would, 
sooner or later, be done for him. It begins to be the " later," 
and nothing is yet done. The last alternative is totry and get 
you to make up this business and do something in it. 

Your friend, 

O. Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

P.S. — I can do nothing more with Clayton in Barbour's case 

but quarrel with him, and that I don't want to do, — first, because 

he is a stout fellow and might whip me ; secondly, I like the 

fellow. J- J- C. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, June 7, 1S50. 
Dear Orlando, — I returned last Sunday from Indianapolis 
after a week's absence. Nothing could exceed the kindness 
and hospitality which attended me throughout the State. The 
receptions and honors with which they endeavored to distinguish 
me were almost overwhelming to one so plain as I am and so 
unaccustomed to such ceremonies and distinctions. I feel that 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 

I owe to Indiana and her governor a great debt of gratitude. 
In that State there is very Httle political abolition, and, with a 
strong and patriotic feeling for the Union, there is mingled a 
particularly fraternal kindness and affection for Kentucky. The 
prevailing sentiment there is for a compromise and amicable 
settlement of all the slavery question. The plan suggested in 
General Taylor's message was spoken of frequently as most 
acceptable, but I think they would be satisfied with Mr. Clay's 
bill. In my speech at Indianapolis I spoke of old Zack as the 
noble old patriot m whom the country might have all confidence, 
and, without discriminating between the various plans that had 
been proposed, I expressed my hope and confidence that they 
would result in some form of amicable adjustment. The occa- 
sion required me to avoid, as far as possible, the appearance of 
partisanship or party politics ; but it was due to iiiy heart to 
give old Zack a good xvord, and I did it. I felt it a duty, too, 
to talk right plainly to them about abolition and the mischiefs 
that its meddlesome and false humanity had brought and was 
tending to bring upon the country. I went so far as to advise 
those who, from tenderness of conscience about slavery, could 
not acquiesce in what our fathers had done, and could not rec- 
oncile themselves to the Constitution of the United States and 
the performance of the duties it enjoined, to quit the country, etc. 
All this seemed to be well received except, as I learned after- 
wards, by some half-dozen abolitionists out of a crowd of as 
many thousand. The convention is in session, and I have 
scarcely time to steal a moment to write to you. 

Well, you have resigned. It makes me glad, and it makes me 
sorry ; glad t\\3.i you are coming back to us, — sorry, that you are 
leaving General Taylor. The difficulties that are surrounding him 
only tend to increase my sympathy and zeal for him, and I retain 
my confidence that the storm will rage around him in vain, and 
that his firm and resolute integrity and patriotism will bear him 
through triumphantly. There is one peril before him that is to 
be carefully avoided, and that is the/rn/of having thrown upon 
his administration the responsibility of defeating the bill of the 
committee of thirteen or any other measure of compromise. It 
has appeared to me that the principal questions of the slavery 
controversy might have been disposed of more quietly and 
easily on the plan recommended by the President; but the people 
are anxious for a settlement, and comparatively indifferent as to 
the exact terms, provided they embrace anything like a com- 
promise ; and it seems to me that any concession or sacrifice of 
opinion as to the mode ought to be made to accomplish the end. 
It is not necessary to enlarge upon this subject. General Tay- 
lor's message is the foundation of all their plans in this, that 



374 L^P^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

it avoids the Wilmot proviso ; all the rest is the mevQ fiJiish of 
the work. My ivholc licart is bent on the success of General 
Taylor. I know that he deserves it, and believe he will achieve 
it. Tell Robert his little girls are gay as birds, and are contin- 
ually dragging me into the garden to pull strazvbcrrics with 
them. I have taken poor Bob's disappointment quite to heart; 
but let that go. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A.T. Burnley.) 

July 19, 1850. 

Dear Burnley, — I returned from Louisville last evening, 
where I Avas suddenly summoned a few days ago to attend the 
sick and, as was then supposed, dying bed of my son-in-law, 
Chapman Coleman. I left him much improved, and, as the 
doctors induced me to hope, out of danger, though still quite 
ill. This absence delayed the receipt of your telegraphic dis- 
patches, in which you ask me if I will accept the office of At- 
torney-General, and say that it is important I should answer 
immediately. A little reflection will show you the difficulty of 
answering this communication with the telegraphic brevity of a 
" yes" or "no." Indeed, I find much of the same difficulty in 
responding to you in any mode. You are upon the spot, and 
with a nearer and better view of the condition of things. You 
give me no intimation of your opinions or wishes ; nor do you 
give me to understand that the inquiry was made at the sug- 
gestion or by the authority of the President or any other official. 
I must therefore understand it as more an inquiry of your own, 
in order, perhaps, to enable you and other friends to press me 
more effectually for the office. If this be the object and pur- 
pose, I could not answer you affirmatively without in substance 
seeking the office for myself That I am not willing to do, 
either in form or substance, directly or indirectly. I would not 
for any consideration subject myself to the imputation of en- 
deavoring to force or solicit my way into the cabinet of Mr. 
Fillmore. There are stations that can be neither agreeably nor 
usefully occupied except by persons having the personal good 
will and confidence of the President. My relations with Mr. 
Fillmore have always been of the most agreeable and amicable 
character, and I hope they may continue so. It seems to me 
that if he pleased to desire my acceptance of the office of At- 
torney-General, the most proper course would be for him to 
tender it to me ; and that the most proper and becoming course 
for me would be to wait till it was tendered. The tender would 
then be most honorable to both parties, and certainly most 



LETTER TO A. T. BURNLEY. 

gratefully received by me. I feel that before such an offer it 
would be indelicate in me to say that I would or ivould not 
accept. You will appreciate all this without any explanation, 
and so I shall leave the subject. There is no confidence, Burn- 
ley, that I fear to repose in you ; and if it should appear to you 
that there is too much of reserve in this letter to be used towards 
an old and well-tried friend, I wish you to understand that it is 
intended to apply to the subject only, and to keep distinct and 
clear the line of conduct that I sincerely desire to pursue in 
relation to this matter. 

My situation now is not exactly what it was when I declined 
an invitation to go into the cabinet of General Taylor; and to 
you, as my friend, my personal friend, I may say that my im- 
pression is that I should accept the office if tendered to me ; 
but I will have no agency in seeking or getting it ; nor do I 
wish my friends to place me in any attitude that can be construed 
into any such seeking; nor do I wish them to give themselves 
any trouble about the matter. If the offer of the office comes 
freely and without solicitation, then it comes honorably, and 
may be taken the more honorably. I think you will now un- 
derstand me fully, and I have only to add that I am always 
your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

To A. T. Burnley, Esq. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 
1850-1853. 

Letter of Crittenden to his Daughter Mrs. Coleman — Entered the Cabinet of Mr, 
Fillmore, as Attorney-General, in 1S50 — Judicial Opinion as to the Constitution- 
ality of the Fugitive Slave Law — Eulogy upon Judge McKinley in Supreme 
Court— Letters. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter A. M. Coleman.) 

Frankfort, July 23, 1850. 

MY DEAR DAUGHTER,— Doubly near and dear to me 
in your affliction, I do not know how to address you, or 
to express my sympathy in your great calamity. You will find, 
my child, in your own heart and in your own reflections the 
only real consolations. If, as I believe, this life is but a state of 
preparation and probation, happiest is he who, having done his 
duty like a man and a Christian, is soonest relieved from it. 
You have every reason to be assured that such is the fortunate 
lot of that husband of whom death has deprived you. That 
very excellence, which you mourn the loss of, will become a 
source of comfort and consolation to your heart. The death 
of your husband has placed you under great responsibilities, 
and left you many duties to perforn^fi^n, then, courageously 
to the performance of those duti*[^^Blin. 'their performance 
you will find strength and consolarm^^You will feel, too, the 
high and pleasant consciousness that you are thereby best grati- 
fying and manifesting your respect and devotion to the memory 
of your husband. He has enjoined it upon you to take his 
place in respect to your children, and to be to them as a father 
and mother also. You will, I know, consider this a sacred 
duty, and will not abandon it by giving yourself up to unavail- 
ing grief I had intended to go to Louisville, to-morrow, to 
see you, but, upon consultation with Harry, it is decided to be 
best to postpone my visit for about a week ; then, perhaps, I may 
be more serviceable to you than noiv. Your mother will prob- 
ably accompany me. Farewell, my dear child. 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Mrs. A. M. Coleman. 

After the death of General Taylor, Mr. Crittenden accepted 
(376) 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL. 



0/, 



the office of Attorney-General, under Mr. Fillmore, appointed 
July 22, 1850, and remained in that office till the close of Mr. 
Fillmore's administration in 1853. 

The following is his opinion as to the constitutionality of the 
fugitive slave bill, given September 18, 1850: 

CONSTITUTIONALITY OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL. 

The provisions of the bill, commonly called the fugitive slave bill, and which Con- 
gress have sul)mitted to the President for his approval and signature, are not in 
conflict with the provisions of the Constitution in relation to the writ oi habeas 
corpus. 

The expressions used in the last clause of the sixth section, that the certificate 
therein alluded to " shall prevent all molestation" of the persons to whom 
granted, " by any process issued," etc., probably mean only what the act of 1793 
meant by declaring a certificate under that act a sufficient warrant for the re- 
moval of a fugitive ; and do not mean a suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. 

There is nothing in the act inconsistent with the Constitution, nor which is not 
necessary to redeem the pledge which it contains, that fugitive slaves shall be 
delivered upon the claim of their owners. 

Attorney-General's Office, 
September 18, 1850. 

Sir, — I have had the honor to receive your note of this date, 
informing me that the bill, commonly called the fugitive slave 
bill, having passed both houses of Congress, had been submitted 
to you for your consideration, approval, and signature, and re- 
questing my opinion whether the sixth section of that act, and 
especially the la^st clause of that section, conflicts with that pro- 
vision of the Constitution which declares that "the privilege of 
the writ oi habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in 
cases of rebellion or in^|K)n, the public safety may require it." 

It is my clear cotfj^^^b that there is nothing in the last 
clause, nor in any parliirffe sixth section, nor, indeed, in any 
of the provisions of the act, which suspends, or was intended to 
suspend, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or is in any 
manner in conflict with the Constitution. 

The Constitution, in the second section of the fourth article, 
declares that " no person held to service or labor in one State, 
under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse- 
quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from 
such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
party to whom such service or labor may be due." 

It is well known and admitted, historically and judicially, that 
this clause of the Constitution was made for the purpose of se- 
curing to the citizens of the slaveholding States the complete 
ownership in their slaves, as property, in any and every State or 
Territory of the Union into which they might escape. (/V/a':^ 
vs. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, i6 Peters, 539.) It devolved 



3; 8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

on the general government, as a solemn duty, to make that 
security effectual. Their power was not only clear and full, but, 
according to the opinion of the court in the above-cited case, it 
was excbtsive, — the States, severally, being under no obligation, 
and having no power to make laws or regulations in respect to 
the delivery of fugitives. Thus the whole power, and with it 
the whole diity, of carrying into effect this important provision 
of the Constitution, was with Congress. And, accordingly, soon 
after the adoption of the Constitution, the act of the I2th of Feb- 
ruary, 1793, was passed, and that proving unsatisfactory and 
inefficient, by reason (among other causes) of some minor errors 
in its details. Congress are now attempting by this bill to dis- 
charge a constitutional obligation, by securing more effectually 
the delivery of fugitive slaves to their owners. The sixth, and 
most material section, in substance declares that the claimant 
of the fugitive slave may arrest and carry him before any one 
of the officers named and described in the bill ; and provides 
that those officers, and each of them, shall have judicial power 
and jurisdiction to hear, examine, and decide the case in a sum- 
mary manner, — that if, upon such hearing, the claimant, by the 
requisite proof, shall establish his claim to the satisfaction of 
the tribunal thus constituted, the said tribunal shall give him a 
certificate, stating therein the substantial facts of the case, and 
authorizmg him, with such reasonable force as may be neces- 
sary, to take and carry said fugitive^ack to the State or 
Territory whence he or she may have escaped, — and then, in 
conclusion, proceeds as follows : " The certificates in this and 
the first section mentioned, shall be conclusive of the right of 
the person or persons in whose favor granted to remove such 
fugitive to the State or Territory from which he escaped, and 
shall prevent all molestation of such person or persons by any 
process issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or other person 
whomsoever." 

There is nothing in all this that does not seem to me to be 
consistent with the Constitution, and necessary, indeed, to re- 
deem the pledge which it contains, that such fugitives "shall be 
delivered up on claim" of their owners. 

The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that the 
owner, independent of any aid from State or national legislation, 
may, in virtue of the Constitution, and his own right of property, 
seize and recapture his fugitive slave in whatsoever State he 
may find him, and carry him back to the State or Territory from 
which he escaped. (Pi'igg vs. Coinmomuealth of Pennsylvania, 
16 Peters, 539.) This bill, therefore, confers no right on the 
owner of the fugitive slave. It only gives him an appointed 
and peaceable remedy in place of the more exposed and inse- 



THE FUGITIVE SLA VE BILL. 37^ 

cure, out not less lawful mode of self-redress ; and as to the 
fugitive slave, he has no cause to complain of this bill,— it adds 
no coercion to that which his owner himself might, at his own 
will, rightfully exercise; and all the proceedings which it insti- 
tutes are but so much of orderly, judicial authority interposed 
between him and his owner, and consequently of protection 
to him, and mitigation of the exercise directly by the owner 
himself of his personal authority. This is the constitutional 
and legal view of the subject, as sanctioned by the decisions of 
the Supreme Court, and to that I limit myself 

The act of the 12th of February, 1793, before alluded to, so 
far as it respects any constitutional question that can arise out 
of this bill, is identical with it. It authorizes the like arrest of 
the fugitive slave, the like trial, the like judgment, the like cer- 
tificate, with the like authority to the owner, by virtue of that 
certificate as his warrant, to remove him to the State or Terri- 
tory from which he escaped, and the constitutionality of that 
act, in all those particulars, has been affirmed by the adjudica- 
tions of State tribunals, and of the courts of the United States, 
without a single dissent, so far as I know. [Bahkviii, C. C. R. 

577- 579-) 

I conclude, therefore, that so far as the act of the 12th of 
February, 1793, has been held to be constitutional, this bill 
must also be so regarded ; and that the custody, restraint, and 
removal to which the fugitive slave may be subjected under the 
provisions of this bill, are all lawful, and that the certificate to 
be granted to the owner is to be regarded as the act and judg- 
ment of a judicial tribunal having competent jurisdiction. 

With these remarks as to the constitutionality of the general 
provisions of the bill, and the consequent legality of the custody 
and confinement to which the fugitive slave may be subjected 
under it, I proceed to a brief consideration of the more partic- 
ular question you have propounded in reference to the writ of 
habeas corpus, and of the last clause of the sixth section, above 
quoted, which gives rise to that question. 

My opinion, as before expressed, is that there is nothing in 
that clause or section which conflicts with or suspends, or was 
intended to suspend, the privilege of the writ of haln-as corpus. 
I think so because the bill says not one word about that writ ; 
because, by the Constitution, Congress is expressly forbidden to 
suspend the privilege of this writ, " unless when in cases of re- 
bellion or invasion the public safety may require it;" and there- 
fore such suspension by this act (there being neither rebellion 
nor invasion) would be a plain and palpable violation of the 
Constitution, and no intention to commit such a violation of the 
Constitution, of their duty and their oaths, ought to be imputed 



380 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to them upon mere constructions and implications ; and thirdly, 
because there is no incompatibility between these provisions of 
the bill and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in its 
utmost constitutional latitude. 

Congress, in the case of fugitive slaves, as in all other cases 
within the scope of its constitutional authority, has the unques- 
tionable right to ordain and prescribe for what causes, to what 
extent, and in what manner persons may be taken into custody, 
detained, or imprisoned. Without this power they could not 
fulfill their constitutional trust, nor perform the ordinary and 
necessary duties of government. It was never heard that the 
exercise of that legislative power was any encroachment upon 
or suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. It 
is only by some confusion of ideas that such a conflict can be 
supposed to exist. It is not within the province or privilege 
of this great writ to loose those whom the law has bound. 
That would be to put a writ granted by the law in opposition 
to the law, to make one part of the law destructive of another. 
This writ follows the lazv and obeys the laiu. It is issued, upon 
proper complaint, to make inquiry into the causes of commit- 
ment or imprisonment, and its sole remedial power and purpose 
is to deliver the party from " all manner of illegal confinement." 
(3 Black. Com. 131.) If upon application to the court or judge 
for this writ, or if upon its return it shall appear that the con- 
finement complained of was lazvful, the writ, in the first instance, 
would be refused, and in the last the party would be remanded 
to his former lawful custody. 

The condition of one in custody as a fugitive slave is, under 
this law, so far as respects the writ of habeas corpus, precisely 
the same as that of all other prisoners under the laws of the 
United States. The " privilege " of that writ remains alike to all 
of them, but to be judged of— granted or refused, discharged 
or enforced — by the proper tribunal, according to the circum- 
stances of each case, and as the commitment and detention may 
appear to be legal or illegal. 

The whole effect of the law may be thus briefly stated : Con- 
gress has constituted a tribunal with exclusive jurisdiction to 
determine summarily and without appeal who are fugitives from 
service or labor under the second section of the fourth article 
of the Constitution, and to whom such service or labor is due. 
The judgment of every tribunal of exclusive jurisdiction where 
no appeal lies, is, of necessity, conclusive upon every other tri- 
bunal ; and therefore the judgment of the tribunal created by 
this act is conclusive upon all tribunals. Wherever this judg- 
ment is made to appear, it is conclusive of the right of the 
owner to retain in his custody the fugitive from his service, and 



DEATH OF THE LATE JUSTICE MCKINLEY. 



?Sl 



to remove him back to the place or State from which he escaped. 
If it is shown upon the appHcation of the fugitive for a writ of 
habeas corpus, it prevents the issuing of the writ; if upon the 
return, it discharges the writ and restores or maintains the 
custody. 

This view of the law of this case is fully sustained by the 
d(5cision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case 
of Tobias Watkins, where the court refused to discharge upon 
the ground that he was in custody under the sentence of a 
court of competent jurisdiction, and that that judgment was 
conclusive upon them. (3 PetiTS.) 

The expressions used in the last clause of the sixth section, 
that the certificate therein alluded to " shall prevent all molesta- 
tion" of the persons to whom granted "by any process issued," 
etc., probably mean only what the act of 1793 meant by de- 
claring a certificate under that act a sufficient warrant for the 
removal of a fugitive, and certainly do not mean a suspension 
of the habeas corpus. I conclude by repeating my conviction 
that there is nothing in the bill in question which conflicts with 
the Constitution or suspends, or was intended to suspend, the 
privilege of the writ of Jiabeas corpus. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

To the President. 

This eulogy, pronounced by Mr. Crittenden while filling the 
office of Attorney-General of the United States, upon Judge 
McKinley of the Supreme Court, the day after his death, is 
eminently worthy of a record in his life. Mr. Crittenden's 
generous appreciation of the virtues and talents of his friends 
is well known. Certainly no loftier encomium was ever pro- 
nounced upon a wise and righteous judge than this. Nothing 
could be added and nothing taken from it without marring its 
classic beauty. 

PROCEEDINGS IN RELATION TO THE DE.\TH OF THE LATE JUS- 
TICE Mckinley of the supreme court of the united 

STATES. 

At the opening of the court this morning, Mr. Crittenden, 
the Attorney-General of the United States, addressed the court 
as follows : 

Since its adjournment yesterday, the members of the bar and 
officers of the court held a meeting and adopted resolutions 
expressive of their high sense of the public and private worth 



382 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of the Hon. John McKinley, one of the justices of this court, 
and their deep regret at his death. By the same meeting I was 
requested to present those resolutions to the court, and to ask 
that they might be entered on its records, and I now rise to 
perform that honored task. 

Besides the private grief which naturally attends it, the death 
of a member of this court, which is the head of a great, essen- 
tial, and vital department of the government, must always be 
an event of public interest and importance. 

I had the good fortune to be acquainted with Judge McKin- 
ley from my earliest manhood. In the relations of private life 
he was frank, hospitable, affectionate. In his manners he was 
simple and unaffected, and his character was uniformly marked 
with manliness, integrity, and honor. Elevation to the bench 
of the Supreme Court made no change in him. His honors 
were borne meekly, without ostentation or presumption. 

He was a candid, impartial, and righteous judge. Shrinking 
from no responsibility, he was fearless in the performance of 
his duty, seeking only to do right, and fearing nothing but to 
do wrong. Death has now set her seal to his character, making 
it unchangeable forever ; and I think it may be truly inscribed 
on his monument that as a private gentleman and as a public 
magistrate he was without fear and without reproach. 

This occasion cannot but remind us of other afflicting losses 
which have recently befallen us. The present, indeed, has been 
a sad year for the profession of the law. In a few short months 
it has been bereaved of its brightest and greatest ornaments. 
Clay, Webster, and Sergeant have gone to their immortal rest 
in quick succession. We had scarcely returned from the grave 
of one of them till we were summoned to the funeral of another. 
Like bright stars they have sunk below the horizon, and have 
left the land in widespread gloom. This hall that knew them 
so well shall know them no more. Their wisdom has no utter- 
ance now, and the voice of their eloquence shall be heard here 
no more forever. 

This hall itself seems as though it was sensible of its loss, 
and even these marble pillars seem to sympathize as they stand 
around us like so many majestic mourners. 

But we will have consolation in the remembrance of these 
illustrious men. Their names will remain to us and be like a 
light kindled in the sky to shine upon us and to guide our 
course. We may hope, too, that the memory of them and 
their great examples will create a virtuous emulation which 
may raise up men worthy to be their successors in the service 
of their country, its constitution, and its laws. 

For this digression, and these allusions to Clay, Webster, and 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 



3S3 



Sergeant, I hope the occasion may be considered as a sufficient 
excuse, and I will not trespass by another word, except only to 
move that these resolutions in relation to Judge McKinlcy, 
when they shall have been read by the clerk, may be entered 
on the records of this court. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mexico, October 20, 1850. 
Dear Crittenden, — Mr. Marks, a gentleman of respecta- 
bility and intelligence, has just signified to me that he sets out 
for Washington City in a few hours. I give you a brief letter. 
Attend to him and introduce him to Mr. Webster. He is quite 
intimate with the government, and has been for many years the 
confidential friend of some of the leading members of the cab- 
inet. Mr. Webster's amendments to the treaty were received 
about ten days ago. I have succeeded in getting the whole of 
them adopted, with the exception of two. Marks can tell you 
all about it. They never can be carried, if tried, to the day the 
great judgment-gun shall be fired. I have tried every argu- 
ment, every persuasion, every threat, to prevail upon the cab- 
inet to accept these two amendments in vain. In fact, I tried 
very hard to have these amendments inserted in the original 
treaty for three months. I believe I could prevail upon these 
folks to cede the whole country to the United States sooner 
than agree to these modifications. I won't trouble you with 
these matters. Unhappy as I am here, anxious as I am to re- 
turn home, I will not quit my post till the end of this treaty is 
seen. I have some reason to believe Mr. Webster is not satis- 
fied with my negotiations in regard to this treaty. This fills 
me with the deepest concern. It is utterly impossible for Mr. 
Webster to know and see things in this country as they really 
exist. Under all the circumstances, I know it was right to sign 
that treaty ; I care not who may think to the contrary. Mr. 
Webster shall have a chance of appointing some one in my 
place who suits him better. I have worked hard since I have 
been in this country, and expect but little thanks ; but I don't 
deserve censure or reproach. I don't mean to utter a word of 
complaint against Mr. Webster, or to say to any one else what 
I have said to you, unless it becomes necessary in my own de- 
fense, and then I'll say a damned deal. The truth is I_ feel a 
little desperate, and as cross as at the idea of being re- 
proached. Damn the treaty ; it's opposed by all the foreign in • 
fluence, by the opposition party, and by all the moneyed and 
commercial men of this country in solid column. The news- 
papers have openly charged me with forcing the government to 
make it. They have charged me with the crime of controlling 



384 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

this government as I please. The foreign ministers talk in the 
same way. So I am, you may well imagine, worried to death, 
and get no thanks for it. If anything whatever occurs, which 
in your judgment should render it proper for me to resign, yoit 
are fully authorized to file my resignation at any moment. All 
I care about is to see the end of this treaty, and then my mis- 
sion shall be at an end through tJie grace of God. 

Good-by to you. 

R. P. Letcher. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. J, B, to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lexington, Nov. 23, 1850. 

My dear Sir, — More than a year ago our friend Garrett Dun- 
can made application to the President and to the Secretary at 
War for a cadet's warrant at West Point for my oldest son. He 
did this spontaneously as an act of personal regard, and per- 
haps as some expression of his sense of things of other days. 
I had other friends whose influence might have aided him; 
but in the same spirit that actuated him, I told him I would 
do nothing; so that if he succeeded, he should have all the 
gratitude of the lad and all the pleasure of the good deed. He 
failed. But the President and the Secretary both promised to 
put the lad's name on the list, and held out strong hopes, if not 
a certain assurance, of his appointment a year from that time, — 
to wit, now. 

Now, my dear sir, if this appointment can be had, I shall 
be very glad ; my boy will be gratified in the strongest and 
almost the earliest wish of his heart, and I trust the country 
may be gainer thereby in the end. The lad is now a little past 
sixteen years of age; he is a member of the Sophomore class at 
Danville, and is of robust constitution, fine talents, and earnest, 
firm, and elevated nature. It is to gratify him in a strong, nay, 
a vehement, passion that I desire this thing. For myself I never 
did, never will, solicit anything from any government. The 
ancestors of this lad, paternal and maternal, have done the 
State some service. You know all about all I could with pro- 
priety say. 

If there is any impropriety in my thus addressing you, I pray 
you to excuse it; if there is none, and this thing can be accom- 
plished, it will be only another proof of your goodness and 
another ground of the grateful and affectionate friendship of 

Yours ever, 

R. J. B. 

Hon, J. J. Crittenden. 



LETTER TO R. J. B. .o, 

(R. J. B. to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lexington, Ky., April 12, 185 1. 

Dear Sir, — You may, perhaps, recollect that I was incon- 
siderate enough to address a letter to you during the last 
winter on the subject of a warrant to West Point for one of a 
numerous family of sons, under circumstances which I erred, 
perhaps, in supposing were somewhat peculiar, and with claims 
upon the country, personal and hereditary, which I no doubt 
greatly overrated in my desire to gratify the ardent wishes of a 
beloved child. 

I was not fortunate enough to receive any answer to that 
letter ; and although the application was warmly supported by 
both the senators from this State and several members of Con- 
gress from this and other States, being myself without political 
influence, it failed, as I ought to have foreseen it must. I feel 
it to be due to you and to myself to say that I regret very much 
having, in a moment of parental weakness, committed so great 
an error, and by this declaration atone, at least to my own feel- 
ings, for the only instance, through a life now not very short, in 
which I have asked from any one anything for myself or any 
member of my family. Praying you to excuse what I so much 
regret, I am, very respectfully, 

Your friend and servant, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. J. B. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. J. B.) 

» Washington, April 21, 1S51. 

Sir, — Your letter of the 12th inst. was received yesterday, 
and read with painful surprise. It is marked with such a spirit 
of rebuke and irritation that I hardly know how I ought to 
understand or reply to it. You have almost made me feel that 
any explanation under such circumstances would be derogatory. 
But, sir, suppressing all these feelings, and preferring /;/ this 
instance to err, if at all, on the side of forbearance, I have con- 
cluded to address you a calm reply and explanation of the 
subject that has so much irritated and excited you. 

Know, then, that I did receive the letter you addressed to me 
last winter requesting my assistance in procuring for your son 
the appointment of cadet in the Military Academy at W'est 
Point. 

All such appointments, except ten, are so regulated by law 
that they must be made, one from each congressional district, 
on the nomination and recommendation of the representative 
of that district. 

There was no vacancy in your district, and, of course, the 
VOL. I. — 25 



386 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

only hope for your son was to obtain for him one of the ten 
extraordinary appointments at the disposal of the President 
The power of conferring these is understood to have been 
given to the President for the benefit of the sons of officers of 
the army and navy, and especially of those whose fathers had 
perished in the service of their country; and although these 
appointments have not, in practice, been always confined to this 
description of persons, their claims have been generally favored 
and preferred. The number of such applicants has been greatly 
increased by the Mexican war, and their competitors from civil 
life are still more numerous. 

From this general statement may be inferred the uncertainty 
and difficulty of procuring one of these appointments. 

In the winter of 1849 and '50 I had, at the instance of my 
old friend, Gabriel Lewis, of Kentucky, very earnestly recom- 
mended a grandson of his to General Taylor for one of these 
appointments. He did not get it, and it was then determined by 
his family, with my advice and my promise to give what assist- 
ance I could, to renew or continue his application for another 
year, and I had, accordingly, again recommended him for one 
of the appointments that were to be made this spring. 

Such was the condition of things and such my situation and 
engagement when your first letter was received. Notwithstand- 
ing all the difficulties in the way, I was not without the hope 
of serving you, for the sole reason, perhaps, that I wished to 
do so, and wished to obtain the appointment for your son. To 
learn something of the prospect of success, I conversed sev- 
eral times with the Secretary of War on the subject. He could 
only tell me that no selections would be made, that the subject 
would not be considered till the time had arrived for making 
the appointments, and that the number of applicants was very 
great, amounting to hundreds, — I think he said fifteen hun- 
dred. 

I ought, perhaps, to have acknowledged the receipt of your 
letter and have given you all this information ; and most cer- 
tainly I would have done it if I had had the least apprehension 
of the grave consequences that have followed the omission. It 
did not occur to me that any punctiliousness would be exacted 
in our correspondence. 

But, besides all this, and to say nothing of the daily duties 
of my office, and my almost constant attendance upon the 
Supreme Court, then in session, I had nothing satisfactory or 
definite to write. I waited, therefore, willing to avail myself 
of any circumstance or opportunity that time or chance might 
bring forth to serve you and to procure an appointment for 
your son as well as for the grandson of Mr. Lewis. I could 



LETTER FROM R. J. B. 387 

find no such opportunity — no opportunity even for urgino- it 
with the least hope of success. 

The appointments have all been recently made, and, with few 
exceptions, confined to the sons, I believe, of deceased officers, 
to the exclusion, for the second time, of the grandson of my 
friend Lewis, who has been on the list of applicants for two 
years, with all the recommendation I could give liim. 

I should have taken some opportunity of writing to you on 
this subject, even if your late letter had not so unpleasantly 
anticipated that purpose. 

This, sir, is the whole tale. It must speak for itself I have 
no other propitiation to offer. I am the injured party. When 
you become conscious of that, you will know well what atone- 
ment ought to be made and how it ought to be made. Till 
then, sir, self-respect compels me to say that I will be content 
to abide those unfriendly relations which I understand your 
letter to imply, if not proclaim. 

I can truly say that I have written this " more in sorrow than 
in anger." I have intended nothing beyond my own defense 
and vindication, and if I have been betrayed into a word that 
goes beyond those just limits and implies anything like aggres- 
sion, let it be stricken out. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Lexington, Kentucky, May 3, 1S51. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

Dear Sir, — I regret very much to perceive by your letter of 
the 2 1st ultimo that you considered my letter to you of the 12th 
April wanting in proper respect to you, and prompted by irrita- 
tion on my part. I retained no copy of that letter ; but, assur- 
edly, I know very little of myself if it contained the evidences 
of either of those states of mind. 

For the first time in my life I had condescended to solicit, 
from any human authority, anything, either for myself or any 
member of my immediate family, though many hundreds of 
times I have done what I could for others. It was particularly 
distressing to me that I had been seduced into such a position 
by the extreme kindness of an old personal friend (Mr. Duncan), 
as I explained in my first letter to you, and, by some ridiculous 
notion, that the present administration might consider itself any 
ways connected with that of General Taylor, so as to feci dis- 
posed to fulfill any expectations it may have raised. 

Unless my memory deceives me, my first letter, making tlie 
application, intimated to you that I was not sure it was proper 
in me to write you such a letter, and asked you to excuse the 
impropriety, if indeed one existed. Such, I remember well, 
was the state of my mind, and I think I expressed it. The only 



388 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

notice ever taken of that letter, by you, is the allusion to it in 
your letter before me. What took place in the mean time may 
be uttered in a sentence, and need not be repeated here. 

Under all the painful, and to me altogether unprecedented, 
circumstances of a very humiliating position, I thought it due 
to you to express my regret at having implicated you, in any 
degree, in such an affair by my letter of application to you ; 
and I thought it due to myself to express to you, under such 
circumstances, my regret at allowing myself, in a moment of 
parental weakness, to embark in a matter which, in all its pro- 
gress and its termination, was especially out of keeping with 
the whole tenor of my life and feelings. If my letter, to which 
yours of the 2 1st April is an answer, expresses more or less 
than these things, it is expressed unhappily and improperly. If, 
during the progress of the affair, you had judged it necessary 
or proper to have treated it differently, or had had it in your 
power to do so, I should not have been more bound to feel 
obliged by any other or further service than I am now bound 
to feel obliged, by such as your letter informs me you were 
good enough to render me, under circumstances which, it is now 
obvious, must have been embarrassing to you, and which, if I 
had known, I would have instantly released you from. But all 
this, as it appears to me, only the more painfully shows how 
inconsiderate my first application to you was, and how needless 
it was for my subsequent expression of regret for having made 
it to be taken in an offensive sense. 

The sole object of this letter is to place the whole affair on 
the footing which, in my opinion, it really occupies. 

Certainly I had no right to ask anything of the sort I did 
ask at your hands. But assuredly having been weak enough 
to ask it, and having, in the course of events, had full occasion 
to perceive that weakness, I had the right without offense to 
express sincere regret for what I had inconsiderately done, — to 
the needless annoyance of yourself and others, — and to the 
wounding of my own self-esteem. 

Permit me, in conclusion, to say that altogether the most 
painful part of this affair, to me, is that I should have given 
offense to a man who, for nearly if not quite thirty years, I have 
been accustomed to regard with feelings of the greatest esteem, 
admiration, and confidence, and for whom, at any moment dur- 
ing those thirty years, I would have periled eveiything but my 
honor to have served him ; such a man will know how to appre- 
ciate the workings of a nature perhaps oversensitive and over- 
proud, in the midst of unusual and oppressive circumstances. 
If not, it is better to forget all than lose our own self-respect. 

As to Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Conrad, strange as it may seem 



LETTER FROM R. J. B. 389 

to you, I would never, under ordinary circumstances, have asked 
either of them for any favor whatever. I rather considered my- 
self asking you and Mr. Clay and Judge Underwood and Judge 
Breck and a few other old friends to whom I brought myself to 
the point — not without great difficulty — of saying what I did. 
This may seem very absurd to you ; perhaps it is so; it is never- 
theless the truth; and most certainly I did not suppose that 
any administration of which yourself and Mr. Clay and Judge 
Underwood and Judge Breck were avowed, if not confidential, 
supporters, would, under the entire circumstances of this case, 
have it in its power to refuse so paltry a boon ; and after seeing 
the published list of successful applicants, from which alone I 
learned the fate of my application, I saw still less reason to 
comprehend such a result. As to yourself, three particulars 
separated your case from that of the other friends I have named : 
1st. I loved you most, and relied most on you. 2d. I the most 
distrusted the propriety of writing to you, on account of your 
connection with the cabinet. 3d. From you alone I had no 
word of notice; and for these two last reasons, the more felt 
that an explanation was demanded of me as due both to you 
and myself. 

If you have had patience to read this letter, it is needless for 
me to say more than that I still desire to be considered your 

friend. 

R. J. B. 



END OF VOL. I. 



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