\ (^ayC't^X^^'CC^(t.,jC^ /i^t^tS^ U.t^uyc^'^'i^i^^^^^, Glass _„X)- Book. SEMINARY NOTES. VOL. I. State University. MAY, 1 89 1. S^i '-JQ No. 1. V , Lawrence, Kansas. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All students connected with the department of Amencan History and Civics (James H. Canfield), and that of History and Sociology (Frank W. Blackmab), are. by virtue of such connection, members of the Seminary. All students having two or more studies in either or both of these departments' are re- quired to take the work of the Seminary as part of their work in course. The meetingsof the Seminary are held every Friday, in Room 15, University Building. Public meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the two Departments mentioned; pre- pared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investi- gation of existing conditions, under the per- sonal direction of the officers. of the Seminary. Special assistance in choice of themes, authorities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the two departments forming the Seminary, or in the Department of English, or in any of the literary societies or other similar organiza- tions in the University; on condition that the results of such v.'ork shall be presented to the Seminary if so required. In connection with the work of the Semi- nary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this- the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty daily aiad weekly newspapers. Th^ piincipal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keepinl'ormed on the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern Journalism, to learn to , discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of edi- torial work, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life— to make his- tory by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. Special investigation and study will be undertaken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this State; the purpose being to combine service to the State with the reg- ular work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and cooper- ation of State and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own University, or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its success, are invited to become corresponding members of the Seminary. The only condi- tion attached to such membership is, that each corresponding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Sem- inary; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. Tlie library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in con- nection with Seminary work — within reason- able limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officers and members of the Seminary will gladly reader all possible assistance to! any public officials who may desire to collect special statistics or secure definite informa- tion on such lines of public work as are properly within the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Semi- nary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. JAMES H. CANFIELD, DiREOTOR. FRANK W. I3LACKMAR, ViCE-DlKEOTOR. SEMINAR Y NO TES. D/ .64 THE WORK OF CORRESPONDING MEMBERS. During the University year 1890 91, the following papers have been presented by corresponding members of the Seminary: The Shelby Expedition in Mexico, by Mr. Scott; Wages and Wage-Earners, by Mr. Betton; The Limitations of Legislation, by Mr. Ayres; Puritainsm in old England and in Nev? England, by Mr. Peck; The Inter-State Commerce Commission, two papers by Mr. Humphrey; The Possibilities of Further State Legislation Respecting Marriage, by Mr. Rowland; Irrigation, by Mr. Emery; James H. Lane, by Mr. Green; The Proposed Constitutional Convention, by Mr. Alf ord ; and The Romance Literature of the Social Move- ment, by Mr. Berkowitz. In addition, Hon. W. H. Rossington of Topeka presented a paper on The Ethics of Party Allegiance ; and Professor G. N. Grisham of Kansas City, Mo., answered the question, What does the Afro-American think of his present and of his future? It has been thought best to preserve abstracts of these papers, as far as abstracts could be obtained; though keenly realizing that justice is done neither the themes nor writers. The Shelby Expedition to Mexico. K^OME fifty thousand men composed C^the fighting force of what was known as the Trans- Mississippi Department, C. S. A., in the April days of 1865. They were scattered from Louisiana to Arkansas when the news of the great surrender came from Appomattox, but they concentrated as if by intiution, meeting at Marshall, Texas. Gen. E. Kirby Smith, Gen. Joe Shelby, Hawthorne, Buckner, Preston and Walker were among the most prominent officers who gathered in council to deter- mine what course should be pursued. Gen. Shelby was the first to speak and the plan he urged was this: Displace Gen. Smith with some other man in whom the troops have greater confidence, con- centrate everything on the Brazas river, march to Mexico and there espouse the cause of MaximiUan or that of Juarez. "Surrender is a word neither myself nor my division understand." The plan was approved and it was decided that Gen. Buckner should be put in Gen. Smith's place. But after twelve hours of delibera- tion Gen. Buckner weakened, Gen. Smith resumed command, and in a short time the order came that the troops should be marched to Shreveport and there surrendered to the Federal com- mander. Instead of obeying, Shelby rode to the front of his division aud called for volunteers for Mexico. One thou- sand men responded,— the most reckless men of a most reckless army. Shelby was chosen Colonel, and. after suitable preparation in the way of arms and com- missary, the march to the Rio Grande be- gan. There were no Federal troops in the way. But there were guerillas and free- booters, the plundering offscourings of both armies, so there was fighting enough, mostly by night, sudden, desperate and ending always one way. The Rio Grande was reached at last. The troops of Juarez were on the farther shore and their commander made the American general tempting offers to enlist in his service. Shelby urged his men to accept the offer, but they were Imperialists and preferred to fight for Maximilian, — a decision influenced, doubtless, by the thought that in helping to establish the Empire they were continuing their war on the United States. Shelby acquiesced; and, selling his artillery to the Mexicans, resumed his march. It was his intention to reach Guaymas, there recruit his command up to twenty thousand men, and with these at his back advance to the city of Mexico and sustain the Emperor on his throne. Marshal Bazaine was distrustful of him however, and sent orders that he must either march direct to the city, or withdraw from the country. Shelby chose the former alter- native and after three months of toilsome marching, giving almost daily battle to the guerillas who lay in wait for him at every SEMINAR Y NOTES. 3 turn in the road, reached his destination and reported to Maximilian. His propo- sition was to recruit his division up to forty thousand Americans, and with these he promised the Emperor to make his throne secure, warning him that without such assistance his reign would be brief. The Emperor declined his offer — and Avent to his death at Queretaro. Shelby's expedition ended with this reply of Maximilian. With no chance for any more fighting the cohesive force that had held it together was gone, and each man went the way that suited him best. The leader became a freight contractor until that ceased to be remunerative. Then he obtained a grant of land in the southern part of the Empire and attempted to colonize it with Americans. But that project also failed and at last he returned to his old home and is living to-day near Adrian, Mo., a wealthy and contented farmer. Of his followers, some settled on land set apart for them near the capital city and cultivated fruit and coffee. Others enlisted in French regiments and fought after all for the Empire. Others marched away to Guaymas and there took shipping for California, for China, for Japan, for the Sandwich Islands. Event- ually many of them found their way back, as their leader had done to ways of pleas- antness and paths of peace in the country which was great enough to forgive, if not to forget, the wrongs they had done her. 6; ^. ^ciAAi^, Wages and "Wag-e-Barners. fROBABLY no subject admits of a wider range of discussion than does that of "Wages and Wage-Earners." In a sense we are all wage-earners, whether the income at our command is the result of direct personal service or not. But popular interpretation applies the term "wage-earners" mainly to that portion of our people engaged in occupations requiring manual labor, and in that .light we must consider it. Wages have been paid, in some form, whenever man has engaged the services of his fellow-men. The slave had to be clothed, sheltered and fed, or he could not work; and for ages this was about all the laborer received. For centuries the laborer was a slave. The fruits of his toil and his life even were at the mercy of some local despot. About the time of Francis I, of France, Trade Guilds were granted certain privi- leges. It is claimed that these guilds were the fore-runners of modern Trades-unions, and with some show of reason. Master and journeyman were of the same class. Socially they were equals. The barons regarded them as of less importance than the retainers who followed them in their plundering forays. With the introduction of steam as a motive power, the development of machinery and the establishment of the factory system, labor experienced a radical change. The master, represented by his machines, ceased to be a workman; the journeyman was transformed into a machine tender; and the question of an equitable division of the joint product became para- mount. The wealth of the world has ever been distributed through competition — the right of every factor to take all it can of the products. AVages is the largest single factor in the cost of production. The wage-earners, at present, are receiving about three-fifths of the total production. Wages range from six per cent, to seventy-seven per cent, of the total cost of production. The wage system has been accepted as the natural way of determining the value of labor. The labor is bought as the raw material is bought — at the lowest market price. The machine is carefully watched and cared for, as replacing it costs money; but if the laborer breaks, another takes his place. An hour's labor will to-day buy more and better clothing and food than it would fifty years ago. Comparing the wages of 1760 with those of 1883, we find that the SEMINAR Y NO TES. average daily earnings of laborers in Mass- achusetts advanced from 29 cents to $1.31. In 1883 wages were 62 per cent, higher in Massachusetts than in England, while the cost of living was 17.29 per cent, higher. Of this 11.49 per cent, was due to higher rent. Excluding rent it was only 5.80 per cent, higher. In other words it cost the English workman 1 7 per cent, less to live, and he got 62 per cent, less wages than the workman of Massachusetts, a difference in favor of the Massachusetts workman of 45 per cent. As a rule wages show an upward ten- dency from the earliest time to the present. The average increase of wages of the decade ending with i860 as compared with the decade ending with 1830, was 52.3' per cent., while the cost of living increased only 12.7 per cent. But, although wages have been constantly increasing, they have not kept pace with the increased product- iveness of labor. Trades-unions h^ve been bitterly de- nounced, but they have taught employer and employees many valuable lessons. They have shortened the hours of labor, maintained a stability in wages, and elevated the laboring classes. The Ameri- can Unions, being younger, have not accomplished so much as those of England. There are about two hundred Unions in Kansas. '^prx*^<- 73 uttry^ . The Limitations of Legislation. -grPHE bad effects of too much legislation ,^^and too many laws are beginning to be seriously felt in this nation. It is, there- fore, necessary to consider how the evils may be checked or abated. Experience has proved that unwise, oppressive and excessive legislation cannot be sufficiently prevented by the organic law, as found in Federal and State constitutions. The organ- ic law cannot assume to prevent unwise laws; and those which are excessive or oppressive may not come within its scope. There are certain well known restrictions in the Constitution which limit the law- making power of the Congress; but within the limits perscribed there is a wide field for discretion. In the States, severally, we find the governments practically su- preme, excepting in those few matters which have been peremptorily withdrawn from the legislatures by the Federal Con- stitution. To indicate the vast sweep of this power it may be sufficient to point to the fact that in most of the states the legis- lature can, if it will, alter the whole system of municipal law and change its mode of administration. The statute books are largely invaded by laws which fall under the following classification: 1. Sentimental laws. 2. Partisan laws. 3. Useless laws. 4. Laws of which the primary and ultimate effects cannot be foreseen. 5. Laws on simple matters, so con- structed as to be difficult of interpretation. 6. Laws which from some inherent de- fect or want of charity cannot be enforced. 7. Laws which directly interfere with the operation of the common law. The analysis is given, not as being ex- haustive, but suggestive of certain kinds of laws which ought not to be made at all; or if made, then passed only after the most searching scrutiny and under pressing and obvious necessity. The examples quoted and the argument against excessive legislation cannot be re- produced within the limit of this abstract. Assuming that the evil is acknowledged generally, in greater or less degree, the writer points out that we cannot look to the organic law for any substantial help in the matter. Unfortunately all free peoples are too fond of law making; and if they can find no others to enslave them, and dis- cover no arbitrary laws to touch all imaginable cases, they will proceed to en- slave themselves, each person wishing his own new law, and perhaps trading with others that his may somehow prevail. The remedy, if there be one, must be found in so educating or selecting legislators. SEMINARY NOTES. 5 that they will be wise enough to make only 'such laws as shall be known in advance to be necessary, beneficial, conservative, and imposing the lightest possible burden upon individuals for whose best interests all laws should exist. Human society in its pro- gression in enlightenment and morality, lives; the law that seeks to guide it must live too. Therefore no statutes should be made (unless under strongest present necessity) which shall interfere with the common law, which lives with and in the people, moves and breathes and feels with them. If, as most lawyers will admit, it would be an evil day when the law of judicial decision should be superceded by a code, it is only a modified evil when legislative enactment encroaches too far in attempting to interfere unnecessarily with the living and flexible law which is sufficient to deal with the common rights of men. There are many who firmly believe that if the congress and state legislatures would for a while be determined to restrict them- selves to routine, business legislation, the nation would move rapidly, with free step, to unexampled prosperity, peace and happiness. If we continue in the course we are taking with accelerated speed, we shall forge heavy chains for ourselves and for our children. state Legislation and Marriage. fOHN Ruskin is always entertaining and often wise. He is both in one of those fascinating letters in which he maintains that marriage is not a privilege to which every one is born, but a distinction to be sought; and when attained, it is to be con- sidered a proof not only of good character, but of good sense, and industrious habits. While the privilege should be put within the reach of all, it should be rigidly with- held from those who are incapable or un- willing to make the necessary effort to de- serve it. I believe this position is sound. If there is any thing in the law of heredity it shows that many marriages are entered into unadvisedly and lightly and that much of the poverty and helplessness of mankind may be traced directly to this source. The thoughtless multiplication of human beings perpetuates the struggle for existence, and no device for the abolition of honesty can possibly succeed until the human race is taught self restraint. "Social phenomena have their roots in organic phenomena." Doubtless the environment has much to do with the question of poverty; but the character, the habits, the natural endowments of the ijidividual have far more to do with it. The energetic and competent take the foremost rank. The quick-sighted have an advantage over the dull, the industrious over the lazy, the frugal over the improvi- dent, the ambitious over the spiritless, the self-restrained over the intemperate and sensual. The proportion of the active, the vigorous, the determined and clear sighted, to the careless, the wasteful, the stupid and irresolute, is not very great. A certain number of men in every hundred the world over, cannot take care of them- selves, and there will be a considerable proportion of the rest who can do it only indifferently. They have not the qualities which make men independent and self supporting. Even as young men they are without spirit, contented to live from hand to mouth, earn but little and spend it the day they receive it. And yet such shift- less young men find young women like themselves, and our unwise laws permit them to commit the wicked folly of mar- rying with no sense whatever of their per- sonal responsibility to feed and clothe and educate their children. Men are permit- ted to marry who are barely able to earni their own wretched livelihood and who cannot possibly support a family. I have seen it stated that sometimes persons are married while inmates of county houses. Until marriage is forbidden to imbeciles and semi-imbeciles, to those who are barely able to escape being a public charge, to those who have neither visible or prospective means of support, no con- ,6 SEMINAR Y NO TES. ception of the responsibilities of parentage and whose children are ever to have no energy of character but grow up like their parents and bring into existence a half dozen more helpless families and continue this generation after generation in a terri- fying mathematical progression, — until the State, I say, or the prudent part of man- kind puts a stop to this, the principal source of poverty and wretchedness will remain. The State must require of the man who asks for a marriage license a good charac- ter, and he must prove before a compe- tent board of inquiry that he can take care of a family. Marriage is the most import- ant social concern of mankind, and if the State is to regulate any thing whatever it is such a momentous thing as this. Irrig-ation. aCPHE present practical exhaustion of all ,^^that portion of our public domain which will make good farms, emphasizes the popular demand for the reclamation, by irrigation of the arid lands of this country. The estimate is, that the agricultural lands of the arid regions of the United States, those which admit of reclamation by artificial irrigation, most easily amount to the round sum of loo,- 000,000 acres. And of the total area of our country fully two-fifths if we exclude Alaska will need to be artificially irrigated in order to reclaim its soil. Nor will this estimate seem large when the fact that two-thirds of the agri- culture of the globe at the present day is •dependent for success wholly or in part upon artificial irrigation. The total arid region of our own country lies mostly west of the one hundreth meridian of west longitude, and is chiefly pasturage land in character and is put by the statisticians at the enormous figure of 1,000,000,000 acres. Of this, 100,000,000 acres can be more or less well irrigated and be brought under cultivation in part, and in part rendered desirable for pasture. It is to this tenth part of our arid region that pub- lic attention is now being drawn for the purpose of opening it up to that growing army of home-seekers which is to-day pressing up against the very foot hills of the everlasting mountains. The irrigation idea is an old one in his- tory, but a new one to us in America. The schools of our land teach nothing as to hydrology or the science of water in motion. If we would study river hydrau- lics, we must go back to Italy where students of the subject have written the books we are obliged to consult. The Mississippi river problem and something that has been done in California with a little in Colorado and Utah constitute and sum up about all we know of water in motion. And our civil engineers widely disagree as to the methods the Washington government is pursuing in the outlay it is making, ^ in trying to manage the waters of that great river as well as deepening the sand bars in Galveston harbor. The government is now engaged in as- certaining, through a system of surveys, where and how large the artesian basins are located by nature throughout the arid tract. It is not everywhere that an arte- sian well will bring flowing water to the surface. Indeed good flowing wells are scarce, the world over. The French have reclaimed vast tracts in Algeria by sink- ing artesian wells. The high mountain ranges afford the presure needed to throw the water to the surface. But Western Kansas can never be watered in this way. The presure is wanting. Yet up in the Dakotas is perhaps one of the best arte- sian wells to be found in America. The catchment is sufficient and the presure ample to produce flowing wells of great capacity. The government will also locate reser- voir sites, determine their capacity, and in- dicate by proper surveys, the lands that may be irrigated from water stored in such reservoirs. When such surveys are completed, it is probable that all these arid lands will be turned back to the SEMINAR Y NO TES. 7 States and Territories where they may be located for such States and territories to provide for irrigation districts and the construction of irrigation works. When this is accomplished the home-seeker will be allowed to buy his home — not a large one, of his state under legal regulations as to getting the water upon his lands for his crops. Then will come the time of little farms well watered; but the price per acre will be high, made so by the cost of artificial irrigation. ' James H. Lane. ET is not time to do justice to the achievements of this stormy life. Himself a brand, kindling wherever he fell, he was the centre of a conflagration during all his career. His past as a direct participant in warlike actions was inconsequental, and almost ridiculous in the disproportion between its boastful prologues and its scant performances. In the Senate he was far below in debate at least the reputation which preceded him. The impassioned harrangues which drove the men of the border almost to fury, awoke only in that august body the smiles of supreme contempt. Yet his influence with his party and the President was so undoubted that even his rhapsodies were tolerated, and his acute mastery of men found full play in caucuses and com- mittees. Upon the whole he accomplished as much in the Senate for Kansas as a more correct and polished orator could have done, even his most extravagant speeches having the merit of earnestness and in- tense conviction which prevails over faulty expression in winning a verdict from con- siderate minds. Yet a belief in the consistent devotion of his character to any cause he ardently championed was the most difificult task to those who undertook its closest study. Fertile in expedients and facile in manuevre, he was seldom beaten, being all the more successful because he was seldom withheld by conscientious consid- erations from any line of policy which promised success. He was sincere and unremitting in his homage to one divinity — himself. He believed in his star and followed its eratic course as implicitly as did the great Corsican. It is perhaps too much to say that had Lane discovered hopeful prospects of establishing the Democratic party in Kansas, founded upon slavery as its corner stone; he would have constituted himself its cham- pion, and fought as persistently for the life as he did for the death of the system. His want of consistency and continuity almost suggested a want of courage. He abandoned the political field in Indiana without the slightest effort to overcome the opposition of its people to himself, up to that time the most popular man in the State. At several periods of his career, he had almost decided to abandon the field to his enemies. When his political rival, Carney, achieved the barren honor of election to Lane's place in the Senate, the latter hesitated to engage his success- ful antagonist until the patience and al- most the devotion of his adherents was well nigh exhausted; and then undertook the advocacy of his own cause under the cover of a canvass in favor of the re-elec- tion of Lincoln, a proceding as needless, in Kansas as in Vermont. He was not the leader who would have gone to mar- tyrdom for his faith. He could fight bravely when victory impended, but the bitterness of defeat when encountered al- most broke his heart. His last days^ tragic with the awful end, began when the murmurs of reproach rising from every hamlet in Kansas because of his defence of the course of President Johnson fell upon his ears. He started homeward. Benton would have met the clamor and fought it down. Douglas would have opposed his leonine nature to the fury of the mob, and changed its execrations to new and lavish hurrahs, — Lane sank upon the soil of the State he had saved, and which he loved unto death, as forlornly and help- lessly as Caesar fell at the foot of Pomp- s SEMINARY NOTES. ey's figure. Yet it was no coward who lay that beautiful June afternoon on the lovely sward of. the ground of Fort Leavenworth, — self slain. Neither was he insane, un- less his whole life shall be accepted as an insane existence. He had found the in- surmountable, and he dashed his life away upon it. He feared not the contest so much as the endless disgrace of his failure therein. His death was ^ the logical termination of his life. Ji . JIA. \^ axZaW, The Constitutional Convention. ET will be readily conceded that a greater degree of permanence, of fixity, should attach to the organic acts of a State, than to the ordinances of a munici- pal council, or the resolutions and laws of a legislative bod)^ Man is naturally conservative and looks with small favor upon changes in the pri- mal obligations that control in the affairs of State. In its leading features, the constitution of the Anglo Saxon commonwealth is but the expression in words of those princi- ples that have been fought for, and won, through blood and strife of the centuries, and are written as Avith a pen of iron, on every liberty loving heart. The larger half of our laws are unwrit- ten, and have remained unchanged in their essential features for two hundred years. It has been a custom in framing the con- stitutions of most' of the States of our Union, to incorporate much of detail that :should have been left entirely to legisla- tive action; and the question with us is, Avhether the changes in these minor mat- ters of detail are so numerous as to war- rant the holding of a convention for the general revision of our constitution. Every change in a constitution creates a doubt, which continues until the courts have defined the boundaries of the amend- ment. But few sections of our constitution have been seriously criticised as in special need of amendment; they are the ones on legislative apportionment, the Supreme Court, prohibition, and possibly includ- ing, also, the section on the State Univer- sity. A general revision would doubtless result in increasing the number of these minor details of government that should be left entirely to legislative action, rather than decreasing them; so that any plea that the constitution needs revision on that account, can have but little force, as it is now quite as concise and devoid of such supplanting of legislation as the con- stitution of any of our States. Revision by convention means a general remodel- ing. But there has at no time been a de- mand for such wholesale amendment. The sections regulating apportionment require changing without doubt, and they have in fact been twice amended in the' past by submission directly to the people, and there is no good reason for doubting but that any proper amendment could be again carried through in the same manner. The section providing for the composi- tion of the Supreme Court and the selection of its members, has been twice sought to be amended and each time failed; and it may be assumed from this that the desire of the people is that some other means be provided for advancing the work of that Court, rather than by increasing the number of its judges. This can read- ily be done by the legislature increasing the amount necessary to confer jurisdiction from ^loo to, say, $500; which would reduce the work of the Court nearly, or quite, one-half. Nearly the same result could be brought about by the Court itself, by its ceasing to write opinions in every case, but content itself with a mere decision of the case, with reference to the authority upon which the decision is based. Of suffrage, whether the privilege should be extended to women, or still further re- stricted, and taken from the ignorant, the vicious, and the newly arrived immigrant, are questions better determined by the direct vote of the people than by general conventions. To discuss prohibition in this connetion would be useless. It is safe SEMINA RY NOTES. to say that the people will not consent to a general revision if there are no other reasons therefor than the desire some may have for the repeal of the prohibitory amendment. Many are desirous that Sec. 7 of Art. 6, concerning the State Univer- sity, be amended so as to provide for a fixed and definite support for that insti- tution; but it may safely be said that the time is near at hand if it has not already arrived, when the people of Kansas will so appreciate the excellent work of the Uni- versity, and its great advantages to the State, as to be ready to adopt such an amendment without the intervention of a general convention. From this it appears that no such gen- eral revision of our constitution is demand- ed at this time, as will warrant either the expense, or the danger, of holding a con- vention into whose hands that compact shall be committed for unlimited change. Let the constitution of our State be inter- preted as we interpret the constitution of our country, not by the letter which killeth, but in the spirit which giveth life; and new harmonies will be discovered therein, and like the constitution of our country, it will become an object of adora- tion and pride rather than one for criti- cism and contempt. ^h.%, Mt^- The Romantic Literature of the Social Question. IFE is a comedy to those who think; a tragedy to those who feel." This striking epigram of Horace Walpole has more of pithy sententiousness than of in- trinsic truth. Life is a comedy only to those who think superficially; a tragedy to those who failing in the sturdy strength of true manliness or womanliness, are over- whelmed by its trials. The judgment and the example of the wisest philosophers and truest men proclaim that, while we may laugh at the follies and bewail the sorrows of mankind, we should neither rise to frivolity nor sink to despair but eagerly study out and profer such earnest counsel and help as we may be able to find in order to make the life in the midst of which we live, nobler and happier. It was this motive which prompted all social reformers. For this, men have indulged fond dreams of a social elysium in which all human relations should be so equitably and beautifully adjusted that folly would fade and sorrow die away. Thus originat- ed the Romantic Literature of the Social Question. Plato in his "Critics" recalled the fabled era of the early Athenian Common- wealth in its contest with the people of the isle Atlantis. Plutarch told of the Spartan Commonwealth which Lycurgus was supposed to have founded. Cicero in his "De Republica" pictured the Roman Empire, not as it was but as it should have been. St. Augustine turning from the sad contemplation of the "City of the World" depicted "The City of God" as it should arise on the crumbling ruins of the Roman Empire. Dante rising out of the Middle Ages to the rare stature of genius, painted in glowing colors on the skies of fancy his perfect government in the "De Monarchia " After the art of printing was discovered and learning began to spread, when to the startling advance in knowledge was added the strong stimulus to the imagination of men which came when the modest Genoese unveiled the new continent, then Sir Thomas More wrote the most famous romance of the social question, "Utopia." Francis Bacon in the "New Atlantis" presented society under the regime of science and the new inductive philosophy, as did Thomas Campanella in "The City of the Sun." After the world emerged from the deluge of blood we call the French Revolution Etienne Cabet set forth many of the dreams and enthusiasms of the men of the time in his romance, "The voyage to Icaria." The ideas of the French social reformers Babouf, St. Simon, Louis Blanc and others passing over into Germany re- sulted in the State Socialism of Marx and Lasalle, which has found a chronicler of the romantic school in Edward Bellamy. 10 SEMINAR Y NO TES. A host of other writers have since "Look- ing Backward" appeared essayed the same theme and the bibliography of these romances is growing daily. Read aright each one of these fictions is a satire and a lament on the social status of the age in which it was created. ' Tears of sincere sorrow have traced the lines of sombre truth in their pages and the laughter of ridicule lurks behind every period. But they stop not with laughter nor with tears; each profers some genuine help towards improvement and betterment. What if their schemes be impracticable or foolish, they serve a great purpose in driving out that fatalism which says the world is not to be improved, and all men are depraved — for they point ever to the perfectibility of the human race, demon- strating that the dream of one age is the reality of the next, the paradox of to-day becomes the common place of to-morrow, and the millennium of the true prophets, as human ideals widen, lies ever beyond and nearer the divine. KoM^ ^ -fct^XM, 'B ji^k. d wt-l^ ' The Afro- American's Outlook. ■grnHE future of the negro in America is conditioned on the negro himself and the American people. The sentiment of this nation might be highly favorable to the negro, indifferently tolerant, or inten- sely hostile. The negro might fail to comprehend or meet the demands of civili- zation, his development might be homo- geneous, and it might be out of harmony with the national ideals. Two nations can not dwell on the same soil. Should the negro display disloyalty to democratic institutions or strong leanings towards orientalism in morals, he would transform the most friendly feeling into hostility and invite banishment or destruction. The same result would follow should he prove incompetent to act his part as a member of civilized society. No one understands this better than does he. Therefore he seeks, not from fear but from taste and and natural aspiration, to be in all senses a man. In spite of criticism and ridicule and thousand-fold wrong unrighted, he believes thoroughly in himself, in his future, and in the ultimate out-workings of right and justice. He has made some progress in wealth, in intelligence and in comprehend- ing the responsibilities of freedom. He is anxious that this progress be taken as a guarantee not only of his willingness to advance but also of his ability to advance. He wants no laws passed to entitle him to cross any man's threshold unbidden, nor has he any thirst for empire to be satis- fied by conquest, grant or domination. He simply asks for patient judgment and begs the American nation for a fair chance to develope his powers and to display his capacity. He wants legislation that will not discriminate against him, courts that will grant him justice, and a public senti- ment that will sustain a manly assertion of his rights. . If the negro must face a hostile opinion based upon either an unconquerable antipathy or antagonism qf policy, it will matter little whether he demonstrate ca- pacity or prove the lack of it. However, the prejudice that restricts the negro in the industries, nullifies his ballot, denies legal redress for every form of injury and gives legal sanction to various forms of humiliat- ing discriminations, is based on no endur- ing principle and will die out with the spread of intelligence in the South and the rapid progress of the negro. The political difficulty will be greatly reduced by the imperative demands of business interests. When the negro achieves industrial inde- pendence, becomes to a significant extent a capitalist, a master in industry, neither white nor black will longer overlook the fact that their interests are identical. For a quarter of a century the southern negro's vote will be more aggravating than valua-. ble. It will take that time to clarify the vision of both races and force them to see the necessity of uniting their best heads irrespective of color, in maintaining social order and developing the resources of their fertile section. The negro will make his next alliances with his neighbors and seek community of protection through clearly proved community of interests. There are bitter experiences awaiting him, but "the old prejudices will gradually fade away, and at no distant day he will figure not only in politics knd literature, but in the fine arts and in everything that unites to harmonize and elevate mankind, just as the men of other races." SEMINARY NOTES. - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. James H. Canfield, | _ _ . Editors. Frank W. Blackmar. \ Terms, Tec Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year ^^-r'HE purpose of this publicatiou is to secure due ((3) recognition for the work of the Seminaa'y and of ^^ the Departments represented therein, to afford means of reg'ular communication with corresponding- members and with the general public— especially with the Alumni of the LTniversity, and to preserve at least the outlines ot carefully prepared papers and address- es. The number of pages in each issue will be in- creased as rapidly as the subscription list will war- rant. The entire revenue of the publication will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and commu.nications to JAMBS H. CANFIELD, Lawrence, Kansas. The announcement of the Seminary of Historical and Political Science, to be found on the first page of this issue, tells its own story and needs brief comment here. The Seminary is a natural result of the growth of the '-Law- rence High School," (as the institution was formerly called by its detractors) into a University; with all the larger methods and broader outlook which characterize such advanced education. Springing directly out of the old Political Science Club, or- ganized several years ago for freer con- ference than was possible in the lecture room, the Seminary has become the clear- ing house for the best work of the departments joined in this organization; and a point of contact with the outer world through the valuable services of its Corres- ponding Members. Its work has both culture-value and practical value. Its projectors believe that it can be made a potent factor in University life and in that "post-graduate course" which must be carried by every intelligent and loyal citizen. They hope that its members will learn how to get life while getting a living. The gentlemen who thus far have shown their interest in the University and in the special work undertaken by the Seminary, by becoming Corresponding Members, are Hon. Geo. R. Peck, General Solicitor for the Santa Fe system; Hon. James Humphrey, ex-Railway Commissioner; Hon. Frank Betton, State Labor Commiss- ioner; Hon. CharlesRobinson, Hon. James S. Emery, Hon. T. Dwight Thacher and Mr. Noble Prentis — four names that are household words in Kansas; Major J. K. Hudson, who is the Topeka Daily Capital; Col. O. E. Learnard, of the Lawrence/'.:;'//;"- nal\ Col. H. M. Greene, of the Lawrence ififi:- ord; Hon. William A. Phillips, of Salina — a prominent figure in Kansas History; Hon. B. W. Woodward and Col. H. L. Moore, of Lawrence; Hon. C. S. Gleed and Hon. Charles F. Scott, Regents of the LTniver- sity; Mr. Scott Hopkins and Mr. D. S. Alford, well known at the Kansas Bar; Hon. Fred A. Stocks, of Blue Rapids; Rev. W. W. Ayres and Rev. C. G. Howland, of Lawrence; Rabbi Henry Berkowitz,' D. D. , of Kansas City, Missouri; and Principal W. E. Higgins, of Topeka. The list is steadily increasing, and the interest and participation of these gentlemen have been appreciated and enjoyed by all connected with this work. The officers of the Seminary greatly regret that they have not the necessary funds for the publication of the addresses and papers presented by Corresponding Mem- bers and by the stronger student-members- The mere outlines which appear in this issue are helpful but very imperfect. Some of the papers are not thus noticed, simply because it was impossible to reduce them without destroying their entire force. This is especially true of the two unusually strong and thoughtful papers on the Intcr-Statc Coiniiicrce Commission, presented by Judge Humphrey; and of the keen and bright 12 SEMINAR V NO TES. Siddr&S'S, on Fur itanis?n in Old England and in New England, delivered by Mr. Peck. It seemed quite impossible to reduce them to the required limit. All suffered by such attempted condensation; and the thanks of the editors are due those who were willing to make the sacrifice. This leads naturally to the thought that there could hardly be found a more worthy object of large-hearted and open-handed generosity than provision for placing in permanent and available form the best results of the work in the various depart- ments of the University. Such provision has already been made for the Department of Natural History, by the large. bequest of Mr. Springer, of Boston — amounting, it is now estimated, to more than the entire productive University endowment. Here was a man, quickened by his confidence in Professor Snow and in his valuable work, and feeling that such a bequest would be more safely guarded by a State than by any private corporation, who provided liberally for the growth and usefulness of this de- partment. Other departments ought to meet with similar appreciation. Even a hundred dollars a year would be helpful and encouraging, and could be used efficiently. It has always seemed strange that men who have resources which they desire to use in the way of advancing educational work cannot see that the safest investment . is with the State and in a State institution. Hundreds of thousands of dollars have been given to upstart "Colleges" and ephemeral "Universities," only to be worse than wasted and eventually lost. But back ♦ of every endowment or gift to a State insti- tution stands the" entire Commonwealth, pledged to make the gift secure and the revenue perpetual. The repudiation by Mississippi of the State bonds in, which the royal gift of Ceo. Peabody was invested, is believed to be the only case on record where a State has mismanaged or lost such trust funds. P^very man in Kansas interest- ed in broad and sound education ought to turn to the University every year, and ask the proper authorities in what way this or that amount — be it ten dollars or ten thousand — can be made useful. Some one ought boldly to set a contageous example! The experiment of a Seminary Lecture Course, maintained almost wholly by student-members, has proved a great suc- cess. The young men were greatly profited by their preparation for this work, and enjoyed their contact with the outer world. The themes were grave, and were treated thoughtfully — but the audiences were large and attentive. From both Vinland and Edwardsville have come words of praise, and not a single adverse criticism has been heard. At A'^inland, each lecture was followed by a discussion in which the audience participated with the greatest freedom and zest. The readiness of the students in debate, and their large fund of information, was a source of surprise to a few people who still fancy that boys and girls are sent to the University, rather than that young men and young women come. Abridgments of these lectures are given in this issue. These lectured form the beginning of what may prove a strong University Exten- sion movement — an endeavor to carry the best results of all University work out to the world at large. That the world is waiting anxiously for this goes without saying. When men and women come four and five miles, over muddy country roads and on stormy nights, in order to hear and talk about such social and civil probleiiis as are before the American people to-day — there is manifested an earnestness and a determination that if rightly met and organized and guided, if wisely ministered to, will be a power for good. Never before have our people been as intellectually active in all civil matters as to-day; and and now is the time for the University to give a most satisfactory reason for its being, in larsfe and generous service. SEMINAR V NO TES. 13 In the April number of that excellent publication, the Illinois Public School Journal, the editor writes so clearly about the mutual relations of education and political activity, that we gladly give him space in this issue. He says: "A democratic form of government must ever be a government administered, for the most part, by the average man. It cannot, in the nature of things, be a govern- ment by the best men. There is a mean streak in our common human nature, which cannot brook superiority except as a cats- paw for our own chestnuts. There can be found illustrations of the prevalence of this spirit in every class of people. One might think the day laborer would be more free from it than the ambitious politician, but the experience of every man who has risen from the condition and environment of the wage-worker in unskilled labor has shown that the greatest foes to his advanc- ment to knowledge, temperance, and a commanding station, have been those of his own household. Such a man is a standing rebuke to those who are left be- hind. He destroys their peace of mind." will play a conspicuous part. If it does , not do this it is false to its trust and to its opportunities, and deserves to fail. But it will not fail. ' ' Education, in so far as it depends upon politics and legislation, cannot advance more rapidly than the average man ad- vances. The only hope of its advance- ment, therefore, is a constantly advancing public opinion. In politics, public opin- ion is not the opinion of the best men; it is the opinion of the majority. One man may determine the voice of the people. The m.ost ignorant clown in the land may declare what is vox Dei. Politicians are ever appealing to the people; — the major- ity. The "saving remnant" is not con- sidered. The vacillating few determine who shall determine the educational affairs of every community or institution. The average man must be educated therefore, if public opinion is to be edu- cated so that politics may be relied upon to advance education. How to educate public opinion is the important question. More people ought to be trying to answer it. " More people are trying to answer it, every day, and with constantly increasing success. The ''saving remnant" is con- stantly advancing to the position of a majority. There is more hard thinking and independent thinking and successful thinking among the people to-day than ever before in our history — and in this better and more thoughtful life lies our salvation. In securing this the University The recent action of the Faculty and Regents in enlarging the list of optional studies and in granting greater freedom of choice; and the very gratifying recognition by the Regents of the growth of the De- partments represented by the Notes, in providing a full assistant for History and Sociology, and some assistance in American History and Civics; make it possible, at last, for students to do some work in these Departments which can properly be called ''special." A student may carry two- thirds of the work of the last two University years in these Departments or either of them. Special courses will be suggested on request. It may not be generally known, and if known, certainly seems not generally ap- preciated, that the University Library is open, as a reference library, to all citizens of Kansas; and that the Faculty offers its assistance, within reasonable time-limits, in connection with any investigation or special study sought to be carried by any Kansan. The University should be the Mecca of all thoughtful men and women in this state. Many are already availing themselves of the opportunities presented here; and the number of those who "runup" to Lawrence for a day or more, while preparing a paper or undertaking some special research, is constantly increasing. But the presence of these earnest and mature students ought to be far more common than now. That they will receive a hearty welcome and will have every possible facility afforded them in their special work, goes without saying. One of the best Seminary meetings of this year, of which lack of space forbids extended mention, was that of April 3d. Vice-Director Blackmar presided. H. C. Fellow read a paper on "The Alaskans," exhibiting several specimens of their handi- work. W. S. Flayden spoke on "Recent Phases of Labor in America," exciting sharp discussion. The Vice- Director then gave a short sketch of the history of Silver Circulation in America — a subject carried further by a paper by O. H. Holmes on "Bimetalism in Europe." L. K. Fesler spoke on "The Free Coinage of Silver," and was answered by Mr. Hallo well — after whic'.i ca Hi geajr d a.i 1 ,-e.-y .1 v. wv.i I discussion by the Seininarv. u SEMINAR Y NO TES. THE SEMINARY LECTURE COURSE. Following are brief abstracts of the lectures delivered in the Seminary Lectiire CoTirse, during the past win- ter at Vinland and Edwardsville. Great credit is due the young men who gave so much time to this work in addition to all other University demands. The Seminary offers a similar course, during the coming winter ; for which arrangements should be made prior to October. ' TAXATION. ■ppHE prime object of government is to ^secure to all who labor the fruits of their labor. To accomplish this, it may take such part of the fruits of labor as may be necessary for its own support. This is taxation. While there is no exact science of tax- ation, there are certain fundamental prin- ciples which are generally recognized as controlling all wise and equitable taxa- tion. Some of these are: The purpose of taxation is to create a product of greater value than the amount collected. The fund from which taxes are drawn is the combined earnings of all citizens. Citizens should contribute to the sup- port of the government in proportion to their respective abilities. The tax should be fixed and not arbi- trary, and every feature of the system clear and plain to the contributor. The time and place for the payment of taxes should be as convenient as possible for the great mass of the contributors. There should be the greatest possible economy in collection, and the least possi- ble surplus in the treasury. For all general purposes taxation may be, and therefore ought to be, such as to demand no special sacrifice. The taxing power can be lawfully used for public purposes only. Public enterprises are to be undertaken only when the service can be more advan- tageously rendered than by private hands. The taxing power should never be used for the purpose of diverting either capital or labor from the modes of employment to which they would resort if left to them- selves. There are two general methods of taxa- tion, the direct and the indirect. The first is the local, the second the national method. The reasons for the choice of the national method were, and are, pre- cedent, and a want of confidence in the people. Direct taxation is in accord with each of the principles laid down, while indirect taxation contravenes nearly all of them. Our effort in local affairs is to tax the entire resources of each citizen, in which we have notoriously failed. Taxes on production are, theoretically, the most equitable; but thus far, practi- cally, the most unfair and demoralizing. A tax on accumulation is a tax on savings — on frugality, and is a recurring tax — a tax repeated on the same property. The objections to a tax on personal property are: It is a very expensive system; it in- volves a catechetical and inquisitorial pro- cess; it duplicates taxes; it encourages perjury and fraud; it is full of inequalities, throwing the burden on those least able to bear it or to defend themselves; it adds greatly to the cost of nearly all commodi- ties and services; it repels from some communities very desirable forces of pro- duction; and it seems impossible to make such a system a success. In considering a land-tax, Ave should go upon the basis of unimproved land, be- cause nearly all the objections last men- tioned can be urged against any attempt to assess improvements on land. A tax on the basis of unimproved land discourages land speculation, and encour- ages land improvements. Some of the favorable characteristics of land in this connection are: It carinot be hidden; it is easily and ac- curately assessed; its assessment and the collection of the tax are the most econo- mical known; such a tax quickens rather than hampers production; a land-tax can- not affect the amount of land, its capa- bilities, or its usefulness; it tends to dis- tribute itself, that is, more than any other tax is it }iot borne by the men upon whose land it is levied but by those purchasing the products of land; and it is not unduly augmented in the hands of the middle- men. We can easily experiment with such a land tax in any township or county. J. H. Canfield. SEMINAF Y NO TES. 15 COMMERCIALISM IN AMERICA. ^N his History of Civilization, Guizot ^ says: "The complete sway of a single dominant element in a nation's civilization, may give an extraordinary impulse to, and produce a rapid and brilliant development of civilization, but it will also bring on afterward a rapid decline and final sterility." He then shows, by way of illustration, that in the ancient civilization of Tyre and Sidon, the commercial element dominated over all; and although Phoeni- cian civilization was developed with astonishing rapidity and bri-lliancy, it also declined and decayed just as rapidly. Now the question arises, how stands our own republic with reference to this truth? As to the fact of our rapid and brilliant development, Ave need no evidence. But what has made this rapid and brilliant development? Is it the working together of various elements and opinions, each strong and each warring against the other, curbing and modifying one another, no one element commanding the whole? Or is our national greatness produced in obedience to some one dominant element, which is gradually obtaining complete control? If so, what then is this force? Unquestionably it is this spirit- of mone}' getting — it is "mercantilism." It is this feverish desire for wealth. This is the all absorbing passion of the American people to-day. As Matthew Arnold said of Chi- cago, we are "too beastly prosperous." This spirit permeates all classes of society. As a nation, we are permitting this spirit of money-getting or "mercantilism" to have dominion over us. There is danger that this idea will become the single con- trolling element which moves the great masses of our people. And this rush and crush for money seems to be eating out, not only the disposition, but the power for great thinking and great and right action. This is true in politics. There are scores of statesmen, in all parties, whom men would not dare approach with a bribe; but what would people have said, in the days of Webster, Clay and Calhoun, if they and been told that in great commonwealths like California and Ohio, United States Senatorships would virtually be put up to the highest bidder. Yet in many states, term after term, this happens until such a mode of securing the position is looked upon as natural and right. Already twen- ty United States senators represent more than 1 1, 000, 000 per head. Men occupy that position who would never have been thought of as senators, had it not been for their money. In the church we think we have a counter-element which modifies this mer- cantile spirit and holds it in check. But, is the church keeping pace with this onward advance? Is it drawing its share of our strongest young men into its pulpit and theological seminaries? Granted that there is more talent and more learning and more religion in this country at present, than ever before; it goes almost Avithout contradiction that mercantilism, this money-getting fever, has to a great extent driven it out of our churches. This mercantile spirit is sweep- ing our ablest young men into the whirlpool of business life, simply for the money there is in it. This greed for gold is rapidly becoming the single dominant element and, indeed, the God of the American people; and our young men fall at its feet and worship with a pagan's devotion. To prevent this, we must build up an aristocracy of thought, which shall be able to hold its own against the aristocracy of ■ mercantilism. To make our civilization enduring, we must place such incentives before j'oung men, as will draw them into the fields of philosophic thought, of literary thought, and of political thought. We must press this idea: that every young man who feels within himself the power to write, the power to paint, or the power to proclaim great truth, is false to himself, false to his country, and false to his God, if he leaves behind him nothing better than an accumulation of dollars and cents. O. H. HOLMKS. j6 SEMINAR Y NO TES. THE MACHINE •^^HROUGHOUT .nature we see the ^^natural and inevitable existence of leadership. In politics this leadership is present and clearly defined. When an organization for carrying out the plans of the leader is added, then we have a machine. Hence the organization, or the machine, as well as the leader, is a natural institution. In this machine, as in mechanical contrivances, we find effi- ciency increased by discarding all super- fluous elements. All political bodies such as Congress, etc., have only enough mem- bers to accomplish their work with fair- ness to all sections and interests alike. This machine originated with our gov- ernment, and has developed with it. Each step in its growth as a factor in party management has led up to the national convention of to-day. The existence of political parties of some sort is admitted to be a necessity in a government such as that of the United States. As the convention or some equivalent is a necessary part of the party, and the party of the government, then the convention, our machine, is a necessity in this government. The theory of our government assumes that all citizens have the will and the ability to select the wisest and best men for the administration of the affairs of their government; but in a large percent- age of the voting population these two necessary elements are not present. With these absent, yet these people with a ruling voice in the affairs of the government, great evil must result. Abuses of our political freedom exist to such an extent that the whole theory of representative government is constantly violated and often practically destroyed. These evils are due rather to ■ the lack of the machine than to its exist- ence: for the machine will control and guide this unstable element. The phase of the machine coming most closely under general observation is the one whose power is felt in those matters touching the every-day life of the citizen. IN POLITICS. In local affairs then we may look for a proof of the good accomplished by the machine. In almost every township there is a small body of men who, through a natural taste for politics or skill in not- ing and controlling the current of popular feeling, have become essential to party success. It is claimed that these men will not do this work without reward. It is true that the reward for political service is sometimes money or money's worth, particularly in large cities; but more often it is purely honor- ary, consisting in the natural satisfac- tion of leadership among one's fellows. Each locality usually knows this to be true of its own leaders, but accuses all others of bribery, etc. But the desire of the machine is to control appointments not to obtain them. In large cities, we find evil types of the machine, but the field in which such types may be found covers but 25 per cent of the country and in the remaining 75 per cent, of agricul- tural territory they are not found at all. The condition of affairs, then, is. just this: There is a great deal of corruption in our political system; this corruption, to some extent, exercises its influence through the machine; the machine is en- abled, and to a certain extent always will be enabled, to wield great power because of that proportion of our voting classes which can be manipulated according to the desires of any one willing to under- take the task; this class is sufficiently large to furnish the desired power. Every one desires that the corruption be re- moved as completely as possible. There- fore this question immediately occurs to our minds: By what means may this be accomplished? By the formation of machines such as will only work for the good purposes desired, and in this way furnish the means to over- whelm the boodler's machine and guide all governmental conduct along the line of a true representative government. F. H. Kellogg. SEMINARY NOTES. 17 FARM MORTGAGES. W N theory a mortgage is given on the con- The history of American farming for the <;^dition that if paid on or before a certain last twenty years is, in brief, that as the date it shall be cancelled; but if otherwise, the land shall be sold to pay the mortgage with costs. In practice a mortgage is al- lowed to run as long as the interest is paid and other circumstances are favorable to its continuance. With the settlement of America the history of the mortgage in this country begins. The development of a new country requires money. The pioneer, who is generally poor, borrows money on his land in the hope that future cultivation will enable him to pay. Fifty years ago the West was unknown and developed; to-day it rivals the East. This wonderful transformation has required money. Western push and energy united with eastern capital have developed the West. But with this wonderful transformation have come the evils which sudden growth necessitates. This aid of money in the development of the West is one of the causes that have produced the excessive morfgaging of the west- ern country. Another cause is specu- lation. "Buying by mortgage," is com- mon during "booms" and results in property becoming encumbered. Another cause that produces mortgages is "hard times. " These three causes have produced an immense amount of mortgage indebted- ness. As far as can be gathered from infor- mation at hand, in the following states it is as follows: Ohio, $330,999,000; Indiana, 126,000,- 000; Illinois, $147,000,000; Michigan, ^37,456,000; Kansas, $146,563,000. The sum of $683,418,000 is the amount of money on which the West pays interest to the East. On account of the present depression in agriculture, the people have begun to investigate their condition. The mortgage has been assigned as the cause, but it is the effect of the causes named above. area in cultivation has increased, so has the product per capita, to be followed by ever declining prices and diminished re- turns per acre. The area of staple crops under cultivation has increased from 90,- 000,000 to 215,000,000 acres. Nearly one-half of this increase has been in the northern trans- Mississippi region, and has been entirely in excess of the increase in population. The increase in farm produce has kept pace with the increase in the cultivated area. During the last forty years, population, farms, and farm pro- duce have increased in the following ratio: Population, 175 per cent.; number of Farms, 260 per cent. ; Cattle, 183 per cent.; Hogs, 6-7, per cent.; Cotton, 201 per cent.; Bus. of Corn, 257 per cent.; Bus. of wheat, 389 per cent. ; Bus. of Oats, 41 1 per. cent. These figures are significent. As a result of this increase in farms and farm produce, out of proportion to the increase in population, the remuneration received by the farmer for his labor has been correspondingly decreased. There are too many farms, and there is too much farm produce for the population. When, during hard times, we consider that the mortgage indebtedness of five states is nearly $900,000,000 it is not surprising that the natural inclination is to urge special legislation against capital. But the idea that capital is the enemy of the farmer is a mistaken one. Usury laws hurt the borrower more than the lender.. Capital is subject to "the law of supply and demand. " A mortgage is but so much capital invested. The present depression is due to natural causes and natural causes will remove it. Several legislative measurers might give temporary relief, but no permanent ameloration can be effected 'till time restores that equilibrium between population and production. Population will continue to increase. Farming lands can not continue to increase. Hence the farmer will soon enter upon an era, of prosperity the unlimited continuance of which is assured by the exhaustion of tlfe arable area. H. S. Haim^ey. i8 SEMINAR Y NO TES. THE DEEP HARBOR MOVEMENT. cmURING the month of October two ^^conventions were held in tlie United States; one known as the Deep Harbor Convention, meeting at Topeka, Kansas; the other, the Pan-American Congress, assembling at Washington. These con- ventions may be said to be compliments of each other, since the former discussed the best methods of shipping the surplus products to the sea coast, while the latter by means of establishing closer commer- cial relations, opened a way for a larger foreign market. Both considered a Deep Harbor on the Texas coast necessary to accomplish this end. The Deep Harbor question may be summarized in three propositions. First, the country west of the Mississippi river produces more in the line of agricultural and live stock than can be consumed here. It is evident that this surplus must be sent out of this country to a foreign market. Second, the cost of transportation is six times cheaper on the ocean than on the land. It follows, therefore, that the shortest route totheseais the cheapest one, all other things being equal. Third, the country west of the Mississippi is on an average six hundred and fifty miles nearer to the Texas coast than to the Atlantic. The Texas coast is the nearest sea port for the West, and therefore the natural outlet for the surplus of the West. During the past five years there has been a general depression in business throughout the country. Large estab- lishments have failed and prices have fal- len. No one class of men has suffered; bankers, merchants and farmers all hav- ing reasons to complain of hard times. There is a wide divergency of opinion as to the causes bringing about this con- dition of affairs. Free silver, free trade, and strict legislation against eastern mort- gage companies, combines and monopo- lies, are held by different classes of men to be the remedies for all present financial ills. But if these could be put into suc- cessful operation there would still remain the problem of over-production and a li The sociological problem with me is not simply an interest- ing problem in history, or like the theory of the fourth dimension in space, or like an exceedingly difficult proposition in Euclid. Sociology with me means life, with eternal for its adjective. And to me it seems like a self-evident proposition that the preacher must know the facts if he would do any effective s'ervice in the line of 'a true sociology. Charles Booth, the author of that admirably exhaustive publi- cation, "The Life and Labor of the Peo- ple in London," has called attention to the fact that much of the philanthropic and charitable work of London has been done blindly. The causes which underlie pov- erty and crime and hardship have not been studied. And he endeavors to show that a thorough personal survey of the subject is necessary to any remedy proposed for the existing conditions. I remember when I was a boy in Southern Dakota, before it was a state, there was a regular government survey of the government lands. But it was done so superficially by ignorant men who were in it for the politics and the money, that nearly all of it had to be sur- veyed again, and some of it three times before it was at all correct. The preacher is to-day suffering from this kind of sur- veying in the field of humanity. He is compelled to do it all over again. He finds that it is not sufficient that another man has been over the ground. He must go over it himself. He may be compelled to accept much of the work of scholarship from other men. He may follow the work already done by specialists in science. But in the field of humanity I believe he must do much at first hand himself. That is his business. Not writing sermons, and delivering addresses, and studying the Bible. That is not the preacher's main business. His business is humanity and a knowledge of it from personal acquaint- ance, so that when he faces men from the pulpit it may be with the courage and sympathy which are the result of having faced them six other days where life is most a reality to the average man. In other words, the preacher must get his sermons more out of men and less out of books. I cannot help believing that the preacher, in his relation to sociology, is beginning to take on an aroused and growing feeling of power and responsibility. It is dawn- ing upon me like the stealing of the light out of the sea to the passenger in mid- ocean who has been watching the horizon for a clear day, that Jesus Christ, the greatest sociologist of the world, meant to teach the blessedness of the human exis- tence in this world. It is not true, that taunt of the masses that Christianity preaches a heaven, but offers no hope for this world. Christianity preaches a heaven in earth. It is "thy kingdom come, thy will be done in earf/i as it is in heaven." And the preacher is just beginning to feel the force of that teaching which said, "Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and all these things," (the food, clothing, de- velopment,) "shall be added unto you." We are not afraid to preach to a man that if he will seek God he will be blessed in this world, because that is the plain teach- ing of the great Master. And it is a very hopeful sign to me that the church and ministry of the present age is making a study of how men have to live in this world, and how much wages they get, and how many hours they put in, and what time they have for religious and intellectual life. We are learning that it is very hard work to convert a man who is hungry; but still the need of more personal work and study is very great. A. S. Barnctt, the rector of St. Jude's in Whitechapel district, one of the leaders in the Toynbee Hall and University Extension movement, recently claimed {^Christian Union Octo- ber TO, 189 1,) that the success of the worlc 82 SEMINAR Y NO TES. in the East End was due to public legisla- tion and private philanthropy going hand in hand. There never will come a time in the history of this world when machinery can take the place of bowels. Laws and enactments cannot do all the work; in- deed, good laws are necessarily the result of the action of good men. As long as a heart beats on the globe, so long the need of sympathy will exist, and the preacher to-day stands at the very front of all true sociological advance. He can do splendid service for the teacher and the statesman. He must do it if he would see the church what it ought to be — a grand extension movement of God's kingdom among men. I shall be satisfied with this brief presen- tation of my own thought, if the result shall be to center thought upon the real need of personal touch with the problem, and the everlasting factor of love which truly underlies all true effort for the uplift and outgrowth of society. There are only two supreme commands over a man in this world. The first is, that he love God with all his being. The second is, that he love his neighbor as himself. All valuable and necessary work and study in this world hang on the fulfilling of those two eternal, sublime principles. All the study we can make of the social organism; all the ink and paper we wearily or egotisti- cally put together on the subject, may not affect the real problem any more than blowing pretty soap bubbles in the face of a cyclone will stop it, unless love to God and men control the private act and the public service. I have yet to find any thing in the social systems of mankind which can take the place of love. There is nothing. And I, for one, as I view this great study of sociology, which is only another name for the fatherhood of God applied to the brotherhood of man, cannot suppress a prayer of intensity that the ministry of this generation may rise to its opportunity, and ignoring sectarianism and forsaking foolish discussions of doctrines, unite in one great crusade for the deliver- ance of the holy sepulchre of humanity from the pagan defilement of the world and the flesh and the devil. And do it by meeting the enemy in hand to hand com- bat in actual battle, where no quarter is asked or given, and where to perish will be to win eternal fame as a true defender of the faith of mankind. In an age so heroic as this it would be a pity if heroes were wanting. We shall see a perfect social system in the world, when love is supreme, and not before, for God himself is love. All this from the preacher's standpoint. Chas. M. Sheldon. SEMINARY REPORTS. Irrigation. ^HE Seminary met in regular session ^^ on October 30, Prof. Blackmar pre- siding. Irrigation in Egypt was the first paper on the progam, and was read by Miss Humphrey. The paper was a digest of the government report of that title, issued in 1889 by the United States. Miss Humphrey said that we may safely infer that the processes of irrigation actually in use have been in a great measure be- queathed to us by the most remote ages. Until the present century, overflow basins were used both in Upper Egypt and the Delta. This process was uncertain and dangerous. Mehemet Ali abolished basins in Lower Egypt and dug canals, thus in- troducing the inundation process of irri- gation, which is now in use in one-third of Egypt. With the aid of a diagram Miss Humphrey then explained the construction of dykes built for this purpose. The paper closed with a description of the control and management of irrigation by the gov- ernment. Mr. Hallowell read a paper on "Irriga- tion in Italy and Spain," based on -a SEMINAR Y NO TES. 83 report on Irrigation in France, Italy, and Spain, by State Engineer Hall, of Cali- fornia, and giving the history of irrigation in those countries. He said that in the time of Rome's greatness the streams were the common property of the people. The ownership then changed to the feudal lords of the middle ages, next to the kings, and finally to the state; but during these times the royal governments and the muni- cipalities were constantly struggling for the right of control. Since the settlement of these disputes, by placing the control of water rights in the hands of the govern- ment, commendable laws have been passed and the development of irrigation pro- moted. The paper gave a close descrip- tion and explanation of these laws, and mentioned the advantages of irrigation to the countries considered. Mr. Ross read a paper on "Irrigation in California." This paper was also upon the authority of Engineer Hall, of Cali- fornia. It gave a history of the subject in the western states of the Union, outlined the plans in use in California, and treated of the problems presented in bringing irri- gation into more general use. The prin- cipal difficulty is the limited water supply. It is proposed to remedy this by the use of storage water reservoirs, and the paper gave a description of the largest of these and closed with a prophecy of what irriga- tion may do, in the future, for the West. The last paper of the session, "Irriga- tion in Kansas and Colorado," was read by Mr. Noble. He said that he had given such information on the subject as he could obtain from the newspaper bureau. The paper presented the past and present of irrigation in these states, stating that Colorado is much in advance of Kansas, owing to the favorable natural features found in that state and showing that the natural features of Kansas are in general so unfavorable to irrigation that many im- provements in present pr(^cesses will be necessary before it can become a great factor in reclairning to cultivation the arid land of the state. Reading references on the subject of Ir- rigation are: "Theory of Irrigation," Eel. Engtn, 12, 435; "Irrigable Lands of Arid Regions," Century, 39, 766 (Powell); "Irrigation of Arid Lands," Popular Science Monthly, 36, 364; "Irrigation of Western Lands, " A^ijtM American Eeview, i5°> 37°^ "Irrigation in the United States," Natiofi, 47, 390; " Irrigation in the Southwest," iV1 - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Frank W. Blackmar. \ Fratik If. Hodder, \ ' ' ' Editors. ' Ephraim D. Adams, j Terms, Ten Cents a Number, - fifty Cents a Year ^?t'HE purpbse of this publication Is to increase the U3) interest in the study of historical science in the ^^ University and throughout the State, to afford means of regular communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general pub- lic—especially with the Alumni of the University, and to preserve at least the outlines of carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each Issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BLACKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. The paper in the present number on Sociology from a Preacher's Standpoint, was read before the Seminary on Friday, November 6. It touched a phase of soci- ology too much neglected. It was greatly enjoyed by those who listened to it. We hope to hear from Mr. Sheldon again. Professor Hodder is preparing a his- tory of Municipal Government of Chicago, to be published in the Johns Hopkins Studies. This is an interesting field and such a history will be highly instructive. The study of municipal government is one of the most useful found in modern his- torical courses. The study is calling the attention of the best men of the country. There is great need of municipal reform throughout the United States. System, by Anson D. Morse; Recent Tendencies in the Reform of Land Tenure, by P. Cheney; Lawmaking by Popular Veto, by Ellis P. Oberholtzer; Some Ne- glected Points in the Theory of Socialism,, by T. B. Veblen, and a full list of personal notes and book reviews. The Annals is maintaining its position as a publication of extraordinary merit. The November number of the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, contains papers on Con- gress and the Cabinet, by Gamaliel Brad- ford; the Place of Party in the Political University Extension seems to be progressing. Professor Bailey is giving a course of lectures at Olathe on the " Chem- istry of Every-day Life." Prof. Carruth will soon begin a course in Kansas City on German History and German Litera- ture. The two courses already begun, now in progress at Kansas City, and under Professors Dunlap and Blackmar, are do- ing finely. Prof. Blake's course in Topeka, on Electricity, is a success. Prof. Penny expects to give a course in Topeka on Music. The Normal School of Warrens- burg,' Mo., hopes to induce Prof. Hodder to give a course on American History. A writer in the November number of The Inlander, the new literary monthly published by the students of Michigan University, reopens the vexed question of the authorship of, the Ordinance of 1787. Webster,^ in his celebrated "reply to Hayne," expressed the opinion, common up to that time, that the chief credit be- longed to Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts. In order to score a point for the South, Benton claimed the honor for Jefferson, on the ground that he had inserted an anti-slavery clause in the first draft of the earlier ordinances passed for the govern- ment of the territory. Here the discussion rested until the appearance in the North American Review, for April, 1876, of an elaborate article by Mr. W. F. Poole, of index fame, who claimed that the main provisions of the Ordinance originated with Dr. Menassah Cutter, the agent sent by the Ohio company to negotiate the purchase of some five million acres of public land, which purchase was the im- 88 SEMINARY NOTES. mediate occasion of the provision made by congress for the government of the territory. Mr. Poole argued that the Or- dinance was probably framed to meet the wishes of so large a purchaser, and his con- clusions have been very generally accepted. The writer in The Inlander reopens the case for Dane. He bases his argument partly upon a letter Dane wrote Rufus King, reporting the adoption of the Ordi- nance in his committee, and partly upon the fact that Cutter's journals do not show that he took any very active part in fram- ing the plan of government, but on the contrary, that he had so little interest in it that he packed his grip, before the work was half done, and went for a visit to Phil- adelphia. Whoever framed the instrument no one at the time seems to have had any idea of the importance that would after- wards be attached to it. An article on ''Law-making by Popular Vote," in the November number of the Annals of the American Academy of Polit- ical and Social Science, calls attention to certain recent provisions concerning muni- cipal government in the constitutions of two western states which seem altogether unique. An amendment, adopted in 1887, to the constitution of California, provided that cities, in that state, of over 10,000 inhabitants, may elect a board of fifteen freeholders to draft a charter. This charter is then submitted to the voters of the city, and if approved is referred to the state legislature, which must either reject or approve in toto. Proposals for amend- ing the charter may be made by the city councils, at intervals of not less than two years, and if approved by a two-thirds vote of the people are submitted to the legislature for acceptance or rejection. The power to reject each amendment seems to be the only power which the state legislature has over the municipalities after their charters have once been granted. Since the adoption of this amendment several cities have drafted charters which have been accepted without question by the legislature. The constitution of the new state of. Washington goes a step further. It pro- vides that cities of over 20,000 inhabitants may draft their own charters in the same way that the California cities do, but that they take effect immediately and without any action by the state legislature. The provisions of these two constitutions would seem to entirely change the legal status of municipal corporations in the two states. Charters adopted in accordance with them are not the creations of the state legisla- ture, to be amended or withdrawn at will, but give to the cities an independent posi- tion similar to that of cities abroad. Whether or not such independerice is desir- able, experience will decide. In 1587 Sir Walter Raleigh made his second attempt to found a colony in Amer- ica. The colonists, sent out under the leadership of John White, settled at Roan- oke. Here Virginia Dare, the first Eng- lish child in America, was born to White's daughter. White, himself, was soon called back to England by the threat of Spanish invasion, and did not return to Roanoke until 1590, when no trace of the settlement was to be found. The fate of this colony has always been one of the unsettled prob- lems of early American history. Professor Stephen D. Weeks, of Trinity College, North Carolina, has made a careful study of this question, the results of which are published in the last issue of the Papers of the America?! Historical Association. His conclusion is that the colonists removed to Croatan soon after White's return to England, intermarried with the Indians there, and were the ancestors of the Croa- tan Indians living in North Carolina at the present day. In summing up his arti- cle he says that there are several reports in early records that the colonists of 1587 survived; that the Croatans of to-day claim descent from them; that their habits, disposition and mental characteristics show traces both of savage and civilized ances- try; that their language is the English of 300 years ago, and their names in many cases those borne by the original colonists, SEMINAR Y NO TES. 89 The recent issues of the best magazines contain articles, or notices of articles, on the probability or improbability of war in Europe. Generally the articles are at least entertaining and suggestive, even if the writers find it impossible to make a definite statement in regard to the exact position held by any European nation. To the average American student the situ- ation is somewhat perplexing. The expul- sion of the Jews from Russia, considered from the side of its effect on international relations; the Boulanger episode in France, as an index of the temperament and wishes of the French nation; the somewhat novel and not entirely clear attitude of the young Emperor William; the recent apparent violation of treaty stipulations by the pas- sage through the Dardanelles of Russian war ships, and the still more recent ap- pearance of infiammatory articles in the London papers upon the necessity for the adoption of war measures to check Rus- sian advance in Asia, all need interpreta- by some one possessing an intimate knowl- edge of European politics. * * * Perhaps the most noticable of the arti- cles on the European situation, in the November magazines, was that in the Forum, by Edward Freeman, entitled "Dangers to the Peace of Europe." The article had been extensively advertised before its appearance, and was undoubtedly read by many with the hope of gaining a comprehensive understanding of the exist- ing state of affairs. Mr. Freeman did not, however, attempt to give a classified view of European politics, but confined himself principally to a consideration of the con- dition of Turkish affairs, for it is in Turkey, in his estimation, that the greatest danger to peace in Europe exists. * Mr. Freeman's view of the situation is somewhat as follows: The Turkish Empire in Europe is on the point of dissolution. Every year makes more clear the fact that the "sick man" of Europe is really an invalid of whose recovery there can be no hope, and whose approaching death is likely to be assisted and hastened at any time by those nations who regard them- selves as heirs of the estate. These nations are Greece, Servia, and Bulgaria, and the danger to peace consists in the improbability of there being a har- monious agreement to a division of spoils, for such a disagreement would inevitably draw the greater powers into the struggle, some of them on grounds of self-interest and others as a necessity of self-defense. The improbability of a peaceful agree- ment between the three interested nations is shown by the fact that already the attempt has been made, and has failed, to have the governments of Greece, Servia and Bulgaria reach some understanding on the matter. Greece and Servia are willing to provide for a future division of Turkish territory, but Bulgaria believes that she can do better by refusing to enter such an agreement. * The noticeable thing about Mr. Free- man's article is that he places but little stress on the enmity between France and Germany, or upon the supposed ambition of Russia for Turkish or Asiatic conquest. With regard to the former, he says that although there is no means of judging the actual temper of the people of these two nations, yet the general idea seems to be that the people as such are for peace, at least for the present, and that if this is true neither nation would think of going to war. On the other hand, if the temper of the people has been misjudged, either nation, but more probably France, could be forced into a war distasteful to the gov- ernment, by the mere urgency of popular opinion. With regard to Russia, Mr. Freeman is inclined to minimize the danger of war arising from her ambition, and, in fact to laud her efforts in the direction of better government in the Danubian principalities. In this connection he incidentally takes occasion to eulogize the govenment of Mr. 90 SEMINAR Y NO TES. Gladstone, as compared with that of the Marquis of Salisbury. The fact that Mr. Freeman should be an admirer of Russia's policy toward the provinces to her south, is not much to be wondered at, v^hen we remember the pecu- liar attitude of Russia and of England at the time of the Treaty of Berlin, after the last Russo-Turkish war in 1877. One of the most important questions under con- sideration was the form of government to be established in East Roumelia. Russia, governed by the most absolute of Emper- ors, insisted on the right of the East Rou- melians to form a democratic government, while England, the model government of the people, was equally determined that East Roumelia should be returned to the Porte, and to Turkish absolutism. The result was a compromise, and, of course, the whole question was purely diplomatic in so far as Russia and England were con- cerned, yet the sight was certainly an odd one. * In marked contrast with Edward Free- man's article, is one immediately following it in the Forum, by William R. Thayer, on the "Armed Truce of the Powers." After outlining the existing condition and power of the armies of Europe, and drawing the conclusion that never before has Europe been so subject to the influence of the idea of force, the writer comes to the conclusion that the only European nation which is at all dangerous to the peace of Europe is Russia, and that she is a con- tinual menace because of the fact that her policy is at all times dependent upon the will of one person, and is therefore not to be depended upon. It is the impossibility of knowing what Russia intends to do, that necessitates these immense arma- ments. Mr. Thayer evidently does not consider such a country as Servia or Greece, of any importance in European affairs, except in so far as it may be used as a cat's paw by some one of the great powers, while Mr. Freeman is of the opin- ion that the bickerings of these small countries are the only real source of danger to European peace. Mr. Edward C. Mason, of Harvard University, has recently given us a much needed study of the veto power of the president, which he has published as num- ber two of the Harvard Historical Mono- graphs. His study of the veto has also led him to investigate another subject touch- ing the relation between the executive and legislative departments of our government, and that is the question whether congress has the right to compell the president to give information and transmit papers. There have been six instances in our his- tory of refusal on the part of the president to transmit papers called for, either by the house or senate. The first was Washing- ton's refusal in 1796 to send to the senate the papers relating to Jay's treaty. The second case occurred in 1833, when Jack- son refused to accede to the demand of the senate for a paper he had read in his cabinet on the United States bank. The third and fourth cases occurred in 1842, when President Tyler refused to comply with two demands made by the house, the one for a list of members of congress who had applied for office, and the other for a special report on the Cherokee Indians, made to the secretary of war. The fifth case occurred in 1846 under Polk, who refused to report to the house the expen- ditures of the department of state on account of the secret fund. The sixth and last case was the recent refusal of Presi- dent Cleveland to transmit the papers relating to the removal of a United States attorney, for the district of Alabama, for which the senate made demand in 1885. Although in almost all cases information is given without question, it would seem to be the right of the president to refuse to transmit papers which, in his estimation, it would injure public interests to publish, or which, in his opinion, belong exclusively to his own department. This right results from the fact that the executive is an inde- SEMI N A R V NO TES. 91 pendent and co-ordinate department. Occasional clashing between the several departments of our government is one of the disadvantages of a system which works well as a whole. It is not likely that the introduction of the English system of min- isterial responsibility, which some writers have advocated, would be an improvement. The approaching celebration of the five hundreth anniversary of the discovery of America has led to a fresh study of the discovery itself. The latest fruit of this study is a life of Columbus, by Justin Winsor, a copy of which has just been received by the University library. This book is by far the most careful and exhaus- tive examination of the character of Columbus that has yet been made, and the result is the destruction of the hero. Mr. Winsor finds him "unfaithful in his family life; deceiving his followers and depriving them of their wages; enslaving the natives; misrepresenting his discoveries; incapable of governing his men; cruel, deceitful, treacherous, ready to permit enormous crimes, the importation of African slaves, and insuring the extermination of the native race of the Antilles under the guise of conversion, but really to consume their lives in extracting from the soil the gold to enrich his purse. He finds him abandoning all high aims and ambitions on the return from his first voyage, and giving up the entire remainder of his life to a struggle for wealth and position." This is very different from the rosy picture left us by Irving. NEW PUBLICATIONS. "The Elements of Civil Government," by Alex. L. Peterman, is a new text-book for schools, published by the American Book Company. The author is a member of the Kentucky state senate and recently ■ Professor of Civil Government in the Normal School of the Kentucky State College. He is therefore well qualified by actual experience both in practical affairs and as a teacher, for the work he has undertaken. It is not many years since text-books on civil government ex- plained at length the provisions of the federal constitution and neglected entirely the study of local government. Recent books have remedied this fault and have usually begun with a description of the town, the county and the state. But Mr. Peterman goes a step further and begins literally "at home." The first chapter treats of the family and its government, and shows how each member has rights and corresponding duties. The author then passes to the second form of govern- ment with which the child comes in con- tact, that of the school, enforces the same lessson of rights and duties, and shows how school government, like all other good government, exists by the consent and for the good of the governed. The succeeding chapters describe the town, county, city, state and nation. Part second treats of government abstractly, of liberty and justice, of law, legislation and taxation, of the machinery of parties and elections and the Australian ballot system. Throughout, the style is clear and simple, without being childish. Al- together the book seems well fitted to give young people a clear idea of the nature and objects of government and of the duties and responsibilities of citizenship. "The Yazoo Land Companies" is the title of a neat little book of forty-five pages, written by Dr. Chas. H. Haskins, assistant professor in Wisconsin University. The work is a reprint from the papers of the American Historical Association, Vol. v.. No. 4,- 1 89 1. The brochure is a type of accurate scholarship. It is full of in- terest, protraying, as it does, an obscure part of American history. It treats of the early land speculation, of Georgia lands, the South Carolina Yazoo company, rela- tions with Spain, the Tennessee company, the Yazoo land claims, and other interest- ing topics. Were it not history one could scarcely realize the amount of land specu- lation indulged in by prominent men in this early period. The lands of the north- west territory have been repeatedly and 92 SEMINAR Y NO TES. amply treated, and students of American history will welcome this scholarly history of the lands of the south. The new Dictionary of Political Econ- omy, by R. H. I. Palgrave, promises to be of some service to students. It will prove a handy volume for the working li- brary. The work is to be published in eight parts. Only one part is yet com- pleted. This is the great annoyance, for as usual the topic which you especially want to refer to is liable to be in the next volume, which you hope will be out soon. It is a great pity that the book could not be published at once. The quality of the book is assured by the able list of contrib- uters, and the editorial work by Mr. Palgrave will, without doubt, prove satis- factory. A valuable book just received from Longmans, Green & Co., is a "School Atlas of English History," edited by Samuel Ransom Gardiner, the well-known English historian. The book is intended to accompany Gardiner's "Students' His- tory of England," but is so well arranged that it can be easily used with or without any companion work. It is in fact a small history in itself, for the territorial changes in English dominion are clearly indicated. Although some maps are given of European nations, they are merely for the purpose of showing to the student the general condition of other countries at important periods in English history, and the book is distinctly what it purports to be, an atlas of English his- tory. It contains many maps, of histori- cal interest, not to be found in the ordi- nary atlas. There are eighty-eight maps, of which sixty-six depict territorial changes, and twenty-two are plans of battles of im- portance to England. A book which does not properly come under the head of "New Publication," but which is always worth mentioning, is Thalheimer's "Mediaeval and Modern His- tory," published by the American Book Company. It is an excellent work in point of suggestiveness, and although not intended for the advanced student of his- tory, is yet a valuable book to have in any library, because of its clear arrangement of important events and movements. It is easy to find in this book any one point which a student finds it necessary to know, and to know in a hurry. The most valuable portion of the work are books three and four, covering a period from 1492 to 1789, while hardly enough atten- tion has been paid to distinctively modern affairs. The book practically closes with the Franco-Prussian war. With regard to the work as a text-book for high schools and elementary classes in history, thereVis no need for comment. It has already proved itself a success. Another book of a somewhat similar nature, published by the Ainerican Book Company, is Barnes' "General History," intended more especially for high school work, for which it is admirably fitted. The author has succeeded in putting into interesting form the somewhat dry details of ancient history, and has made a free use of illustrations in seeking to attain this end. An interesting feature is a long list of questions under the head of "Histor- ical Recreations." These questions should furnish many ideas to the teacher of ways in which the study of history can be made of the greatest interest, inasmuch as they suggest not only facts of history, but also descriptions of customs and govern- ments. We have received during the month the following books: from Ginn & Co., Mont- gomery's "Leading Facts of American History," Macy's "Our Government;" from the American Book Company, Barnes' "General History," Fisher's " Outlines of Universal History," Thalheimer's "Medi- aeval and Modern History;" from Long- mans, Green & Co., Gardiner's "School Atlas of English History." SEMINARY NOTES. 93 COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY FOR 1891-2. F. W. BLACKMAR. Ph. D. F. H. HODDER, A. M. E. D. ADAMS, PH. D. Instruction in this department is given by means of lectures, recitations, reports, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classifying material- and of writing and pre- senting papers on special topics. All lectures are supplemented by required reading and class exercises. Facts are essential to all historic study; yet the aim is to take the student beyond the mere details of events— to inquire into the origin and development of society and the philosophy of institutions. While the study of the past is carried on with interest and thoroughness, the most important part of history — that which lies about us — is kept constantly in view. The history of other nations, other political systems and other forms of administration, are studied, that we may better understand our own. To under- stand present social and political institutions, and to give an intelligent solution of present problems, is the chief aim of instruction in historical science. THE WORK OF THE DEPARTMENT Now embraces European History, American History and Civil Government, the History of Institutions, Sociology, and Political Econ- omy. The work in American History will be continued with enthusiasm and thorough- ness. Classes having begun this work will continue without a break. The importance of this work needs no comment. The prepa- ration for g aod citizenship demands, among other things, a thorough knowledge of the growth of nationality, and the history of our industrial, social and political development. These, with financial experiments and nation- al diplomacy, receive marked attention. The text of the Constitution and Constitutional Law occupy a prominent place in the study OUTLINE OF COURSES. FIRST TERM. 1. English History. Daily. Descriptive history. A careful study of the English peo- ple, including race elements, social and polit- ical institutions, and national growth. 2. The History of Civilization. Lectures daily, embracing ancient society, and the in- tellectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influence of Greek philosophy, the Christian church, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationalities. 3. Political Economy. Daily. The funda- mental principles are discussed and elabo- rated by descriptive and historical methods. All principles and theories are illustrated by examples from present economic society. A brief history of Political Economy may be given at the close of the course. 4. French and German History. Daily. Descriptive history; including race elements, social and political institutions, and national growth. Especial attention given to French politics. 5. Historical Method and Criticism. One hour each week. Examination and classifi- cation of sources and authorities; analysis of the worlss of the best historians; collection and use of materials, and notes and biblio- graphy. 6. Statistics. Two hours each week. Sup- plementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems. The history and theory of statistics receives due attention. 7. Journalism- Lectures three hours each week. Laboratory and library work. Legal and Historical. — Ten lectures by Prof. E. D. Adams. J^nglish.—Tv/euty-Rve lectures by Profs. Dunlap and Hopkins. EtMcs of Jour- nalism. — Five lectures by Prof. Templin. Neiospaper Bureau, Magazines, and Special Phases of Journalum.— Prof . Hlackmar. The course was prepared especially for those students who expect to enter journal- ism as a profession. Although the instruc- tors have no desire to create a special School of Journalism for the purpose of turning out fully-equipped journalists, they believe that this course will be very helpful to those who in the future may enter the profession. The course will be found highly beneficial to stu- 94 SEMINARY NOTES. dents who want a special study in magazines and newspapers as a means of general cul- ture. The course is under the direction of this Department, but the professors named above have kindly and generously consented to assist in certain phases of the work, which occur more particularly in their respective departments. 8. American History. Instruction is given daily for two years in American History. The course embraces Colonial History and thb Local Government of the Colonies, the Constitutional and Political History of the Union from 1789 to the present time the for- mation of the Constitution, and an analysis of the text of the constitution itself. 9. Local Administration and Law. Three conferences each week during the first term, covering the Management of Public Affairs in districts, townships, counties, cities, and States. This course is intended to increase the sense of the importance of home govern- ment, as well as to give instruction in its practical details. 10. Public Finance and Banking-. Two con- ferences each week during the first term, on National, State, andMunieipal Financiering; and on Theoretical and Practical Banking, with the details of bank management. SECOND TERM. 11. English Constitutional History. Two hours each week. A special study in the principles and growth of the English Consti- tution. This course may be taken as a con- tinuation of number one. As it is a special study of Constitutional History, students ought to have some preparation for it. 12. Renaissance and Reformation. Lec- tures two hours each week, with required reading and investigation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number two. It includes the Revival of Learning through- out Europe, with especial attention to the Italian Renaissance; a careful inquiry into the causes, course, and results of the Refor- mation. The course embraces the best phases of the intellectual development of Europe. 13. Advanced Political Economy. Three hours each week, consisting of («) lectures on Applied Economics, (6) Practical Observation and Investigation, and (c) Methods of Re. search, with papers by the students on special topics. This is a continuation of number three. 14. Institutional History. Lectures three hours each week on Comparative Politics and Administration. Greek, Roman and Ger- manic institutions are compared. The his- torical significance of Roman law is traced in mediaeval institutions. A short study in Prussian Administration is given at the close of the course. 15, The Rise of Democracy. Lectures two hours each week on the Rise of Popular Power, and the Growth of Political Liberty in Europe. A comparison of ancient and modern democracy, a study of Switzerland, the Italian Republics, the Dutch Republic, and the French Revolution, constitute the principal part of the work. Students will read May's Democracy in Europe. 16, Elements of Sociology, Lectures three hours each week on the Evolution of Social Institutions from the Primitive Unit, the Family; including a discussion of the laws and conditions which tend to orgariize society. The later part of the course is de- voted to modern social problems and social- istic Utopias. 17, Charities and Corrections, Two hours e^ich week. Various methods of treatment of the poor. Scientific charity. Treatment of the helpless. Prison reform. State refor- matories. This course is supplementary to number sixteen. Special efforts will be made towards a practical study of Kansas institu- tions. 18, Land and Land Tenures. Lectures two hours each week. This course treats of Primitive Property, the Yillage Community, Feudal Tenures of France and England, and Modern Land-holding in Great Britain and Ireland and the United States. Reports are made on other countries, and on recent agrarian theories and legislation This is an excellent preparation for the study of the Law of Real Property, 19, The Political History of Modern Europe, Two hours each week, including the Napo- leonic wars, German Federation, the Rise of Prussia, the Unification of Italy, the Revolu- tion of 1848, the Third Republic, the Russian problem, etc. 20, Constitutional Law. Three conferences each week during the second term, on the Constitution of the United States; with brief sketches of the institutions and events that preceded its adoption, and with special atten- tion to the sources and methods of its inter- pretation. 21, International Law and Diplomacy, Class work twice each week during the second term; using Davis on the Rise and Growth of SEMINAF Y NO TES. 95 International Law, and Schuyler on the History of American Diplomacy. 22. The Status of Woman in the United States. Three conferences each week during the second term, on the Status of Woman in all countries and times; with special investiga- tion of the present legal, political, industrial, and professional position of women in the different States of the American TJniou. 23. The Histories and Methods of Legisla- tive Assemblies. Two conferences each week during the second term on the Kise and Growth of Legislative assemblies, their rules of order and methods of business. 24. Mediaeval History. Two-fifths of the last term of the Freshman year. For all students whose admission papers show that they have had Elementary Physics, Hygiene, and Chemistry. The course includes a study of the fall of the Western Empire, the Teu- tonic Races, and the rise of new nationalities. 25. Seminary. Two hours each week throughout the year. , New Courses, Other courses may be give^^ in Political Philosophy, Modern Municipal Government, Roman Law, the South Ameri- can Republics, and Comparative administra- tion. Graduate Courses. To those desiring them special courses for post-graduate students will be given in the following subjects: The History of Institutions, American History and Civil Government, Sociology, Political Economy. Newspaper Bureau, In connection with the work of the Department a Newspaper Bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty daily and weekly newspa- pers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of system- atic reading, to keep informt d on the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles o temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of editorial work, to mas- ter for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, impor- tant materials for the study of current his- tory and public life — to make history, by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. Preparation for Entrance to the University. — The time spent in the high schools in the study of history is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be exercised in preparing students for entrance into the University. At present very little history is required in the Freshman and Sophomore years, and the students enter upon the study of the Junior and Senior years without thorough preparation for the work. It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the Univer- sity to learn the story of nations pretty thor- oughly. A general outline of the world's history with a special study of the United States history and government represents the field. Hut this outline should be something more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates- It should be well rounded with the political, social and economic life of the people. Stu- dents will find a general text-book, such as Myer's or Sheldon's indispensable; but the work of pr'^par!)Mon r.no-ht not to stop here.- Such works as F>ffe'b Greece, Creighton's Rome, Seebohm's Era of Protestant rtevolu- tioD, Cox's Greece, and others in the Primer, Epoch, and Stories of Nations, series ought to be read. The object of this reading is to familiarize the student with the political and social life of the principal nations of the world. For this purpose everything should be as intei-esting as possible. Such an inter- est should be aroused that the student would not be puzzled over dates and tlireadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things that are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That history which is gained by a bare memory of events is soon lost. It grows too dim h)X use and conse- quently leads to confusion. With the story of the nations well learned the student comes to the University prepared for the higher scientific study of history and its kindred topics. He is then ready for investigation, comparisim and analysis. He then takes up the real investigation of the philosophy of institutions and of national development. He is then ready for the science- of Sociology, Institutional History, Political Economy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the Univer- sity without this preparation find it necessary to make up for it by the perusal of books, such as those mentioned above. 96 SEMINAR Y NO TES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student in the University should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions— but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given iipon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Any book in the list below can, be had of Field & Hargis, Booltsellers and Stationers. Students are required to ■purchase books marked with an asterisk. American Book Company, Chicag-o. *Manual of the Constitution, Andrews $ l.OU Analysis of Civil Government, To wnsend...- 1.00 Civil Government, Peterman .60 History of England, Thalheimer 1.00 Medieval and Modern History, Thalheimer 1.60 Outlines of History, Fisher 3.40 General History of the World, Barnes 1.60 Political Economy, Gregory 1.20 Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin 90 Glnn & Co., Boston and Chicago Ancient History, Myers & Allen $ 1.50 Mediaeval and Modern History, Myers 1.50 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.00 Macy's Our Government 75 *General History, Myers 1.50 Leading facts in English History, Montgomery ... 1 . 13 Philosophy of Wealth, Clark 1.00 Political Science Quarterly, Yearly 3.00 Washington and His Country, Fiske hOO Harpers, New York. ♦History of Germany, Lewis 1.50 ♦International Law, Davis ^. 3.50 ♦Political History of Modern Times, Muller 3.00 ♦Short English History, Green 1.75 Civil Policy of America. Draper 3.50 History of English People, Green, 4 vols .. 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth, 6 vols 13.00 The Constitution, Story 1.00 Holt & Co., New York. ♦American Politics, Johnston $ 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle, 3 vols 9.00 American Currency, Sumner 3.,50 Civil Service in United States, Comstock 2.00 History of Modern Europe, Fyffe, 3 vols 7.50 Political Economy, Roscher, 3 vols 7.00 Political Economy, Walker 3.35 Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. ♦Civil Government in United States, Fiske :.$ 1.00 American Commonwealths, 13 vols., each 1.35 American Statesmen, 31 vols., each 1.35 American Revolution, Fisk, 3 vols 4.00 Critical Period of American History. Fisk ! 3.00 Emancipation of Massachusetts, Adams 1.50 Epitome of History, Ploetz 3.00 War of Secession, Johnson 2..50 . Appletcn, New York. Dynamic Sociology, Ward, 2 vols $ 5.60 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.25 Political Economy, Mill, 2 vols 6.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. ♦Political Economy, Ely 1.00 MacMillan, New York. Constitutional History, England, Stubbs, 3 vols..$10.00 Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. 1 4.00 Armstrong, New York. ♦Democracy in Europe, May, 2 vols $ 3.50 G. P Putnam's Sons, New York and London. ♦American Citizen's Manual, Ford $ 1.35 Const. Hist, and Am. Law, Cooley and others 3.00 History of Political Economy, Blahqui 3.00 Railroad Transportation, Hadley 1..50 American Electional System. O'Neil 1.50 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.35 ♦Tariff History of the United States, Taussig 1.85 The Story of Nations, 34 vols., each 1.50 Heroes of the Nations, 12 vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed.bj' Johnston, 3 vols,, each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 6 vol $20.00 Constitutional Law of U. S.., Von Hoist 2.00 Crowell, New York. ♦History of France, Duruy.. $2.00 Labor Movement in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 3 vols 2.50 Problems of To day, Ely 1.50 Little, Brown & Co., Boston. ' History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols $17.50 History of the United States, Bancroft, 6 vols 13.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham 1.75 Longmans, Green & Co., New York. Epochs of Ancient History, each vol.... $ 1.00 Epochs of Modern History, each vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill 1.75 The Crusades, Cox 1.00 Scribners, New York. ♦American Diplomacy, Schuyler $ 2.00 History of Rome. Mommsen, 4 vols :.. 8.00 Lombard Street, Bagehot 1.25 Silent South, Cable 1.00 ^ ilver Burdett & Co., Boston. ♦Historical Atlas, Labberton $1.50 or $ 2.00 *Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 ♦Institutes of Economics, Andrews 1.50 Institues of General History, Andrews 2.00 Morrison, Washington. History of United States, Schouler, 4 vols $ 9.00 D. C. Heath & Co., Boston. ♦The State, Woodrow Wilson $ 2.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide 2.00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1.50 General History. Sheldon 1.60 ♦Old South Leaflets, 23 Nos., each : 05 History Topics, Allen 35 State and Fed. Governments of the U. S., Wilson .50 The American Citizen, Dole 90 Comparative View of Governments, Wenzel .80 Studies in American.History, Sheldon— Barnes... SEMINARY NOTES. State University — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. I. FEBRUARY, 1892. No. 5. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All students connected with the department of History and Sociology are, by virtue of such connection, members of the Seminary. All students having two or more studies under the instructors of the department are required to take the work of the Seminary as part of their work in course. The meetings off .;he Seminary are held every Friday, in Room 15, University Building. Public meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the Department mentioned; prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investi- gation of existing conditions, under the per- sonal direction of the officers of the Seminary. Spe'cial assistance in choice of themes, authorities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the department of History and Sociology, or in the Department of English, or in any of the literary societies or other similar organiza- tions in the University; on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Seminary if so required. In connection with the work of the Semi- nary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty daily and weekly newspapers. The principal object of the Bureau is to eriable students to 'form habits of systematic reading, to keep informed on the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern .Journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of edi- torial work, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular suVvject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life — to make his- tory by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. , Special investigation and study will be undertaken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this State; the purpose being to combine service to the State with the reg- ular work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and cooper- ation of State and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own University, or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its success, are invited to become corresponding members of the Seminary. The only condi- tion attached to such membership is, that each corresponding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Sem- inary; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. The library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in con- nection with Seminary work — within reason- able limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already coniiected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officers and members of the Seminary will gladly render all possible assistance ot any public officials who may desire to collect special statistics or secure definite informa- tion on such lines of public work as are properly within the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Semi- nary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK W. BLACKMAR. Director. FRANK H. HODDER, Vice-Director. EPHRAIM D. ADAMS, Secretary. 98 SEMINAR V NO TES. INDIAN EDUCATION. "^WW-TE have always had with us the ^^^ Indian problem since our fore- fathers first landed upon this continent. We have experimented with this Indian for centuries and still find him a problem. Even now there is no commonly accepted opinion of what, is best to be done under the general management. However, it may be said that within recent years, great progress has been made in the country, not only as to what may be done, but by actually doing something practical and systematic for the welfare of the Indian. The government has at last shaped some- thing like a definite policy for his penna- nent treatment. The greatest point that has been made is in education, and this is of quite recent date. Thorough and effi- cient education is the only means to help him permanently. To feed him, clothe him, and give him land, farming imple- ments or stock, and tell him to engage in industrial pursuits is of little use. To educate him in the way of industry under wise supervision, to show him how he may begin and carry on industrial and self- supporting life, is the prime object. In ord>er to accomplish this it is necessary to give the greatest painstaking attention to the education of the Indian. The older Indians of the tribe may be past systematic education, past a decided reform, but there can be aroused in them a sentiment for something better and higher for their children. The great difficulty now in educating him is to give the proper kind of treat- ment during the process of education and to insure the utility of educated powers. The great problem is to take members of a savage or barbarous race, little acquainted with the arts and sciences and industries of modern life, and less inclined to follow them and to familiarize them with the common arts, sciences and indus- tries, and at the same time plant within them a desire for improvement in these especial lines. It has been stated by one acquainted with Indian affairs, that "an Indian will do just what a white person would do under similar circumstances." This may convey a wrong impression, unless we examine carefully into what constitute similar circumstances. In the first place there is a wide gulf between the civilization of the Indian and of the white race. Nowhere has this be- come more apparent than when we attempt to educate the Indian and turn him to practical affairs of modern life. When he iirst came into contact with the Anglo- Saxon he was still in a state of savagery, or in some cases had entered the first stages of barbarism. He came in contact with the race which has not only passed through all these stages, but had entered the great stage of commerce, passed through it and is now in the height of the industrial age. He came in contact with a race that has not only accomplished in an industrial way all the stages of progress of which the human race has passed through, but developed a high state of learning and culture. Moreover the cult- ured race had a compact and stable polit- ical organization. All this was strange and new to the uncultured mind of the native of the forest, and he who attempts to solve the problem of Indian education, either theoretically or practically, will observe that the. circumstances surrounding the Indians are so far different frpm those surrounding our own race that the two rates may not be placed in similar conditions. The fundamental processes of educa- tion of any race may be earned on under one of more modes of development: 1. That of self-development and self- determination. 2. The process of imita- tion. 3. Compulsory activity. The first process is a necessary process to all true education; without it the best quality of SEMINAR Y NO TES. 99 development is lacking. The other two processes are more or less artificial. If we examine the Indians of the west, that still retain their tribal relations, we shall find that the self-determining princi- pal is almost entirely wanting in the tribes of pure blood. There is no tribe on record of pure blood that has expressed any desire to "rise higher in civilization, accompanied with a set determination to accomplish anything single-handed. And it is still this lack of self-determination and self-development that makes the dis- position of the Indian different from the sturdy Anglo-Saxons, who have had this from the beginning of history and have developed it during two thousand years of positive progress, yielding, as a result, some of the best types of culture of both hemispheres. If we turn our attention to the second jjhase of education, that of imitation, we shall find on this score that the Indians have made some progress in adopting the manner and customs of the people with whoui they have come in contact for a long period of time. We shall find they have made progress in civilized life; and, it may be stated here, also, that just in proportion as their own blood has become mixed with that of the white race they have shown this desire for imitation. The third, or compulsory process, has not yet been directly applied to tribes and races, although in some cases to individuals. Certain expedients have been tried by the government, from time to time, to force Indians out of their natural gait; but these have been usually incidental and unsys- tematic. Not until of late years has any well developed plan been adopted for the purpose of forcing the Indian into the ranks of modern civilized life. This is an artificial process, but it is the last resort to save the race. Properly pursued it may lead to self-development. The last two phases of education must of necessity be more or less artificial, for imitative education is not as permanent as the self-determination, but it is largely brought about by the development of infe- rior powers of the mind and nature. We will find that the imitative education though valuable, has failed to prepare a nation or tribe for sturdy, independent existence. We can never be sure that a nation or tribe has become educated in the way that will make him independent and strong, until the self-determining princijDles arouse him to his 'needs with the desire to fulfill them regardless of what others are doing or have done. The Indian is then not in a condition at the present for the self- determining principles unaided by outside influences. In imitation he has not made rapid progress. There are those tribes, and fragments of tribes, that have lived in the presence of civilization these hundred years without reaping any permanent re- sults of the same. Left to compete openly and unaided with the modern, industrial system, they perish. And, indeed, they have lived in this condition without any desire to take on anything beyond the worst forms of our own system of civiliza- tion. Other tribes have been broken in their tribal relations and barbarous spirit and have turned to our civilization. They have been isolated within solid walls of compact life and have been found by cir- cumstances to adopt modern modes of life. The education which is forced can in no way be as beneficial as that which springs spontaneously within the pupil, but it is the best we have to give the Indian, and this superficial education must be forced upon him with the hope that there may spring up within him what may lead these tribes in due time to higher development. The recent law passed for the compulsory education of Indians is a step in the right direction. In time it may be made of more permanent value by de- velopment and extension, and although we may point to the fact that these people may be in time persuaded to adopt the means of a higher culture and a better education, yet there is no time to wait for such developments in respect to the Indians of to-day. Their iniuiedialc echication is SEMINAR Y NO TES. their only salvation.- They must be forced as far as possible to transfer their mode of living so that they may transform their lives after the mode of modern industrial and civil life. It is not to be supposed that parents of Indian children are capable of determining whether education is good for their children or not. Indeed, it is not to be supposed that those who have reached" advanced years should turn away from their savage life, when we consider the past relations of the United States government with its Indian wards, as they may be called. The nation may stand /// loco parentis and may feel great responsibility for these Indians, but in whatever form or shape the duty arises, what is to be done must be done at once, and thoroughly, or the good which has already been gained will be lost. The compulsory education act passed by congress and approved March, 189 1, provides as follows: "And the Commissioner of Indian Affairs subject to the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, is hereby authorized and directed to make and enforce by proper means such means and regulations as will secure the attendance of Indian children of suitable age and health at schools es- tablished and ihaintained for their benefit. " In the following October Commissioner Morgan set forth a list of rules and regu- lations to be observed by all Indian workers. The law applies to all Indians subject to absolute control and under the especial protection of the United States, but the law does not apply to the Indians residing in the state of New York, the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, the Five Civilized Tribes and the Indians residing in states and who have become citizens of the United States. The commissioner said that so far as practical the preferences of Indian parents or guardians of Indian youth of sufficient maturity and judgment will be regarded, but children of a suitable age must attend school, either public or private. All those between five and eigh- teen years of age who are determined, by a special medical examination, to be in good health, are compelled to attend school. As a rule Indian children will attend the schools established for their benefit on their respective reservations, but in case such schools are already filled they may be required to attend non-reser- vation schools. Should any refuse they are referred to the Indian office for treat- ment under this act. The aim and object of this law, as explained by Commissioner Morgan, is to insure education to all Indians of the rising generation and to prepar them to enter modern civilized life and to assume life's duties. The duties of agents, supervisors, and superin- tendents, are explicitly defined. The chief duty of the agent, however, is to keep the government schools filled with children. The supervisors of education have the care of certain districts; they inspect the same and report upon different schools within their district. They have the power to transfer the children from one school to another and from reservation to non-reservation schools. The superin- tendents of non-reservation industrial training schools and of reservation govern- ment boarding schools shall, on or about the first of April of each year, send to the office a report stating, as far as possible, the condition of the schools and the num- ber of pupils enrolled for the fiscal year. This law, with its regulatfons, is calcu- lated to cover the entire field of education and to compel the attendance of all stu- dents of a suitable age, and thus take from all Indian parents the responsibility and care of educating their own child- ren. It is thought by this that the rising generation will be strong enough on com- pleting the requirements and training of modern industrial life to withstand the downward tendency of the ignorant and barbarous tribes. It seems a sad thing to force cliildren against the wishes of their parents, to attend school away from home, but it is the only hope or salvation of the Indian race. The SEMINARY NOTES. tribal inspiration and the tribal influence must be broken up, and the Indians must be taught to take their stand among the people of their country, to toil for their bread and to engage in the industries of common life. They must be prepared for intelligent citizenship; they must know how to gain and hold property; they must understand their rights and be content with what belongs to them and ask for no more. With such education the greater part of the Indian problem is solved. To the Indian teacher or worker this mieans a great deal, for he knows too well the influences that are brought to bear upon the Indian children who desire to attend school after having once been there. If the present and coming generation be forced to obtain an education and to prepare for any one of the arts or indus- tries of civilized life the great work has been well begun. If the government can go far enough to insure the results of this education to these students, a sure foun- dation of the great work will have been laid. In the education of our own youth we have been changing very much of late years. In the first pilace we realize that students must not only respect general culture, but must be fitted for something i:seful and particular. Every year wit- nesses the development of our educational system towards making a direct contact of the school with practical life. We take pains not only to develop the mind and give it cul- ture and to train it for usefulness in any good pursuit, biit we try to find for students posi- tions of usefulness in the common occupa- tions after they have completed their educa- tional work. It may be proper in theory to prepare the Anglo-Saxon youth for his life work, to develop what we call the powers of the mind, and then let him go forth into the world to make a place for himself. This is the old theory, and in some re- spects it is a good one, but the lists of competition are drawn so closely and the places of business so well filled that»we feel disposed to give even our bold and hardy English youtli all the assistance possible to prepare him for the activities of life. He may know something" of many things, but we must assure him that at the point of contact of his life with the world he must know some one thing well and know how to take hold, and if necessary, he must be shown how. The Indian youth finds it even more difficult on the completion of his education to enter any chosen profession. The civ- ilization on most of the reservations is developing slowly, and the number of industries which are practiced are com- paratively few. There can be but few positions of trust or usefulness until they are made for the Indians who have already been educated. The greatest difficulty "of Indian education is the relation of the educated individual to general society. What is the social, industrial, and political status of the educated Indian? An answer to this question will bring vividly before us the true Indian problem. As has been stated, we cannot expect the average Indian to go among white people and compete, unaided, with the Anglo-Saxon youth in the business enterprises of the world. It is not a ques- tion of personal ability, but of personal relations. A youth brought up in the tribe, or on the reservation, finds it 'ex- ceedingly diflicult to make the connection between school life and the practical life of the world. The Indian youth, educated at one of the best schools, returns to his home in the native tribe where he finds himself surrounded with all the influences of the camp life; he finds but little to do, knows not how to get a living. He may be ridiculed for having adopted citizen's clothes an«d manners and because of his ed- ucation; he may be importuned to turn aside from the course he has adopted and to return to the old habits of camp life. If this be the case, of what use is his educa- tion to him; literally thrown awd'y. This cannot be blamed upon ■ the work of the schools. Since there are thorough and efficient training schools the students are prepared by practical training for the pursuits of life, as well as given a general SEMINAR V NO TES. learning. No fault can be found in the reservation schools or the denominational schools in their earnest endeavor to give the Indians a thorough and efficient edu- cation. The great question at stake is the utility of education after once it has been accomplished, and in this we must see that the outlook is indeed gloomy, unless the government extend its work of educational reform into the very heart of society. A plan has been developed through the influence of Captain Pratt, of Carlisle Institute, which is termed the "Outing- System." When an Indian youth has completed his education and is prepared to render useful service he is placed in some good family upon certain terms, and is to be protected from the baneful influ- ences of uncivilized life. We can conceive of no better method for the development of Indian character. In close relationship with the family he becomes more and more accustomed to civilized life and habits and the thoughts and the best principles of the American home. He is enabled to ply his trade or calling from day to day, from year to year, until he becomes pro- ficient. He is self-sustaining; his character has become strong under the influence of home surroundings; he has gradually, through home influence, obtained character and independence, and is enabled, if necessary, to take his place among the people in the struggle for existence. It is found that the reformatories of different classes of industrial schools have worked upon his plan for many years and it is found to be the one salvation, not only for white but for Indian children. It is impossible to train a pauper -or a crimi- nal, or a child of any kind which has existed under evil influences, and then return him to the same low surround- ings without his being drawn back to the old position of life. It is even more true of the educated Indian youth; he must struggle with and against the habits of the tribe, ac- (juired during centuries of life without civi- lization. He must meet all difficulties of race prejudice from above and below. A careful examination of the results of edu- cation of our best schools has shown us the dangers of the ways of the pres- ent system of Indian education. To those who are not conversant with the present Indian school system it may be stated that there are what are known as reservation schools, where pupils are taught in elements of learning. These schools are provided through the government agency or else under similar circumstances by religious denominations. Here children are trained in the simple elements of edu- cation and prepared for higher work. After they complete, the course they are allowed to enter one of the great traifting schools for higher education. There are at present no Indian colleges. Those who have been prepared for college education have entered some one of the universities or colleges of America. Haskell and Car- lisle are the principal high schools of the Indian educational system. When pupils have completed a term at a training school they are allowed to return to their homes; they should be placed in town or on farms to work. Let us consider for a few moments the work done at Haskell and we shall see that it is thorough and competent, and has done all that its means will allow. There is found a body of thorough and efficient workers who have done all that could be done with the means placed in their hands. We must remember that Haskell Institute has not been in progress for many years; there have yet been but about nine years of school life at Haskell, scarcely enough to develop the original plans for the edu- cation of the Indian youth. Yet, in this time wonders have been accomplished in the training of the mind, in mastering" common elements of learning, and also in the train- ing of the youth in industrial pursuits. And he who ds interested at all in the future of the Indian race should visit Haskell and inspect the methods and sys- ta*ns, and he will see the students have ability to learn, the capacity to absorb; and see that the Indian youth is prepared SEMINAR Y NO TES. to take a fair grade of education. All the criticism that can be made is that not suf- ficient opportunity is given him for the use of that education. If he return to the reservation he is in danger of taking up the old life and allowing the real results of his education to lapse. The best way to understand what is meant is to examine the results of Indian education. For this purpose let us take up a few of the exam- ples of students who have attended at Haskell or Carlisle for some years:* Example i. An Indian of New York attended Haskell about five years. He completed the common school course, mastered the carpenter's trade successfully and filled the position of assistant school carpenter during the last two years of his stay. Since going home he has been engaged in building houses for the Indians, working for contractors and constantly making good use of th'e knowledge gained at school. Example 2. An Indian girl of the Pot- towatomie tribe attended Haskell three years, completed the common school course and took some special training for teaching. After finishing her course she was appointed to teach a primary grade at the Otoe boarding school, and all who saw her work in the school room can recom- mend her as a very successful teacher. In the fall of '1891 she married a former Haskell student g.nd they are now living in Wichita, Kansas. Example 3. An Indian youth of tlie Kaw tribe was at Haskell about three years and proved to be a very thorough student as far as he advanced. He learned the carpenter's trade and has been employed as agency carpenter at the Kaw agency since he went home. Example 4. Another young man, of the Pawnee tribe, stayed at Haskell about three and one half years. He was an average stu- dent and learned tailoring and blacksmith- ing. Since returning home he has been employed as ^assistant blacksmith. *The writer is indebted to Supt. Charles F. Meserve and Principal H. B. Peai^s for the follrwing data. Example 5. A young man of the Cher- okees attended Haskell three years. He completed the common school course and took one year of the high school work and then learned the carpenter's trade. He has beea working at the trade since going home, and his employers speak well of him. Example 6. Henry Cadue, of the Kick- apoo tribe, was at Haskell three years. He completed the work in the primary grades and learned the carpenter's trade. Since leaving school he has supported himself and mother by working at his trade. These examples show the capacity of the Indian youth for education and its practical use wIumi <)])iK)rtnnity is given for its application. Other examples might be given of those who have become more proficient in learning at Carlisle, Haskell, and elsewhere. One Indian having studied medicine has gone back to the Sioux reser- vation to practice among his people. The results of Indian education are best observ- ed through manual training. Here their ca])acity is shown at best advantage, and from industrial education we may expect to obtain the best improvement of the race. Industrial education is so essential that it should be made compulsory, and every Indian should, beside his general education, be taught to do one thing well. He should be taught a trade or given a means of earning his own living. At Haskell all students are required to work at manual labor half of the time; but not all learn trade's, although all must pass through a systematic course. During the first quar- ter a boy is engaged in learning how to farm; if he does well at this he is then given something else to do. The students are changed about from one thing to another in order to give them a variety of occupation and thus educate them in the common affairs of life. About- three- fourths of those who graduate have learned one thing well, or have a means of earning a living. It may, be said that this does not uo far enoutih. Tlie authorities should I04 SEMINAR Y NO TES. insist that every graduate and every pupil be compelled to devote himself to a trade or to practical and theoretical farming, so that he may have a certain means of earning his living. As it is only those who desire, learn trades; it should not be a matter of choice. To the present time there has not been shop room enough to give more than a limited number in- struction in trades. The United States government should see to it that nothing is wanted in this respect. At present new buildings are being constructed for indus- trial purposes, and I presume that it is the plan of the superintendent to make the industrial features of the school more prominent and to insure to every boy and girl a means of earning a living. The most unfavorable phase of Indian education is seen in the attempt of the educated Indian to harmonize with his surroundings. Much of the good effect of education is lost on account of the lack of opportunity for the Indian to use his edu- cation and the lack of knowing just how to make a successful entrance to industrial and civil life. In this respect the govern- ment should exercise more care "and see to it that the efficient work of the schools be not lost. The following examples will illustrate this point: Example 7. An Osage Indian was at Haskell three years. During which term he became proficient in farming and gar- dening. In hi.s school work he had advanced to the fourth grade. He went home with the expectation of returning soon to complete his education. 'He was persuaded by his relatives and friends to marry. He settled down to the life of a camp Indian and the force of his educa- tion is lost. Kxamj^le 8. An Osage Indian who was at Haskell Institute three years. While at school he learned to speak English fluently. He went home determined to become a farmer and stock raiser. lUit soon he yielded to the influences of the old life that surrounded him and is now living the life of a cam}) Indian. He married a squaw and is living in a tent eight feet square. Example 9. An Osage Indian girl. She was at Haskell Institute three years. While there she learned to do all kinds of house work, sewing and fancy work. In fact she became a most complete house- keeper. After returning home she wished to again return to Haskell and complete her education. Her parents refused to grant her permission, and to avoid further complications sold her to a blanket Indian for a number of ponies. After being com- pelled to live a life of degradation and misery for about two years she died, and thus passed to a world where we trust her education would be of some use to her as it was doubtless of little benefit here. Example 10. A Pawnee Indian boy who made a good record for three years at Haskell. While there he learned the blacksmith's trade. He learned to speak English fluently, and did fairly well at his books. After returning home he was influenced by the surroundings and became a blanket Indian. He married a school girl and they both became degraded to the common camp life, influenced in every way by the camp Indians whose ways they imitated. Example 11. A Pawnee Indian girl who made a splendid record at Haskell during a period of three years. During this time she obtained a fair common school education and 'had become profi- cient in all kinds of house work. Two months after having returned to the home of her parents she was observed to be in full Indian dress, having abandoned the style of dress used at school and was cook- ing meat in Indian style over a bed of coals in the center of the wigwam. It is needless to say that dust and ashes were the principal seasoning. She kneaded the bread on the same blanket that was used to sleep in at night. An observer asked her if she liked this kind .of life. She replied "No, but he (pointing to her father) won't let me come back to school." Education had fitted her for a better life, SEMINARY NOTES. los but the parent forced her to comply with the conditions of degrading service. Soon after she was married to a common blanket Indian, which means that she is lost in the common herd and that her education will not save her from ruin. Example 12. A Ponca Indian girl who spent five years at school in Haskell. She was considered a very bright and intelli- gent young girl. She was adjutant of the girls' battalion for some time. She was a good cook, a good seamstress, and an ex- cellent housekeeper. She married a young man who held to the old regime. She now carries the water, chops the wood, builds the fires and gets the breakfast while her Indian helpmeet is lying in bed. She even has the pleasure of applying her quickened intellect to the pleasant task of harnessing the horses while her so-called better half seeks repose. Example 13. Example thirteen was an Arapahoe Indian boy. He was at Haskell for four years. During this time he learned farming and gardening. He also worked at the harness-maker's trade. He had obtained a good use of the English lan- guage. But in the summer of 1890 he returned to his home and is now a blanket Indian, living as a man of the tribe. Example 14. A Ponca girl who went to Haskell for two years. She learned to do all kinds of house work. She spoke English fluently. Returning home she married a blanket Indian and entered upon the degrading life of a blanket squaw. In the summer of 1890 she was observed car- rying one papoose on her back, another strapped on a board, while two others followed behind. Example 15. An Osage boy spent two years at Carlisle. Then he went home to stay for a short time and afterwards went to Haskell Institute, where he remained for about two and one half years. He learned the harness-mtaking trarie at school. He returned home, married a squaw and became worthless. Example 16. A Cheyenne boy went to the Arapahoe boarding school for a num- ber of y»ars, then he went to Carlisle for a short time. From Carlisle he was sent to Fort Wayne, Indiana, to attend college, and, so he says, to study for the ministry. After leaving Fort Wayne he returned home for a time and then came to Haskell. He finally secured a permit to enter the State University. He did not succeed very well at the University, and subse- quently returned to Haskell. At Haskell he went to work in the tailor's shop. He finally gave up school and returned to the reservation to engage in the Y. M. C. A. work at home. This in turn was given up and his time is now spent in roaming over the Cheyenne reservation, apparently with- out thought of rendering service to him- self or anybody else. He has adopted the former habits and customs of his tribe and draws his rations with the other worth- less wards of the nation. Example 17. A young man who went to Carlisle for three years. After taking a vacation for a short time he entered Haskell for three and one half years. After this he returned to Carlisle for two years. During the summer of 1891 he was observed in a state of nature under the care of an Indian doctor. He had an excellent character in every way. But he said that "he must either get away from the tribe or go back to old habits." Example 18. A Cheyenne Indian boy who spent either three or five years at Carlisle. After a short vacation he entered Haskell, where he remained three years. At the latter place he thoroughly mastered the tailor's trade. He was made superin- tendent of the tailor shop at Haskell, and after returning to the reservation he per- formed a similar office. While in charge of the tailoring establishment at the Chey- enne reservation the camp Indians would continually ask him for money and pres- ents. Being of a generous nature he found at the end of the month that he had inva- riably overdrawn his salary, or in other words, had spent more than he had earned. He finally became discouraged and went to camp and married a squaw, and now io6 SEMINAR V NO TES, lives like his fellows, on the rations of the government. He was a good workman in every respect, but the surroundings of the reservation were against his success and he failed. The begging propensity of the average Indian on the reservations is un- limited. The various traders understand this, and of a necessity feel compelled to charge a high price for goods in order to make up for the many presents which it is policy to give. I am told by one ac- quainted with the Osage agency that the Indians expect to receive all of their tobacco gratis. This last example illus- trates, very clearly what chance a young man may have for success if turned back to the tribe. All are interested in retard- ing his progress and in bringing him back to the level of camp life. While if he is capable of earning anything the old tribal spirit comes in to claim its share. Example 19 records the results of education in the case of another young Cheyenne. He spent a term at Haskell, during which time he was president of the battalion, president of the Y. M. C. A., and, in fact, a leader in all school work. After returning to the agency he was cor- responding secretary of the Y. M. C. A. He, too, finally became discouraged and succumbed to the influences of camp life. He married an Indian woman with three children and now the government gener- ously supports him and his family. Yet who can doubt that had this young man had a fair chance under favorable influ- ences that he might have been a success. It is true that the Indian youth probably has not the character nor the opportunity to compete with the average white boy who is well educated. There are not now, and we are not to expect it for many years, the necessary qualities in the Indian youth which incite him to make a place where there is none. In this he cannot compare with the average white American. Yet it is the duty of the government to give him the best opportunities possible; and while he is taught self-reliance in the schools, opportunity should be given him for its exercise under circumstances not wholly against him. Example 20. Another young Cheyenne who spent four years at Haskell and stayed in other institutions for a considerable length of time, has gone the way of the useless and the do-less. While in Haskell he was adjutant of the battalion and was noted as a superior officer. He was a good farmer and could read and write English well. He owns 160 acres of land and his squaw has another tract of the same size. But in practice he is a veritable camp Indian. He receives his rations from the govern- ment and does nothing towards his own support. He lives with his family in a tepee about six by eight feet, and just high enough to receive him standing. He is now living with his second woman since leaving school. Example 21. The sister to example 14 had been in Haskell for a term of six years and had advanced to the sixth grade. She had practically forgotten her own language. When she reached the agency she cried to be brought back to school, but her mother refused to allow her to come back. She said that her daughter had forgotten her native language and that she did not want her daughter to adopt "white man's ways." She lived sixty miles from the agency in order to keep the child from running away. Her brother was asked to use his influence to have the girl returned to school, but he responded, "No, mother would kill me if I did." This is a clear case in which the govern- ment should take its own course and bring the girl back to school. The only hope in Indian education is with the younger gen- erations. There is no hope for the average adult who has not already been educated. It is the duty of the government to see to it that the younger generation is nut ruined by the older. Example, 22. A young Indian girl who spent three years and a. half in Haskell became an expert seamstress, dress cutter, and fitter; besides all this she was a good cook and familiar with all general house- SEMINAR Y NO TES. 107 keeping. She had a fair common school education and spoke English well. She was found by a visitor in a tepee living as a blanket Indian, having adopted the full dress of the camp Indian. She was living upon the rations of the government. The secret of her life is, that all of those with whom she now comes in contact are striv- ing to make her adopt the methods of camp life and to return to the customs of the tribe. Indeed the Indians of the camp are very careful to use every influence to induce educated Indians to return to their old customs. They ridicule their fine clothes, make sport of their language, and in every way make it disagreeable to the students returning from school, until having no other alternative they are at last forced to yield to the old regime. Example 23. A young Indian was at Haskell four years. Returning to the res- ervation he had no opportunity to exercise his education. He had a good knowledge of farming and gardening. He became one of the worst boys on the reservation. He is addicted to drink and is frequently in the lockup. But the boy can hardly be blamed, and it is not the fault of the edu- cation, for his father and older brother are known to be bad characters. Example 24. A girl was at Haskell four years. During this time she had thoroughly mastered all kinds of sewing, tailoring, and fancy work. She was a very capable girl. After returning to the res- ervation she married an Indian and is now living a camp life. There was nothing else for her to do. These may seem isolated examples. It may be stated that of sixty-seven boys who have been investigated as to the results of their education after their at- tendance at Haskell, it was found that only three were doing anything beyond the life of an ordinary camp Indian. They were living in blankets and attending ghost dances. Without a single exception, when asked "why are you doing this way," the answer was^: "Because I have nothing else to do." The conditions of tribes vary much with respect to education, and their dispo- sition toward educational improvement is varied. Some tribes observe and pos- sess a progressive spirit, while in others there is a strong tendency downward. The foregoing examples are taken from a variety of tribes. The true way to study the nature and capacity of the Indian is by tribes. Much care should be given to the diiferent characteristics of the tribes. While it would be a great plan to break up tribal relations as rapidly as pos- sible, close observance of existing condi- tions must be made by those who deal with the Indian in a moral, religious, edu- cative, or political sense. But the great difificulty is still with all tribes, whether semi-civilized, barbarous, or wild. It is the problem of contact with the white race and the adjustment of their lives to the conditions of modern civiliza- tion. Wherever an inferior and a superior race have come in contact there has always been more or less difficulty. This difficulty cannot be avoided, but must be met and solved on right principles. The race problem is as old as history itself, but we observe it more closely and distinctly in relation to the Indians of the West than in any other place. Formal treaties and agreements may be made between the in- ferior and superior races; they may be able to get along peaceably with one another, or there may be constant dis- cord and disagreement. The superior race may dominate over the inferior, or stand in the parental position towards it, and still there may be for a time unity and peace. But the moment the attempt is made to force the inferior race into com- petition with the superior by education; to turn it out in the common struggle for existence, unprotected and unassisted by any power, the inferior race will be over- come by the superior in the struggle for existence. One of the most striking illus- trations of this is found in the contact of the Americans with the Spanish neophytes of th^ southwest. The franciscan fathers io8 SEMINAR Y NO TES. at an early date came into California, gathered the savages into villages, in- structed them in the elements of learn- ing and in the practice of the ordinary industrial arts. Over thirty thousand Indians were thus instructed in the elements of civilized life. Through one hundred years this civilization of the Indian went on. Property was accumulated, fields cul- tivated, harvests were reaped. Great herds of stock roamed over the pastures, fruit and flowers developed around them, and one would say to look upon this picture that, indeed, at last a method had been discovered by which the savage of the forest could be forced to adopt our modern civilization. Yet, all of this was merely appearance, the whole education was ac- complished by imitation — the self-deter- mining principle in religion or in industry had not yet developed. The missionaries were to the Indians as parents. They watched over them as children and called them such. The In- dians knew nothing of independent action or self-government. So long as the mis- sionaries were with them, and over them, they could carry on the imitative process of education, but once left alone there was nothing for them but to be crushed out of existence. The difficulties which arose after the conquest of California by Mexico need not be recounted, sufficient to say that the neophytes were left unprotected in their contact with the white race and soon went down before them. Of the thirty thousand in 1834, which were appa- rently living so happy in their crude vil- lages and missions, only four thousand remained in ten years after. The rest were scattered up and down the coast, knowing not where to go or what to do. Thousands returned to their wild life, and in a short time but little effect could be seen of the great civilization wrought by the padres. Here, then, lies the great Indian problem of to-day. No one need criticise the progress that has been made in our best schools. They are thorough, .earnest, and efficient; they make the Indian self-sup- porting, and turn him from the schools so that he may compete with the Anglo- Saxon in the industries of life. They attempt to keep him from the reservation where the overwhelming influ- ences of the tribe and the tepee and the camp shall not reach him. This, indeed, is the true problem of Indian education. The schools should not stop, but go on with more vigor and more spirit than ever; they should receive all that is necessary to. make them thorough and efficient and painstaking. But some attempt, at least, should be made to carry the results of this education beyond the walls of the school room. The government must see to it that this education shall not be lost; that the tribal life of the Indian, with its baneful influences, shall be broken up; that those who are prepared with practical trades shall have an opportunity for their exer- cise; that they shall be given a chance to till the soil; that they shall be given an undisputed title to the land; that all gov- ernment support shall be withdrawn from the tribes and they shall be put in the way of earning a living. If they fail to earn a living through sloth or idleness, let them take the punishment which nature has ap- pointed them. The government must deal with the Indian problem as a matter of business, and not as a matter of sentiment. It should see that the tribes are broken up as soon as possible; that lands be rapid- ly apportioned; that education shall be pushed as rapidly as possible; that justice shall be given to all, but that the system of begging and ration support shall be abolished at once in every case where sub- sistence is ])ossible to the Indian. F. W. Blackmar. SEMINARY NOTES. 109 SEMINARY REPORTS. Municipal Government. ■^rPHE meeting of the Seminary Friday, ^§ December 4, discussed the subject of "Municipal Government Abroad." Prof. Hodder presided, and after making some introductory remarks, comparing the gov- ernment of American and foreign cities, called upon Mr. Wilber Kinzie for a paper upon "Municipal Government in Eng- land." Mr. Kinzie introduced his paper by a short sketch of the development of local government. The present system is an outgrowth of the one introduced at the time of the Norman conquest. At first the towns were ruled by officers of the crown. But the people demanded a voice in their government and local authority passed into the hands of justices, part of them elective and part of them appointed by the Crown. The system at present is very confused and needs reorganization. Uniformity was given to the government of all English cities, except London, by the Municipal Corporation's Act of 1835. An act of 1882 revised the earlier one and incorporated all subsequent amendments. Glasgow may be taken as a good example of the form of government established by these acts. It is governed by a single general council, elected by the rate payers and serving without salary. This council is divided into committees, each one of which has a certain branch of the govern- ment under its control. The city is remarkable for the rapid progress it has made in the housing of the poor and in the construction and management of public works. It has public baths, lodging houses, and wash houses. Its reading rooms are the best in Great Britain. The city owns and operates its own gas works, and built its own street railroad and leased it to a private company upon such favor- able terms that the road will repay the cost of construction and yield the city a large revenue in addition. Mr. E. W. Smith read a paper on the "Government of London." The position of London is exceptional as the Municipal Corporation's Acts did not apply to it. It is necessary to distinguish clearly between the metropolis and the "city," or corpor- ation of London. The former covers about 120 square miles and has nearly five million inhabitants, while the latter con- sists of only a square mile in the heart of this vast aggregation of people and has a population of only about 50,000. Until within two years the metropolis had no general government. It was divided into numerous districts and vestries, each gov- erned by a local vestry board similar to those of small towns in the country. But in 1889 the whole metropolis was made an administrative county and was given a representative council, elected from the various districts and the city. This council will eventually obtain full control of all municipal affairs and constitute a city government proper. The "city" is still governed by the guilds, a relic of medi- sevalism. The members of the guilds, or liverymen, as they are called, elect the aldermen and the aldermen are advanced in turn to the office of Lord Mayor, Mr. H. B. Hall illustrated "Municipal Government in France" by describing the organization of the city of Paris. The government of Paris is highly centralized. The principal power is in the hands of the Prefect of the Seine, appointed by the central government. The people have the right of electing a general council, which exercises legislative powers. For admin- istrative purposes the city is divided into twenty districts, and each has a mayor and council, subject to the Prefect and the general council. Paris has led the way in changing mediaeval alleys into modern avenues. The greatest improve- ments were made between 1852 and 187 1 under Louis Napoleon. SEMINA RY NO TES. H. E. Copper read a paper on the gov- ernment of Berlin. He said that it was while Napoleon I. was holding Germany in check that the present municipal system was inaugurated by Baron Von Stein, minister to Frederick William III., of Prussia. The government of Berlin is vested in a mayor, council, and magistracy. The city council, or lower house, is elected, one third by each of the three groups into which the voters are divided according to their taxes. It is composed of io8 mem- bers and elects the mayor and members of the magistracy, or upper house. The magistracy consists of thirty-four members, including the mayor. The mayor and a part of the magistracy, whose whole time is taken up by their offices, receive pay, the other members of the magistracy do not. The mayor need not be, and quite frequently is not, at the time of his choice, a resident of the town of which he is elected mayor. But he must be a grad- uate of a German university. The city has its own gas plant and sells more than enough gas annually to pay the interest on the original investment. As a business corporation Berlin is a model city. W. D. Ross, Reporter. Argentine Republic. The Seminary was called to order by Professor Blackmar on Friday, December II. After the reading of the minutes of the last meeting Miss Morrow was intro- duced and gave an address on the subject of "The Argentine Republic." The points emphasized were: Argentine Republic has a beautiful landscape and a healthful cli- mate with a temperature ranging from the freezing point in winter to 90 ° in summer. The climate resembles in some degree that of California. The productions are varied, and are rice, coffee, and sugar, and, of late, the cereals are being cultivated and a fine quality of wheat and flax raised. The mineral deposits are rich, having enough coal, by some estimates, to last the Republic 2,000 years, yet it imports most of its fuel from England. Immense cattle and sheep ranches are still found here. The people are descendents of the Spaniards, mixed with the Indian, Italians and other European races, but they retain the Spanish language and customs. Before the recent financial crisis there were very few poor people there. Argentine has a state religion which is Catholic. Other religions are tolerated, provided those who wish to establish a church get permission from the government. Education is com- pulsory between the ages of six and four- teen. The school system was modeled after that of our country, and many teachers were taken from the United States. There are two universities, supported by the national government, and each state has a lower form of school which is called the normal college leading up to the uni- versity. Below these are the primary schools, supported by the cities, and also the kindergarten. The proficiency of some of their professional schools surpasses that of ours. Co-education does not exist, except in some of the primary schools. Argentine Republic has fourteen states, governed much as are our states and united under one federal constitution, modeled after the constitution of the United States. The present form of government was es- tablished in 1852, and superseded a dicta- torship. The president holds office for six years and cannot succeed himself. Although the government is republican in form yet the restrictions upon the ruling party are nominal only. It is a military government, except in name, The present financial disturbance was brought on by circulating paper money in great quantities. The national treasury was at first full of gold, but this was all drained from the country in foreign trade while the paper remained at home. The state is very rich in resources, and it is thought that if some one were found to govern it properly it would soon pay its enormous debt and become wealthy. Ar- gentines think that they are a peculiar people, and that all the laws of poliirical economy do not apply to them, and they SEMINARY NOTES. see nothing else to do now but to go on printing paper money. The crisis almost resulted in a political revolution, but the president resigned and saved the overthrow of the government. W. M. Curry, Reporter. Civil Service Reform. The Seminary met on Friday, January 15, Professor Blackmar presiding. The subject for discussion was opened by Mr. Truitt, with a paper on the "De- velopment of the Spoils System." The growth of this system was due to a defect in the constitution, which gave powers of appointment to the president, but, although the spoils system had early become an institution in some of the states, it was some time before it affected the federal government. Washington and Adams, together, removed only eighteen persons from office, and these were not removed by party causes. Jefferson was so scrupu- lous that he would appoint no relative to office, no matter how well qualified. He was the first to see the evils which would eventually result from placing such powers of appointment in the hands of the presi- dent and sounded a warning against it. But the federal offices were still very few, and it was thought that the president's sense of duty, as well as the noble preced- ents set by the first presidents would cause him to act justly. With the rapid growth in population, however, the number of officers was also enormously increased, party organization became more perfect, and finally Andrew Jackson announced the principle "to the victors belong the spoils," and astounded the whole nation by turning out in one year two thousand officials to make way for his own adherents. Although it has always been condemned by the best citizens of every class, on account of the immense advantages af- forded by it to the party in power, the spoils system has continued in full force from the time of Jackson until now. But it is to be hoped that it will soon be a thing of the past. The civil service reform bill of 1883 is a long step in the right direction, and public sentiment is ripe for further reform in the same line. Mr. Fullerton followed with a paper on the "Pendleton Act of 1883." He said that in 1853, thirty years before the pass- age of the Pendleton act, a bill was passed requiring civil service examinations for inferior offices, but only those recom- mended by United States senators and representatives were permitted to take the examinations; so that the only effect was to place the power of appointment in the hands of congressmen. In 1872 General Grant instituted a civil service examina- tion similar to the present system, but congress refused to make any appropria- tion for carrying it out and it fell through. The present system was instituted in 1883. By its provision no official is under obligation in any way to assist the admin- istration for purely party purposes; not more than two persons from the same family may hold office; and, of course, the most important provision, concerning the examinations, is included. For this pur- pose the officials, to which the act is extended, are divided into four classes: the departmental service at Washington, the customs service, the postal service, and the railroad mail service. Each of these has a separate general board of ex- aminers, and also local boards as many as may be necessary. All local examinations may be appealed to a special board of appeal. When any one wishes to be a candidate for any office under this act he fills out the blanks which are sent to him, stating his age, name, etc. This must be signed by five persons. His name is then enrolled on the list of candidates, and when an examination occurs within a con- venient distance he is notified. If he passes his name is placed on the books and he is given a place when a vacancy occurs. The name of the candidate is represented on the examination paper by a number, so that the examiners are not influenced by any personal prejudice. When the candidate is appointed he must SEMINAR V NO TES. serve six months on probation. In 1887 15,852 persons were examined, of whom 10,746 passed and 5,106 failed. The average age of the candidates is about 32. The principal difficulty in the system has been in its practical application, but this difficulty is being rapidly overcome. Mr. Cann concluded the discussion with a paper on the advantages of the merit system. He said that the civil service was composed of men who had either been appointed from motives of charity or as a reward for party service. While the only test should be efficiency, yet the political machine controlled the power of appoint- ment, partly through bribes and partly through the fear they were able to inspire. The merit system of competitive examina- tions, if faithfully carried out, would do away with this evil. It would also abolish the degrading spectacle of two hundred thousand people scrambling for office after every national election, for every officer would hold his position for life unless removed for a worthy cause. The trouble lies in the fact that the law is not obeyed. The power of appointment still lies in the power of the congressman and he still uses it to place his henchmen in office. Be- sides this it takes his time from his real duties. Garfield said that in his day con- gress took one third of its time to distribute the offices. With the rapid increase of population and consequently of offices, it may happen that at some day it may almost shut out the business of legislation. Spoils- men try to throw the merit system into contempt by saying that it is Chinese; and try to arouse prejudice against it on the ground that it is English. But we are not so narrow and bigoted that we cannot see the benefits of a reform, unless we originate it; and it is certainly un-American to put a man of merit out of office to make way for the henchman of a politician. The ad- vantages of the merit system are efficiency of service, justice to the officer, the lessen- ing of political corruption and the allow- ance of more time to congress for legisla- tion, while its good effects may be felt throughout the coimtry in the lessening of partisanship and the bringing into clear light the questions which have been ob- scured by party prejudices. J. W. Park, Feporter. The First Principles of Money. The Seminary met at 4 o'clock on Fri- day, January 22, to hear a paper by Hon. Joel Moody on "The First Principles of Money." Prof. Blackmar presided. Senator Moody introduced his subject by taking issue with Walker's- definition of money — "money is a medium of exchange, a means not an end." A medium is that thing through or by which a thing passes; money is not a medium. Money is the measure of all commercial things, value springs from those inherent qualities in man that cause him to desire certain things more than others. The commercial value of anything is alone connected with man. Eliminate man and you eliminate value. Neither can anything have value without having utility. Price is simply the measure of value, the measure of value is money. Value, a relative term, must be measured by something concrete. All things must be measured by a concrete unit, as exten- sion, capacity, weight, value. It is neces- sary that a standard shall be fixed by law. Money was invented by man to avoid barter. By the invention of money com- merce has become a science. Money must have existed before the civil state. It brought the state into existence. Even the most barbarous tribes have something that stands for money. But money must have certain requisites. It must serve as a measure of value and have value in itself. Money must possess lasting qualities. "True money lives, false money dies." All the meta-ls have been used as money, but simple lessons in metallurgy have led to the adoption of gold and silver. By its vast use to man money has obtained its value. Gold and silver came to be used through a natural choice. Money must also possess malleability, di- visibility and weight. Gold does not have SEMINAR Y NO TES. "3 to be coined before it can be called money. Some claim that metal is not a necessary element in a scientific definition of money, that a fiat law can create money. The government can no more create money than it can value, gravity or extension. Civil law cannot create money. If it could a nation could maintain itself without taxation. It would make the legislative will the measure of all values. If law cannot create value, and if what is created has no value, it will not last. It is not the fiat law, nor the stamp of the mint, nor the inscription "In God We Trust," that gives money value. On account of the lateness of the hour Mr. Moody was unable to read all of his paper, but Prof. Blackmar made the state- ment that although it would be impossible to have the remainder of the paper at a meeting of the Seminary, because of an already completed program, yet he had secured the promise of the senator to appear before the class on Political Econ- omy before long and finish the subject. At that time opportunity will be given for questions or criticisms by the students in accordance with the custom of the Semi- nary. C. A. Peabody, Reporter. HISTORY IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY. |F the two hundred and seventy courses offered at Harvard University twenty- seven are credited to the department of History. At least twenty others, which are listed under Political Economy, Se- mitic, Hebrew, Greek. Latin, and Fine Arts, might well be called history courses- If any student wishes to make a study of any time or institution not covered by this large number of courses, facilities are offered him in the different seminaries to explore almost any field. In fact the student's own ch©ice sets almost the only limit to the range of historical work done in Harvard University. This desirable condition is, however, a matter of recent growth. The memory of Harvard's young- est professors runneth back to the time when the "text-book" method of teaching history was still in vogue, when a student's historical acquisitions were measured by pages of text committed or dates and facts memorized. A story is still told of the amazement which almost overcame the instructor when Prof. Taussig, then a student, one day ventured to introduce into his recita- tion some facts gathered outside the regular text-book and thus made a brilliant and .interesting recitation. But all such things are of the past, and if Harvard did not introduce what we are pleased to term the "Modern Scientific Method" of teaching history, she is, at present, certainly behind no American university in the use of that method; but one of the history courses is now given as a text-book study. The history work here may be divided into three classes: First. The preliminary courses, which it is expected will be taken in the Freshman or Sophomore years, must precede the advanced courses. In these the lectures and two or three books contain most of the matter, for which the student will be held responsible. The supplementary work which he is required to do is not extensive, and, in the general European history course, takes the form of geographical study by the use of maps, illustrating the political divisions of Europe at different periods. These preliminary courses are attended by from 150 to 300 men, and each instructor has an assistant, whose business it is to hold short conferences with each member of the class; give them aid or information on any point, and sat- isfy himself that the work of each man is being done faithfully. What may be called the second division 114 SEMINAR V NO TES. of the history work is well typified by Prof. Emerton's course on the Reforma- tion, or Prof. Hart's course in United States History. In these the students are more advanced and more work is expected of them. Topics are studied critically, and each man must form his own opinion from the evidence presented. He also supplements by his own reading the out- line or skeleton of the period, which is all that the professor attempts to give in his lectures. Besides, special reports, biblio- graphies and biographies are required from each student. The man who attempts to depend on the lectures alone will find himself at sea when Prof. Emerton asks, as he did on our examination, full two thirds of the questions on points which he has not mentioned in the class room. Prof. Hart says that a man cannot pass kis examination without doing the supple- mentary reading, even if he should learn the lectures verbatim. The importance which he attaches to the student's part of the work is also indicated by the topical outline of about three hundred pages, which serves as a guide to the collateral reading. Some of the professors, however, test a man's reading by requiring two or more theses during the year and then examine only on the lectures. In a few courses if a man pays close attention to the lectures and keeps them well in mind h pass satisfactorily without doing any reading. By what I have said of the examinations I only mean to indicate the minimum amount of work which will enable one to pass. Almost any one of these courses can prof- itably employ half of a man's time, and the encouragement and facilities offered tempt all real students to spend enough time on each subject to get a clear knowl- edge of it. But I must pass to the third class of work which each year occupies a more important place in the historical work done. This is what is known as the semi- nary work. There are four seminaries given; but as they are much alike, and I am best acquainted with the one in Amer- iean History, conducted by Professors Hart and Channing, my description will be confined to it. This Seminary was established in 1885 with six members, and has increased each year till there are now seventeen members, each of whom selects some special topic for investigation and is expected to embody the results of his work in a thesis. Many of the reports thus produced have been printed in the Papers of the American Historical Association, in the Harvard Historical Monographs, or in book form. The Seminary meets each Monday even- ing. At the earlier meetings of the year the instructors lecture on the methods of historical investigations and on the mate- rials of American History. At later meet- ings the students report upon their inves- tigations and discoveries. Each report is discussed by the instructors and fellow students. New books, which are likely to prove of interest to members of the Semi- nary, are reviewed by some members. Each member of the Seminary has half an hour a week set apart for personal con- ference with the professor. At this con- ference he reports progress and receives suggestions and instructions for the next week's work. Thorough, scholarly work is encouraged, and each student becomes a master of his particular field. If he does not write history himself he knows how it should be written, and learns to estimate at its true historic worth any work which may come before him. The wide range of studies is shown by the list of- courses in history: COURSES IN HISTORY FOR UNDER-GRAD- UATES. I. Mediaeval and Modern History, Asst. Prof. Channing. 2. Constitutional Government, Prof. Macvane. 3. Roman History to the Reign of Dio- cletian, Mr. Bendelari, 4. The Middle Ages, from Charlemagne to Dante, Prof. Emerton, 5. History of Wejit^r^i E^ufope, from SEMINAR V NO TES. "5 the Germanic Invasions to the Treaty of Verdun, Mr. Bendelari. 6. The First Eight Christian Centuries, Prof. Emerton. 7. The Era of the Reformation in Eu- rope. Prof. Emerton. 8. History of France to the Reign of Louis XIV., with special reference to in- stitutions. Dr. Snow. 9. Constitutional History of England to the Sixteenth Century, Dr. Gross. 10. American History to 1788, Asst. Prof. Channing. 1 1 . European History during the Seven- teenth Century and the first half of the Eighteenth, Mr. Bendelari. 12. European History from the Middle of the Eighteenth Century, Prof. Macvane and Asst. Prof. Channing. 13. Constitutional and Political History of the United States, Asst. Prof. Hart. 15. Elements of Public International Law — History of Treaties — Dr. Snow. COURSES IN HISTORY FOR GRADUATES. 2 1. Early Mediaeval Institutions, Mr. Bendelari. 22. The Sources and Literature of English Constitutional History, Dr. Gross. 23. History of the Government and Institutions of France to the Reign of Louis XIV., Dr. Snow. 25. English Constitutional History from the Tudor Period to the Accession of George I., Mr. Bendelari. 26. History of American Institutions, Asst. Prof. Channing. 27. Government and Administration in the United States — National, State, and Municipal — Asst. Prof. Hart. 28. History of Continental Europe (chiefly of France and Germany) since the Seven Years' War, Prof. Macvane. 29. Constitutional History of England since the Accession of George I., Asst. Prof. Channing. 30. Federal Government — Historical and Comparative — Asst. Prof. Hart. 3 1 . Leading Principles of Constitutional Law — selected cases, American and Eng- lish — Prof. Macvane. 32. The Historical Development of In- ternational Law, Dr. Snow. 20. Courses of Research. I. Seminary in Mediaeval History: (a) Church and State, Prof. Emerton. (b) Municipal History, Dr. Gross. (c) Political Institutions, Mr. Bendelari. II. Seminary in Modern History and Di- plomacy: (d) Social History, Prof. Macvane. ( e) English History in the Stuart Period, Mr. Bendelari. (f) Diplomatic History, Dr. Snow. III. Seminary in American History, Hart and Channing. COURSES CATALOGUED UNDER POLITICAL ECONOMY, SEMITIC, HEBREW, GREEK AND LATIN, BUT WHICH ARE REALLY HIS- TORY COURSES. Economic History of Europe and Amer- ica since the Seven Years' War, Mr. Cole. Railway Transportation, Asst. Prof. Taussig. History of Tariff Legislation in the United States, Prof. Dunbar. Theory and Methods of Taxation, Prof. Dunbar. Banking and the History of the Leading Banking Systems, Prof. Dunbar. Babylonian — Assyrian History from na- tive sources with comparison of the Greek and Roman writers — Prof. Lyon. History of Israel — -Political and Social — Prof. Lyon. History of the Hebrew Religion, with comparison of other Semitic religions, Prof. Toy. Political and Literary History of the Bagdad Califate, Prof. Toy. Political and Literary History of the Spanish Califate, Prof. Toy. Three Centuries of Greek History (600- 300 B. C), Prof. Wright. The Life of the Ancient Athenians, Prof. J. W. White. The Reign of Tiberius — the Annals of Tacitus — Prof. Smith. The Athenian Expedition to Sicily, Prof. Goodwin. The Constitutional History of Athens and the Judicial Process of the Athenian Courts, Prof. Goodwin. History of Ancient Art, Prof. Norton. History of Roman and Mediaeval Art, Prof. Norton. Wm. Hill. ii6 SEMINA RY NO TES. - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Frank W. Blackmar. \ Frank H. Hodder, i ' ' ' Editors. Ephraim D. Adams, j Terms, Ten Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year ^-r* HE purpose of this publication is to increase the (ffl) interest in the study of historical science in the ^^ University and throughout the State, to afford means of regular communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general pub- lic—especially with the Alumni of the University, and to preserve at least the outlines ot carefully prepared papei-s and addresses. The number of pages in each issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BLACKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. It may be of interest to readers of Seminary Notes to know that Prof. F. W. Blackmar's article on Indian Educa- tion, published in this issue, will appear shortly in the Review of Reviews, and in the Annals of the American Academy. The text of the article may differ somewhat from that published in the Seminary Notes, but in substance it will be the same. Another view of the same subject is also to appear in the Charities Review. Prof. Blackmar is a firm friend of the existing system of Indian education. His article merely asserts that the great need is for a further extension of that system, so that the Indian youth shall be forced to take a position on equality with his American competitor. On January 22 Hon. Joel Moody read a paper before the Historical Seminary which was of unusual interest to the stu- dents, both because of the personality of the writer and because of the entertaining manner in which he treated the subject under discussion. A report of that portion of his paper which he was able to finish is to be found in another column. Mr. Moody's definition of money differed some- what from that usually given, but it would be unfair to either accept or reject his ideas before hearing the remainder of his paper. He is to appear again shortly before the class in Political Economy, and will at that time give the students oppor- tunity for discussion. The sketch, this month, of the study of History in American colleges, treats of History in Harvard University. It was written by Mr. Wm. Hill, a former student of K. S. U., now pursuing special work in American History at Harvard. Mr. Hill is evidently enthusiastic over the lecture system, and his description of the charac- ter of the work done under that system is inspiring. It has always been found that with every step in the direction of sepa- rating epochs of history into short periods for special class room study, the value of the lecture system increases. Owing to lack of space it was found necessary to omit a portion of Mr. Hill's paper, relat- ing to library facilities at Harvard. It will be published at another time. Some three years ago a movement was set on foot to erect a monument at Delfs- haven, Holland, the place from which the Pilgrims sailed when they started for the new world, the object being to recognize in this way the debt of gratitude due the Dutch for the asylum afforded the Pilgrims during their twelve years' residence In Amsterdam and Leyden. The attempt to raise subscriptions was met by the objec- tion that the Pilgrims were not well treated in Holland. This charge has been carefully investigated by the leaders of the movement and found to be without founda- tion. A pamphlet on "The Influence of the Netherlands in the Making of the English Commonwealth and the American Republic," by Dr. W. E. Grifiis, is one of a number that are now being circulated in the interest of the Delfshaven memorial. SEMINAR Y NO TES. ii-j Dr. Griffis discusses principally the in- fluence upon English life of the thousands of Dutch who fled to England to escape the Spanish persecution, and the influences upon the Pilgrims while in Holland and the Dutch ideas they took with them to the new world. In Holland, at this time, there was much greater liberty than in England. There was religious toleration of all Prot- estant sects, and even Catholics and Jews were permitted private exercise of their religion; there was a free press, free schools, a free land; that is land was held in fee simple and there was a system of registration of deeds and mortgages. Other things, having no precedent in England, which the Pilgrims learned to know in Holland were written constitutions, pre- scribing and limiting the powers of public officers, secret written ballots, a court of supreme authority, a union of law and equity, and, in the local administration of justice, a public prosecuting ofhce, cor- responding to what we now call the district attorney, and the right of the accused to counsel for defense. All of these improve- ments became a part of the institutions that grew up in New England, and we are in all probability much more largely in- debted to Holland for them than has been commonly supposed. Upon this subject we are promised an extended article by Douglas Campbell, entitled "The Puritan in England, Holland, and America." Lavisse's "Political History of Eu- rope," noticed in another column, contains many interesting historical generalizations. In the conclusion, after calling attention to the fact that the present condition of Europe is apparently dependent upon force alone, the author outlines the part which may, perhaps, be played by the America of the future. His statement of this is so interesting that a portion of it is here given: "The relations between the Old World and the New are not necessarily peaceful. Down to the present the latter has had no foreign policy; still the Monroe Doctrine, 'America for the Americans',' is a policy. If it is ever applied to the islands of America (premonitory signs of this are not wanting), it will cause a conflict between the two worlds. American civilization is pacific. All these new nations grow and multiply in the midst of peace. Peace is thus their vocation, but, as if it were con- trary to the eternal order of things, the United States are beginning to use their treasury surplus for the construction of war vessels. Armaments are ruining Eu- rope, while American wealth is producing armaments. * * * After having seen so many changes, states come into exis- tence and perish, empires crumble that had hoped for eternal life, we must foresee new revolutions, deaths and births. "All force exhausts itself; the faculty of guiding the course of history is not an inalienable possession. Europe, which inherited it from Asia three thousand years ago, will not, perhaps, retain it forever." It is not, however, the indication of America ^s the future seat of political power, that is most noticeable in this quo- tation, but rather the thought that the world has reached no fixed stage in poli- tics; that all things are yet to change, and to change quickly. This thought is to be found in nearly every recent writer on European politics. Even if no war comes to change the map of Europe, yet the pressure of the present armaments upon each government is so great that something is likely to give way before long. The young reformer of Europe believes that he will live to see the day when his reforms shall be adopted, but he also frequently believes that this can only be accomplished by a use of force, in a measure. In the United States we are wont to assume that we have no need of troubling ourselves about our international relations, and, perhaps, it is true for the present that there is no danger of a war which can in any way seriously affect the whole United States. But our economists, our writers on social questions, all our thoughtful men, SEMINAR Y NO TES. recognize that for the United States, in the industrial world, there are questions coming to the front which may be of as great a source of trouble to us as are boundary lines to European nations. Whether in Europe or in America histo- rians will find many indications of the spirit of change. The institutions of the world have not yet become stable. Hon. Frank H. Betton, State Labor Commissoner, will address the Seminary on Friday, February 5. His topic will be some subject in connection with the work of Bureaus of Labor Statistics. The practice of gerrymandering is once more brought into prominence on account of the creation of the new congressional and legislative districts. This abominable practice has been resorted to by each of the great political parties, from time to time, and in every instance it brings with it shame and disgrace in the eyes of all fair minded people. The practice origi- nated in the year 181 2, after the memor- able contest between the federalists and the democrats in the state of Massachu- setts. The democrats succeeded in elect- ing their governor with majorities in both houses of the legislature. In order to make the victory permanent, and secure the election of democratic United States senators in the future, the party in power proceeded to re-divide and arrange the senatorial districts, in order to make a democratic majority in each. They dis- regarded county lines and constitutional rights, but the law was passed and signed by Elbridge Gerry and became effective. The opposition papers denounced the ac- tion in severest language. Among the most bitter in exposing the fraud was Mr. Russell, then editor of the Boston Sentinel. To him is accredited the origin of the name "Gerrymander," referring, of course, to Elbridge Gerry, The story is as fol- lows: It seems that Mr. Russell had taken a map of Essex county, on which was represented in particular colors the differ- ent towns that had been divided off in the most grotesque manner. Mr. Gilbert Stuart, the eminent painter, happened in the room one day and stood looking at the map. He finally said that the colored districts looked like some monstrous ani- mal. Thereupon he took a pencil and drew head, wings, claws and tail to the supposed body. "There, said the artist, "that will do for a salamander." Mr. Russell looked up from his work and ex- claimed: "Salamander! Call it a Gerry- mander! " From that time on the notorious process was called gerrymandering. Since then there have been several noted prac- tices of gerrymandering by different states and Elbridge Gerry's name has been handed down to posterity by being attached to a notorious system. A paper before the writer contains a discussion of the question of gerrymand- ering lately practiced with so much success in Wisconsin. The paper is an able doc- ument by Mr. A. J. Turner, of Portage, Wis. Mr. Turner presents the constitu- tional and legal phases of the question, and shows graphically and conclusively that the people have been politically wronged. A diagram of Fond du Lac county shows the second assembly district, composed of three townships, completely enveloped by the first and second districts, together composed of eighteen townships. The average population of each assembly district was, in 1890, 16,868; while some districts had but six or seven thousand; one had over thirty-eight thousand. Mr. Turner sums up the results of the act as follows: "One hundred and sixty-eight thousand eight hundred and nine people who participated in the senatorial election in 1890 may vote for senators again in 1892. Two hundred and thirty-one thous- and two hundred and eighteen people who voted for senators in 1888 will not have an opportunity to do so again until 1894. So, senators elected in 1890 will represent for two years 387,122 people who had no voice in their election. Or, 168,809 peo- ple will have two representatives from 1892 until 1894, and 231,218 people must go SEMINARY NOTES. 119 entirely represented for the same period." Other notable instances in Ohio, Penn- sylvania and South Carolina clearly illus- trate how the people may be defrauded of their rights by this process. It is to be hoped that the strong, vigorous words of Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, will be regarded by the coming legislature, and that any necessary division of districts will be car- ried on with the utmost fairness to all classes of the people. There are so many new congressional and legislative districts to establish since the last census, that it is to be hoped that a general policy of fair- ness will prevail. No good can come from such temporary robberies. The railroad question assumes new and interesting features every day. The trial ordered against the trans- Missouri Freight Association may result in disbanding the association. If it does it is interesting to see what will be the influence upon traffic associations in general. The case at Wichita was also won against the railroads and in favor of shippers to inland points. The decision in the case of the Maine rail- road, in regard to the pass system, may be made universal in practice. These items all point toward the determination of the state and the federal governments to assume a more definite control of the railroad system. Each year witnesses some gain in this direction. Although we are far from an effective management of rail- roads by legal enactments, we may be encouraged to look forward to a time when the railway service of this country will be carried on in a harmonious and system- atic manner, without detriment to ship- pers and passengers on the one side and without loss to the companies on the other. The eighth annual meeting of the Amer- ican Historical Association was held in Washington December 29 to 31, 1891. Interesting papers were read by historical scholars from all parts of the United States. One of the most important papers was that by President Adams, of Cornell Uni- versity, on Columbus. Of this paper. Prof. H. B. Adams, of Johns Hopkins, the secretary of the association, in a short account of its proceedings gave the fol- lowing report: "In view of coming events, which cast their Columbian shadows before, the his- torical paper which eclipsed all others in popular interest at the Washington meet- ing and in the Associated Press reports that flashed over the whole country, was President Charles Kendall Adams' account of ' Recent Discoveries Concerning Colum- biis.' Perhaps the best and fullest report was printed in the New York Times Janu- ary I, 1892, the morning after the original paper was read. This widespread popular report not only ushered in the Columbian year, but it was literally the first general announcement to the American people that Columbus landed from the west rather than from the east; that is to say, he sailed around Watling's Island and entered the New World on the Chicago rather than on the New York side. "Besides this -true view of the landfall of Columbus, President Adams gave his audience, and at the same time, the coun- try at large, the latest and most authentic information regarding the recent discovery of the burial place and remains of the discoverer himself. It seems that those patriotic body-snatchers, who, in 1795, undertook to remove Columbus to Spanish Havana from San Domingo, which by the Treaty of Bale had just become French territory, took the wrong coffin. Not until the years 1877 was the true Columbus rediscovered in another vault on the right hand of the altar in the cathe- . dral at San Domingo. There has been much controversy between the Cubans and the San Domingoans upon the exact location of the holy sepulcher of the Western world; but Rudolf Cronan, a German traveler and historical critic, re- viewed the whole question in 1891, and has now established the fact that the re- mains of the great discoverer are still lying in the cathedral at San Domingo." SEMINAR Y NO TES. President Adams has in preparation a short life of Columbus to be published in the series entitled "Makers of Amer- ica." The president of the association, elected for the ensuing year, is James B. Angell, of Michigan University. The next meet- ing is to be held in Chicago during the Columbian exposition. The eminent Belgian economist and publicist, Emile de Laveleye, died at Liege on the 3d of January. Professor de Laveleye was, perhaps, more widely known than any other recent writer on economic subjects. He was born at Bruges in 1822, studied law at the University of Ghent, but has devoted himself principally to the study of political economy. Since 1864 he has been professor in the Univer- sity of Liege. His published writings are very numerous and many of them have been translated into English and German. The books best known in English transla- tion are a "Manual of Political Econ- omy," widely used as a text-book in colleges, "Socialism of To-day," a sum- mary of socialistic theories, and "Primitive Property," perhaps his most important work. Prof, de Laveleye belonged to the ethical school of economists, but in much of his work approached closely the methods of the historical school. In his own country he has always exerted great influ- ence, notwithstanding the fact that he was a Protestant among Catholics. NEW PUBLICATIONS. A. Lovell & Co., No. 3 East 14th St., New York, have begun the publication of a series of "American History Leaflets," to be edited by Profs. Hart and Channing, of Harvard University. The plan is sim- ilar to that of the "Old South Leaflets," which is to reprint in each number some important historical document and in this way to encourage the study of history, as far as circumstances permit, at first hand. The first number, just received, contains the letter of Columbus to Santangel and an extract from his journal, both describ- ing his discovery. The "Leaflets" are to be bi-monthly. The remaining numbers for the year will contain the Ostend Man- ifesto, extracts from the Sagas describing voyages of the Northmen, extracts from official declarations embodying the Monroe Doctrine, documents relating to the treaty of 1763, and extracts from papers relating to the Behring Sea controversy. The "Leaflets" will be very useful to students and teachers in both schools and colleges. The price is thirty cents for the year, or five cents per copy. Macy's "Our Government," (Ginn & Co., Boston,) is a new and revised edition of a text-book already widely and favor- ably known. The author claims that the governmental institutions of our system are so related that no one of them can be thoroughly understood without a knowl- edge of all. Accordingly the discussion of local, state and national governments is not entirely separated, but so united as to present a view of them as a whole. Upon this plan Part I. traces the origin of local institutions, then the origin of the states and their union in the nation, and compares the state and national govern- ments. Similarly Part III., on the admin- istration of justice, treats first of state and then of the federal courts. Part II, dis- cusses "Matters chiefly local," and Parts IV. and V. treat of "Matters chiefly fed- eral." The strong point of the book is its skillful union of historical and expository material. We think that no other text- book on the subject traces so carefully and clearly the origin and development of our institutions. Throughout the style is in- teresting. "Political History of Europe," is the title of a book recently received from Longmans, Green & Co. It was written by Ernest Lavisse, and was translated from the French by Charles Gross, Ph. D., of Harvard University. In the translator's preface we notice that recognition is made of assistance rendered by Prof. A. G. Canfield, of K. S. U. The book does not attempt to give in detail specific causes or results of historical events. The purpose is evidently to des- cribe in general the formation and political development of the states of Europe, and to state clearly and simply their present condition and mutual relations. In this the author has succeeded admirably, al- though in some places the book may prove somewhat diificult reading to any one not thoroughly acquainted with the facts of history. The author's five pages of "con- clusion" are full of suggestive ideas with regard to the future of both Europe and America. SEMINAR Y NO TES. COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY. FOR 1891-2. F. W. BLACKMAR, Ph. D. F. H. HODDER. A. M. E. D. ADAMS, PH. D. Instruction in this department is given by ^means of lectures, recitations, reports, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. As the library is an indispensable iaid in the pursuit of the following courses, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classifying material^ and of writing and pre- senting papers on special topics. All lectures are supplemented by required reading and class exercises. Facts are essential to all historic study; yet the aim is to take the student beyond the mere details of events— to inquire into the origin and development of society and the philosophy of institutions. While the study of the past is carried on with interest and thoroughness, the most important part of history — that which lies about us — is kept constantly in view. The history of other nations, other political systems and other forms of administration, are studied, that we may better understand our own. To under- stand present social and political institutions, and to give an intelligent solution of present problems, is the chief aim of instruction in historical science. THE WORK OF THE DEPARTMENT Now embraces European History, American History and Oivil Government, the History of Institutions, Sociology, and Political Econ- omy. The work in American History will be continued with enthusiasm and thorough- ness. Classes having begun this work will continue without a break. The importance of this work needs no comment. The prepa- ration for good citizenship demands, among other things, a thorough knowledge of the growth of nationality, and the history of our industrial, social and political development. These, with financial experiments and nation- al diplomacy, receive marked attention. The text of the Constitution and Constitutional Law occupy a prominent place in the study of this branch. OUTLINE OF COURSES. FIRST TERM. 1. Englisli History. Daily. Descriptive history. A careful study of the English peo- ple, including race elements, social and polit- ical institutions, and national growth. 2. The History of Civilization. Lectures daily, embracing ancient society, and the in- tellectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influence of Greek philosophy, the Christian church, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationalities. 3. Political Economy. Daily. The funda- mental principles are discussed and elabo- rated by descriptive and historical methods. All principles and theories are illustrated by exaiuples from present economic society. A brief history of Political Economy may be given at the close of the course. 4. French and Gfemian History. Daily. Descriptive history; including race elements, social and political institutions, and national growth. Especial attention given to French politics. 5. Historical Method and Criticism. One hour each week. Examination and classifi- cation of sources and authorities; analysis of the works of the best historians; collection and use of materials, and notes and biblio- graphy. 6. Statistics. Two hours each week. Sup- plementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems. The history and theory of statistics receives due attention. 7. Journalism. Lectures three hours each week. Laboratory and library work. Legal and Historical. — Ten lectures by Prof. E. D. Adams. English.— T\v^T\ty-fv\Q lectures by Profs. Dunlap and Hopkins. Neivspaper Bureau, Magazines, and Sj^ecial Phases of Journalism. — Prof. Adams. The course was prepared especially for those students who expect to enter journal- ism as a profession. Although the instruc- tors have no desire to create a special School of .Tournalism for the purpose of turning out fully-equipped journalists, they believe that this course will be very helpful to those who in the future may enter the profession. The course will be found highly beneficial to stti SEMINAR Y NO TES. dents who want a special study in magazines and newspapers as a means of general cul- ture. The course is under the direction of this Department, but the professors named above have kindly and generously consented to assist in certain phases of the work, which occur more particularly in their respective departments. 8. American History. Instruction is given daily for two years in American History. The course embraces Colonial History and the Local Government of the Colonies, the Constitutional and Political History of the Union from 1789 to the present time, the for- mation of the Constitution, and an analysis of the text of the constitution itself. 9. Local Administration and Law. Three conferences each week during the first term, covering the Management of Public Affairs in districts, townships, counties, cities, and States. This course is intended to increase the sense of the importance of home govern- ment, as well as to give instruction in its practical details. 10. Public Finance and Banking-. Two con- ferences each week during the first term, on iSTational, State, andMunieipal Financiering; and on Theoretical and Practical Banking, with the details of bank management. SECOND TERM. 11. English Constitutional History. Two hours each week. A special study in the principles and growth of the English Consti- tution. This course may be taken as a con- tinuation of number one. As it is a special study of Constitutional History, students ought to have some preparation for it. 12. Renaissance and Reformation. Lec- tures two hours each week, with required reading and investigation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number two. It includes the Revival of Learning through- out Europe, with especial attention to the Italian Renaissance; a careful inquiry into the causes, course, and results of the Refor- mation. The course embraces the best phases of the intellectual development of Europe. 13. Advanced Political Economy. Three hours each week, consisting of («) lectures on Applied Econoinics, (6) Practical Observation and Investigation, and (c) Methods of Re- search, witn papers by the students on special topics. This is a continuation of number three. 14. Institutional History. Lectures three hours each week on Comparative Politics and Administration.' Greek, Roman and Ger- manic institutions are compared. The his- torical significance of Roman law is traced in mediaeval institutions. A short study in Prussian Administration is given at the close of the course. 15, The Rise of Democracy. Lectures two hours each week on the Rise of Popular Power, and the Growth of Political Liberty in Europe. A comparison of ancient and modern democracy, a study of Switzerland, the Italian Republics, the Dutch Republic, and the Erench Revolution, constitute the principal part of the work. Students will read May's Democracy in Europe. 16, Elements of Sociology. Lectures three hours each week on the Evolution of Social Institutions from the Primitive Unit, the Family; including a discussion of the laws and conditions which tend to organize society. The later part of the course is de- voted to modern social problems and social- istic Utopias. 17, Cliarities and Corrections. Two hours each week: Various methods of treatment of the poor. Scientific charity. Treatment of the helpless. Prison reform. State refor- matories. This course is supplementary to number sixteen. Special efforts will be made towards a practical study of Kansas institu- tions. 18, Land and Land Tenures. Lectures two hours each ■ week. This course • treats of Primitive Property, the Village Community, Feudal Tenures of France and England, and Modern Land-holding in Great Britain and Ireland and the United States. Reports are made on other countries, and on recent agrarian theories and legislation This is an excellent preparation for the study of the Law of Real Property, 19, The Political History of Modern Europe, Two hours each week, including the Napo- leonic wars, German Federation, the Rise of Prussia, the Unification of Italy, the Revolu- tion of 1848, the Third Republic, the Russian problem, etc. '20. Constitutional Law. Three conferences each week during the second term, on the Constitution of the United States; with brief sketches of the institutions and events that preceded its adoption, and with special atten- tion to the sources and methods of its inter- pretation. 21, International Law and Diplomacy. Class work twice each week during the second term; using Davis on the Rise and Growth of SEMINAR Y NO TES. 123, International Law, and Schuyler on the History of American Diplomacy. 22. The Status of Woman in the United States. Three conferences each week during the second term, on the Status of Woman in all countries and times; with special investiga- tion of the present legal, political, industrial, and professional position of women in the diiferent States of the American Union. 23. The Histories and Methods of Legisla- tive Assemblies. Two conferences each week during the second term on the Rise and Growth of Legislative assemblies, their rules of order and methods of business. 24. Mediaeyal History. Two-fifths of the last term of the Freshman year. For all students whose admission papers show that they have had Elementary Physics, Hygiene, and Chemistry. The course includes a study of the fall of the Western Empire, the Teu- tonic Races, and the rise of new nationalities. 25. Seminary, Two hours each week throughout the year. New Courses. Other courses may be given in Political Philosophy, Modern Municipal Government, Ptoman Law, the South Ameri- can Republics, and Comparative administra- tion. Graduate Courses. To those desiring them special courses for post-graduate students will be given in the following subjects: The History of Institutions, American History and Civil Government, Sociology, Political Economy. Newspaper Bureau, In connection with the work of the Department a Newspaper Bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty daily and weekly newspa- pers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of system- atic reading, to keep informed on the current* topics of the day, to study the best types of modern journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles 0' temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of editorial work, to mas- ter for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, impor- tant materials for the study of current his- tory and public life— to malie history, by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. Preparation for Entrance to the University. — The time spent in the high schools in the study of history is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be exercised in preparing students for entrance into the University. At present very little history is required in the Freshman and Sophomore years, and the students enter upon the study of the Junior and Senior years without thorotigh preparation for the work. It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the Univer- sity to learn the story of nations pretty thor- oughly. A general outline of the world's history with a special study of the United States history and government represents the field. iJut this outline should be something more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates. It should be well rounded with the political, social and economic life of the people. Stu- dents will find a general text-book, such as Myer's or Sheldon's indispensable; but the work of preparation ought not to stop here. Such works as Fyffe's Greece, Creighton's Rome, Seebohm's Era of Protestant Revolu- tion, Cox's Greece, and others in the Primer,. Epoch, and Stories of Nations, series ought ta be read. The object of this reading is ta familiarize the student with the political and social life of the principal nations of the world. For this purpose everything should be as interesting as possible. Such an inter- est should be aroused that the student would not be puzzled over dates and threadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things that are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That history which is gained by a bare memory of events is soon lost. It grows too dim for use and conse- quently leads to confusion. With the story of the nations well learned the student comes to the University prepared for the higher scientific study of history and its kindred topics. He is then ready for investigation, comparison and analysis. He then takes up the real investigation of the philosophy of institutions and of national development. * He is then ready for the science of Sociology, Institutional History, Political Economy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the Univer- sity without this preparation find it necessary to make up for it by the perusal of books^ such as those mentioned above. 124 SEMINAR Y NOTES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student in the University stLonld lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions— but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upofi. application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. A.ny booh- in the list below can be had of Field & Hargis, Soolisellers and Stationers. Students are required to imrchase books marked with an asterisk. American Book Company, Chicago. *Manual of the Constitution, Andrews - ■? 1.00 Analysis of Civil Government, Townsend 1.00 Civil Government, Peterman - .60 History of England, Thalheimer 1.00 Mediasval and Modern History, Thalheimer 1.60 Outlines of History, Fisher 8.40 General History of the World, Barnes 1.60 Political Economy, Gregory 1.20 Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin 90 Ginn & Co., Boston and Chicago. Ancient History. Myers & Allen % 1..50 Mediasval and Modern History, Myers.... 1.50 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.00 Macy's Our Government --, -- .75 *General History, Myers .- 1..50 Leading facts in English History, Montgomery... 1.13 Philo.sophy of Wealth, Clark 1.00 Political Science Quarterly, Yearly... . 3.00 Washington and His Country, Fiske.... 1.00 Harpers, New York. *History of Germany, Lewis 1.50 *International Law, Davis a.50 *Political History of Modern Times, Muller 3.00 *Short English History, Green 1.75 Civil Policy of America. Draper 3.50 History of English People, Green, 4 vols... 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth, 6 vols 13.00 The Constitution, Story 1.00 Holt & Co., New York. *American Politics, Johnston $ 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle, 3 vols .-. 9.00 American Currency, Sumner 3.50 Civil Service In United States, Comstock 2.00 History of Modern Europe, Fyffe, 3 vols 7.50 Political Economy, Roscher, 2 vols 7.00 Political Economy, Walker 3.25 Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. *Civil Government in United States. Fiske $ 1.00 American Commonwealths, 13 vols., each 1.85 American Statesmen, 34 vols., each 1.85' American Revolution, Fisk. 3 vols 4.00 Critical Period of American History. Fisk 3.00 Emancipation of Massachusetts, Adams 1..50 Epitome of History, Ploetz 3.00 War of Secession, Johnson 3.50 Appleton, New York. Dynamic Sociology, Ward, 2 vols J 5.00 History of Civilization, Guizot. 1.25 Political Economy, Mill. 2 vols 6.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. ^Political Economy, Ely ^ 1.00 MacMillan, New York. Constitutional History, Englai\d, Stubbs, 3 vols.st^lO.OO Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. 1 4.00 Armstrong, New York. *Democracy in Europe, May, 3 vols .^ % 8.50 G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London. *American Citizen's Manual, Ford ....$ 1.85 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S., Tiedeman. . 1.00 History of Political EconomJ^ Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econon. Hist, and Theory, Ashley 1.50 Indust. and Com. Supremacy of Eng., Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.85 *Tariff History of the United States, Taussig 1.35 The Story of Nations, 34 vols., each 1.50 Heroes of the Nations, 18 vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed. by Johnston, Svols., each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 6 vol 130.00 Constitutional Law of U. S., Von Hoist 2.00 Crow^ell, New York. '■■History of France, Duruy $8.00 Labor Movenrent in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 3 vols 8.50 Problems of To-day, Ely 1..50 Little, Brown & Co., Boston. History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols $17.50 History of the United States, Bancroft, 6 vols 13.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham 1.75 Longmans, Green & Co., New York. Epochs of Ancient History, each vol % 1.00 Epochs of Modern History^ each, vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill 1.75 The Crusades, Cos.. 1.00 Scribners, New^ York. ^American Diplomacj% Schuyler $ 8.00 History of Rome. Mommsen, 4 vols 8.00 Lombard Street, Bagehot .. 1.85 •Silent South, Cable 1.00 tilver Burdett & Co., Boston. *Historical Atlas, Labberton .-...5^1.50 or ■$ 3.00 *Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 *Institutes of Economics, Andrews 1.50 Institiies of General History, Andrews 2.00 Morrison, Washington. History of United States, Scbouler, 4 vols $ 9.00 D., O. Heath & Co., Boston. ■-'■■The State, Woodrow Wilson $ 2.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide. 2.00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1.50 General History, Sheldon 1.60 *01d Soi\th Leaflets, 33 Nos., each .■ . .05 History Topics, Allen 25 State and Fed. Governments of the U. S., Wilson 50 The American Citizen, Dole . .90 Comparative View of Governments, Wenzel 20 Studies in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... SEMINARY NOTES. State University — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. I. MARCH, 1892. No. 6. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All students connected with the department of History and Sociology are, by virtue of such connection, members of the Seminary. All students having two or more studies under the instructors of the department are required to take the work of the Seminary as pait of their work in course. The meetings of the Seminary are held every Friday, in Room 15, University Building. Public meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the Department mentioned;' prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investi- gation of existing conditions, under the per- sonal direction of the officers of the Seminary- Special assistance in choice of themes, authorities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the department of History and Sociology, or in the Department of English, or in any of the literary societies or other similar organiza- tions in the University; on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Seminary if so required. In connection with the work of the Semi- nary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United vStates are represented by some twenty daily and weekly newspapers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep informed on the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern Journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of edi- torial work, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life — to make his- tory by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. Special investigation and study will be undertaken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this State; the purpose being to combine service to the State with the reg- ular work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and cooper- ation of State and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own University, or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its success, are invited to become corresponding members of the Seminary. The only condi- tion attached to such membership is, that each corresponding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Sem- inary; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. The library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in con- •nection with Seminary work — within reason- able limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officers and members of the Seminary will gladly render all possible assistance ot any public officials who may desire to collect special statistics or secure definite informa- tion on such lines of public work as are properly within the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Semi- nary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK W. BLACKMAR, Director. FRANK H. HODDER, Vice-Director. EPHRAIM D. ADAMS, Secretary. 126 SEMINAR Y NO TES. THE WORK OF BUREAUS OF LABOR STATISTICS. |T feel that I owe an apology to the 'q^ Seminary for not having more care- fully prepared this paper, but my time of . late has been fully occupied, and my impression was that the 15 th, instead of the 5th, was my date, until only a few days ago when I received Professor Black- mar's notice. The method of work pursued by the labor bureaus is a subject rather too ex- tensive to be handled in a brief paper, and I feel my inability to properly present it; but I will do the best I can. At the last annual National Convention of the Officers of Bureaus of Labor Sta- tistics, held at Philadelphia, in May, the president of the convention, who is the commissioner of the National department of labor, stated that part of his work at present was an analytical examination of the 150 different volumes of the labor reports issued by the several states, and the preparation of a complete topical in- dex of their contents. The work, which he proposes to soon issue, will consist* of some 400 pages, and will be so arranged that the reader can see at a glance what subjects have been treated by each state, and how far it has carried the work. For instance, if the examiner desires to know what has been done regarding child labor, he looks up that title in the index, and there he will find what states have treated the matter, and how they have treated it — whether in text form or statist- ically, the extent of their treatment as to the number of pages, etc. While in the other part of the volume he will find an analytical index to all the material in this vast collection of industrial information. The president said that with this volume the studient would be able to obtain, if not the particular book he desired, at least the information he sought, by applying to the state bureau issuing the report. He said further, that while this volume might show that the reports of any particular state covered only a limited range of sub- jects, still when "all the reports of all the states " are taken together the examiner would find that the work of the bureaus had been "simply stupendous." He said that he had been induced to prepare this book chiefiy through the earnest solicita- tion of students of economic subjects of not only this, but largely of other countries. The text of the bill creatii;ig the Massa- chusetts bureau defined its duties in the following words: "To collect, assort, arrange and present in annual reports to the general court statistical details relative to all departments of labor in the Com- monwealth, especially in relation to the commercial, industrial, social, educational and sanitary condition of the laboring classes." These words used in defining the duties of the pioneer labor bureau practically of the world, as long ago as 1869, have been almost literally followed by nearly all of the legislatures subse- quently creating bureaus of a similar character. The Kansas bureau was the fifteenth in date of creation (including the National bureau), and its duties are de- fined as follows: "to collect, assort, systematize and present in annual reports to the governor, to be by him biennially transmitted to the legislature, statistical details relating to all departments of labor and industrial pursuits in the state, espe- cially in their relation to the commercial, industrial, social, educational and sanitary condition of the laboring classes." Now you will observe that while the language is preserved intact, the addition of the words "industrial pursuits" gives the Kansas bureau a wider range and makes it a bureau for the collection of industrial as well as of labor statistics, and the law empowers the commissioner "to submit interrogatories SEMINAR Y NO TES. 127 to any person, company, or the proper officer of any corporation, and require full and complete answers to be made thereto and returned under oath." The title of the Massachusetts bureau is "Bur- eau of Statistics of Labor," while that of Kansas is "Bureau of Labor and Indus- trial Statistics." Still the Massachusetts bureau has found its power sufficient to enable it to submit interrogatories to the manufacturing establishments of the state, and while for a time the results were far from satisfactory, its reports today are used as text books by the large manufac- turing corporations of the Commonwealth. And in this connection it may be proper to say that the majority of the bureaus find their power sufficient to enable them to investigate the same range of subjects. Yet while the main duties of the several bureaus are practically the same in all of the states, they vary when details are considered. Thus in some states, like Illinois, Missouri and others, they have the supervision of the inspectors of mines; while in the newer states the duties of factory inspection are in some instances added — this is the case in Kansas, although no law has yet been enacted looking to the regulation of work shops and factories, and the commissioner is only empowered to report as to their condition. I am gratified to be able to state that thus far I have found the sanitary conditions of the establishments visited fairly good, especially where any considerable number of persons were employed. It would be impossible in a brief paper like this to enumerate the various subjects which have engaged the attention of the labor bureaus during the last few years. The Massachusetts bureau in 1890 pub- lished an index to its twenty annual reports, ending with that of 1889. Lrom this index I find that during the twenty years the bureau made 138 investigations — many, however, pertained to the same subject. Grouped under general heads, such as "Arbitration and Conciliation," "Condition of Employes in Their Homes and Employments," "Co-operation and Profit Sharing," etc., they number seven- teen. The whole number of pages in the twenty reports are 8,559, o^ which "Wages," "Prices" and "Cost of Liv- ing," occupy more than one-fifth of the entire space. In the fall of 1883 agents of the Massachusetts bureau were sent to Great Britain for the purpose of making as thorough an examination as possible of the rate of wages paid, the sanitary surroundings of the working people both in their homes and their work shops, and the cost of living ; the result was eminently satisfactory and is given in great detail in the report of 1884. The agents were pejrmitted to examine the pay rolls of the great manufacturing establishments and the official wage lists agreed upon between employers and the representatives of the English trades unions. The agents were also given every facility to inspect both the shop and the home surroundings of thousands of operatives. In summing up the commissioner found that in the year 1883 the general average weekly wage was 77 per cent, higher while the cost of living (aside from rent, which was 11^ per cent. higher), was only 5^ per cent, more in Massachusetts than in Great Britain. A showing in favor of the Massachusetts workman of 71 per cent. I am inclined to think that this conclusion requires a little explanation to make it thoroughly intelligible. In Massachusetts twenty-four leading occupations, representing about 75 per cent, of the total value of the manufactured product of the state, were considered, in compariso n with the same industries in Great Britain. While the net cost of living in Massachusetts, when reduced to the same scale, was about 6 per cent, higher, (making the net earning power of the Massachusetts workman 7 1 per cent, greater, as stated), the tables show that the Massachusetts workman expends 48^ per cent, more for the sup- port of his family than does the workman of Great Britain. Of this 48J/2 per cent. about 6 per cent, was expended by the SEMINAR Y NO TES. American workman for articles which could be bought 6 per cent, cheaper in Great Britain; nearly 12 per cent, was paid extra to secure more and larger rooms and more air space than the work- man in Great Britain enjoyed; while the remaining 30^^ per cent, was expended by the Massachusetts workman to secure better home surroundings and to maintain a higher standard of living. Reduced to percentages the standard of living among these working people is as practically one and one-half to one in favor of Massachu- setts. Suppose the British workman to earn %\ per day and to expend it all; the Massachusetts workman earns $1.75 and expends $1.42. In a table of selected budgets (nineteen in Massachusetts and sixteen in Great Britain) it is shown that the Massachusetts famihes expended 93.89 per cent, of their total incomes, and the British 98.24; one lot had a surplus of 6. 1 1 per cent, and the other of 1.76 per cent. Last year a friend of mine who had lived for twenty years in Kansas visited his laiother, living in Biddeford, England, and at my request sent me a statement regarding prices and wages. He said that farm laborers were paid from ^2.48 to $3.36 per week, they boarding and lodging themselves ; a good all-round farm hand getting ^5.76 per month and board. An Ai blacksmith earned $7.20 per week; machinists $8.40; carpenters $6 \ masons ;g4.8o, and masons' helpers 60 cents per day. A men's cuff and collar factory, employing several hundred men, women and children, paid from $1.20 to $6 per week — some of the operatives working twelve and fourteen hours per day. Butter cost 38 cents per pound, eggs 36 cents per dozen, bacon 10 to 12 cents, cheese 16 to 20 cents, American flour 4 cents per pound, and English 3 cents,( this is the only American article out-quoting the English). Raisins, sugar and tea were cheaper, (this was before our era of cheap sugar). Clothing, such as a business man in Amer- ica would wear, was much cheaper, but boots and shoes were 20 per cent, dearer; while calicos ranged from 6 to 10 cents per yard. A house with four 9x9 rooms, with scullery attached, but with no yard, garden or ground, rented for $40 per year, but the tenant paid 54 cents on the pound poor-rate tax, or ^4.32, which with water rates, etc. brought his rent up to between $50 and ^60. The use of a four-wheel spring vehicle pays $5 tax, but if a man is content to ride on two wheels he pays only $3.60. These four 9x9 rooms are what the Massachusetts bureau refers to when it states that the Massachusetts workman has 12 per cent, better housing. After his return, my friend, who is a first-class blacksmith, owning a shop in Cawker City, told me that as time hung heavily on his hands, he applied to a local blacksmith for work, and actually worked a week for 60 cents a day. He was offered a raise to $1.25 if he would stay on, but he told the boss that he was only engaged in a little "personal experience" work, and he guessed he would quit. It is needless to say that my friend is now blowing his bellows at Cawker City. But it is about time that I returned to my subject. I think that the tendency of the bureaus is toward more thorough investigation of the subjects undertaken, and to a reduction in the number simultaneously attempted ; especially is this the case where there have been few, if any, changes in the manage- ment and where the commissioner has had time to familiarize himself with his work, for it must be remembered that as each succeeding state wheels into line, and enacts a law creating a labor bureau, the commissioner appointed soon finds that he has no ready-furnished house to move into, but will have to clear the site and build his own domicile from the ground up. It may not be a very attractive structure, at first, but if he takes an inter- est in his work he is constantly striving to improve it, and I am inclined to think that as a rule he is succeeding. The average commissioner is coming to SEMINARY NOTES. T29 see more and more clearly that his way lies in a purely statistical direction, that his work is to investigate as thoroughly as the means at his command will permit, primarily by personal visitation and exam- ination, if possible, and secondly through the mails ; to collect all the information obtainable and then to compile and to present a thorough analyzation of his subjects with very little comment. His report should be a text book, and it should contain facts as clear cut as he is able to present them. It is for others to use the information thus collected, and it is used in many directions, most efficiently prob- ably, so far as direct influence upon public opinion is concerned, by the press, either directly from the reports themselves, or indirectly through criticisms of books published by "labor reformers" pure and simple, or by more conservative writers upon economic subjects, who are using reports more and more extensively each year as standard authorities. In an ad- dress before our last convention Mr. J. A. Price, of Scranton, Pennsylvania, vice- president of the National Board of Trade, made this statement : "They have strained affairs abroad the' same as we have here, and they are looking to the facts that you are collecting as being one of the greatest stepping stones to safety in this country. The Financial Reform association of Liverpool sent to me some time ago for the reports of the various bureaus of this country. I suppose some of you gentle- men will remember that I interviewed you . by letter in order to get your results to send to that association for use in their work on the other side. Men like Lord Derby, Sir John Lubbock and others are keeping their eyes upon the work that you are doing." Caroll D. Wright at the same session said; " It is a matter of constant congrat- ulation to my mind that these gentlemen abroad are seeking the work of the Ameri- can bureaus, not only for standards for their own work, but as guides, indications and suggestions as to what they should do themselves." During the present week I have received through the State Department at Wash- ington, from the newly appointed French Commissioner of Labor requests for, and have forwarded to Paris, copies of all my Reports remaining, together with such other information as I have been able to impart. The Labor Bureau is distinctly of Amer- ican inception, and as I have already stated, Massachusetts leads the world. Col. Wright said at Philadelphia, "There is no bureau in the old world that can accomplish what the most poorly-equipped bureau in our convention can accomplish. England created a few years ago a Cor- respondent of Labor, connected with the Board of Trade, one of the cabinet offices of the British government. Mr. Burnett, the incumbent of that position, is doing the best he can with poor equipment. There is not an office represented here to-day so poorly equipped as is that which stands for the Bureau of Labor of Great Britaih. Belgium has established a Bureau of Labor which is doing most excellent work, but it also lacks equipment." The Belgium reports are the best foreign reports received by the Kansas Bureau of Labor, and are of great service to us. Col. Wright speaks of the probability of the French government creating a Bu- reau, and predicts that it "will accomplish more than either of the other creations of Europe." A prediction I am inclined to endorse, as in addition to the commu- nications which I have, directly from the new French Bureau, I, a day or two ago, received a letter from M. Brewaert, the French Consul at Chicago, who had pre- viously corresponded quite extensively with me, upon the subject, advising me that the French government had sent M. Paul Deschanel, a former member of the Chamber of Deputies, who is now in New York, charged with the duty of thoroughly investigating the methods of our American Labor Bureaus. M. Deschanel submitted through M. Brewaert, a series of interrog- atories which we answered to the best of our ability. I30 SEMINAR Y NO TES. Following the plan adopted by the Massachusetts Bureau, in submitting its '' Index to Reports," I might say that the whole number of pages in the sixth annual report published by the Kansas Bureau, is 2,126, or an average to each of 359, against 428 pages for Massachusetts. Of these pages, wages, cost of living, earn- irigs and expenses, occupy 490, or in- cluding organized labor, treated in the last report, (135 pages) it makes a total of 625. Working women, 46 pages; child labor, 52; miners and mines, 139; views of working men, 123; labor and educa- tion, 9; "Exodusters," etc., 13; strikes, boycotts, and blacklists, 94; chattel mort- gages, 10; profit sharing, 10; pauperism, 40, state charitable institutions, 6; con- vict labor, 7; conciliation and arbitration, 17; industrial education, 31; building and loan associations, 18; newspaper statistics, 66; labor bureaus and conventions, 92; labor laws, 28; and proceedings of the convention of the State Federation of Labor, 18. Manufacturing statistics occupy a total of 250 pages, flouring mills, which are treated separately, 97; and railroads, in- cluding street railways, cover 142 pages. It required the collection of a large amount of material from which to com- pile the tables and to obtain the results found in these six reports. Although we were forced to depend upon the mails for a large portion of this material, we have always obtained the most satisfactory results from personal interviews, and to the extent of our ability we have followed that method. In the chief cities of the state we for three years collected monthly statements from upwards of a hundred workmen, representing all of the principal occupa- tions, visiting them at their homes and in the workshops for this purpose. At the request of the Topeka Trades and Labor Assembly I, last year, under- took the collection of information regard- ing the condition of organized labor in the state, with very satisfactory results, as will be seen by an examination of our sixth report. This 'information was obtained chiefly through blanks furnished to railway organizations, trades unions and local assemblies of the Knights of Labor. Anxious, however, to examine the ad- vantages, if any, derived by the workman by reason of his "union," I determined, for the purpose of comparison, to investi- gate the condition of the non-union work- man. This I could only do through personal interviews, and the agents of the bureau succeeded in securing reports from 504 workmen who belong to no trade organization, and who represented some forty different employments. These re- ports — union and non-union — were pub- lished in double column tables, as will be seen by examining the report. Another investigation made last year, was in regard to child labor. This was accomplished by personal interviews with children, and by blanks sent to employers. No law regulating the labor of children has yet been passed by our legislature, except in the case of boys working in mines. The evil of child labor has not yet become very extensive in Kansas, but it is on the increase, 'and children are being permanently employed in some of our large establishments who are not over 12 or 13 years of age. While the law creating the bureau au- thorizes the Commissioner to submit in- terrogatories to employers, and to require that they be answered and returned under oath, I have sought to obtain only volun- tary information, and I desire to say, that,, with very few exceptions, I have met with nothing but courtesy, and a professed will- ingness to comply with my requests. It must be remembered that the information sought by our bureaus is something that employers of labor have never before been asked to give. To many it seems an impertinent prying into private affairs on the part of the state; and that to answer the questions would be to completely " give away " their business. The result is that the information from employers, SEMINAR Y NO TES. 131 thus far collected, is not as complete as it should be; still in essentials, such as aggregate capital, value of products, num- ber of employes and amount of wages paid, the tables are substantially correct. I have in many cases, by personal inter- views, succeeded in removing this feeling of distrust in a measure, and each year finds it easier for the bureau to obtain the information sought. This favorable ten- dency seems to be the experience of most of the other bureaus, growing more pro- nounced as the years pass. The Massa- chusetts Commissioner, Mr. Wadlin, stated at our last convention that he had recently completed an investigation em- bracing about 6,000 returns, and repre- senting more than 70 per cent, of the entire manufacturing product of the state, and that in not more than a dozen cases had he met with any objection on the part of the manufacturers to supply the required information. This readiness to comply with the bureau's request is in marked contrast to its earlier efforts, when a very small proportion of the manufacturers' blanks were properly returned. The ex- perience of the Massachusetts Bureau has been that practically of most of the others, and the manufacturing statistics which these reports contain are yearly growing more complete. My report for 1S90 contained no manu- facturing statistics, for the reason that the United States was engaged extensively in that line, it being the census year, and this gave me more time to devote to special investigations which I desired to under- take. The 1 89 1 report, upon which we are now at work, will contain special statistics regarding the lead and zinc in- dustry of the state: and during the present year some other leading industry will be investigated. We have during the past year also collected from the railroad engi- neers and conductors a large amount of information regarding their hours of labor, time on duty for which they receive no pay, etc. Some 5,000 trips are represented by the reports sent into our office. These reports we are now thoroughly analyzing and they will form a prominent feature in our report for the year 1891. This work was undertaken at the request of the leg- islative session of 1891. In procuring this information I had 200 books prepared, each containing schedules sufficient to cover the records of a month, and num- bered consecutively from I to 200. These numbers were registered, together with the name and address of the engineer or conductor to whom the schedule was sent. We kept in constant correspondence with the persons having the books, and in ad- dition personally visited a number of them. Many filled them more or less completely, and a large number, at our suggestion, sent us the stubs of their trip books, which contained the information we sought, and which we carefully copied. We are in receipt, also, of many valuable suggestions which will be embodied in our report. We are striving, too, to learn through the county and city clerks to what extent the eight-hour law, passed by the late legisla- ture, is being observed. But I feel that I have talked long enough, and regret that I have not been able to more profitably entertain you. I assure you that the crudities in this paper can not be attributed to want of inclination, however much they may be to lack of ability. F. H. Betton. 132 SEMINAR Y NO TES. THE STUDY OF HISTORY IN HIGH SCHOOLS. ■^rPHERE are two distinct classes of ^§ students in every high school, and the line of demarcation between them is so plain and decided that a course of study satisfying the demands of each can not be arranged without much difficulty. To the first class belongs the general high school pupil who does not intend to enter college. To the second class belong all preparatory students. Although in many respects, as in the case of history and mathematics, the ground covered by each class of students is practically the same yet they differ widely upon the subjects of language and science. It will also be observed that the requirements in history and science for admission to the Univer- sity are limited, compared with those in language and literature, and while it would undoubtedly be profitable for the general student to know something of the languages, as a rule they are influenced in other directions. On the other hand the prepa- ratory student cannot afford to spend his valuable time in taking an elementary course in science when it would be of no particular value to him in entering college. It is well to note these conditions before •attempting to map out a line of work in any department of a preparatory course of study. Down to the present time it has been' impossible to unite these two elements into one class. They exist in every high school and will continue to exist because their needs are essentially different. We can only bring them as near together as possible, making abund- ant provision always for the greater num- ber. The object of this article is to suggest, very briefly, a course in history ,for the average high school. It seems to me that this department has always been set aside until the others were fully developed. Not often has it received deserved attention in the high school curriculum. It has always been gauged by the requirements for admission to col- lege, which are in most cases low, while the needs of the much larger number who never enter college have been left entirely out of the question. - We must, therefore, endeavor to prepare this latter class for a more intelligent citizenship by bringing within its reach more thorough instruction. A certain amount of preparation is usually accomplished in the grades below the high school. This may be made to include "United States History" in outline; noting in general the events and domi- nant principles of the different epochs; emphasizing the relation of Geography to History: and finally sketching the charac- ters of the great men who have occupied prominent places in the history of our country. Another subject which has not yet found a permanent place in the pro- gramme seems, from its very nature, to belong to the grades also, namely: local government. Although it is very often assigned to the opening or closing chap- ters of civil government, its proper place is among the earliest lessons in history. With this preparation the high school work properly begins. For convenience it may be well to divide the subject into three parts — junior, middle and senior years. The first years work is not a change of subject but rather a change in methods of study. In former lessons particular stress has been laid upon events alone, with minute descriptions as to movements and location, while in the more advanced grade the relation of one event to another and the remote or immediate cause or effect of an event, are emphasized. The student begins to search and re- search for himself and while he is pre- paring to pass the entrance examinations, he is at the same time acquiring the SEMINAR Y NO TES. ^33 University methods of study. Such a book as Johnston's "History of Politics" is an excellent text for this special purpose. Following this, with some light supple- mentary reading, would come the regular course in civil government, and with the "History of Politics" occupy the first term of the junior year. With such a knowledge of the political history of our country and the practical workirjg of our government, the student at the beginning of the middle year ought to be well qualified to take up the history of other countries and other governments. In fact this is the most important part of his preparatory course, for at this time he will acquire a taste for historical research which will determine his fitness for this line of work. English history is the field for the scond year. At least one term can be devoted to the study of such texts as Montgomery's or Gardener's "History of England" with Green's "History of the English People" for a reference book. To the third or senior year belongs t^he subject of General history, which can be divided into two parts — the first covering the period of Oriental, the second that of Greek and Roman history. The character of the work done in this part will depend altogether upon the time allotted to it. If the study can be pur- sued through the year the "Story of Nations" series will be found indispens- able as supplementary reading for the first part of the work, while for the second part there are many books that will answer the same purpose. A more limited time would of course exclude everything beyond the mere outline of the two periods. Without giving the details of the work in a three years' course of history in high schools I have endeavored to bring into prominence a few thoughts, which may be of some value. The first is the necessity of more thorough preparation in the his- tory and government of our country. In the second place some history should be taught in each year of the high school course. Although in many cases time will not admit of this in the ordinary manner of daily recitations, yet perhaps it might be possible to devote one or two days in the week to the discussion of topics assigned. x\gain, each year should be devoted to a special line of work — first year. United States, second English and the third Ancient history; — and each period should have a suitable course of reading which may be pursued during the year under the direction of the teacher. This course of reading is a very important feature. Probably as much of the work can be accomplished by it alone as by the ordinary recitation. Two hours per week will do much if properly used. It has not been my intention to appropriate any time which belongs to any of the other departments, but on the other hand, to find the time, place and amount of history in the high school course of study. It has certainly been crowded out for some reason, while it is worthy of more attention today than at any previous time. Prin. W. H Tohnson, Lcewrence High School. 134 SEMINARY NOTES. SEMINARY REPORTS. The Labor Bureaus. Q^ AnpHE Seminary met on February 5th ^ to hear a paper by Hon. F. H. Betton, State Labor Commissioner of Kansas, on "The Work of the Bureaus of Labor Statistics." Massachusetts, the speaker said, has led the world in this work. Her bureau was established in 1869 and Kansas, which was the fifteenth to wheel into line, has already produced six annual reports. So vast has this work become that the Presi- dent of the National Association is pre- paring an analytical index of the one hundred and fifty vloumes thus far issued, and this index is to consist of four hund- red pages of carefully classified matter. By its use the student may find where, how and to what extent any economical subject has been treated. The Kansas bureau was established "to collect, assort, systematize and present in annual reports to the governor, to be by him biennially transmitted to the legisla- ture, statistical details relating to all departments of labor and industrial pur- suits in the State, especially in their rela- tion to the commercial, industrial, social, educational, and sanitary condition of the laboring classes." Nearly all the bureaus in the United States are modelled after the Massachusetts board though Kansas has "industrial pursuits" added and also lays upon her Commissioner the duty of super- vising mines and factory inspection. Mr. Betton has found the condition of Kansas factories " fairly good. " The Massachusetts department has is- sued twenty volumes, consisting of 8,339 pages, of which wages, prices, and cost of living, occupy more than one fifth. An agent was sent to Great Britain in 1883, and after a very careful and full examin- ation in shops and homes found that in Massachusetts the general weekly wage was 77 per cent, higher, rent w]/. per cent, higher and cost of living exclusive of rent 5^ per cent, higher than in England. This gives the American 71 per cent in his favor, most of which was spent for the better support of the families. A friend of the speaker who visited England found wages much lower and provisions much higher than in Kansas. Clothing was cheaper but boots and shoes higher and even the wagons had a special tax. Mr. Betton thinks the experienced com- missioners are tending more and more to thoroughness in the presentation of clear cut facts for the use of others. Other countries regard our work in this line as a means of safety and are copying us as shown by the fact that the French have sent a man to America for the purpose of investigation in this line, though no for- eign bureau can compete with the poorest American bureau. England and Belgium have both made a start. The Kansas department has published six annual reports consisting of 2126 pages in which "Wages," "Cost of Living," "Railroads," and kindred subjects are treated. Special investigations have been recently made concerning child labor, railroad employes, the zinc industry, the eight hour law, and the union as compared with the non-union workingmen. This information has been gleaned by the aid of the mail and through personal visits. The commissioner has sought voluntary information only, though the law empowers him to demand information under oath. It has been his experience and that of most of the bureaus that pre- judice against them gradually declines. Mr. Betton was asked if he thought there had been any decline in Kansas farm wages the past few years and ans- wered no. The question was also raised whether or not wages differed materially in northern and southern England, but it remained unsettled- Mr. Betton certainly SEMINAR V NO TES. 135 gave in his, paper some good illustrations of the proper use of statistics and it was especially appreciated by those pursuing statistical studies. D. E. Potter, Reporter. Paper' Money. 9 MY ^ ^ regular meeting of the Seminary, V^^ on February 19th, the subject of Paper Money was taken up and discussed by the students. Mr. Miller read a paper on the History of Paper Money in the United States. The chief points emphasized by him were: In 1690 the colonies were preparing an expedition against Canada, and money was needed to carry on the campaign. To provide the necessary funds, the issue of ^7,000 in paper money was made, the first bills of credit ever issued in America. By partial redemption and by promises of complete payment in the future, the cur- rency was kept at par for twenty years. Encouraged by this success, the colonies began the issue of bills of credit in large quantities. Depreciation set in, and the money became worthless. In 1721 the English Parliament passed an act prohib- iting the further issue of paper money in the colonies. The French and Indian war brought more of these notes into circula- tion, and Parliament repeated its action in 1765. The needs resulting from the Revolution forced the colonies to take recourse again to paper currency. Immense amounts of continental money were put out, but soon became worthless, despite the efforts of the continental congress. In 1862 congress again authorized the issue of notes on the credit of the govern- ment, and declared them legal tender. They soon depreciated in value, but the limited number of them put in circulation saved them from sinking into complete .worthlessness. ' In 1869 congress passed an act promis- ing to pay in coin all out-standing notes. A bill of 1874 provided that, after 1879, all legal tender notes should be redeemed in coin. Greenbacks soon rose to par value, at which they have since remained. Mr. Raymond next read a paper on the Sub-Treasury Loan Scheme. He said the late movement of the People's Party has set the farmers to thinking as never before, but it has caused them to develop extreme ideas. It has taught them to criticise all existing institutions. The Uni- versity, even, has not been free from their criticism, being actually accused of refusing admittance to the literature of the people's party. The University always welcomes either party papers or documents which set forth new ideas or theories. The platform of the Cincinnati conven- tion states that there is not enough money in circulation to transact business; that money is not a measure of value. Wheth- er it be gold, silver or paper, it is the stamp of the government which makes it money; therefore congress should issue sufficient currency to allow free transac- tion of business. The establishment of a bureau, under the supervision of the Comptroller of the Treasury, is demanded. There shall be sub-agencies in the various states, through which money is to be loaned on real estate, not to exceed two-thirds the value of the property, at one per cent, per annum. This one per cent, would be sufficient to pay the government for the expense of the agencies. Storehouses shall be erected at the expense of the government, in which non-perishable goods may be stored and money borrowed on them at two per cent. By this means the government would absorb a large part of the loan business, and would force the rate of interest to decrease. Mr. Noble read a paper on credit, the substance of which is: Wealth is power in exchange. There is no such thing as absolute wealth, since demand alone makes it. Credit is the belief in future ability to pay. A debt is not money owed, but a moral bond to pay money in the future. It does not represent goods but obligation. It is wealth so long as it has power in ex- change, and when it yields profit it be- 136, SEMINARY NOTES. comes capital. Credit is a circulating medium as well as money. Gold is not wealth in the mines, but becomes wealth only after it has been brought out and coiiied. Credit, when it is used, is the same as gold, and is wealth as long as it is good. Capital is an economic quantity used for-profit. Value is the ratio in which weaith exchanges. Demand for produce, not labor, gives value; that cost of pro- duction is the cause of value is to be re- jected. Money represents purchase value. It. is credit in as much as at it has pur- chase value. That money represents com- modities, however, has been disproven. The issue of paper money is always dan- gerous, and when carried to excess, is disastrous in its results. After the papers, a spirited discussion took -place, in which all of the papers received some sharp criticism. The sub- ject was evidently one which aroused the interest of Kansas students, and likewise a subject upon which every student had an opinion. At the close of hour the Seminary adjourned to meet in one week. Walter Truitt, Reporter. The Geographic Distribution of Brains. gnpHE Seminary was called to order February 26, by Professor Black- mar. After the reading of the minutes of the last meeting and a few introductory remarks, Hon. B. W. Woodward was in- troduced and read a paper on "The Geographic Distribution of Brains." He said: "The object of this paper surely comes within the confines of the Seminary, The ' Distribution of Wealth ' has always been a favorite topic of political economy, and certainly brains are a more or less impor- tant factor in the production of wealth, as well as literature, art and a great many other things. A great painter once ob- served that he 'mixed his colors with brains.' Brains, for instance, are certain- ly, to be ranked among the three essentials of a university. Beside the minor adjuncts there are at least three indispensables towards success, viz. : an endowment, (ireek letter snciL'(ics. and brains. "In the discussion of this theme I shall have the advantage of the work of Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, in a kindred topic, 'The Distribution of Abil- ity in the United States.' The subject, however, is not original with Mr. Lodge, as he has followed a writer in the nineteenth century, who estimated the distribution of ability by counties through- out England. 'A time there was ere England's woes began When every rood of earth maintained its man.' " This assertion has been controverted and it may also be possible that Mr. Lodge and the nineteenth century writer may also not be infallible. Of course the first thing that strikes me as peculiar to this inquiry, is that ability is something tangible, something entirely definite and tangible, something that can be bought and sold. Most people who possess it have bought ability through education and experience, and it scarce came as an inheritance or at any stated time in their history. "According to Mr. Lodge there is always a place where you can find ability, and that is in Appleton's biographical diction- ar)^ There are the men who possessed it within the era of American history and their number is just 14,243. What is ability, anyway ? Shall we say it is capa- city put in action? It is either native or acquired — the result of heredity or envi- ronment. If of heredity, then by Mr. Lodge's definition the native state of the forefather should own the credit thereof rather than that of the man himself. But which was the native state of the ancestor ? But if the ability was acquired then the state in which he acquired it should per- haps have the credit rather than that of his accidental nativity." These quotations, taken from portions of the paper, will suffice to indicate the interesting manner in which the subject matter was disposed of. The reporter found himself unable to condense Mr. Woodward's terse statements, and has therefore preferred to give a few quota- tions. The paper criticised thoroughly the idea that there is any good statistical proof of a marked geographic distribution of brainSj and the speaker thoroughly con- vinced his hearers of their own possible greatness. E. VV. Palmer, Reporter. SEMINARY NOTES. 137 THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE. rPHE approach of each presidential SM election revives the discussion of revives our method of electing a president. There is a wide-spread feeling that some change in this matter is desirable. But we are much like the Irishman in the story who could not mend his roof when it rained and would not when the weather was fine. Every four years we discuss the necessity of change and, as soon as an election is over, drop the subject. The electoral college prescribed by the constitution was adopted after long debate. Six methods of choosing the president were discussed: ist, by the people at large; 2d, by the state legislatures; 3d, by the state governors; 4th, by the national leg- islature; 5th, by electors chosen by lot, and 6th, by electors chosen in such manner as the legislature of each state may direct. Direct election by the people and election by the legislature were the methods most discussed, as was natural, since these were the methods prescribed at the time by the state constitutions for the choice of the state governors. But neither plan satis- fied the convention, and the suggestion of an electoral college was adopted late in the session as a happy solution of the problem. In advocating the ratification of the constitution, Hamilton remarked in the "Federalist," that the provision for choosing the chief magistrate was almost the only part of the instrument favorably received by those opposed to its adoption. Strangely enough this provision, so favor- ably received by all parties, proved in practice to be its most conspicuous failure. The idea that no one man could be well enough known to the people was thought to be a decisive objection to popular election. The plan was that each state should choose as electors men entitled to their confidence and that they should act upon their individual judgments in the choice of a president. Almost from the outset the plan failed. The electors were expected to register the choice of the people in their respective states and the college became a superfluous piece of machinery. It is as a general rule that a constitution is to be construed with a view to the intention of its framers. The above facts have been recounted in sup- port of the opinion that this rule does not apply in the present instance. The inten- tion of the framers cannot by any possi- bility be carried out. It is therefore open to us to adopt such methods as are most expedient under our present circum- stances. To avoid the difficult process of amendment, it is only necessary that such change be brought within the letter of the law. The constitution left many of the details of the presidential election undecided. The legislature of each state was to de- termine the method of choosing the electors. In a very few states they were elected by the legislature itself. South Carolina clung to this method for special reasons until the war. Colorado exercised it in 1876 for want of time to call an election. It was probably not the intention of the framers, as they rejected the proposal that the state legislature should elect directly and it is therefore not probable that the state legislature should elect directly and it is therefore not probable that they expected them to do so indirectly. The plan has never met with popular favor. So far as the constitution implies anything, it implies that choice of electors shall be by the people of each state and nearly all the states acted upon this supposition. More than half a dozen states provided for elections by districts, so that the vote of the state could be divided and the 138 SEMINAR V NO TES. minority given a voice, and this plan was not abandoned until 1832. Benton stren- uously advocated general adoption of this system. But the larger number of states provided for choice of electors on general ticket, so that the vote of each state i^ cast as a unit, and this plan has secured general adoption. The constitution made no provision for nomination because no such thing was contemplated. During the first decades of the century a right to nominate was assumed by a congressional caucus. The system violated the spirit of the constitu- tion, for, since senators and representatives could not be electors, it was inconsistent that they should name the candidates. It was unpopular because it limited the choice by the people. After a time the convention system, intended to voice the popular will, became established. These provisions for the choice of electors and the nomination of candidates indicate that the people mean to secure to them- selves the election of the president. The problem would therefore seem to be under what conditions can this best be done under existing provisions of the constitu- tion and, if it cannot be done as the consti- tution now stands, what amendment is desirable? Elections, as now carried on, turn upon the vote of a few pivotal states. Undue importance is given these states and can- didates are nominated solely because it is expected they can carry them. Roughly a vote in one state should count for as much as a vote in another. Under the present system, a single vote may nullify those of half a million in one state while in an adjoining one a majority of 100,000 counts for no more than a majority of one. In a word, in this governmentof the people, the nomination to the highest office is dictated and the election decided by the vote of a single city, mashalled by a corrupt machine and debauched by an immense municipal patronage. What is the remedy? That nearest at hand and easiest of adoption would seem to be the return to the earlier system of choosing electors by districts. This step has recently been taken in Michigan. Adopted in a single or a few states, the effect is to divide the vote of those states and lessen their importance in the elec- toral college. Adopted in all the states the effect would be to give to the same number of votes wherever cast an equal weight, to destroy undue importance now attaching to particular states, to purify elections by removing the temptation to resort to fraud and bribery in a few places, to elevate the presidency by calling for nominations that would command the respect of the whole country. SEMINA RY NO TES. 139 - SEM INARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Frank W. Blackmar. \ Frank H. Hodder, C ~ ' ' Editors. Ephraim D. Adams, j Terms, Ten Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year ^?^HE purpose of this publication is to increase the fw) interest in the study of historical science in the ^^ University and throughout the State, to afford means of regular communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general pub- lic—especially with the Alumni of the University, and to preserve at least the outlines ot carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BLACKMAK, Lawrence, Kansas. The article which appears in this num- ber of Seminary Notes on the work of Bureaus of Labor Statistics was read by Hon. Frank H. Betton before the Semi- nary, and was listened to with much interest. Mr. Betton was the first com- missioner of the Kansas bureau, and the high position held by Kansas publications on labor questions is due almost entirely to his energy and persistence. At a meeting of the Seminary on Feb- ruary 26, Hon. B; W. Woodward presented a paper on the "Geographic Distribution of Brains," which was both entertaining and instructive. On account of lack of space the paper could not be printed in full in this number. A report of it is to be found under the heading "Seminary Reports," and the paper itself will probably appear in our next issue. the Notes would be glad to hear from any of our Kansas teachers who have further suggestions to offer upon this subject. At present the requirements in history for entrance to our universities in the United States are somewhat low, but they must remain so just so long as our high schools are regarded as independent factors in education. Every year, how- ever brings a more complete realization of the idea that the universities hold the same relations to the high schools which the latter hold to the grammar schools. The essential elements of at least general history should be taught before entrance into any university. The great difficulty at present seems to be the one stated by Mr. Johnson, of harmonizing history courses for students who are preparing for university work and for those who intend to cease study upon leaving the high school. Another difficulty, until the last few years, lay in the fact that it was hard to get text-books suited for high school work. It was difficult to find a book in which the style was simple, yet not childish, and which presented a judi- cious selection of important dates and facts, while at the same time being so written as to awaken thought in the mind of the scholar. Most of our book firms have, however, recognized the necessity for such books, and have met the difficulty in recent publications. The editors of the Notes repeat that they will welcome any suggestions which Kansas teachers may make upon this subject. The article which appears in this num- ber on the study of history in high schools contains many valuable suggestions, and The latest thing in European politics comes in the shape of reports of rioting in the streets of Berlin and speculations as to the probable effect these riots will have upon the attitude of the government toward the socialist party. The present government, following the young Emper- or's curious combination policy of abso- lutism and liberalism, has been much more lenient with the extremists than was the government of Bismarck. It remains to be seen whether repressive measures will 140 SEMINAR Y NO TES. follow. From the reports in the papers it would seem that the riots were largely the result of a temporary unusual lack of work in the cities, and that the regular workingmen were not the leaders in the trouble. Such a cause might lead to a serious attack upon the government in other countries perhaps, but it is hardly to be believed that the time has come for it in Germany. The spirit of national pride is too strong as yet to permit Germany as a whole to attempt the over- throw of the institutions of the fatherland. Of course the followers of Bismarck point to these riots as the result of the new policy. The suddenness of Bismarck's fall from power and the ease with which he seems to have passed from our view as a political possibility, is a curious commentary upon the wisdom of those politico-historical writers who are wont to decide future history for us by an analysis of the char- acter of individuals. Such a writer may be successful in forecasting some unexpected event or succession of events, or on the other hand the probability which he, as well as others, feel sure of, may utterly fail to materialize. One of the most interesting illustrations of this was Sir Charles Dilke's estimate, as given in a series of articles published in the Fort- nightly Revieiii in 1887, of two noted men in France and Germany respectively, General Boulanger and Prince Bismarck. Sir Charles Dilke has been regarded for many years as one of the first author- ities on European relations, even surpass- ing Edward Freeman in his intimate knowledge of men and parties of all nations. In making a statement with regard to the future policy and position of France, he asserted that there was in France no man so likely, or so able, to assume the position of Dictator, in the event of a successful war with Germany, as General Boulanger, and also that, in the event of continued peace, there was no man so likely to attempt to defeat the government and to establish himself in power by constitutional means as General Boulanger. In the latter event the pro- phecy was made that the attempt would fail. Now it is to be remembered that although General Boulanger at this time held the position of minister of war, he was just beginning to excite attention, and that in France, among politicians, the mention of his name was "attended with a smile." His attempt, his failure, and his recent suicide are still fresh in the minds of all, and there is no necessity for com- ment to indicate the remarkable insight of Sir Charles Dilke into both the char- acter of the man, and the temper of the French nation. On the other hand, in discussing the future policy of Germany, the same writer expressed most positively the opinion that so long as Bismarck lived the policy of Germany would be the policy of Bismarck, and that in the event of his death, the power would pass into the hands of his son. Moreover, he was of the opinion that, in case the then ruling Emperor William I should die, the Crown Prince, athough generally supposed to be somewhat anti- Bismarckian, would retain the services of so able a minister as Bismarck, while in the event of his death, and the accession to the throne of his son (the present Em- peror) Bismarck would undoubtedly be retained in power, inasmuch as the young Prince was his most devoted admirer. From this Sir Charles drew the conclusion that the policy of Germany could be counted on as a certainty in considering the future relations of European nations. Just the reverse has happened. The Prince of "pronounced Bismarckian ten- dency" has become Emperor; Bismarck has been deprived of power; and it is the uncertain policy of Germany to-day that is so anxiously watched by other nations. That the expulsion of the Jews from Russia is likely to have some bearing on international relations is rapidly being SEMINAR Y NO TES. 141 realized throughout Europe. England, for example, although at first posing as a haven for an oppressed race, is beginning to feel somewhat toward the Jews as does the United States toward the subject of "assisted" immigration. Another phase of the question which has just come out is that Austria regards the expulsion of the Jews by Russia as a possible threat directed at her. It is a well known fact that the Jews of the border land between Austro-Hungarian and Russian provinces have been the most effective of Austrian spies upon Russian military manoeuvres, and Russian plans for frontier protection. Prince Bismarck once said that the Polish Jews were created by heaven for the ex- press and sole purpose of serving as spies on Russia. Austria imagines, therefore, that among the reasons for the expulsion of the Jews there is the desire on the part of Russia to get rid of a population, a portion of which has been betraying her plans to a probable rival for the territories of Turkey, the "sick man" of Europe. It is perhaps true that Russia still holds to the belief that "the road to Constan- tinople leads through Vienna," but it will hardly be accepted as probable that she had any such thought in determining upon the expulsion of the Jews. The February number of the Magazine of American History prints a minority report of the electoral commission which has never before been made public. It was prepared by Judge Josiah G. Abbot, of Massachusetts, but not issued as the minority decided not to appeal from the decision of the majority. It will be remembered that the commission consisted of five justices of the supreme court, five senators and five members of the house of representatives. The commission thus constituted consisted of seven democrats and eight republicans and nearly all ques- tions were decided by a strict party vote. Judge Abbott was one of the democratic members from the house. His report is not a judicial review of the findings of the majority but a protest, not altogether calm and temperate in language, addressed "To the people of the United States." It is fortunate the document was not issued at the time of its preparation. It might have prevented popular acceptance of the decision of the commission, which was surely the only peaceful solution of the problem possible. As historical ma- terial the document is important as show- ing the line of action proposed, though not adopted, by the defeated party. In the January number of the Annals df the American Academy, Leo. S. Rowe has contributed an article on "Instruction in French Universities." The writer calls particular attention to the instruction given in Public Law and Economics in the law faculties, and informs us that it is only within the last few years that Political Economy has been thought worthy of a place in the state institutions, although French economists have always been among the foremost writers on the subject. Incidentally he gives some interesting historical information with regard to the condition of universities under the first Napoleon. All faculties of learning were then considered as organs of the govern- ment, one of whose main objects was to support the administration, as is illus- trated by one of Napoleon's decrees, which reads: "All the schools of the Imperial Uni- versity will take as the basis of their instruction: "ist. The precepts of the Catholic religion. "2d. Fidelity, to the Emperor, to the Imperial Monarchy, depository of the happiness of the people, and the Napoleonic Dynasty, guardian of the unity of France and of the liberal ideas proclaimed by the constitution. "3d. Obedience to the academic stat- utes, whose object is to insure the uni- formity of instruction, and which tend to create citizens attached to their sovereign, to their country, and to their family." Perhaps there is nothing in this which demands more than a spreading of .the 142 SEMINAR Y NO TES. sentiment of loyalty or of patriotism, but to the American the insistence upon the idea of Napoleon and the Monarchy as being the "depository of the happiness of the people," seems curious indeed. To the student of history it is only one more point in evidence of that constant surveil- lance which Napoleon kept upon all phases of life and action. It is a credit to him that he recognized the immense power of learning. He wished to direct the chan- jiels in which it should flow. Perhaps the most famous evidence of the will of Napoleon to control thought and opinion is that so frequently given by the newspapers as the worst example of what censorship of the press used to be. In 1805 he told the editor of \}i\& Moniteur that the only way to avoid supervision by censors was " to avoid the publication of any news unfavorable to the government until the truth of it was so well established that the publication became needless." Recently the announcement has been made that Prof. Richard T. Ely has re- signed his professorship of Political Econ- omy in Johns Hopkins University and has accepted a position in the University of Wisconsin at Madison. He is to be at the head of a new school of political science, and will be assisted by the able teachers already at Madison, as well as by some instructors to be brought with him from Johns Hopkins. According to a Baltimore letter the new ■school is to cover a greatly enlarged field. Training and preparation will be given to those who desire to enter the civil service. Lawyers and journalists are to study the economic bearing of practical every day subjects; administrative and legislative questions are to be examined in the state legislature which meets at Madison. At the same time the usual theoretical work is not to be neglected; indeed under Prof. Ely- it is certain that the union of the theoretic and practical work will reach a high grade of efficiency. Dr. Ely, although still a young man, has published numerous books and pam- phlets upon economic subjects, and is well known as a writer, both in this coun- try and abroad. He is perhaps best knov^n by his '' Labor Movement in Amer- ica " and by his writings on taxation in American states and cities. It is evidently a fact that the movement of the last year has been toward the trans- fer of noted teachers from the east to the west. Scholars are wondering who will be asked to fill Dr. Ely's place at Johns Hopkins. During the month of February Volume IX of Studies in Historical and Political Science, published by Johns Hopkins Uni- versity, was received at the library. It contains monographs by W. W. Willoughby and W. F. Willoughby, on "Government and Administration of the United States;" by D. C, Steiner on "University Educa- tion in Maryland," with a sketch of Johns Hopkins University by Pres. D. C. Gil- man; by W. K. Williams on "The Com- munes of Lombardy from the VI to the X Century;" by Andrew Stephenson on "Public Lands and Agrarian Laws of the Roman Republic;" by Toyokiche lyenoga on"Constitutional Development of Japan;" by J. H. T. McPherson on "History of Liberia;" and by F. J. Turner, on "The Character and Influence of the Indian Trade in Wisconsin." Perhaps the most interesting of these for students of classes in history for the present term are the monographs on Roman Public Land, and on the Communes of Lombardy. The former will be found by the members of the class in Land Tenures to contain all and more than is given in the class-room lectures upon the period of the Roman Republic; while the latter cannot fail to be of interest to the class in Rise of Democracy as a part of the subject studied under the Italian Republics. One of the principal objects of college training is to learn how to use books to advantage. No student can be expected to he familiar with all the details of his SEMINAR Y NO TES. 143 subject, but he should know where infor- mation upon any particular topic is to be found and to be able to find it at a mo- ment's notice. In the same way a lawyer cannot know all the details of the law but he must be able to find immediately the provisions of the statutes or the decisions of the courts touching any particular point. It should therefore be the business of every student of the university to master the arrangement of the library and learn to make the most of its resources. A few words upon this subject, by way of sug- gestion, may not be out of place. The University library is classified upon what is called, from the name of its author, the Dewey system. All the books are divided into nine general classes, as fol- lows : general works, philosophy, reli- gion, sociology, natural science, useful arts, fine arts, literature and history. P^ach of these general classes is subdivided and each of the subdivisions further divid- ed into classes. It is not necessary to explain the system in detail as it can best be mastered by reference to Dewey's "Tables and Index of the Decimal Classi- fication" and the librarian is ready to assist any student who may desire infor- mation. The most important single aid in the use of the library is the general card catalogue. The object of this catalogue is to show what the library has by a given ^author or on a given subject or, in case the student is looking for a particular book, to inform him whether it is to be found in the library, if he knows either the name of the author, the title of the book or the subject of which it treats. In order to secure this end, each book Is catalogued upon at least three cards. The author card gives first the name of the author and under it the exact title of the book, the number and size of volumes and any other matter that may be neces- sary for a complete description. Books are entered in the same way under the names of editors, compilers and trans- lators, so that if these be remembered they may be found as easily as by the name ;of the author. The rules followed in the entry of names, pseudonyms and the like are those prescribed in C. A. Cutter's "Rules for a Dictionary Catalogue," and any question that may arise as to how a name is entered may be answered by referring to that book. Names preceded by a prefix are entered under the prefix if they are English, e. g. De Quincey and Van Buren and if they are French and the prefix is or contains an article, e. g. Le Sag'^ and Du Camp. In French if the prefix is a preposition and in the remain- ing languages, whatever the prefix, entry is made under the word following the prefix, e. g. De Toqueville under Toqueville and von Hoist under Hoist. Names beginning with M', Mc, St., Ste. , are entered as if spelled Mac, Saint and Sainte. After a few such simple rules are learned there can be no trouble in the use of the author cards. The title cards make it easy to find a book, if the title be known and the author's name has been forgotten or the book is anonymous. For these cards the leading word of the title is taken as a catch word. If there be two or more words that may reasonably be taken as leading words, a card is made out for each. Then in addition there are the subject cards. By means of them all the books treating of a given subject are classed together. As far as possible, the subject cards are arranged under the names of countries and persons. If for example, the student desires to find what the library contains on the subject of German litera- ture, the student has only to look for Germany, literature of, and for the names of particular writers. All of these cards, author, title and subject, are filed together in their alphabetical order. Unfortunately the general catalogue is not yet complete. Work was only begun upon it this year, when Miss Sutliff was appointed cataloguer, but it is being pushed as rapidly as possible to completion. So far the books coming under the general head of religion have been catalogued. 1.44 SEMINAR Y NO TES. Under literature, German, English and American works have been listed and under natural science all works on botany and zoology. Books on sociology are now being listed and the catalogue under this head will soon be complete. There are several very useful supplementary catalogues. One of these on general history and sociology is divided into two parts, a subject and an author catalogue. A special catalogue of American history gives extended and careful references chronologically by periods, giving col- onial history first, then the revolution and confederation and the presidential admin- istrations in their ordef. There are also special catalogues on civil engineering, chemistry and pharmacy, Avhich are useful to students interested in those subjects. References to articles in periodicals upon all subjects may be found in Poole's "Index to Periodical Literature" which comes down to 1882, and references to articles since that date may be found in the quar- terly continuations of that work. Very often information upon subjects may be found here, when nowhere else. The first step in learning how to use a library is to master its system of classification and the catalogues provided to facilitate its use. It is a subject of congratulation that the students of the University have recent- ly organized among themselves a mock senate for the discussion of public ques- tions. Similar organizations exist in other colleges and do good work. Cornell has a congress organized upon the plan of the house of representatives. Johns Hopkins has a house of commons, and there are very probably other clubs of this kind elsewhere. Anything that evinces interest in current public questions and promotes their intelligent discussion is deserving of all possible encouragement. It is a truth that connot be too often repeated that -no form of government depends so much for its safety upon the virtue and intelligence of its citizens as a republic. The first object of education should be to make good men and good citizens. You can make the first without making the second. A man may be well meaning and honest but lack sufficient information to enable him to form an intelligent and independent opinion upon intricate public questions. But you cannot make the second without the first. We have plenty of intelligent men who cannot be trusted, and they do more harm than any other class. President Low said not long ago that, though it was a hard thing to say, it was the simple truth that the most difficult thing to get in city governi:^ent was com- mon honesty. The requisites of a good citizen, then, are honesty and intelligence, and honesty here means not merely that honesty that will not steal but that other kind which gives a man the courage of his opinions, whatever they are and whatever may be the consequences. There are plenty of public questions that the mock senate may discuss, such as the currency, the tariff, the civil service, pro- hibition and license, the relations of labor and capital, public railroads and tele- graphs, and all of them are difficult prob- lems calling for careful thought and study. Common sense is good as far as it goes but it alone will not solve them. They call for a knowledge of history, sociology and law. And right here a suggestion may not be out of place. If the students who take part in this senate divide them- selves according to preconceived ideas into parties and take the stand upon each question that their respective parties are supposed to require they will lose the greater part of the good to be derived from the discussion. Their object will be to win the debate and not to discover the truth, and each one will end by convincing himself of the strength of the position he decides in advance to take. Under these circumstances the senate may give its members readiness in debate and practice in parliamentary law but it will fail in what ought to be its prime object, which is a careful and unprejudiced study of public questions. Let each question be taken independently and upon its merits. Pre- paration for the discussion will be neces- sary to make it profitable but prepared speeches will be out of place. SEMINARY NOTES. 145 COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY. FOR 1891-2. F. W. BLACKMAR, Ph. D. F. H. HODDER, A. M. E. D. ADAMS, Ph. D. Instruction in this department is given by means of lectures, recitations, reports, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classifying material-^ and of writing and pre- senting papers on special topics. All lectures are supplemented by required reading and class exercises. Facts are essential to all historic study; yet the aim is to take the student beyond the mere details of events — to inquire into the origin and development of society and the philosophy of institutions. While the study of the past is carried on with interest and thoroughness, the most important part of history — that which lies about us — is kept constantly in view. The history of other nations, other political systems and other forms of administration, are studied, that we may better understand our own. To under- stand present social and political institutions, and to give an intelligent solution of present problems, is the chief aim of instruction in historical science. THE WORK OF TPIE DEPARTMENT Now embraces European History, American History and Civil Government, the History of Institutions, Sociology, and Political Econ- omy. The work in American History will be continued with enthusiasm and thorough- ness. Classes having begun this work will continue without a break. The importance of this work needs no comment. The prepa- ration for good citizenship demands, among other things, a thorough knowledge of the growth of nationality, and the history of our industrial, social and political development. These, with financial experiments and nation- al diplomacy, receive marked attention. The text of the Constitution and Constitutional Law occupy a prominent place in the study of this branch. OUTLINE OF COURSES. FIRST TERM. 1. English History. Daily. Descriptive history. A careful study of the English peo- ple, including race elements, social and polit- ical institutions, and national growth. 2. The History of Civilization. Lectures daily, embracing ancient society, and the in- tellectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influence of Greek philosophy, the Christian church, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationalities. 3. Political Economy. Daily. The funda- mental principles are discussed and elabo- rated by descriptive and historical methods. All principles and theories are illustrated by examples from present economic society. A brief history of Political Economy may be given at the close of the course. 4r. French and German History. Daily. Descriptive history; including race elements, social and political institutions, and national growth. Especial attention given to French politics. 5. Historical Method and Criticism. One hour each week. Examination and classifi- cation of sources and authorities; analysis of the works of the best historians; collection and use of materials, and notes and biblio- graphy. 6. Statistics. Two hours each week. Sup- plementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems. The history and theory of statistics receives due attention. 7. Joiu'nalisuu Lectures three hours each week. Laboratory and library work. Legal and Historical.— Ten. lectures by Prof. E. D. Adams. £Jngli.sh.—Twentj-five lectures by Profs. Dunlap and Hopkins. Newspaper Btij-eau, Magazines, and Sj^ecial Phases of Journalism.— Vxof. Adams. The course was prepared especially for those students who expect to enter journal- ism as a profession. Although the instruc- tors have no desire to create a special School of -Journalism for the purpose of turning out fully-equipped journalists, they believe that this course will be very helpful to those who in the future may enter the profession. The course will be found highly beneficial to stu- 146 SEMINAR Y NO TES. dents who want a special study in magazines and newspapers as a means of general cul- ture. The course is under the direction of this Department, but the professors named above have kindly and generously consented to assist in certain phases of the work, which occur more particularly in their respective departments. 8. American History. Instruction is given daily for two years in American History. The course embraces Colonial History and the Local Government of the Colonies, the Constitutional and Political History of the Union from 1789 to the present time, the for- mation of the Constitution, and an analysis of the text of the constitution itself. 9. Local Administration and Law. Three conferences each week during the first term, covering the Management of Public Affairs in districts, townships, counties, cities, and States. This course is intended to increase the sense of the importance of home govern- ment, as well as to give instruction in its practical details. 10. Public Finance and Banking. Two con- ferences each week during the first term, on National, State, andMunicipal Financiering; and on Theoretical and Practical Banking, with the details of bank management. SECOND TERM. 11. English Constitutional History. Two hours each week. A special study in the principles and growth of the English Consti- tution. This course may be taken as a con- tinuation of number one. As it is a special study of Constitutional History, students ought to have some preparation for it. 12. Renaissance and Reformation. Lec- tures two hours each week, with required reading and investigation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number two. It includes the Ptevival of Learning through- out Europe, with especial attention to the Italian Kenaissance; a careful inquiry into the causes, course, and results of the Eefor- mation. The course embraces the best phases of the intellectual development of Europe. 13. Advanced Political Economy. Three hours each week, consisting of («) lectures on Applied Economics, (6) Practical Observation and Investigation, and (c) Methods of Re • search, with papers by the stu^dents on special topics. This is a continuation of number three. 14. Institutional History. Lectures three hours each week on Comparative Politics and Administration. Greek, Roman and Ger- manic institutions are compared. The his- torical significance of Roman law is traced in mediseval institutions. A short study in Prussian Administration is given at the close of the course. 15, The Rise of Democracy. Lectures two hours each week on the Rise of Popular Power, and the Growth of Political Liberty in Europe. A comparison of ancient and modern democracy, a study of Switzerland, the Italian Republics, the Dutch Republic, and the French Revolution, constitute the principal part of the work, Students will read May's Democracy in Europe. 16, Elements of Sociology. Lectures three hours each week on the Evolution of Social Institutions from the Primitive Unit, the Family; including a discussion of the laws and conditions which tend to organize society. The later part of the course is de- voted to modern social problems and social- istic Utopias. 17, Charities and Corrections. Two hours each week. Various methods of treatment of the poor. Scientific charity. Treatment of the helpless. Prison reform. State refor- matories. This course is supplementary to number sixteen. Special efforts will be made towards a practical study of Kansas institu- tions. 18, Land and Land Tenures. Lectures two hours each week. This course treats of Primitive Property, the Village Community, Feudal Tenures of France and England, and Modern Land-holding in Great Britain and Ireland and the United States. Reports are made on other countries, and on recent agrarian theories and legislation This is an excellent preparation for the study of the Law of Real Property, 19, The Political History of Modern Europe, Two hours each week, including the Napo- leonic wars, German Federation, the Rise of Prussia, the Unification of Italy, the Revolu- tion of 1848, the Third Republic, the Russian problem, etc. 20, Constitutional Law. Three conferences each week during the second term, on the Constitution of the United States; with brief sketches of the institutions and events that preceded its adoption, and with special atten- tion to the sources and methods of its inter- pretation. 21, International Law and Diplomacy, Class work twice each week during the second term; using Davis on the Rise and Growth of SEMINAR Y NO TES. 147 International Law, and Schuylei" on the History of American Diplomacy. 22. The Status of Woman in the United States. Three conferences each week during the second term, on the Status of Woman in all countries and times; with special investiga- tion of the present legal, political, industrial, and professional position of women in the different States of the American Union. 23. The Histories and Methods of Le^isla- tire Assemblies. Two conferences each week during the second term on the Rise and Growth of Legislative assemblies, their rules of order and methods of business. 24. Mediaeyal History. Two-fifths of the last term of the Freshman year. For all students whose admission papers show that they have had Elementary Physics, Hygiene, and Chemistry. The course includes a study of the fall of the Western Empire, the Teu- tonic Races, and the rise of new nationalities. 25. Seminary. Two hours each week throughout the year. New Courses. Other courses may be give^i in Political Philosophy. Modern Municipal Government, Roman Law, the South Ameri- can Republics, and Comparative administra- tion. Graduate Courses. To those desiring them special courses for post-graduate students will be given in the following subjects: The History of Institutions, American History and Civil Government, Sociology, Political Economy. Newspaper Bureau, In connection with the work of the Department a Newspaper Bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty daily and weekly newspa- pers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of system- atic reading, to keep informed on the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles o temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a coiiiparative study of editorial work, to mas- ter for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, impor- tant materials for the study of current his- tory and public life— to malte history, by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. Preparation for Entrance to the University. — The time spent in the high schools in the study of history is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be exercised in preparing students for entrance into the University. At present very little history is required in the Freshman and Sophomore years, and the students enter upon the study of the Junior and Senior years without thorough preparation for the work.' It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the LTniver- sity to learn the story of nations pretty thor- oughly. A general outline of the world's history with a special study of the United States history and government represents the field. Hut this outline should be something more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates it should be well roanded with the political, social and economic life of the people. Stu- dents will find a general text-book, such as M Jeer's or Sheldon's indispensable; but the work of preparation ought not to stop Irere. Such works as Fylfe's Greece, Creighton's Rome, Seebohm's Era of Protestant tievolu- tion. Cox's Greece, and others in the Primer, Epoch, and Stories of Nations, series ought to be read. The object of this reading is to familiarize the student with the political and social life of the principal nations of the world. For this purpose everything should be as interesting as possible. Such an inter- est should be aroused that the student would not be puzzled over dates and threadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things that are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That history which is gained by a bare memory of events is soon lost. It grows too dim for use and conse- quently leads to confusion. With the story of the nations well learned the student comes to the University prepared for the higher scientific study of history and its kindred topics. He is then ready for investigation, comparison and analysis. He then takes up the real investigation of the philosophy of institution;', and of national development. He is then ready for the science of Sociology, Institutional History, Political Economy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the Univer- sity without this preparation find it necessary to make up for it by the perusal of books, , such as those mentioned above. 148 SEMINAR Y NO TES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student in the University should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions — but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Any booJi in the list below can be had of Field & Hargis, Soohsellers and Stationers. Students are required to purchase books marked with an, asterisk. American Book Company, Chicago. *Manual of the Constitution, Andrews $ 1.00 Analysis of Civil G o vernm ent, Townsend 1 .00 Civil Government, Peterman 60 History of England, Thalheimer 1.00 Mediaeval and Modern History, Thalheimer _. 1.60 Outlines of History, Fisher 2.40 General History of the World, Barnes 1.60 Political Economy, Gregory 1.20 Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin .90 Ginn & Co., Boston and Chicago. Ancient History. Myers & Allen $ 1.50 Mediaeval and Modern History, Myers 1.50 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.00 Macy's Our Government 75 *General History, Myers 1.50 Leading facts in English History, Montgomery... 1.12 Philosophy of Wealth, Clark... 1.00 Political Science Quarterly, Yearly 3.00 Washington and His Country, Fiske 1.00 Harpers, New York. *Hi.story of Germany, Lewis 1.50 ♦International Law, Davis 2.50 ♦Political History of Modern Times, Mtiller 2.00 ♦Short English History, Green 1.75 Civil Policy of America. Draper 2.50 History of English People, Green, 4 vols 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth, 6 vols 13.00 The Constitution, Story 1.00 Holt & Co., New York.. ♦American Politics, Johnston $ 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle, 3 vols 9.00 American Curi'ency, Sumner 2.50 Civil Service in United States, Comstock 2.00 History of Modern Europe, Fyfte, 3 vols 7.50 Political Economy, Roscher, 2 vols 7.00 Political Economy, Walker 2.25 Houghton, Miflain & Co., Boston. ♦Civil Government in United States. Fiske * 1.00 American Commonwealths, 13 vols., each 1.25 American Statesmen, 24 'vols.; each 1.25 American Revolution, Fisk, 2 vols 4.00 Critical Period of American History. Fisk 2.00 Emancipation of Massachusetts, Adams 1.50 Epitome of History, Ploetz 3.00 War of Secession, .Johnson 2.50 Appleton, New York. Dynamic Sociology, Ward, 2 vols * 5.00 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.25 Political Economy, Mill, 2 vols 6.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. ♦Political Economy, Ely * 1.00 MacMillan, New^ York. Constitutional History, England, Stubbs, 3 vols..!f)10.00 Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. I 4.00 Armstrong, New^ York. ♦Democracy in Europe, May, 2 vols $ S..50 G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and. London. ♦American Citizen's Manual, Ford $ 1.25 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S., Tiedeman... 1.00 History of Political Economy, Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econon. Hist, and Theory, Ashley 1..% Indust. and Com. Supremacy of Eng., Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of Histoi-y, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.25 ♦Tariff History of the United States, Taussig 1.85 The Story of Nations, 34 vols., each 1.50 Heroes of the Nations, 12 vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed. by Johnston, Svols., each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 6 vol $20.00 Constitutional Law of U. S., Von Hoist 2.00 Crowell, New York. ♦History of France, Duruy $ 2.00 Labor Movement in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 2 vols 2.50 Problems of To-day, Ely 1.50 Little, Brown & Co., Boston. History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols $17.50 History of the United States, Bancroft, 6 vols 13.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham 1.75 Longmans, Green & Co . , New York. Epochs of Ancient History, each vol $ 1.00 Epochs of Modern History, each vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill 1.75 The Crusades, Cox 1.00 Scribners, New York. ♦American Diplomacy, Schuyler $ 2.00 History of Rome, Mommsen, 4 vols 8.00. Lombard Street, Bagehot .. 1.25 Silent South, Cable 1.00 t ilver Burdett & Co., Boston. ♦Historical Atlas, Labberton $1..50 or $ 2.00 *Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 ♦Institutes of Economics, Andrews 1..50 Institues of General History, Andrews 2.00 Morrison, Washington. History of United States, Schouler, 4 vols $ 9.00 D. C. Heath & Co., Boston. ♦The State, Woodrow Wilson $ 2.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide 3.00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1.50 General History, Sheldon 1.60 ♦Old South Leaflets, 22 Nos., each 05 History Topics, Allen 25 State and Fed. Governments of the U.S., Wilson 50 The American Citizen, Dole 90 Comparative View of Governments, Wenzel 30 Studies in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... SEMINARY NOTES. State University — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. I. APRIL, 1892. No. 7. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All students connected with the department of History and Sociology are, by virtue of such connection, members of the Seminary. All students having two or more studies under the instructors of the department are required to take the work of the Seminary as part of their work in course. The meetings of the Seminary are held every Friday, in Room 15, University Building. Public meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the Department mentioned; prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sou.rces and from practical investi- gation of existing conditions, under the per- sonal direction of the officers of the Seminary- Special assistance in choice of themes, authorities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the department of History and Sociology, or in the Department of English, or in any of the literary societies or other similar organiza- tions in the University; on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Seminary if so required. In connection with the work of the Semi- nary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty daily and weekly newspapers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep informed on the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern Journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of edi- torial work, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life — to make his- tory by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. Special investigation and study will be undertaken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this State; the purpose being to combine service to the State with the reg- ular work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and cooper- ation of State and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own University, or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its success, are invited to become corresponding members of the Seminary. The only condi- tion attached to such membership is, that each corresponding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Sem- inary; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. The library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in con- nection with Seminary work — within reason- able limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officers and members of the Seminary will gladly render all possible assistance ot any public officials who may desire to collect special statistics or secure definite informa- tion On such lines of public work as are properly within the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Semi- nary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK W. BLACKMAR, Director. FRANK H. HODDER, YlCB-DlRECTOR. EPHRAIM D. ADAMS, Secretary. SEMFNARY NOTES. THE GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF BRAINS IN THE UNITED STATES. \5T N the consideration of this theme, ^^ the Geographic Distribution of Brains in the United States, I shall have the advantage of a paper on a collateral sub- ject of inquiry — the "Distribution of Ability in the United States," by Henry Cabot Lodge, a distinguished statistician, statesman, politician and member of congress from Massachusetts. His article appeared in the "Century" magazine a few moTiths ago. While such an attempt of measurement struck me at first as rather novel, I found it was not original with Mr. Lodge, but that he had followed in turn a writer in the "Nineteenth Cen- tury," who had made an effort to estimate the Distribution of ability, by counties, throughout England. '•A time tJiere was ere England's griefs bagan. When every rood of ground maintained its man." This assertion of Mr. Goldsmith has been controverted. It is extremely doubt- ful indeed that "this sceptred isle," "set in the silver sea," "this other Eden, demi-Paradise, " ever maintained 2560 people to the square mile. And if Mr. Goldsmith was so mistaken, it may be just as possible that the "Nineteenth Century " writer and Mr. Cabot Lodge, in the statistical task which they have assigned themselves, (the distribution of ability to the square mile) may uncon- sciously incorporate some element of fallibility in their calculation. Of course the first thing that strikes one as peculiaj in this inquiry is the idea that ability is something entirely definite and tangible — an entity, like the doorplate of Thompson (whose name was spelled with a p), and something '.'handy to have in the house," — a species or variety of what Dickens' Wemmick was wont to term "portable property," and only not liabk indeed to be assessed and taxed as other "personal property, " on the "exemption" plea that it reflected a large usufruct of credit back upon the State that primarily produced it. Most people who possess it have bought "ability" through educa- tion — experience, — and it scarce came wholly as an inheritance, or at any one stated date in their history. "In all the troubles of life there is always a place where you may find sym- pathy," quoth the colored moralist, and then gave out the answer to the conun- drum, viz; "In the dictionary." So, ac- cording to Mr. Lodge, there is always a place where you can find, — and weigh and measure — "ability," and it is also "in the dictionary" — " Appleton's Biograph- ical Dictionary!" There are the men who have possessed it within the era of Ameri- can history, to the total number of 14,243. "Their names their years spelled hy the lettered muse." of x\ppleton. •' The place of fame and eulogy supply." The secret of pprennial preservation of "ability" is to have it embalmed in Appleton's Biographical Dictionary! I am always beset with a lingering doubt whether true ability is to be deter- mined by the compilers of a biographical dictionary who picked the fruit perchance solely from the sunny topmost boughs of popular appreciation. Who are the ablest men? — those who get talked about the the most? Not invariably, and yet these are apt to come to the front in biographic mention, just as likely as not it was the manifestation of spasmodic, lopsided ability that made the man remarkable and got him chronicled in the biography. In fact that may have been the only remark- able thing about him, while the well- rounded self-poised man, " rich in saving common sense, went steadily and quietly SEMINARY NOTES. 151 about his business, ably doing his part as a good citizen; benefiting the community possibly ten times as much as the noisy politician, who got into the caucus and fixed it into the convention and "ran it," into the legislature, into congress perhaps or a good fat office, and finally into the bi- ographical dictionary. Mr. Lodge has evidently bestowed a good deal of labor on his tabulation of the Cyclopedia of Biography, and is pro- portionally satisfied that the results ex- hibited are of the greatest historical value. Possibly he is not the first man who has fallen in love with his own statistics, and fondly deduced important results there- from. His method of classification shows (he claims) what communities have pro- duced the men who have governed the country and fought its battles, who have produced its literature, art and science, or made the inventions which in some in- stances have affected the history of the United States, and of mankind. There may be something in this, and Mr. Lodge's statistics may locate exactly not only the distribution of brains to the square mile, but the particular state, or county, if needs be, which are naturally most fertile in the production of ability, but before assenting to all his conclusions based upon Appleton's Cyclopedia, we should need be well assured that the data are invariably correct. "Figures will not lie," it is said, but that depends upon the person who furnishes or manipulates the figures. Who made the compiler of Appleton's omniscient of ability? Who provided him the guage, and the meter to measure and determine its quality? If his judgment be fallible his facts will be apochryphal, and the conclusions of Mr. Lodge, based thereon, become extremely hypothetical. Of course there were a certain number of eminent Americans whose ability would be universally recog- nized. They should go into any and every such bioei-aphical dictionary. Pos- sibly their ■ • •\-;Mild fall somewhat .si-.ort ii There would be another list on which opinions might honestly differ as to degree, and finally there might be an indefinite residuum that would in the matured opinions of a later generation be relegated to an entirely different limbo. The Encyclopedia Brit- tanica follows implicitly the old injunction " Call no man great until he is dead." The Art Museum of the Louvre extends the probation further, and admits the work of no artist until he has left this world ten years behind him. Evidently the datum of greatness depends largely upon specific dates. If the Appleton had been compiled when a great man was busy tanning at Galena, or later, hauling chips into St. Louis at $1 per load, do you think that Grant's name would have had the fortune to be enshrined therein? Or, Sherman at the date when he lost that little law suit before a pettifogging justice of the peace over here in Jefferson county, just before the war broke out? If there haply exist any such element of fallibility, in the dictionary, then Mr. Lodge's exact determination of the soils that possess the chemical elements favorable to ability may share in that fallibility. An enthusiastic writer once announced from a careful study of conditions and statistics based thereon, the deduction that Shakespeare, the greatest man of all time, could have been born at no other era than the latter half of the Sixteenth Century, in no other country than Eng- land, and no other county than Warwick- shire. And now other wise statisticians and crypto-grammatists assure us that Shakespeare as a playwriter was bu-t a myth and a fraud, that his plays were perpetrated by a man named Bacon, born at York House in the Strand. :fc * * * * * * But whether wholly infallible or not Mr. Lodge goes on to tabulate for us, giving us the distribution of ability as to states (according to place of birth), by race, (through the single patronymic line), and the profession or employment. His first table classifies by states and }'ou note, at 152 SEMINAF Y NO TES. once, as a Kansan, that you are entirely ruled out. Kansas has no ability, so far. Texas enumerates just one man, the lone star of the "Lone Star State;" Arkansas three (of whom one, of course, was the famous "traveler"); Iowa five; California the same; and then you jump to Wiscon- sin and Florida with a dozen each for the lands of pine and pine-apples. From these you ascend rapidly through Alaba- ma 34, Missouri 39, Michigan 44, Illinois 59, Louisiana 68, District of Columbia 75, to Indiana and little Delaware, of 115 each. Having now passed the one hun- dred limit the plot, and the ability, begins to thicken. You progress to Tennesee 136, Georgia 202, "Little Rhody" 291, North Carolina with an even 300 able "Tar-heelers," Kentucky 320, Vermont 359, Ohio 364, South Carolina 398, with Calhoun the original and many other able "seceders," Maine 414, New Jersey 474, New Hampshire 510, Maryland 512. From this on we climb rapidly to the frozen summit of ability, with gigantic strides. Virginia 1038, Connecticut 1196, Pennsylvania 1827, New York 2605 Massachusetts 2686! Now you imagine you perceive just where this leads on! To the state that had the honor of giving birth to Cabot Lodge apparently. Not so, for he tells you (and might readily prove it by figures) that proportioned to population (but why not estimate by area indeed) Connecticut leads every other state in its volume of ability. Of course the older states have had, he admits, some advantage in this classifica- tion. It might certainly appear so, for Kansas, Nebraska and Minnesota are lit- erally "nowhere" in the race, with the still newer states inevitably in the same unfortunate category. Unhappily nobody was born in Kansas, except "Indians not taxed"— with ability — until about 37 years ago, and of these even, while some young sprouts of ability may have shot up, none of these scions have yet got themselves haply transplanted into the botanic gar- den of biography kept by Appleton and carefully watched and watered by Henry Cabot Lodge. But while our statistician intimates that relative population should properly be taken into account, he makes no figures to apply it in the estimate, and indeed it is a little difficult to determine at just what period the population should be taken. Not on the census of 1890 evidently, for the dictionary takes in results of the whole period of American history, including colonial. Men of ability are chronicled therein who flourished and died a full century before our western states were born, hence that test would not be fair in any case. I think Mr. Lodge would be compelled to bring in his law of averages, and as he has failed to do so, I cheerfully supply his omission. I have taken three periods, at a venture, the censuses of 1800, 1830 and i860 respectively. The first is early enough to gather in the most of the old-time fellows, and the last being now 30 years agone, would allow its aver- age population to ripen to that mature age when ability is bound to assert itself, if ever. Then I average the census of these three periods, and strike a per cent- age of the whole for each state. Then L make also a percentage of "ability" for each state from Mr. Lodge's figures and here is the result, comparatively exhibited: Pc. of Pop. Pc. Ability. Massachusetts, 4-33 19. — New York, 14.62 18. + Pennsylvania, 9.70 13- — Connecticut, 2.00 3.25 Virginia, 7.37-av • 7-3 — Maryland, 3.00 3-6 New Hampshire, 1.56 z-(> New jersey. 2.40 Maine, 2-44 2.9 South Carolina, 2,-Z 2.8 Ohio, 6.76 2.56 Vermont, 1.85 2-5 Kentucky, 4.10 2.25 North Carolina, 4.27 2. 1 Rhode Island, .48 2. + Georgia, 3-5° 1.4 + Tennessee, 2,.^o I. Delaware, •50 .^0 Indiana, 3-40 .8 Louisiana, 1. 85 ■5 — SEMINARY NOTES. 153 Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Wisconsin, California; lowa,- Arkansas, Texas, ' New England, Middle States, Southern States Western States, Pc. of Pop. 3-75 1.56 2.45 2.60 1.58 •35^ 1.60 .20 1-35 1.30 1.20 TOTALS. Pc. Of Pop. 12.5 27.26 Pc. Ability. ■4 + •3 + 27 24 I — I — 21.74 03 03+ 02-!- Pc. Ability 3»'-3- 35-25 21.94 4-51 Judging by these statistics, therefore, you will perceive that ability prevails relatively threefold to populrtion in New England, and about one and one-third to one in the middle states, while with little more than one-half to the unit of popula- tion in the southern, and scarce more than one-fifth in that broad section which claims our rising generation, the western states. And to bring the comparison as close as state boundaries, we must credit Connecticut and Rhode Island full four to one, and Massachusetts almost five to one, which intimates that Mr. Lodge must have had in mind a different basis of computation from mine, and probably that of present population. New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Vermont exhibit ratios of ability to population, each one and one-third to one, with New Hampshire full two to one, while Maine is but little more than even, and Virginia, the ancient mother of statesmen, just "holds her own" relatively to the number of her sons. Living in a state that owns just no ability at all, except the "young crowd," which though in the "lexicon of youth " has not yet achieved that of biog- raphy, it is some little consolotion to find that Ohio, an early western state, pos- sessed of fortunate politicians, has had nearly three times as many people as brain demonstrations. Indiana and Illi- nois naturally came in further down in the order of development, the former with less than one-fourth, and the latter with but one-ninth of its quota of brains that have made any show in the world — of Appleton's Cyclopedia and Cabot Lodge's tabulations. We might chase these ratios' a good deal further, but is it really worth while? Turn now to another branch of this important subject, the special avenues or channels vv'hich ability has adopted in which to exhibit itself. The statistics here are quite full. Naturally we find that the "learned professions together with poli- tics " and war are largely the open sesames to fame in connection with a full page portrait. Here is the tabulation : Statesmen 2 190 Clergy • • • 2164 Soldiers 1892 The Navy 482 Lawyers 15°° Physicians 859 Literature 2051 Art 462 Science 5^4 Education • 586 Business 559 Philanthropy 221 Pioneers and Explorers 1-83 Inventors . . . •. .... 169 Engineers i74 Architects 43 Musicians 82 Actors 102 Total 14243 Without taking up your time in detailed analysis, let me call your attention to a few remarkable data in this tabulation of first quality of brain in action. The "learned professions" alone — lawyers, doctors and the clergy, have supplied almost one-third of the whole ability of the nation, and if you reckon with these "them hterary fellers," with the "educa- tional" contingent you have just one-half, without classifying the " scientists " in the category. Again, the statesmen class furnishes a full one-seventh, aud the army and navy combined another equal share. Then comes the "business " interest with less than four per cent. — to do business on, followed by "philanthropy" with 154 SEMINAR Y NO TES. hardly one-half so many, which goes to prove that this proves hardly so good a business as "business" itself. The art- ists, architects, actors and musicians, even if lumped together with all their oddly developed brains aggregate only about two per cent, of the whole. But now, the most curious thing about it is that of all the farmers, who embrace a goodly share of the population of this country, famed for its generally diversified intelli- gence, there is 'not a single, solitary ex- ample of "ability" — according to Mr. Lodge. In view of this fact, it is no Avonder that they have begun to exhibit restlessness, and organize "alliances." It was about time that, having no individ- ual ability, they should band themselves together to utilize the fractional ability of an exceedingly large denominator by massing the numerators until they should amount to an appreciable value. It would be only human that they should object to this unconscionable monopoly of brains. And then again, the mechanics and crafts- men of all kinds, with the exception of a few "inventors," who may indeed be no "craftsmen " at all, is it possible that this large class has owned no demonstrated ability, no "knights" of "labor," not even any captains of industry? Taking the farmers, the mechanics, and the man- facturing industries all together, and we have perhaps over three-foui-ths of the entire population of the country, and no ability whatever, while the few thousand "states- men, scholars, heroes and divines" pos- sess it all. Verily this proves too much. The great majority of the forefathers of these "elect" came from the farm and the workshop, and if there be anything at all in the common ideas of heredity some of this "ability" must have descended from such hornyhanded progenitors. And now in drawing toward a close, let me confess that I do not have any great confidence in the geographic distribution of brains, or rather, I do have confidence in their general distribution, and very little in the idea that they are mainly monopolized by any favored first-families, or restricted to any confined area or even section of our country. " Ability" which is possibly the product of culture and the result of favoring conditions may perhaps find its habitat oftenest near the chosen seat of that culture. It might not be well for me even to attempt the controversion of Mr. Lodge's theory in this regard. But let us differentiate a little. The above law may hold good for ability but will scarce apply to brains, though you may term them the raw material of which ability is the the finished product. Brains are the indigenous plant, the volunteer wheat, springing up apparently where it had not been sown except by the wind of heaven, or dropped except by the birds of the air. Ability is the corn that has been drilled in and cultivated. Brains are to be culti- vated for the sake of the possessor and the world about their owner — not with the expectation that any extraordinary en- dowment or acquired enhancement shall certainly be transmitted. From the ex- treme optimistic theory of biologic evo- lution formerly prevailing, the belief that heredity has been and is the great factor, that "like always produces its like " plus all the modified structure and personally acquired characteristics of the parent, we have now swing around to the other extrem- ity of the arc, and stand doubting whether the acquired characteristic of the parent is ever transmitted to the child. Brains in the mass are undoubtedly the "unearned increment" of heredity, but what they are or shall be in the individual it is almost impossible to determine or even prophesy, from the moUusk to a Milton or a Michael Angelo, the great gulf that has somehow been safely crossed evidences the immense energy of devel- opment though exercised through countless eons of time. But where are now the Miltons, the Goethes, the Washingtons, that shall carry forward the achievement of their ancestors. No children, or weak descendants of greatness, seems to be a general law. In the plan of heredity, what SEMINAR V NO TES. 155 has been transmitted of that restless energy and power of brain that compassed the " Waverly " romances, and how much of the Byronic poetic faculty descended through '•Ada, sole daughter of my house and heart." It would seem that the human race is so constituted that great mentality cannot long be continued in one family. It may last for a few generations, but like the soil which exhausts through continued cropping it becomes inevitable that it shall lie fallow for a season, if it ever gather again the elements of fertility. It has long been remarked that great brains have a tendency to "run out" (as the phrase goes) — to sink down and flow into hidden recesses of unmarked descent; or to lapse and merge into the broad sea of undistinguished humanity. Through all the ages past the great names of history have been rising like mountain peaks from that sea of obscurity, only to sink again and be submerged through their descend- ants. It is a law of nature that these cannot stay permanently glorified solely through the virtues of their ancestors : '• What can ennoble fools, or knaves, or cowards? Alas! not all the blood of all the Howards," But greatness, though not perpetuated through heredity shall not be wholly lost to the world in any age: Like must come from its like. V^ell then. From whence spring the world's surprises? Proin the lowermost strata of men. A Shakespeare, or Lincoln uprises. Imperfect ! Yes tainted with earth. As humanity may be and must Yet bearing, with lowliest birth. A spark of divine from the dust, Lowell says "it is rather to be noted how little is known of the parentage of the men of the first magnitude, how often they seem in some way foundlings, and how early an apparently adverse destiny begins the culture of those who are to master great intellectual or spiritual ex- eriences." And so the eternal cycle keeps its round ! And though heredity be not the direct and ready road that men have imagined, yet civilization advances, man improves in knowledge, power, worth. It is no "hop, skip and jump" gymnastic progress however; it is the slow, steady advance of the beating, and receding, wave upon the shore; it is the persistent, conquering step of the mighty army through the unknown forests and guarded defiles of an enemy's country; now marching, now fighting, now falling back awhile upon its reserves, but always ultimately slowly winning its way onward, onward. B. W. Woodward. LABOR IN THE OLD WORLD. ^N this essay I purpose to speak only c<$9 o^ such forms of labor as have fallen under my observation while passing through diiferent countries across the Atlantic and Mediterranean. Neither will I permit my pen to do more than dwell upon that aspect of labor which is commonly understood by that word, — that of the working classes, — those who till the soil or pursue mechanical or in- dustrial employments. Among the first impressions one re- ceives while traveling abroad is the poverty of the laboring classes. Accus- tomed in this country, as we are, to see the laborers well housed, well clad, Avith wholesome tables and owning gardens filled with nutritious vegetables, and with short days of severe work, the sight of men and women toiling from rosy dawn to the shadows of night, from twelve to sixteen hours hard work, living, many of them, in, 156 SEMINAR Y NO TES. cheerless, one-roomed houses, with hard bread, no meat, scant clothing, saving bits of twigs for fuel, only suggests painful con- trasts. Take this picture of poverty by a- recent English writer. ''Perusal of the evidence given to the labor commis- sion before the sweating commission would be of incalculable value to those who do not realize the great depth of poverty in which the people are steeped, the poverty that narrows and degrades the lives of all the people subject to these low conditions." The English writer thus outlines the misery of his land, "In picturing the poverty of England, I would suggest to my readers to imagine all the poverty of the country to be gathered to- gether in a great city of five millions of men and women, weltering in the slums of life, a seething mass of humanity, without hope on earth, without hope of heaven ; to imagine for a moment a city like Lon- don, without its banks, buildings, magnifi- cent streets and houses, its wealth, its splendor, without all these things, but with a low straggling city of slum streets filled with ragged children, disheartened men, disheartened women, where disease and suffering and pestilence are bred, and childhood, youth, manhood, and woman- hood all pass without a ray of divine light, without nobleness, without comfort. To imagine such a disconsolate city must move the heart of all thinkers, and yet in our little island such a great number of human beings are existing in this state. To imagine it in the aggregate, to imag- ine our beautiful London as a city of all this misery; then men may measure, men may understand, the extent of this great social fester, robbing heaven of men and women, robbing the earth of men and women, for no life can be developed in the fullness of its meaning while it breathes in this putrid atmosphere, and is narrowed in by bare walls, where hunger is faced every day, and empty cupboards, bare backs and bare bones is the heritage of the submerged seventh. Even this does not picture, neither does it represent the full extent of our national degreda- tion." Standing in Trafalgar square, or at nightfall watching the hungry faces that peer into the shop windows filled with bread, and cakes on the stand, one can see how utterly woeful is the lot of hun- dreds of men and women who throng the streets of London, or gather in its public squares. On the continent the conditions are not much improved, and in the streets of Constantinople, Smyrna, Damascus, Jeru- salem, and Cairo, scenes of want and beggary harrow the feeling and sadden the heart. Next to the aspect of general want one is surprised to see the vast numbers of women engaged in hard, laborious work ; especially is this observ- able on the continent of Europe. In Egypt there is an absence of women from the fields quite as marked as is their pres- ence among the toilers north of the Mediterranean. At Munich I saw women working with shovel, pick and hoe on the railroad track. In Berne Women saw wood and do all sorts of heavy drudgery. It is a common sight in Dresden to see women helping their dogs to haul carts laden with produce to the market. In Italy the cultivation of crops, hoeing corn and potatoes, hauling grain and other laborious work is done by women, while in parts of Germany, during harvest time, two women to one man are seen in the fields. In Palestine nearly all the severe work seemed to be done by the females of the families. They carry immense jars of water on their heads from the wells or springs, sometimes more than one-half a mile, to their houses, while the men sit in sun and smoke their nargiles. But at the hotels, the waiters and servants are all men. Another strange sight to an American is the large number of persons employed to do any work. On the plain of Esdraelon I stopped my horse and counted over one hundred ox teams drawing plows, while an army of women and children were in sight, pulling up thorns and noxious weeds. SEMINAR Y NO TES. 157 Squads of from ten to twenty harvesters may be seen in Saxony in small fields, where in this country only the reaper and two or more men to shock the golden sheaves would be noticed. There is a strange absence of all labor-saving ma- chines. On the banks of the Tiber I passed a field of grain in which over seventy-five prisoners under guard of armed mounted soldiers were gathering the over-ripe wheat. In Andalusia and on the banks of Guadalquivir hundreds of women were busy cutting the grain, haul- ing it on primitive carts to the smooth earth threshing floors, where numerous spans of mules were being driven over the straw, tramping out the wheat; the pro- cess cuts the straw into chaff, which is tossed in the wind, and then the berries are separated. In Goshen, of ancient as well as present fertility, the same plethora of workmen is seen. The alfalfa is cut with a bent knife, — a sort of small sickle, — a handful at a time, and the laborer is down on his knees while pursu- ing his task. Another thing that attracts the attention in Europe is the perfect roads, and the narrow space they occupy. They are straight, macadamized, lined on either side by trees. Generally the eucalyptus is the variety, as it is supposed to be anti- malarial, while spruce and cypress some times overshadow the highways. The av- erage width of the road is not over fifteen feet, and every blade of grass clear up to the macadam is cut and saved. The Kansas road, forty or more feet wide, would amaze a Frenchman or German. In Spain the roads are much poorer, often nothing more than a trail, and in Egypt there are no highways for vehicles outside the cities, and one fine road from Cairo to the pyramid. of Gizeh. This road was ^built by the Khedive on the visit of the Prince of Wales, so that he could ride to the hoary wonder in a carriage. But generally camel and donkey trails are all one sees in the way of roads in the land of the Pharaoh; and on camel and donkey back are carried to market sugar cane, alfalfa, huge bags of straw and chai¥, poultry and young goats. This much in the way of general observations. As it will be impossible in this paper to deal with the conditions of labor in the various countries I visited, I select a few of more than passing interest. Tangiers is the seaport and principal town of Morocco. In its streets are motley crowds from Fez, Soudan, and various places in the interior. I was^there on market day, and the incoming crowds bringing with them the products of the gardens and fields gave a very good idea of the character of these swarthy pro- ducers. The market place was outside the city walls which run down to the sea. There were foot-sore, small, stunted beeves, puny calves, ill-conditioned sheep and lambs, and poultry in large coops. The grain for sale was in small bags, and the varieties of produce were quite numerous — beans, peas, lettuce, lentils, dates and figs, small potatoes and poor vegetables. The workmen of the place are of a stolid type. We stopped at a shop to see the process of shoeing a donkey. One man held the animal by the head, another held the foot on a block, while a third, sitting on a stool, leisurely nailed on the iron plate. The workman's tools were clumsy, the nails large and heavy, and the shoe very awkwardly hammered out. The civiliza- tion of the place, its industries, and its modes of life carry one back a good many centuries. Perhaps the most interesting thing in the market was the snake charm- ers. The power of these men over the long, slim, reptiles, which they carry in bags and let out one at a time, was very remarkable. There were a good many slight-of-hand tricksters, with crowds gath- ered around them, and it was plain that not one-half of the people who were poorly clad, only enough rags upon them to cover their persons, were doing more than exist. The country manufactures exposed for sale — saddles, bridles, ox yokes, were all of the rudest and most primitive sort. 15^ SEMINAR Y NO TES. There was a large negro from Soudan, with a physique of great dimensions, who lived only on dates. And this simplicity of food, the warm climate and the possi-. bility of living with little work reduces the labor problem to its smallest size. These people upon whom we have been looking for a moment are far down in the scale of civilization, hence their wants are few and easily supplied. In the east, on the banks of the Nile, we find the laboring classes somewhat more advanced, and their daily toils are not quite so primitive as in Morocco. The fellahin of Egypt are a patient, plodding race. They seem to belong to the soil; are dark, swarthy, rather slim, and have astonishing endurance. They are ignorant; there were no schools for them, until recently, under the English rule, a step in that direction has been taken. The lands of the Delta, adapted to cotton and sugar-cane are worth about two hundred dollars per acre, while o.ther lands not so easily irrigated are worth about seventy-five dollars per acre. Some of these lands are still owned in small patches by the peasantry, but immense tracts of the most fertile soil are in the ownership of government officials or for- eigners. The tillage, of course, of these great estates and that of the small hold- ings differs, the former being more modern and more systematic. Much of the time of the peasantry is consumed in irrigating the land. This is a great work. The over-flow of the Nile would be of little service were not its alluvial-freighted wa- ters retained in long canals and small ponds. The receding waters are held in check by head-gates, or banks of earth. It is these supplies that are trailed out over the plains by the fellahin. A very picturesque sight to the stranger is the process of raising the water to the level of the plain. The peasants, with only a single garment on their persons, bare footed, bare legged, lift the water by means of a water-tight basket from one pool to another above it until the proper height is attained, thence it is carried in small earth ditches which continually branch out until the water touphes and fructifies each part of the field. There are two methods of lifting the water that are quite simple, yet interesting. Two fellahin hold the opposite ends of a rope, in the center of which is a water-tight willow basket, holding several gallons of water. They swing this basket by a dex- terous movement into the waters of the canal, and empty the basket into a pool or opening in the bank. Another couple of fellahin in like manner swing the water up another height, and this process is repeated until the level above is reached. The swinging of the basket goes on in a sort of rythmic motion very pleasing to behold. Then, too, there is the old fash-"' ioned well sweep, which is easier for the peasant, but not so rapid as the other. These laborious operations give the com- mon laborers of the country plenty to do. The tilling of the soil is often picturesque also. A camel may be seen drawing the small plows of the country — a tool as primitive as those used in Mexico or Cen- tarl America. Sometimes a yoke of buf- falo perform the same service. These buffalo are not much like our wild droves of the prairie, they are black, almost hairless, ill-shaped, and have hard, llat horns that lie back on their necks. They are a useful animal wherever there is muddy land to plow or till. I found them in the wet places of the Delta, and on the banks of Lake Merom. They are very docile and easily managed. These ani- mals, for plowing, and donkeys for riding, are the farmers' best friends. The climate of Egypt permits the sow- ing and ripening of grain to go on the year around. There were fields of alfalfa in blossom and others just opening their leaves. No sooner is one crop matured than another is planted. On the edge of the Lybian desert, where the winds are often fierce, the young maize, cucumbers, onions and other vegetables are protected by rows of thickly planted stocks of cane. SEMfNA R ] ' NO TES. '59 The same mode of protection may be seen in parts of France. One of the favorite articles of food among the fellahin is what they, call the cucumber ; but it is much larger than ours, has a downy skin, no thorns, and is quite dry. The natives eat it raw, and also cooked, and when so prepared it tastes like our squash. The maize of the country resembles our sor- ghum, and the kernels are found in a bushy top, and are of the size of rice. Curds and a black bread form most of the food of men who toil from dawn till dark. They rarely eat meat, though they have cattle, sheep, goats, and poultry ; but these are mostly for the market. Many of the peasants rent land from the govern- ment, — small patches, at an annual rental of about five dollars per acre; but the severe and oppressive taxation levied on all they raise brings the rental much higher. The English rule is doing much for these helpless people. Forced labor on the canals and public works is abolish- ed. Formerly the Khedive would call for so many laborers from a hamlet to work on his estates, or to clear out the water courses, and they had to go and labor without pay, and support and care for themselves. Hundreds of these poor people were thus called on at a time and compelled to work for weeks. The region between Cairo and the pyra- mids is full of charming scenes. The groups and throngs of laborers, plowing, planting, hoeing, cutting grain, tethering out the buffalo or camels, trailing water to their tiny patches of vegetables or grain, catch the eye on every side. To look down on the Delta from the pyra- mids as the sun buries itself in the Lybian sands fastens on the mind a never-to-be- forgotten picture. The busy fellahin turn from their toil into the paths that con- verge in their hamlets, — some leading camels, others driving sheep or goats, others with bundles of alfalfa or freshly cut grain in their arms. The plain seems to be alive with moving forms of men and beasts. Shadows creep over landscapes and a tremulous golden twilight rivets the eye long after distant forms have van- ished. Many of these peasants find em- ployment on the mysterious Nile. There are islands of considerable size which they till entirely by hand, no camels or buffalo being seen there. But it is as sailors on the Dahbeyea, either spreading the sails, or more often in towing the boat by means of long ropes against the cur- rent, that the river gives employment. It is not uncommon to see a dozen men at the edge of a stream in the water well up to their waists, forcing the craft up the stream. Of all the lands whose record runs back into the last centuries, Egypt is the most hoary, and most interesting. The pain taken by its primeval people to perpetuate their lives and deeds in paintings on stone walls, in a climate where mildew and rain rairly appear, has sent down to us an unerring record, from which we depict the customs and occupations, the modes of agriculture and mechanical arts, and pursuits of these remote ages. These pic- tures were often accompanied by short inscriptions significant of the scene pre- sented. For centuries, as these inscriptions were in the hieroglyphic language of a forgotten era, there was no means of tell- ing what they meant. It chanced a few years ago that a flat, black stone, about twelve inches square, was found near Rosetta, at one of the old openings of the Nile into the sea. It was on one side covered with three parallel inscriptions, each telling the same thing, one in the ancient priestly hieroglyphics, the second in the popular language of that day, and the third in Greek. This gave a kfey to the numerous inscriptions in the walls. The mastaba or tomb house of Ti in the necropolis of old Memphis dates back forty-five centuries, being erected in the 5 th Egyptian dynasty. It stands among black sands which the fierce gales toss into angry billows. The desert is even with the roof of the tomb house, and not a sign of vegetation is found for miles in i6o SEMINAR Y NO TES. any direction. The zeal and wealth of a Frenchman, Mariette, a few years ago lifted the sands from the building and now it is open to the traveler. Three entrances lead down to the outer chamber, and from it a long passage way opens on an inner room without window or light. On the outer court, passage ways and dark room is the story of the life, and the deeds of this great prime minister of the ruling king. From these paintings and sculptures, and the accompanying inscrip- tions, we gain a clear idea of life in Egypt forty-five hundred years ago. The exact purpose of these decorations of the tomb of the dead prince is not clear, but the view they give of his great estates and the pursuits there carried on are vivid presen- tations, Every trade and mechanical oc- cupation carried on among men in those remote periods, all branches of husbandry and domestic life are there portrayed. From them we learn that the Nile boat, the Dahbeyeh of to-day, is just what it was when they bore to Memphis the pro- ducts of Lisertatis, hundreds of miles up the mysterious river. The plow then used has not been improved in the four thou- sand years that have flown away. Among the throngs of servants and workmen that start out of these walls we see what we do not find in Egyptian fields now, women hard at work. In addition to the domes- tic animals now found in the Delta we note the presence of antelopes as tame as the sheep and goats with which they feed. How immobile and fixed the Egyptian life has been through all the historic periods is revealed in these walls whose story was written there twenty-five centuries before Christianity dawned on the world. Ani- mal life as here portrayed was as perfect then as now. The art of snaring the great river horse, the leviathan of the bible, was then known. The plow, the shadoof, and the rude hoe of Ti's estates are now in use by the people who look like the groops of servants or laborers on the mural decorations of this desert tomb. Passing from this strange land with its types of laborers as unchanged as the stony gaze of its weird sphynx, we find on the famed plains of Sharon and Esdrpelon much of the same stolid adherence to old methods of labor. The thorns that spring up and choke the seeds of the sower are there now as then, and hundreds of wo- men of children can be seen the live long day plucking up these thorns, as did their prototypes. Abraham's plow is still the favorite implement for stirring the soil. The open threshing floor on the bare earth, the noisome underground granaries, the diminutive oxen and the flocks of sheep and goats, the black tents of the wandering Bedouin, and the women gath- ering at the wells or springs to bear thence water in great jugs placed on their heads to their homes in villages nestled on high points of land; these meet the eye of the traveler everywhere, and tell him how the far away past in the Orient is reproduced in the scenes of to-day. The homes of the peasantry of Syria are, if possible, more completely uncomfortable, gloomy, and cheerless, than are those of the same class in Egypt. At one of our lunch places there was a small village of stone huts. It was not laid out on any street or square, no trees bloomed about it. The best house in the hamlet had neither window, floor, or ceiling. The mistress of the place showed us her abode with an evident pride of possession. To one conversant with the comfort and cheer of our American laborers' home, the squalor and misery of these Syrian villages is very depressing. Children nearly naked, men and women with bare feet, poorly clothed with scanty dresses, small patches of very stony garden, hun- gry faces, lizards darting in and out of the chinks of their poorly-built stone huts, fires made of desiccated droppings of the camel or ox, — surely no one need envy the lot of the laborer in Egypt or Palestine. S. O. Thacher. SEMINARY NOTES. 161 THE STUDY OF HISTORY IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS. .^T^VERY subject but history has its ^^^ beginning and its end. History is continuous; forming in peace and in war, ever increasing in volume. In earlier years attention was paid more particularly to man and his development than to the influences which surrounded him, but as the study of history has developed all the outside influences of soil, climate, food, intercourse with other peoples and all those matters which so materially affect mankind are to be carefully noted. It is only as we study any subject in its rela- tions to man that we rise to the full appre- ciation of it and only then that it becomes worthy of a lifetime of study. The im- portance of history in its relation to other subjects and how it is to be brought into its true position in our courses of study should be constantly before the mind of every teacher. Our universities are arranging courses and developing the work in history rapidly but as yet are far behind the ideal course in history, still on the other hand they are ahead of the majority of students who enter the regular course. Our professors may work and toil but the results reached will not be satisfactory. It is a well known fact that history is not taught as it should be in our common and high schools, and in many instances the attempt at teaching it only causes a distaste for the study. In my opinion the greatest reason for this unsuccessful work and lack of interest is that the study of history is not commenced soon enough. Reading, writ- ing and arithmetic monopolize the time of a majority of our pupils until they are through the common school course and then they either go into active life or enter special lines of work and the best oppor- tunity for beginning the study of history has p'assed. The stories that we remem- ber best were told us when we were chil- • dreji on our mother's knee, and that early teaching should be followed by stories from history in the primary grades, his- torical readers in the grammar grades and regular work in history from the eighth grade through the high school, and, as far as possible, with other work through life. Stories told by the teacher in the primary grades, read by the pupils in intermediate grades, and related or given in essay form by pupils of higher grades during general exercises, will create a desire and love for the study of history. Then it will not be considered dry, un- interesting, and be thrown aside for other work as children grow older. Pupils should be shown the relation history bears to other studies, and especially to geogra- phy and literature. This is an easy matter as places, people and events are spoken of in reading lessons, language work, or are referred to in general conversation. The reading of books and giving synopsis of stories contained, the writing of bio- graphical sketches concerning prominent men and women; the comparison of* peo- ple of the present with historical charac- ters of the past; the noting of events, inventions, discoveries, new scientific facts and many other things of interest, may be introduced in a manner suitable to the grade of work, and the breadth of vision thus given will never be lost but will tend to expand while the pupil 'at the same time is gathering from all fields of knowl- edge. The problem is not so much how shall history be taught in our high schools and universities as how shall the foundation be laid. When the foundation is laid and the work carried up to the high school the demand from the pupils will cause a place to be provided in the course of study there, and the number studying history will fill that department in the universities until greater facilities will be needed. As indicated above, give history its true place i6: SEMINAR Y NO TES. and prominence through all the grades of our common schools, and you will in the main have solved the question of "The Study of History in our High Schools and Universities." Far the greater proportion of our pupils leave school before entering the high school, and in order to reach the masses, to lift up the whole, we must begin at the bottom and build up. Uni- versities and high schools are farther removed from the people than the com- mon schools, consequently the support any particular departmentment may re- ceive will depend upon the interest created among the people, and there is no factor so potent to-day as the common school in forming future public opinion. Our pro- fessors may prepare lectures for "Univer- sity Extension" audiences, and lose sleep in midnight rides in order to enlighten the people, but their work will be patchwork — simply trying to remedy what has not been done in school. They cannot reach any great number of people in that way. Lit- erature, history, local government, the elements of science and other subjects may properly be introduced into graded work. Without geography and history our rpading lessons are not well understood, and good literature requires a knowledge of these as well as other subjects. It may be urged that it is not possible to teach all of these subjects, and it is true that a full knowledge cannot be obtained in the graded school, but general information may be gained even if less work is done in other lines. Every field of work should receive its due share of attention in the beginning and as pupils advance and become able to judge for themselves they will be prepared to take up that special work which inclination prompts them to choose. We need specialists in every line of work in our graded schools in order that the pupils may have thorough teach- ing in the elements 9f learning. The specialists will be better for having re- ceived their general information under specialists. We would only ask for history the place that it deserves in relation to other sub- jects, and let it be borne in mind that our laws and the welfare of our country depend upon the degree of knowledge, concerning mankind and his environments, that is possessed by our people. The noblest work of God is man, his history, here, is from the cradle to the grave, and his study of self and his fellow man should begin with the cradle and only end with the. grave. H. A. Peairs. SEMINARY REPORTS. The Single Tax. ■^rPHE Seminary met March 25th. Mr. ,^^ Simmon's read a paper on the Single Tax. His remarks were in substance as follows: The advocates of the single tax theory are opposed, and in some measure justly, to all existing forms of taxation. The personal property tax is objected to on account of the impossibility of levying it justly. Even if an accurate list of prop- erty is obtained, a man worth $100 is obviously less able to pay a ^10 tax than a man worth $1000 is to pay a ;^ioo tax. The injustice arising here is repeated in a per capita tax. A tax on real estate falls on prices, and does not touch those it is designed to reach. The advocate of the Single Tax argues that rent is an income arising without the owners exertion, that it arises through society. It is then just to apply it to the advantage of society. The idea is that the earth belongs to the people, and that its products should go to- SEMINARY NOTES. 163 the people. This will be accomplished by the confiscation or appropriation of rents. The arguments pro and con turn upon the question " In whom is the title to land vested ?" Individual ownership has long been the rule, and the individual, of course, defends the established custom. Land is held by the individual for the general welfare of all, he says. Yet no one questions that the state has some control over land. It may take it for rail- ways, roads, public buildings and like purposes. The single tax advocate argues that in the earlier development land was held in common, and that the strong afterward took possession of the land by force. Hence he states that common ownership of land is a peace institution, and indi- vidual ownership a war institution, and he believes with Herbert Spencer that "Equity does not permit private owner- ship in land." Although the contingency is remote, it is a fact that the present system of holdings would permit a mo- nopoly of land. Henry George says that if all land were taken up, every person coming afterward would have to pay for the privilege of living on the land of others. With the same idea in view, Laveleye believed that America and Aus- tralia should not dispose of their lands absolutely, but should let the use of them. It is sometimes stated that rent, acting as a reserve fund, enables the landowning class to devote themselves to a higher development of their intellectual nature. True, says the single tax advocate; but there is danger that the increase in prop- erty will meanwhile force the masses to work for a recompense so small as to lower the general standard of mankind. The advocates of the single tax assert that the ideal distribution would give to society that which society has produced, to capital the reward justly accruing to it, and to labor what it earns. If it be granted that land should not belong to a class, a tax on rent would not be unjust. The cause of poverty lies in the injustice that denies to men their natural rights, and imposes taxes pn thrift and industry, by a monopoly of land. Land and labor are the great factors in the production of wealth; and that civilization is the highest which affords to individuals the greatest opportunity to apply their efforts with adequate return. Some speculators have been more farseeing than laborers, and monopolize the field for the remunerative employment of labor, which must now submit to dictation. "Tax that which you wish to suppress," says the single taxer, "monopolies are created by a monopoly of land, or by a favoring system of taxation. The single tax will do away with them." Taxes, at present, do not stay where they are put. A tax on the products of labor falls with redoubled severity on the consumer. Such taxes foster trusts. In some instances the match, cigar, and liquor combines have strenuously opposed a repeal of the taxes on their commodities. The single tax, falling only on such land as yields rent, would stay where it was put. Some advantages claimed for the single tax are that it has no depressing effect on industry, that it does not raise prices, and that it stimulates production. The single taxer would not put land in the hands of the state, for he believes that long occu- pancy by a single owner is the best system. The partisans of the single tax would make taxes a form of consumption rather than a form of distribution. The opponents of the single tax often involve themselves in inconsistencies. The force of some of Edward Atkinson's arguments is broken by a wrong view of rent. Another of his arguments is that land now pays about one-fifth of all taxes, and that five times the amount it now pays would exceed the total rent. This argument must remain unsubstantiated because we have no statistics of economic rent. Roscher inquires "Why tax the farmer and not the manufacturer." But the manufacturer, when he buys the pro- 164 SEMINARY NOTES. ducts of the farm helps pay the tax. The really valid arguments against the single tax are those based on its imprac- ticability; and even these are often con- tradicted. Australia has a large party, out of power at present, in favor of the single tax. Its platform would require immediate cessation of the sale of public lands, and the repurchase of lands already sold. Even if the scheme were to succeed in Australia, the conditions of society as a whole are such as greatly to limit its possibilities. Its advocates claim that the single tax fulfils the conditions of a good system as laid down by the best Political Economists; but there are too many ob- stacles in its way. No large country could make the necessary classifications. Eco- nomic rent could not be accurately de- termined if a piece of land were never used for more than one purpose; and the problem would be utterly incapable of solution if land were used for more than one purpose, or changed from one use to another. All monopolies would have to be owned by the state or the single tax would benefit and. foster them. The whole question resolves itself into one between socialism and individualism, although the advocates of the single tax protest that they are not socialists. Socialistic aims can be real- ized only by slow individual growth, by the yielding of selfishness to benevolence. In the discussion which followed, a number of points presented by the paper were gone over and emphasized. So much time was consumed by the paper and discussion, that Mr. Stuart's paper on the "Fallacies of the Single Tax," was reserved for another occasion. The Seminary then adjourned. Thornton Cooke, Reporter. Prk-historic Topics. aCPHE Seminary met in regular sessi( ^§ March 11. Papers on pre-histor session )ric topics were read by students. The first paper was on "Plato's Lost x\tlantis," by R. D. O'Leary. Of the stories told to deprive Columbus of his place as discoverer of America, none is stranger than that told by Plato of a vast land in the Atlantic ocean. Plato's story is as follows: Solon, a great law-giver of x\thens, traveling in Egypt, met an old priest who told him that eight or nine thousand years ago, a great war raged between the Greeks and the inhabitants of a large island in the Atlantic west of the column of Heracles. This island was larger than Asia and Libya together. It was called Atlantis. It had a strong government and was successful over its enemies, but the whole island was sunk beneath the waves in a single day and night by an earthquake, accompanied by a flood. Whether Plato intended this as history or fiction will probably always remain unknown. The frequent mention by the classics of the land in the ocean west of Europe and Africa is an argument in favor of this story. Crantor, B. C. 300, said the Egyptian priest declared inscrip- tions of the destruction of Atlantis had been found on Egyptian pillars. Plutarch and Herodotus speak of islands in the Atlantic as known facts. Another and stronger proof of the truth of the Atlantis theory is the nature of the Atlantic sea bottom. It has a high ridge running north and south. In reply to these arguments, the classics probably took Plato's narrative as their basis. They believed Plato wrote history not fiction? The many questions that must arise about this theory will perhaps forever baffle the patience and learning of historian, archaeologist, and critic. W. D. Ross next read a paper on "The Mound Builders — Who were they?" America, though the youngest among nations, goes far back of the oldest na- tions in geological structure. The magnitude and skill displayed in the erection of the mounds together with their great perfection in form, show thai, they are not the work of the Indians. The erection of these mounds must have SEMINAR Y NO TES. 165 required industry, organization, a vast population, and a settled mode of life, which the Indians did not possess. Nor is it believed the Indians ever preferred the raising of beans and corn to hunting - and fishing. The inherent laziness of the red man shows that the mounds are not products of his toil. In conclusion we may say with Dr. Wilson that the mounds are structures erected to perpetuate the memory of the honored dead in ages utterly forgotten, and by a race of which they preserve almost the sole remaining vestiges. J. D. Wine then read a paper on the other side of the question, "Who were the Mound Builders?" Since the Indians were the only known inhabitants of this country prior to the white settlers it is natural to presume they built the mounds. De Soto and De Narvaez reported, after their explorations, that the Indians lived in towns surrounded by ditches and walls. The Indians are known to have built four kinds of mounds: — fortifications, enclo- sures, building tumuli and burial mounds. It is also known that several different tribes built mounds. There were periods of peace among the Indians which allowed dense agricultural populations to collect. These communities were broken up by wars and invasions in which the incipient civilization was lost. To deny that the Indians were Mound Builders and accept its alternative is to ■ reject a simple explanation for one that is far fetched. The Seminary then adjourned. Kate Blair, Reporter. Origin of the Aryans. ■3'T^HE Seminary met in regular session on ^ Friday, March 18. After the read- ing of the report of the last meeting. Prof. F. H. Clark of Minneapolis, Kas., a cor- responding member of the Seminary, was introduced and read a paper entitled "The Origin of the Aryans," the sub- stance of which was as follows: God uses the races of men not only as objects upon which, but as means with which, to work out his great designs, and the Aryan race has surely been one of his "chosen people." There was but one origin of the human race. The bible narrative is literally true. Authorities dif- fer, but the trend of modern research is toward the view of but one primal creation^ and that after the fall, man grew from a state painfully primitive- — he began the battle not yet closed. Soon came the necessity of migration, and tribes went forth in all directions. Those going south,, under different environments, became rad- ically different from those migrating to the north. This resulted in two distinct types,, the Negroid and Mongoloid. These two races, though occupying most of the earth, fortunately left a narrow strip between them vacant. Recent discoveries teach. us that a superior race, the Caucasian, which was likely a derivation of primitive man, held possession of this fertile strip. The Caucasian possessed characteristics similar to both Negroid and Mongoloid, and may have developed from both races, but be that as it may he was evidently a fact. The Mongolians drifted north and west^ and, crossing with this intermediate race,, produced the Aryans, who were located somewhere west ' of the Mongoloid and north of the home of the original man. First they had the house father and his family, thence a clan ruled by the patri- arch, thence a government by an assembly,, and a chief was selected in case of war. From this grew more permanent organiza- tions, limited monarchies, but never an absolutism. All this growth did not take place in ancient Arya. To a large extent it was made after their migrations. But the clan spirit has never been extinguished- They knew the art of plowing, constructed permanent houses, cooked their own food and acted under well defined and acknowl- edged customs and requirements. Purity and chastity of life was a virtue as highly esteemed among them as with us. Pearl I. Smith, Reporter. i66 SEMINAR Y NO TES. - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, ■ BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Erank W. Blackinai-. \ Frank H. Hodder, \ - - - Editors. Ephraim D. Adams, j Terms. Ten Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year *y^ HE purpose of this publication is to increase the {(3) Interest in the study of historical science in the ^^ University and throughout the State, to afford means of regular communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general piib- lic— especially with the Alumni of the University, and to preserve at least the outlines of carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each Issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation v/ill be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BLACKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. The Notes for the month, follows up the article upon " History in Public Schools," by Principal Johnson in the March number, by an article upon the same subject from H. A. Peairs. These articles are just what are wanted; brief, sharp notes upon the theory and practice of the preparatory teaching of history. It is hoped that other workers in high schools or graded schools throughout the state will not hesitate to send suggestions upon this subject so that their views may be published and criticised in the Notes. Shortly before Prof. James H. Canfield left Kansas University to become Chan- cellor of Nebraska University, he an- nounced that a new course of study would be offered in the ensuing year upon the "Status of Woman." Considerable in- terest was taken in this throughout the state, and a gentleman of Topeka, Mr. T. E. Bowman, generously contributed ^loo as a nucleus for the purchase of reference books upon the subject. The gift was acknowledged both by Chancellor Snow and by Prof. Canfield, but in the unlooked for resignation of Prof. Canfield, the gift was lost sight of for the moment and has since lain in the Clerk's office until recently brought to light. The Notes regrets that acknowledgement was not made earlier for this gift. The course in '■'■ Status of Woman " is now being given by Prof. Blackmar, and many ref- erence books have been purchased for the study. Mr. Bowman's gift is, however, an addition, and more than that such gifts are always an encouragement to the in- structors of the Historical department. During the last month, a number of very interesting meetings of the Historical Seminary have been held. In addition to the regular student sessions, reports of which may be found in the foregoing pages, papers have been read by four of the corresponding members of the Semi- nary. Hon. B. W. Woodward's paper is published in part in this issue of the Notes, lack of space making necessary the omission of a portion of it. While not dealing specifically with such subject matter as is usually brought before the Seminary, this paper was of great interest to the students and was warmly appre- ciated. Judge Thacher's address on "Labor in the Old World" was, according to the speaker, merely intended to consist of the casual observations of a traveler; but, to any one who heard the address, it was at once evident that in this instance the traveler was a very careful observer of what he comes in contact with. Probably a better picture was left upon the mind of the auditors, of the condition of life among those classes of people described than could have been by any arrangement or compilation of statistics on the subject. On the afternoon of March i8. Principal Clark of Minneapolis, Kans., read a paper on the Aryan question, and brought out more and sharper discussion from the students than has been obtained at any other meeting this year. The paper was SEMINAR Y NO TES. 167 clear cut and positive and therefore offered opportunity for definite attack or defense. On the evening of the same day Chancel- lor Canfield, of Nebraska State University, delivered an address in the Chapel upon the -'Rise and Growth of Individualism." This address was originally intended for the Historical Seminary simply, but when the speaker's friends and admirers in Law- rence heard of his coming, so many of them expressed a desire to hear him, that it was thought best to make a public address of it and hold the meeting in the evening, — Chancellor Canfield kindly con- senting to such an arrangement. The audience was a large one, and the paper was both scholarly and entertaining. No report of it is given in this issue of the Notes, but the editor hopes to be able to publish a good portion of it in the near future. These addresses are encouraging evi- dence of the interest which men through- out the state are taking in the work of the Historical Seminary. When a business man or a professional man is willing to spend considerable time in the preparation of a careful paper on some given topic, and to come to our University to read that paper before a student body, it shows that he has something more than a pass- ing interest in the work which has been undertaken by the Seminary. The mem- bers of the Seminary appreciate this per- haps more than anything else in connection with the organization. They feel that the subjects which they are studying are sub- jects of the greatest importance and in- terest in the eyes of the best men in the state. The presence of the correspond- ing members in the Seminary is both an incentive to earnest work and at the same time insures a careful consideration and examination of whatever may be brought up for study. The Notes wishes to return thanks to the corresponding members. Last month, in discussing the use of the library, a word was said about the use of tlie card indexes. By way of continu- ation, a few suggestions in regard to the use of reference books may not be out of place. Horace Greeley, when interrupted by requests for information of all kinds, used to reply "look in Webster's Una- bridged." The answer was a pertinent one. Very few fully appreciate the re- rources of the large dictionaries. At least half the questions that arise in the course of ordinary reading may be answered by consulting them. Of the dictionaries the most generally useful is the new Webster's "International," the successor to the "Unabridged," Greeley referred to. Of all works of reference, this is perhaps the most important to have as a corner-stone to a student library. In the appendix, you have a full list of noted names of fiction, a dictionary of biography, and a gazeteer, so that the work is a dictionary of language, litera- ture, geography and biography all in one. With some, Worcester or Stormonth is the preferred authority on pronunciation. Of still larger works there is the great "Century Dictionary," the method of compilation of which was described in a recent number of the ' 'Century Magazine. '" Murray's "New English Dictionary"' promises to be still larger. The former- is a. union of dictionary and cyclopaedia:-, the latter emphasizes the philological side of a dictionary. Next in order to dictionaries of lan- guage come the cyclopaedias and special dictionaries. The careful student, in in- vestigating a topic, will not rest content with information gleaned from a cyclopae- dia, but their articles are often convenient starting points, in that they give summa- ries of the subject in hand and often, contain references to further sources of information. For ready reference "John- sons Cyclopaedia" is the best. Its articles, are by leading authorities and have the great merit of being signed. A student in quoting a statement may know upon, whose authority it is based. Appleton's "American Cyclopedia" covers much the same ground but its articles are un- i68 SEMINARY NOTES. signed. The annual continuations of Ap- pleton give the best summary of recent events. The great -''Britannica" is not so much a work of ready reference as it is a collection of elaborate monographs. Many of these monographs have been reprinted separately and make books in themselves. Such are Ingram's excellent outline of "The History of Political Economy," Sidgwick's "Short History of Ethics," and Johnston's " United States." Erom its arrangement the "Britannica" is not easy of reference upon special points but its articles are often the best summary of general subjects. Of special Cyclo- psedias, Lalor's "Cyclopaedia of Political Science " is the most important one in English for the field it covers. The best parts of it are the articles on American history by the late Alexander Johnston, which are made especially useful by the reference appendix to them. Taken to- gether these articles furnish the best sum- mary of American political history we have. In the field of political science, there is no cyclopaedia in English at all comparable to the great " Handworterbuch der Staats wissenshaften, " edited by Con- rad and his associates, and now in course of publication. An English "Dictionary of Political Economy," edited by R. H. I. Palgrave, is now publishing. Of diction- aries of biography, Thomas is most con- venient for ready reference. Allibonn's "Dictionary of Authors" gives English and American names and has recently been brought down to date by supple- mentary volumes. Leslie Stephen's "Dic- tionary of National Biography" gives very full notices of Englishmen but is only about half completed. Of diction- aries of history, Hayden's " Dictionary of Dates " famishes a vast amount of infor- mation in a form easily accessible. Low and PuUing's "Dictionary of English History " is convenient in its field, A "Cyclopaedia of American History" by Benson J. Lossing is published by Apple- ton. Ploetz's "Epitome of Universal History " is a chronological summary, most convenient to have ever at hand In this connection may be mentioned the "Statesman's Year-book," which gives annually an historical and statistical sum- mary of all countries. For recent sta- tistics and miscellaneous information the various almanacs are useful The treasury department publishes annually "A Sta- tistical Abstract." For names of places consult Lippincott's " Pronouncing Gaz- etteer. " Of historical atlases, Droysen's is the best in the University library. Iil using itFreeman's "Historical Geography of Europe " is of service. Small histor- ical atlases are Labberton's and Long- man's, and for the United States Mac- Cotm's and Hart's. It remains to mention bibliographies and reference lists. First in importance for students of history is Adams' "Man- ual of Historical Literature," which gives descriptions and criticisms of leading works in all departments of history, with suggestions for courses of reading. Some useful short lists have been printed under the title of " Economic Tracts," by the Society for Political Education. One of them, "The Reader's Guide," gives a classified bibliography of political and economic science. Two others, by Mr. W. E. Foster of the Providence Public Library, give useful reference lists on the American constitution and the history of presidential administrations. Most full references for American history may be found in the critical essays on sources of information in Winsor. Various biblio- graphies that appear from time to time are indexed in the Bulletin of the Library of Harvard University. Material in the Magazines is made accessible by Poole's "Index to Periodical Literature." The first step in learning the use of a library is to learn the use of its catalogue, the second is to become familiar with its books of reference, bibliographies and the like. It is with a view of assisting any who may have neglected this work, that attention han been called to a few of the most useful of this class. SEMINAR Y NO TES. 169 COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY FOR 1891-2. F. W. BLACKMAR, Ph. D. F. H. HODDER, A. M. E. D. ADAMS, Ph. D. Instruction in this department is given by means of lectures, recitations, reports, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. xVs tlie library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following- courses, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classifying material-^ and of writing and pre- senting papers on special topics. All lectures are supplemented by required reading and class exercises. Facts are essential to all historic study; yet the aim is to take the student beyond the mere details of events— to inquire into the origin and development of society and the philosophy of institutions. While the study of the past is carried on with interest and thoroughness, the most important part of history — that which lies about us—is kept constantly in view. The history of other nations, other political systems and other forms of administration, are studied, that we may better understand our own. To under- stand present social and political institutions, and to give an intelligent solution of present problems, is the chief aim of instruction in historical science. THE WORK OF THE DEPARTMENT Now embraces European History, American History and Civil Government, the History of Institutions, Sociology, and Political Econ- omy. The work in American History will be continued with enthusiasm and thorough- ness. Classes having begun this work will continue without a break. The importance of this work needs no comment. The prepa- ration for good citizenship demands, among other things, a thorough knowledge of the growth of nationality, and the history of our industrial, social and political development. These, with fmancial experiments and nation- al diplomacy, receive marked attention. The text of the Constitution and Constitutional Law occupy a prominent place in the study of this branch. OUTLINE OF COURSES. FIRST TERM. 1. English History. Daily. Descriptive history. A careful study of the English peo- ple, including race elements, social and polit- ical institutions, and national growth. 2. Tlie History of Civilization. Lectures daily, embracing ancient society, and the in- tellectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influence of Greek philosophy, the Christian church, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationalities. 3. Political Economy. Daily. The funda- mental principles are discussed and elabo- rated by descriptive and historical methods. All principles and theories are illustrated by examples from present economic society. A brief history of Political Economy may be given at the close of the course. 4. French and German History. Daily. Descriptive history; including race elements, social and political institutions, and national growth. Especial attention given to French politics. 5. Historical Method and Criticism. One hour each week. Examination and classifi- cation of sources and authorities; analysis of the works of the best historians; collection and use of materials, and notes and biblio- graphy. 6. Statistics. Two hours each week. Sup- plementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems. The history and theory of statistics receives due attention. 7. JournallsHu Lectures three hours each week. Laboratory and library work. Legal and Historical. — Ten lectures by Prof. E. D. Adams. JS'n.[/lish.-—T\\'er\tj-f\ve lectures by Frofs. Dunlap and Hopkins. Netospaper Bureau, Magazines, and Sjyecial Phases of Journalism. — Prof. Adams. The course was prepared especially for those students who expect to enter journal- ism as a profession. Although the instruc- tors have no desire to create a special School of Journalism for the purpose of turning out fnlly-equipped journalists, they believe that this course will be very helpful to those who in the future may enter the profession. The course will be found highly beneficial to stu lyo SEMINARY NOTES. dents who want a special study in mcigazines and newspapers as a means of general cul- ture. The course is under the direction of this Department, but the professors named above have kindly and generously consented to assist in certain phases of the work, which occur more particularly in their respective departments. 8. American History. Instruction is given daily for two years in American History. The course embraces Colonial History and . the Local Government of the Colonies, the Constitutional and Political History of the Union from 1789 to the present time, the for- mation of the Constitution, and an analysis of the text of the constitution itself. 9. Local Administration and Law. Three conferences each week during the first term, covering the Management of Public Affairs in districts, townships, counties, cities, and States. This course is intended to increase the sense of the importance of home govern- ment, as well as to give instruction in its practical details. 10. Public Finance and Banking*. Two con- ferences each week during the first term, on National, State, andMunicipal Financiering; and on Theoretical and Practical Banking, with the details of bank management. SECOND TERM. 11. Englisli Constitutional History. Two hours each week. A special study in the principles and growth of the English Consti- tution. This course may be taken as a con- tinuation of number one. As it is a special study of Constitutional History, students ought to have some preparation for it. 12. Renaissance and Reformation. Lec- tures two hours each week, wiih required reading and investigation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number two. It includes the Revival of Learning through- out Europe, with especial attention to the Italian Renaissance; a careful inquiry into the causes, course, and results of the Refor- mation. The course embraces the best phases of the intellectual development of Europe. 13. Advanced Political Economy. Three hours each week, consisting of (a) lectures on Applied Economics, (li) Practical Observation and Investigation, and (c) Methods of Re- search, witn papers by the students on special topics. This is a continuation of number three. 14. Institulioual History. Lectures three hours each week on Comparative Politics and ' Aduriiistration. Greek, Roman and Ger- manic institutions are compared. The his- torical significance of Roman law is traced in mediaeval institutions. A short study in Prussian Administration is given at theclose^ of the course. 15. The Rise of Democracy. Lectures two hours each week on the Rise of Popular Power, and the Growth of Political Liberty in Europe. A comparison of ancient and modern democracy, a study of Switzerland^ the Italian Republics, the Dutch Republic, and the Erench Revolution, constitute the principal part of the work. Students will read May's Democracy in Europe. 16. Elements of Sociology, Lectures three hours each week on the Evolution of Social Institutions from the Primitive Unit, the Family; including a discussion of the laws and conditions which tend to organize society. The later part of the course is de- voted to modern social problems and social- istic Utopias. 17. Charities and Corrections, Two hours each week. Various methods of treatment of the poor. Scientific charity. Treatment of the helpless. Prison reform. State refor- matories. This course is supplementary ta number sixteen. Special efforts will be made towards a practical study of Kansas institu- tions. 18. Land and Land Tenures. Lectures two hours each week. This course treats of Primitive Property, the Village Community, Feudal Tenures of France and England, and Modern Land-holding in Great Britain and Ireland and the United States. Reports are made on other countries, and on recent agrarian theories and legislation This is an excellent preparation for the study of the Law of Real Property, 19. The Poljticul History of Modern Europe, Two hours each week, including the Napo- leonic wars, German Federation, the Rise of Prussia, the Unification of Italy, the Revolu- tion of 1848,' the Third Republic, the Russian problem, etc. 20. Constitutional Law. Three conferences each week during the second term, on the Constitution of the LTuited States; with brief sketches of the institutions and events that preceded its adoption, and with special atten- tion to the sources and methods of its inter- pretation. 21. International Law Jind Diplomacy. Class work twice each week during tiie second term; using Davis on the Rise and Growth of SEMINAR V NO TES. 171 international Law, and Schuyler on the History of American Diplomacy. 22. The Status of Womau in the United States. Three conferences each week during the second term, on the Status of Woman in all countries and times ; with special investiga- tion of the present legal, political, industrial, and professional position of women in the different States of the American Union. 23. The Histories and Methods of Legisla- tire Assemblies. Two conferences^each week during the second term on the Rise and Growth of Legislative assemblies, their rules of order and methods of business. 24. Medijeyal History. Two-fifths of the last term of the Freshman year. For all students whose admission papers show that they have had Elementary Physics, Hygiene, and Chemistry. The course includes a study of the fall of the Western Empire, the Teu- tonic Races, and the rise of new nationalities. 25. Seminary. Two hours eacli week throughout the year. New Courses. Other courses may be given in Political Philosophy, Modern Municipal Government, Roman Law, the South Ameri- can Republics, and Comparative administra- tion. Graduate Courses. To those desiring them special courses for post-graduate students will be given in the following subjects: The History of Institutions, American History and Civil Government, Sociology, Political Economy. Newspaper Bureau. In connection with the work of the Department a Newspaper Bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty daily and weekly newspa- pers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of system- atic reading, to keep informf d on the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles o"" temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of editorial work, to mas- ter for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, impor- tant materials for the study of current his- tory and public life— to malie history, by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. Preparation for Entrance to the University. — The time spent in the high schools in the study of history is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be exercised in preparing students for entrance into the University. At present very little history is required in the Freshman and Sophomore years, and the students enter upon t he study of the Junior and Senior years without thorough preparation for the work. It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the Univer- sity to learn the story of nations pretty thor- oughly. A general outline of the world's history with a special study of the United States history and government represents the field. But this outline should be something more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates It should be well rounded with the political, social and economic life of the people. Stu- dents will find a general text-book, such as Myer's, Sheldon's or Fisher's indispensable: but the work of preparation ought not to stop here. Such works as Fylfe's Greece, Creighton's Rome, Seebohm's Era of Protestant (-{.evolu- tion, Cox's Greece, and others in the Primer, Epoch, and Stories of Nations, series ought to be read. The object of this reading is to familiarize the student with the political and social life of the principal nations of the world. For this purpose everything should be as interesting as possible. Such an inter- est should be aroused that the student would not be puzzled over dates and threadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things that are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That history which is gained by a bare memory of events is soon lost. It grows too dim for use and conse- quently leads to confusion. With the story of the nations well learned the student comes to the University ^prepared for the higher scientific study of history and its kindred topics, He is then ready for investigation, comparison and analysis. He then takes up the real investigation of the philosophy of institutions and of national development. He is then ready for the science of Sociology, Institutional History, Political Economy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the Univer- sity without this preparation find it necessary to make up for it by the perusal of books, such as those mentioned above. 172 SEMINAR Y NO TES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student in the University should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions— but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expsnditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Aw) hook in the list helotv can he had of field & Gibh, liooksellers and Stationers. Students are required to purchase books marked with an asterisk. American Book Company, Chicag'o. Manual of the Constitution, Andrews Analysis of Civil Government, Townsend Civil Government, Peterman History of England, Thalheimer Mediteval and Modern History, Thalheimer Outlines of History, Fisher General History of the World, Barnes Political Economy, Gregory Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin Ginn & Co., Boston and Chicago. Ancient History, Myers & Allen ? MediEeval and Modern History, Myers Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, Macy's Our Government *General Histoi'y, Myers Leading facts in English History, Montgomery... Philosophy of "Wealth, Clark Political Science Quarterly, Yearly Washington and His Country, Fiske 1.00 1.00 .60 1.00 1.60 3.40 1.60 1.20 .90 1.50 1.50 5.00 .75 1.50 1.13 1.00 3.00 1.00 Harpers, New York. *History of Germany, Lewis 1.50 ^•International Law, Davis 2.00 *Political History of Modern Times, Mueller 2.00 *Short English History, Green 1.20 Civil Policy of America, Draper 3.00 History of English People, Green, 4 vols 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth, 6 vols 13.00 The Constitution, Story 90 Holt & Co., New York. *American Politics, Johnston % 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle, 3 vols 9.00 American Currency, Sumner 3.50 History of Modern Europe, Fyffe, 3 vols 7.50 Political Economy, Walker..- 3.25 Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. *Civil Government in United States. Fiske $ 1.00 American Commonwealths, 13 vols., each 1.35 American Statesmen, 34 vols., each 1.35 American Revolution, Fisk, 3 vols 4.00 Critical Period of American History. Fisk 3.00 Emancipation of Massachusetts, Adams 1..50 Epitome of History, Ploetz 3.00 War of Secession, Johnson 2.50 Appleton, New York. Dynamic Sociology, Ward, 3 vols $ 5.00 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.25 Political Economy, Mill, 3 vols 6.00 Cranston & S^owe, Chicago. ♦Political Economy, Ely $ 1.00 Macmillan, New York. Constitutional History, England, Stubbs, 3 vols.a* 7.80 Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. I 3.00 Armstrong, New York. *Democracy in Europe, May, 3 vols $ 3.50 G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London. *American Citizen's Manual, Ford... 8 1.25 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S., Tiedeman... 1.00 History of Political Economy, Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econon. Hist, and Theory, Ashley 1.50 Indust. and Com. Supremacy of Eng., Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.35 *Tarif[ History of the United States, Taussig 1.85 The Story of Nations, 34 vols., each 1.50 Heroes of the Nations, 18 vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed. by Johnston, Svols., each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 6 vol 820.00 Constitutional Law of U. S., Von Hoist 3.00 Political Economy, Roscher, 2 vols 6.00 Crow^ell, New York. *History of France, Duruy $ 8.00 Labor Movejuent in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 3 vols 8.50 Problems of To day, Ely 1.50 Little, Brown & Co., Boston. History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols $17.50 Parkman's Works, per vol 1.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham 3.50 Longmans, Green <5s Co., New^ York. Epochs of Ancient History, each vol $ 1.00 Epochs of Modern History, each vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill 1.75 The Crusades, Cox LOtt Scritaners, New York. *American Diplomacy, Schuyler $ 2.50 History of Rome, Mommsen, 4 vols 8.00 Lombard Street, Bagehot 1.25 Silent South, Cable 1.00 t ilver Burdett & Co., Boston. *Historical Atlas, Labberton $1.50 or $ 2.00 *Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 ♦Institutes of Economics, Andrews 1.50 Institues of General History, Andrews 2.0d Dodd, Mead & Co., New York. History of United States, Schouler, 5 vols $11.50 D. C. Heath & Co., Boston. *The State, Woodrow Wilson $ 2.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide 2.00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1.50 General History, Sheldon 1-60 *01d South Leaflets, 38 Nos., each 05 History Topics, Allen 25 State and Fed. Govei-nments of the U. S., Wilson 50 The American Citizen, Dole 90 Comparative View of Governments, Wenzel 20 Studies in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... SEMINARY NOTES State University — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. I. MAY, 1892. No. 8. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All students connected with the department of History and Sociology are, hf- virtue of such connection, members of the Seminary. All students having two or more studies under the instructors of the department are required to take the work of the Seminary as pait of their work in course. The meetings of the Seminary are held every Friday, in Room 15, University Building. Public meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary .consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the Department mentioned; prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investi- gation of existing conditions, under the per- sonal direction of the officers of the Seminary. Special assistance in choice of themes, authorities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the department of Plistory and Sociology, or in the Department of English, or in any of the lite'rary societies or other similar organiza- tions in the University; on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Sejninary if so required. In connection with the work of the Semi- nary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty, daily and weekly newspapers. Thn piincipal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep informed on the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern Journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of edi- torial work, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life— to make his- tory by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. Special investigation and study will be undertaken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this State; the purpose being to combine service to the State with the reg- ular work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and cooper- ation of State and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own University, or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its success, are invited to become corresponding members of the Seminary. Tjie only condi- tion attached to such membership is, that each corresponding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Sem- inary; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. The library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in con- nection with Seminary work — within reason- able limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officers and members of the Seminary will gladly render all possible assistance ot any public officials who may desire to collect special statistics or secure definite informa- tion on such lines of public work as are properly within the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Semi- nary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK W. BLACKMAR, DiRECTOK. FRANK H. IIODDER, Vice-Die ECTOR. EPHRAIM D. ADAMS, Secretary. 174 SEMINARY NOTES. RISE AND GROWTH OF INDIVIDUALISM. The I'uUowiug is an abstract of Chancellor James H. Caufield's address before the Seminary on March 18th. r c)rnHE speaker's theme was the rise and growth of the idea of individual pow- er, individual freedom and individual responsibility. After showing that these ideas were not known in early forms of national life, and tracing the history of the earlier peoples through the Hebrew repub- lic, the Oriental monarchies, the Greek and Roman- state, he referred to the so- called barbarians, the Teutonic race, the real ancestors of the pure American. These had within their grasp thoughts and puposes and principles, the germs of future beliefs and of future national life that were worth far more than Greece or Rome ever possessed. The grandest characteristics of modern life have come to us from the old Teutons. It was the fresh blood that gave new life to the world, as fresh blood always give new life. The southern tribes gradually disappeared before the northern, both uniting to form a race better than either, but with all the vigor and staying power of the northern. All instincts of modern life are Teutonic. All common law is of Germanic origin. The strength and intensity of purpose, the determination to lead a masterful existence, the virility and grip and grit of modern life — all these come from the Germans. After the fall of the Roman empire, several forms of government struggled for the mastery in Europe. None was at any time wholly dominant. One of these forms, apparently very weak at first, but constantly gaining in strength, was that of democracy. Democracy is founded on the idea that each man is an accountable being; that he is not naturally under domination ; that the working out of his destiny lies within himself. This thought if not instinctive with the earliest man is at least an instinct of civilization. In a democratic state men do not live for the government, but the government exists for man ; there are no rulers, but public ser- vants ; the many are not on all-fours and saddled for the few to ride. The first movement toward freedom and individualism that was really a great movement and had staying power was the Reformation. The old Teutonic element was well at the front again. It is impos- sible to think of the Reformation as beginning with the Latin race. The seeds of Protestanism had been with the Ger- mans from the earliest day. No idolatry, no peculiarly consecrated place for wor- ship, and the individual accountability of each person direct to God, with no intermediary — this was the great move- ment that touched all people alike, that ministered to and enlarged and quickened and made grand the common life of Christendom. Then came the civil freedom of man. If he could question eternal things, he could certainly question temporal things. If he could determine his relations to God, he could certainly determine his relations to an earthly ruler. And so on every side and in every direction a civil law began to encroach upon the ecclesias- tical law. This movement must follow the religious movement because it was intellectual while the religious was emo- tional — and the emotional nature is the first to move in such a young race as the Teutons. Following this legal advance came the advance to an independence in literature which began to reflect individual thought concerning those matters of deep- est interest in individual life. Then followed the advance in that wonderful century which just preceded the seutlement of America. But individ- ualism was not to win so easily. Brute force asserted itself and the people were again ignored and maltreated and then forgotten altogether. Then came the SEMINAR Y NO TES. 175 French revolution. It was a destructive and disastrous explosion ; but very few movements in the world's history have been freighted with greater blessings. It was in some senses on even a higher level than our own. It sprang out of the stupidity and oppression of the Bourbons, who were endowed by nature and perfect- ed by grace with all that kings .ought not to have or to be. The French people demanded recognition and right of way. That constituted the revolution. And with the revolution went all the traces of feudalism. The dead past disappeared — except the Bourbon family, which re- mained to curse all nations with its similitudes and counterparts even to this day. The French revolution was the beginning of constitutionalism, of regu- lated and restrained authority in Europe. Our own struggle had been marked by the cool and conservative temper of the Anglo Saxon and of the Puritan. We erected a federal republic, not a pure democracy. It was a government marked by the distrust of the people, in which the so-called better class took to themselves all the power and all the responsibility, because the better class had no confidence in the people. But the democratic idea had taken root and grew so rapidly that by the end of the first twenty-five years we had thrown aside extreme federalism and were rapidly becoming the democratic republic of to-day. Yet the development of individualism was with us very one- sided from the start; because we had an aristocracy that must be gotten rid of ; and because we ignored women. The first time that a great moral ques- tion came up in this country woman pushed right to the front. She was met with derision and scandal and abuse and ecclesiastical and social excommunication, but she forged right along. Her great power lay in the general correctness and force of her moral instincts. Most women are instinctively right and righteous. Like the magnetic needle they are delicately poised and swerve readily, but they point true to the pole. Man, on the contrary, is generally and persistently and sullenly wrong. He has to be set by force of arms every morning to agree with the governor, like the weather cocks in New Amsterdam. He relies too much upon his own strength and arbitrarily sets aside the proper feeling of dependence and moral submission. In attempting to make us see what a horrible thing human slavery was, a few men and women gave marvelous proof of personal power and of individualism. Such were usually far in advance of their age. I asked an English workman once what Avas the great inspiration of his class in his own country during the late Ameri- can war. Said he: "I can tell you. I was at the meeting held at Hyde park, which was broken up by the soldiery. We were charged by cavalry and driven out of the enclosure. We marched back to London, 30,000 strong, and as we marched we sang the song of John Brown." So it happened that we who had set ourselves against fanatics suddenly found that they were right and that we were wrong. When the first gun was fired on Sumpter the people awoke to a keen and even painful sense of their personal and individual responsibility for the then condition of things. When it came to the necessity of going into the ranks it was an individual matter. There was no putting the question over into the next pew. The greatest lesson of the war was the lesson of the responsibility of every man and every woman for the state of society. A marvelous moral and intel- lectual activity grew out of it. The signs of it are everywhere — the very air is full of it. In education and in literature and in oratory individualism wins the day. No one is like any one else. The same fact is true in the industrial world. To- day competition is not lying about the other man, but showing individuality in meeting the demands of the market better than the other man. New forms and new designs and new adaptations are carrying 176 SEMINARY NOTES. the day. A man cannot succeed along the old lines. He must have used his own brain to good purpose to meet the de- mand. This is the way that nations can hold the markets of the world ; and in no other way. This is why all nations desire to come in contact with all other nations — that they may find out what is being done and how ; that they may surpass it. Isolation and seclusiveness are unnatural, and both signs and causes of weakness and cowardice.. When there is common oc- cupancy of common ground, then in all directions individuality asserts itself and gains the mastery of all forces. Of course, there are some who are frightened at the individual freedom of to-day in thought and in action ; who think that there is grave danger in this condition ; who cannot see that it is the legitimate outcome of the past and that it is full of promise for the future ; who uttei-ly fail to realize that when one is working for himself and thinking for himself, life means ' more than it can otherwise mean of advancement and of strength ; who do not at all understand that opinions are the stages that show advancement along the road, while for- mulae learned by rote and parrotted day after day only mark the way to second childhood or to the grave. It has always been thus ; the new life and the better life of the world tugging in the collar, with conservatism and "vested rights" and Bourbonism and hunkerdom with foot on the brake. The heart of Pharaoh is ever so hardened that he will not let the Lord's children go that they may worship as they will ; but they reach the promised land at last. The classicist moaned over the fall of an empire so corrupt that we wonder now that a righteous God permitted it to curse the earth so long; but upon its ruins rest the great free states of to-day. The church shrunk terror-stricken when a little monk nailed the theses on the cath- edral door, but to that act we owe the religious strength and and freedom of Christendom. Men cried that all was lost when the hot flames of revolution licked up the refuse of the past in France; but a mighty republic is soaring upward on untiring wing. The Adamses and Hancocks and Hamiltons saw the cis- Atlantic nation already disintegrated and in the sere and yellow leaf because of the rising power of that "incarnation of infi- delity, and Jacobin casuistery, " Jefferson, but the people lifted our ark of the cov- enant and are carrying it in safety. That there is a danger none can deny. Freedom unchains all the forces of society — bad as well as good. A government by the people is by the weak and ignorant people as well as by the wise and strong people. And this is inevitable. Some people will go better in leading strings than they will go alone. But it is better that all men should all go free and alone even though some fall never to rise, than that all men should go in leading strings. It is quite impossible for us to tell who may need the leading strings ; and it is more impossible to tell who may hold the leading strings. In closing, the speaker said that per- sonal freedom and personal accountability compel us to seek the truth without regard to the results of our investigation either on ourselves or on our precon- ceived ideas or on the community. Only the truth thus sought and proclaimed will make us free. We cannot be free unless we thus accept the responsibility of our own' actions [and thoughts. It would be very pleasant to belong to a church in which the priest carried all our sins or to a government where the monarch carried all the care; but we all know that this is not accounted life to-day. We must be • prepared for pain ; for the most painful thing on earth is to grow and change. This is chiefly because others do not grow as you do ; or in the direction in which you do ; and then you find yourself cut off from father or mother or friends or from the entire community. It is hard to paddle your own canoe ; especially to paddle it up stream. The easiest thing to SEMINAR Y NO TES. 177 do is to agree with those around you and thereby win their friendship and applause. But without flinching think your own thoughts and work out your own salva- tion. Nothing in this world that is worth the having comes without a struggle. Change your position when you must or ought; put yourself in larger circles; even if you must turn your back on all that you have held dear. Not that he is the brightest and quickest who is always at variance with some one. But you should humbly and thoughtfully and painfully if needs be go about your own work in your own way. Be thankful for a day and age in which the individual is appreciated, in which all your faculties and powers can have full sway, in which you can think and live and speak for yourself, and in which you are all the more sure of a great and lasting reward. This is the thought I hold with firm persistanee: The last result of wisdom stamps it true; He only earns^his freedoin:and existence Who daily conquers them^^a'iiew. REFERENCES ON MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT IN THE UNITED STATES. sHPHE municipal reports of American '^l cities form the original material for a study of their government. As there is no comprehensive work relating to the subject of our municipal institutions, it has been thought that a list of such liter- ature as exists in the form of articles in periodicals and occasional lectures and addresses might be useful. A part of this list was printed in the Literary Bulletin of Cornell University for January, i883. So much has been written upon the subject since then that the list is here reprinted with additions bringing it down to date. LOCAL GOVERNMENT GENERALLY. An outline sketch of local administra- tion should precede the special study of city government. Short accounts of the systems of local government of the principal countries of continental Europe are given in the Cobden Club Essays: Local Government and Tax- ation (London, 1875), edited by J- W. Probyn. See also F. Bechard's De Lad- ministration de la France (2 v. Paris, 185 i), with appendix on municipal organ- ization in Europe. The best short description of English local government is M. D. Chalmers's Local Government ("English Citizen" Series, London, 1883). See also Local Admin- istration ("Imperial Parliament" Se- ries, London, 1887) by Wm. Rathbone, Albert Pell and F. C. Montague. For still shorter account read chapter 15 of May's Constitutional History and article on " Local Government in England" by F. j. Goodnow in the Political Science Quarterly (Dec, 1887) vol. 2, pp. 338-65, and an article by the same writer on "The Local Government Bill" in the Political Science Quarterly (June, 1888), vol. 3, pp. 311-333- Supplement Chalmers with Cobden Club Essays: Local Govern- ment and Taxation in the United Kingdom (London, 1882), edited by J. W. Probyn. The most exhaustive work on English local offices is Rudolph Gneist's Self Gov- ermnent: Comntunalverfassiing u. Verwal- tungsgerichte in England (untranslated, 3ded., 1876). For quite full bibliography see Gomme's Literature of Local Institu- tions (London, 1886). The best short outline of local govern- ment in the United States is an article by S. A. Galpin on "Minor Political Divis- ions of the United States," in Gen. F. A. Walker's Statistical Atlas of the United States. The papers on the local institu- tions of several of the States in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science are especially valu- 178 SEMINAR Y NO TES. able. Chas. M. Andrews has articles on Connecticut towns in the Johns Hopkins Studies, vol. 7, and in the Annals of the American Academy of Political Science (Oct., 1890), vol. I, pp. 165-91. Espe- cially important is Prof. Geo. E. Howard's Local Constitutional History of the United States, vol. i.: "The Development of the Township, Hundred and Shire," printed as an extra volume in this series. John Fiske's lecture on "The Town Meet- ing," delivered at the Royal Institution, was printed in Harper's Magazine, vol. 70, pp. 265-272, and in his American Political Ideas (N. Y. 1885). A different view of the present importance of local institu- tions is taken by Prof. S. N. Patten in an article on the "Decay of State and Local Governments," in the first number of the Annals of the American Academy of Polit- ical Science. For comparison of Ameri- can and foreign methods, read R. P. Porter's article " Local Government: at Home and Abroad," Princeton Review (July, 1879, N. s. vol. 4, p. 172), and re- printed separately. See two articles on "Local Government in Prussia," by F. J. Goodnow in the Political Science Quar- terly, vol. 4, pp. 648-66, and vol. 5, pp. 124-58 (Dec, 1889, and March, 1890). For further reference on local self-gov- ernment see W. F. Foster's Monthly Reference Lists, vol. 2, pp. 23-29, and his pamphlet of References on Political and Economic Topics, p. 24. For Canada, see J. G. Bourinot's "Lo- cal Government in Canada: an historical study," in Transactions of the Royal Soci- ety of Canada for 1886, vol. 4, sec 2, pp. 42-70. Printed separately by the pub- lishers, and reprinted, with a letter on the municipal system of Ontario, in the 5th series of the Johns Hopkins Studies. A paper on "The Ontario Township," by J. M. McEvoy, printed in 1889, forms No. I of the Toronto University Studies in Political Science. EUROPEAN CITIES. For the purpose of comparison, some study should., be made of municipal gov- ernment abroad. Dr. Albert Shaw gives a general view of "Municipal Govern- rnet in Great Britain," in Notes Supple- mentary to the Johns Hopkins Studies, No. I (Jan., 1889) and in the Political Quar- terly, vol. 4, pp. 197-229 (June, 1886). Of larger works on English municipal history, mention may be made of J. R. S. Vine's "English Municipal Institutions; their Growth and Development from 1835 to 1879," London, 1879. Dr. Chas. Gross has printed a very complete "Classified List of Books relating to British Munici- pal History," Cambridge, 1891, as No. 43 of Bibliographical Contributions of Harvard University. Foreign experience is of very little assistance in the solution of the general problem of municipal gov- ernment in the United States, but it may be useful in indicating improved methods of administration in particular depart- ments of a city government. Several cities that illustrate different forms of mu- nicipal government may be^ taken as examples. LONDON. Specially excepted from the operation of the Municipal Corporations Act of 1835. For outline of government read Chalmers, chap. 10, For full description see J. F. B. Firth's Municipal London (1876) and his Reform of London Government and of City Guilds ("Imperial Parliament" Series, London, 1888). For history of the corporation consult W. J. Loftie's History of London (2d ed., 1884), and the same author's small work, London, pub- lished in 1887 in Freeman's series on "English Historic Towns. " Both books are based on new material, part of it recently discovered by Bishop Stubbs. For additional references, see Gomme, pp. 122-134. There have been a great many articles on the municipal government of London in recent periodical literature. Among them may be cited those by W. Newall, Contemporary Review, vol. 12, p. 73 (1873), and vol 25, p. 437 (1875); W. M, Torrens, Nineteenth Century (iSSoj, vol SEMINA RY NO TES. 179 8, p. 766; Alderman Cotton, Benj. Scott, City Chamberlain, and Sir Arthur Hob- house in Contemporary Review, vol. 41 (1882), pp. 72, 308, and 404 respectively; the Westminster Review, for January, 1887; Dr. Albert Shaw on," How London is governed" in the Century (Nov., 1890), vol. 41, pp. 132-47, and on "Municipal Problems of New York and London " in the Review of Reviews (April, 1892), vol. 5, p. 282; James Monro on "The Lon- don Police " in the North American Re- view (Nov., 1890),. vol. 151, pp. 615-29, and Sir John Lubbock on "The Govern- ment of London " in the Fortnightly Re- view (Feb., 1892), vol. 51, p. 159. For a good review of the attempts since i860 to regulate the London gas supply, see an article in the British Quarterly for Jan- uary, 1879. A Royal Commission on the City Livery Company reported May 28th, 1884. See the discussion by Sir R. A. Cross one of the dissenting members of the Commission, in the Nineteenth Century for 1884, vol. 16, p. 47, and by Sir Arthur Hobhouse in Contemporary Review for 1885, vol. 47, p. I. The most important work on the London guilds is William Herbert's " His- tory of the Twelve Great Companies of London" (London, 1837). The latest contribution to the subject is Price's "Description of the Guildhall" (London, 1887). BERLIN. An excellent short account of the gov- ernment of Berlin is given by Dr. Rudolph Gneist, a member of the municipal coun- cil since 1848, in the Contemporary Re- view, vol. 46, p. 769, December, 1884. See also the report on the "Administra- tion of the City of Berlin" in Foreign Relations for 1881, p. 487, made by As- sistant-Secretary of Legation Coleman at the request of Hon. Andrew D. White, then Minister to Germany. Also the articles by Prof. R. T. Ely in the Nation for March 23 and 30, 1882, vol. 34, pp. 145 and 267. The same writer printed an article on street cleaning in Berlin in the Evening Post for April 6, 188 1. Reference may be made to a lecture by E. Eberty entitled Die A nf gab en der Ber- liner Commttualverwaltung und die Erhcz- hung der stadtischen Sieuern (Berlin, 1878). The Magistracy publish reports at irregular intervals. The first, Bericht ueber die Verwaltung der Stadt Berlin, in den Jahren i82g bis incl. /8^o (Berlin, 1842), and the second, in den. Jahren 1841 bis incl. 1850 (Berlin, 1853), are of consid- erable importance. A third, published in 1863, covers the. peried from 1851 to i860, and a fourth, printed in 1882, covers the period from 1861 to 1876. The Director of the Statistical Bureau of the city pub- lishes annually Das Statistische Jahrbuch der Stadt Berlin. The present municipal system of Prussia dates from the reorganization of the mu- nicipalities by Stein and Hardenberg, Nov. 19, 1808. See Seeley's Lifeof Stein, part 5, chap. 3, and Meier's Reforrn der Vcrivaltung-0rganizatio7i unter Stein und Hardenberg (Leipsig, 1881) The present "Municipal Corporation Act" {Stcedte- ordmmg) was passed May 30, 1853. See Kotze, Die Preussischen Stcedte Verfas- sitngen (Berlin, 1879); and Backoffner, Die Stcedteordnungen der Preussischen Monarchic (Berlin, 1S80). See also the articles on local government in Prussia above cited. PARIS. A sketch of the government by Yves Guyot, a member of the municipal council, may be found in the Contemporary Re- view (March, 1883), vol. 43, p. 439- Dr. Shaw gives an excellent short account in an article entitled "The Typical Mod- ern City," in the Century (July, 1891), vol. 42, pp. 449-66. He cites as the principal authority on the subject Maxime Du Camp's Paris, ses organes, scs functions, ct sa vie dans la seconde moitie du dix- neuvienie siccle. iVn extended description is also given in a wgrk entitled Adminis- tration, dc la Ville de Paris, written by Henri De Pontich under the direction of Maurice Block (Paris, Guillaumin, 1884). SEMINAR V NO TES. The Rapports et Documents and Procees- Verbaux of the municipal council are printed yearly in three large quarto vol- umes, and the municipal bureau of statis- tics issues an annual report. OTHER FOREIGN CITIES. Statistics of all important German cities are given in Dr. M. Neefe's Statistisches Jahrbuch Deutscher Stcedte, Erster Jahr- gang, Breslau, i 890. Financial statistics of the great European cities are given in Joseph Koeroesi's BuUetm Atifiual der Einance des Grandes Vil'les, Dixieme Annee, Budapest, 1890. A short account of the municipal gov- ernmeLt of Vienna is given in a report by Mr. Kasson in Foreign Relationsfor 1879, p. 64, and an extended account in Dr. Felder's Die Gejttemde- Verwaltutig der Reichs-haupt und Residenzstadt Wien (Vi- enna, 1872). Prof. F. G. Peabody gives a sketch of Dresden in an article entitled "A Case of Good City Government," in the Forum (April, 1892), vol. 13, p. 53. The following relate to various British cities: Dr. Shaw's "Glasgow, a municipal study," in the Century (March, 1890), vol. 39, pp. 721-36; the same writer's, "Municipal Lodging Houses," in No. i of the Charities Review (Nov., 1891); Julian Ralph's "The Best Governed City in the World" (Birmingham) in Harper's Magazine, vol. 81, pp. 99-1 11 (1890), and Thos. H. Sherman's report on "Liverpool, its Pavements, Tramways, Sewers and Artisans's Dwellings," in Consular Re- ports (June, 1890), vol. 33, pp. 284-303. AMERICAN CITIES, LEGAL STATUS. The comparison of the provisions of the state constitutions relating to munici- pal corporations see F. J. Stimson's Amer- ican Statute Law (Boston, 1886), vol. i, articles 34, 37 and 50. Note the classifi- cation of municipalities in Ohio. On the the relation of municipalities to the states consult the chapter on "The Grades of Municipal Government " in Judge T. M. Cooley's Constitutional Limitations (6th ed., Boston, 1890) and a short chapter at the close of the same author's Principles of Constitutional Law. Judge J. F. Dil- lon's Treatise on the Law of Municipal Corporations (4th ed., 2 vols., Boston, 1890} is the standard authority on the subject. Note the introductory historical sketch. A new text-book on the Law of Municipal Corporations by Chas. F. Beach, Jr., is announced as "in press " by Houghton, Mififlin & Co. Reference may may also be made to Judge Dillon's Law of Municipal Bonds (Chicago. 1877) and to A Treatise on Municipal Police Ordinances (Chicago, 1887) by N. T. Horr and A. A. Bemis, of the Cleveland bar. The authors of the last work say in their preface that "The necessity for it arises from the fact that, except in those cities and towns where the municipal council has the assistance of regularly employed legal advisers, the limits of lawful legislation are apt to be exceeded." Numerous references to articles in law journals are given on pp. 386-388 of Jones's Index to Legal Periodical Litera- ture (Boston, 1888). An article by J. R. Berryman on " Constitutional Restrictions upon Legislation about Municipal Corpo- rations," in the American Law Review (May-June, 1888), vol. 22, p. 403. STATISTICS. The following Reports of the Tenth Census treat of this subject : vol. i, Pop- ulation; vol. 7, Valuation, Taxation and Indebtedness; vol. 18, Social Statistics of Cities: New England and Middle States (reviewed in the Nation, vol. 44. p. 256); vol. 19, Social Statistics of Cities: South- ern and Western States. • , Scribner's Statistical Atlas of the United States (N. Y., 1883), exhibits the figures of the census graphically (p. xlv, statistics of pop.ulation). Plate 21 illustrates the growth of American cities since 1790. There were then only eight cities of eight thousand inhabitants, and the population of New York was 33,131. Plate 30 gives ratios of different nationalities to total population in the fifty largest cities. SEMINAR Y NO TES. Plate 76 gives net per capita debt in the one hundred largest cities. The nth census will give very full sta- tistics of cities, but though some of the results have been announced in bulletins, none of the final reports have yet been issued. These results have been summa- rized by Hon. Carroll D. Wright in the Popular Science Monthly for 1892, vol. 40. On "Urban Population" see p. 459; on "Social Statistics of Cities" p. 607, and on "Rapid Transit" p. 785. On movement of population see an article by B. G. Magie, Jr., in Scribner's Monthly (Jan., 1878), vol. 15, p. 418 ; Prof. Richmond Smith's "Statistics and Economics," p. 264 in vol. 3 of the Publi- cations of the American Economic Asso- .ciation, and a study on the "Rise of American Cities " by Dr. A. B. Hart in the Quarterly Journal of Economics (Jan., 1890), vol. 4, pp. 129-157. Cf. work by E. Levasseur, entitled Les Populations Urbaines en Erance, coniparees a celles de VEtr anger (Paris, 1887). The Annual Statistician, published by L. P. McCarty, San Francisco, gives the fol- lowing statistics for leading cities : num- ber of votes registered and polled; number of voting precincts ; strength of police; losses by fire and number of fire-engines and firemen; value and capacity of gas and water works; number and character of street lights; vital statistics; number of murders, suicides, and executions; length of a.treet railroads and cost of motive power; telegraph and telephone mileage ; number of saloons and cost of licenses; attendance and cost of schools ; annual tax-rate, expenditure and the public debt. Wm. W. Goodwin's Directory of the Gas Light Companies (N. Y., A. M. Cal- lendar & Co.) and the same writer's paper on "Statistics regarding the Gas Compa- nies of America," read at the Fourteenth Annual Meeting of the American Gas Light Association, held in Philadelphia in October, 1886, printed in the American Gas Light Journal for December 16, 1886, and reprinted separately, gives the num- ber of gas companies, number of public lamps, price of gas, method of manufac- ture, &c. The Manual of American Water Works, by M, M. Baker, has succeeded the Sta- tistical Tables of American Water Works, by J. J. R. Croes, both published by the Engineering News Co,, New York. These annuals give for each city the ownership and date when water works were built; the source and mode of supply; cost, debt, and rate of interest; annual expense and revenue from consumers and the public; the number of miles of pipe and kind of pipe for mains and services; the number of taps, meters, and hydrants; the ordi- nary and fire pressure and daily consump- tion. The first works in the United States for public supply were built at Bethlehem, Pa., in 1754. New York was first sup- plied in 1799, and Philadelphia in 1801. Water in both cities was pumped by steam engines and distributed through bored wooden logs. FINANCE. Vol. 7 of the Reports of the Tenth Census, compiled by Robert P. Porter, gives statistics of local taxation and in- debtedness, and a summary of the pro- visions of the several state constitutions limiting the rate of taxation, the amount of municipal debts, and the purpose for which they may be contracted. See p. 674 for an analysis of the purposes for which the debt outstanding in 1880 was contracted. The eleventh census will give similar data. Mr. Porter published an article on municipal debts in the N. Y. Banker's Magazine for September, 1876, and another in Lalor's Cyclopaedia of Political Science, vol. i, p. 730. Cf. also his article in the Princeton Review, n. s., vol. 4, p. 172. For a further study of this subject, read Prof. H. C. Adams's Public Debts (N. Y., 1887), Parts, chap. 3. See also G. W. Green's article on " Municipal Bonds " (Lalor's Cyclopaedia, vol. 2, p. 920); Prof. S. N. Patten's ' ' Finanztvesen dcr Staatcn und Stcedte dcr NordanieriJzatiischen Union (Jena., 1878); SEMINAR Y NO TES. C. Hale's "Debts of Cities" (Atlantic, vol. 38, p. 661) for the law of Massachu- setts; D. L. Harris's "Municipal Econ- omy " (Journal of Social Science, vol. 9, p. 149) for the experience of Springfield, Mass., and articles in Bradstreet's for February 10 and March 3, 1883, for a comparison with local debts in England, and H. B. Gardner's "Statistics of Mu- nicipal Finance " in the Publications of the American Statistical Association (June, 1889), vol. I, pp. 254-67. On the debt of New York City see the paper by Wm. M. Ivins cited below. A Statement of Facts Concerning the Financial Affairs of the City of Elizabeth, N. J., which has the largest per capita debt in the United States, was published by some of the citi- zens of that place in January, 1886. Municipal taxation is treated at length in Prof. R. T. Ely's Taxation in American States and Cities (New York, 1888). The Reports of the Commissioners Appointed to Revise the Laws for the Assessment and Collection of Taxes in New York (1871 and 1872) contains much valuable material. The members of the Commis- sion were David A. Wells, Edwin Dodge, and George W. Cuyler. The first report was reprinted in New York by Harpers, and were both reprinted in England by the Cobden Club. Cf. also Wells's "Theory and Practice of Local Taxation in Amer- ica," in the Atlantic Monthly for January, 1874; "Rational Principles of Taxation," a paper read in New York, May 20, 1874, (Journal of Social Science, vol. 6, p. 120); and his "Reform of Local Taxation" in the North American Review for April, 1876. On the evils of double taxation ■see a paper on "Local Taxation" by William Minot, Jr., read in Saratoga, September, 5, 1877, and printed in the Journal of Social Science, vol. 9, p. 67. See Report in 1876 of New Hampshire Tax Commission, composed of Geo. Y. Sawyer, H. R. Roberts, and Jonas Liv- ingstone; and Report of the Michigan Commission (House Journal, February 23, 1882). A similar Commission, appointed by the City of Baltimore, reported in Jan- uary, 1886. The Report contains, in addition to the recommendations of the Commission, a paper by Prof. R. T. Ely, entitled "Suggestions for an improved system of Taxation in Baltimore." A further article on "Municipal Finance" maybe found in Scribner's Magazine (Jan- uary, 1888), vol. 3. pp. 33-40. GENERAL DISCUSSIONS. The Report of the Commission to de- vise a Plan for the Government of Cities in the State of New York (Assembly Doc. vol. 6, No. 68, 1877) is very important. The Commission was appointed by Gov- ernor Tilden, with Wm. M. Evarts as chairman. The constitutional amendment proposed by the Commission was discussed by E. L. Godkin in the Nation, vol 26,. p. 108. See also the Report of the Com- mission to devise a Plan for the Govern- ment of Cities of the State of Pennsyl- vania (Harrisburg, 1878), and Governor Hartranft's message of January 4, 1876, advising the appointment of the Commis- sion. The following papers have been printed in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in History and Political Science: "The City of Washington," by J. A. Porter, in vol 3; "The Town and City Government of New Haven," by Charles H. Lever- more, in vol. 4; " City Government of Philadelphia," by Edward P. Allinson and Boies Penrose; "City Government of Boston," by James M. Bugbee; and "City Government of St. Louis," by Marshall S. Snow, in vol. 5; the "Municipal Gov- ernment of San Francisco," by Bernard Moses, and the "Municipal Government of New Orleans," in vol. 7. Extra volume I, of these Studies is The Republic of New Haven : A History of Municipal Evolution (Baltimore, 1886), by Charles H. Levermore. The paper on New Haven first mentioned is a reprint of chapter 8 and 9 of this work. Extra volume 2 is entitled Philadelphia, 1681-1887. A Study of Municipal Development (Phila., 1887), by Edward P. Allinson and Boies Penrose. SEMINARY NOTES. 183 The study of Philadelphia before cited is a preliminary sketch of the larger volume. Vol. 2 of Prof. Geo. E. Howard's Local Constitutional History of the United States, to be printed in this series, will treat of the " Development of the City and Local Magistracies." A number of articles relating to city government have appeared in the Forum : ''The New York Aldermen," by E. S. Nadal (Sept., 1886); "Our Political Methods" relating to New York, by David Dudley Field (Nov., 1886); "Waste by Fire, "by Clifford Thompson (Sept., 1886); " English and American Fire Services," by H. D. Purroy (Nov., 1886); "A Letter to the People of New York," by Howard Crosby (Dec, 1886); "A Letter to the People of Philadelphia," by Henry C. Lea (Jan., 1887); "Overgrown City Govern- ment," by James Parton (Feb., 1887); "Remedies for Municipal Misgovern- ment," by Amos K. Fiske (April, 1887); "The Congestion of Cities," by E. E. Hale (Jan., 1888); ." Obstacles to Good City Government," by Pres. Seth Low (May, 1888), vol. 5, p. 260; "The Government of American Cities," by An- drew D. White (Dec, 1890), vol. 7, pp. 3S7"72; "One Remedy for Municipal Government," by Pres. C. W. Eliot (Oct., 1891), vol. 12, pp. 153-168, and "A Case of Good City Government " (Dresden), vol. 13, p. 53 (April, 1892). Prof. James Bryce's well known work on The American Commonwealth (Lon. and N. Y. , 1888) contains the following chapters on municipal government : chap- ters 5.0 and 51, "The Government of Cities;" chap. 52, "An American View of Municipal Government in the United States," by Pres. Seth Low; chap. 59-64 explain the working of party machinery ; chap. 88, "The Tweed Ring in New York City," by F. J. Goodnow, and chap. 89, "The Philadelphia Gas Ring." "Solid for Mulhooly," by Rufus E. Shap- ley, called out by the rule of the gas ring in Philadelphia, printed anonymously in 188 1, and reprinted in vol. i of Spofford and Shapley's Library of Wit and Humor (Phila., 1884) is an excellent satire on machine methods in city politics. Simon Sterne has an article on the "Administration of American Cities" in Lalor's Cyclopaedia of Political Science, vol. I, p. 460, and another with the same title in the International Review, vol. 4, p. 361. See also his Suffrage in Cities (No. 7, Putnam's "Economic Mono- graphs," o. p.) and his Constitutional History of the United States (N. Y., 1882), pp. 257 and 266-274. Mr. Sterne was a member of the New York Commis- sion. For other short accounts of muni- cipal government see John Fiske's Civil Government in the United States, chap. 5, and W. C. Ford's American Citizen's Manual, Part i, pp. 66-83. Hon. Seth Low, formerly Mayor of Brooklyn and now President of Columbia University, has printed a speech on "Municipal Home Rule," delivered in Brooklyn, October 6, 1882; an address on "Municipal Government," delivered irj Rochester, N. Y., February 19, 1885 (printed by the Municipal Reform League of Rochester); an address on "The Problem of Municipal Government," de- livered before the Historical and Political Association of Cornell University, March 16, 1887 (printed by the University); "The Problem of City Government," re- printed from the Civil Service Reformer for April, 1889, as No. 4 of the Notes Supplementary to Johns Hopkins Univer- sity Studies; "The Government of Cities in the United States," in the Century (Sept., 1891), vol. 42, pp. 730-36, and other papers cited above. Wm. M. Ivins, Ex-Chamberlain of New York City, published an article on "Mu- nicipal Finance" in Harper's Magazine (Oct., 1884), vol. 69, pp. 779-87, and a pamphlet on The Municipal Debt and Sinking- Fund of the City of New York, containing an argument on hearing before the Governor, June 2, 1885, and an his- torical review of the funded debt and of the operations of the sinking-fund since SEMINARY NOTES. their foundation. In an article on ''Mu- nicipal Government," Political Science Quarterly (June, 1887), he shows that the changes in municipal organization have been incident to the extension of the general functions of government and gives an analy- sis of the system of government in New York City. His Machine Politics and Money in Elections in New York City (Harper's "Handy Series," N. Y., 1887) describes the working of the election laws, and ad- vocates the adoption of the essential features of the English system. For the English law in full, see Leiy and Foulkes's Parliamentary Election Acts (London, 1885). Prize Essays on Municipal Reform, writ- ten for the Cambridge Civil Service Reform Association (Cambridge, 1884), contain "The Selection of Municipal Officers: their Terms and Tenures," by T. H. Pease, of Chicago, 111.; "The Ap- pointment of Municipal Officers," by John Prentiss, of Keene, N. H. ; and "The Selection and Tenure of Office of Mu- nicipal Officers," by Prof. H. T. Terry, of the University of Tokio, Japan. Reference may be made to Franklin Ford's Delusive Methods of Municipal Financiering, a paper read before the Municipal Society of New York in the spring of 1879, and a pamphlet on The New York City Charter (N. Y., 1882), comprising a number of articles that had appeared in Bradstreet's Journal. Mr, Ford's papers on municipal government, read before the Social Science Associa- tion of Philadelphia and the American Association at Saratoga, have neverbeen printed. The revision in 1881 of the city charter of Newton, Mass., started a discussion of municipal methods. A majority of the Commission reported one plan, and a minority another. Francis J. Parker, one of the minority, published A Study of Municipal Government in Massachusetts (Boston, 1881), and the discussion of the subject was continued by Mr. Parker and Prof. W. F. Allen in the Nation, Sept., 1881, vol. 2iZi PP- 169 ^'^d 196- The Massachusetts Society for Promot- ing Good Citizenship arranged a course of lectures on municipal government, which was delivered at the Old South Meeting Plouse in Boston during the winter of 1889. The course was as follows: "The Trustworthy Citizen, " by Rev. C. F. Dole; " The Rise of American Cities," Prof. A. B. Hart; "Birmingham," by Rev. John Cuckson; "Berlin, the Model City, " by Sylvester Baxter; "The New Ballot Sys- tem, " by R. H. Dana; "The True School Board," by W. A. Mowry; "The Govern- ment of Boston," by Hon. Henry H. Sprague; "Josiah Quincy, the Great Mayor," by Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, and "The Possible Boston," by Rev. Ed- ward E. Hale. An abstract of the lec- tures was published by the society and some of the lectures were printed in "Lend a Hand," a monthly magazine edited by Dr. Hale. Ex-Mayor Wm. R. Grace wrote of the "Government of Cities in the State of New York" in Harper's Magazine (1883), vol. 67, p. 609. The committee of the New York Senate on cities in 1890 took a mass of testimony respecting the govern- ment of cities in the State, which was transmitted to the legislature April 15, 1 89 1, and printed in five large volumes. Volume 5 contains the general laws for the incorporation of cities in other States and much information respecting citiea in New York. Senator J. S. Fassett sum- marized the results of the investigation in an article entitled "Why are our cities badly governed ? " printed in the North American Review (May, 1890), vol. 150, p. 631. The following discussion of the general subject of municipal administration may be cited: Dormau B. Eaton's "Municipal Government" (Journal of Social Science, vol. 5, p. i), a paper read in Boston May 13) 1373; Samuel Bowles's "Relation of State to Municipal Governments, and the Reform of the Latter " (Journal of Social SEMINAR Y NO TES. 185 Science, vol. 9, p. 140), a paper read in Saratoga, Sept. 7, 1877; John A. Kasson's "Municipal Reform" (North American Review, Sept., 1883, vol. 137, pp. 218- 30); Robert Mathews's "Municipal Ad- ministration " (Address before the Fort- nightly Club of Rochester, N. Y., Jan. 20, 1885); Charles Reemelin's "City Government," a paper read at the meeting of the American Association for the Ad- vancement of Science, held at Ann Arbor, Mich., in August, 1885; G. M. Browne's "' Municipal Reform " (New Englander, Feb., 1886, vol. 45, p. 132); Carter H. Harrison's "Municipal Government," an address delivered before the Nineteenth Century Club of New York City, Nov. i^, 1886; F. D. Crandon's " Misgovernment of Great Cities" (Popular Science Month- ly, vol. 30, pp. 296 and 520); G. F. Par- sons's "The Saloon in Politics" (Atlantic Monthly, Sept., 1886, vol. 28, p. 414); John D. Cutter's open letter in the Cen- tury (May, 1887), vol. 34, P- 15 7j sug- gesting the re-establishment of guilds for the purposes of city government; Gama- liel Bradford's "Municipal Government" in Scribner's Magazine (Oct., 1887), vol. 2, pp. 485-493; papers on the city as a peril in " National Perils and Opportuni- ties," discussions of the conference of the Evangelical Alliance in Washington, D. C, Dec, 1887; James Parton's "Munici- pal Government" (Chatauquan, Jan., 1888, vol. 8, p. 203); E. L. Godkin's "Criminal Politics" (North American Review, June, 1890, vol. 150, pp. 706-23) and "A Key to Municipal Reform" (North American Review, Oct., 1890, vol. 151, pp. 422-31) O. S. Teall's "Munici- pal Reform " (Cosmopolitan, March, 1891); article by F. S. Holls on "Com- pulsory Voting as a means of Correcting Political Abuses " (Annals of the Ameri- can Academy of Political Science, April, 1891, vol. I, pp. 586-614); papers by May- ors of Bostonj Baltimore, Buffalo and St. Louis, entitled "How to improve munici- pal government " (North American Re- view, Nov., 1891, vol. 153, pp. 580-95; a paper by W. D. Lewis on " Political Organization of a Modern Municipality " and one by F. P Prichard on "The Sci- ence of Municipal Government" in the number of the Annals of the American Academy of Political Science for January, 1892, and Julian Ralph's "Western Modes of City Management " (Chicago) in Har- per's Magazine, April, 1892, vol. 84, p. 709. * JiIUNICIPAL INDUSTRIES. Papers on "The Relations of the Mod- ern Municipality to Quasi-Public Works," edited by Prof. H. C. Adams and printed in vol. 2 of the Publications of the Amer- ican Economic Association, and an ex- cellent paper by A. H. Sinclair on "Municipal Monopolies and their Man- agement," printed as No. 2 of the To- ronto University Studies in Political Science, discuss the relations of cities to water works, gas and electric lighting and street railways. A commission appointed to investigate this subject in Washington, D. C, has made an extended report in favor of municipal ownership. See for brief discussions Sir T. H. Farrer's "The State in its Relation to Trade " (London,, 1883), chap. 10, and C. W. Baker's "Mo- nopolies and the People" (N. Y., 1889), chap. 5. Arguments against public own- ership are given in Lieut. Allen R. Foote's pamphlets "Municipal Ownership of In- dustries" and "Municipal Ownership of Quasi Public Works," Washington, D. C, 1891. Prof. Goodnow cites an article by Dr. Hack on German water works in the Zeitschrift fuer die gesammte St^atswissen- schaft, 1875, vol. 34, p. 307. The sub- ject of public ownership of gas works is fully discussed in two monographs printed in the Publications of the American Eco- nomic Association, one by Prof. E. J. James, entitled "The Relation of the Modern Municipality to the Gas Supply" in vol. I, and the other, by Prof. E. W. Bemis, entitled "Municipal Ownership of Gas Works in the United States " in vol. 6. "Gas in Foreign Countries" is the subject of a special consular report issued i86 SEMINAR Y NO TES. by the Department of State in 1891. Cf. the references under the head of statistics, and the article on "London Gas" in the Quarterly Review for January, 1879. Bronson C. - Keeler favors municipal ownership in his article on " Municipal Control of Gas Works " in the Forum for Nov. 1889. The contest over the natural gas bonds, issued by the city of Toledo, was set forth in a pamphlet printed by the Gas Trustees in 1889. Arguments against public ownership of electric light works are given in a pamphlet on " Municipal lighting," by M. J. Francisco, Rutland, Vt. , 1890. Some important information is collected in a Report on the Use of Streets by Private Corporations, made by a special committee of the Boston Board of Aldermen and printed aS City Docu- ment 144, 1890. A. H. Sinclair gave an account of the short experiment made by Toronto in municipal ownership of street railway in his article on "The To- ronto Street Railway " in the Quarterly Journal of Economics (Oct., 1S91), vol. 6, pp. 98-105. The Consular Report for Dec, 1 89 1, contains a short account of "Tramways and Water Works in Eng- land." VARIOUS TOPICS. A series of articles on rapid transit in cities, by T. C. Clarke, is announced by the publishers of Scribner's Magazine for the current year (1892). This subject received special attention in the eleventh census. Simon Sterne described "The Greathead Underground Electric Rail- way" in London in the Forum for Aug., 1891, vol. II, p. 683. Dr. E. R. L. Gould gives statistics of "Park Areas and Open Spaces in American and European Cities" in the Publications of the American Sta- tistical Association (June, 188S), vol i, pp. 49-61. On sanitary questions consult Ervvin F. Smith's Influence of Sewerage and Water- Supply on the Death- Rate in Cities (a paper read at a Sanitary Convention in Ypsilanti, Mich., July i, 1885, and re- printed from a Supplement to the Annual Report of the Michigan State Board of Health for the year 1885) and the numer- ous references given in the notes. Cf. also Dr. L. L. Seaman's Social Waste of a Large City, a paper read before the American Association for the Advance- ment of vScience, Aug. 20, 1886 and print- ed in Science, Sept. 24, 1886. An address on "Public Health and Municipal Gov- ernment" delivered before the American Academy of Political Science was printed as a supplement to the Annals of the Academy for Feb., 1891. For references on the charities of Baltimore, Phila- delphia, New York, and Boston, see Prof. H. B. Adams's " Notes on the Literature of Charities" (Johns Hopkins Studies, vol. 5. no. 8). An important series of articles on "The Poor of Great Cities" is in course of publication in Scribner's Magazine (1892). Albert Shaw's article on "Municipal Lodging Houses" in the first number of the Charities Review was cited above. On the subject of education see John D. Philbrick's City School. Sys- tems (Circular of Information- no. i, 1885, issued by the National Bureau of Education). PARTICULAR CITIES. Many of the papers already cited, especially the Johns Flopkins Studies and the articles in the periodicals, relate to particular cities, but have been referred to above because of their more or less gen- eral application. A special study may be made of New York, and a few notes on other cities added. NEW YORK CITY. For a brief account of the system of Government see the article on "New York" by E. L. Godkin in the Encyclo- paedia Britannica (9th ed., vol. 17). Dr. J. F. Jameson's "Origin and Development of the Municipal G-overnment of New York City" (Magazine of American His- tory, May and September, 1882), gives a sketch of municipal government down to 182 1. A portion of each volume of the Manual of the Corporation (,28 v., 1841- 71), after that for 1846, is devoted to a SEMINAR Y NO TES. 187 history of the city. The volume for 1868 contains a reprint of old charters. The fact that James Parton in Oct., 1866 (North American Review, vol. 103, p. 413), attributed the growing evils in the government of the ci.y to the abolition of household suffrage is interesting in con- nection with the recommendation of the Commisson of 1877. See also in the North American Review, "The Judiciary of New York" (July, 1867, vol. 105, p. 148), and Charles Nordhoff's " Misgov- ernment of New York" (Oct., 1871, vol. 113, p. 321). An account of the Tweed ring may also be found in the North American Review, in a series of articles by C. F. Wingate, entitled -'An Episode in Municipal Government," beginning in the number for Oct., 1874, and ending in the number for Oct., 1876. On the same subject cf. A. H. Green's Three Year's Struggle with Municipal Misrule in New York City, a Report made by the Comp- troller to the Board of Aldermen, Feb. 18, 1875. ^'^'^ S. J. Tilden's "Municipal Corruption," Law Magazine and Review, X. s. vol 2, p. 525 (London, 1873). See also Geo. H. Andrews's Twelve Letters on the Future of New York (N. Y., 1877). The entire second volume of the Statutes of New York for 1882 is devoted to the present charter of the City of New York, or the "Consolidated Act," as it is called. The Investigation of the Department of Public Works in 1884 was printed in Senate Doc. no. 57, 1884; and the inves- tigation by the committee, of which Theo- dore Roosevelt was chairman, was reported in Assembly Docs. nos. 125, 153, and 172, 1884. The Report of the Investigation of the New York Consoli- dated Gas Company forms Senate Doc. no. 47, 1886. The committee found that in 1883 the gas trust declared dividends of from 23 to 2>Z P^r cent. Of recent .articles on cost and methods of elections cf. W. M. Ivins's articles cited above ; Theodore Roosevelt's "Machine Politics in New York City" in the Century (Nov., 1886), vol. ■TjT^, p. 74; J. B. Bishop's Money in City Elections, an address read before the Commonv/ealth Club in New York, March 21, 1887 (reported in the Evening Post and reprinted separately) ; the same writer's "The Law and the Ballot," Scribner's Magazine (Feb., 1888), vol. 3, p. 194; and the Nation (vol. 44, pp. 180 and 204) ; A. C. Bernheim's "Party Organizations and their Nomina- tion to Public Office in New York City" in the Political Science Quarterly, (March, 1888) vol. 3, pp. 97-122, and the same writer on "The Ballot in New York" in the Political Science Quarterly, M[arch, 1889, vol. 4, pp. 130-52 ; and Dr. Shaw's "Municipal Problems of New York and London" in the Review of Reviews, April, 1892, vol. 5, p. 282. PHILADELPHIA. Johns Hopkins Studies cited above ; E. V. Smalley's article on the "Commit- tee of 100" in the Century (July, 1883), vol., 4, p. 395; the Nation, Nov. 26, 1885 ; Publications of the Philadelphia Social Science Association for 1876 and 1877, on the subject of building associa- tions. The reform charter or the "Bullitt Bill, "which went into effect April, 1887, is said to be a model municipal constitution. CHICAGO. Reports of the Citizen's Association, beginning in 1874. BOSTON. Report of the Commission on the City Charter and Two Minority Reports (Docs. 120, 146, and 147, 1884). The first Report contains an outline of the munici- pal governments of New York, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, and Chicago. See also Reports of the Citi- zen's Association. CINCINNATI. J. F. Tunison's Cincinnati Riot: its Causes and Results (Robt. Clarke & Co., 1886). CHARLESTON. The Yearbooks contain in the appen- dices much valuable historical matter. i88 SE All NARY NOTES. That for 1880 gives a sketch of the de- velopment of the city government; that for 1883 a description of the centennial celebration, with an historical review; and the last volume contains an account of the earthquake of August 31, 1886. WASHINGTON. The Johns Hopkins Study was reviewed m the Nation for January 14, 1886, p. 26. Though not strictly within the scope of this list, reference may be made to Dr. A. R. Spofford's address before the Mary- land Historical Society on The Founding of Washihgton City (J. Murphy & Co., Baltimore). PROVIDENCE. Town and City Government in Provi- dence, a Study in Municipal History, by Geo. G. Wilson, Providence, Tibbitts & Preston, 1889. F. H. HODDER. COLLEGE EXPENSES. fr^URING the first term of the present ^^ collegiate year a course on Statistics was given. This course included a his- torical review of the development of sta- tistical work, lectures on the preparation of schedules, the gathering of statistics, and the correction of returns, and prac- tical work in the proving and graphic illustration of statistics by means of maps and diagrams. At the close of the course it was suggested by a member of the class that some information in regard to college expenses at Kansas State University be collected. This suggestion was adopted, and five gentlemen spent some consider- able time in sending out requests for information, in securing returns by per- sonal work among the students, and in making up tables for tabulation. These gentlemen were H. C. Riggs, T. W. Butch- er, S. Ploughe, R. F. Whitzel, and J. G. Galbreath. The summaries of expense given later do not in any way show the amount of work which was done, inas- much as all the preliminary tabulation is of course omitted in this article. The request for information which was sent out, and to which Chancellor Snow very kindly gave his approval, was as follows: "The class in Statistics has undertaken to secure some reliable information re- garding cost of living per school year for students attending our University. It is therefore desired that every student to whom this circular is sent, return an answer within a week's time, to the sub- joined itemization of expenses. DIRECTIONS. "i. — Sign your name and give the course you are pursuing and the class of which you are at present a member, in the space left for that purpose. The reason for requesting your signature is merely to secure authenticity of statistics. That portion of the circular containing your signature will be detached by Mr. E. D. Adams, instructor in Statistics, from the portion giving expenses. Only the latter portion will be seen and used by the class in compiling the figures given, so that there can be no knowledge of the person- ality of any one answering this circular. "2. — Each student is expected to an- swer for the expenses of the college year, of ten months, ending June loth, 189 1. Indicate the class year for which the ex- penses are given by drawing your pen through that year named in the heading at the top of the next page. SEMINAR Y NO TES. ''3. — -When it is impossible to give ac- curate figures for the items of expense called for, make a close estimate, arid upon entering the item place the letter E after it. " 4 — Place this circular in the enclosed envelope, seal, and deposit it in one of the boxes standing in the hall of the main building and in the hall of the law build- ing. " F. H. Snow, Chancellor." Signature Class Course Expenses of the ist, 2d, 3rd, 4th, Year. Course ITEMS. I — Tuition and Laboratory fees, 2 — Books and Stationery 3 — Clothing 4 — Room Rent-. 5 — Furniture 6 — Board 7 — Fuel and Light 8 — Washing 9 — Sundries ■ . . . Total Dollars. Cents. As will be noted in reading this request each student is asked to give expenses of the preceding collegiate year. Thus the senior returned expenses of the Junior year; the Junior of the Sophomore year and so on. No student therefore returned expenses for more than one year, and the average expense for any one year, as given below, is merely the average expense of the members of one particular class. This is a fault, but it could not be avoided if accurate returns were to be secured. If the same request for returns of expenses is sent out in future years, still more interesting information may be secured, showing the average expense of each class for each year spent in the University. Before giving the figures, it is necessary to make some further statements regard- ing them. The statistics do not show expenses of the Senior year. Suffi- cient returns could not be secured from graduates to justify any computation of an average for this year. The Statistics show only averages for goitlcinen sttuicnts. Requests were sent to the ladies of the University, but not more than a dozen returns were made. Such returns as came in were very carefully made out, but were not sufficient in number. The returns from the ladies the University were there- fore omitted in making up the averages. The item, "Tuitions and Laboratory fees," is not given as a separate item as called for in the returns, but is included in "Sundries." It was at first intended to give an average expense for each course as well as for each class, but this was found impracticable, and the item men- tioned was therefore dropped. All returns which were not made out in the form prescribed in the request, with name, class, and year of expense, all returns in which the total given did not coincide with the sum of the items, and all returns from students having homes in Lawrence, in which case some of the items did not apply, were dropped in making up the averages. Returns were made by students who are making their way through the University, paying their room rent, board &c., by means of some sort of work, and not in cash. These returns were of course very low in some instances, as will be seen by looking at the table of "Highest and Lowest Expenses." It was decicded however that they could be legitimately used in estimating average expense for the student who comes here to secure an education, and they were therefore in- cluded. Excluding students having homes in Lawrence, and ladies of the University, the percentage of students for each ex- pense year, represented in the averages given, is as follows: Freshman year, 67 per cent.; Sophomore year, 84 per cent; Junior year, 79 per cent.; Junior Law year, 88 per cent. With the qualifica- tions, already mentioned, it would seem, therefore, that the average expense should be fairly accurate. The following table gives an average for each year, for each item and total, and averages of all years for each item and igo SEMjTX.I R ] ' A'O TES. total. It may perhaps be noticed that the This difference of 2 cents is due to several perpendicular and horizontal footings for divisions necessary to strike averages in the final average total expense for all years which the rule oF counting i for every .55 do not agree. The perpendicular footing or over was not followed. This difference is as given in the table, ^294.98, The was discovered to late to locate the horizontal , footing would be $295.00. error, I. — Average College Expense. Freshman Year. . . Sophomore Year, Junior Year, Junior Law Year, Grand Average of above years, . Books and Station- ery. Cloth- $431 68 62 13 .55 00 32 Room Rent. !f32|30 41 58 43 03 28 03 36 Board. 24 $93,76 100 50 115 00 96 08 101 I34 Fuel and Light. $ 6 5 Wash- ing. Ill 11 16 12 06 Sun- dries. 24 Total. $274 91 309 335 260 294 It is unnecessary to comment at length upon these averages. They show the usual steady increase for each year spent in college. In the table this increase seems to be due to the items of room rent, board, washing, and sundries, indicating that the increased expense of each year oyer the last comes from those things which go to make up the comforts or pleasures of student life. The Junior Law year shows an unusual expense for books, and a remarkably low expense for most of the other items. The Sophomore year seems to indicate a desire for fine raiment- the Junior year for good board and cleaner clothes. That which is most noticeable, however, in the whole table'is the low total expense for each year. The highest average total given, that for the Junior year, of $335.04 is less than would be expected in this institution. An aver- age expense for all students of $294.98 certainly puts a University education within the reach of any one who is willing to work hard for it, and this is the avei'age and not the lowest expense. The following table gives the highest and lowest expense reported for each item for each year, and the highest and lowest expense reported for each item for all years. The table is merely intended to show the wide variation of expense, and the low expense possible for each item. II. — Highest and Lowest Expense Reported for each Item. ■a CS 1 3 FRESHMAN Highest. $32 .'iO YEAR. Lowest. lo'oo 1 1 sophomore Highest. 40 00 YEAR. Lowest. 11 00 JUNIOR Highest. 35 24 j YEAR. Lowest. 10 00 j JUNIOR LAW Highest. 50 00 1 YEAR. Lowest. -7 90 j FOR ALL YEARS RETURNED. Highest. .51J 7 00 ' 90 j Lowest. $103 00 9 25 185 00 26 00 100 00 21 00 90 00 11 45 185 00 9 25 $75 ) I I i I 18 .50 I __ I ' 80u0 i 20 25 12 00 12 00 $140 to 2 -rt $13 $24'30 3 39 20 00 00 40 39 $215 100 00 1935 11,1, .50 10 00 215 00 9 18 $533 25 139 00 L 523 00 154'a8 _!_ 459 1 00 i I 190 00 I 345 '00 533 00 SEMINAR V NO TES. 19: It will be noticed that this table merely gives highest and lowest expense for each item, treating the item "total" as having no connection with the other items in the same line. Each item in each year, there- fore simply stands for itself and has no relation to other items. Thus the sum of the line of items of "highest expense" in the Freshman year, is of course greater than the "total" given as highest for that year, and the sum of the line of items given for "lowest expense" in the Fresh- man year is less than the "total" given as lowest for that year. The same rule applies to the remaining years and to the line showing "all years." Both the highest and lowest total ex- pense for all years are found in the Freshman year. In the next year these two extremes are nearer together, and in the next year, nearer yet. This would seem to show that the tendency was to- ward a lessening of high expense and an increase of low expense as the years go by. If, however, the tables of individual expense had been published it would be seen that the returns of highest and lowest expense for the Freshman year were ex- ceptions from the general run of returns for that year, that the same was true of the Sophomore year, while the returns for the Junior year did not stand out as such marked exceptions to the general run of returns for that year. These items of highest and lowest expense do not, ther- fore, really indicate any violation of that which is accepted as a law of college expenses, i. e. that each additional year brings additional expense. It is somewhat a matter of surprise here also that the highest return for total col- lege expense is no more than it is. ^533-25 is undoubtedly an unusual ex- pense for K. S. U., but it would be regarded as a wonderfully low expense in many institutions, whose facilities and instruction do not surpass our own. There are no means of knowing whether the lowest total expense given, $139, was handed in by a student who was working his way through or not. Some students work their way through the school year with less cash expenditure than this. The next lowest total expense given in the table, $154.28, was reported by a student who stated, on his return slip, that this amoimt represented his exact expenses for the college year, without assistance from any work. Other colums than that of the total are of interest in making comparisons between classes, etc. The reader can discover some curious comparisons if he cares to take the trouble. The result of the whole series of figures is to impress one with the fact that the average Kansas young man does not intend to waste any money. He comes to the University with a definite purpose, and spends money for the neces- saries of life, but beyond that he does not go. E. D. Adams. SEMINARY REPORTS. Pensions. 'FIE Seminary met April 15. The subject discussed was pensions and pension legislation. Mr. R. D. Brown read a paper on United States Pension Legislation, the substance of which is as follows: Opinion on the subject of pensions in this country is divided. There are on the one hand those who complain that the government is miserly and ungenerous to those who fought for it and prevented its dissolution, and on the other hand those who maintain lliat llie ixmsion roll is SEMINARY NOTES already too large ; that the government has been generous beyond reason. But let us look for a short time at a few facts in the history of pension legislation, in order that they may assist us in forming a right conclusion in regard to the matter. There were engaged in the war of the Revolution 278,021 men. Of these there were pensioned 62,069, or 22.3 per cent, of the whole, and to them there has been paid in pensions 146,082,000. In the War of 1812 there were engaged 527,054 men. Of these there were pensioned 60,670 or 1 1. 1 per cent, of the whole, and there has been paid them in pensions $36,310,- 000. In the Mexican war there were engaged 72,260 men, of whom there had been pensioned up to 1887, 11,308, or 15.5 per cent of the whole. To them there has been paid in pensions $13,000,- 000. In the Civil War there were in actual service not more than 2,100,000 men. Of these there were on the pension roll June 30, 1891, 676,160 men, or 32.2 per cent, of the whole, and the amount paid in pensions for the fiscal year ending with that date was $.118,548,956. This it must be remembered is only what was paid out in pensions for the one year ending June i, 189 1. The subjoined table shows the number on the roll and the amount paid in each semi-decennial year since the Civil War: Year. No. on RoU. Amount Paid. 1865 85,986., .. $8,525,153 1870 198,686.... 27,780,811 1875 234,821 29,683,116 1880 250,802 57,240,540 1885.. 345.125 65,693,706 1890 537,944. . . .106,493,790 The commissioner of pensions estimates that there will be on the roll in 1895, 1,050,000 names. There were living, June 30, 1891, as shown by the report of the commissioner of pensions, 1,208,707 ex-soldiers of the Civil War. Of these 904,000, or 74 per cent, were either pensioners or applicants for pensions. 74 per cent, of the sur- vivors of the Civil ^Var have made oath that on account of wounds or diseases, they were incapacitated for manual labor, and the commissioner of pensions prom- ises us that before June 30, 1895, nearly 90 per cent, of the survivors of that war will have made oath to the same effect, and that their claims for pensions will have been allowed. In 1891 Great Britain disbursed in pen- sions $25,000,000; P'rance, $29,851,000; Germany, $13,283,000; Austria, $12,245,- 000; Russia, $18,000,000; and the United States $118,548,956. It will thus be seen that the United States pays annually in pen- sions about four times as much as any other power, and $20,163,956 more than all the great nations of Europe combined. It costs the United States annually for pensions $27,026,461 more than it costs Germany to maintain a standing army of 449.342 men. Mr. Thornton Cook followed with a paper the subject of which was "Notes on Pension Legislation." The substance of this paper was as follows: All pension laws were special up to 1792. In that year the first general law was enacted. In 1818 a dependent pension bill for veterans of the Revolutionary War was passed. Service pensions are now allowed to vet- erans of the War of 181 2 and of the Mexican War. In 1890 pensions were allowed to dependent veterans of the Civil War. Since the late war the rates of pensions have been increased very rapidly. In 1866 the rate for total disability was placed at $25 per month. It is now $72. The rate for partial disability has been increased in the same proportion. On pension claims filed subsequent to June 30, 1880, arrears were granted. Many attempts have been made to pass a bill granting arrears on all pensions; but it is not likely that such a bill will soon be enacted. Veterans are allowed to apply their time of service on the residence necessary to secure a homestead. In the report of the pension commis- SEMINAR Y NO TES. ^93 sioner the complaint is frequent that existing acts permit a great deal of fraud; but there is probably no more fraud prac- ticed than is inevitable uuder laws with such liberal provisions. After some discussion the Seminary adjourned. J. H. Sawtell, Reporter. Status of Woman. ■grPHE Seminary met on March 22, to (glisten to papers on the "Status of "Woman. " Miss Nina Bowman read a paper on the "Property Rights of Women." In primitive times women were thought to have no rights at all. In France no mar- ried woman has any property rights and the common law prevails. In England women have no voice in parliament. A single woman has the same rights of property as a man ; has the same protection of law, and is subject to the same taxes. After marriage the husband has absolute power over the wife's jewels, money and clothes. In 1870 a law was passed which gave women a right to their separate earnings. In America the common law restrains married women from all custody over their own property, either real or personal. Since 1848 many changes have been made in the property rights of married women. In our own state the wife has full power over her own property and earnings and may dispose of them in any way pleasing to her. After marriage a woman may sue and be sued in the same manner as if not married. A woman may convey or mort- gage her own property without her hus- band's signature, but the husband in disposing of property must secure his wife's signature. Miss Amy Sparr then read a paper on "Woman's Suffrage." The woman ques- tion is still young in years, but its strength and growth are not to be measured by its age. Those who have taken the practical side of the question are those who have made such remarkable progress. In Eng- land women have been admitted Lo man\- electoral privileges and to public work involving great responsibility. Mr. Glad- stone and Mr. Mill have aided much in changing public opinion in England. Great progress is being made with the general public but is much less assured and rapid in Parliament. In England, Scotland and Ireland women may vote for nearly all elective officers. In the United States women have with difficulty succeeded in getting the right to vote in municipal elections in a single state, namely Kansas, where they have the right to vote for any city or school officers. Several states have admitted women to the membership of school boards of primary public schools. In Wyoming women vote at all elections and in Kansas they have full local suffrage. All statistics show a gain in women's votes. Following this a paper on "Women in the Professions " was read by Miss Maggie Rush. It began with women in the min- istry. Once women were not allowed to sing in church choirs because Paul had commanded that they should keep silent. The Univeralist church was the first to open the doors of its theological schools to women. About fifty women have been ordained in this church. Theological seminaries for women have been opened in Oberlin, Ohio ; Evanston, Illinois, and Boston. As lawyers women in England have been permitted to qualify for and practice as attorneys at law. The first woman admitted to the bar in this country was Arabella Mansfield, of Iowa, in 1869. Seven women have been admitted to practice before the supreme court of the United States. Most law schools now admit women. Some women prefer office practice and others court work. In Wyoming and Washington mixed juries have^ been tried and found perfectly satisfactory. Women have taken a stand in medicine which is rapidly growing in favor. Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell was the first Avoman ph\'sician. She graduated in 1849. The 194 SEMINAR Y NO TES. American Medical Association first ad- mitted women to membership in 1876. In 1880 there were 2,432 women regis- tered as physicians in the United States. Teaching is peculiarly adapted to women. Women were recognized as teachers for the first time in 1789. VaSsar, Wellesley, and Bryn Mawr all have women among the members of their faculties. Miss Martha Thompson then read a paper on ''Women in Industrial Pursuits." More than one-half of the human family consists of women and the greater portion of these must earn their own living. As they become more skillful and capable their wages will be brought more on an equality with those of men. Women do not work together as men do, and their political disabilities deprive them of the influence which men often have to con- trol wages. In the largest cities about three hundred different employments are open to women. Factory work brought women into com- petition with men. When sewing machines were introduced one Avoman could do the work for which formerly six had been required. In large cities many homes have been provided for working girls, where they can secure board, protection, and recreation. Many women who are not compelled to work for bread, work for pin money and can work for much less than otherwise ; therefore wages are de- creased. A great many women will not enter domestic service because they think it more servile and menial than other employments. In Massachusetts 64 per cent, of the women are engaged in house- keeping and laundry work. Eleanor Blaker, Reporter. Railroads. AnnHE Seminary met on April 29, to ,^§ consider the railroad problem. Mr. J. M. Challiss began the discussion with a paper on "Legislative Control, " review- ing some points of the railroad situation. He said : When we consider the size and magni- tude of the railroad system, the vast army of workmen employed, the cities and business interests effected, and that the railroad offi- cers are but human, we should be careful before we speak and legislate on the control of so vast a system. The railroad is in a sense public property from the right of eminent domain and from its uses. The charter given by the state, the state regulations and restrictions all strengthen the idea of public property. With the exception of a few water ways the railroad has a mono- poly of traffic and to prevent unjust rates the law says that only a reasonable charge shall be made. A reasonable charge is not easily defined with so many different classes of freight and where the expenses of transportation are so varied. Discri- mination in rates is made that all industries may be developed. Rates cannot be uniform even at different points of the same road as the cost of construction and maintaining vary with the character of the country. The system of "watered stock" makes it almost impossible to get any just basis upon which to adjust rates. Where several roads touch at the same points a competition springs up for the traffic to those points and discriminations are made against the towns intermediate. To avoid the injurious effects of rate wars the roads pooled that they might keep rates uniform. The United States abolished the pools and virtually put in their places the traffic associations by compelling the roads to keep posted in public, schedules of uni- form rates and fares which cannot be altered without notice. It was thought that this would stop the "cut-throat" competition, but it did not. It is still in the interest of the shipper to take a cheap rate and a rebate offered by the road. The long and short haul law discriminates against the western man by trying to make rates more uniform. This gave rise to shipping centers at intermediate points as it became cheaper to ship half way and then re-ship for the remainder than to ship through from start to destination. That railroads can make better rates on long SEMINA R \ - NO TES. 195 distance hauls is shown by the statements of railroad men that for ten miles the cost averages six cents per mile ; for one hun- dred miles, three cents : for five hundred miles, one cent ; and for one thousand miles, . 78 cents. The rate discriminations led in 1883 to the appointment of the Kansas board of railroad commissioners, who have been given wide jurisdiction •and are undoubtedly doing much good. Some advocate government ownership as then rates will be lower and more uniform. This cannot be, as discriminations must be made and as large and small amounts of business regulate rates for those roads. As long as society remains as it is, as long as in politics the spoils belong to the victor, as long as the federal officers have the elective franchise, the railroads cannot go into the hands of the government. Humanity, reason and justice will in time overcome the evils of this question. Mr. W. M. Raymond then read a short paper on "Freights and Fares," which treated of the principles which regulate these and the tendency to a reduction. Competition and combination are neces- sary with the many systems of roads as they must co-operate to carry the goods to destination. The complicated question of adjusting tariffs so as to bear equally where they should without unjust discrim- ination led to the formation of the great traffic association. The Alantic Ocean, Mississippi river and Erie canal regulate the rates in the east, but in the west the rates are higher as it has no great water ways. The Railroad wars are ruinous both to the railroad company and to the shipper. Uniformity is best for all. Cars must carry freight both ways. Rates are determined in three ways. (i) Goods which must be hauled and quickly at that, are placed in the high list, while (2) goods which must be hauled cheaply or not at all are given a cheap rate; and (3) dis- criminations between shippers according to the amount of business. If this is to be considered as a public service then there should be no such discrimination as fixes the rate in the third case. In the eastern, states as early as 1869 commis- sioners were appointed by the state to look after the rate discrimination, and in 1887 the United States congress created the Interstate Commerce Commission which at first met with little favor but which has shown itself a good thing. Improvements in business and its manage- ment, improvements in the roads, and the development of the country tend to reduce the rates. Freight rates have been greatly reduced, and during the past ten years the passenger rates have been reduced about one-half. Wm. J. Krehbiel, Reporter. ig6 SEMINARY NOTES. ■ SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, ■ MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Frank W. BlacJzmar. \ Frank H. Hoddcr, ' ' " " Editors. EpJiraini D. Adams, j Terms. Tea Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year 'T^ HE purpose of this publication is to increase the (0) interest in the study of historical science in the ^ University and throughout the State, to afford means of reg'ular communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general pub- lic—especially with the Alumni of the University, and to preserve at least the outlines ot carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subsci'iptions and communications to ■ F. W. BLA.CKMAK, Lawrence, Kansas. With this issue Vol. i of the Notes is completed. Undertal^en as an experiment the Notes has proved a success, in the hearty reception with which it has met both in the University, the State, and without the State. Encouraging letters of approval have been received from all quarters, especially from colleges in the extreme east and extreme west. The Notes will be continued next year, begin- ning the second volume with the October number. Its object will be the same as in the past, to publish reports and papers from the Historical Seminary, to furnish a place where suggestions and comments upon historical and economic study may be made, and occasionally to give in full, articles of interest to the department of History and Sociology. The Notes will attempt, as it has during the past year, to supply something of value not only to students, but also to alumni and others who are interested in sociological work. ciples of Money" to the class in Political Economy on April 13th. Mr. Moody sent his manuscript to Senator John Sher- man who read it and made some very favorable comments up on it. The class in "The Status oi Woman " have done such efficient work and shown such an interest in the subject that it has been decided to continue the study as a permanent optional in the department of History and Sociology. The Notes regrets that it was impossble to publish all of Chancellor Canfield's interesting address on "Rise of Individu- alism." It was at the writer's own sugges- tion, however, that the abstract was made which appears in this number. The article giving references upon mu- nicipal government in this number of the Notes will be of value to all students of municipal institutions. It contains a list of all references upon the subject up to date, and is the most complete and accu- rate thing of the kind ever published. Prof. Hodder has been asked this year to make out such a list for publication by eastern institutions but has preferred to furnish it for home use in K. S. U. first of all. Senator Moody read the remainder of "his valuable paper on the "First Prin- The intellectual improvement of the people of the west is the most noticeable feature of progress of the last two or three years. They are everywhere organized into clubs, societies, and circles, and gathered together into little groups to discuss the topics of the day. Among them are strong logical thinkers and substantial men as well as the narrow and visionary reformer. The strongest and best quality of the late popular movement is its educational feature. The people are making a great effort to inform them- selves on political and economic subjects. There has been consequently a great demand for assistance in the study of political economy and kindred subjects. Realizing that this demand exceeds the supply of well ordered assistance it was SEMINA R Y NO TES. 197 considered a good plan to organize a branch American Economic association. Consequently meetings were called in Kansas City, Lawrence and Topeka, and as a result the Southwestern Economic association was organized as a branch of the American. The following officers were elected: F. W. Blackmar, president; L. H. Holmes, vice president j John Sulli- van, Secretary and treasurer and J. E. Peairs, Herbert L. Doggett, and four additioxial members of the executive committee of which the officers are ex- officio members. The following consti- tution was adopted : Article i. The name of this society shall be the Southwestern Economic Asso- ciation and it shall be a branch of the American Economic association. Article 2. The object shall be the promotion of economic education and the special study of the economic problems of the southwest. Article 3. Any person may become a member of this association by the pay- ment of $3, payable in advance, which will entitle him to the privileges of the American Economic association and also of the local association. Article 4. There shall be three offi- cers, president, vice president, and secre- tary who shall also be treasurer. The duties of these officers shall be such as usually pertain to such offices. Article 5. There shall be an executive committee of seven persons of which the three officers shall be ex-officio members. Three of the members shall be residents of Kansas City, two of Topeka and two of Lawrence. Article 6. It shall be the duty of the executive committee to determine the place of meeting, to call all extra meet- ings, to select topics for discussion,' and to determine all questions relating to the publication of papers. Article 7. Meetings. There shall be a meeting of the association on the first Tuesday of each month, at eight o'clock p. m., at such place as shall be deter- mined by the executive committee. Article 8. Local reading circles. Members may form themselves into local reading circles, meeting once each week or fortnight for the purpose of special reading and study. Such reading circles shall have the encouragement and assist- ance of the regular association. Article 9. Rules of order. When not otherwise determined by constitution and by-laws, Roberts' Rules of Order shall be the guide in all parliamentary actions. Article 10. Term. The term of office in this organization shall be one year, until successors are elected and qualified, beginning or ending with the calendar year. Article ii. This constitution may be amended by a two-thirds vote of the act- ive members of the association, notice having been given of such change at a preceding meeting. A fair beginning has been made in the organization, there being about sixty mem- bers at the date of writing. It is proposed that the members of the association shall carry on special studies in economic subjects which will be read and discussed in the monthly meetings. Also, effort will be made to secure the services of special economists for lectures and papers. It is hoped that the better class of these papers will be published for the purpose of for- warding economic education. While the meeting places of the Southwestern Asso- ciation will probably be confined to Kansas City, Lawrence, and Topeka, it is designed to form local reading circles over a wide area in Kansas and Missouri. This will be a good working basis for students who desire to leave the Univer- sity and desire to keep up their studies and at the same time help others in an educational way. In our note this month on the uses of the library, we wish to direct attention to the Congressional Documents. The re- cord of debates in Congress is to be found 198 SEMINAR Y NO TES. in a series of volumes published under different titles. The ''Annals of Con- gress " cover the years from 1789 to 1824 in 42 volumes, the "Register of Debates," in 29 volumes, contains the record from 1824 to 1837. From 1837 to 1872 the proceedings are given in the "Congres- sional Globe," and since 1872 in the "Congressional Record." The "Annals" give not only the debates in Congress but also messages, important reports and laws of each session. The "Globe" also gives the laws of the session. For other peri- ods the laws must be sought in the " Stat- utes at Large." Benton printed a very useful "Abridgement of the Debates in Congress," in sixteen volumes, covering the years foom 1789 to 1850. It was intended to reach 1856 but Benton did not live to finish it. He worked upon it up to the very last, however, dictating the concluding portion in a whisper from his death bed. The "Abridgement" is very faithfully done, but, as was unavoidable, is in places colored by the private opin- ions of the editor. All of these reports, being arranged chronologically and in- dexed, are easy of reference. But there is another set of documents which are called distinctively " Congres- sional Documents," or "Public Docu- ments," often abbreviated to "Pub. Docs." Before this set many students stand aghast, appalled evidently by the uniformity of their binding. But these volumes are really very easy of reference, at least, when you "know bow," and it is easy with a very little trouble to learn how. They are arranged by Congresses and sessions, as for example, 31st Cong., 2d Sess., or 4Sth Cong., 3d Sess. Under each session documents come in the fol- lowing order: ist Senate Journal, 2d Senate Reports of Committees, 3d Senate Executive Documents, 4th Senate Miscel- laneous Documents, 5th House Journal, 6th House Reports of Committees, 7th House Executive Documents, 8th House Miscellaneous Documents. The Senate and House Journals are paged continu- ously, other documents are numbered and each document jiaged separately. A doc- ument may contain a single page or many thousand. Executive Documents contain reports of executive officers and bureaus. Reports of heads of departments are now printed in House Executive Documents. Let us illustrate by reference to a par- ticular Congress and session, using the usual abbreviations. Take for example, 49th Cong., ist Sess., years 1885-6. ist in Senate Journal, i vol., 2d Senate Repts., 1-1615, II vols, that is 1615 reports of committees bound in eleven volumes; every volume contains an index to the reports in the whole set; 3d, Senate Ex. Docs., 1-226, 8 vols.; 4th, Senate Miss. Docs., 1-192, 13 vols.; 5th, House Jour- nal, 2 vols.; 6th, House Repts., 1-3475, 12 vols.; 7th, House Ex. Docs., 1-475, 37 vols., here we find reports of heads of departments, beginning with that of the Department of Si.ate, printed under the title of "Foreign Relations," and 8th, House Miss. Docs., 1-396, 26 vols., mak- ing in all no vols, for ist Sess. 49th Cong. As in the case of Senate Reports, each volume of each set contains a com- plete index of all the documents in its own set. Sometimes by reason of form or size a document is printed out of its proper order in its set. The history of any bill may be traced by reference to the Senate and House Journals, the Reports of Committees and the Congresiohal Record. Poore's " Descriptive Catalogue of Government Publications " gives a chronological list of all public documents from 1774 to 1 88 1 with index. The " Catalogue " is not entirely satisfactory, and its use requires patience, but so does any work that can make any claim to be real investigation. The Catalogue of the Library of the Boston Athenaeum, vol. 5, P- 3°55' title "United States," gives a list of indexes that have been published from time to time to parts of the public documents in our University library, beginning with the 28th Congress. There is a printed list of Congressional Docu- <;eminar y no tes. '99 ments from the 29th to the 46th Congress and volumes missing in our set are check- ed in that list. It is hoped that this somewhat extended explanation will ren- der more available the wealth of material to be found among the public documents. We close with an exercise that will test your understanding of this arrangement. The following are references to important works: House Ex. Doc. No. 109, 42d Cong., 2d Sess. ; Senate Ex. Doc, No. 58, 45th Cong., 3d Sess., and Senate Misc. Doc. No 162, ist Sess. 49th Cong. What are they ? In these times of gerrymandering it may be of interest to refer briefly to the earliest resort to this trick in our political history. This is quite commonly supposed to have been the re-distribution of dis- tricts in 1812, when Eldridge Gerry was governor and the word was coined, but this was by no means the first instance. The thing itself seems to hawe been in- vented by Patrick Henry and first applied in Virginia in 1788. Henry had made every effort to prevent the ratification of the constitution and was foiled largely by the influence of Madison. The constitu- tion ratified, it became necessary for the legislature to elect senators and provide for the election of representatives. The opponents of the constitution then ex- erted themselves to prevent the election of the friends of the new government and of Madison especially. Madison was nominated for the Senate but was defeated by the influence of Henry. Madison then became a candidate for the lower house of Congress, and the committee of the legislature, inspired it is supposed by Henry, tried so to divide the district as to defeat him here as well. In this attempt they were, however, unsuccessful. Prof. Tyler, in commenting upon this first gerrymander, in his life of Henry, remarks " that it was a rare bit of luck for Henry, that the wits of Virginia did not anticipate the wits of Massachusetts by describing this trick as 'henrymandering,' and that he thus narrowly escaped the ugly immor- tality of having his name handed' down from age to age in the coinage of a base word which should designate a base thing — one of the favorite, shaky manoeu- vers of less scrupulous American politi- cians." The moot Senate has adjourned sine die, not to begin work again until some time next fall. The work which it has done has been without doubt instructive to the members in many ways, and has certainly never lacked life. Indeed there has, per- haps, been a little too much life in the proceedings. In an editorial in the Notes for March, just at the time when the senate vvas preparing to organize the fol- lowing caution was given: "If the students who take part in this senate divide themselves according to preconceived ideas into parties and take the stand upon each question that their respective parties are supposed to require they will lose the greater part of the good to be derived from the discussion. Their object will be to win the debate and not to discover the truth, and each one will end by convincing himself of the strength of the position he decided in advance to take. " That which was thus stated to be a danger is exactly what has happened. The members of the senate have gained experience in parliamentary practice, and some of them have developed such a genius for the intricacies of parliamentary law as to be able to completely block action under the present rules so that upon one occasion the president was com- pelled to exercise the power vested in him by the rules and adjourn the senate with- out a vote to that effect. Many members increased old ability, or gained new ability to talk readily and sometimes to talk fluently about nothing. Party lines were strictly drawn, and the vote upon most questions could be determined with accu- racy before it was taken. One bill which was introduced and made a special order, the free silver bill, was an exception to this rule. The members of the senate debated the question with intelligence and earnestnees, and yoted upon it according to their individual belief, irrespective of SEMINARY NOTES party lines, but this was a solitary excep- tion to the general procedure. Now skill in parliamentary practice, readiness in debate, and ability to manage a majority or minority, as the case may be, are all valuable accomplishments, and their value should not be overlooked in a body like the moot senate. At the same time they should not be permitted to monopolize the attention of such a body. Bills should be introduced of such a nature that the debate would naturally turn upon the intrinsic value of the sub- ject matter under discussion, and not be determined by party affiliations. The silver bill was such, and others of a like nature were introduced which were placed upon the docket but never reached. It is not meant that party lines should not be drawn. In Kansas State University where every student takes a direct and personal interest in politics, the organization of a moot senate without the drawing of party lines is an impossibility. And it is not meant that an occasional tilt of party against party is a bad thing. Such en- counters serve to bring out minute points in parliamentary law. But the real energy and work of the senate should be directed toward knowing something about questions of present importance, and learning how to give expression in concise and forcible language to such knowledge. The Notes takes a deep interest in the welfare of the moot senate, and desires to do all it can to make it a success; this criticism will therefore, we trust, be ac- cepted in good faith. New Publications. "The History of the Middle Ages," by Victor Duruy, translated from the French by E. H. and W. D. Whitney, and containing notes and revisions by George Burton Adams, professor of History in Yale University, has recently been issued by Henry Holt & Co. Other translations from Duruy have served a good purpose as text books for college classes, notably his "History of France." This new vol- ume is well gotten up, contains some good maps, and is especially valuable for its clear paragraphing and for the chapter headings. The facts of history are stated in an interesting manner as indeed they are in all of Duruy's works, and although the work is not in every instance accurate in its statements, this fault has been cor- rected by means of the foot notes by Prof. Adams, whose criticisms seem in some cases to be almost too minute. The book has given such satisfaction that over thirty copies were at once ordered for the class in Mediaeval History. "Elements of Economics of Indus- try," by Alfred Marshall is an adaptatiori of the first volume of his Principles of Economics to the needs of Junior students The abridgement consists in the omission of many points in the minor discussion of principles. To this is added a chapter on Trade- Unions which is an enlargement of the subject as presented in the first edition of Economics of Industry published by the author and his wife in 1879. This is one of the best text books on political economy among the many good ones that have appeared in recent times. It is clear, concise and thorough in its enunci- ation of fundamental principles. On de- mand and consumption, production and supply, nothing better has been written. In the discussion of rent it places the old doctrine in a new light, while the chapter on Trade-Unions is complete and authen- tic. Space will not permit an analysis of the work. Published by MacMillan & Co. "The Kansas Conflict," by Ex-Gov. Charles Robinson, published by Har- per & Brother, New York, is a book which will be of especial interest to Kan- sas readers, and will be read with pleasure by all who desire a straight forward ac- count of the famous Missouri-Kansas troubles before the war. The book has been received so recently that there has been no time to give it the careful review which it merits. An extended criticism or review of it will be made in the next issue of the Notes. SEMINARY NOTES. COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY FOR 1891-2. F. W. Br.ACKMAR, Ph. D. F. H. HODDER, A. M. E. B. ADAMS, PH. D. Instruction in this departaient is given by means of lectures, recitations, reports, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classifying material and of writing and pre- senting papers on special topics. All lectures are supplemented by required reading and class exercises. Facts are essential to all historic study; yet the aim is to take the student beyond the mere details of events— to inquire into the origin and development of society and the philosophy of institutions. While the study of the past is carried on with interest and thoroughness, the most important part of history — that which lies about us — is kept constantly in view. The history of other nations, other political systems and other forms of administration, are studied, that we may better understand our own. To under- stand present social and political institutions, and to give an intelligent solution of present problems, is the chief aim of instruction in historical science. THE WORK OF THE DEPARTMENT Now embraces European History, American History and Civil Government, the History of Institutions, Sociology, and Political Econ- omy. The work in American History will be continued with enthusiasm and thorough- ness. Classes having begun this work will continue without a break. The importance of this work needs no comment. The prepa- ration for good citizenship demands, among other things, a thorough knowledge of the growth of nationality, and the history of our industrial, social and political development. These, with financial experiments and nation- al diplomacy, receive marked attention. The text of the Constitution and Constitutional Law occupy a prominent place in the study of this branch. OUTLINE OF COURSES. FIEST TERM. 1. English History. Daily. Descriptive history. A careful study of the English peo- ple, including race elements, social and polit- ical institutions, and national growth. 2. The History of Civilization. Lectures daily, embracing ancient society, and the in- tellectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influence of Cireek philosophy, the Christian church, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationalities. 3. Political Economy. Daily. The funda- mental principles are discussed and ehibo- rated by descriptive and historical methods. All principles and theories are illustrated by examples from present economic society. A brief history of I'olitical Economy may be given at the close of the course. 4. French and German History, Daily. Descriptive history; including race elements, social and political institutions, and national growth. Especial attention given to French politics. 5. Historical Method and Criticism. One hour each week. Examination and classifi- cation of sources and authorities; analysis of the works of the best historians; collection and use of materials, and notes and biblio- graphy. 6. Statistics. Two hours each week. Sup- plementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems. The history and theory of statistics receives due attention. 7. Journalism. Lectures three hours each week. Laboratory and library work. Legal and Historical. — Ten lectures by Prof. E. D. Adams. HJngUsh.— Twenty -tive lectures by Profs. Dunlap and Hopkins. Newspaper Bureau, Magazines, and Special Phases of JournalisiJi.—FroL Adams. The course was prepared especially for those students who expect to enter journal- ism as a profession. Although the instruc- tors have no desire to create a special School of Journalism for the purpose of turning out fully-equipped journalists, they believe that this course will be very helpful to those who in the future may enter the profession. The course will be found highly beneficial to stu- SEMINARY NOTES. dents who v\aiit a Sptcial slucly in magazines and newspapers as a means of general cul- ture. The course is under the direction of this Department, but the professors named above have kindly and generously consented to assist in certain phases of the work, which occur more particularly in their respective departments. 8. American History. Instruction is given daily for two years in American History. The cuurse embraces Colonial History and the Lucal Government of the Colonies, the Constitutional and Political History of the Union from 1789 to the present time, the for- mation of the Constitution, and an analysis of the text of the constitution itself. 0, Local Administration and Law. Three conferences each week during the flrst term, covering the Management of Public Affairs in districts, townships, counties, cities, and iStates. This course is intended to increase the sense of the importance of home govern- ment, as well as to give instruction in its practical details. 10. Public Finance and Banking. Two con- ferences each week during the first term, on National, State, andMunicipal Financiering; and on Theoretical and Practical Banking, with the details of bank management. SECOND TERM. 11. Euglisli Constitutional History. Two hours each week. A special study in the principles and growth of the English Consti- tution. This course may be taken as a con- tinuation of number one. As it is a special study of Constitutional History, students ought to have some preparation for it. 12. Renaissance and Reformation. Lec- tures two hours each week, with required reading and investigation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number two. It includes the Revival of Learning through- out Europe, with especial attention to the Italian Eenaissance; a careful inquiry into the causes, course, and results of the Refor- mation. The course embraces the best phases of the intellectual development of Europe. 13. Advanced Political Economy. Three hours each week, consisting of (^ insor's Narrative and Critical History of Amer- ica, Vol. I., p. 44. tDonnelly's Atlantis, p. .50. **Lyeirs Elements of Geology, p. 349, quoted by Louis Figuier iu Tbe Woi'ld Before the Deluge, p. 28i, SEMINAR Y NO TES. of Genesis, of the reasons which induced God to destroy the human race by a deluge, is very much like that given by Plato in the closing sentences of Critias.'^' The means employed to destroy mankind are the same in the two accounts. In each the agency of destruction is water, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions; for the statement made in Genesis that "all the fountains of the great deep were broken up, "f very evidently refers to upheavals and convulsions of the earth's crust. |It is well known that the Chaldeans, Syrians, Hindoos and Greeks had tradi- tions of a deluge in which the greater part of mankind perished. §H. H. Bancroft says it has recently been found that tradi- tions of such a cataclysm exist among the American nations. A learned French archaeologist, the Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, claims to have found in the Codex Chinialpopoca (a manuscript written in the Nahuan lan- guage) a detailed account of the cataclysm in which Atlantis was destroyed. This documentis apparently a history of Mexico Culhuacan. Brasseur, however, claims to have made the singular discovery that almost every word in this manuscript has two meanings — an open meaning and a hidden one. The hidden meanings, he asserts, when put together, tell the story of the destruction of Atlantis. Brasseur finds this statement made in the Codex Chini- alpopoca: ||"Following the eruption of volcanoes which then existed on the whole continent, twice as large then as now, came the sudden eruption of an immense submarine fire which shook the world between the rising and the setting of the morning star and sank the fairest regions of the globe." ^Lastly, the Egyptians are said to have a tradition inscribed upon the wall of the tomb of King Sete I. at Thebes, very similar to the one given by Plato in Tiinceus and C/'iiias. Such are the principal arguments ad- vanced by the defenders of the Atlantis theory. Their opponents, while not deny- ing that some of these arguments have some weight, nevertheless maintain that they are not sufficient to justify us in thinking that the ancients knew anything of the western world, or even in believing that any such island as Plato's Atlantis ever existed. To the argument based upon the nu- merous references to Atlantis in the classi- cal writers, they reply that in all probability these references are all based upon Plato's narrative, and consequently that this ar- gument only amounts to this: **the classi- cal writers believed Plato to have meant the story o^ Atlantis for a history and not a fiction. » ffTo account for the similarity of the fauna and flora of the old world and the new, some authorities are of the opinion that the two hemispheres were once united at the north. It is further argued by the opponents of the Atlantis theory that the sudden des- truction of such a vast area of land must have had such an influence upon the climate of Europe and America as to have materially changed the fauna and flora of the two continents. But there is no evi- dence of such a change having taken place ten or twelve thousand years ago, when the Atlantis catastrophe is supposed to have occurred. §§In reply to the arguments brought for- ward by Brasseur de Bourbourg, it is affirmed that the original documents from which he deduced his theory are not ob- tainable, and consequently these arguments rest entirely upon Brasseur's own asser- tioAs. It seems much more likely that Brasseur was mistaken in his second inter- pretation of the Codex C/ii/nalpopoea than *Jowett's translation of Plato's Dialogues, Vol. II., p. ri07. ■IGenesis. Chapter VII., verse a. *Donnelly's Atlantis, pp. 75-97. §H. H. Bancroft, Native Races, Vol. V., p. 127. i|H. H. Bancroft, Native Races, Vol. V., p. 127, in a footnote. * Weise, Discoveries of America, p. 20. **Wiusor, Narrative and Critical History of Amer- ica, Vol. I., p. 42. •I tPi-escott, Conquest of Mexico, Vol. III., pp. 356-7, note by the editor. tiJ. W. Foster, Prehistoric Races, p. 399. §§H. H. Bancroft, Native Races, Vol. V., p, 128. SEMINARY NOTES. that the author or authors of that docu- ment should have thought it necessary to conceal so harmless a narrative as that of the destruction of an island or a continent under an elaborate cipher. Brasseur has published no translation of these docu- ments. He claims that the Atlantis cataclysm is the subject of the Ter- Amoxtl, of which several Mexican manu- scripts are the hieroglyphic transcriptions, yet *"he has not succeeded in transcribing a single one of these hieroglyphic char- acters." Such are the chief arguments for and against the Atlantis theory. It will be noticed that its opponents, while denying that there is any demonstrative evidence that the Atlantis described by Plato ever existed, do not deny, nevertheless, that there may have been, in remote antiquity, a large island in the Atlantic, perhaps even a continent, which may have been sunk beneath the sea by some great earthquake or other convulsion of nature. The one argument which they bring forward against the possibility of the existence and sudden destruction of such an island applies only in so far as that destruction is supposed to have taken place within the past ten or twelve thousand years, and does not pre- clude the possibility of such a catastrophe having occurred at a far earlier period. There are, as we have seen, strong scien- tific reasons for thinking that a great con- tinent once lay in the Atlantic ocean, midway between Europe and Africa on the one side and America on the other. Whether this continent sank gradually or suddenly, when and how its destruction was brought about, whether it was the home of a mighty civilization, or a deso- late region covered with ever-burning vol- canoes; whether it was the land of which Plato wrote; whether Plato himself really believed in its existence — all these are questions which will probably forever baf- fle the ingenuity, the patience and the learning of the archccologist, the geologist, the historian and the critic. BIBLIOGRAPHY. H. H. Bancroft, Native Races, Vol. V., pp. 123-9; ~^- J- Weise, Discoveries of America, Chap. I. ; Washington Irving, Life of Columbus, Vol. III., pp. 449-501; Wm. H. Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, Vol. III., pp. 356-7; Justin Winsor, Nar- rative and Critical History of America, Vol. I., pp. 41-46; The Dialogues of Plato, translated by B. Jowett, Vol. II., Timaeus and Critias; Louis Figuier, .The World Before the Deluge, p. 281; Ency- clopaedia Brittanica, article, Atlantis; J. W. Foster, Prehistoric Races of the Unit- ed States of America, pp. 394-399; Pop- ular Science Monthly, Vol., XV., p. 759- 764; Ignatius Donnelly, Atlantis or the Antediluvian World, the entire book; the Bible, Genesis, Chap. VI. R. D. O'Leary. *Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, Vol. III., p- 3o5, note EUROPEAN RELATIONS. Paper read before the Seminary, September S3. ^N accordance with our custom, this, <;:^ the first meeting of the Historical Seminary for the new university year, is devoted to outlining the work which we expect to pursue. You have just listened to a review of those magazines and peri- odicals which bear upon our line of study, and have, I trust, decided to set apart a certain portion of your time for regular magazine reading. There are, however, certain articles bearing' upon European relations which usually presuppose a knowledge of the main international inter- ests of each country of Europe. Some of you have this knowledge; some of you do not have such knowledge. I shall attempt SEMINARY NOTES. to state to you simply the points which you should know in order to understand these articles. It is, then, my purpose in this paper to sketch briefly the relations which exist between the nations of Europe, the great powers of the continent. I shall not de- vote any time to a consideration of those most interesting questions of European states today, namely, the relations of the people of the various states toward their national governments, and the essentially socialistic position held by many of those governments in their dealings with ques- tions of general wellfare. Nor shall I be able to tell you of conditions of life in various countries of Europe, or make comparisons between different classes of population. These things play their part and often an important one in the fixing of a nation's policy. It may be necessary to mention them as prime factors in deter- mining whether this or that nation will do this or that thing, but that interesting question, alway interesting, of how our neighbors live across the Atlantic, must be left untouched. Nearly every nation of Europe to-day is supporting an armament the like of which has never before been seen in the history of the world. The governments of Europe rest their international rela- tions upon a basis of force. The air is full of rumors of some improvement in the utensils of war by which Germany, or Russia, or France, or any other nation has added wonderfully to her fighting strength. The relations of these nations are therefore conducted in large measure with the thought of war, or of the possi- bility of war, as the great question before which all minor measures must give way. You may talk as you please of the great struggle for reform within the Italian kingdom, of the efforts of an Emperor William to crush out immorality and de- gradation, or of the fall of a French ministry upon a question of control of the Romish church, yet when France in her practice manoeuvres for the army of two weeks duration takes nearly three-quarters of a million of men from their occupations and compels them to march and countermarch day and night, to fight sham battles and to hurry to the frontiers of the country as if to resist an invading enemy, that looks like preparation for war on a rather large scale, although it may of course mean a war of defense and not a war of attack. And when Russia, with a starving popula- tion whose needs she is not able to supply, marches a goodly share of her army to the Polish border there to waste the revenues of the starving by the firing of blank car- tridges in a mimic strife, merely for the purpose of accustoming her officers and her armies to the topography of her boundaries; then we say that means war, or the hope of war, or the fear of war. The idea of the possibility of war is then the essence of the European position. But there can be no thought of war unless national interests clash, or national pride is stirred, or national revenge aroused. Each country has its interests and each naturally finds its allies and its enemies; so that there is to-day in Europe a clearly marked dividing line between two great systems of national friendships. One party consists of the triple alliance, Germany, Austria and Italy, with England thrown in as an adherent though not a member. These nations have for their ideal the maintenance of the existing conditions as between nations. In natural opposition to this league of four, are to be found Russia and France, each having some cause for complaint, or some injury to redress, but not publicly known to be bound by any treaty of offense or defense in case of war. Thus the first question that we have to answer is, what are the national interests which create such na- tional friendships. I shall try to set before you that which each of the six countries regards as its interest. Beginning with the triple alliance, the first member and organizer of that alliance was the German Empire. The foreign interests of Germany may be said to be SEMINAR Y NO TES. 13 directed almost solely toward one point, namely, toward France. When on May 10, 187 1, the definitive peace between Germany and France was signed, Germany regained a strip of territory, Alsace- Lorraine, which had been torn from her own two centuries before, and which, with varying fortunes had for the most part remained in the control of France since the days of Richelieu. The people of that territory, once thoroughly German, had in the years passed under French control, become, in a large measure, Frenchmen in spirit, if not altogether in language. The French people, therefore, regarded, and still regar/d, the cession of Alsace- Lorraine not as a return of territory to Germany, but as forced gift to a victorious rival, and in this view they have received support from the unrest evident in the ceded territory itself. The taking of Alsace-Lorraine from France made inevi- table the enormous military equipments of France and Germany to-day, and because of them of all other nations as well. It may be possible that the French people, humiliated by a war in which their utter weakness was shown, would in any case have forced their government to make preparation for retaliation; but the cession of Alsace-Lorraine could have no other result. When the treaty was being ar- ranged Von Moltke, the distinguished leader of the German forces, asserted most seriously that if Germany insisted upon the cession of Alsace-Lorraine it would be necessary for her to stand under arms, ready to defend that territory for at least thirty years. Popular'German feeling de- manded it, however, and the cession was made. To-day popular French feeling demands that this territory shall be re- gained, and France, with a debt one third greater than that of any other nation, feels herself bound to spend yearly enormous sums in warlike preparation. Probably in neither nation are the leaders of the government as insistent upon the idea of retention or reconquest as are the mass of the citizens. Governments are often forced to bend to popular will, even in Europe. Germany, then, is watching France. Every improvement in military science or equipment must be met with a better one, and every move in diplomatic circles must be counterbalanced by other moves. The safety of Germany lies in the isolation of France, and in the main- tenance of the existing conditions. A war in Europe means danger to German inter- ests. The death of one emperor and the accession of another has made no change, in Germany's policy in this respect, nor has the fall of Bismarck from power changed the situation, except, perhaps, to make more certain the peaceful policy of Germany. The nationality of Germany has been successfully asserted in the for- mation of the empire. All that she cares for at the present is to maintain honorably that national existence which makes her strong. The second member of the triple alliance, Austria-Hungary, or Austria as I shall use the name for convenience, finds her inter- ests threatened, in case of war, in another direction. Austria regards herself as at least a joint heir with Russia to the do- mains of Turkey. But the means by which Austria hopes to receive her share of the inheritance differ widely from those which Russia would be likely to use. Aus- tria desires that, without interverition from other nations, the western principalities of Turkey shall, at the proper time, assert their independence and seek the protection of Austria — in which event they would be very likely to be absorbed by that country. The Austrian government can not, there- fore, be said to be friendly to the Porte. On the other hand Russia sees her best interest in the Balkan peninsula in a friendly alliance with Turkey by which she may be able to act as a defender of purely Turkish interests and then demand her pay for friendship's offering. The pay in particular upon which Russia has her eyes set for the present, is that portion of the Turkish territory which is gradually com- ing under Austrian influence. Russian 14 SEMINAR V NOTES. boundaries in Poland already meet those of Austria, and it is here that each nation is wont to carry on her mock wars and burn powder, always, it is said, in prepa- ration for defense of the frontier. And Austria has still another reason for wishing to maintain peace. There is no nation in Europe to-day, unless it be Turkey, which is burdened with such momentous questions of internal politics as is Austria. Her population and her institutions are of the widest variation in character. She has not, and to all ap- pearances it is impossible for her to have, a distinct national character. Each of the races within her boundaries is imbued with class and race feelings and enmities for other classes and races. Hungary re- fuses to be absorbed by Austria proper — Bohemia is in a constant state of unrest, because she has not that place and influ- ence which Hungary occupies — and in the other provinces, Germans, Czechs, and Magyars, are continually embroiled over race troubles. The attempt to remedy these evils, and the fear that in case of war only a half-hearted support would be given by the people, are additional reasons why Austria desires the maintenance of peace. She has no spirit of nationality, therefore her ability to engage in a hard and self-sacrificing war is very limited. The third member of the triple alliance is Italy. Italy, like Germany, has, after centuries of struggle, asserted her national existence during the last half of the present century, and also like Germany her great- est care at present is to maintain intact that national existence. Austria, once the enemy and the censor of both Germany and Italy, is now compelled by the neces- sity of events to relinquish all hopes of regaining her former predominance over either of these nations, and, as we have seen, has with them formed the triple alli- ance for the preservation of peace. The nation which is most likely to trench upon Italian territory in case of war is France. It was France that gave Sardinia the help- ing hand in the war of freedom from Austrian domination in 1859, ^^^ France naturally expected Italian assistance and comfort later in her war with Germany. But she was dissapointed. Instead of rendering assistance, Italy, by her warlike attitude toward Austria, did much to pre- vent Austria from coming to the assistance of France, thus leaving the contest to be settled by the two nations alone. France, therefore, is inclined to regard Italy as a false friend, and there can be no doubt that in case of a general European war Italian territory would be invaded by French armies. The depth of hatreds be- tween nations as seen in the actions of the people themselves, was well indicated in the attack last year by citizens of Rome upon a body of French pilgrims who had come to the classic city to pay their re- spects to the Pope. An off-hand remark by one of the pilgrims while near the tomb of Victor Emanuel II., reflecting upon the character of that monarch, so incensed an Italian standing near that he made a vic- ious attack upon the Frenchman. Within a few moments the whole body of French pilgrims was compelled to flee before the fury of a mob, and the excitement was in- tense in Rome for several days. The governments "regretted" the incident, but the feeling of the people of both nations remained bitter for some time. The power of the Pope in Italy is, in the eyes of Italian nationalists, a great danger, and it is thought that France and Frenchmen would like to see him regain his former position in temporal affairs in Italy. The interests of Italy, therefore, coincide largely with those of Germany. She is satisfied with present conditions and fears the uncertainties and expense of war. "These three nations therefore, Ger- many, Austria and Italy, form the triple alliance, which is generally regarded as a league of peace. It aims primarily at defense, not at aggression. Since its original formation, in 1879, it has proved itself the most efficient means of maintain- ing the status quo ; and, by its recent renewal, Germany, Austria and Italy con- SEMINARY NOTES. 15 tinue under obligations, each to support the other if attacked. Germany, menaced on the Rhine, has to maintain a co-equal- ity with France. Austria, .threatened in the Principalities, and in danger of disin- egration, has to provide against a possible forward movement on the part of Russia towards the accomplishment of the designs which the latter is believed to have long cherished against the Balkan Provinces and Constantinople. Italy too must secure herself against French aggression. These powers, therefore, combine together to conserve present interests."* England, while not a member of the triple alliance, is understood to be friendly to it and to the idea of peace. England is essentially a trading nation. There was a time when England sought to build up a great colonial and foreign trade by wars of conquest. Spain, Holland and France have each been competitors and her ene- mies at once, but in each instance England was the victor, and to-day she stands without a rival in international trade. Her interests, therefore, necessitate the preservation of peace at any cost, unless indeed the cost be the loss of any portion of her trade or the danger of such a loss. There are three points* to-day towards which her energies* are especially directed: first : the opening of the Dark Continent, Africa ; second : the preservation of peace and of some sort of financial order in Egypt- and third; the guarding against Russian advance toward India either through Asia proper or through the Med- iteranean. As far as Africa is concerned, Egypt excepted, there seems to be little danger of trouble arising. The nations of Europe have in pl^in words peaceably agreed to divide the booty, each being left to deal with the people of an inferior civilization, in the share allotted to it, according as it shall seem best to the all wise statesmen of that nation. In Egypt, matters are more complicated. In 1875 affairs in Egypt had passed into such a state of anarchy that both France and England determined upon intervention. Egypt was then, and is still, nominally a part of the Turkish domain, but there neither was, nor is there now any real authority exercised from Constantinople. In 1875 an English minister of Finance and a French minister of Public affairs were forced upon Egypt; a little later Egypt was declared insolvent and England and France became receivers for the estate. Step by step the complete control of Egypt passed into the hands of these two nations, but more particularly into those of England as manager of financial affairs. Finally in 1882, on the occasion of the revolt of Arabi Pasha, France withdrew from Egypt, hoping thereby to compel England to do the same, but in reality leaving her the supreme control. England could not afford to leave Egypt to her own resources. The Suez canal, more impor- tant to England for the protection of trade interests and of India, than to any other nation, would by such a withdrawal be left in hands of a possible enemy in time of need. Moreover Egyptian bonds are a favorite purchase in English exchanges, and any indication of withdrawal from Egypt until that country is able to main- tain a stable government of her own would result in the quick downfall of the English party in power, whether liberal or conser- vative. But France, meanwhile, proclaims the continuation of English power in Egypt to be in reality an annexation. She asserts that it is a threat agai'nst her own interests in north Africa and upon the Mediterra- nean, and she would not be slow to seize any opportunity offered which could be used to compell the evacuation of Egypt. Here, then, is a chance for strife between France and England. It is not, however, generally believed that war between these two powers could arise over this one point unless other questions were involved. The fact that France is not represented to-day in the control of Egypt is entirely due to her own haste in evacuation, and that too at a moment when all Europe ap- * " Current History," Nov.' 1891, p. 353. i6 SEMINAR Y NO TES. proved the suppression of Arabi Pasha's revolt, as a necessary step for the preser- vation of life and property. Nevertheless the question remains a sore point with France, and is likely to remain so for some time to come. The third point toward which England's foreign policy is directed, is, as I have said, the protection of India from Russian advance, either in Asia proper or through the Mediterranean. For the last hundred years, yes for even a longer period, Rus- sia has been steadily pushing forward her frontiers to the southeast. England mean- while has gradually extended her dominion over India until in the last decade the English and Russian frontier guards pace their beats almost face to face in the gates of Herat. England fears that Russia will attempt still further advance and that in the end she must fight for her Indian pos- sessions. Every movement, therefore, in that far away district of Central Asia is watched with the utmost anxiety, and it is this fear also that makes England, the home of the best development of European civilization, become the champion of the immobile Turk. As long as Turkey stands guard over the Russian entrace to the Mediterranean, and the passage of war ships through the Dardanelles is prohibited, so long quick communication between England and India, by way of the Suez canal is possible. But once permit Russia free access to the Mediterranean and England's security is gone, the Suez canal is endangered, and the long journey around Cape Good Hope would effectually pre- vent the rendering of assistance in case of an Indian emergency. England feels that, while she hopes to retain her position in India, she must see to it that Turkey is preserved intact, and it is largely for the same reason that she retains her position in Egypt. Under present conditions then, England is satisfied. War would destroy or tend to destroy those conditions, and would create a great change in the delicate bal- ance of power by means of which English interests are for the present preserved. England therefore is for peace and it is for this reason that she takes sides with the triple alliance in most matters of minor European relations. Of the six great powers of Europe to- day, we have seen that the interests and the efforts of four look toward the preser- vation of peace. The threat then, of the violation of peace, the threat which neces- sitates the expenditure of such vast sums upon armies and navies by every country in Europe, must come from Russia or from France, In fact it comes from both and in looking over the ground so far we have seen the reasons in part why that threat exists. There is no need to recount in detail the causes of a warlike feeling in France. I have already mentioned them as the Alsace-Lorraine question, the re- venge for Italian perfidy, and the demand for England's evacuation of Egypt. In order that we may understand the French feeling on the Alsacian question I can, perhaps, do no better than quote a dis- tinguished French professor of history, Ernest Lavisse. He says: "It is difficult for a foreigner to understand why France cannot resign herself to the -loss of her provinces. 'It is the law of war,' say the Germans. Such language would not have surprised anyone in the last century; and even to-day it seems natural to statesmen of the old regime. But in the present century France represents another policy. Among all nations of the world she is pre- eminently rationalistic and sensitive. She thinks that it is not proper to treat an aggregate of men like a herd of cattle. She believes in the existence of a peoples' soul. She has manifested sorrow and sympathy for the suffering of the victims of force. She has wept over Athens, Warsaw, and Venice, and has not given the oppressed merely tears. If France assisted the United Provinces to secure their freedom in the seventeenth century it was only a fortunate result of the policy of her kings ; but when the French shed blood to deliver the United States, Greece, SEMINAR V NO TES. 17 Belgium, and Italy, it was an intentional result of new sentiments. The cession of the Alsace-Loraine did not bequeath to the French merely the humiliation of defeat. It did not merely open their frontier, and place their country in a condition of intol- erable insecurity. In taking from them peo- ple that were French, and desired to re- main so, the conqueror wounded the French in their convictions, and he simply used the old right of force. That is what determines the character of the Alsatian question. The French in their defeat may claim as a singular honor, that the redress of the wrong done to them would be a sat- isfaction to reason and to the most gener- ous sentiments of our time." * And then in Russia, on the other hand what a different situation ! The interests of Russia, which I have already pointed out, lie in the direction of absorbtion of the Danubian principalities and in face of the whole of the Turkish Empire. Such interests can lay no claim to justification on the ground of freedom for a kindred race. Russian conquest does not mean freedom neither are the inhabitants of the Turkish doman distinctively Russian in their affiliations. The one and only bond of union lies in the membership- of the Greek Church, of a considerable portion of the people. It is sometimes said that the reason why Russia is a constant threat to European peace lies in the fact that she is wholly un- der the dominion of one man, and that question of peace or war must therefore de- pend upon the ambition of the Czar. In large measure this is true. In the minds of statesmen, the ideas and personal peculi- arities of the Czar of Russia have more weight than those of any other one man in any one country, and yet the Czar is not so free from national control that his ev- ery wish is seen to be obeyed. There is today no country in Europe, no, not in the world, where the mass of the popula- tion are so thoroughly imbued with a be- lief in the greatness and prominence of their national destiny and their future dom- inance over other nations and races as are the people of Russia. The Russian be- lieves that the Sclavic race is the "coming race" which is to overshadow all others, and he has been taught by long years of national education that the line of his de- velopment must be toward the south and through Turkey. Russia is indeed benighted, her govern- ment is sometimes tyrannical, yet her citi- zens are the most loyal in Europe to-day. The Russian Nihilists recognize this when they defend the doctrine of teriarism on the ground that there is no hope for a rev- olution of the people in Russia; that the only way in which a constitutional govern- ment can be obtained is by compelling the Czar to compel the people to accept a change in government. It is this in- tense loyalty of the Russian citizen which makes the Russian nation so tremendous a force in Europe, — always an unknown quantity in the problem of poli- tics — ; unknown because of its one man power, and in the extent of its ability to suffer and to war. Two nations then, France and Russia, widely separated in their institutions and their sentiments are drawn together by the logic of circumstances. Each is ready to seize a favorable opportunity to secure her ends, one for reasons partly of revenge, partly of justice, the other because of na- tional ambition and national belief. We do not however that there is any definite alli- ance fanned between them; recent events would seem to indicate the contrary. I have attempted in this sketch to out- line briefly the main interests of the six great nations of Europe, that is, the main interests which are of international charac- ter. It has of course been impossible to do more than indicate in general terms the direction in which each nation is moving. I have not been able to discuss such ques- tions as the Dardanlles incident of last year, on the character of Emperor Wil- liam II, on the speech before the Hunga- rian Diet by Count Kalnoky. All that has been attempted was to place before you such facts as it is necessary to know in or- der to read understandingly the many ar- ticles upon European politics which ap- pear in our magazines. I have tried to show you, that which is, or was, national tendency. E. D. Adams. * Political History of Europe p p 155-157. SEMINAR V NO TES. SEMINARY REPORTS. Opening Meeting. ■^nPHE first Seminary meeting of the ,^^ present year was called to order by Professor Blackmar on Friday, Sept. 23, at 4 P. M. In his introductory remarks Professor Blackmar explained the objects and benefits of the Seminary and then pro- ceeded to review Present Politics and Economics. The chief topics that are now interesting modern thinkers in the po- litical economic and social world were pre- sented for thoughtful consideration. The leading magazine articles for the month were mentioned as food for thought. The Professor urged the students to take an in- terest in every day affairs, in society, to study the political and economic problems of living society as well as to delve in the history of the past. He held that present society was the most important to them and that all historical work should finally center in the present. Professor Adams followed with a care- fully written paper on the ''European Sit- uation," which is published in this number of the Notes. The Homestead Strike. The Seminary was called to order at 4 P. M., on Friday, Sept. 30. Professor Blackmar in the chair. The work of the seminary was of the nature of an informal discussion of the Homestead Strike. Stu- dents were given different phases of the question to present. The following are the principal points brought out. 1. Causes of the strike and lockout. 2. Was the action of the laborers justi- fiable. 3. Was the action of the company justifiable. 4. Is the Pinkerton system to be com- mended. 5. What did the strike cost the la- borers? 6. Cost of the strike to the State. 7. Cost of the strike to the employers. 8. How may such difficulties be pre- vented? 9. The settlement by conciliation and arbitration. 10. Do strikes tend to increase wages? Members of the Seminary manifested great interest in the subject and a lively discussion took place. New Books. One of the prominent events in the world of historical literature, is heralded in the announcement of Houghton Mifflin & Co., of the early publication of ''The Life and Letters of Jared Sparks," written by Professor H. B. Adams, of Johns Hop- kins University. The position occupied by Professor Adams, his well known ability as a writer, and his access to a great wealth of material all make it eminently fitting that he should write a "worthy memorial" to the first professor of history in Harvard College and the friend and contemporary of Madi- son, Jefferson, Clay, Webster, Prescott, Bancroft, Everett, Ticknor, De Tocville and others. We predict a warm welcome to this prospectively greatest historical work of the season. From McMillan & Co., we have received a copy of "The Theory of the State" by Bluntschli. This well known excellent work needs no especial comment as only a lengthly review would be of any service. It is a standard work on the subject written by one who was master of the subject and a thoroughly earnest and profound student. It is very gratifying that the work has ap- peared in a cheaper revised edition and it is to be hoped that its use will become more general. To the person seeking a lucid presentation of the elements of modern constitutions, and analysis of the various theories of the modern state no better book can be recommended. SEMINAR Y NO TES. 19 - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Frank W. Blackniar. \ Frank H. Hodder, \ ~ ' ~ Editors. Ephraiiii D. Adams, j Terms. Ten Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year "-y^ HE purpose of this publication is to increase the (d) interest in the study of historical science in the ^^ University and throughout the State, to afford means of regular communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general piib- lic— especially with the Alumni of the Universitj% and to preseive at least the outlines ol carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BLA.CKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. During the summer Dr. Albert Shaw, the American editor of the "Review of Reviews" added an article on Budapest to the valuable series of studies of foreign cities that he has printed at intervals dur- ing the last two years in the "Century." Dr. Shaw spent a year abroad in the study of municipal government and upon his re- turn embodied the results of his investiga- tion in a course of lectures, delivered at Michigan and Cornell Universities. This course Ex-President Andrew D. White characterized as marking an era in the study of municipal institutions in this country. The articles that have appeared in the "Century" (Glasgow, Mar., '90; London, Nov., '90; Paris, July '91, and Budapest, June '92) give in somewhat altered form the substance of the lectures. Much of the article on Budapest is de- voted to a description of the city and its recent rapid growth. The government of the city follows the usual European model. There is the single large municipal council, consisting in this case of four hundred members elected for six years. Two hun- dred are chosen by the electors from a list of the 1200 largest tax-payers (men of liberal education being rated for double their property) and two hundred are elected from the body of the citizens. The executive officers (burgomaster, two vice-burgomasters and ten magistrates) are elected by the council for a term equal to their own. Each of the ten magistrates is in charge of a special administrative de- partment. This brief outlines is enough to show how little the methods of foreign cities, are suited to the needs of our own. There is some sign of an awakening in this country on the subject of the improve- ment of our roads. Heading magazines, such as the "Century" and "Forum" give space to articles upon this subject and a special magazine has been started under the name of "Our Common Roads "which seeks to arouse interest by comparing x^merican and foreign roads by means of photographic cuts. More recently Col. Albert Pope has addressed an open letter to the public in which he urges that the opportunity of the World's Columbian Ex- position be improved to teach the great lesson of the need, the construction and the maintenance of good roads and he offers a liberal subssription to any fund that may be needed for that purpose. Dr. Peabody, Chief of the Department of Liberal Arts of the Exposition, truly writes that "There can be no doubt that the sub- ject of roads is one of paramount import- ance to the country. Whether on the gravelly soil of Massachusetts, the clays of New York and Indiana, or the prairies of the Mississippi valley our common roads are worse than those in any other civilized country. No other material interest in the United States rests under so dense a cloud of ignorance. No improvement would so greatly aid the American farmer as that which would give him good roads. Of course there are many reasons why our roads are so much inferior to those of Europe. There is the larger area to be SEMINAR V NO TES. covered, the comparatively short period of settlement and the higher price of labor. But making allowance for these causes, the fact remains that the roads are not as good as the time and labor spent upon them should make them. The principal reasons are. two; First, the wasteful system of labor tax, especially bad in towns and cities, and Second, .the almost universal ignorances of the proper methods of road making. The Centenial Exposition taught American bakers how to make good bread. If the Columbian Exposition will teach the American people how to make good roads, it will be well worth the cost. During the summer vacation the pub- lications of the American Statistical asso- ciation for 1888-89 have been bound in- to one volume and placed in the library. These publications are probably the least noticed of any quarterly to be found in the reading room, and yet to all students of Economics they should prove of the greatest value, especially when bound into volume form. The most noted men of those who are interested in determing economic and social question by an appeal to ascertained facts write for this journal. The leading articles published in it are all of them scholarly inquiries, based upon statistical methods, and drawing only such conclusions as it seems possible to draw logically from the data given. There are also short suggestive articles or topics for study and methods of work. ■ A few of the interesting articles in the volume in the library are as follows: Key to the Publications of the United States Census 1880-1887. Life Insurance in the United States. Notes on the Statistical Determination of the Causes of Poverty. American Railroad Statistics. Finance Statistics of the American Com- monwealths. Prison Statistics of the United States for 1888. Statistics of Divorce in the United States and Europe. These are but a few of the many articles, and it is impossible to understand their val- ue without an examination of the articles. The "Key to the Publications of the United States Census 1790-1886," is most valuable to any student economics who wishes to investigate some particular so- cial questions, but who is appalled by the seeming look of order and arrangement in Census publications. The "Key" makes it all plain. The various topics are classi- fied under their proper heads, and the year, volume, page and specific heading as given. Take for example one classifica- tion given as "Social Questions Connected with Manufactures." Under this head references are given in all the Census pub- lications on trade societies, strikers and lockouts, wages, necessaries of life, and factory system. The publication of the Census Bureau from 1850 down are in the library, so that here is a good field for some special observation of the working of conoraic laws. To the average student, the main difficulty has been how to get hold of statistics. The publications of the American Statistical Association help to bridge the difficulty. Consider being of great value in nothing special examination of Social question. In addition to the bound volume mentioned, the quarterly is taken regularly and is to be found in the reading room. We have received "Compayre's History of Pedogogy." It is the best history of pedogogy published in English. It is not a history of education nor does the author make any such pretensions. Cover- ing such a wide field it is difficult for the author to make extended discussions of each separate period, but the material at hand has been carefully sifted and the leading thoughts presented in each phase of the developing steps of pedagogy. It is a very valuable supplement to the work of a class ift the history of education. SEMINARY NOTES. COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY. FOR 1892-93. F. W. BLACKMAR, PH. D. F. H. HODDER, PH. M. E. D. ADAMS, PH. D. Instruction in this department is given by means of lectures, conferences, recitations, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses of study, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classify- ing materials, and of writing and presenting papers on special topics. All lectures are sup- plemented by required reading and class exer- cises. The work of the department now embraces five principal lines of study, namely: European History, American History and Civil Govern- ment, Political Institutions, Sociology or Social Institutions, and Political Economy. The following studies are offered for 1892-'98: FIRST TERM. 1. The History of Civilization. Lectures daily, at 8:30. Ancient Society, and the intel- lectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influ- ence of Greek philosophy and the Christian chutch on European civilization, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationality. 2. French and German History. Daily, at 9:30. Descriptive history. Text-book. 3. Historical Method and Criticism. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. Examination and classification of sources and authorities. Analysis of the works of the best historians. Library work, with collection and use of mater- ial, notes, and bibliography. Special attention to current historical and economic literature. 4. The History of Education and the Development of Methods of Instruction. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30. This course may be taken with No. 3. A course for teachers. 5. EJnglish History. Daily, at 11. Descrip- tive history. Text-book. 6. Journalism. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 13. Lectures, laboratory and library work. English: Twenty-five lecturts by Prof- essors Dunlap and Hepkins; 15 lectures on the history and ethics of journalisn, by Professor Adams. Newspaper bureau. The principal object of the bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep in- formed on the topics of the day, and to preserve clippings properly filed and indexed. This course will be found highly beneficial to stu- dents who desire a special study in magazines and newspapers as a general culture. 7. Statistics. Tuesday and Thursday at 12. Supplementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems, lectures, and class-room prac- tice. The history and theory of statistics receive due attention. 8. American History. From the earliest discovery to 1763. Lectures, topical reading, and recitations. Three hours a week at 2. 9. Local and Municipal Goverment. Lectures and topical reading. Two hours a a week at 2. Courses 8 and 9 are intended to be taken to- ' gether as a full study, but may be taken sepa- rately'. 10. American History. Presidential ad- ministrations from Washington to Jackson. Daily, at 3. Open to Seniors in full standing, and to other students upon approval of the instructor. 1 1 . International La^v and Diplom.acy. Lectures and recitations. Two hours a week, at .4. 12. Political Economy. Daily, at 4. The fundamental principles are discussed, elaborated and illustrated by examples from present eco- nomic societj'. A brief history of Political Economy closes the course. SECOND TERM. 13. Institutional History. Lectures Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 8:30, on comparative politics and administration. Greek Roman, and Germanic institutions compared. Historical significance of Roman law in the middle eges. Short study in Prussian adminis- tration. 14. Renaissance and Reformation. Tuesday and Thursday, at 8:30. Lectures. The revival of learning with especial reference to the Italian renaissance, A careful inquiry into the cause, course and results of the Refor- mation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number 1 . SEMINAR Y NO TES. 1 5. Political History o f Modern Eu- rope. Tuesday' and Thursday at 9:30. Text- book. 16. Federal Government and the French Revolution. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30, on Switzer- land. The Italian republics and the States General of France. 17. Constitutional History of England. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. This course may be taken as a continuation of number 5. Text-book and lectures. 18. Elements of Sociology. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11. Evo- lution of social institutions. Laws and condi- tions that tend to' organize society. Modern social institutions and social problems. 19. Charities and Correction. Tuesday and Thursday, at 11. Treatment of the poor from a historical standpoint. Modern scientific charity. The treatment of criminals. Prisons and reformatories. Practical study of Kansas institutions. This course is supplementary- to number 18. 20. Land Tenures. Lectures, Tuesday and Thursday, at 12. This course treats of primitive property, the village community, feudal tenures, and modern land-holding in Great Britain and the United States. This course is mainly historical, and is an excellent preparation for the study of the law of real property. 21. American History. Continuation of course 8. First half-term: Histor}' of the Rev- olution and the Confederation, 17G3 to 1769. Second half-term: Brief summary of the consti- tutional period, with Johnston's "American Politics" as a text-book. Three hours a week, at 2. 22. Constitutional La-w. History of the adoption of the constitution, and a studj' of its provisions. Twice a week, at 2. Forms, with course 21, a full study, but may be taken separately. 23. American History. Continuation of course 10. Presidential administrations from Jackson to Lincoln. Daily, at 3. 24. Mediaeval History. Two-fifths of the second term of the Freshman year. For all students whose admission papers show that they have had elementary physics, hygiene and chemistry. Dailj', at 3. Text-book. 25. Principles of Public Finance. Lec- tures on public 'industries, budget legislation, taxation and public debts. Open to students who have studied political economy one term. Two hours a week, at 4. 26. The Status of "Woman. Confer- ences. Tuesday and Thursday, at 4 Indus- trial condition, including a study of labor, wages, etc. Woman in the professions. Their political and legal abilities and disabilities. Property rights. Condition of woman in Europe and the Orient. Social questions. 27. Advanced Political Economy. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4. (Con- sisting of (a) lectures on applied economics; (&) practical observation and investigation; and (c) methods of research, with papers by students on special topics. This course is a continuation of number 12. General Seminary, on Friday, at 4. Stu- dents in History and Sociology are required to attend the Seminary unless excused by special arrangement. Full credit will be allowed for time spent in Seminary work. At the beginning of the term, students may elect other work in place of the seminar}^, if fliey choose. SUGGESTED MAJOR COURSES FOR UNDER- GRADUATES. I. Economics. Courses 7, 12, 18, 19, 20, and 27. II. European History. Courses, 2, 3, 5, 13, 15, and 16. III. American History. Courses 8, 9, 10, 21, 22, and 23. IV. Social Institutions. Courses, 1, 12, 14, 18, 19, and 4 (or 26). V. Political Institutions. Courses 3, 7, 9, 15, 13, 16, 17, 20, and 22. GRADUATE COURSES. Persons desiring to take the degree of A. M. may do so by the completion of any one or all of the following courses. The work is carried on by the investigation of special topics under the personal direction of the instructor. An hour for conference will be arranged for each student. The courses extend throughout the year. I. American History. Open to graduates and students who have studied American His- tory two years. II. Economics. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in political economj'. Courses 12, 27, and 8. Ill Political and Social Institutions. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in the history of insti- tutions and sociology. Courses 12, 27, and 7. The above courses are for students who de- sire proficiency in a special line. These courses will not in any way interfere with the general rules of the Faculty respecting graduate work. SEMINA RY NO TES. 23 Protestant Revolution, Cox's Greece, and others (Catalogue, 1891 -'93, pp. 120, 121.) By these rules, a graduate student may take any of the 27 courses mentioned above (except 1 5 and 24) as a preparation for the degree of A. M. Preparation for Entrance to the Uni- versity. The time spent in the high schools in the study of history is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be.exercised in preparing students for en- trance into the University. At present very little historj' is required in the Freshman and Sophomore years, and the students enter upon the study of the Junior and Senior years with- out thorough preparation for the Avork. It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the University to learn the story of nations pretty thoroughly. A general outline of the world's historj' with a special study of the United States History and government represents the field. But this out- line should be more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates. It should be well rounded with the political, social, and economic life of the people. Students will find a general text-book, such as Myer's, Sheldon's, or Fisher's, indispensible; but the work of preparation ought not to stop here. Such works as Fyffe's Greece, Creighton's Rome, Seebohm.'s Era of in the Primer, Epoch, and Stories of Nations series ought to be read. The object of this reading is to familiarize the student with the political and social life of the principle nations of the world. For this purpose everything should be as interesting as possible. Such an interest should be aroused that the student would not be puzzled over dates and threadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things that are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That history which is gained by a bare memor}' of events is soon lost. It grows too dim for use and consequently leads to confusBon. With the story of the nations well learned the student comes to the University prepared for the higher scientific study of history and its kindred topics. He is then ready for investigation, comparison and analysis. He then takes up the real investigation of the phil- osophy of institutions and of national develop- ment. He is then ready for the science of Sociology, Institutional History, Political Econ- omy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the University without this preparation find it necessarj' to make up for it as. best they can by the perusal of books, such as those mentioned above. 24 SEMINA RY NOTES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student in the University should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions— but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Students are required to purchase books marked with an asterisk. American Book Company, Cmcago. Manual of the Constitution, Andrews % 1.00 Analysis of Civil Government, Townsend 1.00 Civil Government, Peterman .' 60 History of England, Thalheimer 1.00 MediBBval and Modern History, Thalheimer 1.60 Outlines of History, Fisher 2.40 General History of the World, Barnes 1-60 Political Economy, Gregory 1-20 Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin .90 Ginn & Co., Boston and Chicago. Ancient History, Myers & Allen % 1.50 Mediseval and Modern History, Myers 1.50 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.00 Macy's Our Government. 75 ♦General History, Myers 1.50 Leading facts in English History, Montgomery... \.Vi Philosophy of Wealth, Clark 1.00 Political Science Quarterly, Yearly... 3.00 Washington and His Country, Fiske 1.00 Harpers, New York. ♦History of Germany, Lewis 1.50 ♦International Law, Davis 2.00 ♦Political History of Modern Times, Mueller 2.00 ♦Short English History, Green l.SO Civil Policy of America, Draper 2.00 History of English People, Green, 4 vols 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth, 6 vols 13.00 The Constitution, Story 90 Holt & Co., New York. ♦American Politics, Johnston $ 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle, 3 vols 9.00 American Currency, Sumner 3.50 History of Modern Europe, Fyffe, 3 vols 7.50 Political Economy, Walker 3.25 Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. Discovery of America. Fiske, 2 vols $ 4.00 American Commonwealths, 14 vols., each 1.35 American Statesmen, 34 vols.; each 1.25 American Revolution, Fiske, 2 vols 4.00 Critical Period of American History. Fiske 2.00 Epitome of History, Ploetz ,. 3.00 Christopher Columbus, Winsor 4.00 Appleton, New York. Dynamic Sociology, V/ard, 2 vols $ 5.00 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.35 Political Economy, Mill, 2 vols 6.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. ♦Political Economy, Ely 1.00 Macmillan, New York. Constitutional History, England, Stubtos, 3 vols..$ 7.80 Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. I 3.00 Armstrong, New York. ♦Democracy in Europe, May, 2 vols $ 8.50 G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London. ♦American Citizen's Manual, Ford. $ 1.25 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S., Tiedeman... 1.00 History of Political Economy, Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econon. Hist, and Theory, Ashley 1.50 Indust. and Com. Supremacy of Eng., Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.25 ♦Tariff History of the United States, Taussig. 1.85 The Story of Nations, 34 vols., each 1.50 Heroes of the Nations, IS vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed. by Johnston, 3vols., each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 6 vol $30.00 Constitutional Law of U. S., Von Hoist 2.00 Political Economy, Roscher, 3 vols 6.00 Crowell, New York. ♦History of France, Duruy $ 2.00 Labor Movement in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 2 vols 8.50 Problems of To-day, Ely 1.50 Little, Brown & Co., Boston. History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols $17.50 Parkman's Works, per vol 1.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham 3. .'50 Longmans, Green & Co., New York. Epochs of Ancient History, each vol $ 1.00 Epochs of Modern History, each vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill.... L75 The Crusades, Cox 1.00 Scrihners, New^ York. ♦American Diplomacy, Schuyler $ 3.50 History of Rome. Mommsen, 4 vols 8.00 Lombard Street, Bagehot 1.85 Silent South, Cable 1.00 t-. liver Burdett & Co., Boston. ♦Historical Atlas, Labberton $1..50 or $ 2.00 ♦Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 ♦Institutes of Economics, Andrews 1..50 Institues of General History, Andrews 2.00 Dodd, Mead & Co., New York. History of United States, Schouler, 5 vols $11.50 D. C. Heath & Co., Boston. ♦The State, Woodrow Wilson $ 3.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide 2.00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1.50 General History, Sheldon 1.60 ♦Old South Leaflets, 28 Nos., each 05 History Topics, Allen 85 State and Fed. Governments of the U. S., Wilson 50 The American Citizen, Dole 90 Comparative View of Governments, Wenzel.... 20 Studies in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... 1.12 Any book in the above list will be furnished by the Lawrence Book Co., Crew^'s old stand, 745 Mass. SEMINARY NOTES. State University — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. II. NOVEMBER, 1892. No. 2. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All students connected with the department of History and Sociology are. by virtue of such connection, members of the Seminary. All students are expected to attend the Seminary unless excused by the instructors of the depart- ment. Students are credited Avith the time spent in Seminary work. The meetings of the Seminary are lield every Friday, in Room 15, University Building'. Public meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the Department mentioned; prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investi- gation of existing conditions, under the per- sonal direction of the officers of the Seminary. Special assistance in choice of themes, authorities, etc., is given members of the Seminary, who have written work due in the department of History and Sociology, or in the Department of English, or in any of the literary societies or other similar organiza- tions in the University; on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Seminary if so required. In connection with the work of the Semi- nary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty daily and weekly newspapers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keepinformed on the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern Journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of edi- torial M'ork, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life — to make his- tory by the arrangement and classification of present historical matter. Special investigation and study will be undertaken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this State; the purpose being to combine service to the State with the reg- ular work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and co-oper- ation of State and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own University, or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its success, are invited' to become corresponding members of the Seminary. The only condi- tion attached to such membership is, that each corresponding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Sem- inary; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. The library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in con- nection with Seminary work — within reason- able limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officers and members of the Seminary wiil gladly render all possible assistance to any public officials who may desire to collect special statistics or secure definite informa- tion on such lines of public work as are properly within the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Semi- nary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK AV. BLACKMAR, Director. FRANK H. HO ODER, ViOE-DlRECTOR. EPHRAJM D, ADAMS, Secretary. 26 SEMINAR Y NO TES. COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WEST. "^'TnHE following address was delivered ^ at the State University of Nebraska on Columbian Day: The genius of this day points alike to the life of the middle ages, that period of great faith and half knowledge, and to the present life of industrial and intellectual activity. It claims both periods as its own and unites in historical sequence the past four hundred years of events. It acknowledges in Columbus and his dis- covery the possibility, and in the present life the results, of unsurpassed progress. If the bold deeds of Columbus may not be passed by on Columbian day, neither may the sentiment that creates the Columbian exposition be neglected. In this eventful year in American history, in which an in- ventory is to be made of the world's progress, when we are to consider the vast- ness of the resources of our nation, which the lavish hand of nature has granted us, and the products of art and learning as the index of intellectual activity, we can- not be unmindful of the sturdy mariner who first opened up the ocean highway between the old world and the new. Nor can we consider for a moment the great discoverer without reflecting on the far- reaching consequences of his daring achievements. So a two-fold idea must attend the Columbian day celebration; the consideration of the greatness of the new west, and due honor to the man who made this greatness possible; the dreams and struggles of the old worlfi, and the tri- umphs of the new. It has been frequently said that republics are ungrateful, and, perhaps, this may be true in the earliest stages of their life, when, struggling for the liberty of the many, they forget the individual. But I ask if you can iind a more sublime picture in all history than that of the people of this proud and wealthy republic, turning away from a view of their own greatness to honor the bold mariner of Italy, sailing under the Spanish flag, who opened up the ocean . highway four hundred years ago. But there are potent reasons for this, because thinking people recognize that the deeds of Columbus opened up a new world and a new life, and that honor to his name grows with the pace of fleeting years. The results of this uncommon voyage have magnified its importance with the sweep westward of each succeeding wave of civ- ilization. Men have tried to rob Columbus of his well-earned fame; they have assailed his personal character; they have said that he was a narrow theologian and a religious fanatic, not a philosopher; that he acted as a servile slave to the monarchs of Spain. But it must be remembered that he lived in an age of narrow theology and that he owed much to the Christian faith for success. Behold him after repeated rebuffs at the courts of Europe! His form is bent, for age is creeping on. His long white hair streams over his shoulders as he walks the streets of Cordova and Seville, and as he passes by the boys of the street point to the man possessed with one controlling thought, and draw their hands across their foreheads significantly. Still persistent, though sad and dejected, he starts for the court of France. On his way he enters the monastery of La Rabida and the venerable prior Juan Perez opens the way to the heart of the queen of Spain. It is a servant of the church that gains the promise of aid from the Spanish sovereigns. Ought Columbus not to have faith in the church? Again, out of all the sovereigns of Europe, the monarchs of Spain alone had given him aid. Ought he not to render them humble s'ervice? His critics have asserted that he was vain and presumptuous and demanded great rewards for his services, which no true discoverer would do. They have said SEMINARY NOTES. 27 that he was as cruel as he was vain, and that his conduct toward sailors and Indians was incompatible with a noble character. When threatened with mutiny by the cruel semi -barbarous sailors who accompanied him, could he be otherwise than severe with a heartless crew, when so much was at stake? Again his critics have accused him of mercenary motives in demanding, as his reward for multiplying the territory of Spanish dominion, that he secure an eighth of the income and be created ad- miral and governor of the newly discovered province. But, let us remember that Spain had just entered upon a policy of reward- ing those who served the crown by large possessions and larger titles. Columibus was conforming to the custom of the time. And in those days of uncertainty and treachery his wisdom is to be commended for settling the compensation before he entered upon the hardships and perils of a voyage upon unknown waters. One might as well condemn the Pilgrim fath'ers, who "sought freedom to worship God," for, at the same time, seeking better economic conditions. Glorious as their life and sentiments have ever been, a case was never known in which they or their de- scendants have failed, when opportunity offered, to claim a just reward for faith- ful service; nor have they ever declined to turn an honest penny whenever they could. As it was, Columbus risked life, property and all in the interest of Spain, and he had a right to make his own terms with the Spanish monarchs. His detractors have said that he did not know that he had discovered a new world, but supposed that he had reached the out- lying islands of India. Neither did the millions whom he left behind knoAv this until some other explorers, following the track which Columbus had made, at last determined that a new continent had been discovered. A large portion of the people of Europe, to this day, do not quite know what it was that Columbus discovered. Nay, even descendants of some of the first settlers of America, very good people indeed, living on the Atlantic seaboard, do not yet quite know what it all means. The Columbian exposition will doubtless enlighten them. They, as well as the people of the west, will realize more fully what were the results of this great discov- ery. They will in the future make a closer application of that verse, "Westward the course of empire takes its way." But granting commofi faults to the hero wf this day four hundred years ago, he is more worthy of our honest admiration as time reveals his true character and his just relations to history. There was an ele- ment of greatness in his character. He was a man of large ideas and of great plans. Others had started westward before his time, but they were not equal to the occasion. They returned without discov- ery. Call him dreamer if you will, but his dreams were capable of interpretation and demonstration. Better say, while other men dreamed, Columbus acted. It took a man of large capacity and practical activity to discover America, even while he was searching for India. He was a man of faith. Consider, if you please, the crude maps of the day, the imperfect knowledge of the world; c'onsider that the hints and helps that Columbus had were only conjectures; and observe how tenaciously he clings to the idea that he will reach India and Cathay by sailing due west. Notice with what persistency he continues his course, while his companions try to persuade him to return, or cause him to deviate from his chosen way. Behold again with what bravery he commands men who threaten mutiny as he sails into an unknown sea, 2,500 miles from his home. With anxious soul he studies the stars and watches eagerly for land;' meanwhile he bids his companions hope and calms their fears. IJis indomitable will, abiding faith and ready courage ruled the day and brought a triumph. There was doubtless more faith than philosophy in the life of Columbus. Con- sider his departure from home to seek aid 28 SEMINARY NOTES. from the sovereigns of Europe; consider his failures at the courts of Venice and Genoa; contemplate his repeated appeals to the monarchs of Portugal and Spain. He never lost faith in his own undertak- ings; he was true to his honest convic- tions. Note well, then, that the great achievements of the world have been per- formed by men of faith and firm convic- tions. As a student and philosopher, his research was not the broadest nor the most profound of his times, but he was a specialist in geography and navigation. Beyond this, he had the power of trans- forming the knowledge of other men into activity. He would act while men dreamed" and conjectured. How often it is that he who succeeds knows best how to turn his learning to account. Some have tried to rob the great discov- erer of his well earned glory by saying that the Norsemen discovered America, centuries before the time of Columbus, and that the credit did not belong to the hero of the south. If the Norsemen dis- covered America in the eleventh century, it was so poorly done that it must be done over again before anybody fully realized it. The fact is, the Norsemen added no valuable knowledge to Europe of the newly discovered country. Columbus fol- lowed Toscanelli, who in turn followed the Greek-Italian idea of a short route to India. The meager knowledge that a few sea-rovers had landed at Vineland had faded from history and had become for- gotten. Indeed it had never become the history of Europe. • Four hundred years of inaction will rust out the best of knowl- edge and obliterate unimportant events. As far as Europe was concerned, it was as if the voyages had never been made. His critics have said that he borrowed his knowledge of others. But what was this knowledge that he borrowed but con- jectures and dreams, which the boldest navigators prior to Columbus could not verify? Granting that he did gain knowl- edge from other explorers and geographers, he spent many years in patient self-denial and study, with the rebuffs of kings and the derision of courtiers and the unbelief of sages, but he persisted until, sailing due west, and not by the way of Iceland, he discovered America to Europe. It mat- ters not that the Norsemen had touched upon the northern coasts centuries before and had retained half forgotten ideas of those ancient voyages. These traditions would have remained buried until now had not some Columbus re-discovered America. It matters not how many philos- ophers and geographers had traditions of this country, nor how many had dreamed of its discovery, it still remained for the bold Genoese sailor to open up the high- wa)f of the seas, and this act has brought more profound consequences than any other event of history. There is a tendency to heroize the action of gieat men in proportion to the consequences of their deeds of valor or wisdom. " "Columbus went from capital to capital offering, though he knew it not, the new world in exchange for three ships and provisions for twelve months, "--/'czjv/^. Even after the exchange had been made, the new discovery for a long time was known to but few individuals in the court and among the friends of the discoverer. It was not until the rise of new nations had developed the possibilities of the new world, that the fame of this discovery was written in indelible lines. If we leave that age of romance and speculation, the age of awakened but un- directed intellect, the days of nation build- ing in the old world, and turn our atten- tion to the followers of Columbus who have been building new nations on the western continent, the contrast is so vivid as to be startling. If we but consider the results of this single voyage during the four hundred years of progressive life, wx shall not wonder that the nations of the earth have responded with so much inter- est to the call of the United States to spend a year in celebrating the four hun- dredth anniversary of the discovery. We SEMINARY NOTES. 29 shall not wonder that following the procla- mation of governors, the schools of the land are marching and singing and speak- ing on this eventful day. The discovery of America was in itself an evolution of which Columbus was the chief factor. It took more than one hun- dred years to complete it after it was fairly started by the great- voyager, and it had occupied the minds of philosophers centuries before. It took another 100 years to explore it, 200 more to settle it, and we may coimt 1,000 for the develop- ment of its resources. Columbus touched upon its islands, but it remained for oth- ers to explore it, others to settle it and still others to master it. A fairer land the sun never shone upon. It has served in a measure to fulfil the dreams of the ideal philosophers. They dreamed of glorious countries, with fertile soil, where men would build up ideal sys- tems of government. There, freed from the evil effect of an old civilization, the best of the race would begin anew the upbuilding of humanity. Men turned instinctively to the new world as the place where their dreams were to be realized; to the country on which the hope of the future rested. In the Elizabethan age, when man v^as drinking deep intellectual draughts, when, English nationality was rising, when colo- nization was freely talked of, the poets and philosophers were writing and plan- ning for the building of a better civiliza- tion and they looked toward the newly made country as the seat of a new life. Half hopeful, half prophetic are the con- jectural lines of Samuel Daniel: "And who (iu time) knows whither we may vent The treasure of our tongue? To what strange shores This gain of our best glory shall be sent T' enrich tmknowing nations with our stores? What worlds in the j^et uuforined Occident Jfay come refined with accents that are ours?" None hoped more keenly for the future of America nor held in higher esteem its possibilities than those who were connected with plans for colonization in the new world. Only one who had felt the possi- bilities of the development of a better life in a new land could have penned these memorable lines "On the Prospect of Planting Arts and Learning in America:" " "Westward the course of Empire takes its way, The four first acts already past, A fifth shall close the drama with the day; Tirae's noblest offspring is the last."' — Bishop Berkeley. The eyes of the whole world are turned toward the fifth and last act of the drama of the day, now being acted in Amer- ica. In a measure the dreams of sages and poets and the plans of philosophers have been realized. A better civilization and a nobler life has been created here than exists elsewhere on the face of the earth. In many respects America is yet the hope of the world, "Time's noblest offspring." We who live in and for this republic, who feel the force of its life and know its possibilities, blessings and danger, are necessarily impressed with the idea that there is to be lived here the noblest act in the drama of life, and we are among the actors in this drama; the youngest group of the followers of Colum- bu's. The great exposition will enable us to compare the achievements of this nation with those of the world, in arts, industries, sciences, education and material resources. We shall catch something of the phases of government of different ■ countries but we shall turn from all we see and our hearts will respond to those lines of our national hymn: '• My country 'tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty, Of thee I sing." 'Tis the country for which the early settlers toiled in the foundation. 'Tis the country which our forefathers fought to protect from the tyranny and oppression of the old world; 'tis the liberty which our brothers and fathers fought to preserve: That foundation period is past, and the constitutional struggles are at an end, but the evils of the full grown nation appear. The social groups of our nation are far from being contented. There are prob- lems of government and social life which SEMINARY NOTES. are causes for care and anxiety. These are not the days in which to sound the alarm, but days for patient, sober thought. Even now many people are advocating modern Utopias. They have no newly discovered countries in which to try new experiments. Affairs must be adjusted here, and this country must yet yield the ideal republic with justice and equal rights to all. But we can say of our nation: "Our hearts, our hopes are aU with thee; Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, Our faith triiimphant o'er our fears, Are aU with thee; are all with thee." Evils must be met and corrected, and there is no means more potent for this than the schools of our country. The doctrine advanced by Washington, Jeffer- son and Adams concerning the only safe- guard to the republic is verified every day in the work of our public schools, colleges and universities. It is worthy of note that throughout this land thousands of children are to-day marching to the sound of national music, carrying the flag of our nation, and singing and speaking of the achievements of . our land. Truly the schools are the bulwark of American life. When the Romans wanted to insure the safety of the country they built fortresses and garrisoned them. When the state of Nebraska desires to provide a common defense it builds a university, more potent to us than forts and standing armies. The solution of questions pertaining to the improvement and welfare of the people are at times perplexing and difficult, but be assured that under the light of proper and continued education they will eventu- ally solve themselves. When it comes that each individual does his duty to soci- ety under the guidance of a superior intelligence there need be no fears for the safety of the country and the prosperity of its best institutions. This civilization is ours, "ours to enjoy, ours to transmit." We of the new west are the followers of Columbus. We are a part of the great empire moving west- ward. ' ' What worlds in the new unformed Occident" yet remain for us to discover? We ought to take courage from Columbus, not only from his persistent courageous character, but on account of the mighty results that have followed from a single persons poring over maps and charts and planning great things with the conviction that activity will bring success. Undis- covered truth still invites you. New worlds in science, politics and social de- velopment are to be discovered. Within the walls of this magnificent institution some scholar, studiously following his investigations, and having faith in himself and his work, will make discoveries that will be a credit to the new west and the new world. While we hold that the education of the many and the general diffusion of intelligence is the safeguard of the repub- lic, we must not forget that the work of the investigator and the scholar in his laboratory is the most valuable of all. He, "Who, through long days of labor, and nights, devoid of ease," with self- denial and patient study, has wrought out some. new truth which shall in its applica- tion be a benefit to common humanity, has served his duty and generation best. At the Columbian fair there will be exhibited the fruits and the grains and the minerals of the new west. There will be the industrial products of all kinds, but doubtless the greatest exhibit, and that which we shall, be most proud of, is the educational. Our broad acres may yield their increase and furnish means for a higher development, but without this higher development and culture the people of the western part of the Mississippi valley must remain mere toilers to feed the populace of the east and of Europe. How essential, then, that education in all correct forms be cherished and advanced. If we, among the last of the followers of Columbus here in the far west, are to build up ideal institutions, ideal govern- ments and ideal liberty, how essential that we shall advance the cause of education. The ideal is not yet fulfilled. What will the new west contribute to ideal society ? SEMINARY NOTES. 31 What new worlds are to be discovered here? I can respond in the general words of the poet that "New occasions teach new duties; time makes ancient good uncouth, They must upward still and onward, who would keep abreast of truth ; Lo! Before us gleam her camp fires; we ourselves must pilgrims be." While we have some sharp critics over the ocean who may be justified in pointing out the weak points of American politics and American society, yet our national life is growing in favor among European nations. Oqr industrial arts are compet- ing with the world; our educational insti- tutions are unequalled anywhere; the advancement of learning and the fine arts grows with the nation. Our national re- sources are marvelous in their bounty. Our social life is an advance on the old world, and our political institutions are, if maintained in their purity, superior to those of the monarchies of Europe. All these points are recognized by the thinkers of the day. The Columbian exposition will serve to make us more illustrious in the eyes of the world. Some times a conjecture arises as to whether this magnificent civilization can be supported and developed under the present weakness of human nature; whether the evils that already exist in the political and social life shall gnaw like a vulture at the heart of the republic until its best life is gone? In answer we may say, upon the whole, the signs are hopeful. But, a pre- mium must be placed upon virtue, morality, justice, equality and sound learning, and these qualities must manifest themselves in all of our social and political institu- tions. With these conditions fulfilled, with the hopefulness and faith of our people, with calm reflective intelligence, the foun- dations of this nation will remain unshaken, its superstructure will be reared, and its actual life will yet fulfill, in all practical bearings, the dreams of the ancient philos- ophers and the hopes of modern educators and statesmen. F. W. Blackmar. SPECIAL CHARTERS IN CHICAGO. ■^nPHE municipal government of Chicago ^^ passed through the several stages usual in the history of American cities. First came the town government and after that a special city charter secured from the state legislature. As this government proved to be unable to meet the demands made upon it by a rapidly growing city, special boards were added from time to time. The system of government by boards, acting independently and without responsibility to any central authority, proved to be extravagant and unsatisfac- tory in the extreme, and the whole was swept away and a general charter, adopted by the legislature for the government of all cities in the state, was substituted. A previous article in the SejiIinary Notes has given a sketch of the town period, ending with the adoption of the first city charter, March 4th, 1837. This charter was a mere extension of the town government, vesting the powers before exercised by the town board, in the com- mon council. The elective officers were the mayor and, after 1839, twelve alder- men, two from each of the six wards into which the city was divided. The act also provided for the election of an assessor in each ward, but this provision was repealed by act of Feb. 27, 1841, and the council was empowered to appoint one or three assessors instead. All other municipal officers: clerk, treasurer, city attorney, street commissioner, police constables, inspectors of elections, etc., were appoint- ed by the council. All officers held for the term of one year. Elections took place on the first Tuesday in March. Voters were required to be householders or to 32 SEMINARY NOTES. have paid a city tax of not less than three dollars within the twelve months preceding the election, and the mayor, aldermen and assessors were required to be freeholders, but both requirements were repealed by the act of 1841. The same act added the office of marshal, to be filled by election in the same manner as the office of mayor. The charter provided for a board of health, consisting of three commissioners, appoint- ed by the council. The council retained control of the schools, but their manage- ment was entrusted to a board consisting of three trustees elected in each school district. Additional power to maintain schools was granted the council by the act of March 9, 1839. It is thus apparent that almost all power was vested in the council. The appointment of the treas- urer, assessors and collectors gave them entire control of the finances. The only limitation of their power in this direc- tion was the restriction of the annual tax to one-half of one per cent, of the assessed valuation of real and personal property,- and of the amount that could be borrowed in any one year to ^100,000. At the first city election 709 votes were polled. The first state census, taken July ist, 1837, gave the total population of Chicago as 4,170. The town government had contracted no permanent debt and the city treasurer received from the town treasurer a balance of $2,814.29 in cash. The tax levy for the first year of city gov- ernment amounted to 15,905.15, which has been estimated as a per capita tax of about $1.41. The financial crash of 1837 bore heavily upon the people and taxes were difficult to collect. At the very out- set the aldermen resorted to an expedient which played an important part in the subsequent financial history of the city. June I St, they ordered the issue of $5,000 in scrip in denominations of one, two and three dollars, bearing interest at one per cent, a month and receivable for taxes. This part of the municipal history of Chicago is interesting merely as the begin- ning of great things. It is important for the reason that this first charter, with occasional changes, continued to be the government of the city for over twenty years. From time to time, as the popula- tion increased, the limits of the city were extended and the number of wards and consequently the number of aldermen was increased. The experience of Chicago was similar to the experience of other American cities. Too much power was given to the council. Executive duties were assigned to what should have been a purely legislative body. The city charter was in reality an overgrown town govern- ment. In 1847 some changes were made look- ing toward a separation of legislative and executive functions, by decreasing the number of officers appointed by the coun- cil. Thereafter the city attorney, treas- urer, collector and surveyor, a street commissioner and assessor for each divi- sion, and a police constable for each ward were to be elected by the people. Greater permanence was given to the city govern- ment by extending the term of office of the aldermen to two years, one-half of them to be elected annually. In 1851 the various measures, relating to Chicago, passed by the legislature were consolidated into "An Act to reduce the Law incor- porating the City of Chicago, and the sev- eral Acts amendatory thereof, into one x\ct, and to amend the same"; but no very important changes were made. The various demands upon the munici- pal government, that resulted from the growth of the city, were met by the estab- lishment of independent executive boards. An "Act to incorporate the Chicago City Hydraulic Company," passed in 185 1, entrusted the control of the new water system to a "Board of Water Commis- sioners" of three members. The first commissioners were named in the act but subsequent ones were to be elected, one each year, to serve for a term of three years. An amendment to the act, passed before the first election took place, required them to be representatives of the three SEMINARY NOTES. 33 districts of the city. They were authorized to borrow ^250,000 for the construction of the new works, and the next year, 1852, the loan, the first large loan in the finan- cial history of the city, was negotiated, at six per cent., payable in twenty years. An act of June 15, 1852, authorized an additional loan of ^150,000, and the act of February 28, 1854, authorized another loan of ^100,000 for the same purpose. At the same time provision was made for a tax not to exceed one mill on the dollar, to meet the interest accruing on the bonded debt. From this time the municipal debt of the city increased rapidly. A second board was added to the city government in 1855. It was felt to be absolutely necessary to provide some sys- tem of sewerage and a "Board of Sewer- age Commissioners " was incorporated to supervise the work. The first board was elected by the council, but the commis- sioners afterwards were to be elected by the people, their number, term of office and ftianner of election being the same as for the Board of Water Commissioners. The sewerage commissioners were empow- ered to borrow ^500,000 for the construc- tion of the sewerage system and again in 1859 were authorized to borrow another J^5oo,ooo. It is to be noted that these boards were thus given the power of incurring debt independently of the city government. In 1857 an important step in the devel- opment of the municipal government was taken by creating an independent treasury department. Dissatisfaction with the council was general and it was sought to lessen their power and to fix responsibility more definitely. The department con- sisted of the comptroller, treasurer and collector. The head of the department was a comptroller, appointed by the mayor, with the advice and consent of the council, and holding office until removed. The treasurer was elected by the people as before. A city collector, also elective and choosing his own assistants, was sub- stituted for the special collectors appointed by the council. The establishment of the treasury department introduced needed checks upon the expenditure of money. Before this, city officers incurred expenses almost at will and charged them to the city, but now bills could be paid only upon a warrant drawn by the comptroller upon the treasurer. At the same time the fee system, under which several officers had received a large income in addition to their salaries, was abolished. In i860 the mayor of the city advised the establishment of a "Board of Public Works" in order to systematize and econ- omize the public improvements. " In the legitimate discharge of their respective duties," he said, "the street commissioner, the sewerage commissioner, the water commissioner and the city superintendent had been found opening and filling the same ground in a single week." To bring order out of chaos and to save expense, a consolidation of these offices was necessary and the only obstacle in the way was the dislike of the incumbents of the various positions to be legislated out of office. Upon this suggestion the act of February 18, 1861, creating a new executive depart- ment to be known as the "Board of Pub- lic Works," was secured from the state legislature. • To this board were transferred the du- ties of the water commissioner, the sewer- age commissioner, the city superintendent, the street commissioners elected in each district in accordance with the act of 185 1, and the special commissioners for the making of assessments. These duties comprised the building of sidewalks and bridges, the dredging of the river, the opening, cleaning, paving and lighting of the streets and the control of the water, sewerage and all other public works. The board consisted of three commissioners, one from each division of the city. The term of office was six years and one com- missioner was to be elected biennially. The first board was elected on the third Tuesday in April and organized on the first Monday in May, 1861. 34 SEMINARY NOTES. The same act that created the board of public works abolished the office of city marshal and an act passed a few days later established instead a board of police. The number of commissioners, their term of office and manner of election were the same as for the board of public works. The first board was appointed by the Governor and in accordance with the act assumed entire control of the police of the city. In 1863 the various acts relating to the city were a second time consolidated into "An Act to reduce the Charter of the City of Chicago, and the several acts amendatory thereof, into one act, and to revise the same." The charter included the acts that had established separate boards. The principal change that it made was the extension of the term of the offices of mayor, city attorney, treasurer and collector to two years. The term of the commissioners of police was shortened to three years. One provision of this charter, copied from a similar one in the charter of Boston, may be mentione das a matter of curiosity. It gave to the com- mon council the power to regulate the sale of bread and to prescribe the weight and quality of the loaves. After the great fire in 187 1 this power was exercised by the passage of an ordinance fixing the price of bread for a period of ten days ;at the rate of eight cents per loaf of twelve ounces, and at the same rate for all loaves of less or greater weight. As a price reg- ulation in recent times in this country, this ordinance is unique. The charter of J 863 was the work of the Democratic party, at that time in con- trol of the municipal government and the state legislature. In 1865 the Republican party was again in power both in the city and the state. They secured the passage of the act of February 16, 1865, changing the term of the commissioners of police back to six years, and providing that they should thereafter be elected by the quali- fied voters of Cook county. The motive of this legislation was purely political and throws considerable light upon the man- ner of managing the city government. The Democratic party had carried the preceding election for mayor and seemed to be increasing in strength in the city. The Republicans thought that if they could retain control of the police they could retain their hold on the city, and accordingly as the county was Republican they secured the passage of an act placing the election of the police commissioners in the hands of the county although the duties of the police were still confined to the city. To increase the power of the board of police, the control of the fire department and the appointment of the officers and firemen was given to them. To give some color to the change the chief of fire department was called a fire marshal and the firemen were called fire police. This is believed to be the first use of these terms since incorporated into the general charter. By these changes the Republicans gained the patronage of the police and fire departments, one of the principal factors in city politics. It is not to be supposed that the Republicans were any worse than their opponents. If the situation had been reversed, the Dem- ocrats would in all probability have taken the same step, if it had occurred to them to do so. The offices are what the ward workers in all parties want and they care little how they get them. Under the act of 1863, as above amended, the city gov- ernment was carried on until the adoption in 1875 o^ ^^ general law for the incor- poration of cities put an end to the era of special charters. F. H. HODDER. SEMINARY NOTES. 35 SEMINARY REPORTS. Universities of the Thirteenth Century. ■gnPHE subject for discussion in the Sem- ^l inary of October 7, was "Univer- sities of the Thirteenth Century." The following papers were read: Paris, Mr. Hill; Cordova and Bologna, Mr. Horton; Oxford, Mr. Bisholf ; General effect of University life and teaching on civiliza- tion, Mr. Elting. The origin of the University of Paris may be traced to the schools which were established by Charlemagne and in which he took so great a personal interest. These schools continued in existence under suc- ceeding monarchs, but there was no regu- lar organized university until the reign of Philip Augustus, who, in 12 15, prescribed various regulations for the schools of Paris and gave the scholars many privileges; they and their professors were made amenable only to the ecclesiastical tribu- nal, and about 1250 took the name of University. In the thirteenth century the teaching had advanced so far that the university was divided into four faculties — of theology, of canon law, of medicine, and of arts. It is estimated that at times during this century, the students numbered from fifteen to twenty thousand, who, because of their student privileges, were not subject to the authority of the magis- trates of the city, could not be arrested for debt, and frequently proved a disturb- ing element in city life because of their quarrelsome disposition and drunkenness. Yet the university was not without honor in that it furnished seven popes in the thirteenth century alone, and in fact in every century there were distinguished men who had studied at Paris. The universities of Italy were the first to receive the impetus to learning engen- dered by the Crusades and the new acquaintance with the East. Especially distinguished among them was the Univer- sity of Bologija, noted for its thorough study of the Roman law, and the applica- tion of that law to new conditions. It was to the professors of this University that Erederic Barbarossa appealed for a definition of the Imperial rights and pow- ers in his famous controversies with Pope Adrian IV over the beneficium and with the Lombard cities. Cordova was the Moorish university city in the Spanish peninsula and was a more ancient seat of learning than other Euro- pean cities. Here were studied the nat- ural sciences and mathematics, and to this University many students came from the northern countries, although the Moorish nation was regarded as a fit subject of conquest for the Christian sword. Little is known of the life of students in either Bologna or Cordova, yet it is certain that the government of these Universities was more firm than that of Paris or Oxford, and that the loose method of life and law- lessness of the latter was not usually found in the former. Oxford, by the time of the thirteenth century, was known throughout all Europe as a great University. The studies pur- sued were much the same as in the Uni- versity of Paris. Buildings there were none, or at least none set apart exclusively for school purposes. The scholars were huddled together in bare lodging houses, attending lectures in church porches and house porches. They quarreled with each other and with the townsmen. Feuds,, begun between families years before, were oftentimes fought out by the youth who came to Oxford. Many of the students were of noble blood and these brought retainers with them, who took their share in their masters' brawls. Drunkenness and gaming were no uncommon evil, and the Mayor and Chancellor were utterly powerless to command order among the seething mob of students. Yet many of 36 SEMINARY NOTES. the students were so poor that they were compelled to support themselves by beg- ging, and some of the teachers were not much better off. Such students had little time for the quarrels of their more opulent fellows, and in Oxford as elsewhere, there was always a set of industrious and earnest workers who set the intellectual mark of the university and who were the recognized leaders in all new thought. The charac- teristic of Oxford during the thirteenth century was its intense life — a life exhaust- ing itself sometimes in defense of that which was bad, but more frequently in propagation of that which was good. The effect of university life and teach- ing on civilization may, speaking in gen- eral, be described as twofold. In the first place it did much to overthrow the feudal ideal. Feudalism rested on a hard and fast distinction between classes, and in fact upon a sort of separation between even the members of one class. In the university all students were placed upon an equal basis. The only superiority was the superiority of intellect. It made no difference from what noble blood a youth might have sprung, if he did not show ability he was not considered of so much importance as the begging student Avho was a noted scholar. Such a manner of life could not fail to break down the false barriers erected by feudalism, and in the same way the enmities between nations were forgotten among the university stu- dents gathered from all nations. In the second place, it made the intel- lectual world skeptical of the dogmas of the Church. This skepticism was a neces- sary prelude to a reformation of church doctrine and j^ractice. As men became better educated they saw the necessity for reasonableness and harmony in all things, and the Church seemed in many ways to have become burdened with unharmonious teachings. The spirit of the university was a spirit of honest inquiry, at least during the thirteenth century, and was therefore beneficial, even though its first tendency was toward skepticism. Its later result was the attempt to reform, and that reform was to be undertaken by intelli- gent, educated men. Geography and History. "ArPHE subject before the Seminary on Friday, October 28th, was the Rela- tion of Geography to History. Mr. Orr gave a short discussion of the general effect of geography upon history. He said: ■ We find that in the beginning of the world the influence of geography upon history was less marked than at the present day, since the ingenuity of man has found a means of surmounting most of the obstacles in the way of civilization and progress. Under similar circumstan- ces the moral, intellectual and social con- ditions of different classes of people will become similar. That environment has much to do with religion is found to be true in India, Central America and Europe, where the minds of the people are affected by the phenomena of nature. Man is the greatest enemy which man has to overcome. Tunnels may be made through great mountains which bar progress, great rivers may be bridged, and all natural obstacles overcome. History is a record of man's achievements, his labor and the religion he believes. Geographical relations had much to do with the discovery of America, on account of the great desire to find a nearer route to India. In fact, in every event history and geography are closely related and cannot be separated. Mr. Cramer then followed with a dis- cussion of the effects of geography on the settlement of America. It would have been impossible to develop America by colonization on any great scale in a prim- itive state of the mechanic arts. To coloaize from the west eastward would have been almost impossible since the Pacific has few good harbors and the Cordilleran range of mountains extends almost to the sea. On the contrary the Atlantic afforded far better facilities. The first permanent settlement flourished on account of the fertile soil so well adapted SEMINARY NOTES. 37 to the cultivation of tobacco. As settle- ment progressed it followed the rivers into the interior, and its movements may be traced in almost every epoch to the char- acter of the soil and the facility of transportation to the sea board. Since the settlements in America were based primarily upon agricultural advantages, the influence of soil, climate and rain fall has been very marked. In a paper upon the influence of Geog- raphy on the Subsequent History of the United States, Mr. Howell discussed, first, the part geography, and especially climate, played in bringing about the civil war, secondly, the part geogra- phy played in the establishment of a protective tariff. The topographical con- struction of the United States fits it to be the political home of one people, one nation. The immigration to this country at the time of its settlement came chiefly from homogeneous English stock but the influence of climate upon character after their settlement is very noticeable. The southern climate conduced to indolence and therefore led the southerners to countenance slavery. The rigor of the northern climate, on the other hand, ani- mated the inhabitants to ideas of indi- vidualism. Thus heat and cold divided the American people. The result of this separation was the secession of the south- ern states, the contest for supremacy and the abolition of slavery. The develop- ment of the doctrine of protection in this country is due to the fact that physical conditions are so varied that we are able to produce nearly every needed commod- ity at home. This being the case, it has always been thought advisable, by a large party, to cut off the competition of already established industries, and cheaper labor for the purpose of making the country in- dustrially independent. Adelia Alice Humphrey, Reporter. Public Ownership of the Telegraph. ■^rPHE Seminary was called to order at ''^ 4 p. M., on Friday, Nov. 4th, Prof. Blackmar in the chair. The work of the Seminary consisted of a brief review of the magazines for the month, and a paper by Mr. James Owen, on The Ownership of the Telegraph, followed by an informal discussion of the subject by Prof. Black- mar, Prof. Hodder, Mr. Owen, Mr. Orr and others. Mr. Owen, in his paper, discussed first the arguments in favor of, then against the government ownership of the tele- graph, substantially as follows: I. The telegraph is a natural monopoly and, therefore, according to Prof. Ely and those of like opinions, should be owned by the government. n. The people would be best served if it were owned and operated by the gov- ernment on the same plan as the Post Office. III. The example of Great Britain is cited as an argument in favor of govern- ment ownership. IV. The work of operating could be performed by the Post Office department, by increasing the number of employees, according to Mr. Clark, only five thou- sand. V. The signal and war service demand and prove the practicability of govern- ment ownership. VI. Private ownership excludes the United States from the International Tele- graph Union. The means proposed for the govern- ment to obtain control of the telegraph are: First, that the government should build new lines in order to regulate prices; second, for the government to purchase existing lines; and third, for the govern- ment to establish a Federal Committee to control rates. In 1866 a bill providing for government control of the telegraph was passed, but was immediately repealed. In 1870 the Hon. C. C. Washburn of Wisconsin, intro- 38 SEMINARY NOTES. duced a bill into the House, endorsed by the Postmaster General and by the Presi- dent in his annual message of 1871, which is typical of later bills. It provided, first, for the absolute control of the telegraph by the United States, after a specified time; second, for the appraisement and purchase of the property of all existing telegraph companies; third, for a rate of one cent per word, including address and signature, for all messages, regardless of distance; the creation of a Telegraphic Bureau in the Post Office department; the salaries of officers; the negotiation of con- tracts with foreign companies for the use of their lines for foreign messages; and for providing efficient employees. The "Hubbard Bill" provided for the incorporation of a private company with special privileges, which should transmit messages at rates fixed by the government. The government has been offered the telegraphic patents, once by Prof. Morse, and again twenty years later; but in each instance refused to purchase. The tele- graph companies have received no appro- priations from the government, except a small one to Prof. Morse; but has been developed by private enterprise and has been heavily taxed. Under these condi- tions, it does not seem just to deprive pri- vate enterprise of its property by legal force. Again, in spite of a general advance in wages, telegraphic rates are now less than half what they were in 1866. A comparison of American and Euro- pean lines favors the former in services and facilities, as the following figures show: In 187 1, Europe, with a population of 300,000,00, had 175,000 miles of lines, 474,000 miles of wires and 15,500 offices; while the United States, with a population of 40,000,000, had 80,000 miles of line, 180,000 miles of wires, and 6,300 offices. According to the census of 1880, the facilities in the United States have been doubled, showing a much greater increase than those of Europe. It is almost impossible to make a com- parison of rates, owing to the different ways of making charges, and the inter- national relays. At a very low estimate, it would cost the government about ^100,- 000,000 to purchase existing lines and build necessary extensions, even if the existing lines could be purchased at their real value, which is highly improbable. Cheap rates and increased taxes are correlative, for, to cheapen rates would produce a deficit, resulting in increased taxation. The following table shows the deficit in European government-owned lines: Hungary, deficit 1881, ^72,060.59 Belgium, " *' 87,522.25 Denmark, " " 21,790.89 Netherlands, " " 149,463.02 Norway, " " 30,993.60 Roumania, , " " 131,079.59 Great Britain, " 1889, 1,325,915.00 These figures clearly prove that there will be a deficit, which, plus the interest on the necessary investment, would amount to at least ^10,000,000, which must be made up by taxation. As only three per cent, of the people use the telegraph, and eighty-eight per cent, of the business is- commercial, this' vyould be taxing the many for the benefit of the few. Another consideration is that of man- agement. It is generally agreed that pri- vate management is more economical than government; is much more efficient; more reliable, and can be held to account for its shortcomings. Public ownership of the telegraph is inconsistent with the theory and mainten- ance of Republican institutions and is a great stride toward paternalism — toward the state described by Edward Bellamy. But one of the greatest objections to government ownership of the telegraph is that it would offer an almost unlimited opportunity for corruption, favoritism and political patronage. If Mr. Washburn's scheme were carried out, 25,000 offices with at least 50,000 employees would J^e required to perform the service. A use- less extension of lines would be made to satisfy office seekers; the service could be SEMINARY NOTES. 39 ^lsed in police regulations and any message could be held; which is entirely incompat- ible with a democratic form of govern- ment and savors of despotism. The tele- graph could also be used by the dominant political party, to the detriment of its rivals, thus producing still greater corrup- tion in the civil service. It is asserted that it would much facili- tate the signal service to have government ownership of the telegraph; this may be true, but it could be done only at the ex- pense of other business. The telegraph lines are chartered under state charters, which, according to the constitution. Con- gress has no power to annul. It is argued that the Western Union is in combination with the Associated Press to preserve a monopoly of news for a few papers; but such is not the case. The Associated Press is a limited combination of papers which receives a low rate for messages because it transmits a large amount of matter. It is suggested, also, that reduced rates would so increase business that no loss "would result; but the statistics of the Western Union and of the government- owned lines of Europe show that the per- centage of expenditures increases faster than the percentage of receipts as the business increases from a reduction of rates. The newspapers reflect the opinions of the people; yet, out of twenty-five thou- sand daily and weekly newspapers in the United States, only one hundred and for- ty-four are quoted as being in favor of the "limited plan," the first step toward gov- ernment ownership, and seventy-seven newspapers quoted as being in favor of government ownership not included in the first number. Out of over nine hundred boards of trade and chambers of com- merce, only twenty have adopted resolu- tions favoring government ownership. The decreasing number of bills favoring government ownership that are introduced into Congress shows that the people do not demand it, hence there is no reason why the government should attempt to assume control of the telegraph at present. After the reading of the paper, Mr. Orr made a short address in favor of govern- ment ownership, stating that he believed it to be in harmony with the spirit of the constitution and with the spirit of the age, and quoted Prof. Ely as being strongly in favor of government ownership. Mr. Owen stated that Switzerland is the only country of Europe having lower tele- graphic rates than the United States. Prof. Blackmar and Prof. Hodder then discussed the subject, drawing a compari- son of the postal laws and the workings of the Post Office with the possible laws and workings of a Telegraph Bureau. Prof. Hodder stated that we have not sufficient data to make a comparison of European and American telegraphic rates. J. L. Harrington, Reporter. 4° SEMINARY NOTES. - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political ■ Science. State University, Lawr^ce, Kansas. Frank W. Blackmar. ) Frank H. Hodder, \ ' ' ' Editors. Ephrahn D. Adai7is, j Terras. Ten Cents a Nurabcr, - Fifty Cents a Year 'p-r' HE purpose of this publication is to increase the ((3) interest in the study of historical science in the ^^ University and throughout the State, to afford means of regular communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general pub- lic—especially with the Alujnni of the University, and to presjive at least the outlines ot carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each Issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BLACKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. The Association for the Promotion of Profit Sharing has just issued the first number of a quarterly magazine, called Employer and Employed, to be devoted to that mode of industrial co-operation. Mr. N. P. Oilman, the author of the best Axnerican book on the subject, is the editor, and Geo. H. Ellis, 141 Franklin Street, Boston, the publisher. The mag- azine is modest in proportions and in price, but is crowded with interesting matter. Among other articles are reports on the condition of profit sharing in England, France and Germany, and notes on the literature of the subject. In view of the great importance of the labor problem, every device which promises a possible or even a partial solution, should receive careful attention. which has been called the arsenal from which all arguments for protection have ever since been drawn, Gallatin's ''Free Trade Memorial," and Walker's ''Treas- ury Report for 1845," the best arguments on that side of the question, and two speeches on the tariff of 1824 — one by Webster and the other by Clay. The special value of the collection lies in the fact that it exhibits the different phases of the tariff question at different periods in our history. The documents are not eas- ily accessible, and their reprint in this f-orm is a service to all students of the subject, among whom should be included all American citizens. The volume is issued for the small sum of one dollar. Professor Taussig, of Harvard Uni- versity, has issued a reprint of important "State Papers and Speeches on the Tariff." The volume contains Hamilton's celebrated "Report on Manufactures," The department of History and Soci- ology sustains a Historical Seminary, of which most of the students taking work in the department are members. It is a question whether all of these members derive the benefit which should be obtained from the Seminary, and the fault undoubt- edly lies in the fact that the subjects dis- cussed are not sufficiently studied before the Seminary hour arrives. It is not meant that those students who have sub- jects assigned to them, and who prepare papers, do not devote time to the subject matter, but that, perhaps, half the mem- bers come to the meeting without having, in any way, considered that which is to be discussed. The papers are usually care- fully prepared and well arranged, so tliat the subject is fairly opened for discussion. But the mere listening to good reports is not sufficient. Every member of tlie Seminary should have read something upon the topic under discussion, and be prepared to listen intelligently to the re- port and to ask pertinent questions or make pertinent remarks. After a report is finished, the person making that report, whether a student, an instructor, or a cor- responding member, is required by the rules of the Seminary to stand ready to answer any questions which may be asked him, or to reply to any criticism which SEMINARY NOTES. 41 may be made. To ask questions, however, without knowing something about the sub- ject matter of the report, is both foolish and a waste of time. Of course it is not expected that either the reporter or the hearer will know all that is to be known about the matter, but at least to have some well grounded idea upon it is essential. It is essential also that every member, whether he desires to ask questions or not, should have read something upon the topic up for discussion. It is not difficult to obtain such reading. In the library may be found magazines or papers, in some of wh'ch concise statements or essays are given upon most of the subjects brought up in the Seminary. In case it should happen that the subject for discussion is not to be found in these magazines or papers, the student has but to speak to the instructors, or to the members who are to report, to be referred to such works in the library as will furnish him with some of the desired information. This criticism is not directed to the majority of the members of the Seminary, but to those who apparently attend the Seminary merely because of the passing interest in the re- ports made. Something of value is to be had from listening to reports without any previous knowledge of the subject matter on the part of the hearer, but that- is not the best benefit to be derived from the Seminary. The celebration of the 400th anniver- sary of the discovery of America has brought with it an immense addition to the literature relating to Columbus. Some time ago Harrisse catalogued 600 books relating to Columbus exclusively, and the last year or two must have added all told a hundred more. No man ever lived about whose character there has been a wider divergence of opinion than there is about the character of Columbus. The popular notion of the man is derived largely from Washington Irving's life, written in 1828. This was before the time of critical biographical writing. Until within a comparatively recent time writers of biographies aimed to make heroes of their subjects. Editors of collected writ- ings carefully omitted or altered lines which were likely to injure the writer's reputation. Authors of biography omit- ted to mention or touched very lightly the faults of their subjects. More recently biographers have made a critical study of the lives and times of the men they write about and attempt to give an impartial estimate of their character. The reaction against hero worship has, perhaps, in some cases gone too far, so that too little space is given to the virtues and too much to the faults of actors in the world's history. It is surely a difficult thing to gauge accurately the differences in the moral standards of different periods, and to ascertain in estimates of character how much allowance ought to be made on account of the difference. Irving's life of Columbus was clearly a biography of the old style. He praises Columbus for his magnanimity, his generosity, his skill in controlling others, his powerful judgment and acute sagacity. These, curiously enough, are the very qualities in which recent critics have deemed Columbus con- spicuously deficient. Of recent American books, Professor Fiske's entertaining work on "The Discovery of America" is largely influenced by Irving, and presents much the same view that the earlier writer does. ■ Mr. Winsor's volume is much the most exhaustive work on Columbus that has been printed in this country, but in his esti- mate of the character and work of the man he goes as much to the other extreme as did Irving to the one. He finds him dishon- est, selfish, cruel and weak. His voyage was fool-hardy, and his discovery a blun- der. Mr. Winsor finds so much to con- demn that there seems nothing left to admire. The truth, we imagine, lies half way between these two extremes. The moderate view has been admirably pre- sented in a small book on Columbus, by President Charles Kendall Adams, which is certainly the best short account of his 42 SEMINARY NOTES. life and work. We must be careful not to judge Columbus too harshly for faults that were common to his time. Yet it is certain that, in point of character, he was not abreast of the best men of his age. The object of the Columbian Exposition is not so much to commemorate the life of Co- lumbus as it is to celebrate the momentous consequences of his work. His discovery' added a hemisphere to the then known world, and in that hemisphere has grown a nation, which marks, in the words of an English critic "the highest level, not only of material well-being, but of intelligence and happiness, that the human race has yet attained." Now THAT the excitement of the national election is past the Moot Senate will soon be in session. The Moot Senate is regarded with especial favor by the Notes, because its meetings will naturally discuss such topics as are of particular interest to the department represented by the Notes. In our May issue was published a short editorial criticism of the Senate of last year, urging that party lines should not be drawn so firmly in the future, and that more attention be given to the subject matter under discussion and less to parlia- mentary law and oratorical effort. It is to be hoped that the Senate, this year, will be more of a success in many ways than was that of last year. The Senate was started late last year, and as the spring came on there was a marked falling off in attendance and a loss of interest. It was a question, perhaps, whether the membership was really large enough lim- ited, as it was, to Seniors and Juniors of the literary department, and to all special students and law students taking any Senior or Junior work in the literary department. This question was brought up at a recent meeting of the law students, held for the purpose of organizing some sort of a society to discuss matters of national importance. It was decided at this meeting to form no society until an eifort had been made to secure admission for the law students to the Moot Senate. A committee was appointed to see what could be done in the matter. Last year various objections were urged to the ad- mission of all law students to the Senate, the general feeling being that the meetings would be monopolized by such students and that the collegiate students would stand no chance of showing their ability or of doing real work on bills brought forward. So far as is known no opinion on this subject has been expressed this year. It is a question that will have to be decided, however, and should be thought of carefully before any action is taken. Those v/ho will have to decide this ques- tion are presumably such students as are now eligible to become members of the Senate, who, at the first meeting, signify their intention of becoming members. The constitution is weak on this point, inasmuch as it does not state clearly what persons shall constitute the first meeting of the Moot Senate for each ensuing year. However article II., section 2, of the constitution, provides that the officers of the Senate "shall be chosen by a majority vote of a quorum of the Senate at the first meeting of each collegiate year." It would certainly be unfair for the remnant of last year's Senate to choose officers who are to preside over the new members since these new members would then have no voice in the election. The inference is a direct one, therefore, that the first meeting of the Senate is open to "any Senior or Junior in the collegiate depart- ment; any special student who is taking optional work in the collegiate department; any law student who has taken or is taking work in the collegiate department," sub- ject, of course, to the regularly appointed committee on eligibility according to the rule just quoted. Thus it really depends largely on the new members of the Senate to decide whether or not the law students shall be admitted, and the question should be decided after careful thought and con- sideration of the best interests of the Senate. If the Senate really needs the SEMINARY NOTES. 43- law element in order to make it a sure and permanent success, then no ancient prejudice between schools should stand in the way of their admission. Or if there is really no danger of disintegration be- cause of admission of law students, then in fairness they should be permitted to enjoy the benefits of the Senate, yet the Senate must not become unwieldy in mem- bers. That which is insisted upon here is, that if there are reasons why law stu- dents should not be admitted, there are also reasons why they should be admitted, and that any student who expects to be a member of the Senate should think of this question honestly and decide it definitely for himself before coming to the first meeting of the Senate. Mr. Wm. Hill, a graduate of the Kan- sas State University in the class of 1890, and at present a graduate student at Harvard University, has an article on "Colonial Tariffs " in the October number of the Quarter/}' Journal of EcoJiomics. It is a pleasure to note so scholarly a piece of work as coming from the hands of a recent graduate of our institution. As the conclusion of his researches, Mr. Hill says that, "On the whole, it seems prob- able that the duties imposed in America before the Revolution were no more than imitations of the ordinary means which European countries used to obtain reve- nue, and there seems to be no evidence that they have influenced our later tariff legislation." Professor Carruth has made an in- teresting contribution to local history in his article on "Foreign Settlements in Kansas" in the October number of the Kajisas University Quarterly. The pro- fessor sent circulars of inquiry to the county superintendents throughout the state, and the answers so far as received report foreign settlements of thirty or more persons in seventy-four counties in the state: German settlements in 60, Skandi- navian in 40, Irish in 17, Slavonic in 14, and French in 13, l'>esides smaller numbers of other nationalities. No reports were received from eighteen counties. Those who have had some experience in collecting statistics in this way know something of the amount of labor it involves and of the difficulty of getting satisfactory answers. From an historical point of view, the results already obtained are interesting as showing from what a mixture of races the population of the state is made up. Prof. Carruth is more especially interested in the effect of this mingling of races upon language, and appends to his article a dialect word-list, for extending which he invites assistance. This is woik which any one may do with interest and profit, and it is mentioned here in the hope that this note may reach some who have not hap- pened to see the original article. "The Tariff Controversy in the United States, 1789-1833," by Dr. O. L. Elliott, has been issued as the first number of Leland Stanford Junior University publi- cations. We have not. time to review the book at length in this issue. Suffice it to say that it gives the best, as well as the most complete account we have of the early history of the tariff discussion. The five chapters make up a volume of 275 pages. They give ist, a summary of tariff discussion of the colonial period, 2nd, an account of the tariff act of 1789 and Ham- ilton's Report on Manufactures; 3d, an account of tariff discussion from Hamil- ton's Report to the war of 1812; 4th, the establishment of the " American system " by the tariff of 181 6; and 5th, the tariff and nullification. This is the part of our tariff history which most needed careful treatment, but Dr. Elliott will perform a useful service if he will in a second volume bring the history of the subject down to a later date. The present volume was in large part written by the author for a doc- tor's thesis at Cornell University, a fact which might very well have been men- tioned in a prefatory note. The work is well equipped with bibliography and index and in every respect is a credit to the author. 44 SE All NARY NOTES. The last "Report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor" contains the first division of a careful tenement house census of Boston, which may well serve as a model for similar work in other cities. The results of the investigation are to be presented in three sections: Sec- tion one, tenements, rooms and rents; section two, sanitary condition of tene- ments, and section three, place of birth, occupation, etc., of residents in tenement houses. The present volume gives only the first section, the remaining two being reserved for the next report. Section one covers four principal points: I. Number of persons to a house. 2. Number of tenements to a house. 3. Num- ber of rooms to a tenement. 4. Rents. The result of the investigation may be briefly summarized. Estimated population is 464,751. Total number of houses is 54,142, of which number 14,788 are entirely occupied by their owners, 36,223 are rented either wholly or in part, 1,642 are boarding and lodging houses, and 1,489 are unoccupied. The number of families occupying tenements (the word being used to denote any rented place of residence) is 71,665, the average number of persons to the family 4.35, and the total number of persons 311,396, which is 67 per cent, of the total population. To this number is to be added 27,512 living in boarding and lodging houses, making a total for the two classes of 338,- 908. The average number of persons to a rented house is 8.60. In New York, according to the census of 1890, the number of persons to a dwel- ling is 18.52, Brooklyn 9.80, and Chicago 8.60. But overcrowding in cities is better illustrated by presenting the figures differ- ently. In New York 49 per cent., Brook- lyn 29 per cent., Chicago and Boston 24 per cent, of the dwellings contain eleven persons and over, arid these dwellings house 83, 56, 49 and 47 per cent, of the respective populations of those cities. These are the four cities where there is the greatest overcrowding. The next statistics given for Boston respect the number of tenements to a house. Of the 67 per cent, of the popu- lation living in tenements, 49 in the hun- dred, or nearly one-half, live in independ- ent houses or in houses containing but two tenements, 7 in the hundred occupy houses containing seven or more tenements, which are for the most part high class apartment houses, and 44 in the hundred are found in houses of three, four, five and six tene- ments each, and constitute what would be popularly understood as the strictly tene- ment house population. In New York 82 per cent., Brooklyn 53 per cent, and Chi- cago ■T,'& per cent, of the population live in tenements containing three families and over. The remaining tables give in detail aver- age number of rooms to a tenement, aver- age number of persons to a room and average rents. It appears that 1,053 fam- ilies live in tenements of one room, but the average number of persons per family is a little less than two; i 7 per cent, of the population live in tenements of three, and 25 per cent, in tenements of four rooms. Average number of persons per room for all tenements is less than one. Average monthly rental for all sizes of tenements is ^17.26. These are a few of the signifi- cant averages, but as the report cautions, they have the limitations which attach to averages, and should not be used as the basis of deductions, unless the variations which appear in detail in the various tables, are carefully noted. SEMINAR V NO TES. 45 COURSES OF. STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY. FOR 1892-93. F. W. BLACKMAR, Ph. D. F. H. HODDER, PH. M. E. D. ADAMS, PH. D. Instruction in this department is given by means of lectures, conferences, recitations, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses of study, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classify- ing materials, and of writing and presenting papers on special topics. All lectures are sup- plemented by required reading and class exer- cises. The work of the department now embraces five principal lines of study, namely: European Historj% American History and Civil Govern- ment, Political Institutions, Sociology or Social Institutions, and Political Economy. The following studies are offered for 1892-'9B: FIRST TERM. 1. The History of Civilization. Lectures daily, at 8:30. Ancient Society, and the intel- lectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influ- ence of Greek philosojjhy and the Christian church on European civilization, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationality. 2. French and German History. Daily, at 9:30. Descriptive history. Text-book. 3. Historical Method and Criticism. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:80. Examination and classification of sources and authorities. Analysis of the works of the best historians. Library work, with collection and use of mater- ial, notes, and bibliography. Special attention to current historical and economic literature. 4. The History of Education and the Development of Methods of Instruction. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30. This course may be taken with No. 3. A course for teachers. 6. English History. Daily, at 11. Descrip- tive historv. Text-book. 6. Journalism. Friday, at 12. Lect Monday, Wednesday, and res, laboratory and library work. English: Twenty-five lecturts by Prof- essors Dunlap and Hopkins; 15 lectures on the history' and ethics of journalisn, by Professor Adams. Newspaper bureau. The principal object of the bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep in- formed on the topics of the day, and to preserve clippings properl^y filed and indexed. This course will be found highly beneficial to stu- dents who desire a special study in magazines and newspai^ers as a general culture. 7. Statistics. Tuesday and Thursday at 12. Supplementary^ to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems, lectures, and class-room prac- tice. The history and theory of statistics receive due attenti'on. 8. American History. From the earliest discovery to 1763. Lectures, topical reading, and recitations. Three hours a week at 2. 9. Local and Municipal Government. Lectures and topical reading. Two hours a a week at 2. Courses 8 and 9 are intended to be taken to- gether as a full study, but ma.y be taken sepa- rately. 10. American History. Presidential ad- ministrations from Washington to Jackson. Daily, at 3. Open to Seniors in full standing, and to other students upon approval of the instructor. 1 1. International Lav/ and Diplomacy. Lectures and recitations. Two hours a week, at 4. 12. Political Economy. Daily, at 4. The fundamental principles are discussed, elaborated and illustrated by examples from present eco- nomic society. A brief history of Poiitical Economy closes the course. SECOND TERM. 13. Institutional History. Lectures Monday, Wednesday, and Fridaj', at 8:30, on comparative politics and administration. Greek Roman, and Germanic institutions compared. Historical significance of Roman law in the middle eges. Short study in Prussian adminis- tration. 14. Renaissance and Reformation, Tuesday and Thursday, at 8:30. Lectures. The revival of learning with especial reference to the Italian renaissance. A careful inquiry into the cause, course and results of the Refor- mation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number 1 . 46 SEMINARY NOTES. 15. Political History of Modern Eu- rope. Tuesday and Thursday at 9:30. Text- book. 16. Federal Government and the French Revolution. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday', and Friday, at 9:30, on Switzer- land. Tlie Italian republics and the States General of Fi-ance. 17- Constitutional History of Eng-land. Tuesday and Thursday', at 9:30. This course may be taken as a continuation of number 5. Text-book and lectures. 18. Elements of Sociology. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11. Evo- lution of social institutions. Laws and condi- tions that tend to organize society. Modern social institutions and social problems. 19. Charities and Correction. Tuesday and Tliursday, at 11. Treatment of the poor from a historical standpoint. Modern scientific charity. The treatment of criminals. Prisons and reformatories. Practical study of Kansas institutions. This course is supplementary to number 18. 20. Land Tenures. Lectures, Tuesday and Thursday, at 12. This course treats of primitive property, the village community, feudal tenures, and modern land-holding in Great Britain and the United States. This course is mainly historical, and is an excellent preparation for the study of the law of real property. 21. American History. Continuation of course 8. First half-term: History of the Rev- olution and the Confederation, 1763 to 1769. Second half-term: Brief summary of the consti- tutional period, with Johnston's "American Politics" as a text-book. Three hours a week, at 2. 22. Constitutional La-w. History of the adoption of the constitution, and a study of its provisions. Twice a week, at 2. Forms, with course 21, a full study, but may be taken separately. 23. American History. Continuation of course 10. Presidential administrations from Jackson to Lincoln. Daily, at 3. 24. Mediseval History. Two-flftlis of the second term of the Freshman year. For all students whose admission papers show that they have had elementary physics, hygiene and chemistry. Daily, at 3. Text-book. 25. Principles of Public Finance. Lec- tures on public industries, budget legislation, taxation and public debts. Open to students who have studied political economy one term. Two hours a week, at 4. 26 The Status of Woman. Confer- ences. Tuesday and Thursday, at 4 Indus- trial condition, including a study of labor, wages, etc. Woman in the professions. Their political and legal abilities and disabilities. Property rights. Condition of woman in Europe and the Orient. Social questions. 27. Advanced Political Econoray. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4. (3on-. sisting of (a) lectures on applied economics; (6) practical observation and investigation; and (c) methods of research, with papers by students on special topics. This course is a continuation of number 12. General Seminary, on Friday, at 4. Stu- dents in History and Sociology are required to attend the Seminary unless excused by special arrangement. Full credit will be allowed for time spent in Seminary work. At the beginning of the term, students may elect other work in place of the seminar^^ if they choose. SUGGESTED MAJOR COURSES FOIl UNDER- GRADUATES, L Economics. Courses 7, 13, 18, 19, 20, and 27. II. European History. Courses, 2, 3, 5, 13, 15, and 16, III. American History. Courses 8, 9, 10, 21, 22, and 23. IV. Social Institutions. Courses, 1, 12, 14, 18, 19, and 4 (or 26). V. Political Institutions. Courses 3, 7, 9, 15, 13, 16, 17, 20, and 22. GRADUATE COURSES. Persons desiring to take the degree of A. M. may do so by the completion of any one or all of the following courses. The work is carried on by the investigation of special topics under the personal direction of the instructor. An hour for conference will be arranged for each student. The courses extend throughout the year. I. American History. Open to graduates and students who have studied American His- torj' two years. II. Economics. Open to graduates and students who have taken the vindergraduate work in political economy. Courses 12, 27, and 8. Ill Political and Social Institutions. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in the history of insti- tutions and sociology. Courses 12, 27, and 7 The above courses are for students who de- sire proficiency in a special line. These courses will not in any way interfere with the general rules of the Faculty respecting graduate work. SEMINARY NOTES. 47, (Catalogue, 1891-'92, pp. 120, 121.) By these rules, a graduate student may take anj' of the 27 courses mentioned above (excejjt 15 and 24) as a preparation for the degree of A. M. Preparation for Entrance to the Uni- versity. The time spent in the high schools in the studj^ of histor.y is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be exercised in preparing students for en- trance to the University. At present very little history is required in the Freshman and Sophomore j^ears, and the students enter upon the study of the Junior and Senior years with- out thorough preparation for the work. It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the University to learn the story of nations pretty thoroughly. A general outline of the world's history with a special study of the United States History and government rejjresents the field. But this out- line should be more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates. It should be well rounded with the political, social, and economic life of the people. Students will find a general text-book, such as Myer's, Sheldon's, or Fisher's, indispensible; but the work of preparation ought not to stop here. Such works as Fyffe's Greece, Creighton's Rome, Seebohm's Era of Protestant Revolution, Cox's Greece, and others in the Primer, Epoch, and Stories of Nations series ought to be read. The object of this reading is to familiarize the student with the political and social life of the principle nations of the world. For this purpose everything should be as interesting as possible. Such an interest should be aroused that the student would not be puzzled over dates and threadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things that are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That historj^ which is gained by a bare memorj'^ of events is soon lost. It grows too dim for use and consequently leads to confusion. With the storj' of the nations well learned the student comes to the University prepared for the higher scientific study of history and its kindred topics. He is then ready for investigation, comparison and analysis. He then takes up the real investigation of the phil- osophy of institutions and of national develop- ment. He is then ready for the science of Sociolog3% Institutional History, Political Econ- omy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the University without this preparation find it necessary to make up for it as best they can by the perusal of 'books, such as those mentioned above. 48 SEMINAR Y NO TES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. ■ Every student in the University should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions— but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Students are required to purchase books marked ivith an asterisk. American Book Company, Chicago. Manual of the Constitution, Andrews $ 1.00 Analysis of Civil Government, Townsend 1.00 Civil Government, Peterman 60 History of England, Thalheimer 1.00 Media; val and Modern History, Thalheimer 1.60 Outlines of History, Fisher 2.40 General History of the World, Barnes 1.60 Political Economy, Gregory 1.20 Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin 90 Ginn & Co., Boston and Cliicago. Ancient History, Myers & Allen $ 1.50 MediEBval and Modern History, Myers 1.50 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.00 Macy's Our Government 75 ♦General History, Myers 1.50 Leading facts in English History, Montgomery... 1.12 Philosophy of Wealth, Clark 1.00 Political Science Quarterly, Yearly 3.00 Washington and His Country, Fiske...'".' 1.00 Harpers, New York. *History of Germany, Lewis 1..50 *International Law, Davis 2.00 *Political History of Modern Times, Mueller 3.00 *Short English History, Green 1.20 Civil Policy of America. Draper 2.00 History of English People, Green, 4 vols 10.00 History of United States, Hlldreth, 6 vols 12.00 The Constitution, Story 90 Holt & Co., New York. ♦American Politics, Johnston $ 1.00 American Oolonies, Doyle, 3 vols 9.00 American Currency, Siimner 2..50 History of Modern Europe, Fyffe, 3 vols 7.50 Political Economy, Walker 2.25 Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. Discovery of America. Fiske, 2 vols % 4.00 American Commonwealths, I4 vols., each 1.25 American Statesmen, 24 vols., each... 1.25 American Revolution, Fiske, 2 vols 4.00 Critical Period of American History. Fiske 2.00 Epitome of History, Ploetz 3.00 Christopher Columbus, Winsor 4.00 Applet^n, New York. Dynamic Sociology, Ward, 2 vols J .5.00 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.25 Political Economy, Mill, 2 vols 0.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. *Political Economy, Ely .$ 1.00 Armstrong, New York. *Democracy in Europe, May, 2 vols $ 2.50 G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London. *American Citizen's Manual, Ford ? 1.25 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S., Tiedeman... 1.00 History of Political Economy, Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econon. Hist, and Theory, Ashley 1.50 Indust. and Com. Siipremacy of Eng., Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.35 *Tariff History of the United States, Taussig 1.35 The Storj' of Nations, 34 vols., each 1.50 Heroes of the Nations, 13 vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed. by Johnston, Svols., each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 6 vol $30.00 Constitutional Law of U. S., Von Hoist 3.00 Political Economy, Roscher, 3 vols 6.00 Crowell, New York. *History of France, Duruy.., $2.00 Labor Movement in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 2 vols. 2..50 Problems of To day, Ely 1..50 Little, Brown & Co., Bc^^ton. History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols ?17..50 Parkman's Works, per vol 1.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham o..')0 Longmans, Green & Co., New York. Epochs of Ancient Historj^, each vol '. if 1.0(1 Epochs of Modern History, each vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill .. 1.75 The Crusades, Cox 1.00 Scrltaners, New York. *American Diplomacy, Schuyler $ 3.50 History of Rome. Mommsen, 4 vols 8.00 Lombard Street. Bagehot .. 1.35 Silent South, Cable 1.00 t liver Burdett & Co., Boston. *Historical Atlas, Labberton $1.50 or * 3.00 *Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 ♦Institutes of Economics, Andrews 1..50 Institues of General History, Andrews 3.00 Dodd, Mead & Co., New York. History of United States, Schouler, 5 vols $11.50 D. C. Heath & Co., Boston. *The State, Woodrow Wilson $ 3.00 Principles of Politioal Economy, Gide 2.00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1..50 General History. Sheldon 1.60 each. .05 Mncmillan, New York. Constitutional History, England, Stubbs, 3 vols..$ 7.80 Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. I 3.00 *01d South Leaflets, 33 Nos _ History Topics, Allen ,. 25 State and Fed. Governments of the U. S., Wilson 50 The American Citizen, Dole 90 Comparative View of Governments, Wenzel .20 Studies in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... 1.12 Any book in the above list w^ill be lurnlshed by the Lawrence Book Co., Crew's old stand, 745 Mass SEMINARY NOTES State Universitv — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. II. DECEMBER, 1892. No. 3. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All studi'iits connected with the department of History and Sociology are. by virtue of sucli connection, members of the Seminary. All students are expected to attend the Seminarj' unless excused by the instructors of the depart- ment. Students are credited with the time spent in Seminary Avork. The meetingsof the Seminary are held every Friday, in Room 15, University Building-. Public meetings will be held from time to time, alter due annoui:iceraent. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the Department mentioned; prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investi- gation of existing c inditions, under the per- sonal direction of the olTicers of the Seminary- Special assistance in choice of themes, authorities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the department of llistorj and Sociology, or in the Department of English, or in any of the literary societies or other similar organiza- tions in the University: on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Seminary if so required. In connection with the work of the Semi- nary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are represented by some twenty daily and weekly newspapers. Thn piincipal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keepinformed on the current topics of the day. to study the best types of modern Journalism, to learn to •discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, tn make a comparative study of edi- torial work, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular sul)ject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, important materials for tlie study of current history and public life— to make his- tory by the arrangement and classification of present histoiicnl matter. Special investigation and study will be undertaken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration cf public affairs in this State; the purpose being to combine service to the State with the reg- ular work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and co-oper- ation of State and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own University, or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in .such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its success, are invited to become corresponding members of the Seminary.. The only condi- tion attached to such membership is, that each corresponding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Sem- inary; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. Tlie library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in con- nection with Seminary work—within reason- al)le limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officers and members of the Seminary will gladly render all possible assistance to any public officials who may desire to collect special statistics or secure definite iriforma- tion on such lines of public work as are properly within the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Semi- nary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK AV. nLACKM.\R, DlllKCTOIt. FRANK 11. HO ODER, ViCE-DlIlECTOl!. EITIRAIM D. ADAMS. Secret A uv. 5° SEMINAR Y NO TES: RESPONSIBILITY OF CONGRESS FOR FINANCIAL LEGISLA- TION. ^i^TlTHIN the last few years numer- ''■^^ ous articles have appeared in magazines and newspapers, criticising that form of government which permits our House of Representatives to evade, by means of committee organization a full responsibility for the passage of financial measures. At the request of some of the members of the Historical Seminary an attempt is here made to summarize the arguments against the committee system as applied to money matters, and' to criticise, briefly, the various remedies proposed. The argument is as follows : Article i, section 7, of the Constitution reads: "All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills," and article i, section 9, provides that "no money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time." These two provisions are the only ones to be found which deal directly with the control of the purse and their presence is in itself sufficient evidence of a belief on the part of the framers of the constitution that the people, who pay the taxes, should, through their represent- atives, have the privilege of determining how the money raised by taxes is to be expended. But the people under tlic present system do not exercise that direct control over taxation and expenditure which was intended by the constitution, and the result is slow progress in measures of financial reform, corresponding to the weak and indefinite responsibility felt by Congress. The trouble lies with the congressional committee system. In each session of Consirress the amount of work is so great, and the time so short for the accomplishment of that work that the help of committees, which shall make special study of special subjects, has come to be a necessity. Yet the committee system brings with it the control of legislation by a few members of the legislative body and necessarily entails a loss of that general knowledge of all subjects of legislation which every representative ought to have if he is really to be held responsible for his vote. If the people do not truly con- trol the purse, the fault lies with the com- mittee system. The extent of this system is better appreciated if it is remembered that there are now in the House of Rep- resentatives forty-seven standing commit- tees, eleven of which have, either directly or indirectly, to deal with questions of the budget. Of these eleven the three most important are the committee of ways and means, the committee on appropriations, and the committee on rivers and harbors. In order to fully appreciate the influence which these committees have upon budg- etary legislation it is necessary to trace the various stages through which a money bill must pass before it can become a law. At the beginning of each session the Secretary of the Treasury presents his report of the financial condition of the government, and his estimates of the rev- enue and expenditure of the coming year. These estimates are based upon reports which have been made to the Secretary of the Treasury by tlie heads of the other departments. They are transmitted to Congress in the sliape of a letter addressed to the Speaker of the House, and are then referred to the financial committees of the House. The committee of ways and means ccmsiders that part of the estimates which has reference to the raising of money, and the committee on appropria- tions that ])art which refers to the general SEMINAR Y NO TES. 51 expenditure of money. But it by no means follows that the bills introduced by these committees must be in accordance with the estimates. The committees need not even examine- them if they do not wish to do so. They can increase or decrease the estimates at pleasure, or completely change the plans outlined b}- l!he Secretary of the Treasury. The Sec- retary has not the privilege of explaining his estimates before the House, and can only appear before the committee when asked to do so by the committees them- selves. It appears, then, that the posi- tion of the Secretary of the Treasury is by no means so influential in the control of the budget as is the position held by the chairnan of one of these great commit- tees. And it is for this reason that many prominent politicians have preferred to retain the position of chairman of the ways and means committee in the House, or of the finance committee in the Senate, rather than accept the place of Secretary of the Treasury in the cabinet. When the committee on appropriations has thoroughly digested the estimates, or has made out a new scheme of expendi- ture to suit itself, it begins to bring in bills authorizing specific appropriations to meet the expenses of government in the various departments. If a member dis- approves of the bill presented by the com- mittee, he may of course introduce a bill of his own. But he is not sure that he will be allowed to speak upon his own bill after he has presented it, for it is an imperative rule of the House that every bill must pass through the hands of its appropriate committee before it is open for discussion. So it lies within the power of the chairman of the committee to kill a bill thus introduced by simply refusing to report, unless, indeed, the member has sufficient support so that, by a majority vote of the members of the House, he can compel the chairman to report his bill for discussion. Theoretically each mem- ber of the House has an active voice in determining taxation, but practically his influence is reduced to a minimum unless he is a member of an important commit- tee.* It is evident then that the committee on appropriations has practically the entire control of the appropriation of money for the expenses of government. The same thing is true of the other committees, and Woodrow Wilson, in his treatise on ''Con- gressional Government," states the simple truth when he says that our laws are enacted by committees rather than by Congress. When an appropriation bill has been passed by the House it is sent to the Sen- ate and there referred, without discussion, to the Senate committee on Appropria- tions. When that committee has submit- ted the report the bill is either accepted or amended. If it is amended it is sent back to the House for reconsideration. In the case of money bills the House almost invariably refuses to accept the amendments of the Senate, and proposes a conference committee of three members from each house. The Senate accepts the proposition and the conference com- mittee usually changes the bill so that it becomes a compromise and does not meet the real wish of either house. This is the system of work followed by Congress in the making of laws: The question now arises, what is there in this system which prevents the realization of the principle that the people should con- trol the purse ? How does it influence the budget? It is not pertinent to con- sider the effect of this system upon legis- lation in general, but only in so far as it has any influence on budgetary legislation. In this connection it is found that two bad results come from the committee sys- tem. The first is that from a business point of view, the origination of money * When the committee on Appropriations presents a hill, the rtonse goes into a c )minittee of the whole, where each member is supposed lo be privi- lesed to discuss, or propose amendments to. the bill. But in fact, by a well recognized custom of the House, a member usually cannot sain the recognition of the Chair to propose "an amendment unless he has previ- ously made some arrangement with the chairman of the committee. The chairjnan is abso ute master of the debate. 52 SEMINA R ] ^ NO TES. bills by a number of committees does not tend toward homogeneity in the financial measures of the year. The committee of Ways and Means need have no communi- cation with the committee on Appropria- tions. Each committee prepares its own bills absolutely without reference to the measures proposed by the other commit- tees. Hence there is no such thing as the careful balancing of income and expendi- ture which would probably take place if the whole plan of the budget was in the hands of one committee. In any other country than our own such a system would long ago have resulted in financial disas- ter. But the United States is blest with a surplus that permits the committee which spends the money, because of the impos- sibility of spending all the income, to make appropriations without the slightest reference to the propositions of the com- mittee which gathers the money. That such a system would naturally result, and in fact has resulted, in foolish expenditure, in extravagance, and in looseness in accounts, is undoubted. But great as this first evil is, the second is still greater, namely, that contrary to the spirit of the constitution, the people have but an indefinite control of the purse. According to the plan of the constitution, a member of the House of Representatives is directly responsible to the voters of the district from which he is elected. His actions in Congress are to be judged by them, and he is to be held strictly account- able for his position on every act of Con- gress. But with our committee system such a strict responsibility is impossible and is recognized as impossible by the voters of the district. A member, unless he is upon some important committee, has |)ractically no power to influence legisla- tion. Fifteen members of the House of Representatives determine what bills shall be introduced toward meeting the expenses of the government, and all that the other members have to do on these particular questions, is to "vote with the party." In the majority of cases it is the chairman of the fifteen who has the deciding voice in the preparation of bills. One man, who has in his hands almost absolute con- trol of all appropriation bills, or of all revenue bills, is responsible, not to the •whole nation, every part of which is deeply interested in such legislation, but to a single district of a single state. If we conclude from this that the con- trol of the purse is not effectually secured to the people by means of the election of representatives to Congress, there seems to be but one alternative by means of which an effective control can be obtained, that is, by the presidential election. Once in every four years the conven- tions of the political parties meet and adopt platforms which outline the policy of the party in regard to future legislation. The presidential nominee writes a 'letter' of acceptance in which he in turn outlines his policy and his propositions for legisla- tion. The voter of the country, certain to have his own ideas upon the public questions of the day, accepts these decla- rations of the nominees as the basis upon which he decides how he will cast his bal- lot, and believes that he has thereby given effective force to his legislative wishes. But he has not done so. The President, for whom he has voted, has no more immediate influence over the legislation to be proposed in Congress than has the voter himself. Occasionally we have a President who, by mere force of charac- ter, gains a powerful influence over his party and compels the members of his party who are in Congress, to do his bid- ding. But as a general rule our Presidents are mere figure-heads and do not exert any real influence on legislation. Never- theless the voters are inclined to hold the President responsible for a jjower which he cannot exercise, and if the legislation, for which the Speaker of the House and his heads of committee are responsible, does not satisfy the people, the}'^ refuse to support the President at the next election. The result of all this is that while men think that by the election of a presidential SEAIINA R Y NO TES. S3 <:andidate the policy of the government in matters of legislation has been decided, the fact in the case is that they have sim- ply expressed an opinion wliich need not be followed by an irresponsible chairman of a committee unless he chooses to follow it. Budgetar)' legislation is of the utmost importance to the nation. The questions of free trade or protecticm, of pensions, of internal improvements, of ex]3enditures in the various departments, are all .ques- tions of budgetar}' legislation, and are all considered by the intelligent voter before he casts his ballot for President. In this way the budget undoubtedly has an influ- ence upon politics, but on the other hand, politics do not have any marked influence upon the budget. Under our form of congressional autocracy, the vote of the people has not the influence which it should have upon budgetary legislation, or in fact upon legislation of any sort. It is impossible then for the people to fix any effective responsibility for the use of the public money, by means either of the district election of representatives, or of the presidential election. The Presi- dent has not the power of the purse and ought not to be held responsible. The Speaker of the House and his committee- men do have the power of the purse and cannot be held responsible under the existing forms. It was the central thought of the fram- ers of the constitution, that there should be a division of power and a consequent division of responsibility, thus obviating the dangers of the centralization of power. But the history of our nation, as well as the history of all other nations, would seem to prove that such a division of power is practically impossible for any length of time, Sooner or later some branch of government gains a power almost if not not quite supreme. In the United States it is Congress Avhich has become the supreme power, and it is the Speaker of the House who is the exponent of that power. All this might be very well if it were not for the fact that, while the constitution intended a division of power and a division of responsibility, the gov- ernment which has sprung from that con- stitution, is a government in which power has been concentrated in the hands of Congress, while the responsibility is still divided. It has been said that the Speaker of the House is all-powerful. His power arises from the fact that it is his privilege to appoint all the chairmen and members of the committees of the House. By a selec- tion of chairmen from those members whose views on the topics assigned to them agree with his own, he has a direct influence upon the course of legislation. And in addition to this it should also be noted that lie has power even against the chairmen he has himself selected, by means of the appointment of the three members of the conference committee, when the Senate has amended a House bill and the House has refused to accept that amendment. Yet the Speaker, all- powerful as he is, is responsible, not to the nation, but to the one congressional dis- trict from which he is elected to take his seat in the Plouse of Representatives. For many years past the thought has been gradually forcing, itself upon the public mind that there is something radi- cally wrong in a system of government which presents the spectacle of such un- limited power with such limited responsi- bility, and that a reform of some sort is needed by which the trend of constitutional development, which has been described, may be arrested. Since it is evidently impossible to increase the responsibility of the Speaker and of the chairmen of the committees, the only alternative is tO' reduce their power in some way, or to transfer it to some other personage from whom a more perfect responsibility can be secured. Many writers have noticed the evils of the committee system of government, and most of them have made suggestions for the improvement of that system in some way. An examination of these suggested 54 SEMINARY NOTES. reforms will show the true nature and extent of the reform needed. The first suggestion is that the various financial committees be united, so that there shall be harmony in budgetary legis- lation. Under one committee the revenue and expenditure sides of the budget would be much more likely to be carefully bal- anced than under the present system of several committees on matters of finance. If this suggestion should be adopted it Avould probably result in better business methods in the conduct of the finances, but it would not in any way affect the main question of the principal reform sought for, the question of effective respon- sibility. It would ensure to the people a more careful consideration of the relation between taxation and expenditure, but it would not ensure to the people anv real control over either the extent or purpose of such taxation and expenditure. A second suggestion is, that the number of the members of the House of Repre- sentatives be diminished and that the com- mittees be chosen entirely from the ranks of the majority. It is urged in support of this proposition that by reducing the num- ber of representatives we increase the number of voters necessary to elect a rep- resentative, and so make him a national, instead of a sectional representative. This is undoubtedly true, but only to a limited extent. It might be possible to gain an improved responsibility in this way, but it would not be possible to gain an effective responsibility. The fewer the number of representatives the greater influence will any one representative's vote have in ■deciding national policy, and he will be more inclined to view questions from a national rather than from a sectional standpoint. But this does not alter the measure of his responsibility to his con- stituents in any degree. The second part of the suggestion, that the committees be chosen entirely from the majority, is intended to make the party in power responsible for the propositions of its committees, but it is not at all evi- dent that it will increase the responsibility of party beyond that which already exists. In Congress to-day a majority of the House have a majority of their own num- ber on every important committee. The Democrats are in the majority in the House, and it was of course the duty of Speaker Crisp to see that a majority on each of the important committees were Democrats. Otherwise the Democrats would find it difficult to control legisla- tion. The responsibility of the majority is as effective under the present system as it would be if none but the members of the majority formed the committees. This suggestion does not meet the requirements of the case. It does not win for the peo- ple the measure of responsibility from government which they demand. The two suggestions which have been noted are in themselves improvements upon the present condition of affairs in the House of Representatives, and in so far as they go would be steps in the right direction, but if their intention is to com- pletely remedy the existing evil of a lack of responsibility, they fail in their pur- pose. They do not appear to recognize that the real trouble at the basis of the committee system of government is lack of responsibility. A suggestion, which does recognize this evil, and which attempts to remedy it, is that the President shall be given the power to appoint the chairmen and members of the committees. The argument in favor of this proposition is as follows: This power could be given to the President without any remarkable change in the committee system of Congress, a system which, from the immense amount of busi- ness that it is necessary to transact in each session, it seems impossible to do without. It would simply be transferring the power of appointment of committees from the Speaker of the House to the President. It Avould, it is true, greatly increase the power of the executive over legislation, but it would not be an apparent change of the forms of government, and so would SEAflNA R Y NO TES. 55 not rouse the opposition of the people. It would cause the erroneous idea of the voter, that by his ballot for President he has a direct influence upon legislation, to be no longer aii erroneous idea but an actual fact. The President, by the appointment of members of committees whose ideas upon financial legislation, or upon any other legislation, agreed with his own ideas, would become the one person upon whom the responsibilit)- for such measures would rest. And it is fitting that it should be so, for the President is the only person of importance in our form of government, for whom all voters ha^'e the privilege of casting their ballots. The President is the only person from whom it is possible to obtain an eltective responsibility, and reform must therefore place power in the hands of the President, unless the people are prepared to change completely the form of government. Such is the argument in fa^•or of per- mitting the President to appoint the com- mittees of Congress. The suggestion is interesting, in that it is the only one so far which clearly recognizes that the principal fault in our form of goverment is a lack of responsibility, and which attempts to rem- edy that fault. But the suggestion does not seem to be practicable, for it does not take into consideration the possibility of the election of a President whose political views do not coincide with those of a ma- jority in the House. Our system of elec- tions would render this possibility an exceedingly dangerous one. The electoral vote of a state for President is determined by a count of all the votes cast in the state, while the election of a representative to Congress is determined by the vote cast in a certain district of that state. In this way it might easily happen, in fact has frequently happened, that the President would be of a different political faith from a majority of the House, and in such a condition of affairs the President could not possibly appoint committees, the views of whose chairmen agreed with his own. and who would still possess the confidence of the House. No committee, unless sup- ported by a majority in the House, could hope to do efficient work, and such a committee would soon realize that it was dependent upon the majority of the House, whose votes were necessary in order to carry out its propositions, rather thaa upon the President, whose power to influ- ence proposed legislation was limited to the privilege of suggestion. On the other hand, if the President rec- ognized the impossibility of appointing committees not in harmony with the ma- jority, and should lay aside his own plans for legislation and appoint the committees from among the members of the opposi- tion, he would thereby make of no effect the result of the presidential election. That election was supposed by the voters to have decided the policy of the govern- ment, but such action on the part of the President would be a casting of a responsi- bilit}- upon the House, which it is impos- sible to demand from that body because of the form of the government, and the presidential election would be of no more actual importance than it is at the present time. The suggestion would be practica- ble only when the President and the House were in harmony. At any other time it could only result in continual dis- putes between the executive and Congress. Of the suggested reforms which have been noted, the first and second are lim- ited in their action and cannot truly be called reforms, for they do not accomplish the end sought for. They may, perhaps, be valuable improvements upon the exist- ing forms, but they do not provide that union between responsibility and power which is demanded in this instance. The third suggestion does attempt to do this, but fails because of the different methods of electing President and representatives. It is an attempt to transfer power from Congress to the President, and such a step would in itself be a complete change from the natural constitutional development of the United States. There can be no doubt 56 SEMINARY NOTES. of the fact that Congress has become the supreme power in our government, and the logical tendency of reform would be to 'make that body responsible which has the actual power, and not to place power where there is but a nominal responsibil- ity. But how can this responsibility be ■secured from Congress, or rather, from the House of Representatives? The attempt has been made in this arti- cle to state, perhaps rather too forciblv, the arguments against the committee sys- tem of Congress in the control of financial matters. Criticism has also been made of proposed reforms of the system. In a later number of the Notes an article will appear upon what seems to be a steadily advancing tendency upon the part of the House of Representatives toward greater responsibility, and a suggestion of still another change by which really effective responsibility could be secured. E. D. Ad.\iMS. IS OUR CIVILIZATION CHRISTIAN ? (Pp„per read before the Historical Seminary, Dee. 3. 18iJ2.) W" PRESUME most of you have seen (you will lind the account in Luke's Gos- ' c4) the story of the tramp wdio appealed pel, 14:12-14): "When thou makest a to somebody with the statement, "Say, dinner or a supper call not thy friends nor Mister, won't you please give me a drink, thy brethren, neither thy kinsmen nor thy I'm so hungry I don't know where I'm rich neighbors lest they also bid thee going to sleep to-night I" again and a recompense be made thee. It was very much like the small boy But when thou makest a feast call the who went -nto a grocery store and said, poor, the maimed, the lame, the blind. ''Say, Mr. Storekeeper, won't you let me And thou shalt be blessed: for they can- have half an empty barrel full of flour to not recompense thee; for thou shalt be make a hen coop for my dog?" recompensed at the resurrection of the There seems to be no doubt that there just." is a great clamor in these days for very Now let us apply this to the every day many things, but the expression of that life of civilized society. How many fam- want is so confused that it very often lacks ilies in Lawrence during the vear of our the stamp of sincerity and actual need. Lord 1892 have made a dinner or a feast It is with a truly sincere and almost anx- in their comfortable homes and invited ious attempt to place some needs of our in the poor, the maimed, the lame or the ■civilization in a clear and simple light, blind? How many families do you sup- that the present paper has been prepared. pose have made one such dinner to the The title of the paper is bigger than its persons described in Topeka? Take up contents; but it has been the writer's hope any Sunday Capital through the year and that after debate might expand the entire you will read in the society columns how subject far beyond the limits of this par- Mrs. Jones entertained her friends, the ticular presentation. Mrs. Robinson, Smith, Thompkins, etc., Is our civilization Christian? I propose etc., etc. And in the next number of the to make answer by bringing our civiliza- Sunday pajier it will be Mrs. Robinson tion to the test, by seeing how far it can stand the test demanded by Christ him- self. We will consider three tests: — {a) So- cial. {/>) 'Political. {c) Religious. who has invited Mrs. Jones, Smith, Thompkins, etc., etc. ^Vhy, we all know that if Mrs. Jones should get up a good big dinner and invite in. sav the inmates I. The Social Test. Christ was once of Ingleside, or the children of the invited out to dinner at the house of a Orphan's Home, it would create a society civilized man and while there, He said sensation, the event would be so entirely SEMINARY NOTES. 57 unheard of. And if Mrs. Jones should make a practice of doing such things, say half a dozen times a year, her name would soon disappear from the roll of society people, Avho believe in inviting only those people to dinner who are able to return the compliment. But let us come out of the awful circle of society and see how it is in the homes of civilized people who do not call themselves society people. Look into the home of almost any church mem- ber in America. You will find pleasant social gatherings between relatives and friends. Scores of times during the year relatives and friends have feasted together. Members of the same church have invited their congenial acquaintances to dine with them and the compliment has been returned, and over the coffee and dessert the church work has been discussed and nobody has been harmed by wine drinking or gambling. Yet if you were to try to find a Christian home where the poor neighbor, or the unfortunate, or the one who could not make a feast has been invited into the home, I believe you Avould have to search a long time before you could find such a home. The fact is, society almost universally, and the Chris- tian home with a few exceptions, closes its doors pretty carefully to all but its own kind of people. I am trying to make this point: Civilization in this country has been quite generous in providing homes for the poor, the maimed, the halt, and the blind. But it has said in unmistakable terms to these outcasts, "You must not expect to come into our homes; you are too poor, and dirty, and repulsive, don't you know?" I do not know of a civilized home in America where the unfortunate are made welcome in the manner that Christ described and plainly meant. I have heard of such homes but I never saw one. And I am very sure I know of hundreds of civilized homes where the social life is a continual interchange of civilities based upon a similarity in posi- tions of wealth or family between the par- ties that entertain one another. I am aware that the common answer made to this failure to obey Christ's com- mand is that the conditions have changed between His civilization and ours and that the poor, the maimed, the lame, and the blind would not accept the invitation to dine at our houses if we gave it. But in reply to the first objection it is enough to say that however much the conditions of society have changed since Christ's time, there has been no change in human nature and no change in the eternal relations which exist between man and man. And in reply to the second objection it is enough to say that if the poor, the maimed, the lame, and the blind would not accept our invitation or would feel embarrassed and out of place if they did; still that does not make obsolete the command of Christ, and in any case we might seriously con- sider whether or not the gap between so- called classes of society has not been formed by the very persons who have homes refusing to share the comfort and plenty of them with those persons who have none. x-^nd this statement of Christ means more than simply a command to feed some hungry people once in a while. I believe it means making the civilized home the center of humanizing and civilizing efforts. More and more the homes of the rich and educated are becoming the places of interchange between people of means and education. It is the same selfish, ex- clusive idea which in many churches has planted mission schools at a distance. The wealthy, aristocratic congregation goes to its own elegant edifice to worship and takes up a collection to help run a mission school. It is quite willing to do that. It doesn't have to come in contact with the disagreeable sights and smells of poverty and distress. So the home in America is quite willing to entertain its own kind intellectually or physically, but to throw its doors open to the needs of humanity is a different thing. Is it any wonder, when once in a rare while some refined home ventures to invite into it^ 58 SEMINARY NOTES. comfortable circle the poor and lame, there is awkwardness and lack of congenial feeling, and suspicion of patronage, and a giving up of such practical Christianity in disgust at its results? And yet it seems very plain that Christ taught the necessity on the part of civilization, of personal individual contact with all sorts and con- ditions of men. It is not enough that we establish Refuges, and Homes, and Asy- lums, and Retreats, for the poor, the maimed, the lame, the blind. Into our own homes we must invite them and soci- ety will be called to account for the terri- ble waste of time and means spent in entertaining in order to be entertained. It may be civilization, but it is not Chris- tianity. I think I may be allowed at this point to mention another thing which seems to me to mark our civilization as not simply nonchristian but unchristian. And that is, the vast quantity of time, money and energy given to pleasures compared with the time, money and energy given to humanity. I am not one of those who, with Puritanical sourness of visage and rasping harshness of voice, declaim against innocent amusements and harmless recrea- tions. I have never preached against card playing, or dancing, or theaters, as sinful in themselves. But civilized society, as it is commonly understood, has found its greatest energies spent in four directions: Entertaining those who will give again, playing cards, dancing, and attending the play. These four forms of amusement, recreation or pleasure, are the forms most frequently found in our. civilization. And more time, money and energy are given to these four things tVian to any other one or even two. Now, as the world is at present, I do seriously believe all this ex- penditure of time in civilized life is Avaste- ful and, in some instances, wicked. This is an age that calls for heroes, and lo! the dancing master arises. This is a century that cries aloud through a suffering human- ity, and society organizes its card parties. These things are not wrong in themselves. No more is playing the fiddle, as has been said. But it is sheer cruelty to play it while Rome is burning. And the amuse- ments of a race belong very largely to its childhood. A civilized man ought to drop his playthings when the call shall come to him to pick up his weapons. I don't know how many voung men I am hitting now, but I do want to utter my most tremendous protest against the use- less amusements of society drawing rooms all over the world- My blood boils and my cheek burns with shame when I reflect that in my own city every week the people who live in the finest houses, and dine most luxuriously, and belong to what is called the best society, spend in costly card parties and dinners and dances, enough money to maintain for a year a home for street waifs, and just such an organization cannot get from the civilized community enough money in six months to provide for the actual starving needs of nearly fifty homeless boys and girls who drift into and through Topeka every win- ter month. These figures were given me by the chief -of police, who has in public again and again called attention to the need of just such an institution as was started. And yet the superintendent of that institution told me a month ago that he feared the work would have to be aban- doned, owing to the inability to get thirty dollars a month to pay all the running expenses. While more than ,8300 a month is spent by the good people of Topeka in entertaining the very people who, of all others, don't need to be entertained, be- cause they have plenty to eat at home. I don't want to have you think that I have come to Lawrence to say all this for fear of my own folks. I have said the same things at home and I do not see as it has revolutionized society, either. There is an average of one new society club a week organized in Topeka all the year around, and the object of every one of these clubs is to do just what Christ told his disciples not to do — spend time and money enter- taining those who will return the entertain- SEMINARY NOTES. 59 ment in kind. I therefore indict civilized society as not only non-christian but un- christian. For the same conditions pre- vail all over civilized America and Europe as prevail here. Much more might be said, if we had time, concerning the aspect of the home" life in civilization. That' it is far from Christian in many ways we may seriously question. There is scarcely a civilized home in Topeka, consisting of father, mother, and grown up boys and girls, where you can find the family all together one night in a week. In order to keep a group of boys and girls at home, some- thing extraordinary must be done in the way of entertainment. The common homely pleasures of home will not do at all. I would venture the assertion, although I have no absolute statistics to back it up, that j^ou may pick out a hun- dred civilized homes in any part of Tope- ka you may choose, and then select any night in the week you wish, and call at all those homes and you will not find a whole family together, all the members of it, in live homes out of the hundred. Society has absorbed the homes, more's the pity! And it is not Chrisi^ian in its adherence to the teachings of Jesus Christ. It is non- christian in its expenditure of time, money and energy. IL Let us .look at the Political Test. Christ spoke very plainly and unmistaka- bly on the political question. The one great aim of human government is the righteousness, prosperity, peace and hap- piness of all the people. Granted that that is a fair purpose for a government to have for existing, Christ spoke directly to the point. He said: "Seek ye first the kingdom of God and His righteousness and all these things shall be added unto you." Let us look at the facts in the case as they actually are in this country: Will any man dare say that our civilization politically has been trying to obey, even in a slight degree, the command of Christ? I take the ground (I always have taken it) that Christ was the greatest statesman the world ever saw. He looked farther into the causes of poverty, crime, discontent, anarchy and inequality than any politician that ever lived. And He laid it down as an eternal principle in government that if people would seek God first, righteous- ness first, all the other things, the material, money, cash, property, and power, would inevitably follow. But our civilization has turned this principle upside down. In the recent campaign the one great thing hoisted into prominence was the tariff, a question of commercial expediency. And men's votes were sought for and their pas- sions or prejudices aroused by arguments or eloquence directed to the pocket book. The prosperity of the country from a money point of view was the one great subject that engrossed men. Hardly a word was said during the whole campaign about the need of righteousness as the first thing. As one thoughtful man said after listening for three hours to brilliant politi- cal speeches in Faneuil Hall, Boston, "Not a word was dropped by a single speaker which recognized the existence of a soul in this Republic." In the letters of acceptance written by the candidates of the largest parties for the position of Head Executive of this nation, not one syllable was breathed to indicate that the first duty of this country was to seek the kingdom of God. The entire contents of those let- ters, with the exception of a few para- graphs, discussed a question of commer- cial expediency and defended a particular policy on the ground that moneyed pros- perity would be the result if that policy were followed out. Not one word that recognized the greatest thing in the world for a nation, not one hint that Jesus Christ's command ought to be obeyed first. This may be political wisdom but I contend it is not Christian. For if Christ were President of the United States He would put individual righteousness before the tariff in the order of importance. He would say, "If you citizens of the United States, irrespective of party, will seek first 6o SEMINARY NOTES. God's kingdom and God's righteousness, you will have the other things, the pros- perity, the money, the power, the freedom from hard times and the absence of unrest and discontent." Have we done that yet, as a nation? Has not our struggle been for the spoils? The New York Tribune, the organ of the man nominated for the second place of honor in government, on the editorial page of an issue of last Octo- ber had a long article which from begin- ning to end was one long trumpet note of rejoicing over the fact that, (jwing to the McKinley bill, an entire town in England had gone into bankruptcy and the inhab- itants reduced to practical beggary. How much Christianity is there in the boasting of a nation that it feeds and clothes and educates its people at the expense of other countries? Yet that was the key note of a moneyed campaign and has been for years. Does not the same law apply to nations as to individuals? Can I obey the teachings of Christ in my business and deliberately manage it in such a way as to ruin other men financially? Yet is not that just what the New York Tribune and numerous other papers and speakers have boasted that we as a nation have done to other nations? There is no more Chris- tianity in such statesmanship than in the act of the savage of the equator when he knocks out the brains of his neighbor with his club in order to get possession of his ivory deposit. The fact is that in the political world the law of Christ is practically ignored. Plenty of good moral men, men who are church members and call themselves ■ Christians, believe that there is no such thing as "mixing" (as they say) religion and politics. Yet it is the unmistakable teaching of Christ that life is all of one piece and that the first duty of a man is always and everywhere to seek first God's kingdom and righteousness. Civilization which does not try to do that in its gov- ernment is not Christian. It may be moral, it may be astute, it may be power- ful in certain ways, it may demand and get the respect of other nations as a pow- er, it may build great works of art and produce wonderful writers, singers, philos- ophers, soldiers, artists and scientists, it may astonish the globe with its wealth and rival all the past with its material glory, and still be no more Christian than the most ignorant and depraved savage tribe that lives in a jungle and never saw a steam engine. Viewed from the light of Christ's direct personal teaching, can any man claim that our government is really and truly Christian in its purposes and in the management of the machinery of administration? Is the great majority of oftice holders, of the men who stand at the head of our three great departments of government, the Executive, the Legisla- tive, the Judicial, — is it striving with heart, mind, soul and strength to love the Lord God and the neighbor as itself? If it is not, it is not Christian, for Christ said that was the first great law of human life. III. Let us turn now to the Religious Test. In the matchless prayer recorded in John's Gospel, the i8th chapter, Christ said: "Neither pray I for these alone but for them also which shall believe on me through their word; that they may all be one. " That is, it was the plain teaching of Christ that His disciples should be united in the common work of redeeming man- kind. Yet at no time in the ecclesiastical history of the world were there so many sects as now, and at no time, in spite of many real efforts at cooperation on the part of different denom'nations, has the church in civilized society been more jeal- ous of rivalry or more reluctant to wage a common warfare against a common foe. I could cite, to prove this statement, enough instances to stagger the University Foot Ball Team. But here is one: There is a town in Kansas of 1500 people and thirteen different churches. Some time ago a person died who thought there was need of another denomination (I do not know what his complaint was unless he was superstitious about the figure 13) and SEMINARY NOTES. 6i he left some money to help build a church of this particular sect. The people who had once belonged to this sect were mem- bers of other churches, working content- edly and happily in their church homes. But this money must be used. And I am in receipt of a letter written by the pastor of one of the thirteen churches, in which he says that members of his church are about to withdraw to form this new denom- ination and build up church No. 14 in a community where, if every living soul belonged to the existing churches, they wohld have an average membership of only 115 members. Nor is this an isolated fact without a parallel. There is hardly a town in the West where, if Christ were to go to preach, he would not stand aghast and sorrowful at the sight of five, six, seven or eight churches competing for the patronage of a population that for years to come, with all the advantages of emi- gration, cannot possibly support in any kind of vigorous work, more than two or three churches, and in very many cases not more than one. I believe Christ would denounce the sectarianism and denominationalism of our generation in the most scathing terms as non-christian and unchristian in spirit and in practice. And I most sincerely and emphatically believe that no one thing has done so much to injure the cause of God's Kingdom on earth as a divided Christendom. All the saloons and gambling hells and the allure- ments of big cities, all the infidelity-, and atheism, and opposition to Christianity from without have not done so much to cause the world to sneer and scoff at Christianity as a divided discipleship of Christ. There is no Christian reason why the Episcopal, Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, Lutheran and Congregational churches should not be one church in reality as well as in name. There is nothing in the inherent nature of man, intellectually and theologically, that neces- sitates these separate organizations. There is nothing except the selfishness and obsti- nacy of men which is responsible for the one hundred and fifty sects of Christen- dom. It was the unchristian, not the Christian element in human nature that made so many denominations a historical fact. We do not deny that much good may have been done in the separate churches. What we assert is, that the entire church organization is to-day based on an unchristian instead of a Christian principle. It is doing its work on a basis of division instead of a basis of unity. It is useless to deny the existing facts. The church is divided. In England the strife between state--church and nonconformists is bitter. In America there is as yet no practical unity looking to the oneness of work and purpose desired by the Great Master. It is easy to prove this. Go into any of the hundreds of towns in Kansas where the Methodist, Presbyterian, Bap- tist and Congregational churches are strug- gling for existence, and ask one or per- haps two of them to give up or unite with one of the other churches and support the work with the necessary means and enthu- siasm. Ask the Congregational church people to sell or dispose of their church property and together with the Presbyteri- ans unite the membership and double up •the salary of the minister and then pitch in and fight the saloon, the joint, the gambling house, the anything that needs pitching into the most. Prove to these churches that four churches in a popula- tion of 800 people is a damage to the cause of Christ and that two could do the work much more effectively, and ask them to double up. Yes — ask them. That is as far as you would get. Why, it would be the miracle of church history if they did double up — ^anything but their fists, at the mere suggestion of such a union. And yet I believe that is just what Christ would tell them to do. And it is what Christen- dom must do before our churches are really and at heart Christian. The civil- ized world has not fulfilled that prayer of Christ yet — "that they all may be one." The melancholy fact remains, that spite of signs of clearer dawn, Chiistendom is 62 SEMINARY NOTES. divided instead of being united, and dif- ferent sects are the scorn, perplexity and derision of the heathen world which we, in our superior civilization, are seeking to convert to a Christianity which as yet we do not possess ourselves. There are at present some curious aspects of civilized life in connection with our Christian organizations of learning and our Christian press, that call for com- ment. It certainly is a fact large enough to cause comment, thattwo Christian col- leges, among the largest and most influen- tial in the country, select a day which by custom and practice has always been con- nected with religious services, for an ath- letic contest, so arranged that the religious services are ignored and put into a sec- ondary place, or in some instances entirely omitted. For it is certainly a fair ques- tion to ask whether, in the process of education, Christianity would put into such prominence the animal • over against the spiritual. I simply raise the question. I cannot take time to discuss it. Only, I believe if Christ was a citizen of New V'ork on Thanksgiving Day He would go to the religious service instead of the foot- ball game, and if He were President of Yale or Princeton He would throw the weight of His influence with the students to have the game come off on Wednesday or Friday, and not on the day when every one is urged by the proclamations of the President of the United States and the Governors of the states to return thanks in places of public worship to Almighty God. One other aspect of civilization which of late has struck me as curiously non-christian, is the high price put upon everything good and the low price chargeci for everything bad. Take any of our publishing houses, religious and all, and they will put out a lovely book or maga- zine for $\, $2, $3; while all the printers of trash will sell anything you want in their line for a nickle. The Sunday School houses send out nice books for boys at 75 cents and $1.50, while the "■Life of the Daltoii Gam:" can be bought (Ui the cor- ner for a dime ! The same fact is true of the best things in our civilization when it comes to the best entertainments for the masses. The best preaching, the best singing, the best art, the best that can be obtained by travel costs so much that the great masses cannot touch it. There are not enough unselfish men of genius in Christendom to redeem our civilization from paganism. As soon as a man dis- covers that he can play the fiddle divinely, he straightway puts a price upon his genius and exacts his two hundred dollars or five hundred dollars a night before he will play for the delight of the world. It is the same with the sweet singer, the gifted orator, the matchless composer. O Hu- manity! When shall the world behold a genius who, satisfied with enough for his ■living, shall be willing to give much and often "■for nothing,''^ as the world would say, regarding himself in so far as simply an expression of Deity to be given to the world as much as possible for the world's great profit? Even as Christ came "not to be ministered unto but to give his life a ransom for many." In this brief attempt to answer the ques- tion: "Is our civilization Christian?" the plain ground has been taken that civiliza- tion in its threefold aspect of society, poli- tics, and religious life is not, as yet, Chris- . tian, according to the standards set up by the Founder of Christianity. The writer disclaims any tendency to pessimism. He is an optimist by birth, training and incli- nation. He believes the sun is just com- ing up, not just going down. He thinks there never was so grand a time to live as the present, on account of its great prob- lems and the splendid opportunities just opening for the Church, the Home, and the University. He wishes he were eighteen years younger, so as to reach his majority when the Muse of History flings 0[jen the portal of the 20th century and dii)s her pen into the heart of a new life as she looks on the unstained tablet with a smile of prophetic enthusiasm. But spite of all the optimism and the longing, con- SEMINARY NOTES. 63 viction will not down at empty bidding of Nazareth, that One who demanded of it, and looking gravely, though hopefully, Humanity nothing short of perfection, the out on the lives of men and trying to gaze writer is compelled to say, albeit with through the eyes of the Son of Man, that reluctant sadness, " No— Our Civilization Peasant of Galilee, that Carpenter of is not Christian, — no, not yet !" Chas. M. Sheldon. UNITED STATES CENSUS BULLETINS ON MANUFACTURES. ■gn^HESE reports on manufactures in ^^ the United States are issued from time to time in pamphlet form for separate cities ; but the series includes all the prin- cipal cities of the United States. The bulletins are issued by the Department of the Interior and are preliminary to the final reports which will be issued only in large volumes and in a much more com- plete shape. Each report contains two tables. The first is a comparative table of totals of the years 1880 and 1890, giving the number of industries and establishments, capital and labor employed, wages paid, cost of ma'terials, value of products, and some municipal data. The other table is one of detail, and usually includes from four to ten classes of industries, presumably selected as representing the greatest amount of capital employed. It is for 1890 and treats of capital employed, wages paid, labor employed, cost of materials, miscellaneous expenses, and the value of the product at the works. All these points are treated under subdivisions and in totals. Two new items incorporated into the Eleventh census are spoken of in the bulletins — labor employed and miscel- laneous expenses. The troublesome ques- tion of "average wages" will be made more valuable in the final reports by separating labor and wage statistics into several classes. The other improvement over the Tenth census is the item of mis- cellaneous expense, which includes much of value that was heretofore excluded. The purpose of the issue of such bul- letins is left to the conjecture of the read- er. Presumably, the advance issue is made so as to acquaint inquirers after me- chanical data with the information as soon as possible. If that be the case, its use- fulness is in a great measure destroyed by not being adequate to the wants of a thor- ough review of the subject. Only partial statements are made, thus causing deduc- tions to be but half-truths. In one place a very slight intimation is given that, as the reports are preliminary to the final issue, an opportunity is afforded for criti- cism. But this, too, is of little use; since the bulletins represent only a very few industries of each city, no just criticism can be made. Not even the totals of a city's manufacturing interests can be veri- fied, because very few are able to get at data which will give them an opportunity to make proper comparisons between the reports and the actual facts. Following are some deductions of gen- eral interest made from the bulletins. By taking the twenty-five most important rei)orts thus far issued, which in their tables of totals give figures for 1880 and 1890, it is seen that in only eleven cities is the percentage of increase of total capital larger than the percentage of increase of the total wages. In all other cases the percentage of increase of wages in 1890 over 1880 is much larger than the percentage of increase of capital during the same period. These increases vary greatly in different sections of the country and are due to varying causes. In the older manufacturing towns the lack of a proper comparative increase on the part of wages may in part be accounted for by the fact that old buildings must be replaced by better equipped and more costly ones, new machinery must be supplied, and a cheaper class of labor may be employed 64 SEMINAR Y NO TES. in many instances. Still, in some other of the older towns the proportionate increase of wages is the highest, as compared with younger manufacturing districts. Thus in New York city the total wages increased 127.89 per cent., while the total capital reached an increase of but 97.37 per cent. In Denver, where wages were high, the opposite is true. There the total wages increased but 380.23 per cent., while the total capital far outran this by an increase *^^ 533-°i P^"^ cent. Even after making these exceptions to proportionate increase of capital over wages and making due allowance for the difference of meaning* attributed to the word "capital" in the 1880 and 1890 censuses, which partially unfits them for comparison, we must admit that there has been a healthy increase to the credit of the wages class as a whole. In these same twenty-five cities, by a comparison of the total wages paid and the number employed there is only one city in which the "average wages" are less in 1890 than in 1880. In all the other cities there is an increase, ranging from 7.69 per cent, to 77.62 per cent., but in most cases between 30 and 50 per cent. No reason is given for the decrease of 1.08 per cent, in the average wages of Mobile, Alabama, but in the case of the smallest increase of average wages (Utica, N. Y., 7.69 per cent.) a plausible explanation is given. There the small comparative in- crease of average wages is due to the greater increase, over 1880, of the number of women and children employed as com- pared with the increase of the number of men employed. This reduced the increase of the average wages, as women and chil- dren do not receive such high wages as do the men.f In the western cities, where * The question i-especting ciipital in 18-fO census was neither bufflciently comprehensive nor properly nn- derstoocl, and therefore the full amount of capital employed was 7iot reported. The presniir. ce isus inquiry included all iiroperty or assets strictly per- taining to a niannfficturiug' business, whether owned, borrowed or hired.— | p. 4 of Bulletin, tin the manufacture of men's clnthing, cotton gO' ids. fur g ods, a.nd hosiery and knit goods, ri 008 women were employed m lSf-0 and 4,845 in 18',)0 giving an increase of 1.57. 7i) per cent. The same industries employed 1,138 men in i880 and I,>.i63 men in lJ-99. givin.g an increase of only 72.40 per cent.— [Bulletin for Utica, N.Y.,p,!i, ^ the increase of wages is small as compared with the older eastern cities, it would seem reasonable enough to say that there was a gradual gravitation toward the iiormal wages, from the abnormal average of wages incident to a new country. It is quite natural that a larger supply should be in the labor market. Much of this increase of average wages is due to the fact that relatively more men and less women and children were employed in 1890 than in 1880 and also that by an increase of machinery and by the output of a better product, more skilled labor must be used. In seven cities east of the Missi^ssippi river and south of the Ohio river the high- est average wages paid in any one city was ^520, while the average for the seven cities was ^431. In twelve cities east of the Mississippi river and north of the Ohio river the highest average wages for any one city was $569, while an average of $497 was paid in the twelve cities. In five cities west of the Mississippi the highest average wages for any one city was ^793 and the average wages for the five cities was ^648. These figures are for 1890. Without going behind the figures this would seera to indicate that much higher wages were paid in the west than in the east, and higher in the north than in the south ; but does it follow that the northern and western laborers are in better circum- stances? However much these figures may seem to show, it should always be remembered how difficult it is to gain any positive knowledge from totals of this kind,. for in one instance the numbers of workmen may be swelled by the addition of much cheap labor, thus reducing the average; and in another instance the average may be greatly increased by exactly opposite conditions. In order to lessen this diffi- culty in comparison and to make the data much more reliable, the superintendent of the census has greatly changed the char- acter of data for the Eleventh census. This change will make comparisons with SEMINARY NOTES.' 6S previous reports somewhat unsatisfactory, but the value of the statistics themselves and their vahie for future comparison will be greatly enhanced. In the inquiry after data the classified occupation and wage system was adopted. Officers or firm members engaged in productive labor con- stituted one class; clerical labor and piece-workers constituted separate classes. Wage workers were divided into two classes — (i) operatives, overseers, fore- men (not general superintendents or managers) and other skilled workmen ; (2) watchmen, laborers, teamsters and other unskilled workmen. Statements were required of the average number each of men, women, and children employed in each class during the year and the actual total wages paid to each class. Other statements showed " the various rates of wages per week, the average number of men, women, and children, respectively, employed at each rate, exclusive of those, employed on piece work.!' ' ■ Takj.ng the specific tables for ' 1890 one. fi:nd5;. . that in many- i respects, they ; arei unworthy .of trust.. .The San Francisco,; (i)a,lifornia., taTDle, embracing but teri . Indus-.- trjesy 'represents :,35..iS^per : cesnt; lof. the' wihole raa.nufacturing.,capital "in-vested .dn.? San . F.rancisco, /(W.h4le the same,:, tab!©' inckides •34; 88..) p^T/icej^t. 'of the; number 1 esiiplo.ypd and 39,..7.4 pen dentj.:iof -the wagesi'i paid.:; By it.ak^vng..su;iJonding members of the Seminary and with the general pub- lic—especially with the Alujnni of the University, and to pres.i ve at least the outlines ol carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each issue will be increast-d as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BLACKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. Many of the readers of the Notes will remember Rev. Chas. M. Sheldon's article "Sociology from the standpoint of a minister." In this number we publish another article by Mr. Sheldon which should be of interest to all. It was read before the Historical Seminary of Dec. and. something good, and much that is to be condemned, purely from the statisticians point of view i. e., upon the question of information given by or to be deduced fr> m the bulletin. The criticism of the Census Bulletins on Manufactures, contributed to this number of the Notes by Mr. Krehbiel, is a very fair one indeed. The Census Bureau has received the most adverse criticism because of the publication of these Manufactures Bulletins, the general feeling of papers of both political parties being that the aver- age wages shown for 1890 was altogether too large an increase over the average wages for 1880. It is because of this bulletin more than anything else that the census is called a "partisan census." Mr. Krehbiel is a member of the class in Statistics, and examines the bulletin from a statisticians point of view. He finds Recent affairs in Europe have been very interesting. In the midst of the ex- citement over the fall of a French Ministry, a Paris paper, \.\\t Journal c\'&\vi\'=, to have received a copy of the Triple Alliance, which has been kept so secret. The Journal, refuses to state how the document was secured, and the general impression seems to be that it is a fraud. Such things are alwa)S interesting, how- ever, because of the doubt attached to them. Students of history will be inter- ested in making a clipping of it for future reference. It can be found in most of the daily papers for Dec. ist, 1892. The manner in which the new universi- ties have taken up the work of university extension shows the democratic tendency of higher education. The older universi- ties are unbending to catch the spirit of the general diffusion of knowledge. University education is no longer to be considered in the light of the culture of a small circle of favored ones. The development of the state universities of the west as great schools of the people, the endowment of the magnificent private institutions and the establishment of many church schools have greatly widened the opportunities of the American youth. More than this the great improvement of the material condition of the people of our country makes it possible for them to enjoy the benefits of the opportunities offered. If higher education is good for a few, why is it not good for all? Granting that it is good for all, to whom is it possi- ble? University extension deals with these two ideas. While a few are journeying along the highway of knowledge, univer- sity extension has pointedly asked: "Where are the rest of our fellow citizens? Why are they denied this extreme favor of learning? Do they not need it; are they SEMINARY NOTES. 67 not deserving? Does not the universal education which is the boast of this coun- try include universal hii^her education?" The other question is not of a more prac- tical nature but highly essential. How far is it possible to extend the higher education to the masses and how may it be done? These are the questions of impor- tance in university extension. University extension is thus the sociology of education. In its processes it may appeal to individual development but in its fundamental idea it has at heart the elevation of the masses of humanity. It proposes to carry out as far as possible the theory of universal education. It proposes to build up' organic society. A university may have other purposes. It may seek to build up within its walls scientific knowledge to establish a fountain of learning, a criterion of truth. And this is well for the few who dig and delve in the university cloisters. It is also well for general humanity, who in a general way, reap the reward of scientific investigation. But university extension tries to obtain a special leverage on humanity and elevate it by direct application of teaching force. Colleges and universities have always held in a greater or lesser degree, that the few should be well educated, not only for the sake of individual culture but that they might be leaders of the people. Univer- sity extension goes a step further and asks that the people be educated so that they may lead themselves. But with all of this acknowledgment to what extent may this be done? Is it possible for every one to become a college graduate? By no means, nor even probable were it possible. But the advantages of a modern universi'y are various-. A young man may choose to take a set course of instruction through which he may plod with all courage and vigor having in view a diploma as the chief re- ward of labor. Another may remain- in school but two years, instead of four, and select studies in the mean time that best suit his purpose. The latter may be credited with a university education as well as the former, although he has no set iron clad course nor even a degree. Indeed the latter may have received more univer- sity training in the two J^ears than the former within the four. So too, thousands of people who may not be residents of colleges or universities may receive genuine university education. Possibly not a full course, not a degree, but all they receive is sound university instruction, which they are able to appreciate. These persons are benefitted to this extent an-d the service of university instruction is widened. To be really efficient this instruction must be given in the spirit of helpfulness. It must reach beyond the advertising process to become really helpful. It must be given with extreme patience for the difficulties are many. It must be given with hope, for if long and faithfully continued it will bring its own reward to successful effort. The historical seminary of the Univer- sity of Wisconsin, under the direction of Professors Turner and Haskins, has been investigating the history of the various foreign groups in the state, a work which might be done to good advantage here in Kansas. In a recent paper on "Wiscon- sin's German Element" Miss Kate Everest directs atten-tion to an early effort to Ger- manize one of the states of the Union. In consequence of reaction following the revolutions of 1S30, there was a large German emigration to America immediate- ly after that year. Societies were formed in Germany for the purpose of making organized settlements in this country, but none succeeded in this object. In 1835 a society, called Germania was organized in New York for the purpose of founding a German settlement, where the language and customs of the Fatherland could be preserved. Congress had recently granted land in Michigan and Illinois to Polish fugitives and the Germania society applied for a similar grant for Germans but was refused. The next plan was to direct German settlers to some one state of the Union and thus get control of it and make it a German state. There was disagree- ^8, SEMINARY NOTES. ment as to the state to be chosen; the society disbanded and its members were scattered over the United States. A similar movement started in Pennsylvania in 1836. One plan was to Germanize that state by establishing the German language in the courts and schools upon an equality with English, but this was defeated in the legislature. The only practical result of the movement was the purchase of 12,000 acres of land in Missouri and the founding of the town of Plermann. After the plan of Germanizing an American state was given up in America, it was occasionally agitated by German writers abroad, as in the Bluntschli-Bratu Staats-Woerterbuch and in Roschers "Political Economy. '^ But such plans have long since been given up, and Germans in America agree with Garl Schurz in thinking "that they are not called upon to form a separate nationality, that as Germans they have no peculiar in- terests in the political life of the republic, but that the universal well-being is theirs also." It is not at all probable that the Inter- national Monetary Conference now in session will accomplish anything of per- manent value in the form of a plan which will be adopted by the majority of the nations represented in the conference. But the extreme selfishness of European powers and their insatiable greed for finan- cial power regardless of the common wants of humanity will re-assert themselves in stronger type than formally." Whatever concessions may be made we may rest assurcjd that the ruling financial powers of Europe will do nothing to lessen their control of the money market. They hold more tenaciously to their ancient prestigein this respect than they do to their system of standing armies. We have been told from time to time that England has been steadi- ly growing toward bi-metalism. Perhaps the sentiments of the people are changing somewhat in this respect, but the govern- ment has never yet shown any sincere intentions of making any radical change in favor of silver. England is still strong- ly monometallic. In considering the gen- eral ultimate benefit of nations and of England especially, they would be greatly benefitted if some international plan could be established for the proper use of silver along with gold. But just now when the control of English government is under the power of money loaners, while it is for the apparent immediate benefit to use India as a silver country and keep Eng- land on a gold basis that the latter may always obtain the margin of trade, while the steady work of financial conquest of the South American republics goes on, and while London still remains the money market of the world, it is more profitable in a financial way for England to hold specifically to a gold basis and allow other nations to grant more favorable terms to silver. The proposition of Rothschild for the governments of Europe to make a combined annual purchase of silver amounting to less than $25,000,000. while the United States shonld continue the purchase of 45,000,000 ounces per annum is absurd on the face of it and represents the spirit of Europeari powers in regard to the money market. The conference acted wisely in rejecting such a proposi- tion even though they are likely to get no better from that source. Such a plan would rather increase the burdens of the United States than lighten them, in case a panic in silver should come, for the pur- chase of only ^25,000,000 by the com- bined powers could have but little influ- ence in the establishment of a steady value to silver. As each nation would be responsible for its own conduct in coinage, any depreciation of silver would affect the nation most that handled the largest amount. The United States has about as large a burden as it can well carry by the. law of July 14, 1890. This is already beginning to be felt in some circles and will doubtless be felt more as time passes. It may be necessary to modify the present law before we reach a final adjustment, so that the purchase will be less than at present. The chief European nations are greedy for gold, and so long as they con- tinue in this spirit they will not look kindly toward a fair treatment of silver, espe- cially so long as there is a tendency of American nations to give silver promi- nence and to allow the European nations to reap the benefit. Doubtless England wo'dd be benefitted in the long run by a liberal policy in this matter but we need not expect that. She has always taken more interest in colonization than mission- ary work. Just now political colonization in America seems out of the question but there is no reason why she should not con- tinue commercial and financial colonization in America as well as elsewhere. To this end the United States should be very, careful in the future in regard to the dis- position of silver. SEMINAR Y NO TES. 69 COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY. FOR 1892-93. ■ F. W. Br.ACKMAR. Ph. D. F. H. HODDER, PH. M. E. D. ADAMS, PH. D. Instruction in this department is given by means of lectures, conferences, recitations, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses of study, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classify- ing materials, and of writing and presenting papers on special topics. All lectures are sup- plemented by required reading and class exer- cises. The work of the department now embraces five principal lines of study, namely-: European History, American History and Civil Govern- ment, Political Institutions, Sociology or Social Institutions, and Political Economy. The following studies are offered for 1892-'9n: FIRST TERM. 1. The History of Civilization. Lectures daily, at 8:30. Ancient Society, and the intel- lectual, development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influ- ence of Greek philosophy and the Cliristlan church on European civilization, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationality. 2. French and German History. Daily, at 9:30. Descriptive history. Text-book. 3. Historical Method and Criticism. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. Examination and classification of sources and authorities. Analysis of the works of the best historians. Library work, with collecti(jn and use of mater- ial, notes, and bibliography. Special attention to current historical and economic literature. 4. The History of Education and the Development of Methods of I.istruction. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30. This course may be taken wilh No. 3. A course for teachers. 5. English History. Daily, at 11. Descrip- tive history. Text-book. 6. Journalism. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 12. Lectures, laboratory an'~i librarj' work. English: Twenty-five lecturts by Prof- essors Dunlap and Hopkins; 15 lectures on the history and ethics of journalisn, by Professor Adams. Newspajjer bureau. The principal object of the bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep in-' formed on the topics of the day, and to preserve clippings proiDerly filed and indexed. This course will be found highly beneficial to stu- dents who desire a special study in magazines and newspapers as a general culture. 7. Statistics. Tuesday and Thursday at 12. Supplementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems, lectures, and class-room prac- tice. The history and theory of statistics receive due attention. 8. American History. From the earliest discovery to 17G3. Lectures, topical reading, and recitations. Three hours a week at 3. 9. L and Municipal Government. Lectures and topical reading. Two hours a a week at 2. Courses 8 and 9 are intended to be taken to- gether as a full study, but may be taken sepa- rately. 10. American History. Presidential ad- ministrations from Washington to Jackson. Daily, at 3. Open to Seniors in full standing, and to other students upon approval of the instructor. 1 1. International Law and Diplomacy, Lect-ires and recitations. Two hours a week,, at 4. 12. Political Economy. Daily, at 4. The fundameiital principles are discussed, elaborated and illustrated by examples Irom present eco- nomic society. A brief history of Poiitical Economy closes the course. SECOND TERM. 13. Institutional History. Lectures Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 8:30, on comparative politics and administration. Greek Roman, and Germanic institutions compared.. Historical significance of Roman law iii the middle egcs. Short study in Prussian adminis- tration. 14. Renaissance and Reformation. Tuesday and Thursday, at 8:30. Lectures. Tlie revival of learning with especial reference to the Italian renaissance. A careful inquiry into the cause, course and results of the Refor- mation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number 1. 7° SEMINAR V NO TES. 1 5. Political History of Modern Eu- rope. Tuesday and Thursday at 9:30. Text- book . 16 Federal Goverrment and the French Revolution. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30, on Switzer- land. Tiie Italian republics and the States General of France. 1 7 Oonstitutior.al History of England. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. This course may be tnken as a continuation of number 5. Te.\'t-b()ok and lectures. 18 Elements of Pociology. Leclures, Monday. Wednesday, and Friday, at 11. Evo- lution of social institutions. Laws and condi- tions that tend to oro:anize society. Modern social institutions and social problems. 19. rharitie« a- d Correction. Tuesday and Thursday, at 11. Treatment of the poor irom a historical standpoint. Modern scientific charity. The treatment of criminals. Prisons and reformatories. Practical study of Kansas institutions. This course is supplementary to number 18 20. Land Tenures Lectures, Tuesday and Thursday, at 12. This course treats of primitive prop(^rty, the village .community, feudal tenures, and modern land-holding in Great Britiin and the United States. This course is mainly historical, and is an e.xcellent pre] aration for the study of the law of real pro* erty. 21. American History. Continuation of course 8. First half-term: History of the Rev- olution and the Confederation, 1763 to 1769. Second half-terra: Brief summary of the consti- tnticnal period, with Johnston's "American Politics" as a text-book. Three hours a week, at 2. 22. Oorstituti'^nal La-w History of the a,doption of the constitution, and a study of its provisions. Twice a week, at 3 Forms, with course 21, a full study, but may be taken separately. 23 American History. Continuation of ourse 10- Presidential administrations from Jackson to Lincoln. Daily, at 3. 24. Meriisevfll History. Two-fifths of the second term of the Freshman year. For all students whose admission pa|:)i'rs show, that they have had elementary physics, hygiene and chemistry. Daily, at 3 Text-book. 25. Princinl- s of Public Finance. Lec- tures on public industries, budget l(\gislation, taxation and public d('l)ts. OpiMi to students who have studied political economy one term. Two hours a week, at 4. 26 The Status of Woman. Confer- ences. Tuesday and Thursday, at 4 Indus- trial condition, including a study of labor, wages, etc. Woman in the professions. Their political and legal abilities and disabilities. Property rights. Conditiou of woman in Europe and the Orient. Social questions. 27. Advanced Political Economy. Monday, AVednesday, and Friday, at 4. (Con- sisting of (fl) leclures on applied economics; (5) practical observation and investigation; and (c) methods of research, with papers by students on special topics. This course is a continuation of number 12. General Seminary, on Fridaj', at 4. Stu- dents in History and Sociology are required to attend the Seminary unless excused by special arrangement Full credit will be allowed for time spent in Seminar}' work. At the beginning of the term, students may elect other worl< in place of the seminar}', if they choose. SUGGESTED MAJOR COURSES FOli UNDER- GRADU.VTES. L Economics. Courses 7, 13, 18, 19, 20, and 27. II. European History. Courses, 2, 3, 5, 13, 1.5, and 10. in. American History. Courses 8. 9, 10, 21, 22, and 23. IV. Social Institutions. Courses, 1, 12, 14, 18, 19, and 4 (or 26) v. Political Institutions. Courses 3, 7, 9, 15, 13, 10, 17, 20, and 22. . GRADUATE COURSES. Persons desiring to take the degree of A. M. may do so by the completion of any one or all of the followjig courses. The work is carried on by the investigation of special topics under the personal direction of the instructor. .An hour for conference will be arranged for each student. The Gourses extend throughout the j-ear. I. American History. Open to graduates and students wlio have studied American His- tory two years. II. Economics. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in political economy. Courses 12. 27, and 8, III Political and Social Institutions- Open to graduates and students who have tak(ni the inidergraduate work in the history of insti- tutions and sociology. C)urses 12, 27, and 7 The above courses are for students who de- sire iirofiriency in a special line. These courses will not in any way interfere with the gener.d rides of the Faculty respecting graduate work SEMINARY NOTES. 71 (Catalogue, 1891 -'02, pp 120, 121) By these rules, a graduate student may take any of the 27 courses mentioned above (exceijt 15 und 24) as a preparation for the degree of A M. Preparation for Fntrance to the Uni- versity. The time spent in the liigli scliools in the study of Ijistory is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be exercised in pre))aring students for en- trance to the Uiiiversit}'. At present very little history is required in the Freshman and Sophomore years, and the students enter upon the study of the Junior and Senior 3'ears with- out thorough prt.'paration for the work. It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the Univeisity to learn the story of nations pretty thoroughly, ii general outline of the world'"S histciry with a .special study of the United States History and government represents the field. But this out- line should be more than a mere skelt-ton of facts and dates. It should be well rounded with the political, social, and economic life of the people. Students will find a general text-book, such as Myer's, Sheldon's, or Fisher's, indispensible; but the work of preparation ought not to stop here Such works as Fyffe's Greece, Creighton's Rome, Seebohm's Era of Protestant Revolution, Cox's Greece, and others in the Primer, Epoch, and Stories of Nations series ought to be read. The object of this reading is to familiarize the student with the pulit Oil and social life of ihe principle nations of the world. For this purpose everything should be as interesting as possible. Such an inti-rest should be aroused that the student Avould not be puzzled over dates and threadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things tliat are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That history wiiich is gained by a bare memory of events is soon lost It grows tao dim for use and consequentl^y leads to confusion. With the story of the nations well learned the student comes to the Univprsily prepared for the hiuiier scientific sUidy of history and its kindred topics He is then ready for invest. gallon, comparison and analysis. He then takes up the real investigation of the phil- osophy o institutu)ns and of national develop- ment He is then ready for the science of Sociology, Institutional History, Political Econ- omy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the University without this preparation find it necessary to make up for it as best they can by the perusal of books, such as those mentioned above. 72 SEMINAR Y NO TES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student in the University should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under speciallj' favorable financial conditions— but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Students are required to imrchase books marked with an asterisk. American Book Company, Ciiicago. Manual of the Constitution. Andrews S l.OU Analysis of Civil GoverniiieijJ, Townsend l.OU Civil Govermaent. Peterman 60 Fistory of England, Thalheimer 1.00 Medi»2val and Modei-n History, Thalheimer J.60 Outlines of History. Fisher a.4U General History of the World, Barnes 1.60 Political Economy, Gregory : 1-20 Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin. .90 Ginn & Co., Boston and Chicago. Ancient History, Myers & Allen % 1.50 Mediffival and Modern History, Mj-ers 1.50 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.00 Macy's Our Government... 75 * General History, Myei's 1-50 Leading facts in English History, Montgomery... 1.12 I'hilosophy of Wealth, Clark. 1.00 Political Science Quarterly. Yearly 3.00 Washington and His Country, Fiske.. ..- 1.00 Harpers, New York. *History of Germany, Lewis 1.50 *International Law, Davis ^.00 *Political History of Modern Times, Mueller 2.00 *Short English History, Green:.:.:: 1.20 Civil Policy of America. Draper '^.00 History of English People, Green, 4 vols 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth, 6 vols... 12.00 The Constitution. Story 90 Holt & Co., New York. *American Politics, Johnston $ 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle. ^ vols 9.00 American Currenc3\ Sumner 3.50 History of Modern Europe, Fyfte. 3 vols 7..50 Political Economy, Walker S.25 Houg'bton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. Discovery of America. Fiske, 3 vols .. ? 4.00 Ameruran Commonwealths, 14 vols., each 1.35 American Statesmen, 24 vols., each.: 1.35 American Revolution, Fiske, 3 vols 4.00 Critical Period of American Histoi'y. Fiske 3.0'^ Epitome of History, Ploetz 3.00 ■Christopher Columbus, Wiusor 4.00 Appleton, New York. Dynamic Sociology, V/ard, 2 vols.'. ■? 5.00 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.35 Political Economy, Mill, 3 vols 6.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. ♦Political Economy, Ely ..% 1.00 M'^cmillan, New^ York. Constitiitional History, England, Stubbs, 3 vols..$ 7.80 Principles of Economics, Mar.shall, vol. I 3.00 Armstrone, New York. *Deinocracy in Europe. May, 3 vols $ 2.50 G. P Putnam's Sons, New York and London. *American Citizen's Manual, Ford $ 1.25 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S., Tiedeman... 1.00 History of Political Economy, Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econon. Hist, and Theory, Ashley 1.50 Indust. and Com. Supremacy of Eng., Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.35_ *Tarifl History of the United States, Taussig 1.35 ' The Story of Nations, ■"i4 vols., each , 1.50 Heroes of the Nations. 13 vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed.bs^ Johnston, 3 vols., each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 6 vol 820.00 Constitutional Law ofU S.. Von Hoist 2.00 Political Economy, Roscher, 3 VQls 6.00 Crowell, New York. *JBistory of France, ,:Duruy .,.,....., : ..,.,$ 2.00 Labor Movement in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 2 vols..' 2..50 Problems of To day, Ely 1..50 Little, Brown-& Co., Bo'^'ton. History of Greece, Grote. 10 vols... $17..50 Parl.man's Works, per vol 1.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham .'150 Longmans, Green dz Co., New York, Epochs of Ancient History, each vol $ 1.08 Epochs of Modern History, each vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill 1.75 The Crusades, Cox .. J. 00 Scribners, New^ York. *Anierican Diplomacy, Schuyler ..$ 2.50 History of Rome. Mommsen, 4 vols 8.03 Lombard Street. Bagehot 1.25 Silent South, Cable 1.00 J ilver Burdstt & Co., Boston. *Historical Atlas. Labberton $1.50or$ 2.00 *Historical Geography of iJ. S., MacCoun 1.03 *Institutes of Economics, Andrews 1.50 Institues of General History, Andrews 2.00 Dodd, Mead & Co., New York. History of United States, Schouler, 5 vols $11.50 D. C. Heath & Co.. Boston. *The State, Woodrow Wilson ? 3.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide a. 00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1.50 General History. Sheldon j.60 *01d South Leaflets, 22 Nos., each 05 History Topics, Allen '4f> State and Fed. Governments of the U. S., Wilson ' .50 The American Citizen. Dole 90 Comparative View of Governments, Wenzel 20 Studies in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... l.lg Any book in the above list will be lurnished by the Lawrence Book Cc.Crew^'s old stand, 745 Mass. SEMINARY NOTES. State University — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. II. FEBRUARY, 1893. No. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All students connected with the department of History and Sociology ai'e, by virtue of such connection, members of the Seminary. All students are expected to attend the Seminary unless excused by the instructors of the depart- ment. Students are credited with the time spent in Seminary Avork. The meetings of the Seminary are held every Friday, in Room 15, University Building. Pub- lic meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the Department mentioned ; prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investigation of existing conditions, under the personal direction of the officers of the Seminary. Special assistance in choice of themes, author- ities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the department of History and Sociology, or in the department of English, or in any of the literary societies or other similar organizations in the University ; on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Seminar}^ if so required. In connection with the work of the Seminary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are repre- sented by some twenty daily and weekly news- papers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep informed on the current topics of the daj', to study the best types of modern journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles of temporary value onlj' and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of editorial work, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properlj^ filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life — to mahe history by the arrangement and classifica- tion of present historical matter. Special investigation and stud.y will be under- taken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this state ; the purpose being to com- bine service to the state with the regular work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and co-operation of state and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Gradua.tes of our own Universit3% or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its suc- cess, are invited to become corresponding mem- bers of the Seminary. The only condition attached to such membership is, that each cor- responding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred Avords, on some subject within the scope of the Seminary ; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. The library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in connection with Seminary work — within reasonable limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officers and members of the Seminary will gladly render all possible assistance to any public officials who may desire to collect spe- cial statistics or secure definite information on such lines of public work as are properly with- in the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond wi'th the Seminary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK W. BLACKMAR, DiRECTOK. FRANK H. HODDER, Vice-Director. EPHRAIM D. ADAMS, Secjietary . 74 SEMINARY NOTES. SOME STEPS IN THE SOLUTION OF THE INDIAN PROBLEM. ■5'7r7HREE years ago the first day of last % October I became superintendent of Haskell Institute, and, at that time, en- tered upon the work of Indian education. Last year, in the Indian office at Wash- ington, I met a well known official who has been engaged in the Indian service for the last eighteen years. To my in- quiry, "What is your solution of the Indian problem?" I received the follow- ing brief but suggestive reply: "I haven't any." As my period of service has been so comparatively brief, it may seem pre- sumptous that I have consented to come before you and discuss for a few minutes the Indian problem. The Indian question is something like the poor, for we have it always with us, or rather have had since the beginning of our government, and doubtless will have for many years to come. It is perplexing and interesting, easily solved on paper, but these paper theories seldom bear fruit in practical results. Every section of our land has at one time or another come directly in contact with the Indians. Their names are found everywhere, and many of the 'places that once knew them now know them no more. From Passamaquoddy and Winnipiseogee to Chemawa and Yuma, from Manitoba to Tallahassee they have left their musical names on lake and stream, on mountain and valley, but in most instances it is merely a name. The Indian is closely interwoven in the history of our country from the earliest times. We cannot read of the landing of the Pilgrims, or the coming of Penn and Raleigh, without find- ing the Indian playing an important part, and it is the claim of some historians that if the early treatments accorded him had been continued, Indian wars, massacres, and the sad ravages of the torch would have been unknown. Certain it is that where in the early days kind treatment was accorded him, mutual peace and good feeling ensued. Bancroft says: "The treaty made between Massasoit and the Pilgrims is the oldest act of diplomacy recorded in New England," and adds, "it was concluded in a day and was sacredly kept for more than half a century." How different was the treatment accorded the Indians by Ralph Lane, the governor of Sir Walter Raleigh's colony. It is Ban- croft also who says: "Immediately and without any signs of hostile intentions by the Indians,- the watchword was given and the Christians (in view of so many subse- quent similar experiences, may we not rightly consider the term used ironically) falling upon the king and his principal followers, put them to death." Ridpath, referring to Penn's treatment of the In- dians, says: "Standing before them with grave demeanor and speaking by an in- terpreter, he said: 'My friends, v/e have met on the broad pathway of good faith. We are of one flesh and blood. Being brethren, no advantage shall be taken on either side. When disputes arise, we will settle them in council. Between us there shall be nothing but love.'" The chief replied: "While the rivers run and the sun shines, we will live in peace with the children of William Penn." No record was made of . the treaty for none was needed. Its terms were written not on decaying parchment, but on the living hearts of men. No deeds of violence or injustice ever marred the sacred covenant. The Indians vied with the Quakers in keeping unbroken the pledge of perpetual peace. For more than seventy years, dur- ing which the Province remained under the control of the Friends, not a single war whoop was heard in the Province of Pennsylvania. The Quaker hat and coat proved to be a better defense for the SEMINARY NOTES. 75 wearer than coat of mail and musket. My purpose in treating this subject is to do justice to both sides. There is abun- dant evidence to show that in the early days, before the Indian had come in con- tact with the baneful influences that un- fortunately are met with in civilized life, he manifested a much greater spirit of friendliness and other desirable traits than have been found in later experiences. The Indian has many and varied traits, but those that have had the greatest influ- ence upon the whites in their treatment of him have been his roving nature and scalp-taking tendency. Not in the be- ginning were they Avar-like with the whites, but with each other, and later on, with each other and the whites. His wandering nat- ure, unwillingness to bear restraint, a desire to come and go at his own sweet will, and to consider everything that he met as his own, proclaims him the original socialist or anarchist of the continent. These characteristics have been the real cause of his estrangement from the whites and of his being forced by the whites far- ther and farther westward from the Atlan- tic. In the early history of the United States it was laid down by distinguished statesmen that the country east of the Mississippi should be held entirely by the whites, that the Indians should all be moved farther west, and the country west of the Mississippi should be given up to them. It was believed by this arrange- ment there would be an absence of the hostilities and costly wars that had been caused by the whites and Indians coming in contact with each other. Indian tribes have been moved time after time until they have come to feel that they are wanderers on the earth, liable to be moved again at any moment. Sad and tearful have been many of these journeys, for the Indian is always deeply attached to the place of his birth. If I could dwell at length upon these sad and forced migra- tions, we would find there have been experiences well-nigh as sad as the trans- porting to distant places of the Acadians from their beautiful and fertile valley. The Mississippi, however, did not remain the boundary line, for selfish, aggressive and adventurous whites crossed over and invaded the so-called Indian country, and the wars and massacres of the East were repeated in the country beyond the Fath- er of Waters, and even beyond the Smoky Water. These experiences resulted in the establishing of reservations. The plan was to set apart for one or more . tribes a definite amount of territory and require the Indians to remain thereon. An Indian agent was placed over them with rules and regulations of the Interior Department framed and in harmony with congression- al enactments, to govern and direct him in the performance of his duties. The system gradually deprived the Indian of the ordinary means of subsistence ob- tained in the chase, and hence there arose the system of issuing rations, a system carried out in accordance with treaties made by the general government and the various tribes whereby a certain amount of food and clothing is issued yearly to each member of the tribe. This at once encouraged a state of idleness, for it is not in the line of either Indian or white human nature to put forth exertion when food and clothing can be obtained without effort. With such a system the agent is Avell-nigh, and must be as long as the sys- tem exists, a lord high chancellor; a czar, he has sometimes been termed, with su- preme power. As time went on there came to be some modification or limit placed upon the agent's jurisdiction whereby a court of Indian offences was established and also a system of Indian police. These courts are usually presid- ed over by judges, selected by the agent with the approval of the Indian office. His aim Avas to select men of the greatest integrity and influence for good in the tribe, and to their credit it must be said that, as a rule, these judges have, in their work and their decisions, been character- ized by eminent good sense and the courts have come to be greatly respected by the 76 SEMINARY NOTES. Indians themselves. I will give an in- stance to illustrate this respect, and also the willingness with which they obey the decisions of their judges. It once came to the ears of the agent of the Poncas that White Eagle, one of the chiefs of the tribe and judges of the court of Indian offences, together with another Indian, had become intoxicated. The court was convened and the occasion for convening it was stated by the agent to the assembled judges. White Eagle admitted the truth of the charge and said in substance to the agent: "From the earliest times white people have been try- ing to keep whisky from their own people and have not yet succeeded. Do you think they can succeed in keeping it from the Indians?" White Eagle is evidently a re-submissionist. The decision pro- nounced by the judges upon their associ- ate and his friend was that they two should put up, during the approaching summer, all the hay needed by the entire tribe. At the proper time White Eagle and his friend, with some others who had been sentenced at various times, began the work of putting up the hay. I am frequently asked if Indian children are different from white children. It is my usual reply that after we become acquaint- ed with them and they with us, they seem, although possessed of a lower mental endowment, very much like other child- ren. I might go farther and say that after we become well acquainted with older Indians and they with us, that they are more like white people than would naturally be supposed. Just before the close of the work on the first day White Eagle was taken sick and went home. As a proof that the Indian is very much like the white man, I might add that he did not get well until the hay was entirely put up. Lest I convey to you the idea that the only duty of the agent is in issu- ing rations and administering law to idle Indians, I ought to add that he also has a general direction of the educational work that is carried on by the government on the reservations, and also exercises more or less supervision over educational work carried on by the various religious denom- inations. I have spoken of the Indian as possess- ing a wandering and war-like nature. He also has many other characteristics, all of which must have their weight in consider- ing the problem. It is a common idea that he has remarkable powers of physical endurance. So far as his ability to en- dure torture is concerned, this is without doubt true, but when we come to the execution of those feats that require great physical strength, and to the performance of those duties that day after day demand persistent and well-directed effort, it will be found that the notion is a mistaken one. He has, almost invariably, small hands, small feet, and the various muscles that the civilized white man must bring into active play in his daily labors are not well developed. He is capable of great endurance on horseback. Some months ago at the Cheyenne River agency in South Dakota, I saw an Indian start out on a pony about seven o'clock in the morning, and I asked the agent where he was going. He said he was going out there a little way, pointing to the west. Said I, '-Where? and how far is it?" He replied that he did not know the name of the place but that it was about no miles. "Will he get there to-day?" Yes, he will get there before the sun falls, and will be ready to-morrow morning for another such journey. I find, however, that when we put them at work on the farm or in the garden, in the carpenter shop pushing the plane, in the harness shop drawing the thread, or in the blacksmith shop swinging the sledge, that, invariably, they can do very little at first. It is only after months of exercise that their muscles become suf- ficiently developed to enable them to do what would be called by a white man a moderately fair day's work. Like all un- civilized people, his mental calibre is low, yet in those branches of study that require SEMINAR V NO TES. 77 the exercise of the imitative faculties, such as drawing, penmanship, and some others, he is found to be much more proficient than in other branches, and in some in- stances fairly excels. In those subjects that demand the play of the reasoning powers, such as algebra, geometry and the higher mathematics, we find as would be expected, only mediocre ability, except in very rare instances. There is, as a rule, unusual keenness of sight and hearing which the children have inherited from their parents. They have, as a rule, great respect for form and power, but I notice that is less among the children than it is among the older people on the reservation. There is also a great deal of tribal caste and a great deal of admiration for those who have made themselves famous by deeds of valor in war or in personal contests, and there is a corresponding tendency to de- spise those that are cowardly or have been conquered. In years gone by there were many contests between the Pawnees, who used to be located in northern Nebraska, and the Sioux who were then scattered over a much larger area than now. The Sioux were among the more powerful, and braver, and nothing would make an old Sioux more angry than to call him a Paw- nee. This feeling of caste is weakening and is found less among the young. The Indian is a pretty shrewd observer of character and it has come to be a well known saying among those intimately con- nected with the Indian work that the white man never knows what the Indian wants, but the Indian always knows what the white man is after. He is a creature of feeling rather than reason, and is influenced almost wholly by whatever appeals to his senses. It is for this reason that in so many instances he has yielded to the influence of the low whites with whom he has come in contact. Missionaries have striven to elevate, to civilize and to save him, but the contest here is of very much the same nature as in Africa. It seems to be an unfortunate truth that every attempt of the missionary to Christianize the heathen, whether on our own continent or elsewhere, is trian- gular in its nature. In the heart of the black continent he finds these to be the three leading factors: (i) a wild African, (2) New England rum, and (3) Virginian tobacco. It was so with the Indian in the earlier days, and later he was made worse by contact with immoral whites until, with some Indian tribes, it is almost impossible to find one of its members that is not af- flicted in some form or other with tuber- culosis or scrofula or some venereal disease. In justice to the Indian, in view of his present moral standing, it ought to be said that there is abundant reason to show that when he was by himself, before he came in contact with the whites, there was comparative freedom from disease. I presume that the Indian population of this country when the first European set- tlers came, was not far from what it is now. The reason that there has been no perceptible increase is because of the large number of lives lost in war; in fact, at the present day, tribes could be named in which there are scarcely any males above fifty years of age, the last contest of the tribe having occurred some twenty years ago. Not long ago an old Indian, whose face indicated that he had led a pure life and possessed a noble character, said to me: "You whites have come among us; you debauched and ruined our sons and our daughters, and we have been obliged to stand helplessly by." It was a sad but just commentary upon much of the contact of the whites with the Indians. Hitherto our discussion has been large- ly with the Indian of the past, but what especially should interest us now is the Indian as a present element in the social fabric. We will briefly consider this and then determine what shall be done with him and what will become of him. There are at the present time in the United States, exclusive of Alaska, about 250,- 000 Indians. Of this number about 70,000 belong to the so-called civilized tribes, namely : Cherokees, Creeks, Chick- 78 SEMINAR Y NO TES. asaws, Chocktaws and Seminoles. The remaining tribes are classed as uncivilized, though some of them are as civilized as any of the Cherokees, while others are in nearly as wild a state as they were when our country was first discovered. Much progress has been made, for wars are less common than formerly, and, aside from the five civilized tribes, more than half of the remainder are self-supporting. It is a common idea that all of the Indians are supported by the United States govern- ment. The amount of money appropri- ated by Congress for the present fiscal year for all departments of the Indian work was, in round numbers, ^8,250,000, while ^2,250,000 were for educational purposes. Thi's money is used in educa- tion, in support of the Indians and in ful- filling various treaty obligations. Only about 40,000 Indians are what may be termed .ration Indians, the others being practically self supporting. Many of the Indians are taking their land and this, I believe, is one of the greatest steps in the solution of the problem. Among some of the tribes, Christianity has made great progress. Some months ago I attended a convocation of Christian Indians that numbered not less than 5,000, and it was simply inspiring to witness them at their devotions. Some of them I knew person- ally as living consistent Christian lives. The Indian is naturally religious, or rather superstitious. He is inclined to look upon the performance of a religious duty as a virtue in itself, thus losing sight of its spiritual nature. In the early days, when Hariot, the historian of Sir Walter Raleigh's colony, was endeavoring to induce the Indians to accept Christianity, he found that it was the Bible itself they worshipped, rather than the divine truths it inculcated, and they wanted to take the book itself with them as an amulet or charm. However, there are marked instances of devout, earnest, Christian lives, and there are some faithful lay Indian workers among them. In discussing the Indian as a present factor in social life, we must consider what he is. Not long since I read an elaborate article that tried to prove that the Indian cannot be educated ; that it was not possible to educate him, that whatever was done would be entirely lost, and at the close the writer gave the fol- lowing illustration as a clinching argu- ment. He stated that a friend of his, while strolling along the river one day, found a wild duck's nest containing a number of eggs. He took these eggs home and placed them under a domestic duck. In due course of time there was a brood of ducklings and as soon as they became strong enough they ran off to wild haunts and never returned. I am remind- ed of the statement that was made that it would not be possible for an ocean steam- ship to cross the Atlantic, for the reason that one could not be constructed large enough to carry the coal that would be consumed during the voyage. While the lecturer was demonstrating this in a hall in New York city, the first steamship that ever crossed the Atlantic arrived in the harbor. There is a great absurdity to this wild duck assumption, since all of our domestic animals have been reclaimed from the wild state. I dismiss this as unworthy of argument, for the fact that they can be made capable of taking on civilization has for years been shown with- in a short distance of this University. There are, in reality, many marked resemblances between the whites and In- dians. We are accustomed to speak of the Indian not only as indolent, but also as filthy, and in almost every way unsani- tary. It has been said that if you give a hog a fair chance, he will keep himself clean, and so it is with the Indian. I could give you the names of many who are patterns and who have been for years patterns of neatness and cleanliness. Jo- siah Patterson, who recently died of con- sumption, a victim of corrupt white con- tamination with his ancestors, was some- times called by the boys the dude of Haskell Institute because of the scrupu- SEMINAR Y NO TES. 79 lous cleanness and neatness of his person and personal attire. I think I could find very marked instances wherein so-called intelligent whites could be criticised. I remember that after I had been in charge of a certain high school for several years, fitting young men for college, one of these young men said to a friend, " I always take a bath once a year, whether I need to or not." It seems to me that when we make comparisons between whites and the Indians that are unfavora- ble to the Indians, we would show more reason and exercise proper charity if we would consider their lack of opportunity and their unfavorable environment. Again, the Indian is like the white man in his desire for labor saving devices. I remem- ber as a boy I looked with admiration upon the man who invented the machine for stitching hose pipe, — a machine of such mechanism that a piece of pipe sev- eral hundred feet long could be stitched up as well as a piece a few inches long. There was, on the part of the inventor, a desire to bring into being some labor sav- ing device. It is just so with the Indian. At one time I was on a reservation look- ing up recruits for Haskell Institute. It was nearly dusk as I was entering a tepee, and I came very near stumbling over a log of wood. On making an examination I saw that it was a log at least twenty or twenty-five feet long. One end was burn- ing merrily in the fire on the ground in the middle of the tepee, while the other end was several feet out of doors. As the end in the fire was burned off, the log was pushed up. The Indian resorted to this device to avoid labor, just as the boy whose business it is to cut up the kindling always advises his father to buy the wood sawed instead of the usual four-feet lengths. At the present time, and especially in view of the approaching opening of the Cherokee strip, we hear much of the Indian and his land claims. There are Senators who take the ground that there are so many whites who need the land to develop farms and the Indian is neglecting it, that it should be opened up whether the Indian is willing or not. This view, however, is confined to those who make a distinction between the claims of the five civilized tribes and of those who are less able to take care of themselves. The allotting of land to those outside of the five civilized tribes is going on at the pres- ent time and probably as rapidly as is wise, — thousands of allotments having been made' during the last fiscal year. The two prominent features of the Gov- ernment's policy at the present day is allotting of land to all Indians, both old and young, and providing a common- school and industrial education for the children. The amount of land that is allotted to individual Indians depends upon the size and population of the reser- vation, and also the character of the soil. On some reservations where the land is all well adapted to agriculture, the amount varies from forty to eighty acres, accord- ing to the population. Where the land is in part fit only for grazing, the amount is increased and, in some instances, as high as i6o acres have been allotted. If the Pine Ridge Sioux, for instance, were to have their land allotted, in view of the character of the soil, it would be neces- sary, in my judgment, to allot to each Indian at least a section, for the reason that there is very little that is fitted for anything except grazing. Again, where there is an equal portion of tillable and grazing land, forty acres of ^ the former and eighty acres of the latter have been allotted. The law provides that the allot- tee cannot alienate his land for a period of twenty-five years, — a very wise pro- vision. There should, however, be more guards thrown around the leasing of his land. It was, I believe, Sol Miller who stated that it was commonly accepted that the terms farmer and agriculturist were synonymous, . but in reality there was a very wide difference in the meaning of the terms for, said he, "A farmer is one who works his farm, while the agriculturist is 8o SEMINAR Y NO TES. the one who 'works' the farmer." This difference would be readily accepted by the Indian, for whenever he can, he will lease his land and play the part of the agriculturist and obtain as large a share of the product as he can without doing anything himself. There should be some change in the manner of leasing, whereby those who lease land should pay for it in labor instead of in crops: for instance, in breaking up the land and planting it for the Indian and thus practically teach him how to work. The inertia of indolence is very intense with the Indian, and whatever course is pursued this fact must not be overlooked; however, if the Government allots his land and withdraws from him additional help, he will, as a last resort, labor rather than starve. There are many interesting features of the work being done at the present time to give Indian children a common-school and industrial education; in fact, this might be the subject of a dozen papers longer than the present one and yet the subject be left incomplete. The first appropriation for Indian schools was made by Congress through the influence of Sen- ator Dawes of Massachusetts in 1887. It was a small beginning and the sum appro- priated was a paltry one in comparison with what is now being done. The first appropriation ever made was the sum of ^20,000.00. For the fiscal year 1893, it has increased to $2,312,385.00. There are few reservations now where there are not one or more schools, yet on some of the reservations there is only a small part of the accommodations that are needed. There are enrolled to-day in the Indian schools of the country, about 20,000 chil- dren, and there are accommodations for only about two-thirds of all the Indian children of school age. The needed accommodations are, however, being pro- vided, though not as rapidly as Commis- sioner Morgan desires. There are three kinds of Government schools : reservation day schools, reservation boarding schools, and the non-reservation industrial training school, like Haskell, Carlisle and others. There are also denominational schools over which the United States Government exercises supervision. It has been shown conclusively that the Indian is able to obtain an average common-school educa- tion, and also can learn fairly well, and in some instances remarkably well, any of the ordinary trades. Wherever he goes, after he has prepared himself, the success that he meets Avith depends almost wholly upon the environment that he finds around him. If there is no opportunity to work at his trade, he is as any white person would be under similar circumstances. The older Indians are, as a rule, adverse to progress and whatever Indian boys and girls accomplish at school they have to accomplish, usually, in the face of oppo- sition on the part of father, mother and near relatives. How hard, indeed, it would be if you, young ladies and young gentlemen, were here, away from home, with the consciousness on the part of each of you, that your father, mother and near relatives were bitterly opposed to your being here, and were doing every- thing in their power to get you back home. Another obstacle to advancement on the part of some Indians is their great wealth, especially the Osages. The Osages are the richest people on the face of the earth. They number about 1,500 and their per capita wealth is $15,000. There is on deposit to their credit in the United States treasury at Washington eight mil- lions of dollars upon which they draw interest at the rate of five per cent, per annum. This gives them a per capita annuity of $250.00. If an Osage Indian has a wife and six children, he draws for himself and family $2,000.00 a year. Let us, then, be a little charitable in censur- ing him, for where is the white man with a wife and six children who would work very hard if, without lifting his finger, he could receive an income of $2,000 a year? We have briefly discussed the Indian as he is to-day, but there is a diversity of opinion as to the best method of managing SEMINARY NOTES. him. There is, however, one common ground upon wliich all can stand and upon which all do stand, however much they may disagree as to the methods to be used in bringing about the desired result. There is a very general consensus of opin- ion that the Indian should become a citi- zen like the white man ; that, like the white man, he should support himself and family and become an essential and com- ponent factor in society. To accomplish this, much must be done, and here is where the ways divide. There are those who believe that he should be taken from his present reservation and its degrading environment and scattered over the coun- try. If: this could be accomplished, it would be a consumniation much desired. The scheme is, I believe, visionary and impracticable. He is himself strongly opposed to the plan, and public sentiment does not call for it, and would not sustain it, if attempted. Even if public sentiment should insist upon it, and he were scat- tered by force, as he would have to be, if at alii he would not stay "scattered." We notice that European emigrants usu- ally collect together along lines of least resistance, viz: Race, language and relig- ion; and it would be very much so with the Indians. I believe the best that can be done is to- try to do for his children what we are doing for the white children of the land. Little can be done with the old Indian, but if we can keep the children in school for a generation, and the chil- dren of this generation likewise, the solu- tion of the problem will be well under way with' a certainty of a correct result. Allot each Indian a proper amount of land, sell the surplus and pay him the cash received, provide him, if necesskry, with the simple requisites that one needs in starting in life and require him to depend upon himself. But, you say, he will not be able to meet the responsibilities. Many will not. In going from a state of barbarism to civiliza- tion there will many fall by the wayside. It cannot be otherwise. It must be the process of the survival of the fittest. If I were to express very briefly my own idea of the end to be gained, I should say American citizenship. In order for the exercise of American citizenship, there must be a place to live in, with suitable social and other necessary environments. Law must be thrown around him so that he will be free to come and go in perform- ing the duties and meeting the responsi- bilities of life, and, if necessary, to com- pel him to perform life's duties and meet its responsibilities. There must be oppor- tunity for his children to be educated so that they can become better fitted than himself for this citizenship. There must also be a desire or willingness on his part to labor in order, that by his own efforts he may obtain all of those things that may be necessary to satisfy the wants of him- self and -society. You say that, this is much to expect and more than can be accomplished. If the work of bringing the Indian to this condition of citizenship is carried on with a spirit of Christian love and helpfulness, the end can be brought about. Surely this or some other end must be reached. Commissioner Morgan in his last report, which bas just been received, says: "We must either fight Indians, feed them, or else educate them... To fight them is cruel, to feed them is wasteful, while to educate them is humane, economic and Christian." Biit what will become of him ? This may seem idle speculation, but it is notj for the process that is to determine what he shall be is already actively going on. The various agents and reagents, the social alkalies and acids, the positive and negative poles of the economic fabric are all at work, and amalgamation, absorption and final assimilation will be the result. There are at Haskell to-day children whose parents are Indians, Jews,. Negroes, Irish, French, Americans, and doubtless of other nationalities. We are accustomed to speak of ' ourselves as Americans, but the typical American has not yet appeared. When emigration has finally ceased and . sufficient time has elapsed to develop a universally characteristic people, the typi- cak American will exist, and not before, and he will be the product of the differen- tiation and coordination of the various peoples, that to-day inhabit all our states and territories. Charles Francis Meserve, Superintendent Haskell Institute. Bz SEMINARY NOTES. ANTI-SLAVERy REMINISCENCES. j^T^UT thirty years ago, this land which ^^^ esteemed itself among the most en- lightened of the world, was still dowered with a characteristic curse of savagery ajid barbarism; the nation that boasted itself the freest under the sun was the hoiiie of slavery. Had your essayist at command all the rarest resources of rhetoric— could he ''Speak with the tongues of men and of angels "- — I doubt whether the above trite statement could be heightened, or the sharp contrast of changed conditions made more striking or effective to the apprehension- The change has been so tremendous that it seems to me nothing witbin the range of expression could pos- sibly add force to the thought itself ! This change came at last through revo- lution and bloodshed. It was established by dint of desperate struggle ; It required a gigantic war, "a war as mighty as any in all history " — but, at the end, the nation that was so long "half slave, half free," became, if indeed not wholly homogeneous, at least logical in its status. It now stands for something coherent and con- sistent. It never did in the old days. It was only a fallacy concrete — it was but an incarnate sophism and paradox. Slavery precipitated war and thereby insured and hastened its own destruction. Impelled by a morbid though not wholly unreasonable fear of the Republican par- ty, the South took the risk of the plausible quack doctor, rather than face the dread- ed but salutary surgeon ! In the final event, neither the anodynes nor the stim- ulants, the "drafts" nor the blood-lettings of the quack Secession served to avert the inevitable operation that came even upon the reduced system of the patient, the lopping off from her of that mortified member, slavery ! The Republican party, then, was the proximate cause of the downfall of slavery. At first its office was to be but that of the vigilant watch dog of the North and of the Nation, to guard the borders of her territories against slavery's encroachment. The South affected to believe it a ravening lion in her path. Ill fared it with her when she ''Cried havoc and let slip her own dogs of war." Back of the Republican party, what? To the young men of this generation, to whom thirty years seems a long period indeed, only unformed history and tradi- tion with foundation facts of that history interpreted imperfectly, and traditions fs^st crystallizing, I fancy, into faiths not wholly free from error. Only recently we have had a conspicuous example of how nearly the propensity to hero-worship and the easy acceptance of current traditions had betrayed us into an entire misappre- hension of important facts in the life of John Brown and consequent misconcep- tion of one side of that remarkable char- acter. If attainable, let us have the por- trait of the real man in all his rugged pro- portions, rather than shadowy outlines of mythic hero and demigod ! If the statue be not of the purest marble, but instead, part iron and part clay, let us know, if possible, its true composition before we assign its niche in the gallery of history. Our idols may indeed not appear so sym- metric and beautiful, but they will stand in less danger of one day being cast down and broken. If asked — through whom came the downfall of that giant monstrosity which held America in its strong grasp until so recently? — I fancy that many a youth of this day would answer that it came aboijt, directly and principally, from the efforts and influences, the utterances by tongue and pen of a few men, prophets and lead- ers of the people \ — chief among whom, SEMINARY NOTES. *3 representatives and embodiments of the principle and its active forces, he would name Wendell Phillips, Joshua R. Giddings aad Wm;. Lloyd Garrison. These were the men to whom the nation owes its deliverance from "the body of this death." There is a tendency always, after the happy consummation of any great struggle,, to philosophize upon its history,. to- trace its remote origin and develop- ments, and above all (if possible), to establish its representative men: — its he- roes. This is all very well,, probably, if we do not philosophize beyond the facts, generalize incorrectly, and manufacture heroes out of insiafficient material. Far be it from me to derogate in the least from the worthy fame of men recent- ly passed away, who gave the best years of their lives, through difificulty and dan- gers, through storms of obloquy, and a sky darkened oft with the flight of too ancient eggs — to a cause which they felt and knew to be right and just : — " Then to side with truth was noble when they shared her wretched crust, Ere her cause brought fame and fortune and 'twas prosperous to be just." Give them all credit and honor, for they deserve it. As Webster once said: "If I have little of that spirit which can raise a mortal to the skies, I trust at least I have less of that meaner impulse which would drag an angel down." But — I happen to have impressions borne of memories which reach back almost fifty years, and I con- fess they don't wholly coincide with the view given above, as possibly in great degree the corrupt impressions of to-day. I fancy that something like the following would be, briefly, the statement to indi- C9.te the view which I do not (in toto) accept: Garrison, Phillips and a few other zealoas and eloquent men aroused the sleeping conscience of the American peo- ple with regard to the sins and enormities of slavery ! A handful only at the outset, a despised and proscribed band, they grew at length into a great party which chal- lenged slavery to mortal conflict — before which slavery finally went down in blood ! Of late years, every new party or fac- tion has justified its existence and prophe- sied its future success after the model of the above example. Your enthusiastic Greenbacker, your sanguine Labor Re- former, your ardent Prohibitionist, will conclude upon your possible doubts by citing facts about as follows — bidding yotr not despise the day of small beginnings : The American Anti-slavery society organized in 1833, and the followers ©f Phillips and Garrison increased from zero up to 62,263 who voted in 1844 for James G. Birney, the Liberty candidate for pres- ident ! Within four years, this number swelled to 291,342 who cast their ballots for Free-soil with Van Buren and Adams, Jumping 1852 (and these arithmeticians always jump that year), note how grandly the concourse had multiplied to the 1,341,- 264 who voted for Fremont and Freedom in 1856 ! And this again, though a trum- pet blast that stirred the nation, was but a prelude to the grand triumphal march of the cohorts of the Republican party who swept the country and elected Abra- ham Lincoln by a popular vote of 1,857,- 610 ; — ascending to the throne of politicail power from whence it should control the government uninterruptedly for twenty- four years ! What man has done, man may do, and what one party has so signally accom- plished, another may parallel and repeat. With this for a brilliant precedent, the fiery adherent of the new faction of to-day is prepared to prove (to his own satisfac- tion) that it is sure to be but the simplest matter of plain, geometric, as well as political progression, for his party to march forward from humble beginning to- grandest success. "See!" he exclaims,, "our vote is already larger than tkat cast for Birney in 1844. We may not, indeed, carry the country this time, but we will surely reach the final triumph quicker than the Republican party did !" Now, as the premises of my visionary fitiend are incorrect, his conclusions will quite likely be fallacious. His theory I SEMINAR Y NOTES. think scarce needs to be analyzed, but simply examined, and it crumbles to pieces at a touch. One little defect in the chain is quite apparent. The vote for John P. Hale in 1852, was only 155,825, being but little more than half that cast for Van Buren four years before. If this was. a 'f revolution" it went ^'backward" pretty fast. But the Republican party whose gallant and dashing campaign with the Pathfinder in .1856 gave glorious earnest of its triumph in i860 was not the party of Garrison and Phillips, nor by , any means its legitimate successor even. Whatever its unconscious mission, may -have been in. the decrees of fate .or the providence of God, neither its principles nor its policies were identical with those of . the early Abolitionists. In fact, its objects were quite distinct even from those of the Liberty party of 1844, which party was again quite sharply de-fined in policy from that of Garrison and^his im- mediate followers. They, indeed, could scarce be said ever to have constituted a political party at all. They were a dis- tinct class to themselves; very earnest, zealous and uncompromising-in their sin- gle ideal — unrelenting war upon slavery. That they aimed to exterminate at .the earliest possible moment. As to how its abolition should come about they cared nothing, so it came speedily. For the Constitution of the United States which s,tood in. the way with its unfortunate guarantees, they cared naught, proclaim- ing , it "a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." Generally they re- fused to vote at all, considering indeed the government 30 . defiled with slavery that no political party could be formed qn such a basic idea as this. In some respects the Abolitionists of that school ■^ere the Nihilists of America in the last generation. It is not to be wondered at that Wendell Phillips should become in his later days the defender and eulogist of the Russian Nihilists of that era. Now the Republican party came into existence as a constitutional party, with many disti'nct and sharply defined pur- poses and policies. Undoubtedly ' the main one • of these was to preclude the extension of slavery into the te^rritories. This may have been intended only as a means toward an end. The ulterior thought (as Lincoln developed it) to confine the I disease within circumscribed limits — shut off the circulation and yOu may iri time thereby eradicate it from the system. Undoubtedly the ultimate hope was to get rid of slavery, but it was all to be worked out through the operation of consequent natural causes, without ■ con- vulsion or revolution. The Garrisonian Abolitionists were a very limited nuniber indeed, and I should say, up to .1850 at least, of limited direct influence. Herein I am not taking into account the latent influences they may have inspired. I am inclined to think that these, eventually amounted to a great deal. But, the speeches of Giddings and Phillips and the ■ editorials of Garrison reached but comparatively few, and even of these, many were aroused by them rather to a violent antagonism than to conviction and discipleship.. Upon this point I; cannot refrain from referring to myown early recollections. I was born and grew up , to manhood in a region of country peculiarly susceptible to influ- ences of this anti-slavery agitation, a dis- trict cornering on two slave states — Chester County, Pennsylvania. This coun- ty possessed more free blacks than aAy other in the United States. It.\yas largely peopled by a sect. which, from its religious faith and traditions would iiaturally be most averse to human slaver)^ It held indeed many who were strongly so in feeling, and a considerable number who were active and zealous Abolitionists. The .Underground Ra:ilroad's main- line ran right across the district and its branches zigzagged over it in all direc- tions. Whittier wrote of this section — " Wbere Chester's oak and walnut shades With slavery-laden breezes stir, And by the brooks and in tlie glades Of Bucks and honest Lancaster, Are heads that think, and hearts that feel- Flints to. the.AbolitionsteeJ." SEMINAR Y NO TES. 8;s and he proceeds to give mention to some of these zealots by name — "the Coates, the Whitsons, and the Fussels. " And these Abolition Hicksite Quakers came fairly, by their anti-slavery blood, for , as we read that there, are 'Mother heroes be- fore Agamemnon." so there were many consistent emancipationists before the days of Garrison and Parker. It had long been the mission of the Quaker Soci- ety to bear testimony against all outrages upon humanity, slavery among the rest. As a religious body they had .never tem- porized with the evil as. had done others, but they had been outspoken in all official utterances and consistent to the extent of disownment of members who held slaves. Elias Hicks had preached emancipation in the beginning of this century, among slaveholders themselves, and sometimes to such effect as resulted in manumission^ whilst Benjamin Lundy had spent his. life of toil and travel in noble and self-sacri- ficing effort to arouse the minds and con- sciences of men, both north and South, to a realization of the wrongs and dangers of slavery. But notwithstanding all this, the number of pronounced Abolitionists was compara- tively few, as I remember, even in Chester County, and in the minds of those who were not connected with them in sym- pathy, prejudice was strong against them to the extent of odium. To the ordi- nary apprehension in those days "Abo- litionist" was largely associated with •" Amalgamationist," and was thereby held in. scorn as one who "would be willing to marry his daughter to a nigger." ■Even the venerable quaker meeting held a large proportion of rather conservative "hunker" Whigs. Respectable broad- brim, close cropped, wearing his natty shad-belly coat, looked with distrust on these ".long-haired men and short-haired women," whose spirits moved them eter- nally but on one single subject — slavery. Faction ran high, discussions waxed hot over. these questions, but a large majority .of these people voted for Harry Clay in i8zi.4, and in 1848 — an ardent old hunker one day boastfully announced in London- Grove meeting, ".Western Quarterly goes for Taylor." I recall too, as significant perhaps, that the editor of the old Whig newspaper, the party hack of our district, (the man by the way, to whom. Bayard Taylor was once bound as "printer's devil") when chroni- cling a discussion in congress wherein brave old Giddings was foully berated by some southern Whig — fulsomely toadied to the slaveholder as one who had "han- dled the pestiferous agitator without gloves." I have little doubt that a thousand concurring recollections could yet be appealed to, instancing the preval- ence of popular prejudice against the Abolitionists — east, west and north, as well as intensified to hatred in the south, down to the year 1850 and later. ;]: . * * >ic * If then my presumption be correct, and the net result of all these years of toil and obloquy suffered by this trio and their disciples in anti-slavery cause had appar- ently effected so little — whence came that great upheaval of politics, the tremendous uprising of the northern people that ensued but a few years later? Certainly in 1850 and a few years thereafter, the cause, not only of Abolition but even of any form of. active anti-slavery, seemed to have reached its lowest ebb. If the tinie in our politi- cal history immediately succeeding the second election of President Monroe has been appropriately named "the era of good feeling" among the people of the United States — certainly the period suc- ceeding the passage of the "Compromise measures of 1850" was the era of appar- ent unanimity of feeling between the t-wo great parties, on the slavery question. Both had determined that sla.very agita- tion was a great danger to party supremacy. The Whigs had finally come to the con- clusion that any opposition to slavery was worse than a crime — that it was a political blunder. They therefore, in common with the Democrats concluded 86 SEMINARY NOTES. to "conclude "^ tipon it. The^ would quiet agitation by '* stamping it out." Greeley says of this, period, that "whilst during the canvass of 1848 the sentiment oi opposition to slavery extension seemed stronger than ever before, yet in the fol- lo-wing year the Free-soil party rapidly disintegrated and the Free-soil Whigs fell away from a decided open and inflexible maintenance of the principles of restric- tion. " In the struggle that ensued upon the admission of California with its free con- stitution and the organization of the terri- tories, New Mexico and Utah (acquired in the Mexican war), Mr. Clay submitted his famous Compromises, which were finally adopted. California came in as a free state with even a portion of territory south &f j6^ deg^. 30 min. ;- — the Territories were organized silent as to slavery restriction — the Slave-trade (though not Slavery) was abalished in the District of Columbia; — Texas was given a sop of $10,000,000, ostensibly for lands she never owned — and the Fugitive Slave Law was passed ! As Greeley sums it up, "the net product was a corrupt monstrosity which even the great name of Henry Clay should not shield from lasting approbrium." But this dose, fearful as it was, seemed to serve for awhile as a most potent soporifi^e to the conscience of the North, as well as a stupefying potion to the physical and moral system of the Whig party. For a time, however, there can be no doubt that it was accepted and ratified by the people of both sections. It promised political peace — cessation from the pesti- lent agitation of the slavery question which had long interfered with business, dis- turbed trade relations, embroiled families and societies and even distracted the churches. The latter, though giving ex- pression to anti-slavery views in the out- set, ended inevitably (to quote Greeley again) by adapting Christianity to Slavery, since that seemed more profitable than endeavoring to make Slavery square with Christianity. A thousand changes had been rung on Paul and Onesinms, and the text "Cursed be Canaan," till it was final- ly decided as most fitting that Ham should be fried on the plantations and broiled im southern swamps, through his descendants to the latest generation ! The two great parties vied with each other now as to which should endorse this settlement in the most servile terras, as a finality. It proved ultimately a finality indeed to that party whose great founder and leader, Henry Clay, had framed and fathered it ! When by dint of his Coim- proraise and the help of Webster and oth- ers, he had succeeded in getting his party on substantially the same platform with the Democratic — that of the Compromise measures of 1850, the people discovered that there really was no use but for one party on that platform, and swung the Whig party off, regardless of the fact that it was now so far removed from the solid ground of principle that, in the fall, it would inevitably break its venerable neckt That was the catastrophe which resulted and the Whigs discoTered' it — in the elJee- tion of 1852 ! And yet another disco^very was made soon after. The Slavery Question was not yet settled — its agitation still contin- ued. Unfortunately — or fortunately — it was like Banquo's ghost, it "would not down;" like "Truth crushed to earth," it rose again ! Whilst the period from 185a to 1855 is apparently the darkest in ooar history, so far as faith in the nationality of freedom was concerned, yet, as a form- ative period it was not less pregnant witli results than any other like number of years in our political existence. I venture to suggest three potent forces working toward the evolution of the Republican party and the downfall of Slavery: — I. — ^The sectional pride, — the honesty manly sectional pride, — of the North,, and its extreme intensification through frfoe Kansas struggle. II. — The death of the Whig party. III. — The literature of anti-slavery. I am fully aware with respect to the SEMINARY NOTES. first named that the protest may be made that there aever was such a thing as a sectioELal feelrng in the North, but that it was confiaed wholly to the opposite sec- tion of the Union ! I will not for a mo- ment deny that it existed in the South pri- marily, and that it grew and flourished here, 'excited partly through envy of the superior prosperity of the North, but chiefly through nervous apprehension of assaults upon their pet institution. In season and out of season, this feeling of sectionalism was exhibited; — in church, in convention, in society, everywhere — but especially in the halls of Congress. So pronounced did it become that ardent politicians came to declare that party alle- giance was as nothing to them in compari- son with devotion to the South and Slav- €ry ! Every public measure came to this touchstone — would the interest of their peculiar institution be in any wise affected by it? No new State could be admitted without slavery, unless by virtue of com- pensatory bargain as to other territory. Compromises were made to gain the profit of one new slave state, and as ruthlessly broken where promised the possible chance of another thereby. Was it to be expect- ed that this could go on from decade to decade and no strong feeling of sectional antagonism be aroused? In the early days of the Republic it had been conceded that slavery was lecal, and probably tran- sient. Now, in view of the profit of sugar and rice and cotton, and the consequent enhanced value of slaves, the South came to cling to it as her joy and pride. Like 9. doting mother with a bete noir, a "holy terror " of a child, she insisted on its being given the full freedom of the house she had entered. It was "Love me, love my dog "—and hunt him up for me, too, if he strays away ! There came a time at last when the North grew weary and indignant at these claims, pressed with so much fury and ^'damnable iteration." The only wonder is that they stood it so long. They knew that their own civilization was respectable in the eyes of the world, being founded on a basis consistent with the principles of the Declaration of Independence and the enlightened spirit of the age — and that the only weak spot in the armor of the Union was where it had been corroded by the acrid virus of slavery. They saw their own section prosperous and relatively gaining rapidly in wealth, population and • all things that evidence material and intel- lectual progress. In the race for material prosperity, Freedom, it was apparent, could far outstrip Slavery. Why should the free North in Congress be forever con- tending and conceding and apologizing? They did a good deal of that, in the course of thirty years or^so, but it became very irksome. They stood up for their section sometimes, and voted for it in Congress — as the records of those strug- gles will show; — rarely successfully, it is true. The time came when some of them would no longer accept taunts and insults tamely, and such men as John Quincy Adams, Old Ben Wade, Burlingame, Hick- man, Grow and Thaddeus Stevens demon- strated that their faces were not ^ 'dough," being too "cheeky" to be smitten on "both" with impunity!" The execution of the odious Fugitive Slave Law, the out- rageous violation of the sanctity of the Missouri Compromise by the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, leading to a direct issue and struggle for empire be- tween North and South, intensified the feeling of Northern indignation to the highest degree. It transferred a large part of the struggle from the halls of Con- gress to these Kansas prairies. Outside of anti-slavery feelings that we may or may not have possessed, it is vividly im- pressed on my remembrance that we from the North unitedly stood for our section, and were proud of it. We came to com^ prehend distinctly with Lowell's Hosea Bigelow — '- " Wby, it's jest as plain as Aggers— Clear as one and one make two, — Chaps that make black slaves of niggers Want to make white slaves of you." I leave this branch of my subject by 88 SEMINAR Y NO TES. summarizing the feelings so inadequately expressed, into two words — indignation and determination — "dander" and "grit." -f* ^ ')» '1^ 'I* , Biit, if- the powerfully aroused feeling of the North gave the motive, the down- fall of the Whig party afforded the ripe occasion for the forming of the Republi- can. "Ilfaut vivre'" — "it was necessary that I should live," pleaded in extenuation the convicted thief, in the days when rob- bery was a capital crime in France. ^'■Je n' en vois pas le ?iecessite" — "I don't see the necessity," retorted the judge — and proved it, by having him decapitated on the spot ! The Nation here was the judge, and saw no necessity for the Whig party, as such, to live— so it died. But, in a system of government like ours, it is requisite that there should be at least two great parties, and there was an absolute necessity for a new one to contest the administration of that govern- ment, upon the basis of living issues, with the degenerate Democracy ! For a time the • projected and disunited elements of the Whig party seemed floating aimlessly in space, " formless and void. " Then the whorls of the nebula began to aggregate and solidify around the feeling of outraged northern pride. "The chaos of a mighty world was rounding into form" — and from that new political world, slavery should be excluded ! Chemically speaking, the freed elements sought another union, form- ing a new compound. Its bright crystals were already shooting in every -direction toward the formation of a new Party, whose base should be inflexible hostility to the extension of slavery ! A futile effort had just been made to meet the exigencies for a new division, by the organization of the "Native" or " Know Nothing" party. It was certainly a strong evidence of this necessity, that such a dark-lantern monstrosity as that really seemed for the m'oment to gain a standing place in American politics. . Soon succeeding this abortion, however, came the vigorous babe, Republicanism. The minds of a large share of the people of the North were ready to hail its advent with enthusiasm. They saw that this was to be the only man-child that stood a chance of entering into the kingdom; — the heir— and they embraced it eagerly. Whilst thousands of northern Democrats, lovers of their own section and contem- ners of Slavery, who had long fretted under the Southern domination in, their party and unsuccessfully struggled against it in press and convention, now gladly saw the day of their political emancipation close at hand, yet by far the larger acces- sions were from the ranks of that old party whose early traditions all favored the policy of gradual emancipation. A large share of the northern Whigs went into the Republican movement with ardor from the outset. Indignation at the Ne- braska-bill rascality, and the subsequent outrages even upon the free speech and free ballot of Popular Sovereignty in Kan- sas, swept them together with, as has been intimated, a goodly porton of Free-soil northern Democrats, in a resistless tide of feeling, clear over the vanishing land- marks of old party association. Seeing so large a body of their old party asso- ciates going this way, a great many other Whigs, though rather indifferent at heart to the slavery question, concluded to join the procession. It was the tradition of their youth and the habit of their lives to be. "fernenst the Loco-focos." They had always been fighting the Democrats, and they went with, the crowd. My old Whig party-hack, the Chester County,. Pa., newspaper editor, who had always abused Giddings, now kept quick step with the Party that was to include so many of Gid- dings' associates. It would be a- cold day indeed when he should be left behi-nd. But, a good many of the old Whigs were not so alert. They were quite bewil- dered by the hurried , march of events which, had somehow, left that supreme issue, " Tlie Tariff," in' the rear, and -was now pressing on toward a goal that they had 'for long years been taught to dread, SEMINARY NOTES. the possible goal of Abolition. Almost pathetic, indeed was their predicament. "Where shall I go?" was the burden of their political cry — as uttered indeed in a speech at this time by one of the old school of Whig statesmen and politicians. "He who hesitates is lost" — and this was exemplified by this type of Whigs, espe- cially at the South, gravitating pretty surely into the ranks of their life-time enemy, the Democratic party, through force of sympathy with its conservative (pro-slavery) position. On the other hand, thousands of young men just enter- ing political life and free from bonds of party, were inevitably attracted to the new one of freedom and progress; It counted for something, it was worth a good deal, to these to have a live cause to contend for. Full of the inspiration of youth and hope, they followed the banner of the Pathfinder, Fremont, and shouted the bat- tle cries of "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Men." ■^ -^ >;c ;{; ^ For, if the clearing away of the wreck of the Whig Party, gave new opportunity to old and young alike, and if the spur of awakened pride in their insulted section, the North, had stimulated thousands to a realizing sense of the deteriorating and dangerous influences of Slavery and a determination that its limit of blight and curse should hereafter be circumscribed, a stronger and more persuasive force had for years been exercised on the minds especially of the youth of the North. This influence, though silent yet one of the mightiest, was henceforth to be felt in politics and history — the influence of American literature. The young man who read and thought now breathed an atmos- phere antagonistic to Slavery ! I confess that, in the outset of under- taking this essay, it was my purpose to devote it chiefly to an estimate of this influence upon the slavery question, and to tracing the growth and developments in American literature of the anti-slavery idea. So much time has been consumed already, however, that I can scarcely do more than simply suggest this to your con- sideration. For my part, I esteem this one of the potent and controlling influ- ences of the anti-slavery struggle. When it came to be understood that the best brain of the country was on that side; when the great writers of America, rever- enced for their genius wherever the Eng- lish language was spoken ; — the finest essayists, poets and orators; men whose elevated thought and most eloquent ex- pression ennobled every subject they touched; — when these came to devote all their great powers to the cause of the downtrodden, the despised slave in our own land, rather than to abstract sympa- thy with the wrongs and woes of the dis- tant though classic and historic Greek — then the day of redemption of the African bondman in free America was already dawning I The essays of Channing ; the verse of Longfellow ; Whittier's noble lyrics, now burning in invective, and again, inexpres- sibly tender in compassion ; Lowell's mag- nificent affluence of homely irony, ex- pressed in his Bigelow papers; — these hint the names of only a few great leaders of the noble choir innumerable that sang for Freedom. It was the power of those who "make the songs of the Nation." That even those whose voices were in the minor key touched some hearts strangely, I, for one, can bear testimony. A boy of those days, whose treacherous memory will scarce recall a single word of fiery Aboli- tion lectures he listened to, can yet repeat to-day whole stanzas of an ardent poem by C C. Burleigh, beginning with : " Brothers, be brave for the pining slave From wife and children riven ! Prom every vale Ms bitter wail Goes sounding up to heaven!" — and little anti-slavery stories by Lydia Maria Child touched his imaginative sen- sibilities in a manner not yet forgotten. Of an entirely different order, yet very convincing to many practical minds, was a series of descriptions of southern travel written by Fred Law Olmstead, — "Our 9° SEMINAR Y NO TES. Seaboard Slave States," -'.A Texas Jour- ney," and others. Picturing in a graphic manner the South as it had really been made devastate by Slavery, the gloss of meretricious apparent prosperity was brushed off, and the practical argument against Slavery, showing it as false in economic system as it was in morals, was never more strongly presented. His works had great influence at the North in cor- recting that delusion of admiration with which many had regarded the South as developed by Slavery. Thenceforward they knew Slavery as she was — both a moral wrong and an economic blunder 1 But all other literature of America affecting slavery must give grand place in influence, as I conceive, to Mrs. Stowe, and especially to her "Uncle Tom's Cab- in." Compared with this, what other work of imagination has ever achieved so much in directly affecting the opinions and consequent actions of men? It was a mighty lever. Beside it, to my apprehen- sion, the speeches of Phillips and the pages of The Liberator held no audience, no readers. Editions past reckoning — translations into every civilized tongue — a million copies sold ! Now, even, thirty- eight years after its issue, everybody reads it — and the masses throng to witness its scenic representation ! To-day, Uncle Tom's Cabin divides with the Circus and Base Ball the honor of being the great American pastime ! Differing with the critics, I would maintain too, that, tre- mendous as was its outcome of influence on the slavery question, it by no means owed all its popularity to that issue to which it was so timely addressed. If it were so, on what ground doth it hold its perennial tenure of life, and why did for- eign readers, to whom our slavery was never a vital issue, hold it in such admira- tion? It was a work of art — of literary genius of the first order. " Imagination's world of air. And our own world of gloom and glee, Wit, pathos, poetry were there— And death's sublimity 1" Had I time, I should like to recall my own vivid impressions of the book, the circum- stances under which it came to» me and the conquest to anti-slavery sentiments that it compelled in my mind. One grand purpose it certainly achieved. It ideal- ized the African negro to the minds of the American people. Before that, he was wholly a commonplace, if not indeed a degraded creature in our contemplation. We regarded him either as doing well enough in " the position wherein he was placed," or if as wronged, then with that "pity which is akin to contempt." After reading Uncle Tom's Cabin we could so regard him no longer — but as a man! In the difterent types therein presented. Uncle Tom, Topsy, (ieorge Harris and the rest, — •■ A man so various that he seemed to be Not one, but all mankind's epitome" and, in grand old Uncle Tom, he became hero, saint and martyr as veritable as any of the olden time. Above all, he was a man not content with his condition, but one who panted for liberty, and who would, if need be, fight for it. And this view found a striking exemplication of its truth to my apprehension at the very time when the book was issued, even in my own immediate neighborhood. A slave holder in neighboring Mar\ land lost a slave. Learning thathiis man was harbor- ing near the little village of Christiana, Pennsylvania, Mr. Edwin Gorsuch, the owner, determined to reclaim him under the recently enacted (though obnoxious) Fugitive Slave Law. Proceeding with son and nephew to Philadelphia, he pro- cured the U. S. Marshal and ])ossc and came by rail to take his slave, Oct. i, 1855. Well do I recall "that pleasant morn in the early fall." The signal of a horn was sounded, and the blacks of the vicinity gathered in. The posse surrounded the house, and Mr. (iorsuch called for his slave to surrender. Leaning out of the window of the cottage, the slave warned his master to desist, for he would never be captured alive. The assault was made however, the fight began and soon the master fell dead, the son wounded, and SEMINARY NOTES. 91 the marshal and his posse fled, hotly pur- sued by the excited blacks. Before the attack however, he had summoned to his aid a white man who had ridden up to survey the proceedings. This man, an Abolition Quaker, one Castner Hanway, refused to assist. For this crime he and several others were afterward arrested and tried for treason. After a long imprison- ment the trial came off, Hanway's being made a test case, and that "Great ('om- moner" Thaddeus Stevens defending him as chief counsel. He was finally acquitted and released, but with health greatly im- paired from his confinement, •'Singing of Freedom through the bars Of Moyamensing jail :"— as Whittier chronicles it. I have omitted to state that the fugitive himself escaped, being forwarded the night after the affray, via the Underground Railroad to Canada. This, I think, was the first instance where a slave had resisted capture unto death, and the case of George Harris was veri- fied. ;!; * * :t: Jj; Thus crudely and hastily I have ven- tured to suggest a few of the leading forces which, in my opinion, operated toward the forming of the great Republican party. I am far from assuming however that I have included all. Possibly — very pro- bably — you vvill differ widely with me, even in my estimate that these were among the chief ones, I would be far indeed from underrating others, especially that of the powerful influence of our great orators and worthy leaders of this event- ful period: — grand editors, preachers and statemen: Greely, Beecher, Seward, Chase, Sumner and Lincoln. These, by tongue and pen, in the press, in Congress, on the platform and on the stump, aroused and moulded the sentiment of the great North to a spirit of determined resistance to any further encroachment on the part of slavery. Grand utterances, striking phrases, which sound like inspired pro- ' phecies, fell from the lips of these men during that memorable struggle which marked the birth of the party. Some of these have survived even above the din of subsequent battle and come down to us as historic — "The higher law" and "Irrecon- cilable Conflict" of Seward — and "This Union cannot permanently exist half slave, half free" — of Abraham Lincoln. In view probably of his ofttime conservative posi- tion toward slavery during the war, it has been somewhat of an axiom that the first martyr president is to be regarded as fol- lower rather than a leader of advanced party opinion on this question. It has often been declared that Abraham Lincoln was never an educator of public opinion on this vital subject, that he but followed as the people led. Waiving any discus- sion as to his course during the early period of his presidency, let me here sug- gest my sincere conviction that no one man did more toward moulding public opinion in the west in opposition to slavery extension, and thereby in prepar- ing the ground and sowing the seed of Republicanism in its early estate, than Abraham Lincoln. * If you will kindly bear with me a few moments longer I will instance a reminiscence which bears upon this subject. Thirty-six years ago, next fall, an East- ern boy found himself one bright day at the town of Bloomington, Illinois. He was from Pennsylvania, and prospecting for a location in the great West. It was a memorable day for him, for three things: He had that day first heard of the town of Lawrence — he sat down to dinner with Stephen A. Douglas, and afterward heard a speech from "The Little Giant," who. was then probably the most noted man of his country — and then, for the first time, saw and heard speak in rejoinder, a man as yet wholly unknown to fame, but whose name has since resounded throughout the world — Abraham Lincoln. After this dinner, we proceeded to a grove in the outskirts of Bloomington and listened with great interest to the speech of Stephen A. Douglas. The protracted struggle o\-er the Kansas Nebraska act, 92 SEMINAR Y NO TES. which had passed Congress during the previous session, had convulsed the country. Douglas, the responsible father of the measure, was now on the stump to defend his course and win back the old- time allegiance of the people of Illinois, which he had well-nigh lost through their indignation at the Repeal of the Missouri compromise. For two long hours at Bloomington he strove hard to win over the people to his "Squatter Sovereignty" views, and to reconcile them to that repeal. It was a herculean effort, and exhausted every species of rhetoric of which he was master, and all manner of argument and of sophis- tical reasoning. He neglected not the minor but ofttimes effective resource of flattery, and the people of the West and especially the citizens of Illinois, were complimented extravagantly. In vain. The people of Bloomington were still too freshly indignant. And yet the argument for -'Squatter Sovereignty," or, as Doug- las termed it, "popular sovereignty," was artfully and most plausibly put. "You people of Illinois, when you established your State, claimed and exercised the right to decide upon your own domestic insti- tutions, that of Slavery included. You said when you formed your Constitution that the institution was not suited to your wants, and you put it out. Have you lost in intelligence, have you lost in political virtue, that when you or your sons go to Kansas you shall not have the privilege there, or will you deny to others who shall go instead, the settlers of that fair young territory, what you have claimed and exercised for yourselves? Shall you or they lose these rights, which they have always exercised at home, by simply cross- ing a river or stepping over an invisible . boundary line ? Dare you not trust the people with this as with all other ques- tions? And if you claim the right to take with you and enjoy your property when you remove there, shall not your fellow citizens from the South claim the right to transport their property there, likewise? When the people in due time come to frame a State Constitution for Kansas or Nebraska, let them decide the questions of their institutions for themselves, in per- fect freedom and untrammeled by any restrictions from any quarter. It is their right as American citizens. " This seemed specious, but it had a hol- low and false ring to my boyish ears, and so it had to those of the multitude assembled. His speech elicited but little applause at any time. They listened with attention, but they believed it false and they wanted it answered. At its close an enthusiastic Democrat sprang to his feet, swinging his hat and shouting for "Three cheers for Stephen A. Douglas. " The first cheer was responded to by perhaps forty "scattering" voices in the vast crowd, the second, by not more than half a dozen, and the last broke down utterly, with not a single voice but that of the man who had proposed it. Never did an emotion of disgust and rage sweep over a human countenance more visibly than at that moment on the face of Stephen A. Douglas, intensified, if possible, when a voice in the crowd sang out, "Lincoln! " Immediately the audience as one man were shouting "Lincoln! Lincoln!" — a name which then had scarcely been heard outside of a few counties of Illinois. This, it will be remembered, was years before the grand debate with Douglas which made his name known to the whole country, and, as yet, he was an humble country lawyer. In a few moments, a tall, thin form arose in a wagon on the outskirts of the crowd, and its owner said in a few words that this meeting belonged to Mr. Douglas, but if anybody desired to hear him speak in reply, they could do so at the Court House that evening. When the writer attended the speech at the court house that night, it was more from idle curiosity than from any anticipation that this unknown, gaunt, and ungainly country lawyer would be able to reply to Douglas, the most noted stump speaker of the day, with a reputation as orator and SEMINARY NOTES. 93 statesman almost as wide as the English language. I yet recollect well the second story of the Bloomington Court House, the one bare room', with sloping ceiling, the little pine "stand" at one end, with its tallow candle, which only served to render more ungainly the tall form and awkward pres- ence and attitude of Abraham Lincoln. It required but a few moments of his speech, however, to apprize me that he was already the idol of the liberty-loving people of that section, and not much longer for me to realize that he was a born master of the minds of men. I shall not attempt even the briefest retrospect of that speech. It was a reve- lation that illumined the whole question with lines of light before which the illusive list of rhetoric which Douglas had spread over it fled away and disappeared. In a complete but succinct review of the whole political history of the struggle, he suc- cessfully controverted all the "Little Giant's" leading propositions, and demol- ished totally the whole fabric of sophisti- cal reasoning so elaborately built thereon, clearly demonstrating the different ground upon which Slavery stood from that of other political institutions, both in moral right and political obligation. He swept away at one stroke all the pernicious sophisms with which Douglas had sur- rounded the plausible name of "popular sovereignty," and left it exposed in its bare deformity, a pitiful political trick and pretext to afford a new opportunity to outrage the laws of God and humanity. "Mr. Douglas has told you that you should carry with you to Kansas all your rights and privileges as citizens of the States, and of one common country. I do not deny it. I cheerfully accord to . you, to every man and everywhere, the full exercise of. every civil and political right which God has given you, and the constitution has recognized — but, before God and in the presence of American free-men, I do deny your right or the right of any set of men, to make, on soil once consecrated to freedom, of any fel- low human being a slave.'" It was apparent at the close of Mr. Lin- coln's speech that the convictions and sympathies of the large audience were with him, and that Mr. Douglas, in his labored effort, had signally and totally failed. B. W. Woodward. 94 SEMINAR V NO TES. SEMINARY REPORTS. Money In Politics. vlTN the meeting of the Seminary on ^;J9^'ovember nth. Prof. Blackmar made some remarks on the value of current per- iodical literature to the student of conomics and sociology. A paper on Money in American Politics was then read by Mr. Cooke, which was largely based on an article in the Century by Prof. Jenks. There are certain legiti- mate expenditures made with a view to influence elections, but these consume only a small proportion of the money placed at the disposal of campaign com- mittees by the assessment of candidates and office holders, and by voluntary con- tribution. Statistics on the proportion of corruptible voters followed. Among remedial measures proposed are more stringent naturalization laws, the secrecy of the ballot, limitation of expen- diture and the compulsory publication of accounts, and the requirement of higher educational and moral qualifications in the voter. The disfranchisement of all con- cerned in bribery, and the unseating of successful candidates in whose interest it has been employed are more direct measures. Legislation on these lines would dimin- ish the corrupt use of money, but means of evasion will continually be found until an awakened public sentiment refuses longer to countenance in politics what it would not in private life. Mr. Cramer, who was called on to fill an unexpected vacancy, spoke of the condition of affairs in England prior to the Corrupt Practices legislation of 1883. Venality was far more common then than now in America. The laws passed in 1883, however, went far more into detail than our legislation, and have in great measure stopped the crimes at which they were aimed. The discussion brought out the methods of collating statistics on the venality of voters. Those presented by such men as Professors McCook and Jenks are certain- ly trustworthy. The Behring Sea Controversy. m T the Seminary meeting on Friday, February 3d, Mr. Springer read a paper on the Behring Sea Controversy. The following is a brief abstract of the paper : In 1886 began a series of difficulties in regard to the Behring Sea seal fisheries, which have not yet been successfully set- tled. These difficulties grew out of the fact that foreign vessels, chiefly English, had for some time been killing seals in the Behring Sea, an act which the United States Government held to be unlawful. The question as to whether or not foreign- ers have the right to kill seals in the Behring Sea is the one now being considered by the Behring Sea convention. The express points to be settled by this convention are four, namely: When Rus- sia possessed Alaska, did she have any just right to the sovereignty of the Behring Sea ? What are the exact bounds of the Behring seas? Did the rights which Rus- sia possessed over the Behring Sea pass with Alaska, in the treaty of 1867, to the United States? and has either the United States or England any just claim for damages? The first of these points — Russia's for- mer rights in Behring Sea — to be settled by the convention has been widely dis- cussed. At the time Russia owned Alaska and claimed to have control of the Beh- ring Sea, difficulties arose concerning the seal fisheries. The Russian emperor issued a ukase prohibiting foreigners from fishing for seal in the Behring Sea. Eng- land and the United States both immedi- SEMINARY NOTES. 95 ately took offense at the proclamation and entered into diplomatic negotiations with Russia with regard to the legality of the latter's claim in the Behring Sea. Much time was spent in attempting to negotiate a treaty. A settlement was finally arrived at which in fact settled nothing, but mere- ly parried, for the time being, the trouble which was inevitable. The second point to be settled by the convention will be scarcely less difficult of adjustment than the first. . The bounds of the Behring Sea have been defined in a number of treaties and conventions, but the exact extent of this sea is still doubtful. A decision in regard to the third ques- tion will be arrived at with no less diih- culty than in the preceding cases. If, in coming to a conclusion upon the first question, the convention decides that Russia never had any legal claim to the government of the rights in the Behring Sea, then this third question will of neces- sity disappear; but if, on the other hand, it is decided that Russia had a just right in the Behring Sea, then a long discussion will ensue relative to the third question. The last question to be decided depends wholly on the settlement of the preceding ones. A number of English vessels have bee» captured in the Behring Sea by United States cruisers. Several vessels captured in this manner have been treated as prize ships by the United States gov- ernment. Now it depends on the rights which the United States possesses over the Behring Sea, as to whether she had a right to seize British ships in- those waters. In 1886 three British Columbian sealing vessels were captured in the Behring Sea and confiscated by the United States gov- ernment. In 1887 five English vessels were caught killing seals in the Behring Sea and were promptly taken to Sitka and sold by order of the United States govern- ment. The convention is trying at present to bring about an amicable settlement of these difficulties. This convention con- sists of two representatives from the Uni- ted States, two from England, and one each from France, Italy, and Norway and Sweden. Its next meeting will be held during the month of March, in Paris. The Behring Sea contains the only seal fisheries of any importance in the world. Hence it is quite important that some amicable settlement may be arrived at, by which the sealing industry may be pre- served and fostered. hX the close of the reading a discussion followed with especial remarks by Profes- sor Hodder. Prof. Blackmar then made a few remarks on current events, the Hawaiian trouble, and the loss of great men, Gen. Butler, ex-President Hayes, and Mr. Blaine receiving appropriate attention. Recent Phases of the Immigration Question. qwJ T a Seminary held January 20th, Mr. (^^ Budd read a very interesting paper on Immigration. This well worn subject was very thoroughly discussed by Mr. Budd. Many new phases of the question were presented. The causes of immigra- tion, the history and statistics of the sub- ject and the general and special results of foreign immigration to the United States were thoroughly developed. The dis- cussion brought to light the impractica- bility of the scheme to suspend immigra- tion for one year. This phase of the question was considered in the light of political filibustering. 96 SEMINAR Y NO TES. - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Frank W. Blackmar. 1 Ff'ank H. Hodder, \- - - - Editors. Ephraim D. Adams, j Terms. Ten Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year ^jn' HE purpose of this publication is to increase the (w) interest in the study of historical science in the ^^ University and throughout the State, to afford means of regular communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general pub- lic—especially with the Aliljnni of the University, and to preserve at least the outlines ol carefully prepared papers and addresses. The nuinber of pages in each issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BLACKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. The success of the moot senate has led students from the first and second year classes to organize a house of representa- tives. The first meeting was attended by about forty and there is every sign of great interest in the work. The senate and house will act together as nearly as possible in the manner of the Senate and House at Washington. These college organizations have the advantage of direct- ing attention to great public questions and of familiarizing students with the methods of government and the details of parlia- mentary law. If the house succeeds as well as the senate has, it will be well worth while. A new library building has been one of the crying needs of the University of Kansas for many years. A place where books can be secured in a fire-proof build- ing is one of the essentials ; a place where books can be arranged for their best use in the accommodation of students and instructors. The attention of the public has been called to this great need again and again and it was hoped sometime that the legislature would make possible the construction of such building by sufficient appropriation. In an unexpected way the library building is to be provided for. The magnificent gift of William B. Spooner of $90,000 to the University will probably be used for the erection of a library build- ing. Chancellor Snow in his recent report has so recommended it and without doubt his recommendation ■ will prevail. The gift was made on account of the relation- ship of Mr. Spooner and Chancellor Snow, and especially on account of the great work which Chancellor Snow has done in the realms of science in the West. Natur- ally it would appear, from the circum- stances of the gift, that this fund would have been devoted to the special develop- ment of science in the University, . but Chancellor Snow has wisely seen fit to devote it to supply the most pressing need of the University. Had Chancellor Snow chosen to devote it to the building of a new science hall, everybody would have said it was right that it should be so used, as the fund should be disposed according to his desire. As it is. Chancellor Snow has placed the fund in a way in which it will benefit all departments of the Univer- sity alike and doubtless add much to the fame and honor of the generous benefac- tor of the college. Spooner Library, built of stone and iron, by the judicious use. of $90,000, containing the library which is to serve all departments of the University through the coming genera- tions, will be a fitting monument to him who thought of the advancement of education in the far West. The department of Economics and So- ciology in Leland Stanford Junior Univer- sity, is to be represented by some very strong men. For the present, Dr. Clark, Dr. D. A. Ross of Cornell, and Dr. A. G. Warner, present suJDerintendent of chari- ties in the District of Columbia, and Dr. Elliott will compose the teaching force. SEMINARY NOTES. 97 This lays a good foundation for the work in the Stanford University. Doubtless it will be enlarged and improved as time makes new demands, for President Jordan, though a special scientist, realizes the growing importance of the study of econ- omic and social sciences. ''Columbus and His Discovery of America," is the title to numbers ten and eleven of the tenth series of the Johns Hopkins University Studies. This volume contains first, an oration on "Columbus and His Discovery of America," by Prof. Herbert B. Adams, followed by an ora- tion on "The Discovery of America," by Prof. Henry Wood, both of Johns Hop- kins University. These able and interest- ing orations are followed by a curious article on "The First Jew in America," and another of equal interest on "Chris- topher Columbus in Oriental Literature." There is apended to this an excellent list of "Bibliographies on the discovery of America." To the student of Columbus and the Discovery, this book is exceed- ingly valuable and interesting as present- ing new phases of the great subject. Also should be mentioned the list of memorials which are contributed to the life and ser- vice of Columbus, in different parts of the world. Some sixty-five of these are men- tioned. It is interesting to note that the first erected in America was one at Balti- more in 1792 by Chevalier d'Anmour on his private estate. It is an obelisk forty- four feet and four inches high, made of stuccoed brick. The volume is closed by a note on "Columbus Portraits." Of al Columbus literature it w.ould be quite im- possible to crowd more of interest andl value within the short space of eighty- eight pages comprising this volume. It is deserving of a more lengthy notice than this. President Schurman, of the Cornell University, in his inaugural address made a strong plea in favor of State aid to the institution. He shows that though the State never gave to the University a single dollar from her own treasury, she requires the University to make an annual expen- diture of ^150,000 for instruction to stu- dents receiving free scholarships, and in the name of justice, he asks that this ex- pense be borne by the State. In the course of his argument President Schurman reviews the provisions made for the State Universities in several of the States. In Michigan the University re- ceives, in addition to special grants, the income of a tax of one-twentieth of a mill on the total taxable valuation of the State. In Wisconsin the University receives the income of a one-tenth mill tax. This tax is supplemented by special appropriations which in the three years from 1885 to 1888 amounted to ;^35o,ooo. California estab- lished for the support of her University a perpetual tax of one-tenth of a mill, which now yields about ^100,000 annually. Ne- braska gives to her University the income of a three-eighths mill tax, which is the " Highest University tax in America." In Ohio the University tax is one-twentieth of a mill. These taxes varying from one- twentieth ■ to three-eights of a mill are in- tended to defray running expenses, while extraordinary expenses are usually pro- vided for by generous special appropria- tions. In Kansas the act for the government of the University provides a tax sufficient to yield $75,000 annually. This form of provision has the advantage of yielding a definite sum which can be counted upon with certainty. It has the disadvantage of strictly limiting the income of the Uni- versity so that, as the State grows in wealth and population, there is no corres- ponding growth in the revenue of its chief educational institution which may enable it to meet the increasing demands upon it. This fact makes it the more necessary that the Legislature provide liberal special ap- propriations in order that the University may keep abreast of sister institutions in other States and may offer the youth of Kansas as broad and liberal an education as the youth of other States find at home. 98 SEMINARY NOTES. The School of Economics, Political Science and History at Wisconsin Univer- sity is in a very flourishing condition. Under the management of Dr. Richajrd T. Ely the work is being carried on with force and skill. The first important requisite to a school of this character in a great University like Wisconsin is a competent corps of teachers and ample support. These we understand that Dr. Ely has at his command. It is just such a school as is now needed in Kansas University to supply the present demands of the terri- tory which the University represents. The faculty of the School comprise the following instructors: Richard T. Ely, Ph. D., Director and Professor of Polit- ical Economy ; John B. Parkinson, A. M. Professor of Civil Polity and Political Economy; Frederick J. Turner, Ph. D., Professor of American History ; Charles H. Haskins, Ph. D., Professor of Institu- tional History; William A. Scott, A. M., Assistant Professor of Political Economy, and John M. Parkinson, A. M., Professor of Civil Polity. Of special lecturers there are Albert Shaw, Ph. D., on Municipal Problems; Amos G. Warner, Ph. D., on Pauperism, and F. H. Wines, A. M., on Criminology. In addition to this David Kinley, A. B., is Fellow and Assistant in Economics, F. W. Speirs, B. S., Exten- sion Lecturer on Economics, and L. A. Powell, A. B., Extension Lecturer on History. With these twelve men in active service there is little wonder that Wiscon- sin forges ahead in the above lines. But this is not all, they have three Seminaries, one in History, one in Economics, and one in Public Law. They also have an Historical and Political Science associa- tion for citizens and advanced students. More than this the students have access to libraries containing over 200,000 vol- umes. In this year of Columbian festivals, and Columbian addresses, and Columbian books, it is curious to note the different views taken of the character of the great discoverer. He is either lauded to the skies, as a man noble in all his ways, or regarded as a self-seeking and often wicked adventurer who was fortunate enough to make a great discovery. Recent publica- tions on Columbus have generally tended to remove much of the halo which has surrounded his name. His deeds in the New World have been harshly criticised, and the greatness of his fame has been diminished. Judged by the light of our times Columbus was at fault in much that he tried to do. Judged in the light of his own times, he was not much better or worse than the majority of his fellow men. Yet after all there is something in Colum- bus' character which seems to show us the inner nobility of the man. At least there is one period in his life which is in nearly every way admirable ; the period when for twelve long years Columbus de- voted himself with varying fortunes to the propagation of his great idea. It is this period of trial and disappoint- ment in the life of Columbus which casts the most favorable light upon his charac- ter. As yet untouched by that desire to send back to the old world the wealth and produce of the new, — a desire often lead- ing him to harsh and unchristian like con- duct, — Columbus has thus far shown us only such qualities as are admirable, — which deserve all honor. Think of it. How many men would have given the twelve best years of life in a seemingly vain attempt to persuade a disbelieving world that it was ignorant and one man only was wise ? Twelve years, spent not in idle assertion of a doctrine, but in unremitting, persistant, . toilsome effort. Again and again was Columbus reduced to the last extremity in his enthusiasm for what his contemporaries called the "idle thought of an empty head." But he never faltered in his course. Determination was written in every line of his conduct. "Indefat- igable persistence," says Irving, "was the essence of his character." In simpler language it was pure grit, a characteristic always admirable, but yet more so, when SEMINAR Y NO TES. 99 employed in a great cause and by an hon- orable and upright man. It is sometimes said that the main thing for which Columbus sought, was aid to discover a new world, in order to plunder it. It is true that he ever talked of the wealth, the gold, the jewels, the produce of these as yet undiscovered countries. Yet, in reading Columbus' character, it does not seem this was the main thing for which Columbus sought. He wished to present to the known world an unknown world, and to have the honor of making the presentation. That was his ambition. He desired for himself and his family a great renown, a distinction above all other men. In his will he cautioned his sons never to be known by any other title than the hereditary one of "'The Admiral," conferred upon him by Ferdinand and Isabella. But in order to interest others in his schemes it was a necessity of the times, and indeed of all times, that he should appeal to the love of gold. Colum- bus should be freed from that petty criti- cism which pictures him as an avaricious adventurer, merely because wherever he landed in the new world he asked first of all for gold from the natives. Moreover Columbus himself placed as one of the first results of a successful voyage of discovery, the renewal of the crusades for the recapture of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. This was no doubt a fanciful idea, yet it shows us the deep religious side of the man. The idea of a crusade did not seem acceptable as wise to either the Crown or the Church, but to Columbus it was a fond thought even to the day of his death. Columbus was by nature an enthusiast. His twelve years of effort did not change him in this respect, but only tended to make him mose earnest. For that con- stant enthusiasm and self sacrificing effort during the years of unrewarded toil, there can be but sympathy and esteem. lian & Co., is the last addition to the wages discussion. It is taken up chiefly with a review of theories already pro- pounded and something on the line of our American authors, Clark, Ross, Ely and others. The vital point, and indeed the most original of the book, is the applica- tion of this theory to the eight-hour ques- tion. In this, Mr. Thompson shows the great variation and complication of the laws of distribution, and demonstrates the difficulty of the application of the dynamic law of distribution, and the law referring to equal returns to the last increment. Especially in respect to the eight-hour law he demonstrates quite conclusively that the result of the reduction of the hours of labor must necessarily involve the consideration of the increase or decrease of the total product of industries, or the increase or decrease of land, or the effect on rent of land, and the effect on the amount of capital or the rate of interest and the in- crease or decrease in the supply of organizing power as well as in the profits of the managers of the business. All this makes the effects of the eight-hour law very complex in their nature. The wide range laid down by Mr. Thompson will furnish food for thought. There are many who reason theoretically about an eight-hour law ^s if its sole effect would be seen directly in the increase or decrease in wages, and perhaps have something to do with production. The most difficult problem of a general eight-hour law be- longs to applied economics, that of regu- lating and enforcing such law after it has been made. Theory of Wages, by Herbert M! Thompson, M. A., published by MacMil- A VERY valuable paper was read before the Seminary on Friday, Jan. 13, by Hon. James Humphrey, of Junction City, on Political Economy in its relation to Legis- lation and Government. The students and instructors were greatly interested in the paper. It is the intention of the edi- tors to publish all or a part of the paper in a future edition of the Notes. SEMINAR Y NO TES. The two principal articles in this issue of Seminary Notes were read before the Seminary by their respective writers, Mr. Meserve and Mr. Woodward. The "Formation of the Union," by Professor A. B. Hart, of Harvard, is the second volume in Longman's series of "Epochs of American History." The period covered is from 1750 to 1829. The work is in every respect an excellent one. Though much condensed, it is inter- esting reading. The careful division into topics adapts it for use as a text book in the class room or as a basis for wider study in the hands of the general reader. The most notable single feature of the book is the careful bibliographical notes and references which give the student an introduction to the literature of the period and continually invite him to further read- ing.. Our only regret is that two volumes instead of one were not given to the period. " The Social Condition of Labor," ap- pearing in several of the leading maga- zines, written by Dr. E. R. L. Gould, will be received with great satisfaction by all economists and other persons interested in rational statistics. The real condition of labor in Europe has been practically unknown except in a general way. No question has been of more trouble to the student of labor and wages than this, and it is to be hoped that Mr. Gould will con- tinue his scientific researches until we shall have a complete understanding of the actual condition of labor in Europe. It has been the custom of orators and writers to make invidious comparisons between the laboring classes of Europe and America. These have been based upon half-knowledge of the actual condi- tion of affairs in Europe. Nearly all of the information on wages and labor which we have used from time to time, has been of a fragmentary nature. The evil influ- ence of this partial knowledge has been greatly intensified by the attempts of econ- omists and statesmen to prove precon- ceived notions. As it is, the question of real and nominal wages in reference to Europe and America has never been set- tled. The work of Dr. Gould will throw much light on the subject and if continued in the discriminating and thoughtful man- ner in which it has been commenced, will make a final solution of the problem pos- sible. As an example of Dr. Gould's method, the case of investigating the con- dition of laboring classes by comparing the wages received by each laborer, is exploded by ascertaining the different con- ditions of family life in Europe and Amer- ica. In Europe the children remain longer under the same roof than they do in the United States and more contribute to the general support of the home. Con- sequently the only way to obtain the real wages of labor i's to estimate the actual necessaries, comforts, or luxuries enjoyed by families of the same number, under similar conditions of frugality and in- dustry. It is much to be deplored that we have so few good statisticians in the United States who, like Dr. Gould, are willing to collect sufficient data, and are at the same time able to draw from them proper con- clusions. An improvrment in the methods of gathering and handling statistics would have a great influence in the improvement of our administration in the United States — an improvement greatly needed at present. SEMINAR V NO TES. COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY. FOR 1892-93. F. W. BLACKMAR, Ph. D. F. H. HODDER, PH. M. E. D. ADAMS, Ph. D. • Instruction in this department is given by means of lectures, conferences, recitations, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses of study, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classifj'- ing materials, and of writing and presenting papers on special topics. All lectures are sup- plemented \>y required reading and class exer- cises. The work of the department now embraces five principal lines of study, namely: European History, American History and Civil Govern- ment, Political Institutions, Sociology or Social Institutions, and Political Economy. The following studies are offered for 1892-'9r!: FIRST TERM. 1. The History of Civilization. Leciures dailj', at 8:30. Ancient Society, and the intel- lectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influ- ence of Greek philosophy and the Christian church on European civilization, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationality. 2. French and German History. Daily, at 9:30. Descriptive history. Text-book. 3. Historical Method and Criticism Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. Examination and classification of sources and authorities. Analysis of the works of the best historians. Library worli, with collection and use of mater- ial, notes, and bibliography. Special attention to current historical and economic literature. 4. The History of Education and the Development of Methods of Instruction. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30. This course may be taken with No. 3. A course for teachers. 5. English History. Daily, at 11. Descrip- tive history. Text-book. 6. Journalism. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 12. Lectures, laborator.y and library- work. English: Twenty-five lectures by Prof- essors Dunlap and Hopkins; 15 lectures on the history and ethics of journalisn, by Professor Adams. Newspaper bureau. The principal object of the bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep in- formed on the topics of the day, and to preserve clippings properly filed and indexed. This course will be found highly beneficial to stu- dents who desire a special study in magazines and newspapers as a general culture. ' I. Statistics. Tuesday and Thursday at 12. Supplementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems, lectures, and class-room- prac- tice. The histoi'y and theory of statistics receive due attention. 8. American History. From the earliest discover^' to 1763. Lectures, topical reading, and recitations. Three hours a week at 2. 9. Local and Municipal Government. Lectures and topical reading. Two hours a a week at 2. Courses 8 and 9 are intended to be taken to- gether as a full study, but may be taken sepa- rately.' 10. American History. Presidential ad- ministrations from Washington to Jackson. Daily, at 3. Open to Seniors in full standing, and to other students upon approval of the instructor. I I. International La"w and Diplomacy. LectLU'es and recitations. Two hours a week, at 4. 12. Political Economy. Daily, at 4. The fundamental principles are discussed, elaborated and illustrated by examples from present eco- nomic societ}'. A brief history of Political Economy closes the course. SECOND TERM. 13. Institutional History. Lectures Monday', Wednesday, and Fridaj-, at 8:30, on comparative politics and administration. Greek Roman, and Germanic institutions compared. Historical significance of Roman law in the middle eges. Short study in Prussian adminis- tration. 14. Renaissance and Reformation. Tuesday' and Thursday, at 8:30. Lectures. The revival of learning with especial reference to the Italian renaissance. A careful inquiry into the cause, course and results of the Refor- mation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number 1 . SEMINARY NOTES. 15. Political 'History of Modern Eu- rope. Tuesday and Thursday at 9:30. Text- book. 16. Federal Government and the PrenchT Revolution. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30, on Switzer- land. The , Italian republics and the States General of France. 17. Constitutional History of England. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. This course may be taken as a continuation of number .5. Text-book and lectures. 18. Elements of Sociology. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11. Evo- lution of social institutions. Laws and condi- tions that tend to organize society. Modern social institutions and social problems. 19. Charities and Correction.. Tuesday and Thursday, at 11. Treatment of the poor from a historical standpoint. Modern scientific charity. The treatment of criminals. Prisons and reformatories. Practical study of Kansas institutions. This course is supplementary to number 18. 20. Land Tenures. Lectures, Tuesday and Thursday, at 12. This course treats of primitive property, the village community, feudal tenures, and modern land-holding in Great Britain and the United States. This course is mainly historical, and is an excellent preparation for the study of the law of real property. 21. American History. Continuation of course 8. First half-term: History of the Rev- olution and the Confederation, 1763 to 1769. Second half-term: Brief summary of the consti- tutional period, with Johnston's "American Politics" as a text-book. Three hours a week, at 2. 22. Constitutional LavT". History of the adoption of the constitution, and a study of its provisions. Twice a week, at 2. Forms, with course 21, a full study, but may be taken separately. 23. American History. Continuation of course 10. Presidential administrations from Jackson to Lincoln. Daily, at 3. 24. Mediaeval History. Two-fifths of the second term of the Freshman year. For all students whose admission papers sliow that they have had elementary physics, hygiene and chemistry. Daily, at 3. Text-book. 25. Principles of Public Finance. Lec- tures on public industries, budget legislation, taxation and public debts. Open to students who liave studied political economy one term. Two hours a week, at 4. 26 The Status of "Woman. Confer- ences. Tuesday and Thursday, at 4. Indus- trial condition, including a study of labor, wages, etc. Woman in the professions. Their political and legal abilities and disabilities. Property rights. Condition of woman in Europe and the Orient. Social questions. 27. Advanced Political Economy. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4. (Jon- si^ting of (a) lectures on applied economics; (i) practical observation and investigation; and (c) methods of research, with papers by students on special topics. This course is a continuation of number 12. General Seminary, on Friday, at 4. Stu- dents in History and Sociology are required to attend the Seminary unless excused by special arrangement. Full credit will be allowed for time spent in Seminary work. At the beginning of the term, students \a&y elect other work in place of the seminar^', if they choose. SUGGESTED MAJOR COURSES FOR UNDER- GRADUATES. I. Economics. Courses 7, 13, 18, 19, 20, and 27. • n. European History. Courses, 2, 3, 5, 13, 15, and 16. in. American History. Courses 8, 9, 10, 21, 22, and 23. IV. Social Institutions. Courses, 1, 12, 14, 18, 19, and 4 (or 26). V. Political Institutions, Courses 3, 7, 9, 15, 13, 16, 17, 20, and 22. GRADUATE COURSES. Persons desiring to take the degree of A. M. may do so by the completion of any one or all of the following courses. The work is carried on by the investigation of special topics under the personal direction of the instructor. An hour for conference will be arranged for each student. The courses extend throughout the year. I. American History. Open to graduates and students who have studied American His- tory two years. II. Economics. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in political economy. Courses 12, 27, and 8. Ill Political and Social Institutions. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in the history of insti- tutions and sociology. Courses 12, 27, and 7. The above courses are for students who de- sire proficiency in a special line. These courses will not in anj^ way interfere with tlie general rules of the Faculty respecting graduate work. SEMINRY NOTES. 103 (Catalogue, 1891-'92, pp. 130, 121.) By these rules, a graduate student may take anj' of the 27 courses mentioned above (except 15 and 24) as a preparation for the degree of A. M. Preparation for Entrance to the Uni- versity. The time spent in the high schools in the study of history is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be exercised in preparing students for en- trance to the University. At present very little history is required in the Freshman and Sophomore years, and the students enter upon the study of the Junior and Senior years with- out thorough preparation for the work. It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the University to learn the story of nations pretty thoroughly. A general outline of the world's historj' with a special study of the United States History and government represents the field. But this out- line should be more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates. It should be well rounded with the political, social, and economic life of the people. Students will find a general text-book, such as Myer's, Sheldon's, or Fisher's, indispensible; but the work of preparation ought not to stop here. Such works as Fyflfe's Greece, Creighton's Rome, Seebohm's Era of Protestant Revolution, Cox's Greece, and others in the Primer, Epoch, and Stories of Nations series ought to be read. The object of this reading is to familiarize the student with the political and social life of the principle nations of the world. For this purpose everything should be as interestisg as possible. Such an interest should be aroused that the student would not be puzzled over dates and threadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things that are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That history which is gained by a bare memor\' of events is soon lost. It grows too dim for use and consequently leads to confusion. With the story of the nations well learned the student comes to the University prepared for the higher scientific study of history and its kindred topics. He is then ready for investigation, comparison and analysis. He then takes up the real investigation of the phil- osophy of institutions and of national develop- ment. He is then ready for the science of Sociology, Institutional Histor}-, Political Econ- omy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the University without this preparation find it necessarj' to make up for it as best they can bj'^ the perusal of books, such as those mentioned above. I04 SEMINAR Y NO TES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student in the University should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions— but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which'if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Students are required to purchase books marked with an asterisk. American Book Company, C'nicago. Manual of the Constitution, Andi-ews $ 1.00 Analysis of Civil Government, Townsend 1.00 Civil Government, Peterman 60 History of England, Thalheimer ,. 1.00 MedisDval and Modern History, Thalheimer 1.60 Outlines of History, Fisher 3.40 General History of the World, Barnes 1.60 Political Economy, Gregory 1.20 Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin 90 Ginn & Co., Boston and Chicago. Ancient History, Myers & Allen $ 1.50 Mediteval and Modern History, Myers 1.50 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.00 Macy's Our Government .75 *General History, Myers 1.50 Leading facts in English History, Montgomery... 1.13 Philosophy of Wealth, Clark 1.00 Political Science Quarterly, Yearly... 3.00 Washington and His Country, Fiske 1.00 Harpers, New York. *Histoi'y of Germany, Lewis 1.50 ♦International Law, Davis 3.00 ♦Political History of Modern Times, Mueller 2.00 *Short English History, Green 1.20 Civil Policy of America, Draper 3.00 History of English People, Green, 4 vols .. 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth, 6 vols 13.00 The Constitution, Story 90 Holt & Co., New York. ♦American Politics, Johnston $ 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle, 3 vols 9.00 American Currency, Sumner 2.50 History of Modern Europe, Fyffe, 3 vols 7.50 Political Economy, Walker.^ 3.S5 Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. Discovery of America. Fiske, 3 vols $ 4.00 American Commonwealths, 14 vols., each 1.35 American Statesmen, 34 vols., each 1.35 American Revolution, Fiske, 2 vols 4.00 Critical Period of American History. Fiske 2.00 Epitome of History, Ploetz 3.00 Christopher Columbus, Winsor 4.00 Appleton, New York. Dynamic Sociology, V/ard, 3 vols 6 5.00 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.35 Political Economy, Mill, 3 vols 6.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. *Political Economy, Ely .? 1.00 Macmillan, New^ York. Constitutional History, England, Stubbs, 3 vols..$ 7.80 Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. I 3.00 Armstrong, New York. ♦Democracy in Europe, May, 3 vols $ 2.50 G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London. ♦American Citizen's Manual, Ford $ 1.25 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S., Tiedeman... 1.00 History of Political Economy, Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econom. Hist, and Theory, Ashley l.W Indust. and Com. Supremacy of Eng., Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers. 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.25 ♦Tariff History of the United States, Taussig 1.25 The Story of Nations, .34 vols., each 1..50 Heroes of the Nations, 13 vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed. bj^ Johnston, 3vols., each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 8 vol 125.00 Constitutional Law of U S., Von Hoist : 2.00 Political Economy, Roscher, 2 vols 6.00 Crowell, New York. ♦History of France, Duruy S 2.00 Labor Movement in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 3 vols 3.50 Problems of To-day, Ely 1.50 Little, Brown & Co., Boston. History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols $17.50 Parkman's Works, per vol 1.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham 3.50 Longmans, Green & Co . , New^ York. Epochs of Ancient History, each vol $ l.Ofl Epochs of Modern History, each vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill 1.75 The Crusades, Cos._ 1.00 Scritaners, New York. ♦American Diplomacy, Schuyler $ 2.50 History of Rome, Mommsen, 4 vols 8.00 Lombard Street, Bagehot 1.25 Silent South, Cable 1.00 Silver Burdett & Co., Boston. ♦Historical Atlas, Labberton $1..50 or $ 2.00 *Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 ♦Institutes of Economics, Andrews 1.50 Institues of General History, Andrews 2.00 Dodd, Mead & Co., New York. History of United States, Schouler, 5 vols $11.50 D. C. Heath & Co., Boston. ♦The State, Woodrow Wilson $ 2.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide 2.00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1.50 General History. Sheldon 1.60 ♦Old South Leaflets, 33 Nos., each .05 History Topics, Allen 35 State and Fed. Governments of the U. S., Wilson M The American Citizen, Dole , 90 Comparative View of GovernuTents, Wenzel .20 Studies in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... 1.12 SEMINARY NOTES. State University — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. II. MARCH, 1893. No. 5. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All students connected with the department of History and Sociolog}' are, by virtue of such connection, members of the Seminary. All students are expected to attend the Seminary unless excused by the instructors of the depart- ment. Students are credited with the time spent in Seminary work. The meetings of the Seminary are held every Fridaj', in Room 15, University Building. Pub- lic meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the Department mentioned ; prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investigation of existing conditions, under the personal direction of the officers of the Seminary Special assistance in choice of themes, author- ities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the department of History and Sociology, or in the department of English, or in any of the literary societies or other similar organizations in the Universit.y ; on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Seminary if so required. In connection with the work of the Seminary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are repre- sented by some twenty daily and weekly news- papers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep informed on the current topics of the day, to stud,y the best types of modern journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of editorial work, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properly filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life — to make history by the arrangement and classifica- tion of present historical matter. Special investigation and study will be under- taken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this state ; the purpose being to com- bine service to the state with the regular work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and co-operation of state and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own Universitj-, or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to conti'ibute some time and thought to its suc- cess, are invited to become corresponding mem- bers of the Seminary. The only condition attached to such membership is, that each cor- responding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Seminary ; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. The library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in connection with Seminary work — within reasonable limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officers and members of the Seminary will gladly render all possible assistance to anj' public officials who may desire to collect spe- cial statistics or secure definite information on such lines of public work as are properly with- in the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Seminary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK W. BLACKMAR, DiKECTOK. FRANK H. HODDER, ViCE-DlEECTOTl. EPHRAIM I). ADAMS, Secret AHY. io6 SEMINARY NOTES. THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE EIGHT HOUR LAW. ET is not the purpose of this paper to advocate the merits or to present the objections to what is popularly known as the "Eight-hour Law, " or to champion any one of the many "plans" for lessen- ing the daily hours of toil so earnestly urged by enthusiastic labor reformers. The substitution of machinery for manual labor, constantly progressing during the last fifty years, has revolutionized our methods of production, obviated the necessity for exhaustive physical toil and rendered the old "sun-up to sun-down" system of labor obsolete. Our facilities for production have enormously increased. This sudden and radical change has thrown our industrial system "out of joint," and modern thought is largely directed to the solution of the problem how best to set it right ; but customs and usages closely interwoven with pur social fabric are not readily loosened. The world is naturally conservative, and changes and innovations rarely keep pace with the desires of impatient and enthusi- astic reformers. Nevertheless, the world does move, old customs give way to new, and ultimately the benefits resulting from the utilization of the powers of steam and electricity will be equitably distributed. The legislature of 1891 provided that eight hours should constitute a day's work for all laborers, mechanics or other persons employed by or on behalf of the state of Kansas, or by any county, city, township or other municipality, and that not less than the current rate of per-diem wages should be paid. This law took effect about July i, 1891. In response to numer- ous letters of request, I undertook to learn to what extent the law was observed, and addressed a circular letter to all of the county clerks, to the clerks and police commissioners of cities of the first class, and to the heads of the state charitable and reformatory institutions. In order to learn how the champions of organized labor regarded the law, I also addressed circulars to some forty or fifty prominent Knights of Labor and members of trades unions located in different parts of the state. In my letter of inquiry I asked as to the number of persons (excluding those working on salaries fixed by the legisla- ture) employed directly or by contractors since the law took effect, and how many of these had been required to work only eight hours as provided by law. In reply, I received answers from ninety-three county clerks and from all of the clerks of the six cities of the first class. I also received answers from the chairmen of five of the six boards of police commis- sioners, from the heads of the state insti- tutions, from the chief firm of contractors employed on state work, and from the members of labor organizations living in nine different cities. The result of this investigation is submitted in Part I, of the Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics for the year 18,91. The law had not been long enough in force to enable the Bureau to draw any very definite conclusions as to its merits or demerits, but as a rule the replies received were anything but encour- aging. Of the ninety-three county clerks responding, but twenty-two reported that any attention whatever was paid to the law, and of this number only four com- mended its workings. Fourteen assailed it bitterly. One clerk wrote: "We entirely ignore it, and only regret that our statute books should be disgraced by such an infamous law." In the working of road tax, the rejiorts show that the law was rigidly observed — one clerk being under the impression that there was a standing SEMINARY NOTES. 107 reward for the discovery of any person who "ever worked over eight hours on a road." In the case of the twenty-two counties reporting a partial observance of the law, the deputies and clerks employed in the county offices are reported as highly pleased, and, as a rule, in their case it is scrupulously observed. In the cities of the first class the law seems to have been paitially observed, in Leavenworth, Atchi- son, Kansas City and Topeka so far, at least, as street work is concerned; it is ignored in Fort Scott, except in the m.at- ter of poll tax; while in Wichita w.ork is done by the hour, as had heretofore been the custom. The only city which has honestly tried to comply with the law seems to have been Topeka. In this city an ordinance making eight hours a day's work for all laborers and employees(except firemen and policemen) has been enacted, and it is observed in all city work. The Wichita city clerk writes that fifteen cents per hour is paid laborers and thirty cents per hour for teams engaged in city work ; but that officers and emyloyees who are paid by the month obey the eight-hour law and are highly pleased with it. Referring again to the replies received from (bounty clerks, one, who is evidently something of a pessimist, thinks the law lacking in "practical sense." He says: "The less hours any one labors, the less wages he gets, and the more time he has to sit around, spend what he earns, and com- plain of hard times and everything else in general." Another thinks the law imprac- ticable, and gives as a reason that he has always been a farmer and obliged to work all day. He claims that as a county clerk, both himself and his assistants work from ten to sixteen hours daily. Here are some other opinions, hastily selected : "Labor- ers should be paid according to the work done. You cannot by legislative action regulate the natural law of supply and demand, nor fix the price of a day's labor, whether it be of eight or twenty hours' duration." "The law is a farce. If ten hours' labor is worth %\, no contractor will pay over eighty cents for eight hours." "The law is a fraud. A man has no right to be let off with eight hours per day sim- ply because he works for the public." "I think the eight-hour law is a farce and should be declared unconstitutional." But the returns were not all condemna- tory. Here are some, taking a more favorable view of the law : "The law has been observed and general satisfaction prevails." "The deputies in the county offices work eight hours per day." "The law has been obeyed in county and town- ship work." "Observed in township work." "We have what is called 'sand- hill roads,' which are kept in repair by contractors, and I learn that the law is obeyed by them." "The eight-hour law has been observed in all county and town- ship work, so far as I know, since it took effect, and seems satisfactory to all con- cerned." Here is what some of the labor representatives say : "No notice taken of the law, not from a spirit of antagonism on the part of the authorities, but because the city has not been asked to recognize it." "Laborers and foremen have worked only eight hours for this city since the law took effect. In emergencies, when longer hours have been required, they have been paid //'(•-' rata." "Work is done for the city by the hour ; no attention paid to the law." "The law here is a dead letter." "The law should be so amended as to apply to other industries than those com- ing under state jurisdiction." "I am pained to say that this law is regarded with indifference, as is the case with many other laws upon our statute books in which officials are not personally interested. The only means to secure the enforcement of the law is to elect men to office pledged to its enforcement, and hang them higher than Haman if they fail to do it." All but one of the superintendents of our state charitable institutions regarded the law as impracticable. This one thought it prac- ticable, but doubted if the changes in the institution over which he had charge, which a compliance with the law would io8 SEMINARY NOTES. require, were for its best interests. None of these institutions comply with the law. It may be remembered that the Warden of the Penitentiary, by agreement with the Attorney General, submitted the matter to the Supreme Court. The constitutionality of the law was not directly passed upon, but the Court ruled that it did not apply to the officers or employees of the peniten- tiary, because they were paid a stipulated annual salary; but intimated that it might apply to laborers and mechanics employed by or on behalf of the state in other capacities. The police commissioners, without exception, regarded the law as impracticable so far as the police force was concerned. In order to obtain official information touching the status of the movement towards shorter hours of labor in other states, I communicated with the labor departments throughout the country, and found that while some states had legislated upon the subject, the law was, as a rule, a dead letter so far as practical results were concerned. In 1879, California, by constitutional enactment, provided that "eight hours should constitute a legal day's work on all public work," but the commissioner says that it is almost entirely ignored. The law of 1887, prohibiting the employment of women and also of minors under sixteen years of age, is par- tially observed in Connecticut. In the absence of contract, eight hours was made a legal day's work in Illinois as long ago as 1867, but the commissioner says that "no attention has ever been paid to it." The contract provision makes it abortive. The Indiana commissioner makes practi- cally the same report regarding a similar law passed by the legislature of that state in 1887. Maine passed a law in 1887, restricting the labor of women to sixty hours per week, but providing that they might contract to work in excess of this limit to the extent of sixty hours a year, not exceeding, however, six hours in any one week. The commissioner says that in 1890 complaints were made to him that certain mills were working their female help sixty-six hours per week, and that when he remonstrated with the man- agers they answered him that they were simply working out the six extra hours allowed under the law. The commissioner thinks this proviso enables unscrupulous employers to evade the law, and that it should be repealed. In 1885 Michigan fixed the limit of a day's work at ten hours, but the commissioner says that very little attention is paid to it. Minne- sota fixed the limit of a day's work for women and children employed in factories at ten hours, as long ago as 1868, but retained the vicious contract clause. The operation of the law is described by the commissioner as follows : "The law sim- ply provides that no woman shall be com- pelled to work more than ten hours daily ; and one employer whom I ordered to desist from working his female help twelve and one-half hours per day, simply dis- charged them, and in hiring again required them to sign a voluntary agreement to work twelve and one-half hours. Liter- ally, this would not be compulsory, for by the terms of their engagement they volun- tarily agreed to work the extra hours." Missouri passed an " eight-hour law" in 1867, but the commissioner says it is a dead letter, and if employees insist on its observance, employers evade it by paying by the hour. Nebraska passed an eight- hour law in 1891, and the commissioner is now investigating its working. Ohio passed an eight-hour law in 1886, but the contract proviso renders it inoperative. Pennsylvania did the same in 1868, but the "exceptions" were so numerous that the commissioner says that it is a failure. Wisconsin passed the law in 1867. The law is enforced generally in the building trades, "through the persistence of the workmen," to quote the words of the com- missioner. The Colorado, Iowa, New Mexico, North Carolina, North Dakota, Texas and Utah commissioners report that no laws exist regulating the hours of labor. The New York commissioner writes SEMINARY NOTES. 109 as fellows: "The principle of an eight- hour day is clearly recognized, and is applicable to all classes and conditions ; but, unfortunately, the word of promise to the ear is broken to the sense by the overwork proviso, which reduces the arrangement to a mere matter of contract. * * * 'pi^g same faint-hearted consid- eration for the protection of the laborer is met with in the laws of other states, clearly showing that sentiment has been in favor of the reduced hours, but that second thought has made it a matter of contract. * * * ^he demand for a general eight-hour day is the newest feat- ure of reform in labor arrangements. The constitutional right of legislative bodies to interpose between employers and employed will scarcely be disputed, in the question of hours, any more than in the questions of health or morals. If the hours of work cannot be regulated, neither can the con- ditions for ventilation, health or bodily safety against fire or accident. All fac- tory or labor laws really hinge on the need of protecting the humble and lowly against the inhumanity or ignorance of their em- ployers. This is the function of all legis- latures, except where their powers are expressly defined and limited." Since June, 1890, nine hours have constituted a day's work in Massachusetts, for all labor- ers, workmen and mechanics in state and municipal employ, and according to the report of the Labor Bureau, the law is observed. A summary of the Labor Re- port for 1889 shows that in this state (Massachusetts) ten hours is the normal day's work in 82 per cent, of the manufac- turing establishments. About one in four, however, say that shorter hours are the rule on Saturdays. Only one per cent, of the entire number report the working-time to be in excess of ten hours. In com- menting on the effect which short hours of labor would produce, the commissioner, Mr. Wadlin, who has made a study of the subject, says: "A current political econ- omy has made the question of profits its central idea, and has constantlv taught that only as wages fell could profits rise. A somewhat different economic theory is possible. This rests upon the fact that the mass of the people must always fur- nish the market upon which the manufac- turer depends for sales, and therefore for profits ; if higher wages and shorter work- ing time tend to raise the standard of living among the workers, then they also tend to increase the profits. Production is only limited by the demand, and con- sumption is limited by lack of employ- ment and low wages. If employment, although less per day, were continuous, or if more persons were employed, although for less time each day, the sum of wages might be increased with a resultant in- crease of consumption and consequently of production, culminating in a gain both in profits and wages." In brief, our Kansas law provides that eight hours shall constitute a legal day's work for all laborers and mechanics, and, in substance, for all other persons not paid a regular stated salary, who are in any way in public employ, and that the wages paid shall be the same as are paid by pri- vate employers for a full day's labor. The reports received by the Bureau show that 1,428 persons are directly or indirectly employed by the state, county and munici- pal organizations ; but these are probably not more than one-half the actual number, which of course varies, depending largely upon the amount of public work in prog- ress in the several cities and counties ; but this class of employee is at all times suffi- ciently large to exercise a pronounced influence upon surrounding labor, and to form an important factor in regulating the hours of the working-day. It is only of late years that legislatures have ventured to positively regulate the employment of women and children in the interest of public health and morality. The idea that the parent was the natural guardian of the child and that the law was power- less to interfere, had prevailed from time out of mind, and the right of any man to sell his labor for as many consecutive SEMINARY NOTES. hours as he may choose, has never, until very recent years, been seriously ques- tioned ; and while it is conceded that the struggle for shorter hours must be made mainly by the working-people themselves. the conviction that legislative action is not only necessary but legitimate in ac- complishing the result, is rapidly forcing itself upon the public mind. F. H. Betton. THE RELATION OF POLITICAL ECONOMY TO DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT. ' \y; FTER the formation of the constitu- tion and its adoption as the funda- mental law of the union, two great ques- tions arose in American politics which overshadowed all others, and upon these public opinion remained divided up to the period of the late war between the states. Those questions related to slavery, and the nature of the bond and relationship existing between the states and the federal union. Many other questions arose from time to time, connected with the adminis- tration of our domestic and foreign affairs, but these were of comparatively transient interest. They received a coloring and bias from the two supreme questions indi- cated, and they affected the current of our national life and history chiefly through their bearing upon these. All other questions were subordinate, whether they related to fiscal policies or tariff, to the settlement of international complica- tions, or the administration of our great public land system, but these great ques- tions were fundamental and vital, and upon their true solution depended the future solidarity and perpetuity of the union. The question whether or not the United States were a confederation merely of consenting states, or a national repub- lic welded together by the constitution into a solid and indivisible unit, enlisted, the loftiest eloquence of the statesman and the most luminous judicial exposition, and the country was steadily marching towards its true solution when an outburst of war put. an end to peaceful discussion, and set at rest forever the two questions that had vexed our national life. The more elaborate system of taxation which the exigencies of war forced upon the country, has given rise to a new set of questions of very grave import and of far reaching consequences. These have rela- tion to the nature of, and the extent to which the power of taxation may be used to foster and protect special interests. In them are involved questions of justice and expediency, rather than points of law. It is contended, however, that the power of federal taxation is subject to constitu- tional limitations ; on the one side it is held that the primary object should be to raise necessary revenue for the objects of government, and that whatever of protec- tion results from a distribution of the bur- den of taxation is incidental ; on the other it is contended that the whole subject is at large in the discretion of Congress, and that that body is not limited either as to the objects of taxation or its chief pur- pose. There is no express limitation of the power of taxation in the constitution, and the argument for legal limitation upon the exercise of the power must rest upon such implications as arise out of consider- ations connected with the primary purpose of government by a democracy, and that equality of rights and justice among all the people which underlies the constitution. It is no part of my purpose to discuss the legal aspects of this matter, but to set forth briefly several of the questions that are upon us and the importance of a cor- rect settlement of them. These questions were somewhat sharply defined in the platforms of the parties which, at the late presidential election, SEMINARY NOTES. sought the suffrages of the people for their respective nominees for president and vice president of the United States. Those which I have selected for consideration relate to the tariff and the coinage. The Democratic platform denounces protection as the taxation of the great majority for the benefit of the few. It declares it to be a fundamental principle that the federal government has no con- stitutional power to impose and collect tariff duties except for the purposes of revenue only, and demands that the col- lection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the government when honestly and economically administered. The platform further points to an array of evils claimed to have arisen from a pursuit of the opposite policy, chief among which is a reduction instead of a promised increase in the rate of wages of laboring men, a depression in business, frequent strikes in various branches of industry, and the heavy and increasing burden borne by agriculture consequent to the restriction of foreign trade. The Republican platform, on the other hand, reaffirms the doctrine of protection, and attributes the prosperous condition of the country largely to the adoption of that policy. It affirms the principle that on all imports coming into competition with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the differ- ence between wages abroad and at home, and it further asserts that the prices of manufactured articles of general consump- tion have been reduced under the opera- tions of the tariff' act of 1890, a statement which, if true, would indicate that its operation had been contrary to the pur- poses of its framers. The platform of the People's party exhibits an appalling state- ment of public evils, but attributes them to other causes than the tariff. The Pro- hibition party believes in a retaliatory tariff] that is, if foreign governments tax their people on their importations, we should follow their example and tax ours likewise. It will thus be seen that there is a wide divergence of opinion among the people in respect to governmental pol- icy upon subjects of most grave and immediate importance. Upon the question of the currency, the Democratic and Republican parties speak the same voice. The Democratic plat- form holds to the use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the coun- try, and to the coinage of both gold and silver without discriminating against either metal or charge for mintage, but the dol- lar unit of coinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and exchangeable values, or be adjusted through international agreement or by such safeguards of legis- lation as shall, insure the maintenance of the parity of the two metals and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the markets and in the payment of debts ; and that all paper currency shall be kept at par with and redeemable in such coin. The Republican platform holds that "The American people, from interest and tradi- tion, favor bimetallisni and it demands the use of both gold and silver as standard money, Avith such restrictions and under such provisions, as will secure the main- tenance of the parity of values of the two m.etals, so that the purchasing and debt paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold or paper, shall be at all times equal. " At first glance it would seem that this agreement of the two great parties upon the legislative policy to be pursued in respect to the coinage and currency would leave no element of uncertainty or ground for contention. But as a matter of fact. it settles nothing. It leaves every diffi- culty connected with the subject unsolved. So long as the coinage is made up of two metals of diverse values there must be a ratio fixed to express the unit of each. At this point the men who framed and supported the coincident propositions of the platforms of the two great parties are in conflict with each other and among themselves. Yet this is the vital point. Upon its determination depends whether 112 SEMINARY NOTES. the exchange value of gold and silver dol- lars shall be equal. It is contended on the one hand that the intrinsic and ex- changeable value of the dollar, whether of gold or silver, is dependent upon the market price of those metals, on the other that the government stamp creates the dollar, and that it is not a material con- sideration whether the metal of which it is composed is worth sixty cents or one hundred, or whether the metal in the silver dollar is equal in market value to the metal in a gold dollar, that the stamp of the government will equalize the exchangeable value of the two metals notwithstanding the wide difference at the present ratio of coinage between the two. This is an old superstition which, in spite of reason and experience, still dominates the minds of many persons. All exchangeable commodities, includ- ing gold and silver, are the products of labor. In the long run, or speaking gen- erally the exchange value of all commodi- ties is determined by the cost of produc- tion. By this it is not meant that every man who expends labor upon the produc- tion of any particular commodity is as- sured of a price which will compensate his outlay, nor yet that the like labor of all men will meet with equal reward. There are numberless circumstances that tend to destroy, or rather render imposs- ible, an equality of compensation for like kinds and amounts of labor. Take for example the labor expended in the raising of grain, the amoimt of each producer's profit depends upon the fertility and situ- ation of his land, the amount of capital invested in it, and the favbrableness or unfavorableness of the season for growth of crop and harvest. The compensation derived from this line of production will be as various as the diversity of condi- tions and circumstances of the producer. When at any time by reason of favoring conditions the amount of wheat produced exceeds the demand for it, the least favor- able wheat lands will be turned to other lines of production. And when the sur- plus has disappeared and the price has risen so as to compensate for the cost of production on the poorer lands these will be restored to that line of production. When production is no longer profitable it will cease, while increasing profits stimu- late production, and by this means the equilibrium between supply and demand is irestored. The inequality in circum- stances and conditions attending indus- trial pursuits, the inability to apportion production to demand so that no excess will be left of one commodity over another, leads to fluctuation in price or exchangeable value, inflicting losses at one time and affording unusual profit at another. But the ultimate criterion or regulator of exchangeable value is the labor cost of commodities. This is as true of gold and silver as of anything else. If the exchangeable value of these metals diminishes, that is, if it requires a greater amount of the metal than formerly to purchase the same num- ber of shoes or amount of cloth, their production will cease to be profitable in the least productive mines, just the same as the production of wheat must be abandoned in the poorer fields when the price is low, and production will diminish. This process will go on until the equilib- rium is restored between supply and demand. Is it the duty of the govern- ment to attempt to create or maintain artificial prices for labor and capital engaged in one line of industry rather than another? There is only one way in which it can accomplish this as to silver produc- tion, viz., to prohibit all importations and buy up most of the product of our own mines. This last it has been doing for several years, and for the past two years, it has purchased and hoarded up half of the annual product of the world, suffering thereby an immense loss by reason of its constantly diminishing price. If the pro- duction of silver at present market prices for that commodity was unprofitable, its aggregate product would diminish. The fact that it does not is proof that its SEMINAR Y NO TES. 113 production is attended with fully, if not more than, the average profit derived from other industrial enterprises. Philip I, King of France, mixed with the livre tournois of Charlemagne one-third alloy, imagining that since he held the monopoly of the power of coining money he could do what every merchant does who holds the monopoly of a product. As soon as the fraud was suspected his money was reduced to its true value. During the reigns of the Stuarts of Eng- land the practice prevailed of clipping and hammering the silver coins of the realm. This was rendered possible with- out easy detection by the defective method of coinage. This debased coinage sank in exchangeable value in even greater proportion in many instances than the amount of silver clipped from them, from the element of uncertainty surrounding them. All except the cred- ulous accepted the coins by weight and these were systematically robbed. In the reign of William it was determined that this debased coinage should be called in and recoined. In that day there were men who insisted that a shilling contain- ing ninepence worth of metal would pass as readily and for as much as a twelve penny shilling. Macaulay thus describes them: ^' Those politicians whose voice was for delay gave less trouble than another set of politicians, who were for a general and immediate recoinage, but who insisted that the new shilling should be worth only ninepence or ninepence half- penny. At the head of this party was William Lowndes, Secretary of the Treas- ury, and Member of Parliament for the borough of Seaford, a most respectable and industrious public servant, but much more versed in the details of his office than in the higher parts of political philo- sophy. He was not in the least aware that a piece of metal with the king's head on it was a commodity of which the price was governed by the same laws which govern the price of a piece of metal fash- ioned into a spoon or buckle, and that it was no more in the power of parliament to make the kingdom richer by calling a crown a pound than to make the kingdom larger by calling a furlong a mile. He seriously believed, incredible as it may seem, that if the ounce of silver were divided into seven shillings instead of five, foreign nations would sell us their wines and silks for a smaller number of ounces. He had a considerable following composed partly of dull men who really believed what he told them, and partly of shrewd men who were perfectly willing to be authorized by law to pay a hundred pounds with eighty. " This was two hun- dred years ago. Since then the world has been flooded with arguments to illus- trate and enforce the obvious truth stated by Macaulay. Yet to-day a majority of the senators and a large number of the house of repre- sentatives of the American congress stand where William Lowndes stood two hun- dred years ago. It requires constant watchfulness and struggle on the part of the enlightened part of the American con- gress to prevent the credit, and business of the country being swamped by the ideas of William Lowndes. If you will take the pains to follow the debates in those two bodies upon economic questions of nation- al importance and concern, you will dis- cover that one-half the members believe that the laws of the universe have no application to the United States of .\merica. It is a familiar and constant claim on the part of those who advocate unlimited coinage of silver, with the restoration of full legal tender quality, that the decline in the market price of that metal is due to its demonetization by the United States and the nations of Europe. Doubtless this has in a measure contributed to that result, but to what extent it is impossible to say. But the primary cause of demon- etization was the too rapid increase in the volume of silver and the decline in its ex- changeable value. The annual product having more than doubled within recent 114 SEMINARY NOTES. years over former periods, that commod- ity began to experience the influence of the same law that determines the ex- changeable value of all other products of human labor. If a man produces twenty bushels of wheat when ten will suffice for the demand, the twenty bushels would sell for less than ten if ten only had been produced. A recent and famous illustration of the operation of this economic law is furnished us in the beef and cattle trade. Twenty years ago the butchering and meat pack- ing business began to be organized upon a large scale. Great packing establish- ments were organized in several commer- cial centers, and facilities were provided for economizing in a most remarkable manner the processes of preparing meats for consumption. Simultaneous with this, and as one of its attendant facilities, ar- rangements were made by transportation companies to give this meat product a wide distribution over the country, and to countries beyond the seas, by means of cars and ships constructed with cooling compartments. The effect of this was soon felt in cheapening meats for con- sumption and increasing the demand. This greatly and rapidly augmented the demand for beef cattle and their price rose rapidly and the breeding and pre- paration of live stock for market became extremely profitable. This soon became a favorite business and very large amounts of additional capital and labor Avere de- termined by the unusual profits attending the business, into that line of production. With careful breeding and preservation of herds live stock multiplied with amazing rapidity, and in a few years the great plains to the west of us were swarming with vast herds where not a hoof had been seen before. These as fast as they became fit were thrown upon the market. The herds continued to increase and the number carried to the slaughter house increased likewise. This continued until the demand for fresh beef at the old prices was more than sujjplied and the price declined. The declining tendency continued in proportion to the excess of supply over demand at the last price, until the cattle raisers were annihilated with the superabundance of their own wealth. What had actually occurred was this, the cattle raisers had produced an excess of beef over that proportion of all other commodities which was available for ex- change for beef. This excess could only be disposed of by accepting in exchange for beef a less amount in quantity or value of other commodities than before, and this is effected by what is termed lowering the price. The distress and disaster that overtook the cattle men was of so dire a character as to strongly attract public at- tention, and congressional and legislative committees were appointed to inquire into and report upon the causes of these low prices for live stock with a view to legis- lation to arrest this destructive tendency towards a great industrial interest. It was boldly proclaimed by these wise men upon the floor of congress and the state legisla- tures that the low ruling price of beef cattle all over the world was due to the wicked conspiracy of four American butchers, who were called by way of distinction "the big four." It was con- fidently and gravely announced that "the big four" had cornered and were ruthless- ly dominating the price of the meat pro- ducts of the civilized world. These committees investigated, but whether their inquiry increased their knowledge on the subject was never revealed. Many ruined cattlemen still think that they were the victims of "the big four," but science teaches that they were tossed upon the horns of too many Texas cows. At the present time the rate or price of beef cattle is advancing. What has taken place to bring this about is the increase in quantity of other commodities and a decrease in the excess of beef in its rela- tion or ])roportion to those other com- modities. The production of silver is undergoing the like process of degeneration with less SEMINARY NOTES. "S chance of recovery, since the cattle were consumed, but the stock of silver still remains, and each added increment of production swells the volume. It must not be supposed that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver arrested the coinage of that metal. For the eight years suc- ceeding the passage of that act the silver coinage of the United States exceeded by $6,619,385 the total silver coinage of the country up to that period. Subsequently the government has vastly increased its purchases of silver making that metal the basis of a representative currency in the form of silver certificates. The govern- ment is at this moment staggering under the weight of a load of silver and ap- proaching a monetary crisis which, if not arrested, will unsettle all values and ingulf the industries of the country in common ruin. Upon the subject of silver the legislation of the country is in sharp con- tention with an economic law which can not be thrust aside, and whose operation is as sure and relentless as fate. Some of the prominent advocates of silver acknowledging that the cost of production ultimately determines the ex- changeable value of the product, never- theless maintain that the aggregate cost is equal to the par value, reckoned at the gold standard, of that metal counted in dollars. That is, that there is as much labor expended in the production of a silver as of a gold dollar. In this are esti- mated the money and labor expended in fruitless prospecting and sunk in unprofit- able mines. While it is probable that these sources of loss are greatly exagger- ated, it remains that they do not become a charge or burden on the silver produced. The losses of those who search in vain for hidden treasure are not compensated out of the profits of those who find it. The great bulk of that product is produced at a high rate of profit at present prices, and the whole at an average rate of profit to cover risks and make the business tempt- ing. If this were not the case the produc- tion of the metal would presently fall off. The argument most commonly used is that, by the demonetization acts the pur- chasing power of gold has been augmented, that relatively to gold all other commodi- ties have been cheapened by them, and that thus the demonetization of silver is the result of a conspiracy against the working classes. If this were true it would point their strongest condemnation. Those who make the statement stop short of offering any proof of its correctness. Evidence approaching to anything like proof of this must necessarily take into account the extent to which prices have fallen in consequence of the greater pro- ductiveness of labor by the application of improved machinery and economizing processes, by swifter despatch of business and cheaper systems of distribution of commodities, in their transportation over lands and seas and the handling of deal- ers. It is not sufficient to point to the fact that a certain amount of gold will buy a greater quantity of most classes of commodities than the same amount would twenty years ago. If this were not the case it would argue that the fertile genius and the vast energies of mankind had been fruitlessly exerted and failed of their purpose. That purpose is to continually add to the sum of human comfort and well being and advance the civilization of the race. But the proof, such as exists, points to a different conclusion. As to the compensation of purely personal ser- vices and the prices of those commodities the production of which has not been facilitated and accelerated by inventions and machinery, there has been no decline. It has become a familiar claim on the part of those who advocate unrestricted silver coinage, that the existing stock of money is insufficient to meet the demands or requirements of business. No proof is ever offered of this. There is evidence on the subject in abundance and it utterly refutes their claim. In addition to the increase in the silver coinage and paper money representing silver since the demon- etization acts, the figures for which, cov- ii6 . SEMINARY NOTES. ering a portion of that period, have been given as respects the United States, there has been recently an unusual increase in the gold reserves, that is, in gold used as money. Professor Laughlin estimates the increase in the gold reserves in the prin- cipal banks of the United States and Europe to have been from $477,000,000 in 1870-80, to $836,000,000 in 1885. According to the same authority there was in 1871-74, $1 in gold for every $3.60 of the paper circulation of the civilized world. In 1885 the gold reserves had increased so as to reduce the proportion of paper circulation to gold to $1 of gold for every $2.40; this, too, notwithstand- ing the total note circulation increased during the same time to the extent of $464,000,000, or 29 per cent. Quoting from the same authority, it appears that in 1870-74 the gold reserves amounted to 28 per cent, of the total note circulation, and 64 per cent, of all the specie reserves. In 1885 the gold bore a larger ratio to a larger issue of paper, or 41 per cent, of the total note circulation, and 71 per cent, of the specie reserves. "This," says Prof. Laughlin, "is a very significant showing. What it means, beyond a shadow of doubt, is that the supply of gold is so abundant that the character and safety of the note circulation has improved in a signal manner." The output of the gold mines has enor- mously increased in recent years. Before 1840 the annual productioti was $14,000,- 000. It rose to $157,000,000 about the year 1853, from this it declined until in 1885 the product amounted to $101,000,- 000. There is no evidence that any less use has been made of silver as money since its demonetization. In this and a number of other countries its use has been greatly increased. In any attempted estimate of the suffi- ciency of the present volume of money to perform with ease and efficiency the work of the world's exchanges, a very partial view only is obtained by ascertaining the actual increase in the legal circulating medium. The lowering of prices in most classes of commodities by means of reduced cost of production would of itself, without an addition to the currency, increase the proportion of money to the ratio of exchanges to be made. The rapidity of transit over land and sea has increased 50 per cent, within twent)' years. Within recent years the telegraph has come into every day use for the trans- mission of money, or credits, which per- form the functions of money, in the world's business arrangements. Banking facilities since 1840 have increased eleven- fold and the world's commerce but three- fold. Vastly increased use is now made of checks, of credits, drafts and bills of exchange, and these form a species of cir- culation representing commodities, safe, economical and convenient. The estab- lishment and use of clearing houses is another expedient that greatly increases the efficiency of money by economizing its use. In proportion to the volume of the world's commerce and the exchanges to be effected, I think I hazard nothing in saying that the monetary facilities existing to-day are greater than ever before. These facts, however, possess but scant significance to that class of persons among us (and they are by no means a small body) who believe that the government is an omnipotent instrumentality, that it can create wealth and insure prosperity. * * :1: * * ^\- It seems singular, indeed, that, after one. hundred years of Adam Smith, in a dem- ocratic republic, the doctrine of dearness should find numerous and powerful adher- ents. The advocates of high protection have changed the ground of their plea for its continuance. Formerly its purpose was held to be the fostering, and encour- aging the establishment of infant indus- tries, by furnishing such incidental protec- tion as a discriminating imposition of revenue duties would afford. Such a plea would now be consciously ridiculous in the face of the fact that those infant indus- tries have become colossal, and that to SEMINARY NOTES. 117 now reap the full benefits of the protective duties which have been thrown around them, it has been found necessary in many of the departments of production to form trust combinations to forcibly limit pro- duction and create artificial or high prices, and to sell their surplus manufac- tures in the markets of the world in com- petition with the free trade and so-called pauper labor countries of Europe. The infant industries never demanded more than 30 per cent, tariff, the giants demand 50 per cent. The plea is now put forth that this high tariff is necessary to maintain the differ- ence between the wages paid to laboring men here and those paid in Europe. This is a fallacious pretense. There is no prin- ciple more firmly established in the sci- ence of political economy than this — that high wages for labor are neither created nor maintained by a tariff, whether it be high or low. I undertake to say further, that the condition of labor and the various compensations it is able to command to- day in all industrial countries, furnishes the amplest proof of that principle. Among the industrial countries of Europe there exists a considerable similarity in respec,t to natural resources, the character of the laboring classes and the progress and status of industrial pursuits. It would naturally be expected that the average rate of wages paid the working classes would be substantially the same in all those countries. Fifty years ago, when all alike were under the blessings of protection, this was the case. But within that period one of those countries — England — shook off the protectionist regime and embarked on a career of free trade ; the rest, meanwhile, increased their protection by building higher the wall. Wages advanced under free trade more than 50 per cent, in Eng- land and remained stationary in the pro- tectionist countries. We are constantly pointed to the fact that the rate of wages paid in free trade England is below the rate paid in like industries in this country. This does not prove the protectionists' point, it simply emphasizes the difference in natural conditions between the two countries. The conditions that affect the wage rate are similar in the free trade col- ony of New South Wales to those that exist in the United States, and as high a rate of wages is paid in one country as in the other. The average wages paid to labor engaged in the protected industries in this country is no greater under a tariff of 50 per cent, than were paid when the tariff was only 15 per cent. It is claimed that wages in those classes of industries which receive the benefit of protection have, on the whole, rather receded than otherwise as the tariff advanced. Whether this is so or not, it hardly admits of doubt that the ultimate effect of the operation of high tariff duties is to force a decline in the wages of the working classes. No one will contend that, as a rule, employers pay more for the kind and amount of labor which they require than is needful to secure it. Laborers discover that the benefits derived from enhanced protection do not reach them. Whenever employers perceive that they can secure the labor they need at a reduced price, they propose a reduction of the wages of their employees. This tendency to reduc- tion may be checked or prevented in those instances where it may be inevitable that a reduction will provoke a strike and the losses ensuing from this may overbalance the advantages of a reduction. Barring the terrorism of the strike and whatever deterrent effects it may have upon the mind of the employer, the wages of the different classes of working men are deter- mined by competition among working men for the work to be done. No employer apportions the wages of his employees with reference to his own profits, unless he has adopted the system of profit shar- ing among them, and instances of this kind are of very rare occurrence. Whatever resources or causes may exist to relieve the sharpness or pressure of competition on the labor market, will SEMINARY NOTES. exert a tendency to maintain a higher rate of wages than would otherwise exist. Such a resource exists in this country and some of the new colonies of Great Britain, where exceptionally high wages rule, in the large areas of cheap and fertile lands. Here the majority of the laboring men become their own employers, and the number of those who extract a sturdy and manly independence from the soil is con- stantly increasing. Many of the prosper- ous farmers of this country have been artisans, mechanics and common laborers. Approximately, manufacturers and other employers of labor must pay a rate of wages equal to the value of a man's labor on the farm. Labor, by reason of its mobility, determines a tendency in wages to a common level, as surely as the fieely moving particles of water preserve the level of the oceans. By this I do not mean that the price of expertness and skill can ever reach the dead level of that which commands the services of muscle and bone. But that in like classes of occupa- tions, if a higher rate of compensation is afforded to labor by one employer than another, the one will be crowded with applications for employment, while the other will suffer a diminution either in quantity or quality. And so of nearly all classes of employments, where higher rates of compensation for the labor em- ployed are afforded, this additional attract- iveness sets up a competition that brings them down to the normal level. Even the professions have become so crowded that there is only room now at the top. But what rate of compensation for labor an employer is required to give is ulti- mately determined by the average produc- tive value of men's labor at the base of the industrial system. Whatever tends to lower the value of this, strikes at the wages of all above, and this is the legiti- mate and inevitable effect of a tariff. Its purpose and effect is to restrict foreign trade, to cut off or at least diminish im- portations, and by necessity affect expor- tations ; for all foreign trade is barter. The cotton, wheat, corn, beef, pork and the numerous other products we sell abroad are paid for not in money but in other commodities. Possessing, as we do, the greatest area of fertile soil under gen- ial skies of any nation on earth; employ- ing the vast majority of our own produc- tive labor in extracting wealth from the soil, it results that the greatest bulk and value of our exports consists in the prod- ucts of the soil. The prices of these at home depend upon an active market for them abroad. If we refuse to take the foreigner's goods he will decline ours. He will seek his supplies of cotton and wheat and beef in other lands. This process has begun and is now going on, receiving whatever of stimulus can be given to it by the American tariff. And thus by striking down the prosperity of the farmer by reducing the productive value of labor on the farm, you aim a blow at the wages of every laborer and every mechanic in the country. When England adopted free trade, she invited all nations to bring their products to her ports. They came and took away as much as they brought. With the free- dom of trade new and large demands quickly arose, production was stimulated, tens of thousands of idle hands were set to work ; wages advanced ; increased comfort and an improved condition of the laboring classes were brought about; in- vention lent her genius to quicken and cheapen production, and the better nour- ished body and brain made the Englishman himself a more efficient machine. Within the past fifty years England has made greater material and political progress than she achieved in the two hundred pre- ceding years. Is seems to be a fact now well recog- nized by political economists that the effi- ciency of production is in large measure dependent upon the condition of the laboring classes, material, intellectual and moral. Ignorance means stupidity, half nourished bodies mean sloth, hunger effaces the feeling of moral responsibility. SEMINARY NOTES. 119 Discussing the arguments of American protectionists, Prof. Cairnes remarks : "I would ask such to consider what are the true causes of the high remuneration of American industry. It will be admitted that, in the last resort, these resolve them- selves into one great fact of its high pro- ductive power. Capitalists and laborers receive large remuneration in America because their industry produces largely. This is the simple and patent fact which all must acknowledge." England has never feared the competi- tion of the low priced labor of other European countries, but those countries have always been jealous of the competi- tion of the comparatively high priced labor of England. Now it is no part of the functions of government to guarantee or specially provide for the prosperity of one class of its citizens, or the security of their business and profits. For this can only be done by invading that equality of rights among its citizens which is funda- mental in democracy. In the very nature of the case protectionism means class legislation, discrimination, the selection of one or a class ot industries to be favored at the expense of the rest. Moreover, it raises false hopes and expectations. It may aid in the development of infant industries but it becomes a formidable obstacle to their expansion. The only path of safety, which is also coincident with the highest interest of the public, is that which falls within the lines of politi- cal economy. A government that under- takes to do more than it should, will be required by the people to do more than it can, and will be held responsible for the failure. It is a dangerous thing to foster in the minds of the masses of the people the idea that the government can impart or withhold prosperity. If crops fail, hard times pinch and mortgages increase, the result is attributed to the profligacy of the government. If crops are very bountiful and prices drop, it is due to the bulls and bears, who in a few commercial centers, buy and sell from each othei' more grain or stocks than they have on hand to deliv- er. When the tariff goes up and wages go down and great strikes occur in conse- quence, as was recently the case, the men claim the right to seize and hold forcible possession of their master's works until he is coerced into delivering their share of the plunder. And this claim is advocated as a right by statesmen upon the floor of the national congress. A reaction from the artificial prices of a boom is owing to a shortness or dearth of money, and since the government can issue millions an hour at no expense beyond that incurred in the operation of an engine and printing press, it is respon- sible for the bursting of the boom. The statute books of the nation and of many of the states are becoming honeycombed with legislation of a futile character. The longer we keep up the pretense that the government can create prosperity, the greater will be the number of the short- comings and sins laid at its door. What, then, do you insist that we must accept free trade ? That, doubtless, is a fearful alternative, but it seems to me to be the inevitable logic of the principles of democ- racy. Free trade legislation proceeds up- on the fundamental idea that what a man owns is his, that one of the attributes of ownership is the right to dispose of your own earnings or property, or use them in such way as in your judgment will best promote your own interest and welfare, that the knowledge and wisdom of sixty millions of people is greater than the knowledge and wisdom of four hundred of them assembled in congress. Further that, when every man in the country, knowing best his own needs and situation, has, without let or hindrance from the legislative power, so lawfully used his own as to promote, according to his own best judgment, his own interest and welfare, the aggregate of well being and of national wealth will be best secured. This is the philosophy of free trade, and the vital principle of democracy. Protectionism is the antithesis of this. The principle SEMINARY NOTES. and spirit of protectionism is mediaeval. It is foreign to the spirit and destiny of democracy. The whole course of western civilization tends to the development of personality, to the growth and elevation of individualism, to the narrowing" of the sphere of governmental functions. Every scientific discovery, from that of the rev- olution of the earth to the origin of species, and of evolution as the corollary of the doctrine of the persistence of force. every mechanical invention and improve- ment, from the printing press to the steam engine, every political advance from Magna Charta to the declaration of Amer- ican independence, has contributed to the levelling of ranks and the diffusion of power. The final realization of the pur- po,se of democracy lies in the fullest prac- ticable attainment of the inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happi- ness. James Humphrey. SEMINARY REPORTS. Hawaiian Annexation. ^y/ T the meeting of the Seminary on ^ February 25th, Mr. O. H. Holmes was chosen chairman, in the absence of the regular officers. The subject for dis- cussion was the Hawaiian situation. The history and geography of the islands were discussed by Miss Wymer. On account of their situation they are of great value as a coaling station to any of the great trading nations having commer- cial relations with the Orient. A review of the existing treaty relations between the United States and Hawaii was given by Miss Humphrey. The present treaty was negotiated in 1S85 and will continue in force something over two years. By the conditions of this treaty the products of the islands are admitted to the United States free of duty and similar concession was made to the United States. The economic and commercial advantages of annexation were presented by Mr. Kinzie. The commercial advantage to the United States results from the location of the islands and their remarkable fertility. The principal ])roducts are rice, coffee, sugar, cocoanuts, tobacco and nearly all varie- ties of fruit. At present, about 90 per cent, of the imports come from the United States, but if any other power should obtain possession of the Hawaii islands, the commercial supremacy of the United States could not be maintained. The political side of the question was presented by Mr. Sherman. The advan- tages of possessing the islands in case of war between the United States and an eastern power are very great. A man of war could not well carry sufficient coal to maintain itself for any length of time in the Western Pacific. The Hawaii islands present the only practicable solution of such a difficulty. Our claim is paramount to that of any other nation and as long as there is any possibility that England or Germany may secure a foothold in these islands, the United States should not hesitate to annex them. After the reading of the papers, the question was discussed until the close of the hour. The advan- tage resulting to Claus Spreckles from annexation was mentioned and explained. T. D. Bennk'J'I', Reporter. SEMINARY NOTES. Railroads. ^vj T the meeting of the Seminary on ^^^ February 5th, Mr. H. Fiegenbaum read a paper on Government Ownership of Railroads, of which the following is an abstract. Ownership and management of railways by the State is one of the measures sug- gested to do awa\' with the railroad wrongs. A few of the advantages claimed for government ownership are: ( i. ) It will do away with competition in a field where competition is undesirable and im- possible. (2.) It will put an end to the evils of pooling, stock watering, preven- tion of legitimate investment, and the con- struction of parallel and unnecessary lines. (3.) It will purify politics. Railroads are a monopoly. While there are at times sa\ings in the transaction of a business by a monopoly, when these are desired that line of business should be turned o\er to the government, either local, state or federal, according to the nature of the undertaking. As at present managed, only a portion of the public- de- rives the full benefit from the railroad monopoly. This result may be partially attributed to want of competition. Offers of service are made only for competitive points and shippers on isolated lines derive no ad\'antage from competiti\e rates. On the contrary, local rafes are kept high to make up for the loss occasioned by the reduction on through freight. Closely allied to competition is discrim- ination. The power of railway managers to foster or to injure particular traders, branches of business, or sections of coun- try, is a momentous element of the rail- road problem. The charge has been made that the avenue to success in business lies through the grace of the manager of a public highway. As evidence of the gigan- tic wrongs which railways can inflict through the power of discrimination, wit- ness the growth of the Standard Oil Com- pany, whose agreement with the Central, Lake Shore, Erie, and Pennsylvania rail- ways, enabled it to crush out competition, iKVid thousands of honest producers, and to become the most powerful corporation of its kind in existence. The object of economic life is to secure the happiness and welfare of the masses of the people. The thing to be looked at in this case is the ruin of men engaged in honorable and legitimate business. These men, forming part of the commonwealth, exercise an influence upon the thrift of the nation. This favoritism, shown in the concessions to the Standard Oil Company, is extended to thousands of other enterprises. Discrimination is but one method of crushing competition. Another is the formation of pools among competing rail- ways. Being subject to no laws, the action of these pools is sometimes arbitrary. If pooling could be legalized, and placed under strict government supervision, local as well as competitive points would be benefited, and the system might be made the most effective aid to public railway regulation. Cost of operation and efficiejicy of management, have varied in different countries. There is no reason why fed- eral ownership should not possess just as cheap a service, as enterprising a manage- ment, and as effective a working force, as are exhibited by our private companies. Private enterprise has not always taken the initiati\e in improvements. There is little complaint in Prussia of the political dangers of state ownership. This is attrib- uted to the superb organization of the Prussian q.\\\\ service. We should have as effective a civil service as any power in Europe. Our civil service is growing bet- ter. At any rate, industrial reform must precede reform in our administration. When we have public' ownership and man- agement of natural monopolies, public in- terests and pri\-ate interests are identified, and the best citizens are on the side of 'good government. When railway corporations control leg- islatures, the time for considering the question of a change is at hand. It would seem that even were the charges made against government ownership to prove true, the evils would at least be no worse than the abuses under which we now suf- fer. Moreover, there is every reason to believe that as our civil service becomes more effective, and as our people -become more enlightened on public affairs and public duties of citizens and officers, that a system of government ownership could be honestly, economically and beneficially maintained. SEMINARY ArOTES. - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOP.ICR, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY THE se:\iinary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Frank W. Blackiiiar. \ Frank H. Hoddcr, - _ _ - Editors. Ephraini D. Adams, j Terras, Tcu Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year "y^ HE purpose of this publication is to increase the (Q) interest in the .study of historical science in the ' University and throughout the State, to afford means of regular communication with corresijondiug members of the Seminary and with the general puli- lic— especially with the Alumni of the University, and to preserve at least the outlines ol carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each issue will be increased as rapidly as the subsci'iption list will wari'ant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BL.ACKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. The papers by Hon. F. H. Betton and Judge Humphrey, printed in this number of the NoTi:s, are the last addresses de- livered by corresponding members before the Historical Seminary. A¥iTH the February number the Maga- zine of American History becomes the property of the National History C"om- panv. 'i'he change was made necessary by the recent death of Mrs. Martha j. Lamb, who had edited the magazine since 1883. Gen. James Grant ^Vilson. one of the editors of the "Cyclopedia of Ameri- can Biography" and author of a " History of the Citv of New \'ork," brought out the February number but has since given up the editorship for want of time. The Magazine is to be united with the Nation- al Magazine, formerly the Magazine of Western History, but continued under tlie old title. For the purpose of popularizing the study of American history the pub- lishers offer a number of prizes for histor- ical articles, novels and stories. A detekmim:i) effort is being made to secure the reduction of letter postage from two cents to one. Several letters received from business houses lately ha\e enclosed circulars urging us to write to our con- gressmen pledging their sujjport of the measure. The reduction of postage rates is a measure which should come as soon as the finances of the postoffice depart- ment warrant it but not before. Since the change from three to two cents ten years ago there has been an annual deficit in the accounts of the department. This may be due to unreasonably low rates on second class matter. If so, these rates should be changed. At least the post- oihce department should become self supporting before further reduction is made. It is unreasonable that the whole people should be taxed to pay for a ser- vice rendered so cheaply to a part. The movement jtroceeds from what Mr. Fiske has well called the "magic fund delusion," the idea that "Uncle'Sam is rich enough to give us all a farm," or do anything else we ma}' happen to want, and that ever)- thing we get out of the government is clear gain. GcR daily newspapers have of late been prophesying that the incoming adminis- tration in this country will '-make his- tory." By this is meant that there are manv great questions awaiting solution which it will be necessary for President Cleveland and a democratic congress to deal with. Every administration and every congress makes histor)-, \et it does seem as if the next few years were to be unusualh' important ones in the history of this countr\-, and the most important question of all is the tariff. The demo- cratic party is jiledged to some change in existing tariff regulations, and if that change is at all radical it will mean a wide spread alteration of existing econo- mic conditions. Such an alteration in economic conditions is of as much im- portance to citizens of the United States as a chanue in the form of gosernment. SEMINAR Y NO TES. Its results for good or f\il will affect every stage of society. Ought we not, therefore as citizens to attempt to understand the real situation, so that our appro\'al or dis- ap])ro\'al may be honestly given to our representatives in congress? What is meant is that a question of such far reaching effect as the advisabilit}' of tariff reduction should be studied hon- estly and not accepted blindly as a matter of party allegiance. Particularly should the young men of the University, and the young women too for that matter, keep them- selves informed upon this subject. For the majority of students there will never be a time so available for the study of great political questions as the years spent at the University. Be on the alert to know what is going on. In future times the days now passing may be of the greatest historical interest. The prospect of the coming of '"history making " days is not confined to this country. In England the introduction in the house of commons of a home rule bill for Ireland was an important event in histor\\ Whether the bill becomes a law or not it marks an important step in Eng- lish politics. The Xoti:s knows of two students who collected from newspapers every scrap of information which could be obtained bearing upon the bill itself, the speech of Mr. (dadstone in introducing it, and the reply of Mr. Balfour. The bill nia}' fail to become a law, but at any rate Mr. Gladstone's speech will be historic, both because of the man himself and because the speech was a most clear ex- position of Liberal views upon home rule for Ireland. Students of history should be on the lookout for such things, for by so doing they not only become familiar with passing political conditions, but obtain a sense of the reality of similar conditions in the past. Students of histor}- sometimes grow weary of their study, because they fail to see the connection between past and pres- ent. The events of the past are looked upon as so many dry facts, ha\ing no apparent relation to the jiresent or the future. Tliese facts are to be learned, of course, as a part of the work recpiired in some particular line of study, or because they are facts which it is generally sup- posed the well educated man should know. The student who is in this condi- tion of mind might just as well stop work in historv. The whole duty and the whole pleasure in studying history comes through the insight given into the story of the development of a race or nation, or the growth of a great guiding principle. It is necessary here to be familiar with the facts or details, but these details become of interest as we see their relation to one another and to future development. The limited view of history is likely to be held by one who is a mere "' text-book student," i. e., a student whose work is confined to learning the lesson as assigned in the text book. Of course one duty of the teacher is to point out the relations of facts and to emphasize their significance ; yet the student must do much for himself. This editorial is directed particularly to the members of the class in Political His- tory of Modern Europe. There is no method by which the reality and impor- tance of e\'ents can be so well obtained as \)\ reading contemporary accounts of those events. In this case the class is about to enter upon the period of the remodeling of Europe through the agency of revolutionary ideas and the growing power of Prussia. There is in the librar\- a contemporary monthly comment upon I'Airopean movements, covering this peri- od, to be found in Harper's Magazine. '•Editor's Historical Record" in that magazine would in itself furnish a fairly good history of the times, while -'Editor's Easy Chair" is of the greatest value to the student, because of the bright, short essays it contains upon leading events of the day. There are many other maga- zines and publications which cover practi- cally the same ground, but if the students of "Modern Europe " will read and under- stand these essays in Harper's upon the leading events of the day, they cannot fail to see some of the great ideas invohed in the mere facts of modern history. 124 SEMINARY NOTES. Edward Everett Hale, in a recent address upon the present condition of American politics, finds ground for hope for the future in the fact that so many young men are now studying social, eco- nomic and political problems in our col- leges. His words relate so directly to the kind of work done in the department of history and sociology that we take the lib- erty of quoting at length : "The thought, which I wish to bring to you and leave with you. and the thought which is to me full of ]jr(Miiise for the future of the republic, is this: That in tlie years which have preceded this the uni- \'ersities and colleges of this country have not concerned themselves with questions of citizenship, with questions of political science. Thirty years ago the }Outh of this country were reading the British poets or the British no\elists. They were de- ^■oting their leisure and their time to Eng- lish literature. Fifteen years ago they were studying science. They were read- ing Tyndall and Huxley and Herbert Spencer. Why ? Because, as I have said, the universities had not commenced to train men in political science. There was little done in the way of studying economics or social conditions. It is only since 1880 that the colleges of this country have done anything wortli mentioning to educate and train the schol- ars of tlie country in political science. The great questions which to-day confront the American people, questions of the control of corporations, the regulation of the great railway systems of this country, ques'tions of methods of taxation, ques- tions relating to the municipal govern- ment, (juestions relating to the currency, to the financial system and the manage- ment of public debts — all these great and ]jrofound questions are- to-day being care- fully investigated by the students of Amer- ican universities. And in this, as I said, it seems to me we can find much that promises well for the future of the Republic." One of the established institutions of the University of A\'isconsin is an annual joint debate between representatives of the two literary societies. The debate is one of the "events" of the- year. The (juestion for discussion is agreed iqjon and nearly a year given to careful prepar- ation. The' (]uestion for the present year is whether municipal ownership and op- eration of lighting Avorks and street rail- ways would be desirable in cities of 25,000. The debate fills thirty-five quarto pages, as recently reported in the college magazine, and presented an excellent dis- cussion of the problem. The decision upon the arguments presented was unani- mous in the, affirmative. SEMI.VAJiY NOTES. 125 COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY. FOR 18ifJ-!)3. F. W. BI-ACKMAE, Ph. D. F. H. HODDER. Ph. M. E. D. ADAMS, PH. D. Instruction in this depai'tincnt is yi\en by means of Iccturi's, conference's, recitations, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and Tesearch. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses of study, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classify- ing materials, and of writing and presenting papers on special topics. All lectures are sup- plemented by reciuired reading and class iwer- cises. The work of the department now embraces five principal lines of study, namely: European History. American History and Ci\il Govern- ment, Political Institutions. Sociology or Social Institutions, and Political Economy. The following studies are ofl'ered for 18i»■^''j.'^: FIRST TER:\1. 1. The History of Civilization. Lectures daily, at 8:00. Ancient Society, and the intel- lectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influ- ence of Greek ]jhilo.sophy and the Christian church on European civilization, the relation of learning to liberal go\'ernment. and lo the I'ise of modern nationality. 2. French and German History. Dailx , at 9:30. Descrijjtive history. Text-book. 3. Historical Method and Criticism. Tuesday and Tliursday, at !):)!(). Examination and classification of sources and au,thorities. Analysis of the works of the best historians. Library W()r]<. with collection and use of mater- ial, notes, and bibliography. Special attention to current historical and economic literature. 4. The History of Education and the Development of Methods of Instruction. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at '.>:30. This course may be taken with No. '.',. A course foi- teachers. 5. English History. Daily, at 11. Descrip- tive history. Text-book'. 6. Journalism. iSlonday, Wednesday, and Frida\, at VI. Lcc:t>n-es, laboraloi'x and librar\' work. English: Twenty-fi\<' lectures by Prof- essors Dunlap and Ho^jkins: l.l lectures on the liistory and ethics of journalisn, by Professor Adams. Newsi)aper bureau. The ])rincipal object of the bureau is to enable students to form liabits of sy.stematic reading, to keep in- formed on the topics of the day, and to preserve clippings properly filed and indexed. This course will be found highly beneficial to stu- dents who desire a special study in magazines and newspapers as a general cvdture. 7. Statistics. , Tuesday and Thursday at 12. Supplementary to all studies in economics and sociology. Tlie method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems, lectures, and class-room prac- tice. The history and theory of statistics receive due attention. 8. American History. From the earliest discoNi'ry to ITGi!. Lectures. to])ical reading, and recitations. Three hours a week at '2. 9. Local and Municipal Government. Lectures and topical reading. Two hours a a week at 2. Courses 8 and 9 are intended to be taken to- gether as a full study, but may be taken .sepa- rately. 10. American History. Presidential ad- ministrations from Washington to .lackson. Daily, at o. Open to Seniors in fidl standing, and to ofhi-r students u])on approval of the inslructoi-. 1 1. International La-vs^ and Diplomacy. Lectures and recitations. Two hovu's a week, at 4. 12. Political Economy. Daily, at 4. The fundamental principles are discussed, elaborated and illustrated by exami)les from pre.sent eco- nomic society. A l)rief history of Poiitical Economy closes the coui'se. SECOND TER-M. 13. Institutional History, Lectures Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 8:80, on comparative politics and administration. Greek Roman, and Germanic institutions compared. Historical significance of Roman law in the middli' eges. Short study in Prussian adminis- tration. 14. Renaissance and Reformation. Tuesday and Thursday, at 8:30. Lectures The revival of learning with especial reference to the Italian renaissance. ,V careful inquiry into the cause, cour.se and results of the Refor- mation. This cour.S(.' may be taken as a continuation of number 1. 1-26 SEMINARY NOTES. 15. Political History of Modern Eu- rope. Tuesday and Tliursday at 9:30. Toxt- book. 16. Federal Government and the Frenchn Revolution. Lecturi's, Monday. Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30. on Switzer- land. Tlie Italian republics and the States General of France. 17. Constitutional History of England. Tuesda}- and Thursday, at 9:30. This course may be taken as a continuation of number ."). Text-book and lectures. 18. Elements of Sociology. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11. Evo- lution of social institutions. Laws and condi- tions that tend to organize society. Modern social institutions and social problems. 19. Charities and Correction. Tuesday and Thursday, at 11. Treatment of the poor from a historical standpoint. Modern scientific charity. Tlie treatment of criminals. Prisons and reformatories. Practical study of Kansas institutions. Tliis course is supplementary to number 18. 20. Land Tenures. Lectures, Tuesday and Thursday, at 12. This course treats of primitive property, the village .community, feudal tenures, and modern land-holding in Great Britain and the United States. This course is mainly historical, and is an excellent preparation for the study of the law of real property. 21. American History. Continuation of course 8. First half-term: History of the Rev- olution and the Confederation, 1763 to 1709. Second half-term: Brief summary of the consti- tutional period, with Johnston's "American Politics" as a text-book. Three hours a week, at 2. 22. Constitutional Law. History of the adoption of the constitution, and a study (_)f its provisions. Twice a week, at 2. Forms, with course 21, a full study, but may be taken separately. 23. American History. Continuation of course 10. Presidential administrations fnnn .lackson to Lincoln. Daily, at 3. 24. Mediaeval History. Two-fifths of the second term of tiie Freshman .year. For all students wjiose admission papers show that they have had elementary physics, hygiene and chemistry. Daily, at 3. Text-book. 25. Principles of Public Finance. Lec- tures on public industries, budget Legislation, taxation and [)ublic cji^bts. ()|)en to students who have studied political economy one term. Two hours a, wei'k, at I. 26. The Status of Woman. Confer- ences. Tuesday and Thursday, at 4. Indus- trial condition, including a study of labor, wages, etc. Woman in the professions. Their political and legal abilities and disabilities. Propert.v rights. Condition of woman in Flurojie and the Orient. Social questions. 27. Advanced Political Economy. Monday, Wednesday, and Fridaj', at 4. (Con- sisting of (rt) lectures on applied economics: (A) l)ractical obser\'ation and investigation; and ('•) methods of research, with papers by students on si^ecial tojjics. This course is a continuation of number 12. General Seminary, on Friday, at 4. Stu- dents in History and Sociology are required to attend the Seminary unless excused by special arrangement. Full credit will be allowed for time spent in Seminar.y work. At the beginning of tlie term, students ma.y elect other Avork in place of the seminary, if they choose. SUGCJESTED MA.JOR COURSES FOK UXDKK- G1RADTJ.\TES. L Economics. Courses 7. 12, 18, 19, 20, and 27. n. European History. Courses, 2, 3. .i, 13, l.>, and l(i. ni. American History.. Courses 8, 9, 10, 21, 22, and 23. IV. Social Institutions. Coiu'ses, 1, 12, 14, 18, 19, and 4 (or 20). V. Political Institutions. C\)urses .3. 7, 9, 1.3, 13, 1(), 17, 20, and 22. f4RADUATE COURSES. Persons desiring to take the degree of A. M. ma.N" do so bj' the completion of an}' one or all of the following courses. The work is carried on by the investigation of special topics under the personal direction of the instructor. An hour for conference will be arranged for each student. The courses extend throughout the year. I. American History. Oixm to graduates and students Avho have studied American His- tor.\' two .>ears. II. Economics. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in political econoni.v. Courses 12, 27, and 8. Ill Political and Social Institutions. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in the histor.v of insti- tutions and sociolog.v. Courses 12, 27, and 7. The abox'c coiu'ses are for students who de- sire proficiency in a special line. These courses will not in i\.\\y \va,\- interfere with the general rules of till' Kacull.\ i-especting graduate work. SEMIXAR ] ^ XO TES. 7 (CatJilogiir, 18!)l-"S)-2. pp. VIO, Vl\.) I'.y these rules, a gvadiiate student may take any of tlii' 27 courses mentioned alxive (I'xce'pt l.i and 24) as a preparation for tlie degree of A. M. Preparation for Entrance to the Uni- versity. Tlie time spent in tlie liigli schools in the study of history is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be exercised in preparing students for en- trance to the University. At pres<'nt \ery little history is recjuired in the Freshman and Sophomore j-ears, and the students enter upon the study of the Junior and Senior years Avitli- out thorough preparation for the work. It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the University to learn the story of nations pretty thoroughly. A general outline of the world's history with a special study of the United States History and government represents the field. But this out- line should be more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates. It should be well rounded with the political, social, and economic life of the ])eople. Students will find a general text-book, such as Myer's, Sheldon's, or Fisher's, indispensible: but the work of ]ireparation ought not to stop lier(-. Such works as Fyffe's Greece, C'reighton's Home, Seebohm's Era of Protestant Revolution, Cox's (ireece, and others in the Primer, Epoch, and Stories of Nations series ought to be read. The object of this reading is to familiarize the student with the political and social life of the principle nations of the world. For this purpose everything- should be as interesting as possible. Such an interest should be aroused that the student would not be puzzled over dates and threadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things that are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That history which is gained by a bare memory of events is soon lost. It grows too dim for use and consequently leads to confusion. With the story of the nations well learned the student comes to the University prepared for the higher scientific study of history and its kindred topics. He is then ready for investigation, comjiarison and analysis. He then takes up the real investigation of tiie phil- osophy of institutions and of national develop- ment. He is then ready for the science of Sociology, Institutional History, Political Econ- omy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the University without this preparation find it necessary to make up for it as best they can by the perusal of books, such as those mentioned abo\ e. izS SEMINAR Y NO TES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student iu the University should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions— but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bi'ing together books which if thoroughly mastered will b3 of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Stiiilent>i are required to jmrchase hooks marked ii'ifh air asterisk. American Book Company, Chicago. Manual of the Constitiitiou, Andrews _ * l.OU Analysis of Civil Government, Townsend 1.00 Civil Government, Peterman SO History of England. Thalheimer 1.00 Mediasval and Modern History. Thalheimer l.tiO Outlines of History, Fisher 2.40 General History of the "World, Barnes 1.60 Political Economy, Gregory ]-'~0 Licssons in Political Economy, Champlin iiO Ginn & Co., Boston and Chicago. Ancient History. Myers & Allen f? l.r)0 Mediaeval and Modern History, Myers l.f)0 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.(KJ Macy's Our Government '•'> *General History, Myers l.iiO Leading facts in English History, Montgomery .. 1.12 Philosophy of Wealth, Clark .. ... .. 1.00 Political Science Quarterly, Yearly 3.00 "Washington and His Country, Fiske 1.00 Harpers, New York. *History of Germany, Lewis 1.50 "*International Law, Davis 2.00 ♦Political History of Modern Times. Mueller 2.00 *Short English Historj', Green 1.20 Civil Policy of Amei'ica. Draper 2.00 History of English People, Green, i vols 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth. 6 vols 12.00 The Constitution. Story ■;. .90 Holt & Co., Ne"W York. *American Polities, .Johnston % 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle, 3 vols 9.00 American Currency, Sumner 2.50 History of Modern Europs, Fyffe, 3 vols 7.50 Political Economy, "Walker 2.35 Houghton, Mifiain & Co., Boston. Discovery of America. Fiske, 2 vols •? 4.00 American Commonwealths, 14 vols., each 1.25 American Statesmen, 24 vols., each 1.25 American Revolution, Fiske, 2vols..' 4.00 Critical Period of American History. Fiske 2.00 Epitome ol History, Ploetz 3.00 Christopher Columbus, "Wiusor 4.00 Appleton, New York. Dynamic Sociology, Ward, 2 vols $5.00 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.25 Political Economy, Mill, 2 vols .. _ ... 0.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. ^Political Economy, Ely * 1.0(1 Macmillan,' New York. (Constitutional Hist(n-y, Engla.nd, Stubbs, 3 vols.Jf 7.S(J Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. I 3,00 Armstrong, Ne"w York. ^'■•Democracy in Europe, May, 2 vols 3^ 2.50 G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London. *American Citizen's Manual, Ford $ 1.25 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S.. Tiedeman . 1.00 History of Political Economy, Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econom. Hist, and Theory Ashley : 1.50 Indust. and Com. Supremacy of Eng.. Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.25 *Tariff History of the United States, Tavissig 1.35 The Story of Nations, 34 vols., each 1..50 Heroes of the Nations, 13 vols., each 1..50 American Orations, ed. by Johnston, 3 vols., each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 8 vol $3.5.00 Constitutional Law of U. S., Von Hoist 3.00' Political Economy, Roscher, 2 vols 6.00 Cro"well, New York. *History of France, Duruy $ 3.00 Labor Movement in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 3 vols 3..50 Problems of To-day, Ely 1..tO Little, Brown & Co., Boston. History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols $17.. 50 Parkman's Works, per vol 1.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham 3.50 Longmans, Green & Co., Ne"wr York. Epochs of Ancient History, each vol $ l.Ofl Epochs of Modern History, each vol. 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed., Mill 1.75k The Crusades, Cox 1.00 Scribners, Ne"w York. ♦American Diplomacy, Schuyler $ 3.ii0 History of Rome. Mommsen, 4 vols 8.00 Lombard Street. Bagehot... _ _ 1.35 Silent South, Cable .. 1.00 Silver Burdett & Co., Boston. ♦Historical Atlas, Labberton .._ *1..50or!F 2.00 *Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 ♦Institutes of Economics, Andrews 1..50 lustitues of General History, Andrews 3.00 Dodd, Mead & Co., New York. History of Ui\ited States, Schouler, 5 vols $11. .50 D. C. Heath & Co., Boston. ♦The State, Woodrow Wilstm $ 2.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide 2.00 Methods of Teaching Hi.story, Hall 1.50 General History. Sheldon 1.60 ♦Old South Leaflets, 22 Nos., each History Topics, Allen .State and Fed. Governments of the U. S., Wilson The American Citizen, Dole Comparative View of Governments, Wenzel Studies in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... .05 35 .50 .<)0 .20 1.12 SEMINARY NOTES. State University — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. II. APRIL, 1893. No. 6. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All students connected with the department! of History and Sociology are, by virtue of such | connection, members of the Seminary. All students are expected to attend the Seminarj' unless excused by the instructors of the depart- ment. Students are credited with the time spent in Seminary work. The meetings of the Seminary are held every Friday, in Room 15, University Building. Pub- lic meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on topics connected with the Department mentioned ; prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investigation of existing conditions, under the personal direction of the officers of the Seminary Special assistance in choice of themes, author- ities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the department of History and Sociology, or in the department of English, or in anj^ of the literary societies or other similar organizations in the Universit.y ; on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Seminarj' if so required. In connection with the work of the Seminary, a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are repre- sented by some twenty daily and weekly news- papers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of sj^stematic reading, to keep informed (m the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of editorial work, to master for the time being the current thought on any particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properlj^ filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life — to make history by the arrangement and classifica- tion of present historical matter. Special investigation and study will be under- taken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this state ; the purpose being to com- bine service to the state with the regular work |of professional and student life. In this special (work the advice and co-operation of state and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own University, or other persons of known scholarh- habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminar}' undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its suc- cess, are invited to become corresponding mem- bers of the Seminary. The only condition attached to such membership is, that each cor- responding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Seminary ; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutually agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. The library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in connection with Seminary work — within reasonable limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past years. The officei's and members of the" Seminary will gladly render all possible assistance to any public officials who may desire to collect spe- cial statistics or secure definite information on such lines of public work as are properly with- in the sphere of the Seminary. Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Seminary, and to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK W. BLACKMAR, DiRECTOK. FRANK H. HODDER, Vice-Director. EPHRAIM D. ADAMS, Secretary. I30 SEMINAR Y NO TES. THE BUDGET IN ENGLAND. ■sn^HE class in English constitutional ^^ history has been organized for study somewhat after the manner of a seminary, that is, each member has chosen some special feature in the development of the English constitution and makes reports upon the topic selected. The member reporting becomes the teacher of the class for the day upon which he makes his reports. These reports are to be followed by theses. As a sample of the work being done, and because of its merit as a con- densed statement of an interesting topic, the following paper is published in the Notes. The purpose of this paper is to give a synopsis of the main steps by which budgetary legislation came under the con- trol, first, of Parliament, and second, of the House of Commons. The Notes hopes to publish similar papers on other topics in English constitutional history, at a later date. The history of the budget in England must necessarily begin with the year 1066, for the Norman conquest marks a great change in the social and political relations of ruler and people. The records of the system of taxation, previous to this time, are vague and indistinct, and it is impos- sible to assert with certainty that the early Norman kings accepted any of the funda- mental customs of the conquered nation. But whether or not the old customs influ- enced the new methods of government, is of little importance, for it is in the time of William I, that we notice the opening of that long series of events which finally led to the realization of the principle of self-taxatien, and to the establishment of constitutional government. The early Norman kings had little or no necessity for resorting to oppressive taxation. The conquest of England threw into the hands of the crown a vast amount of land which could be divided among the nobles upon condition of feudal aids or services, and in this way the king had lit- tle difficulty in collecting sufficient reve- nue for the support of the crown. Such taxation as did exist did not fall directly from king to people, but from king to baron, and the baron must obtain these taxes by a further extension of the feudal system from baron to people, so that the natural opposition seemed to be between the king and the barons. . As long as the feudal system was in full force, as long as the nobility were imbued with the spirit of factional rather than of national interest, just so long was the king looked upon by the people as the representative of safe and stable government. His rule might be arbitrary, but it was preferable to the uncertain rule of the feudal nobles. But when the danger of petty feudal government had passed away, the extreme power of the crown became more evident- ly burdensome, and the barons and the people gradually learned to unite their interests in opposition to those of the king. Magna Charta is the result of this union of interests. In it the barons de- mand the recognition of their old right to a share in the government of the nation, and, together with the people assert the great principle of self-taxation, not, how- ever, as a new principle, but as an ancient right. Magna Charta is justly regarded as the bulwark of English liberty, but its accept- ance by King John did not insure the observance, by future kings, of the right of the great council to assent to taxation, for a changed condition of affairs soon led to the disappearance of that unity of inter- est between barons and people which was necessary for the maintenance of rights against a despotically minded king. Hen- SEMINARY NOTES. 131 ry III continually violated the charter, and it was not until the reign of Edward I that the principles of government which had been assented to by John, were fully recognized by the royal power. Edward came to the throne with the firm determination to make England a great nation, and he saw that the first part of his work must be to solidify the inter- ests of the people so that England would not be disturbed by intestine quarrels. He proposed, first of all, to carry into effect the great constitutional principles of Mag- na Charta, but he was not willing to give effective force to the articles which pro- vided that the right of taxation should be dependent upon the consent of the great council. Ultimately he was compelled to acknowledge this right, and in the Con- firmatio Chartarum the constitutional prin- ciple of taxation is again asserted and defined. More than this, by the Statuto de Talligio, the king renounces the right, which he had formerly possessd, of col- lecting dues from towns in his capacity of feudal landlord, and thus becomes more dependent upon the good will of his par- liament for the supply of money. The reign of Edward I marks the organ- ization of the English form of government. Up to this time the struggle had been con- cerning the part to be played by the vari- ous estates in the government of the nation, but now the question was decided once for all, and later controversies always turned upon the interpretation to be placed upon the powers of the crown, of the nobility, or of the commons, during the reign of Edward I. At one time the crown may be all powerful, at another the parliament, but the basis of the correct form of government, and of the principle of self-taxation, which so surely serves as an index of the realization of constitu- tional government at any given period, is to .be found in the reign of Edward I. But the assertion that this reign con- tained the basis of all subsequent consti- tutional government, does not imply that it is also the limit of such irovernment. By a wide interpretation of the provisions of Edward I, parliament could greatly extend its powers. Thus, under Richard II, an important restriction was placed upon the power of the crown over the budget, in that the principle was estab- lished that parliament may limit the extent of the grant, in other words, may deter- mine that a grant shall be used for a par- ticular purpose, and for no other. This restriction, vague and indefinite though it may be, is an instance of the' ever growing power of the commons over matters of taxation. It is the first evidence of a be- lief on the part of parliament that it was of the utmost importance to determine, not only the amount, but also the purpose, of taxation. The influence of the commons steadily continued to increase during the reign of Henry IV, whose hatred of the power of the nobles led him to favor the lower house of parliament, but with the advent of Henry VI, the reaction against the commons began. The almost total sup- pression of the influence of the commons was finally accomplished by the same series of events which overthrew the bar- ons. The wars of the Roses swept away the last remnant of feudal power, and at the same time raised to the throne a king", in the person of Edward IV, whose power was too strong for any opposition on the part of the commons. The rulers of England from Edward IV to Elizabeth took upon themselves a large part of the duty of government, and would permit but little interference on the part of parliament. Frequently, if they were in need of money, they secured it by means of forced loans, of benevolences, or of arbitrary taxation, although Henry VIII felt himself so secure in his position that he was able to use his parliament as a convenient medium for the registration of royal decrees. Henry's ability to man- age his parliament arose mainly from the decay of the old nobility and from the creation by the King of a new nobility, who would of necessity simply be follow- 132 SEMINARY NOTES. ers of the royal will. Besides this, the sudden advancement of industrial life and the religious impulses of the nation served to turn attention away from the arbitrary exercise of power by the king. But under Elizabeth, protestantism became the estab- lished religion of England, and men found time to turn their thoughts to other ques- tions than those of belief. Elizabeth levied taxes arbitrarily, collected benevo- lencies, and granted monopolies for a money consideration, but when her par- liaments met she found herself opposed by a bold spirit, which had not existed for a hundred years. Parliaments insisted on their right to take part in the government of the nation. They compelled the queen to give up the granting of monopolies, but they could not regain the measure of lib- erty enjoyed under Edward I. Preroga- tive was safe with Elizabeth, but it only needed a less capable monarch to provide the opportunity for the regaining of ancient liberties. Yet something more than this was now demanded by the commoners. They were no longer con- tent to determine merely the amount and purpose of taxation, but in addition to claiming that right they were prepared to attempt to control the policy of the gov- ernment in all matters whatsoever, and sought to make the right of self-taxation the means by which such further control should be secured. The fact that the central point of the controversy between James I and Charles I, on one side, and the conjmoners on the other, seemed to be the question of arbitrary taxation, does not mean that it comprised the whole of the question at issue. If parliament and the king had been in harmony as to the policy of the government the king would have found little difficulty in procuring regular supplies. The refusal of the king to permit parliament to have a share in the control of the policy of the nation led to the refusal of parliament to grant supplies, and forced the king to appeal to prerogative and the use of arbitrary tax- ation. This is the importance of the struggle over the principle of self-taxation which resulted in the war for the com- monwealth. That war decided that the right of self-government belonged to the people, but it was not until 1688 that the contest was closed and the principle fully realized. The Bill of Rights finally es- tablished the constitutional principle of self-taxation. Chapter 2, after asserting that James II had levied subsidies with- out the consent of parliament, declares "that levying money for or to the use of the crown by pretense of prerogative with- out grant of parliament, or for longer time or in other manner than the same is or shall be granted is illegal." Parliament never again found it necessary to assert by statute the right of self-taxation. The long struggle beginning with Magna Charta* in i2i5,and continuing until the Bill of Rights in 1688, was ended at last, and the principle upon which rests all the lib- erties of England to-day, the principle that the people have a right to determine through their representatives the amount and purpose of taxation, was firmly estab- lisehd. Up to the time of Charles II the struggle had been between the crown and parliament, but now the nature of the contest was changed. The royal prerog- ative had been limited and parliament had become the real ruler of the nation, but the contest now arose as to the rights of the commons in parliament over mat- ters of taxation. The Lords could not claim to represent the nation in parlia- ment as thoroughly as did the commons, and it seemed but a new phase of an old principle that the commons should pos- sess the sole right of initiative in matters of taxation. Under Charles II the com- mons made a formal assertion of such a *Feilden in his Constitutional History of England, page 195, gives the following statutes as being the most important in limiting arbitrary taxation: Magna Charta, 1215; Uonflrmatio Uhartarum, 1397; Ordinances of 1311; Right of Tallage abolished, -1340 and 1348 ; King forbidden to tax wool, 136'J ; 1371; Benevolences declared illegal, 1481; Monopolies sur- rendered, 1601, 1624, 1639; Petition of Right. 1628; Ship Money and distraint of Knighthood abolished, 1641; Feudal incidents surrendered, 1660; Bill of Rights, 1()89. SEMINARY NOTES. ^IZ right, although it had undoubtedly been an active principle of government for a long time. A resolution of the House of Commons in 1678 declares that "all aids and supplies and aids to His Majesty in parliament are the sole gifts of the com- mons; and all bills for th.e granting of any such aids and supplies ought to begin with the commons; and that it is the undoubted and sole right of the commons to direct, limit and appoint in such bills, the ends, purposes, considerations, con- ditions, limitations and qualifications of such grants which ought not to be changed or altered by the House of Lords-"* This resolution was at once a protest against the rejection, or more strictly in this case, the amendment, of money bills by the House of Lords, and an assertion of the principle that aids to the Crown are the sole gift of the Commons. The Lords did not deny the principle asserted by the Commons, and the right has long been recognized by the speech from the throne at the opening of Parliament, for that por- tion of the speech which refers to the general condition of the nation is ad- dressed to "my Lords and gentlemen," while the portion referring to supplies is addressed to "gentlemen of the House of Commons, "t But although the Lords readily assented to the principle that aids to the Crown are the sole gift of the Com- mons, they have never formally renounced their right of the amendment or rejection of money bills. The two houses did not come into serious conflict on this point until i860, when the Lords rejected a bill sent up by the commons;}; which provided for a repeal of the paper duties and an increase of the property tax. The atti- tude of the Commons is well summarized by Anson: § "The Commons met this action on the part of the Lords by resolu- tions which set forth the privileges of the House in matters of taxation, and while *Anson, Law and Custom of the Conststution, Vol. I»p. 331. t Chicago Tribune, Feb. 18, 1890, p. 5. :;:May, Parliamentary Practice, p. 649. § AnBon. Law and Custom of the Constintion, Vol. I. p. 833, they did not deny that the Lords might have the power of rejecting money bills, intimated that the Commons had it always in their power so to frame money bills as to make the right of rejection nugatory. The resolutions were three in number. The first recites that the right of granting aids and supplies to the Crown is in the Commons alone. The second, that al- though the Lords have exercised the power of rejecting bills of several descrip- tions relative to taxation, by negativing the whole, yet the exercise of that power by them has not been frequent and is justly regarded by this House with pecu- liar jealousy, as affecting the right of the Commons to grant supplies, and to pro- vide the ways and means for the service of the year. The third, that to guard in the future against an undue exercise of that power by the Lords, and to secure to the Commons their rightful control over taxation and supply, this House has in its own hands the power to impose and remit taxes and to frame bills of supply, that the right of the Commons as to the matter, measure, or time may be maintained in- violate." The Commons did not at once reintro- duce the bill over which the contest arose, but in the following year the measure was again presented to the Lords, this time forming a part of the general appropria- tion bill, and the Lords did not dare to tamper with it. ^This explains what was meant by the Commons in the resolution, when it is said that it is "always in the power of the Commons so to frame money bills so as to make the right of rejection nugatory." It is simply the custom, familiar enough to-day, of tacking riders on to important bills. Such a proceeding was objected to as early as 1702, when the Lords resolved "that the annexing any clause or clauses to a bill of aid or supply, the matter of which is foreign to and different from the matter of the said bill of aid or supply is unparliamentary and tends to the destruction of the consti- ^ Hansai'd'.s Debates, 3rd Ser., Vol. 1()3, p. fjO. 134 SEMINAR Y NO TES, tution of this government."* Despite such protests by the Lords, the Commons have placed riders upon bills whenever they have feared that a bill which has seemed to them of great importance, would be objectionable to the Lords and would be rejected if presented alone. The Commons dislike to have the Lords take any active hand in the grant of supplies, yet under certain circumstances the Lords are permitted to amend money bills. In cases where clauses which have no direct bearing on the matter of taxation, are objectionable to the Lords, amendments are sometimes permitted, but so careful are the commons of- their privilege that in agreeing to such amendments, a special entry f is made in the journal to the effect that the amendments were "for the pur- pose of rectifying clerical errors," or "were merely verbal," or were "in furth- erance of the intention of the House of Commons." Sometimes also it is expedient to allow the House of Lords, from their greater knowledge of the subject under considera- tion, to originate bills which contain clauses relative to taxation. On the third reading of such a bill these clauses are struck out and the bill is sent to the Com- mons without them. The Commons then take the clauses omitted, and print them in their proper place in red ink, with a note stating that "they are proposed to be inserted by committee " and they are supposed to be in blank until inserted by a formal motion. The House of Com- mons is, however, extremely jealous of its privileges, and a bill coming from the Lords which contains anything bearing on taxation is likely to be objected to at any time. I In fact the power of the Commons * May, Parliamentary Practice, p. 648. + Ibid., p. 643 ff. :J:For example, June 15, 1860, a bill introduced by the Lords came up for its second reading in the Com- ■ mons. It provided that persons selling and hawking goods on Sunday should be fined and the fine paid over to the Receiver of the Metropolitan Police dis- trict and applied in aid of the expenses of the police. But an objection was made that a good share of the expenses of ihe Metropolitan and City Police was provided for out of the consolidated fund and hence the bill was one which would lessen the taxation of Her Majesty's subjects, and so was an invasion of the rights of the Commons. Hansard's Debates, Srd Ser., Vol. 159, p. 539. over the grant of supply is absolute when- ever the Commons see fit to exercise their power and coerce the Lords. The Com- mons make the grant, the Lords merely assent to it. The relation between Crown, Lords and Commons in the matter of supply is clearly set forth by May. He says, "The Crown demands money, the Commons grant it, and the Lords assent to the grant, but the Commons do not vote money unless it be required by the Crown, nor impose or augment taxes un- less they be necessary for meeting the supplies which they have voted or are about to vote, and for supplying general deficiencies in the revenue. The Crown has no concern in the nature or distribu- tion of the taxes, but the foundation of all parliamentary taxation is its necessity for the public service as declared by the Crown through its constitutional advis- ers. "§ The general principle that the Commons will not grant supplies unless they are proposed by the Crown was em- phasized by a standing order of March 20, 1866,11 "This House will receive no peti- tion for any sum relating to the public service, or proceed upon any motion for a grant or charge upon the public revenue, whether payable out of the consolidated fund, or yet of moneys to be provided by Parliament, but what is recommended from the Crown. "^ Such a principle is both a great safeguard** against hasty and unwise appropriations, and it ensures a careful balancing of income and expendi- ture. The importance of the control of taxa- tion is nowhere more evident than in England, where the Commons possessing § May, Parliamentary Practice, p. 651. a Hansard's Debates, 3rd Ser., Vol. 223, p. 879. ^Formerly the military estimates were not submit- ted by the Crown but by a committee of the House of Commons, the reason probably being the fear of the Crown over the army. Biit in 1863 this ciistom was abolished and all estimates are now proposed by the Crown ministers. ** Yet by means of what are called " abstract resolu tions" a member of the House can cause the intro- duction of a bill relating to taxation. A resolution is presented declai'ing that such a bill ought to be intro- duced and, if the resolution passes, the ministry will hardly refuse to introduce the bill thus brought to their notice. Such resolutions are certainly contrary to the spirit of the constitution and the standing order of March 20, 18(56. SEMINAR V NO TES. 135 this power, have practically the sole gov- erning body. In the end the control of the purse brings with it the control of all matters of legislation. The form of govern- ment in England, which permits the plans for legislation to be made by a responsible ministry, gives to the people an effective influence upon financial questions, and as a consequence, upon all questions of pub- lic interest. The control of the budget by the people, through their representa- tives, is the one force which more than any other secures the maintenance of constitutional liberty in England, and the history of the growth of that control is really identical with the history of the growth of constitutional liberty. SEMINARY REPORTS. Land Tenures of the Roman Republic. 9 MY ^ ^^ meeting of the Seminary on ^^^1^ March 17th, the subject for discus- sion was, "Some of the Forms of Land Tenure among the Romans." Mr. Bishoff read a paper on Tenure Previous to the Gracchan Rogations. He spoke of the early Romans as distinctly an agricultural people, when the land owned in common was known as the Ager Romaims, and later, as the territory increased by con- quest, the new land was called Ager Pub- licus. Citizenship was always a requisite to the private ownership of land, and the Roman law always discriminated against the alien; he was allowed to occupy land only as a tenant. The patrician class might hold land in three ways: (i.) Quiritian owner- ship, by right of citizenship. (2.) Seign- orial rights, a sort of feudal tenure, and (3.) by occupying portions of the public domain by right of possession. Ager Pitb- licus was the property of the state and might be disposed of by public auction. In 486 B.C., the Lex Cassia was passed, which provided for the survey of public land and its distribution among the plebi- ans, and it so excited the people that its originator, Spurius Cassius, was con- demned and put to death. In 454 B.C., the Lex Licinia was passed, which pro- hibited any one from occupying more than e^oo Jugera. The early land laws of Rome were directed against the landed aristoc- racy and in favor of the plebeans. The effect was to break up old parties and form new ones corresponding to the rich and poor classes. Mr. Buchan read a paper discussing the provisions of the Gracchan Rogations. These provided that no one should hold more than five hundred jugera of public land, with the exception that a father could hold two hundred and fifty jugera for each son. It also guaranteed the permanent possession of this amount to the occupier and his heirs forever, and also provided for the payment for im- provements made upon surrendered land, and ordered that the land thus surrendered be divided among the poorer citizens in lots of thirty jugera each, which must be used for agricultural purposes. The law required the appointment of a commission consisting of three magistrates to receive and apportion the land and to determine what was public and what pri- vate land. This measure led to difficul- ties and the commission confiscated all land in question unless the occupier could prove that his land had never been part of the Ager publiciis. Under this law the first public survey of the territory of Rome was made. It was not without a fierce struggle .between the patricians and plebe- ans that this law was passed. The senate refused to assist the commission in any way and the commission in turn resorted to very arbitrary measures to enforce its 136 SEMINAR V NO TES. decrees. The excitement grew so intense that when the originator of the law, Tibe- rius Gracchus, came up for reelection, he was killed by a mob, but his brother Gaius carried on the work until it accomplished its purpose ; however, it was soon virtu- ally killed through the influence of Scipio. Mr. Bennett read a paper on The Effects of the Lex Thoj-ia, passed in 118 B. C. This law provided that the holders of dis- puted lands might legally sell it, thus repealing the restrictions of assignment made by the Gracchan laws. The effect of this law was that the smaller land hold- ers soon sold out to the rich patrician class and moved to the capital to swell the ever increasing number of governmental dependents. A law was then passed by the patricians to prevent any future gov- ernmental distribution of land, and im- posing a tax, vectigalia, upon land holders for the support of the dependent class, thus placing a premium on idleness. Pri- vate property in land, according to this law, was any part of the Ager Publiciis occupied previous to the law of 133 B. C. not to exceed 500 jiige7'a; all assignments by lot made to Roman citizens ; all public land which had been used in executing the lavsj of 133 B. C., in establishing colonies, etc. All land occupied by Roman citizens for the purpose of agriculture, not to ex- ceed thirty jugera, was given in full own- ership. Pasture land was relieved from taxation and remained the property of all those whose land bordered upon it. The main objects of this law were two: ( i) The guarantee of full tenure in the land to the present occupier ; (2) the releasing from vectigalia of the property of every one. The long struggle between patrician and plebean was finally closed. The pristine vigor of Roman institutions died when the farmer class was reduced to want and slavery. J. L. Cramer, Reporter. T the meeting of the Seminary on 2^^ March 24th, the subject for discus- sion was "Divorce." Status of Divorce, by miss radford. Marriage is a legal contract between a man and woman and the state. The question of divorce necessarily grows out of and is determined by the view taken of this marriage contract. If mar- riage is nothing more than a mere legal contract, then divorce is simply the an- nulling by law a contract made by law. But if marriage is more than a mere legal contract, if it is a second institution of society then divorce becomes a serious question. It should be the strictest aim of legislation to grant a divorce on such grounds alone as shall not offer a pre- mium to marital inconstancy, as well as not to give the slightest encouragement to ill-assorted or hasty marriages. The increase in the number of divorces began about the middle of the present century, at first only in Connecticut. In 1849 there were 94 cases, in 1850 129; 1854 216; 1864 420; during the next fifteen years the increase was so rapid that it averaged one divorce for every ten marriages. New. Hampshire shows an increase of 50 per cent, of divorces dur- ing the last twenty years. In Massachu- setts there is one divorce for every twenty- one marriages. In Chicago the relation is about one to twelve. Statistics show that all those states with a large number of churches and schools have the largest divorce per cent, in pro- portion to their population and number of marriages, as for instance in Ohio, 1S80, with a population of 3,198,062 for 503,- 734 marriages there were 1553 divorces. In Indiana, with a population of 1,978,- 301, for 373,899 marriages, there were 1200 divorces, while in Georgia, with a population of 1.542,180, for 291,472 marriages there were only 325 divorces. This makes a ratio of 77 divorces in Ohio to 97 in Indiana, to 60 in Georgia. The reason for this great difference in such instances is sometimes due to the loose- ness of the divorce laws, as in the case of Ohio, but in Indiana the laws are quite as SEMINARY NOTES. 137 binding as in Georgia. Then why the increase of divorce should be so much greater in Indiana than in Georgia is not yet explained. Perhaps it may be par- tially explained by the different classes of people and different conditions of society in these two states. That divorces have increased and mar- riages decreased during the last twenty years is certainly true, but there are no satisfactory statistics to show in what pro- portion or whether or not one or the other may be the natural results of a corres- ponding increase or decrease in the popu- lation of the United States. Causes of Divorce, by miss hardy. What are the causes of the increasing number of divorces? Let us review briefly the causes for which divorce has been granted among other nations. If a Hebrew husband for any cause became dissatisfied he had only to write a bill of divorcement and give it to his wife. Among the Greeks divorce was obtained with little difficulty by simply sending the wife from his home. Or the wife might separate herself from her husband. In the early history of Rome the causes for which divorce might be obtained were "violating the law of chastity and drink- ing wine." There are in the United States forty- two causes for absolute divorce and thirty- two for limited. Absolute divorce may be obtained in every state of the union except South Carolina. The Labor Commissioners report, by classified causes from 1867 to 1886, shows the following result. Desertion 126,676 or 38 per cent, of the entire number; adultery 67,686 or 20 per cent.; cruelty 51,595 or 16 per cent.; drunkenness 13,- 866 or 4 per cent.; neglect to provide 7j95S or less than 3 per cent.; other causes 60,938; entire number 328,716. The largest number, 38 per cent., was obtained for desertion. The causes for the increasing number in the western states in the last few years may be attributed to the class of people by which these states are settled. Although we may be able to form a general idea from reports regarding the causes of divorce, yet cases of this kind, touching closely the domestic life of all concerned, must ever be difficult of inves- tigation. Some Remedies for Divorce. BY miss TINSLEY. It is a difficult thing for law to attempt to regulate the morals of a community. A body of men make a code and attach penalties, but the opinions of the majority of the people must be in its favor before it can be enforced. First, therefore, to remedy divorce by law, public opinion must be so strong in favor of the law which governs it that there can be no evading of the law by individuals. Second, it has been proposed that Con- gress adopt uniform laws in fegard to marriage and divorce for all the states. Third, a prohibition of the publication of the proceedings of divorce courts, would do much toward elevating the moral taste of certain classes of people who find pleasure in such reading. Fifth, the remedy that embraces many others is education; not higher education in an intellectual sense; for this would be impossible for all, but heart education, a higher moral development, and love of country or patriotism. It is sometimes argued that education of women has increased rather than diminished the num- ber of divorces. The answer, I think, is that woman has not enough education, instead of having too much. In conclusion, then, the remedies for divorce are: Securing a strong and healthy public opinion that will frown on un- grounded causes. Suppression of the reports of divorce courts. Uniform laws throughout the United States. A reform in the laws relating to marriage. And education of heart, mind and body. Daisy Clark, Reporter. 138 SEMINAR Y NO TES. EDUCATED LABOR.^ '^1^0 people need to exercise more wis- ^^ dom in the guidance of their affairs than do the laboring classes. To accom- plish what they have undertaken, without injury to their own cause, requires active intelligence and sound judgment. To raise the standard of life of the laborer and improve his material condition is a problem of great magnitude, and those who have undertaken its solution have learned much in the past and must still be learners in the future. Not only is it necessary that the leaders in the great labor movement should be educated, but the whole rank and file in the army of labor must be elevated by the process of education. Look over the history of the laboring classes during the last half-cen- tury and witness the improvement in their condition, and it will be seen that it is based on a better intelligence of affairs. Consider the movements of the organiza- tions during the past decade, recount their successes and their failures, and it will be seen that success has followed intelligence and sound judgment, and failure has waited upon ignorance and violence. Labor has a great cause to-day, that of the elevation and material prosperity of the toiling masses. This cause is to be promoted on the basis of justice and truth rather than on blind force. While labor organization's natural developments follow industrial revolution as essentially as civil organization follows political revolution, it must be remembered that no organiza- tions or institutions can long prevail in a free country unless founded on the prin- ciples of truth and justice and conducted by a wise economy. This has been true of all political life: it is more essential in the economic life. Permanent improve- ment in the industrial life is obtainable only by the observance of economic laws and forces. There are certain things that labor organizations may not do to forward the interests of the laboring classes. Their work is necessarily limited in its activity, and it is very necessary to know their limitations. Many things which would seem a present advantage prove to be an ultimate detriment. Their cause has sprung out of industrial revolution. But they cannot act as political revolutionists and overthrow and crush their opponents without destroying their own means of existence. Industrial revolution has ren- dered society complex, so that every part is in some way dependent upon every other part for support. In the ultimate there are no dependent classes. But self- ish and ambitious men, taking advantage of the power of monopoly, consider their own immediate wants' and not the final good of society. This forces others to unite for their own protection against op- pression. Consequently we find two classes warring against each other, whose ultimate interests are common. This makes the labor problem exceedingly diffi- cult to solve. We have capital and labor, which ought to be equal partners in a common production and just sharers in distributed products, frequently working to each others detriment. If capital injures labor, it must be the ultimate loser, while if labor injures capital, labor itself must suffer indirectly. Herein is the necessity of intelligence and fair dealing of both parties in the strife. Take, for example, the question of wages. Without discussing the economic principles that control the rate of wages, it may be said in general that there is a point below which wages cannot pass without injuring the quality of labor to such a degree as to prove detrimental to I ♦Letter sent to the Topeka Labor Day Association. Sept., 1892. SEMINAR Y NO TES. i39 capital. Wise employers see this, and try to keep up wages and elevate the con- dition of the laborer. Again, there is a maximum point beyond which wages may not pass without discouraging the invest- ment of capital, and thus displace labor. While the wages of the laborer are paid out of the product of his daily toil, it takes capital to provide buildings, machin- ery, and raw material for the operation of labor. This is true of all modern enter- prises of any magnitude. So that while capital is powerless without labor, labor is hopelessly crippled without capital. While it is earnestly hoped that the present warfare will lead to a peaceful adjustment of two opposing forces whose interests are so closely allied, it is necessary for those who attempt to force wages higher to real- ize their present limitations to permanent success. The same might be said of those who attempt to force wages down. Take another example, that of the ques- tion of strikes. Strikes are a means of war, and like all war are to be deplored when peace will solve the problems of humanity. How much wisdom is needed to tell when a strike is justifiable and will prove successful, and when it should be avoided. How much intelligence and self- control is needed by the strikers that they may conduct themselves wisely through a trying ordeal. The declaration of war has made or unmade nations. It is the critical time in any organization when it goes to war, and it requires the wisdom of sages to tell whether it will prove an ulti- mate benefit or detriment. Again, it is necessary to obtain a cor- fect view of affairs. A thorough knowl- edge of the condition of industries is essential. While a few manufacturers and employers are amassing wealth, the aver- age employer gets only a fair return for capital and management. Even then it is claimed that about ninety per cent, of business enterprises fail sooner or later. It is usually where employers have been able and willing to seize upon the power- ful advantages of monopoly that they have amassed wealth at the expense of labor. In this matter laborers should use a wise discretion, and not consider all employers as their natural enemies. They may see that the average returns to capital are not so much greater thap. the average returns to labor, as at first, they might seem to be. Again, take the eight-hour movement for another example. Granting that the eight-hour day is theoretically correct, a thorough acquaintance with all of the difficulties arising from diversified indus- tries which seem to oppose its practical application will help towards its final tri- umph. A sudden change from a ten to an eight-hour day would seriously cripple certain industries and displace labor, while in other industries it seems like an impos- sibility to enforce successfully an eight- hour law. While calm, persistent and peaceful agitation will slowly work the desired change, economic society must have ample time to adjust itself to the new conditions. England has come from a twelve to a nine-hour day with a benefit to both employed and employer, but it was by a process of evolution, not by rev- olution. These and many other examples in con- sideration show us that those who have labor problems to solve need careful study, education, and wisdom for guid- ance. The conditions of industrial soci- ety must be studied. The economic laws which underlie the production and distri- bution of wealth need careful investiga- tion, that the laborers shall not be the ultimate losers in the process of adjust- ment. Indeed, the cause of labor has suffered more on account of ignorance than in any other way. Much has been learned in the hard school of experience, but much has been lacking both in leaders and in men. The true leaders of the movement know better than any one else how much stubbornness born of ignorance it is necessary to contend with. Occa- sionally a false leader, too, who has read some books of the wrong class, who has only a show of intelligence and a distorted 140 SEMINAR Y NOTES. view of everything, who is lacking in sound judgment and logical thought, the essentials of true education, brings the Cause of labor into disgrace. It is to be deplored that the intelligent labor of America has to contend with such great masses of ignorant labor from the Old World, who are accustomed to a lower standard of life, and willing to work for lower wages. To obviate the difficulty the unions take them in, and bring the intelligence of their organizations into dis- repute. In saying this I have no wish to decry the coming of foreigners to America as: rapidly as they can be assimilated into the political and economic society without its positive detriment. But tlie burden of keeping up the standard of life of the laborer ought not to be made greater. But how is this education to be ob- tained? By any process which will give intelligence, logical thought, and sound judgment. It does not necessarily all come from books, although they are indis- pensable to modern education. For the children, of the laboring classes there is ample provision in the public schools. With will and energy, a general, technical, or university education is possible to all. At least every boy and girl may bring into their calling intelligence and means of elevating themselves and their work. To those who are past the school age there are books, papers and magazines accessi- ble in libraries ; there are lecture courses, night schools, and other means of direc- tion and inspiration. What the people need most is direction in reading from a non-partisan standpoint. Their time is limited, and they ought to have the best books at their command. But with all the means of improvement, the man who works ten hours at severe labor, attends to his home duties, has little time, strength or inclination to spend much time in study. Yet even then, with a habit once formed, an hour each day could be profit- a!bly, pleasantly, and restfully spent in reading a good book. That means three himdred and sixty-five hours per year, or thirty-six days of ten hours each. Won- ders can be accomplished in this time. It would be better if the laborer had more time for self-improvement. These questions are being continually asked : If the work-day is reduced to eight hours, will the laborer improve his spare time in self-improvement and in the improvement of the home? Will he improve his mind, and make the home more cheerful? Judg- ing from the past, I think he will. The history of the elevation of the laboring classes warrants this assertion. The labor platforms and constitutions have been prompt in proclaiming the equal rights of women with men. Let us trust that when the eight-hour day is an accomplished fact, it will apply alike to our wives, mothers, and sisters; that the man who works but eight hours will try to lighten the burden of the wife and mother, to beautify and make pleasant the home. But education to the laborer means something more than the wise direction of his cause against capital. It means an elevation of the standard of life. It means individual improvement, greater worth, and consequently greater wealth. It means increased proficiency wherever he goes. It is a lever power which enables him to accomplish more in a shorter time, and power to do it better. Education means more than this. It means a larger life, a better and a happier life. No one should measure his life by the bare round of daily toil. His life should be larger than his calling or occupation. The more he learns to know and to enjoy, the greater will be his delight of living, the greater his real wealth of life. Enter the homes of some of our laborers, and see what thrift, economy, intelligence, and a taste for the beautiful have done. Pictures, papers, magazines, and a few choice books; piano or organ, or at least a musical instrument of some kind ; picture-books and toys for the children. Everything betokens a glo- rious, comfortable home-life, of which every American is proud. No wealth, but harmony, peace, and quiet enjoyment. SEMINARY NOTES. 141 This is more than you can say of the home of many a millionaire. Now the secret of all this is in knowing how to live, how to manage, how to use the means attainable. But life does not and should not end here. Beyond self-improvement and home life and duties, lies the social life. Edu- cation makes a larger man every way. His duties to common society, to the school, to the church, to political life, are a part of his every-day life. All of these questions appeal to the educated laborer, while the ignorant is passed by as only one vote more. Education is the corner- stone of the Republic, the sure foundation of all organizations. Cherish it, and it will serve you. F. W. Blackmar. DEVELOPMENT OF FINANCIAL COMMITTEES IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. •5'T^HE method of appointment of com- ^l mitees in the House of Represent- atives is first noticed in a resolution of April 7th, 1789, which provides that "the Speaker shall appoint committees, unless it be determined by the House that the committee shall consist of more than three members, in which case the appointment shall be by ballot in the House." This .resolution formed a part of the standing rules and orders of the House. It was soon found that the balloting for members of committees was an intricate and tire- some proceeding, so that, on January 13th, 1790, it was ordered " that so much of the standing rules and orders of this House as directs the mode of appointing committees be rescinded; and that here- after it be a standing rule of the House, that all committees shall be appointed by the Speaker unless otherwise specially directed by the House in which case they shall be appointed by ballot.* Thus within a year of its first meeting the House of Representatives had given the power of appointment of committees to its Speaker, although these committees were as yet only special committees, whose existence was dependent in every case upon a formal motion passed by the ♦House Journal, l789-9a, p. 140, tibld., JulySlth, 1789, p. 66. House. The first committee of Ways and Meansf was appointed on motion of Mr. Gerry, who found some difficulty in con- vincing the House that there was any necessity for even a special committee to consider financial measures. | The ap- pointment of a committee of Ways and Means as a special committee was con- tinued until 1 795, when it was made a standing comraittee§ to hold during the session, and its duty was defined to be "to take into consideration all such reports of the treasury department, and all such propositions relative to the reve- nue as may be referred to them by the House, * * * tQ inquire into the state of the public debt; of the revenue; and of the expenditures; and to report from time to time their opinion thereon." But as yet committees could not be appointed except on a motion passed by the House, and it was not until 1802 that an amendment|| to the rules of order of the House was adopted which provided that "five standing committees shall be appointed at the commencement of each session," thus providing for regular stand- ing committees such as exist to-day. Among these committees was a committee of Ways and Means, with increased duties iAnnals of Congress, Vol. I, p. 670. JHouse Journal, I793-97, p. 385. yibid., 1801-4, p. -lO.f 142 SEMINARY NOTES. and enlarged powers. The rule accepted the exact wording of the resolution of 1795, but specified in addition "it shall be the duty of this committee * * * to examine into the state of the several public departments, and particularly into the laws making appropriations of money, and to report whether the moneys have been disbursed conformably to such laws, and also to report from time to time such provisions and arrangements as may be necessary to add to the economy of the departments and accountability of their officers." This extension of the duties of the committee of Ways and Means was the final step taken by those members of the House who disliked the attitude as- sumed by Hamilton, and his successor, in the control of financial affairs, and who wished to see the House of Representa- tives become the one strong power in the government of the country. In this way it was intimately connected with the con- troversy concerning the duty of the Sec- retary of the Treasury to make regular reports of the financial condition of the country. Art. Vn, Sec. 9, of the constitution provides that "a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures shall be made from time to time,"* but the chaotic condition of financial affairs in the first years of the new government was such as to prevent Hamilton from making any regular report, whether he wished to do so or not. Moreover Ham- ilton was firm in the belief that the power of the executive should be strengthened, so that he was likely to resent any decided interference by the House of Represent- atives with the financial policy of the treasury department. As early as 1790, however, the Secretary of the Treasury had been ordered by various resolutions of the House to make reports for specific times, and finally in 1792, a resolution was passed calling for an annual report of the condition of the treasury. Hamilton *Clause 7. professed his inability to make any such report, and attempted to put the question aside by a partial report February 4th, 1793. This led to the adoption of the resolution of June 5th, 1794, "that the Secretary of the Treasury lay before the House of Representatives, at each annual session within ten days of the commence- ment of the same, a distinct account of the revenues arising under the several duties and taxes, and of the expense at- tending the collection of each particular duty or tax, as far as such expense can be discriminated; and also of the number of officers employed in collecting public rev- enue, and the allowance made to them respectively, "f This resolution called for a report on the revenue only, but the Secretary of the Treasury was either unwilling or unable to satisfy the House in this regard, and the opposition in the House was not yet strong enough to com- pel him to obey its mandate. But with the session of 1795 a definite policy was entered upon by the republicans. They wished to subordinate the power of the executive to that of the House of Repre- sentatives, J and one of the main points selected by them, for their purpose, was to give the House of Representatives ab- solute control over financial matters. In this part of the contest Gallatin took the lead,§ and it is in a large measure due to his efforts that the power of the Secretary of the Treasury was weakened, and the power of the house increased. His first measure was to secure the appointment of a committee whose duty it should be to oversee the operation of the treasury department; a committee which would be an efficient aid when the Secretary and the House were agreed as to policy, but which would be a troublesome enemy if t House Journal, 1793-97, Vol. II, p. 806. t That the main plan underlying this struggle was to place more power in the hands of the House of Representatives, is seen in the controversy over Jay's treaty. Thus Madison said the question was "whether the general power of making treaties supersedes the powers of the House of Representatives, particularly specified in the oonstiution, so us to give the executive all deliberative will, and leave the House only an executive and a ministerial legislative agency." J. A. Stevens, Life of Gallitin, p. 114. § Stevens, Life of Gallatin, pp. 109-134. SEMINARY NOTES. 143 such agreement did not exist. The pur- pose of Gallatin was to establish the ex- penses of the government upon a perman- ent footing, and to bring the accounts of the Treasury department into such shape that they could be easily understood and wisely controlled by the House of Repre- sentatives. In following out this policy a contest arose in 1796 over the appro- priations for the service of the year, the Federalists claiming that the House had no busines to discuss the merits of estab- lishments for which money had been pre- viously appropriated. Gallatin on the other hand argued that the House had power "to appropriate or not to appro- priate for any object whatever, whether that object was authorized or not," * and although nothing was decided by this debate, the views of Gallatin were finally accepted. In the second session of 1796, Gallatin complained that the Secretary of the Treasury was of the opinion that he had the right to take money from one appropriation where there was a surplus and apply it to another where there was a deficit. On this ac- count he introduced a rider to an appro- priation bill resolving that "the several sums shall be solely applied to the objects for which they are respectively appro- priated." t This bill passed and was regarded as greatly restricting the powers of the Secretary of the Treasury, but Gallatin was not yet satisfied and still the contest between the House and the Secretary, on the subject of regular re- ports, continued. Finally, after the ques- tion had dragged along for a number of years, a law called supplementary to an act entitled "An act to establish the Treas- ury department, "I was introduced in the Senate, was agreed to by the House, and was signed by the President on May loth, 1800. It provided "it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to digest, prepare and lay before Congress at the beginning of each session, a report on the * Stevens, Life of Gallatin, p 112. + Ibid., p 134. X Peters, Vol. II, Chap. 58, p. 79. subject of finance, containing estimates of the public revenue and the public expen- diture, and plans for improving or increas- ing the revenues, from time to time, for the purpose of giving information to Con- gress, in adopting modes of raising money requisite to meet the public expendi- tures." § By this law it became the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to fur- nish a report of the financial condition of the government, upon which the commit- tee of Ways and Means would be able to base their plans for the budget of the year. The law undoubtedly increased the power of Congress over money matters, and this power was still further increased by the creation of a House committee of Ways and Means, with well defined duties and privileges. From this time on, the control of the Secretary of the Treasury over the financial measures of the year grew weaker and weaker, until finally the House, through the committee of Ways and Means, apparently became the sole judge of the expediency of all kinds of budgetary legislation. Occasionally there was a Secretary of the Treasury who, by superior force of character, so imbued the House with a belief in his ability to man- age the finances, that his plans were accepted almost without question, but as a general rule the chairman of the Ways and Means committee had a far greater influence than the Secretary of the Treas- ury, in the preparation of financial meas- ures. The press of business in Congress soon made it necessary to extend the committee system, and other committees having a share in the control of the budget were appointed. In 1814II it was resolved "that an additional standing committee be appointed, to be called a committee for public expenditures," whose duty it should be "to examine into the state of the several puplic departments, and par- § A peculiar fact in connection with this law is that Gallatin, although heartily sympathizing with the purpose of the measure, voted and spoke against it because he considered that the Senate was in this case really originating a money bill, and so violating the privilege of the House. I House Journal, Vol. IX, 1813-15, pp. 311, 314. 144 SEMINARY NOTES. ticularly into the laws making appropria- tions of money, and to report whether the moneys have been disbursed conformably with such laws \ and also to report from time to time such provisions and arrange- ments as may be necessary to add to the economy of the departments, and the accountability of their officers." But the committee of Ways and Means still re- mained the most important and most influ- ential committee of the House, and it was not until 1865 that its duties and powers were lessened in any way. In that year Mr. Cox of Ohio intro- duced an amendment* to the House rules, which was intended to relieve the com- mittee of Ways and Means of a portion of its duties by the creation of a new com- mittee on Appropriations. In support of this amendment he said : "It is not pro- posed to strike out the committee of Ways and Means. This committee is still to be preserved and their future duty is to raise revenue for carrying on the government. This includes of course the tariff, internal revenue, loan bills, legal tender notes and all other matters connected with support- ing the credit and raising money The proposed committee on Appropria- tions have, under this amendment, the examination of the estimates of the depart- ment, and exclusively the consideration of all appropriations, "f The two main reasons given by Mr. Cox for this change were, first, because the press of business was so great that the committee of Ways and Means could not possibly attend to all the questions brought before it. Sec- ond, because the appointment of a new committee would create a tendency toward a more economical management of the finances, since the new committee would make a more careful investigation of bills and in this way would be certain to re- duce expenses. In answering the objec- tion that such an arrangement of commit- tees would result in a lack of harmony between the two sides of the budget, Mr. * Congressional Globe, Pt. I, Vol. 60, p. 066, and Pt. II, Vol. 61. p. 1313. t Ibid., Pt. II, Vol. 61, p. 13ia. Garfield J said that the separation of the questions of finance and appropriation would have no bad result, for it would be a very easy matter for the committees to furnish each other estimates and confer with each other. The amendment encoun+ tered but little opposition and was passed on March 2nd, 1865. By it the duties of the committee of Ways and Means are declared to be "to take into consideration all reports of the Treasury department and such other propositions relative to raising the revenue, and providing ways and means for the support of the government, as shall be presented or shall come in question and be referred to them by the House, and to report their opinions there- on by bill or otherwise as to them shall seem expedient. "§ That portion of the duties which had formerly belonged to the committee of Ways and Means, but which was now transferred to the committee on Appropriations, was deterniined by Rules 76 and 77,11 as follows: Rule 76, "It shall be the duty of the committee on Appropriations, to take into consideration all executive communications and such other propositions in regard to carrying on the several departments of government, as may be presented and referred to them by the House." Rule 77, "It shall also be the duty of the committee on x^ppro-; priations, within thirty days after their appointment at every session of Congress,! commencing on the first Monday of De- cember, to report the general appropria- tion bills, for legislative, executive and judicial expenses ; for sundry civil ex- penses : for consular and diplomatic expenses ; for the army ; for the navy ; for the expenses of the Indian department; for the payment of invalid and other pen- sions ; for the support of the Military Academy ; for fortifications ; for the ser- vice of the Post Office department and for mail transportation, by ocean steamers; and in failure thereof the reasons for such X Ibid., p. 1316. § See Rules of Order of 37tli Congress, House Jour- nal, 1863 63, 3rd Session, Appendix, p. 633. II Ibid. SEMINARY NOTES. MS failure. And said committee shall have leave to report such bills at any time."* Thus the appointment of a committee on Appropriations made a complete separa- tion in the consideration of the income and expenditure sides of the budget. More than this, in 1883, a still further division of the question of expenditure was effected, by the appointment of a committee on Rivers and Harbors, f who "have the same privileges in reporting bills making appropriations for the im- provement of rivers and harbors as is accorded to the committee on Appropria- tions in reporting general appropriation bills." * The time limit on the report of the general appro- priation bill was tirst placed in the rules Sept 14th, 1837, and the special privileges given to reports of committees of Ways and Means and on Appropria- tion were placed in the rules March 19th, 1860. t Congressional Record, Vol. XIV, Pt. I, p. 703, and Vol. XV, Pt. I, pp. al4-216, 823. Besides these three great committees there are eight other committees which may also be said to deal with questions of the budget, inasmuch as it is their duty to see that the money given by the general appropriation bill to the various depart- ments is expended in accordance with the provisions of the bill. These are the com- mittees on expenditures in the Treasury, State, War, Navy, Post Office and Inte- rior departments, in the department of Justice, and on Public Buildings.* But these eight committees have little or noth- ing to do with outlining the policy of the government in budgetary legislation. That work is left in the House of Representa- tives to the committee of Ways and Means, the committee on Appropriations and the committee on Rivers and Har- bors. E. D. Adams. * Smith, Digest of the Rules of the House, p. 167. 146 SEMINAR Y NO TES. - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Frank W. Blackmar, \ Frank H. Hodder, \ ' ' ' Editors. Ephraim D. Adams, j Terms, Ten Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year •pr" HE purpose of this publication is to inci'ease the rd) interest in the study of historical science in the ^^ University and throughout the State, to afford means of regular communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general pub- lic—especially with the Alumni of the University, and to preserve at least the outlines of carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all siibscriptions and communications to F. W. BLACKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. Mr. B. W. Woodward read an inter- esting paper before the Seminary on April 7, entitled "A Glimpse at New Spain." The paper dealt with some features of early Spanish settlements in Mexico, and will probably be published in a future issue of the Notes. The forthcoming issue of the Kansas University Quarterly contains papers by two members of the Historical depart- ment. F. W. Blackmar furnishes an arti- cle on "Penology in Kansas," and F. H. Hodder has prepared a review of his " References on Municipal Government," published in the Notes last year. The events of the past twenty years have been very significant to the student of theoretical or practical politics. While this period may not have been more re- markable than others in the history of the nation, it truly may be said to be a great formative period in American politics. Even now changes are being made which will be of great moment to the future pol- icy and welfare of the country. The past struggle over constitutional questions which absorbed so much of the attention of statesmen and other citizens for a hun- dred years was practically finished over a quarter of a century ago. The great questions concerning the rights and the liberty of the people, or the relation of states to federal government, were about settled and a constitution was finally com- pleted. We have been united into a homogenous people with precedent and law firmly established and there seems to be but one legitimate field for the states- man beyond that of keeping the machinery of the government going and in repair, mainly to devote his chief attention to the questions of finance, currency, the rights and duties of social classes and the gen- eral business relations of the community. The old hackneyed political questions that have been used as campaign war cries should be relegated to the background and give place to the simple industrial needs of a people. During the long struggle on purely pol- itical issues, party lines were drawn with exactitude; intense partisanship was the rule if not the necessity. But the great political questions have been settled, the nation now has a clearly defined policy from which no political party dare greatly to depart, without endangering its own safety, and there remains nothing at pres- ent but a faithful management of the public machinery and the wise considera- tion of the immediate financial and com- mercial needs of the people. The simpler the machinery, the more direct the laws and the more faithful the officers are to the trust imposed upon them the better for the party in power and the community at large. The general and common inter- est is the great question at stake and this demands attention to men rather than to measures. Yet in the face of these con- ditions we find that the people are loth to give up their accustomed adherence to party platforms, although they will ac- SEMINAR V NOTES. 147 knowledge that there is not much differ- ence in them and that one party seems to do about as well as another when in charge of the national government not- withstanding that campaign documents assert the contrary. The differences of the two great parties are now largely fictitious. The principal issues are made by politicians in the endeavor to make out a strong case for their own side. Both parties are betrayed into an ac- knowledgment in the practice of adminis- tration that there is no vital difference between them. This the people are be- ginning to see and it is becoming more difficult each year to carry the masses on a plan made by the fixers of the party regardless of the dominant sentiments of the people. There is an honest determi- nation of the people to study political and economic measures and to find out for themselves what they want and to demand it rather than allow politicians and demagogues to tell them what they want and force them to take it. The people are becoming tired of bossi§m and ring rule. They are determined to be rid of these obnoxious taints upon free gov- ernment. They do not always know just how to rid themselves of these qualities and in their attempts may flounder about and make things worse for a time, but if the lessons of the past teach anything it is that no party is safe in adopting platforms that suit the plans of politicians and de- pending upon the party organization to force them upon the people when the latter do not want them. If a party succeeds once under such conditions it will not a second time. But the great curse and shame of mod. ern politics is the multitude of hungry office seekers who consider all national offices as so many spoils to be devoured. It is deplorable to relate it but this class seems to be on the increase. The large number of individuals who live upon the government; who are ready and willing to accept a large office if they can get it, if not who will take what they can get and prepare for something greater next time; the ward heelers who pack conventions and primaries, the politicians who care nothing for the needs of the people, only so far as they can obtain something of advantage to themselves therefrom, seem to be multiplying. One can not look upon the wild scramble for office that has been taking place during the last month without a blush of shame that our boasted free government has been the means of creating such a band of para- sites, who, in pretending that the govern- ment can not do without their services, acknowledge that they cannot get along without the government. Every political party in the country is overrun with this class, as every municipal, county, state and national election testifies. We have boasted as a nation that we have no class system in the United States, but here is a distinct class grown up in our midst, a class whose genus is politician, whose species are well marked but all are hybrid. Their unmistakable marks need not be given here; they are mostly office-gluttons with a conscience that does not operate respecting the needs of common society. Yet there is one hopeful sign respecting this class, there is hope of cutting off the food supply of its natural habitat. The late election laws are steps in the right direction. There are now thirty-seven states having these laws and doubtless they will become universal. These laws will become more perfect and will help the people in obtaining an honest expres- sion of their will in matters of govern- ment. These laws will be followed by others which will enable the people to seek out representative men. This may be a long way ahead but it will come. There is nothing dishonorable in repre- senting the people on a legitimate basis, there is nothing dishonorable in the desire of a man to represent the people, but the chronic office-seeker, who is ready for anything he can get has become a curse to the government. He has multiplied the machinery and the expenses of the 148 SEMINARY NOTES. government until a small commonwealth has officers and boards and sub-officers and sub-boards and legislature and senate with extra sessions sufficient to run a nation while a burgomaster and his clerk could attend to all necessary legislation and administration with ease, were it not for destroying the glorious fiction of the right of the people to govern themselves. This fiction has cost the people millions of money and will cost them more if this land is not rid of the political fixers, demagogues and chronic species of office- seekers that infest the land and are in the front rank of every reform or are follow- ing the commissary department of every party. The world's congress of historians and historical students will convene at Chi- cago, July 10, 1893, and continue in ses- sion for one week. The meeting place will be in the Art Institute, on Lake Front and Michigan avenue. Intervals will be given during the session for members to visit the exposition. Special invitations have been sent out in a few instances to historical writers to present papers; but a general invitation is extended to persons of this country and foreign nations to pre- sent papers for the inspection of the com- mittees before the meeting of the congress. Twenty-five minutes will be allowed for the reading of each paper and this will be followed by discussions. Doubtless this will be an exceedingly interesting session. The educational features of the exposition will prove the most valuable and interest- ing of all the exhibits to be entered. The work done in University Extension in America has been quite well published from time to time in magazines and peri- odicals. Many points of improvement have been suggested. There has been a mingling of the workers of the old and the new world to a certain extent. But the congress to be held at Chicago in July will be of great service in settling vexed .questions and in creating enthusiasm for extension work throughout the world. It is expected that the national confer- ence of Charities and Correction to convene in Chicago, June 8 to 11, and the international conference immediately fol- lowing will prove of great interest to those interested in charity and prison reforms. A great deal of interest has been mani- fested of late years in these great subjects, and the circle of scholars and specialists who devote their time to these lines of study is constantly enlarging. These congresses at Chicago ought to give the reform movement a great impetus. SEMINARY NOTES. 149 COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY. FOR 1892-93. F. W. Br.ACKMAR. Ph. D. F. H. HODDER, PH. M. E. D. ADAMS, Ph. D. Instruction in this department is given by means of lectures, conferences, recitations, dis- cussions, and personal direction in studj' and research. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses of study, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classifj'- ing materials, and of writing and presenting papers on special topics. All lectures are sup- plemented by required reading and class exer- cises. The work of the department now embraces five principal lines of study, namelj" European History, American History and Civil Govern- ment, Political Institutions, Sociology' or Social Institutions, and Political Economy. The following studies are offered for 1893-'9r!: FIRST TERM. 1. The History of Civilization. Lectures dailj', at 8:30. Ancient Society, and the intel- lectual development of Europe to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influ- ence of Greek philosophy and the Christian church on European civilization, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to the rise of modern nationality. 2. French and German History. Daily, at 9:30. Descriptive history. Text-book. 3. Historical Method and Criticism. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. Examination and classification of sources and authorities. Analj'sis of the works of the best historians. Library work, with collection and use of mater- ial, notes, and bibliography. Special attention to current historical and economic literature. 4. The History of Education and the Development of Methods of Instruction. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30. This course may be taken with No. 3. A course for teachers. 5. English History. Daily, at 11. Descrip- tive history. Text-book. 6. Journalism. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 12. Lectures, laboratory and library work. English: Twenty-five lectures by Prof- essors Dunlap and Hopkins; 15 lectures on the history and ethics of journalisn, by Professor Adams. Newspaper bureau. The principal object of the bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep in- formed on the topics of the day, and to preserve clippings properly filed and indexed. This course will be found highly beneficial to stu- dents who desire a special study in magazines and newspapers as a general culture. 7. Statistics. Tuesday and Thursday at 12. Supplementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught bj' actual investigation of political and social problems, lectures, and class-room prac- tice. The history and theory of statistics receive due attention. 8. American History. From the earliest discovery to 1763. Lectures, topical reading, and recitations. Three hours a week at 2. 9. Local and Municipal Government. Lectures and topical reading. Two hours a a week at 2. Courses 8 and 9 are intended to be taken to- gether as a full study, but may be taken sepa- rately. 10. American History. Presidential ad- ministrations from Washington to Jackson. Daily, at 3. Open to Seniors in full standing, and to other students upon approval of the instructor. 1 1. International La-w and Diplomacy. Lectures and recitations. Two hours a week, at 4. 12. Political Economy. Daily, at 4. The fundamental principles are discussed, elaborated and illustrated by examples from present eco- nomic society. A brief history of Political Economy closes the course. SECOND TERM. 13. Institutional History. Lectures Monday, Wednesday', and Friday, at 8:30, on comparative politics and administration. Greek Roman, and Germanic institutions compared. Historical significance of Roman law in the middle eges. Short study in Prussian adminis- tration. 14. Renaissance and Reformation. Tuesday and Thursday, at 8:30. Lectures The revival of learning with especial reference to the Italian renaissance. A careful inquiry into the cause, course and results of the Refor- mation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number 1 . ISO SEMINAR V NO TES. 15. Political History of Modern Eu- rope. Tuesday and Thursday at 9:30. Text- book. 16. Federal Government and the French Revolution. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30, on Switzer- land. Tlie Italian republics and the States General of France. 17. Constitutional History of England. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. This course may be taken as a continuation of number .'). Text-book and lectures. 18. Elements of Sociology. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11. Evo- lution of social institutions. Laws and condi- tions that tend to organize society. Modern social institutions and social problems. 19. Charities and Correction. Tuesday and Thursday, at 11. Treatment of the poor from a historical standpoint. Modern scientific charity. The treatment of criminals. Prisons and reformatories. Practical stud^- of Kansas institutions. This course is supplementarj^ to number 18. 20. Land Tenures. Lectures, Tuesday and Thursday, at 12. This course treats of primitive property, the village community, feudal tenures, and modern land-holding in Great Britain and the United States. This course is mainly historical, and is an excellent preparation for the study of the law of real property. 21. American History. Continuation of course 8. First half-term: Historj- of the Rev- olution and the Confederation, 1763 to 1769. Second half-term: Brief summary of the consti- tutional period, with Johnston's "American Politics" as a text-book. Three hours a week, at 2. 22. Constitutional Law. History of the adoption of the constitution, and a studj' of its provisions. Twice a week, at 2. Forms, with course 21, a full stud}', but maj' be taken separately. 23. American History. Continuation of course 10. Presidential administrations from Jackson to Lincoln. Daily, at 3. 24. Mediaeval History. Two-fifths of the second term of the Freshman year. For all students whose admission papers show that they have had elementary physics, hygiene and chemistry. Daily, at 3. Text-book. 25. Principles of Public Finance. Lec- tures on public industries, budget legislation, taxation and public debts. Open to students who have studied political economy one term Two hours a week, at 4. 26 The Status of "Woman. Confer- ences. Tuesday and Thursday, at 4 Indus- trial condition, including a study of labor, wages, etc. Woman in the professions. Their political and legal abilities and disabilities. Property rights. Condition of woman in Europe and the Orient. Social questions. 27. Advanced Political Economy. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4. (Con- sisting of (a) lectures on applied economics; (h) practical observation and investigation; and (c) methods of research, with papers by students on special topics. This course is a continuation of number 12. General Seminary, on Friday, at 4. Stu- dents in History and Sociology are required to attend the Seminary unless excused by special arrangement. Full credit will be allowed for time spent in Seminary work. At the beginning of the term, students may elect other work in place of the seminary, if they choose. SUGGESTED MAJOR COURSES FOI{ UNDER- GRADUATES. L Economics. Courses 7, 13, 18, 19, 20, and 27. n. European History. Courses, 2, 3, 5, 13, 15, and 16. in. American History. Courses 8, 9, 10, 21, 22, and 23. IV. Social Institutions. Courses, 1, 12, 14, 18, 19, and 4 (or 26). V. Political Institutions. Courses 3, 7, 9, 15, 13, 16, 17, 20, and 22. GRADUATE COURSES. Persons desiring to take the degree of A. M. may do so by the completion of any one or all of the following courses. The work is carried on by the investigation of special topics under the personal direction of the instructor. An hour for conference will be arranged for each student. The courses extend throughout the year. I. American History. Open to graduates and students who have studied American His- tory two years. II. Economics. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in political economy. Courses 12, 27, and 8. Ill Political and Social Institutions. Open to graduates and students who have taken the undergraduate work in the history of insti- tutions and sociology. Courses 12, 27, and 7 The above courses are for students who de- sire proficiency in a special line. These courses will not in any waj' interfere with the general rules of the Faculty respecting graduate work. SEMINAR V NO TES. 151 (Catalogue, 1891-'93, pp. 130, 131.) By these rules, a graduate student may take any of the 37 courses mentioned above (except 15 and 34) as a preparation for the degree of A M. Preparation for Entrance to the Uni- versity. The time spent in the high schools in the study of history is necessarily limited. For this reason it is essential that the greatest care be exercised in preparing students for en- trance to the University. At present very little history is required in the Freshman and Sophomore j^ears, and the students enter upon the study of the Junior and Senior years with- out thorough preparation for the work. It would seem that the aim should be for all those who contemplate entering the Universitj^ to learn the story of nations pretty thoroughly. A general outline of the world's history with a special study of the United States History and government represents the field. But this out- line should be more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates. It should be well rounded with the political, social, and economic life of the people. Students will find a general text-book, such as Myer's, Sheldon's, or Fisher's, indispensible; but the work of preparation ought not to stop here. Such works as Fyflfe's Greece, Creighton's Rome, Seebohm's Era of Protestant Revolution, Cox's Greece, and others in the Primer, Epoch, and Stories of Nations series ought to be read. The object of this reading is to familiarize the student with the political and social life of the principle nations of the world. For this purpose everything should be as interesting as possible. Such an interest should be aroused that the student would not be puzzled over dates and threadbare facts, but would seize and hold those things that are useful on account of the interest his mind has in them. That history which is gained b}' a bare memorj' of events is soon lost. It grows too dim for use and consequently^ leads to confusion. With the story of the nations well learned the student comes to the University prepared for the higher scientific study of history and its kindred topics. He is then ready for investigation, comparison and anal^'sis. He then takes up the real investigation of the phil- osophy of institutions and of national develop- ment. He is then ready for the science of Sociology, Institutional History, Political Econ- omy, the Science of Government, Statistics or Political Economy. Students who enter the University without this preparation find it necessary to make up for it as best they can by the perusal of books, such as those mentioned above. T52 SEMINARY NOTES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student n the niversity should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions— but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Students are required to purchase books marked with an asterisk. American Book Company, C'nicago. Manual of the Constitution, Andrews $ 1.00 Analysis of Civil Government, Townsend 1.0U Civil Government, Peterman 60 History of England, Thalheimer 1.00 Medieval and Modern History, Thalheimer 1.60 Outlines of History, Fisher !i.40 General History of the World, Barnes 1.60 Political Economy, Gregory 1-20 Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin .90 Ginn & Co., Boston and Chicago. Ancient History, Myers & Allen $ 1.50 Mediaeval and Modern History, Myers 1.50 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.00 Macy's Our Government -TO *General History, Myers 1.50 Leading facts in English History, Montgomery... l.ia Philosophy of Wealth, Clark 1.00 Political Science Quarterly, Yearly 3.00 Washington and His Country, Fiske 1.00 Harpers, New York. ♦History of Germany, Lewis 1.50 ♦International Law, Davis a.OO ♦Political History of Modern Times, Mueller 2.00 ♦Short English History, Green 1.20 Civil Policy of America, Draper a.OO History of English People, Green, 4 vols 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth, 6 vols 13.00 The Constitution, Story 90 Holt & Co., New York. ♦American Politics, Johnston $ 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle, 3 vols 9.00 American Currency, Sumner 2.50 History of Modern Europe, Fyffe, 3 vols 7.50 Political. Economy, Walker 2.35 Houghton, MifHin & Co., Boston. Discovery of America, Fiske, 3 vols $ 4.00 American Comnionwealths, 14 vols., each 1.25 American Statesmen, 24 vols., each 1.25 American Revolution, Fiske, 3 vols 4.00 Critical Period of American History, Fiske 3.00 Epitome of History, Ploetz 3.00 Christopher Columbus, Winsor 4.00 Appleton, New York. Dynamic Sociology, Ward, 2 vols $ 5.60 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.25 Political Economy, Mill, 3 vols 6.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. ♦Political Economy, Ely .$ 1.00 Macmillan," New York. Constitutional History, England, Stubbs, 3 vols..$ 7.80 Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. I 3.00 Armstrong, New York. ♦Democracy in Europe, May, 3 vols $ 3.50 G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London. ♦American Citizen's Manual, Ford $ 1.35 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S., Tiedeman ... 1.00 History of Political Economy, Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econom. Hist, and Theory Ashley 1..50 Indust. and Com. Supremg-cy of Eng., Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.35 ♦Tariff History of the United States, Taussig 1.35 The Story of Nations, 34 vols., each 1.50 Heroes of the Nations, 12 vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed. by Johnston, 3vo]s., each 1.35 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 8 vol $35.00 Constitutional Law of U. S., Von Hoist 8.00 Political Economy, Roscher, 3 vols '. 6.00 Crowell, New York. ♦History of France, Duruy $ 3.00 Labor Movement in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 2 vols. 3.50 Problems of To-day, Ely 1.50 Little, Brown & Co., Boston. History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols $17.50 Parkman's Works, per vol. 1.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham S.-TO Longraans, Green & Co., New York. Epochs of Ancient History, each vol $ 1.0(! Epochs of Modern History, each vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill 1.75 The Crusades, Cox 1.00 Scribners, New York. ♦American Diplomacy, Schuyler $ 3.50 History of Rome, Mommsen, 4 vols 8.00 Lombard Street, Bagehot 1.35 Silent South, Cable 1.00 Silver Burdett & Co., Boston. ♦Historical Atlas, Labberton $1.50 or 8 2.00 *Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 ♦Institutes of Economics, Andrews? 1.50 Institues of General History, Andrews 3.00 Dodd, Mead & Co., New York. History of United States, Schouler, 5 vols $11.50 D. C. Heath & Co., Boston. ♦The State, Woodrow Wilson $ 3.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide 2.00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1.50 General History, Sheldon 1.60 ♦Old South Leaflets, 33 Nos., each 05 History Topics, Allen 25 State and Fed. Governments of the U. S., Wilson 50 The Amei'ican Citizen, Dole 90 Comparative View of Governments, Wenzel SO Studies in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... 1.12 NARY NOTES. State University — Lawrence, Kansas. Vol. II. MAY, 1893. No. 7. SEMINARY OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. All studeuts connected with the department of History and Sociology are. by virtue of such connection, members of the Seminary. All students are expected to attend the Seminary unless excused bj^ the instructors of the depart- ment. Students are credited with the time spent in Seminary Avork. The meetings of the Seminary are held every Friday, in Room 15, University Building. Pub- lic meetings will be held from time to time, after due announcement. The work of the Seminary consists of special papers and discussions, on- topics connected with the Department mentioned ; prepared as far as possible from consultation of original sources and from practical investigation of existing conditions, under the personal direction of the officers of the Seminary Special assistance in choice of themes, author- ities, etc., is given members of the Seminary who have written work due in the department of History and Sociology, or in the department of English, or in any of the literary societies or other similar organizations in the University ; on condition that the results of such work shall be presented to the Seminary if so required. In connection with the work of the Seminarj', a Newspaper bureau is maintained. In this the leading cities of the United States are repre- sented by some tweniy daily and weekly neAvs- papers. The principal object of the Bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep informed cm the current topics of the day, to study the best types of modern journalism, to learn to discriminate between articles of temporary value only and those of more permanent worth, to make a comparative study of editorial work, to master for the time being the current thought on an 3^ particular subject, and to preserve by clippings properl}^ filed and indexed, important materials for the study of current history and public life — to make history by the arrangement and classifica- tion of present historical matter. Special investigation and study will be under- taken during each year, bearing on some one or more phases of the administration of public affairs in this state ; the purpose being to com- bine service to the state v/ith the regull^ r work of professional and student life. In this special work the advice and co-operation of state and local officials and of prominent men of affairs is constantly sought, thus bringing to students the experience and judgment of the world about them. Graduates of our own University, or other persons of known scholarly habits, who have more than a passing interest in such work as the Seminary undertakes, and who are willing to contribute some time and thought to its suc- cess, are invited to become corresponding mem- bers of the Seminary. The onlj^ condition attached to such membership is, that each cor- responding member shall prepare during each University year one paper, of not less than two thousand five hundred words, on some subject within the scope of the Seminary ; and present the same in person at such time as may be mutuall}' agreed upon by the writer and the officers of the Seminary, or in writing if it be found impossible to attend a meeting of the Seminary. The library of the University and the time of the officers of the Seminary are at the service of corresponding members, in connection with Seminary work — within reasonable limits. More than twenty gentlemen, prominent in official and professional circles, have already connected themselves with the Seminary, and have rendered very acceptable service during past j'ears. The officers and members of the Seminary will gladly render all possible assistance to any public officials who may desire to collect spe- cial statistics or secure definite information on such lines of public work as are properly with- in the sphere of the SeminarJ^ Any citizen of Kansas interested in this work is invited to correspond with the Seminary, a.nd to be present at its meetings when possible. FRANK W. BLACKMAR, DiRECTOK. FRANK H. HODDER, Vice-Director. EPHRAIM D. ADAMS, Secretary. -54 SEMINAR V NO TES. LIFE AMONG THE CHEROKEES. EN the northeastern part of the Indian Territory, is a section of country known as the Cherokee Nation. It contains seven thousand eight hundred and sixty- one square miles, an area nearly as large as Massachusetts. On the north it is bounded by the state of Kansas, and on the east by the states of Missouri and Ar- kansas. The Canadian and Arkansas riv- ers form its southern, and the Creek Nation and the ninety-sixth Meridian West, its western boundaries. It is a beautiful coun- try, fertile, well watered and possessing a fine climate. The eastern half has rich coal deposits. Much fine timber is found along the streams. But it is of the insti- tutions of the people inhabiting this coun- try that we wish to treat. The Cherokees are the most advanced of the five civilized tribes. Their govern- ment is similar to the state governments. It has a legislature composed of two branches, called the council and senate. The council is composed of thirty-two members, elected for a term of four years, half being elected every two years, and is presided over by a speaker.* The senate is composed of thirteen members, elected in the same way and for the same length of time. It is presided over by the assistant chief. A bill must pass both senate and council and be signed by the chief before it becomes a law. The chief, assistant chief, secretary of state, treasurer, and superintendent of public instruction, are elected directly by the people for terms of four years. Elections are held in the first week in August. The inhabitants of the territory are a motley group. There are some small tribes in the northeastern part, namely, the Quapaws, Peorias, Ottawas, Wyan- * Anna Laurens Dawes, Harper's Magazine, Vol. 76. page 598. dottes, and Senecas, which retain their tribal relationship though living on land partly owned by the Cherokees. The Delawares and Shawnees have been adopt- ed into the tribe but not with full rights of Cherokees. They have a suit now in the courts of the United States, respecting, their rights under the treaty by which they entered the Cherokee tribe. There is a class of negroes who were the slaves of the Cherokees or are the descendants of such slaves. They are citizens of the Cherokee Nation but have not equal rights with Cherokees, The Cherokees proper include a great number of whites who have been adopted into the tribe, and who enjoy all the rights of citizens. There is also a class of Indians who claim to be Cherokees but the records fail to show that they are entitled to citizenship, and the courts refuse to recognize their pre- tended right. They number about seven thousand. Another class of people living in the Nation is made up of citizens of the United States residing there for purposes of trade, agriculture, cattle raising and other pursuits. They are not citizens of the territory. There is an average of one hundred and seventy acres of land in the Nation for every man, woman and child. They have a patent deed from the government for their land, but they do not hold it as indi- vidual property, nor can they hold it as such. It is owned by the tribe as a whole. Each citizen is allowed to farm as much as he pleases, provided that he keeps one- fourth of a mile from every other citizen. He may join farms with other citizens, however, if both parties are agreed. He can put on his chosen spot of ground, or farm, all the improvements he wishes and the farm will be his as long as he desires to use it, and it will descend to his heirs SEMINARY NOTES. 155 at his death. Or he can sell his right of occupancy if he can find a buyer. If at any time, however, he abandons his place, any citizen who chooses may occupy it, and hold it as long as he pleases. The amount of stock a citizen may own is not limited by law and this stock he may pasture anywhere on unfenced land, each farmer having to fence and care for his own crops. One would naturally think that the territory would soon be filled to overflowing with stock, since there are but one hundred and seventy acres per capita, but such is not the case. From four to twenty is the extent of most Indians' herds, while the few enterprising ones will own from several hundred to several thou- sand. Thus the unfenced land is used mostly by the few, either for pasture in the summer or for hay to be used during the six or eight weeks in winter when the stock needs other feed than pasture. Where the land is not pastured the prairie grass grows from one to two feet high. In August or September it is cut, raked together and stacked. The stacks are fenced to prevent the cattle from tearing them down before winter. When winter comes the fences are removed and the cattle are allowed to go to the stacks at will. Most of the Indians and negroes exhibit no more enterprise in farming than in stock raising. Ten acres is an average farm, while one acre will suffice for many. In agriculture as well as stock raising, the enterprising ones have great opportunities. Some of them farm five or six hundred acres, besides having hundreds of acres leased to white men from the states. They have no legal right to lease land to non- citizens, but they evade the law by hiring the non-citizens to "break out," fence, and build on a place, giving as pay, the right to occupy it for a period varying from five to twenty-one years, according to the improvements to be made and the amicable relations existing between the parties at the time of making the contract. Sometimes the lease is given to friends for life. In this way thousands of acres have been leased by non-citizens in the last five years. Farmers in the Nation have the advantage of not having to pay taxes. At the expiration of the lease the farm be- comes the property of the Indian from whom it was leased, and can be rented by him. The law prohibits non-citizens, who farm in the Nation, from having more than seven head of cattle. To evade this law, when a man leases from a citizen, the citizen promises to protect his cattle, by claiming them as his own. In ihis way some non-citizens hold four or five hun- dred head of cattle. There are two systems of courts in the territory, the citizens', courts and the Uni- ted States courts. The former have juris- diction when both parties are citizens. Their officers are the sheriffs and deputy sheriffs. The United States courts have jurisdiction when both parties are non-cit- izens or when the controversy is between a non-citizen and a citizen. The object of this rule is to , exempt citizens of the United States from the tribal government. The officers of the United States courts are marshals and deputy marshals. These marshals can arrest only when the United States courts have jurisdiction, that is, when an offence is committed by a non- citizen against a non-citizen, or by a non- citizen against a citizen, or by a citizen against a non-citizen. If a marshal sees a citizen commit an offence against anoth- er citizen, he has no right to arrest. On the other hand, a sheriff cannot arrest a non-citizen. Each marshal is allowed six deputies and each deputy is allowed two posse men and one of these may be a dep- uty sheriff. In that case, and that only, can an Indian arrest a non-citizen. The civil and criminal code of Arkansas has been adopted as the law of the territory for non-citizens, as far as applicable. Congress passes such other laws as are necessary. Courts have been established at Ft. Smith, Ft. Scott, Wichita and Mus- cogee for non-citizens. The Ft. Smith and Muscogee courts have adjudication of 156 SEMINAR Y NO TES. most cases. The citizens' courts consist of a supreme court of three judges, at Talequah, and appellate courts throughout the Nation. There is a class of intruders in the Territory, about seven thousand in number, who claim citizenship but are unable to prove their rights. Neither the U. S. courts nor the citizens' courts have jurisdiction over them. They are under the direct control of Congress. The President has recommended the establish- ' ment of a court to have jurisdiction over them. The Cherokees are making efforts to have them removed. Citizenship is the only qualification for voting. Any lad among the Cherokees may vote or be voted for. The polling places are few in number and widely sep- arated. When a voter enters a polling place a sheriff or deputy, with a Winches- ter, enters after him. No one else is allowed in the room at the time. After depositing his vote he passes out, followed by the officer. This custom of voting at the muzzle of a gun grew up during the war and the few years following, for the Cherokees were divided in sentiment at that time too. Nearly all the affairs of the Nation are settled by the legislature. Support of schools, questions of finance, license to railways and telegraph companies, admis- sion of religious teachers to the privileges of the nation and the like are all decided in council. The nation supports common and high schools, provides charitable institutions, and fosters churches. The common schools are small and lo- cated for the most part along the streams, for there it is these Indians and negroes live. The English language is the princi- pal one taught, though when desired the Cherokee language is taught also. There are eighty-six letters in the Cherokee alphabet. Their laws are printed in Cherokee and their official paper, the Cherokee Advocate, is printed half in Cherokee and half in English. There are two higher institutions of learning, one for boys, the other for girls, both situated three miles from Talequah and three miles apart. A small tuition fee is charged here, though if a pupil be unable to pay he is taught and even clothed at the na- tion's expense. Unusually bright scholars are educated at eastern schools at the expense of the tribe. In the female seminary at Talequah are taught Latin, literature, mathematics, the sciences, men- tal and moral philosophy, rhetoric, and the branches that lead up to these. In addition to the subjects already named, the boys are taught Greek, trigonometry, and surveying. About- two hundred at- tend each of these institutions. Only Cherokees are admitted. Ninety-five thousand dollars pass into the hands of the Cherokees each year as interest on the money that the United States owes them. Up to the last few years they have received about the same amount from the cattle men who leased the strip. These sources of revenue bear the expenses of the government. The Cherokees pay no taxes. On the other hand what is left after the expenses of the government have been paid is distributed among the full citizens.' This may ac- count in part for inactivity of the Indian even under favorable conditions. He knows he will always have land for a home and that too whenever he wants it, pro- vided, of course, that no one else is ahead of him. His few head of cattle and pony or two can live along the streams all winter without being provided for, his fuel costs only the cutting, he has no taxes, and the government occasionally dis- tributes its surplus so that by that means he is able to pay his store bill, while he farms an acre or two of corn and lives a life of contented inactivity. The ten- dency is for the young men to improve their opportunities and twenty years will see a great change. However, the senti- ment is drifting toward allotting the land and abandoning the tribal organization, but it takes a long time to make such a change. They dearly love to be called a SEMINARY NOTES. 157 nation, and look with suspicion on every movement to abolish old institutions, whether made within the tribe or by Con- gress. The prohibitory law was well enforced in the territory up to 1S90, when the courts decided that malt liquors could be sold there, as the word malt, through an oversight, had been left out of the law. Since the sale of malt liquors has been permitted other liquors have been sold as well, for a law that allows the selling of one kind of liquor and not another is difficult to enforce. The fine for viola- tion of the fish and game laws is fifty dollars and costs. The fine goes to the officer making the arrest. Those laws, are frequently violated, especially by friends of the officers. The law against hauling fire wood out of the territory is also often violated, the officers sometimes telling the offender to get his wood out when he is not around. Strangely enough the law against Sabbath breaking is better enforced than any other. The marshals and sheriffs ride through the territory on horseback, armed with revolvers and rifles. They are men of nerve, ready to face danger, and quick shots. The class of criminals with which they deal makes it necessary to have such officers since their lives often depend on their ability to shoot first. White men. who wish to profit by the advantages of the territory frequently suc- ceed in getting adopted into the tribe. To be adopted into the tribe, the man must get twelve citizens to make oath that he is of suitable character, and he must marry a squaw. He is often called a squaw-man. He is entitled to all the rights and privileges of Cherokees and is no longer under the jurisdiction of the United States courts. The Indians look with disfavor on the adoption of citizens, for it introduces into the tribe an element unaccustomed to their traditions and usages, and they fear that this foreign element will, more than any other cause, tend to break down their present customs and institutions. The squaws, however, frankly admit that they would rather see their daughters marry white men than Indians, for the former are more enter- prising and provide better homes. If a white man marries a squaw and leaves her he loses his citizenship. . If she leaves him, which rarely happens, he retains his citizenship. The roads of the territory lie in any direction and are liable to be fenced across at any time. When they are cut up or in any way hard to travel over, some one starts a new route and the others fol- low, thus making a new road and abandon- ing the old. Their country is being rap- idly settled by non-citizens who are leas- ing from the Cherokees. The last few years have seen much of their land brought under cultivation. If not stopped in a few years, and it will be difficult to stop, all the land worth farming will be under cultivation. That will crowd the citizens and will make them the more favorable to allotment. Great economic changes in in their mode of life are likely to take place before long. They realize that fact and do not like the thought of it. Not that they wish to be unprogressive but that they dislike to see the customs of their forefathers dying out. The sale of the strip is evidence of this change. Once their hunting grounds, they acknowl- edge by its sale that they are forced by circumstances to depend more and more on agriculture. The strip to them would be useless. The bringing under cultiva- tion of their best lands, by non-citizens, is likely to raise the standard of living amOng them. It will also show them the resources of their country and induce a desire for a more enterprising mode of life, which will be & long step from ward- ship towards independence. A. A. Bessev. 158 SEMINAR Y NO TES. THE EDUCATION OF THE BLIND IN KANSAS. FEW weeks ago, I was detailed by '^'f^ the class in* sociology to visit The Kansas Institution for the Education of the Blind and to report, as far as I was able to ascertain, what our state is doing to educate and enlighten these unfortunate ones. This institution was founded in 1866 by an act of the state legislature. The city of Wyandotte donated for the purpose a ten-acre tract of land, just at the edge of the old city limits. This land is now with- in the limits of Kansas City and is valued at i^6o, 000.00. Here the state constructed at a cost of |8o,ooo.oo a. two story brick building, which is now used as the main building, containing the school-rooms and dormitories. Since 1866 there has been expended upon the institution at different times, for permanent improvements, ^62,- 000.00, which, together with the personal property, gives the institution a total val- uation of ^214,000.00. On the first floor of the main building may be found the office, parlors, library, containing some three hundred volumes adapted to the uses of the blind, the reci- tation rooms, including the music rooms^ and the teachers' bed-rooms. The second floor is occupied with the chapel and dor- mitories ; the latter are all large and well ventilated rooms ; they are somewhat scantily furnished but seem to be com- fortable and clean. Thexe is also a base- ment to the main building, in which are the dining room, kitchen, laundry, and store rooms. The kitchen and dining room are models of neatness. The cook- ing is done by steam and the food, which is necessarily of a good quality, owing to the fact that much of the blindness is caused by disease of the nature of scrof- ula, is exceedingly well prepared. In the rear of the main building are two smaller buildings ; one is used as a shop for broom making, and the other contains the en- gines and boilers. The one feature about the buildings and grounds that seems to be lacking, is prop- er sanitation. The drainage is not con- nected with the city sewer system, but is permitted to empty into a small pond in the rear of the buildings, where all the filth imaginable is allowed to collect to breed disease and sickness. The superin- tendent has, however, taken hold of the matter and is now trying to secure a means of connecting the drainage with the city sewerage and he hopes through the aid of the city to accomplish this in the near future. There is now at the Institution an en- rollment of 97, with an average attendance of 83 pupils. These range all the way from nine to twenty-one years of age. The state pays all the expenses of these pupils during the nine months they are at the Institution, with the exception of clothing and railroad fare to and from Kansas City. There is a law, however, that com- pels the county in which a pupil lives, to pay these remaining expenses, in case the parents or guardians are unable to do so. Thus Kansas gives to all her blind between the ages of nine and twenty-one years, an opportunity to secure an education. Aside from this, the Institution is purely educa- tional, having no other features of a home for the blind. The educational phase of the Institution is divided into three departments, literary, musical, and industrial. In the literary and music departments the system which has proved so successful in other institu- tions of a similar character, known as the New York point system, is used. In this SEMINA RY NO TES. 159 system, instead of the raised letters used almost exclusively some years ago, the alphabet is represented by raised dots after ihe following form or plan: — A •• B :•• C ••. D •: E • F ••■ G..: H.:: I : J •:• K ••: L :. M :• N.. O.- P •.. Q :.. R .: S •. T . U ... V-.- W ..• X:.: Y . •. Z •:; Number sign ::: Numerals, i :: 2 •■ 3 . : 4 :. 5 •: 6 •: 6 :. 7 . • 8 •. 9 : o • Word signs, the.- • and •. •. of.-: that-.: ing . : • ch:-. on.---, sh.-.. th:: wh :. - period-., or a blank space equal to five points in length; comma- semi-colon, colon:, in- terrogation •: dash :: exclamation . : paren- thesis.-- quotation:.. The punctuation marks are preceded and followed by a blank space equal to two points. The literary department comprises a course of eleven years, very similar to the course offered in our public schools. This is divided into four grades — primary, sec- ond and third grade and the high school grade. In the primary grade the pupils are taught to read and write by means of these dots or points. They have our common school readers printed in the point form, and they soon acquire an acuteness of touch which enables them to read -more readily than the average seeing pupils of the same age. This may be due to the fact that the blind work more diligently than seeing children, having less to attract their attention from their books. To write by means of these dots, they have a device called a slate, which is, in form, something similar to a wooden picture frame, eight inches wide by twelve to four- teen in length, having a solid back ; the frame part being on hinges is made to raise up to allow a piece of heavy paper to be placed under it ; the frame is then closed and fastened. Upon this frame a brass bar, about two inches broad, per- forated with two or three rows of holes one-fourth of an inch square, is made to slide up and down the frame. The points are then made with an awl-like instrument, the bar of brass serving to keep the lines straight, while the square holes enable the pupil to place the dots in the correct posi- tions. In the second grade the scholars are taught grammar, geography and arithme- tic in addition ; the latter being the most difficult of all the common branches for the blind to learn, as it must be entirely mental, there being no means by which they can use figures as seeing pupils do. In the third grade, arithmetic and geog- 'raphy are finished and history, United States and general, and rhetoric are taken up. They are also taught to write as see- ing pupils, and by the time they leave the Institution many are able to write a very readable hand. The work done in the next grade cor- responds very closely to that of our high schools. Here they are taught algebra, geometry, physical geography, philoso- phy, rhetoric and composition. It is quite wonderful to see with what degree of accuracy the blind students solve men- tally the most difficult problems in alge- bra, handling with comparative ease long equations containing two and three un- known quantities. In all the. literary work an unusual amount of systematic and thorough train- ing is evident. The blind seem to be very competent in all studies in which the memory is taxed to a large extent. The music department is the most inter- esting feature of the Institution. There are fifty-three pupils out of the eighty- three at the Institution in this department and in every instance show remarkable talent in this direction. They are taught to play the piano, violin, cornet, viola and similar instruments. They print their own music, from the dictation of the instructor, by means of the point alphabet and com- mit it to memory as they practice it, line at a time. They have, in the way of mu- sical organizations, two choirs, a double and a male quartet, and an orchestra of six pieces. Music is about their only means of entertainment and they seem to appreciate it very much|;-it also] proves in many instances to be a very useful science. i6o SEMINAR Y NO TES. enabling some to gain a livelihood, while to others it affords a means of enjoyment to themselves and friends. In an industrial way not a great deal has been done. The boys are taught broom-making, hammock and horse-net weaving. A hard working, industrious boy can, however, earn a very fair living in this way. For instance, a boy can make about two dozen brooms a day, the material' for which cost him from $1.20 to $1.55 a dozen, and he is then able to sell the brooms at from ^2.00 to ^3.00 a doz- en. It takes a boy a day to weave a ham- mock which he sells at from ^^1.50 to ^2.00, while the material cost about 55 cents. Again, a boy can, with hard work, weave a pair of horse-nets in a day. He will have to pay 75 cents to ^i.oo for his material, while his product will sell from $2.00 to $3.00 a pair. In this depart- ment the girls are taught but very little except plain sewing and the care of their rooms. There are some other ways by which both the boys and girls could be taught to support themselves. In many of the Eastern institutions, 1 am told, type writers have been introduced and it is found that the blind[ pupils soon learn to use them very rapidly and accurately. I cannot help but manifest some little surprise at the fact of there being no pro- vision or attempt made by the state to cure blindness in those who are attending the Institution. It seems fitting, since the science of medicine has reached the high stage of perfection it now holds and since experiments have established beyond a question the fact that a beneficial treat- ment of blindness is possible in nearly every case, that there should be a law providing for the treatment of those who have a right to be at the Institution ; not to turn the school into a hospital at all, but for the purpose of restoring the sight or at least benefiting those who are in school. I am pleased to state, however, that through the earnest efforts of the Su- perintendent, an oculist comes to the Insti- tution once a fortnight and does what he can for the pupils without charge. This is a step in the right direction and it should be furthered by the aid of the state. Amusement, which in some form seems necessary to humanity, should also be provided as another means of lightening the gloom which must cast itself over these unfortunate beings. There are many ways by which this might be accom- plished. Cards and games of various de- scriptions might be devised if the state would lend its assistance. The superin- tendent recommends that a carpenter shop be provided for this purpose, as the boys all show an inclination to spend idle mo- ments in this way. In conclusion, I will mention that while we are doing a noble work in the educa- tion of our blind youth, there are in the state of Kansas at the present day, no less than 250 adult blind, for which we have made no provision in any way. A very small per cent, of these are cared for by friends, while the remainder are forced to shift for themselves. Some secure a liv- ing by begging, some play the violin in places of sin, and others are forced to mete out a miserable existence in the county poor-house. I will simply ask the people of Kansas, "Ought this to be so?" Fred E. Buch.^n. SEMINAR Y NO TES. i6i EDUCATION OF THE DEAF AND DUMB IN KANSAS. §F all the efforts of society to recon- struct the broken-down portion of humanity, those expended in behalf of the deaf and dumb have been attended with the greatest and most satisfactory results. The reason for this is two-fold: the pecul- iarly happy and industrious temperament of the deaf mute, and the exceptionally careful thought and thoroughly scientific training which this branch of education has received. A mere glance at our Kan- sas institution thoroughly demonstrates these points, and most gratefyingly shows that we are in the front ranks of this great charitable and educational movement. The Kansas institution for the educa- tion of the deaf and dumb is an institution supported entirely by the state for the education and training gratuitously all deaf children who are unable to attend the public schools. It is not, as is often thought, a sanitarium for curing deafness. Indeed no effort whatever is made toward effecting cures; that, it is supposed, has been tried before. But it is strictly an industrial school, designed to fit deaf mutes for citizenship and usefulness. Since its inception, some thirty years ago, the school has witnessed a steady successful growth and now gives instruc- tion to nearly three hundred pupils. ■ In December, on the day the school was visited, there were enrolled, however, 262 pupils. That this is the total number of deaf children of school age within our state, unfortunately, is not true. The census returns last year show a deaf pop- ulation for Kansas of about nine hundred persons (one in every 1500 population), while the deaf children of school age is not far from five hundred fifty. From this it is evident there are now within our state some two hundred eighty-eight of these children, who are without instruc- tion. The great error that is being made is at once apparent. How infinitely better it would be if these two hundred eighty-eight children could all be sent to school and thus develop as intelligent producers rather than become future bur- dens to society. A noticeable fact in running through the registration book of the school is that there are more boys enrolled than girls. Of the two hundred sixty-tvvo pupils at- tending, one hundred sixty of them were boys, leaving only one hundred two girls. This fact cannot be attributed entirely to the greater desire of parents to educate their sons than their daughters. It but illustrates the ratio of deafness of the sexes. The statistics of the deaf and dumb in the United States show about this same ratio. There is always more deafness among men than women. The school is very comfortably located in the city of Olathe and its grounds oc- cupy about two city blocks. Formerly there were but two large buildings, but within the past few years these two have been united by a large addition, forming one large educational building. An in- dustrial building has also recently been built, and everything in the way of good sanitation has been provided. The dormitory system is adhered to with little or no inconvenience. The dormitories for the boys and girls are situated in either end of the great main building. The larger pupils are allotted rooms in groups t)f two and four, while the smaller children occupy two large upper rooms. In one of these, the small boys' dormitory, from fifty to sixty little fellows sleep, and never are they disturbed by each others snoring, although there is an occasional pillow-fight. In the educational department the branches of the common school are taught by trained specialists. The method used l62 SEMINAR Y NO TES. is the same that has succeeded so admira- bly both in England and in France as well as in the United States — the sign language, the natural means of communication of all deaf mutes. The intellectual educa- tion of the school carries the pupil through a course of study similar to that of a well advanced high school. In addition to the regular course of instruction, articular speech and "lip reading" is taught as an accomplishment to such pupils as seem capable of receiv- ing it, either on account of their persever- ance and quickness or of their previous ability to use their vocal organs. Some of the pupils attain a marked degree of proficiency and are able to converse in- telligibly by this means alone. One little girl that was noted answered most prompt- ly questions spoken to her although she did not hear a word that was said. There was, however, in her articulation a marked lack of emphasis and a peculiar nasal monotone. The articulation classes av- eraged only about eight pupils, as that is about the maximum number that can profitably be instructed by one teacher. The other classes averaged sixteen to twenty pupils. The most interesting and certainly the most practical part of the school is the industrial. Here technical training is provided and the pupil fitted for a useful trade. Thus far the trades introduced are printing, cabinet making, carpentry, shoemakingj harness-making and baking. The girls are taught household work, mending, and sewing of all kinds. The object in all this industrial training is apparent: not only are habits of industry inculcated in the mind of the pupil but he is given technical knowledge that fits him for a life of usefulness. Last vear the current expenses of this institution amounted to- nearly $45,000, making the average cost of maintaining each pupil ^167.71 for the year. During the history of this school, instruction has been given to six hundred sixty-eight per- sons, and from official records that have been collected two-thirds of these students are now respectable, intelligent citizens, self supporting and most capably bearing the burdens of society. They can now be found engaged in nearly every branch of industrial life. They are carpenters, printers and laborers in the various de- partments of modern industry. They were fitted for their various occupations by the systematic and careful training they received at this school; without it they would have become only burdens to their friends and a blot upon society. E. F. Robinson. . SILKVILLE COMMUNE. •gn^HE lack of practical knowledge, of ^l fortune, of length of life or of ca- pable assistance has proven the downfall of many attempts to put in practice fanci- ful theories for the reformation of the social system. Social reformers like poets can see the end at which they aim but seldom clearly see a road along which to lead their followers into the happy state which is designed for them. Earnest Valeton De Boissiere does not seem to have been of this class. His efforts to found a commune at Silkville, on the Burlington Branch of the A., T. & S. F. Railroad, eighteen miles southwest of Ottawa, show that he was seeking the means by which it would be possible to found a colon}' which should li\-e and work in an ideal state, influencing the state of Kansas if not the world. The main reason he failed to accomplish this object seems to have been that he had not a sufficiently large following to carry on the work which he had planned, and that his estates in France made it necessary for him to divide his SEMINARY NOTES. 163 time between his native and his adopted countries. M. Boissiere was born of noble parent- age near Bordeaux, France, in 181 1. His education was such as is usual among the noble youth of that country and he became especially proficient in History, Science, and the Military Arts. Upon succeeding to the family estates he relieved them from a load of debt and increased the income from them by '' planning and carrying out a regular campaign," as he expressed it. Early in the 50's he came to America, founding and endowing a large Negro school in New Orleans, Louisiana. He became an y\merican citizen in 1856 but returned to France before the rebellion. The war of course, broke up his Negro school and when he returned to the United States it was witli an idea of planting a colony which should experiment, at least, with his ideas of social reform. He visited Charles Sears at his home in New Jersey and by him was convinced that diversilied intlustry was the best means of making such a communistic settlement both successful and attractive. They thought a large tract of arable land, well watered, and in a pleasant climate was necessary as a foundation. M. Boissiere traveled all over the Mississippi valley and in 1869 purchased a tract of three thousand one hundred fifty-six acres of raw land in the southwest corner of Frank- lin county, Kansas. Over one hundred and thirty thousand dollars was spent in improving this prop- erty. Forty acres were set in mulberry trees, twenty-five in orchards, four acres in grapes and much more in walnut and other ornamental groves. Fifteen miles of solid stone and twenty-five miles of wire fence were built and also such buildings as would be required to carry on the manu- facture of silk, cheese, wine and other products, care for large herds of stock and provide a home for the attendants of the place. These improvements were added to from time to time as the chans^es in management and increase of stock demanded until last year, when M. Bois- siere returned to France, 500 acres were under cultivation and 640 acres in hay land, the remainder being used for pasture for about a thousand cattle, horses and hogs. On the 12th of last May M. Bois- siere deeded the entire estate, including twelve thousand dollars in cash and notes, all the machinery, household utensils, and library, to the Odd Fellows of the state to found and endow an Orphan's Home for the order. He took with him, on leaving for France, nothing but his clothing and two hundred and fifty dollars to pay !he expenses of the trip. The community, as was said before, was never fairly established but in 1870 two families by the names of Gonon and Clare, came to Sil|j:ville with M. Bois- siere, four followed soon after, and several Americans joined the community, but there were never more than eight families at the home at one time. Silk was man- ufactured from 1874 until 1888, when the industry was abandoned because not fi- nancially profitable. The worms were thrifty and the quality of the silk good but the the necessity of importing labor made it impossible to compete with the foreign article. After it was abandoned, the French families gradually scattered until now none remain on the place. They have all become prosperous in other, more American industries and are happy in the land of their adoption. Several of the American members are dead and the others have left the farm, so that few, if any of the colony remain at the Silkville farm. The special interest of the student in sociology must center then rather in what was planned than in what was executed. The following circular, found in the li- brary, was sent out in 1873 and gives the ideas which were thought to be the most attractive to the public. THE PRAIRIE HOME Association and Corporation, BASED ON Al'i'RACTIVK INDUSTR^•. 164 SEMINAR Y NO TES. The domain, of more than 3,000 acres, purchased about four years ago, and then called the ''Kansas Co-operative Farm," but since named ''Silkville," from the fact that the weaving of Silk-velvet Rib- bons is one of its branches of industry, and Silk Culture is contemplated, for which 10,000 mulberry trees are now thriftily growing, having had 250 acres subjected to cultivation and several pre- liminary buildings erected upon it, it is now thought expedient to inform those who wish to take part in the Associative Enterprise for which the purchase was mdde, that the subscribers, as its project- ors, will be prepared to receive persons the ensuing spring, with a view to their becoming associated for that purpose. A leading feature of the enterprise is to establish the "Combined Household" of Fourier, that is, a single large residence for all the associates. Its principal aim is to Organize Labor, the source of all wealth, first, on the basis of remuneration, proportioned to production, and, second, in such manner as to make it both efficient and attractive. Guarantees of education and subsistence to all, and of help to those who need it, are indispensable conditions, to be provided as soon as the organization shall be sufficiently advanced to render them practicable. A spacious edifice, sufficient for the accommodation of 80 to 100 persons, will be erected the ensuing season, its walls and principal partitions, which are to be of stone, being already contracted for, to be completed by the first of October. But the buildings already erected will furnish accommodations less eligible, but perfect- ly comfortable, except in severe cold weather, for at least an equal number. It is not, however, expected that the operations of the ensuing year will be any- thing more than preparative; they will be limited probably to collecting a few per- sons to form a nucleus of the institution to be gradually developed in the future. But, from the first, facilities will be fur- nished for industry un the principle of remuneration proportioned to production, by means of which, or otherwise, each candidate will be required to provide for his own support, and for that of such oth- er persons as are admitted at his request as members of his family of other depend- ents. The means of support at present avail- able for those who come to reside on the domain will be, as they may be stated in a general way, opportunities to engage, on liberal terms, in as many varieties as pos- sible of productive industry ; but, more particularly, first, an ample area of fertile land to cultivate, and, secondly, facilities for such mechanical work as can be exe- cuted with hand tools, especially the mak- ing of clothes, boots and shoes, and other articles of universal consumption, not ex- cluding, however, any article whatever for which a market, either internal or exter- nal, can be found. But, as far as income depends upon earnings, the most reliable resource will be agricultural and horticul- tural industry, as most of the mechanical work likely to be required for some time should perhaps be reserved for weather not suitable to out-door employments. Emyloyment for wages at customary rates will be furnished to some extent to those who desire it for a part of their time, but cannot be reliably promised. Steam pow- er will be provided as soon as warranted by a sufficient number of associates, and by the prospect of being applied to profit- able production. Having provided the associates and candidates with these facilities for indus- try, and made them responsible each for his own support, and, at first, for that of his dependents, the projectors propose to have them distribute themselves into or- ganizations for industrial operations, and select or invent their own kinds and mode of cultivation and other practical pro- cesses, under regulations prescribed by themselves. They will be indulged with the largest liberty, consistent with the pro- tection of rights and the preservation of order, in choosing their own employments SEMINAR Y NO TES. 165 and their own industrial and social companions ; in appointing, concurrent!)^ with those with whom they are immediate- ly associated, their own hours of labor, recreation and repose, and, generally, in directing their activity in such manner and to such purposes as their taste or in- terest may induce them to prefer. We hope thus to demonstrate that interference with individual choice is necessary only to restrain people from transgressing their own proper sphere and encroaching upon that of others, and that restraints, even for that purpose, will seldom be required, and not at all except during the rudimen- tary stage of industrial organization. No efforts, therefore, will be made to select persons of similar views or beliefs, , or to mold them afterward to any uniform pattern. That unanimity which is not expected in regard to practical operations, is much less expected in regard to those subjects transcending the sphere of human experience about which opinions are now so irreconcilably conflicting. All that will be required is that each shall accord to oth- ers as much freedom of thought and action as he enjoys himself, and shall respect the rights and interests of others as he desires his own to be respected by them. The apprehension that our experiment might be greatly embarrassed by admitting the totally destitute to participate in it, compels us to say that such cannot at pres- ent be received. The means applicable to our purpose, considerable as they are, might become inadequate, if subjected to the burden of maintaining objects of char- ity ; while but few could be thus relieved, even if all the means at command were devoted to that single object. Our sys- tem, if we do not misapprehend it, will, in its maturity, provide abundantly for all. But though we insist that the first par- ticipators in our enterprise shall not be pecuniarily destitute, the amount insisted upon is not large. So much, however, as is required must be amply secured by the following cash advances: First: Rent of rooms and board paid two months in advance for each person admitted to reside on the domain, includ- ing each member of the applicant's family; and at the end of the first month, pay- ment of these items for another month, so that they shall again be paid two months in advance, and so from month to month indefinitely. Rent of rooms will be reasonable and board will be finally settled for at its cost, as near as may be ; but in computing it for advance payment, it will be rated rather above than below its expected cost, to provide against contingencies. If too much is advanced, the excess, when ascer- tained will either be repaid or otherwise accounted for. Facilities for cheap boarding, and for tables graduated to suit different taste? and circumstances, will be limited at first, and until associates become numerous enough to form messes and board them- selves. Second: Each person as admitted will be required to deposit, as may be direct- ed, the sum of $100 for himself, and an equal sum for every other person admitted with him at his request, on which interest will be allowed at the rate of 6 per cent, per annum. This deposit is expected to be kept unimpaired until the projectors think it may safely be dispensed with, but will be repaid, or so much thereof as is subject to no charges or offsets, whenever the person on whose account it was made withdraws from the enterprise and ceases to reside on the domain; as will also any unexpended residue of the amount ad- vanced for rooms and board. This deposit, besides furnishing a guar- antee against destitution of the party making it, is recommended by another consideration not less important, — it se- cures him, in case he wishes to retire from the enterprise, because he can find no satisfactory position in it, or for any other reason, against retiring empty- handed or remaining longer than he wishes, for want of means to go else- where. i66 SEMINAR Y NO TES. In addition to these cash adva'nces, each person admitted as an associate or candidate will be required to provide furniture for his room, and all other Articles needed for his personal use, in- eluding generally the hand-tools with which he works. But some of these arti- cles may, in certain cases, be rented or sold on credit to persons of good indus- trial capacity who have complied with the other conditions. We should esteem, as especially useful, a class of residents who, having an income independent of their earnings, adequate to their frugal support at least, can devote themselves freely as they please to attract- ive occupations which are not remunera- tive, it being such occupations probably that will furnish the first good examples of a true industrial organization. Next to be preferred are those having an inde- pendent income which, though not ade- quate to their entire support, is sufficient to relieve them from any considerable anxiety concerning it; for they can, to a greater or less extent, yield the impulses of attraction with comparitive indifference to the pecuniary results of their industry. * It is hoped and expected that the style of living, at least in the early stages of the experiment, will be frugal and inex- pensive. Neatness and good taste, and even modest elegance, will be approved and encouraged; but the projectors dis- approve of superfluous personal decora- tions, and all expense incurred for mere show without utility, and in this sentiment they hope to be sustained by the associ- ates. As a general rule, applicants who com- ply with the pecuniary conditions will be admitted on trial as candidates, to the extent of our accommodations, without formal inquisition of other particulars; but each applicant should state his age and occupation, and the ages and indus- trial capacities of others, if any, whom he desires to have admitted with him, and whether any of them are permanently in- firm. References are also requested and photographs if possible. The cardinal object of our enterprise being, as has been said, to organize labor on the basis of rewarding it according to the value of its product, and in such mari- ner as to divest it of the repugnance inseparable from it as now prosecuted, the policy to which recourse will first be had to effect this object will be, to throw upon the associates the chief responsibility of selecting functions and devising processes, as well as of marshaling themselves into efficient industrial organizations. Free- dom to select their preferred occupations and modes of proceeding is proposed with the expectation that a diversity of prefer- ences will be developed in both, the re- spective partisans of which will vie \^ith each other to demonstrate the superior excellencies of their chosen specialties. Among the numerous merits which recom- mend this policy, not the least important is, that it will, as is believed, give full play to all varieties of taste and capacity, and secure a more perfect correspondence of functions with aptitudes than exists in the present system of labor. But we are not so committed to any policy as to persist in it, if, after being fairly tested, it fails of its purpose. In that event new expedi- ents will be resorted to, and others again, if necessai'y, for we should not abandon our enterprise, though our first efforts should prove unsuccessful. The failure of any particular policy, therefore, does not involve a final failure, of which indeed the danger, if any, is remote, inasmuch as care will be taken not to exhaust the means applicable to our main purpose in a first trial, or in a second, or even any number of trials. But we have great con- fidence that not many trials will be neces- sary to construct a system of industry and of social life far in advance of any form of either now prevailing in the world. The lowest degree of success, we will not say with which we shall be satisfied, but to which we can be reconciled, is, that the experiment shall be self-sustain- ing. By this we mean that the associates, aided b)' the facilities furnished them. SEMINARY NOTES. 167 shall produce enough not only to supply their own consumption, including educa- tion for children and subsistence for all, and to repair the waste, wear and decay of tools, machines and other property Used ; but enough also to reasonably compensate those who furnish the capital for the use of it. Less production than this implies a waning experiment, which must, sooner or later, terminate adversely. But even though this low degree of success should be delayed, the domain is indestructible, and being dedicated forever to associative purposes, must remain unimpaired for repeated trials. An ample sufficiency of land will be conveyed to trustees in such manner as to secure the perpetual use of it to the asso- ciates and their successors. The land to be thus appropriated has on it a .large peach orchard now in full bearing, which yielded last season a large crop of excel- lent peaches ; 400 selected apple trees which have four years' thrifty growth from the nursery, and a considerable number of other fruit trees ; and a vineyard of about 1,200 young grape vines. A library of 1,200 volumes in English, besides a large number in French and other lan- guages, is aow here, intended for the use of future associates and residents. No fund is set apart for the gratuitous entertainment of visitors. Those not guests of some one here who will be chargeable for them, will be expected to pay a reasonable price for such plain and cheap accommodations as can be afforded them. For a more extended explanation of the principles and aim of our enterprise, and of some of the details of the mocTe of pro- ceeding, persons interested are referred to a treatise on Co-oporation and Attractive Industry, published under the auspices of the departed and lamented Horace Gree- ley, for which send 50 cents to "The Tribune, New York," or to either of the subscribers. [Note. — It should be understood that the foregoing exposition of principles and policy, though the best that our present knowledge enables us to make, is provi- sional only, and liable to be modified from time to time as experience makes us wiser.] E. V. Boissiere. E. P. Grant. Williamsburg P. O., Franklin Co., Kansas. For some reason this circular did not have the desired effect and" the doctrine of Fourier proved but little more popular, as a guide for practical experiments in x\merica than in France. The projectors made the "repeated trials" but only suc- ceeded in demonstrating that stock farm- ing is more profitable in Kansas than silk culture or co-operative manufactures. The library gradually grew till it now contains over 2,500 volumes, whose ap- pearance indicates that the projectors spent much of their time in study. Their studies were not confined to social science, although Fourier, Cabet, and Laboulaye seem to have been favorite authors and the publications of Icaria and Ouneida were watched with interest. But the stand- ard writers of French and English litera- ture received their share of attention, as did also the Bible, the Koran and works of history, science and philosophy. Many manuscript writings on a variety of topics and in the handwriting of M. Boissiere show how broad was his knowledge and how thorough his method of study while at the Farm. Of Huguenot parentage, it is natural for M. Boissiere to have a deep seated hatred for Catholicism, but yet he does not hold to the Protestant doctrine, being a pure materialist. He has never been married but has the highest regard for woman and her position in his ideal soci- ety is indeed enviable. Hailing every effort at reform as a step in the right direction, M. Boissiere was always found at the polls, when in America, on election day, using every effort for the reform ticket. He was an enthusiastic Green- backer and now has great sympathy with i6S SEMINARY NOTES. the Farmers' Alliance. He voted with the Peojjle's party when last in Kansas. To devote his American fortune to the iniprovement of the social life of a num- ber of his fellow men, has ever been one of the objects of the life of M. Boissiere. As he grew older and found himself with- out his old associates in communistic study and experiment, he turned his atten- tion to the more practical problem of in- dustrial education. When about to start for France, probably never to return, he chose an organization one of whos6 first principles is benevolence, and gave to it the Silkville farm and all its belongings, as an industrial home for orphan children. It is his desire that the property shall pro- vide a home for a number of children and give each such an education as will make him an independent and useful citizen. W. M. Raymond, SEMINARY NOTES. 169 SEMINARY REPORTS. Law and Lawyers. £]2)R<-»fessor Willis Gleed delivered a (^f" lecture before the Historical Semi- nary, Friday, April 14, on "Law and Lawyers." • He began his lecture with a quotation from one of Plato's dialogues in order to be sure, as he said, of saying at least one good thing. Plato said, "A philosopher may have his talk out in peace, wandering at will from one subject to another, but the lawyer is always in a hurry. He is a servant and is disputing with a fellow servant before his master; the ■ trial is never about an indifferent matter, but is often a race for his life. The consequence is that he has become shrewd and learned how to flatter his master, but his soul is small and unright- eous. His slavish condition has deprived him of growth and uprightness. From the first he has practiced deception and retali- ation. He thinks he is a martyr of wis- dom." Prof, deed's lecture was in substance as follows: When I Avas a stu- dent we often solved to our own satisfac- tion such insolvable problems as "The True Aim of Government," "What is the Convenience," etc., but that has all passed and this afternoon I will tell you some- thing about law and lawyers. I shall say something about them and the profession they follow and the duties of the people toward that profession. The first duty of the people towards the lawyer's profession is to understand it; understanding it, they will honor and protect it. Wrong public opinion of the lawyer's profession and indiscriminate denunciations of it is im- mensely hurtful. No other calling is so intimately engaged in the matters which now occupy the largest place in the minds and lives of other men. The lawyer is in the center of the mass. He is always at the frictional point. His labors are with the most central and selfish portion of the social anatomy, consequently he is the most closely watched of all mankind. The bar has not been the controlling force in any moral change or revolution. Lawyers are always a highly refined, in- fluential and powerful class of men. Where force reigns the soldier is most powerful; where law reigns the lawyer is most powerful. Decline of litigation means decline of national health. The study of law has a very marked intellect- ual and moral influence. No other pur- suit drives men to such thoroughness and exactness, accuracy and carefulness. No one detects a lack of it quicker than he. clergymen, I believe, state as much un- truth as lawyers do; not willfully of course, but carelessly and because no one questions the truth of what he says. The lawyer cannot pursue truth for truth's sake any more than the clergyman can, the aim of both being to produce conviction of a given proportion, not to ascertain or reveal pure truth. I think the lawyers as a class are the broadest, fairest and most reasonable of men. Their reputation is worse than the reality. A lawyer seldom supports a bad case. The attorney never knows all about his case until it is tried. Every case should have a hearing, often a case is good morally, but according to law it is bad. The law is but a rough and faulty thing, only approximating jus- tice. It must often be arbitrary. Practice of law cultivates sympathy, generosity, courage and charity to an unusual degree. When a boy displays any special conscien- tiousness and religious spirit all his friends wish to put him into the pulpit. On the other hand, if a boy displays a disposition for trickery or traits of special intellectual keenness you wish him to study law. Now why not try to crowd a little more con- science into the law and a little more intellectual brightness into the pulpit ? lyo SEMIXAI^ Y NO TES. Our people should knoAV the laws. Perfect laws are for perfect people. Law cannot get above us. Law is a growing' tiling. In the beginning of civilization the law recognizer! but one or two crimes. Law is always creating some new crimes and misdemeanors. Law cannot always be according to morality but must often arbitrarily ignore moral distinctions and do the greatest good to the greatest num- ber. A law which will enforce itself will be made without any regard to morals. People should not depend on law to teach them what is right. Law is a compromise between perfection of morals and im]jer- fections of humanity. A. F. Sherman, Reporter. A Glance at New Spain. ■^^■^jw^f R. Woodward in the introduction to :T4#i^ his paper, April 7th, gave a brief discussion of the philosophy of history and its value. He said, "no philosophy ■ of history results. in almost no history." The relation of England, France and Spain to the early history of America, fur- nishes an especially good opportunity for the study of the philosophy of history, and also illustrates the theory of the sur- vival of the fittest. First, the Gaul, pecu- liarly fitted for the work, explores three- fourths of i\merica, obtains a large amount of land, and then drops out. Next the Visigoth, the Spaniard, lazy and shiftless, occupies the soil, mingles his blood with the native races, becomes degraded and loses all pretense to higher civilization. Lastly the Anglo-Saxon, possessing in a large measure the best qualities of the oth- er two, with his endurance, steadfastness of purpose and the strict preservation of his nationality, which prevents him from mingling wdth native tribes and becoming degraded, is the actor on the scene who stays the longest and is the greatest factor in civilization. However, the Spanish civilization still endures and is our next door neighbor. The history of the early Spanish civiliza- tion car; best be studied in the original manuscripts and official documents. One of the first stej^s of Cortez after the Con- cjuestwas to take immediate.actiou toward tlie civilizing of the countr}'. He rebuilt the cai)ital, organized the country, intro- duced wlieat and rice, high grades of horses, cattle antl sheep, also water wheels and other machinery, and all the arts of Ohl S|)ain. He also endeavored to marry his soldiers to the natives and make colo- nists of them, — even brought his own wife from Cuba. Restrictions were ]jlaced on gambling and other extravagances. The Spaniard found Mexico much the same as his own Spain. He could bask in the sunshine and live at ease; but he had to live as a strong master. Cortez's, soldiers had, a large part of them, equipped themselves and still owed for their equip- ments; the expected gold not being found, thev were in a bad state, so were given lands to reward them. These lands they would not work themselves, so pressed the- natives into tlie service. This was the be- ginning of the peon system. There were no slaves in name, but a man might give himself into the service of another during his life, or gamble himself away, etc. There were two parties in the Spanish government ; the one in America favored the holding of the natives as . slaves, the other in Spain opposed it and passed laws against it, but the}' were not enforced. The settlers were offered lands to release their slaves but they would not do it, for land was useless without somebody to work it. Later, African slaves were intro- duced, which somewhat ameliorated the condition of the natives. The governor who succeeded Cortez took further meas- ures to better the condition of the natives, granting them privileges to nni shojjs and engage in trades. Now a new trouble arose. Tlie' newly rich Spaniards entered into lavish expend- itures and soon found themseb'cs in debt, with all its attendant evils, upon tliem. Mexict) was also sending ship loads of gold to Spain, draining the country of almost all its wealth except what the SEMINA R Y N O TES. r 7 1 priests got. The Church, at the close of president at any time within six months, the 1 6th century, had absorbed almost all Prices of land will vary with the location: of the best lands of the country; still their all land east of meridian 97/4 degrees influence was good, for they were about west longitude is to be sold at ^2.50 per all that stood between the grandees and .acre, between 97^ degrees and 98 degrees the natives. But the Pope sent f)ver the $1.50, and land west of 98 degrees ^i. Inquisition and within thirty years aljout The secretary of the interior is to have 2,000 perished. All this time the Indians the country divided into counties, and were gratlually losing their lands till they the sixteenth and thirty-second sections had almost none left. The negroes had of each township are reserved as school become so intermingled with the natives lands. It is reported that the manner of that there was haidly any pure stock left. opening the strip will be different from Bad laws were passed, taxes were enor- that employed in Oklahoma. There will mous, sale of offices common, every right be no headlong rush for claims, of "the weak abused, until b)- the end of "National Methods of Indian Admin- the 17th century Mexico was in a dreadful istration " were described by Miss C. E. condition. Becker. Indian affairs are under -the James Owkn, Reporter. control of the commissioner of Indian — affairs, although the secretary of the in- ^nPHE Seminary met in regular session, terior, who appoints the commissioner, is oJb Auril 21, 180-;, Professor Hodder the nominal head. There is a general d-^o presiding. The lirst paper on ''Institu- belief that the Indian appropriation of tions of the Cherokee Nation," by Mr. A. $5,000,000 per annum is larger than nec- A. Bessey, is printed in full m this issue essary, but this is not the case. That of the Notes, and therefore will not be the provision for the Indian is none too reported here. ample is shown by the fact that, as late as Mr. A. S. Foulks followed Mr. Bessey 1891, Indians perished from starvation. with a paper entitled ''The Opening of Only forty thousand, out of the two hun- the (Cherokee Strip." The ojjening of dred and fifty thousand Indians in this the Cherokee outlet is a result of the country, are supported by the government. agitation begun by Payne and Couch, an Hunger was the cause of the late Indian agitation likely to continue until all vacant outbreak, anil of that made by the Sioux Indian lands are thrown open to settle- in 1876. The Indians were starxing, and ment. The outlet is situated in the north- tried to leave the reservation and get western part of Indian Territory, and something t(j eat,, but were (lri\en back contains 8,166,682 acres of land, a con- by the troops. The judicial department siderable i)art of which is already oc- is too lax, especially in its treatment of cupied. The land is claimed by both violations of the li(pior law. Courts con- the Tonkawa and Cherokee Indians and ducted by Indians are now being intro- both tribes are to be paid for it. The duced, and give great satisfaction. Tlvey Tonkawas are sixty-seven in number and try infractions of rules drawn up by the each indix-idual is to get a farm and $500. commissioner of Indian alfairs and serve The Cherokees are also to be paid for without pay. There are now in Nebraska their claim, and all Cherokees that made seven thousand Indians wlio have been improvements on land in the strip prior to admitted to citi/enshi|). Tlie enfranchise- i8yi, are to receive alhjtments of not ment of all the Indians, as fast as they more than eighty acres. Tiie Cherokee become civilized enough, is the probable nation is to have jurisdiction over civil solution of the Indian problem. and criminal cases against Cherokee citi- ' !''• M- Moore, Reporler. /ens. T.he strij) is to be opened' by the 172 SEMINAR Y NO TES. - SEMINARY - NOTES. - PUBLISHED ON THE FIRST DAY OF OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER, FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL AND MAY, BY the seminary of Historical and Political Science. State University, Lawrence, Kansas. Frank W. Blackmar, \ r V- - _ to in this number, is reserved for future publication in the Notes. Frank H. Hodder, . Epliraim D. Adams, ) Editors. Terms, Ten Cents a Number, - Fifty Cents a Year *T?n^ HE purpose of this publication is to increase the (q) interest in the study of historical science in the ^^ ■ University and throughout the State, to afford means of regailar communication with corresponding members of the Seminary and with the general pub- lic—especially with the Alumni of the University, and to preserve at least the outlines ol carefully prepared papers and addresses. The number of pages in each issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi- cation will be applied to its maintenance. Address all subscriptions and communications to F. W. BLACKMAR, Lawrence, Kansas. With the exception of the editorial pages this number of Seminary Notes is the practical work of the students in His- tory and Sociology. Every article is the result of especial observation and investi- gation. It is the future plan of the in- \ structors of the historical departments to greatly enlarge the practical work of stu- dents. Kansas does not present such great opportunities for this kind of work as do our large cities, but there are many interesting features of past history and present institutions that are worthy the attention of students. There ought to be an appropriation by the regents for histori- cal research respecting Kansas institutions. Other departments have provisions made for laboratory work and why should not the historical departments. Work of this nature represents an important part of a university student's education. The excellent paper, entitled "A Glance at New Spain," read by Mr. WoodVard before the Seminary and elsewhere referred One of the most interesting Seminaries of the year was held Friday, May 5, when Governor Robinson addressed the stu- dents on ''Early Times in California." This graphic account of the struggles of the early settlers made a profound impres- sion upon the students and gave valuable 'lessons on the making of history. A full report of the meeting will be given in our next issue. It was intended to follow up the article in the last issue of the Notes on " Budget- ary Procedure in England," by similar articles, in this month's issue, upon other important topics in English constitutional history. The gentlemen who are prepar- ing these papers, have found that they require more time to make their work thorough, so that the papers must be post- poned until the first issue of next year. At least one of the papers will be published at that time. The historical student who can so time his visit to the World's Fair as to be in Chicago on the week beginning July 10, will have an opportunity of attending the greatest meeting of historical writers likely to be held for some time to come. Dur- ing that week the Historical Congress will hold its sessions. The object of this Con- gress, as stated by a circular recently issued, is "to bring together during the term of the Columbian Exposition, repre- sentatives of Historical Societies, and other persons who have made contribu- tions to historical research and literature, or, who are especially interested in his- torical study." The American Historical Association is to take an active part in these meetings, and this in itself insures the success of the undertaking. Papers are to be presented by various well known historical writers, and indeed it is likely that almost every historian of repute will be present. Every student who is in Chi- cago at the time should try to secure the right to attend at least one of these meet- ings. SEMINARY NOTES. 173 COURSES OF STUDY IN HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY FOR 1892-93. F. W. BI.ACKMAR. PH. D. F. H. HODDER, PH. M. E. D. ADAMS, PH. D. Instruction in this department is given b}- means of lectures, conferences, recitations, dis- cussions, and personal direction in study and research. As the library is an indispensable aid in the pursuit of the following courses of study, students are expected to become acquainted with the best methods of collecting and classify- ing materials, and of writing and presenting papers on special topics. All lectures are sup- plemented by required reading and class exer- cises. The work of the department now embraces five principal lines of study, namely: European History, American History and Civil Govern- ment, Political Institutions, Sociology or Social Institutions, and Political Economy. The following studies are offered for 1892-'9a: FIRST TERM. 1. The History of ivilization. Lectures daily, at 8:80. Ancient Society, and the intel- lectual development of Eiirope to the twelfth century. Special attention is given to the influ- ence of Greek philosophy and the Christian church on European civilization, the relation of learning to liberal government, and to tlic rise of modern nationality. 2. French and German History. Daily, at 9:30. Descriptive history. Text-book. 3. Historical Method and Criticism. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. Examination and classification of sources and authorities. Analysis of the works of the best historians. Library work, with collection and use of mater- ial, notes, and bibliography. Special attention to current historical and economic literature. 4. The History of Education and the Development of Methods of Instruction. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:.30. This course may be taken with No. 3. A course for teachers. 5. English History. Daily, at 11. Descrip- tive history. Text-book. 6. Journalism. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 12. Lectures, laboratory and library work. English: Twenty-five lectures by Prof- essors Dunlap and Hopkins; 15 lectures on the history and ethics of journalisn, by Professor Adams. Newspaper- bureau. The principal object of the bureau is to enable students to form habits of systematic reading, to keep in- formed on the topics of the day, and to preserve clippings properly filed and indexed. This course will be found highly beneficial to stu- dents who desire a special study in magazines and newspapers as a general culture. 7. Statistics. Tuesday and Thursday at 12. Supplementary to all studies in economics and sociology. The method of using statistics is taught by actual investigation of political and social problems, lectures, and class-room prac- tice. The history' and theory of statistics receive due attention. 8. American History. From the earliest discovery to 1763. Lectures, topical reading, and recitations. Three hours a week at 2. 9. Local and Municipal Government. Lectures and topical reading. Two hours a a week at 2. Courses 8 and 9 are intended to be taken to- gether as a full study, but may be taken sepa- rately. 10. American History. Presidential ad- ministrations from \Yashington to Jackson. Daily, at 3. Open to Seniors in full standing, and to other students upon approval of the instructor. 11. International Law and Diplomacy. Lectures and recitations. Two hours a week, at 4. 12. Political Economy. Daily, at 4. The fundamental principles are discussed, elaborated and illustrated by examples from present eco- nomic society. A brief history of Political Economy closes the course. SECOND TERM. 13. Institutional History. Lectures Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 8:30, on comparative politics and administration. Greek Roman, and Germanic institutions compared. Historical significance of Roman law in the middle eges. Short study in Prussian adminis- tration. 14. Renaissance and Reformation. Tuesday and Thursday, at 8:30. Lectures The revival of learning with especial reference to the Italian renaissance. A careful inquiry into the cause, course and results of the Refor- mation. This course may be taken as a continuation of number 1 . 174 SEMINAR Y NOTES. 15. Political History of Modern Eu- rope. Tuesday and Thursday at 0:30. Text- book. 16. Federal Government and the French Revolution. Lectures, Monday-. Wednesday, and Friday, at 9:30, ou SAvit/.er- laiid. The Italian republics and tlie States fteneral of France. 17 onstitutional History of England. Tuesday and Thursday, at 9:30. This course may be taken as a continuation of number 5. Text-book. and lectures. 18. Elements of Sociology. Lectures, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 11. Evo- lution of social institutions. Laws and condi- tions that tend to organize society. Modern social institutions and social problems. 19. harities and orrect ion. Tuesday and Thur.sday, at 11. Treatment of the poor from a historical standpoint. Mcxlern scientific charity. The treatment of criminals. Prisons and reformatories. Practical study of Kansas institutions. This course is supplementary to number 18. 20. Land Tenures. Lectures, Tuesday and Thursday, at 12. This course treats of primitive property, the village community, feudal tenures, and modern land-holding in Great Britain and the United States. This course is mainly historical, and is an excellent l^reparation for the study of the law of real property. 21. American History. Continuation of course 8. First half-term: History of the Rev- olution and the Confederation, 17G3 to 17(59. Second half-term: Brief summary of the consti- lutional jieriod, Avitli Johnston's "American Politics"" as a text-book. Tliree hours a wi>ek, at '■I. 22. onstitutional La-w. History of the ;idopl,i(in of Hie constitution, and a, study of its pr(i\isions. 'I'wice a, week, at '2. Forms, with course 'l\, a full slndy. b\il may lie taken Separately. 23. American History. Conlinualion of course 10. I'i'esidential administrations from .lacks(in to Lincoln. Daily, at :i. 24. Mediaeval History. Two-fifths of I he second lei'ni of the Fri'sliinan >-ea.r. For all students whose admission papers sho\N- I hat tlie\ lia\'e had elementary physics, hygiene and (•heniislr\. Daily, al 3. 'I'e.xl-hook. 25. Principles of Public Finance. I>ec- lui-i'S on piihlic industries, budgel legislalion. taxation and puhlie (lel)ls. Open lo students who ha\e sUidied polilieal economy one l,ei-m. Two hours a wei.'k, al 1. 26 The Status of Woman. Confer ences. Tuesday and Thursday, at 4 Indus trial condition, including a stud}' of labor, wages, etc. Woman in the professions. Their political and legal abilities and 'disabilities. Property rights. Condition of woman in Europe and the Orient. Social questions. 27. Advanced Political Economy. Monday, Wednesday, and Frida}', at 4. Con- sisting of («) lectures on applied economics: (V) practical observation and investigation; and {c) methods of research, with papers by students on special topics. This course is a continuation of number 13. General Seminary, on Friday, at 4. Stu- dents in History and Sociologw are required to attend the Seminary unless excused by special arrangement. Full credit will be allowed for time spent in Seminary work. At the beginning of the term, st'udents may elect other work in place of the seminary, if they choose. SUGGESTED MAJOR COURSES FOI! UNDER- GRADUATES. L Economics. Courses 7, 12,- 18, 19. 20, and 27. II. European History. Courses, 2, 3. .'), 13, In, and 16. III. American History. Courses 8, 9, 10, 21, 22, and 23. IV. Social Institutions. Courses. 1, 12. 14, IS, 19, and 4 (or 26). V. Political Institutions. Courses 3, 7, 9, 15, 13, 16, 17, 2Q, and 22. GRADUATE COURSES. Persons desiring to take the degree of A. AL may do so by the comjiletion t)f any one or all of the following courses. The work is carried on by tlie investigation of special tojjics under the ])ersonal direction of the instructor. An houi' for confin-ence will l)e ai'ranged lor each student. T^h<' courses extend Ihroughoul Ihe year. I. American History. Ojien (o graduates and students who have studied Amei-ican His- tory t wo \-ears. II. Economics. ()i>imi to graduates and students who have laUen the undergradLnde work in political I'cononiy. ('ourses 12, 27, and S, III Political and Social Institutions. <)pen to gi'a.duates and st intents whoha\e taken the undergra.duat(.' woi-k in the history (if insti- tutions and sociology, ('ourses 12, 27. and 7. ''i'he aho\-e courses are for stinlenls who de- sire proliciency in a special line. These coui'ses will not in any way inb^rfei-e with the general rules of the Faculty respecting graduali' woric. SEMINARY NOTES. 175 (Catalogue, 1891-"92, pp. 120, T31.) V,y tlicsc fuh'S, a graduate student m.-iy taki' any (if I he -*7 courses mentioned above (e.xcrpt I.") and 2l)u,s a preparation for lln' dcyi'ci' oT A. i\I. Preparation for Entrance to the Uni- versity. The time sjicnt in tlir iiigli seliouis in llic stuily o!' Jiisloi'y is neei'ssurily liniilrd. For this reason it is i',ss(Mitial that the gn^atcst care be exercisi'd in preparing students lor cn- tranci' to the University. At. ])ri'sent vi'i'y littli- iiistory is required in tin- Fresliman and SophonKii-i' years, and the students enter upon the study of the .lunioi- ami Senioi- years willi- out tliorougl) pri'paration i'or tlie worl<. U would seem that the aim slioidd l)e I'or all those who contempkite entering the University to learn the story of nations pretty tlioroughly. A g(neral outline of the world's history with a special study of the United States History and government represents th(> field. Ikit this out- line should bi' more than a mere skeleton of facts and dates. It should be well rounded with the political, social, and economic life of the people. Students will find a general text-book, such as Myer's, Sheldon's, or Fisher's, indispensible; but the work of preparation ought not to stop here. Such works as Fyffe's Greece, Creighton's Home, Seebohm's Era of ProlestanI Revolution, Cox's Greece, and others in I lie I'rinier, j'^jxich, and Stories of Nations Sei-ies ougliL lo bi' |-<'a(l. The (ibji'Ct (if f his readini;- is tu fainiliai-i/.e the student with the ]iiililical and sorial'life of the pi-iiicipli> nations iif the World. For this purpose evei-ything shiiuhl he as inli'resl im^- as possible. Such an interest should be ai'oused l.iiat tie' student would not hi' ]Mi/zle(l o\cr chiles and llireadliai-e facts, but wouhl seize and hold those things that a,i-e useful or] account of I he interest his mind has in them. That histoi'y widch is gained by a lian^ nuinory of e\ imiIs is soon lost It ,i;rows too dim hir use and consecpiently li'ails to confusi(jn. With the stoi-y of the nations well learned the student comes to tlie Univei'sity prepai'i.'dfor the hiuiier scientific stud}- of history and its kindred loi)ics. He is thi'U ready for investi,aation. com])arison and analysis. lie then takes u)> the i-cal in\i'Sti,i;a,l ion of the jihil- osophy of institutions and of national dexi'lop- ment. He is then ready for the sciiMici' of Sociology, Institutional History, Political Fcoii- omy, the Science of (Government, Statistics oi' Political Economy. Students who entei- the University without this i)reparation find it necessary to make uii for it as l)est they can by the jierusal of books, such as thosi? mentioned abo\"e. 176 SEMINARY NOTES. STUDENTS' LIBRARIES. Every student n the ni varsity should lay the foundation of a good working library. Such libraries are not "made to order" at some given time, under specially favorable financial conditions — but are the result of considerable sacrifice, and are of slow growth. The wise expenditure of even ten dollars in each term will bring together books which if thoroughly mastered will be of great assistance in all later life. Room-mates, or members of the same fraternity, by combining their libraries and avoiding the purchase of duplicates, can soon be in possession of a most valuable collection of authors. Assistance in selecting and in purchasing will be given upon application. The prices named below are the list prices of the publishers. Students are required to jnirchase books marked with an asterisk. Armstrong-, New^ York. American Book Company, Chicago. Manual of the Constitution, Andrews $ l.OU Analysis of Civil Government, Townsend 1.00 Civil Government, Peterman .60 History of England, Thalheimer 1.00 Medieval and Modern History, Thalheimer 1.60 Outlines of History, Fisher a.4U General History of the World, Barnes 1.60 Political Economy, Gregory 1.20 Lessons in Political Economy, Champlin .. .90 Ginn & Co., Boston and Chicago. Ancient History, Myers & Allen $ 1.50 Mediseval and Modern History, Myers 1.50 Political Science and Comparative Law, Burgess, 5.00 Macy's Our Government 75 *General History, Myers 1.50 Leading facts in English History, Montgomery... I.ia Philosophy of Wealth, Clark 1.00 Political Science Quarterly, Yearly 3.00 Washington and His Country, Fiske 1.00 Harpers, New York. ♦History of Germany, Lewis . 1.50 *International Law, Davis a.OO ♦Political History of Modern Times, Mueller 3.00 *Short English History, Green l.SO Civil Policy of America, Draper a.OO History of English People, Green, 4 vols 10.00 History of United States, Hildreth, 6 vols 13.00 The Constitution, Story 90 Holt & Co., New York. ♦American Politics, Johnston S 1.00 American Colonies, Doyle, 3 vols 9.00 American Currency, Sumner 2.50 History of Modern Europe, Fyffe. 3 vols 7..50 Political Economy, Walker 3.35 Houghton, MifHin & Co., Boston. Discovery of America. Fiske, 3 vols $ 4.00 American Commonwealths, 14 vols., each 1.25 American Statesmen, 34 vols., each 1.35 American Revolution, Fiske, S vols 4.00 Critical Period of American History. Fiske 3.00 Epitome of History, Ploetz 3.00 Christopher Columbus, Winsor 4.00 Appleton, New York . Dynamic Sociology, Ward, 3 vols $5.00 History of Civilization, Guizot 1.35 Political Economy, Mill. 3 vols 6.00 Cranston & Stowe, Chicago. ^Political Economy, Ely .* 1.00 Macmillan,' New York. Constitutional History, England, Stubbs, 3 vols, f 7.80 Principles of Economics, Marshall, vol. I 3.00 ♦Democracy in Europe, May, 3 vols $ 3.50 G. P. Putnara's Sons, New York and London. ♦American Citizen's Manual, Ford S 1.35 Unwritten Constitution of the U. S., Tiedeman... 1.00 History of Political Economy, Blanqui 3.00 Introduction to Eng. Econom. Hist, and Theory Ashley l.fjO Indust. and Com. Supremacy of Eng.. Rogers 3.00 Economic Interpretations of History, Rogers 3.00 Constitutional History of the U.S., Sterne 1.35 ♦Tariff History of the United States, Taussig 1.35 The Story of Nations, 34 vols., each 1.50 Heroes of the Nations, 12 vols., each 1.50 American Orations, ed. by Johnston, 3 vols., each 1.25 Callaghan & Co., Chicago. Constitutional History of U. S., Von Hoist, 8 vol $25.00 Constitutional Law of U. S., Von Hoist 3.00 Political Economy, Roscher, 3 vols. 6.00 Crowell, New York. ♦History of France, Duruy S 2.00 Labor Movement in America, Ely 1.50 Life of Washington, pop. ed., Irving, 3 vols 2.50 Problems of To-day, Ely 1.50 Little, Brown & Co., Boston. History of Greece, Grote, 10 vols $17.50 Parkman's Works, per vol 1.50 Rise of the Republic, Frothingham 3.50 Longmans,' Green & Co., New York. Epochs of Ancient Histoi'y, each vol $ l.OO Epochs of Modern History, each vol 1.00 Political Economy, pop. ed.. Mill 1.75 The Crusades, Cox 1.00 Scribners, New York. ♦American Diplomacy, Schuyler $ 3.50 History of Rome. Mommsen, 4 vols 8.00 Lombard Street. Bagehot 1.S5 Silent South, Cable 1.00 Silver Burdett & Co., Boston. ♦Historical Atlas, Labberton $1.,50 or $ 2.00 ♦Historical Geography of U. S., MacCoun 1.00 ♦Institutes of Eccmomics, Andrews 1.50 Institues of General History, Andrews 3.00 Dodd, Mead & Co., New York. History of United States, Schouler, 5 vols : $11.50 D. C. Heath & Co., Boston. ♦The State, Woodrow Wilson $ 3.00 Principles of Political Economy, Gide 2.00 Methods of Teaching History, Hall 1.50 General HistorJ^ Sheldon 1.60 ♦Old South Leaflets, 33 Nos., each 05 History Topics, Allen 35 State and Fed. Governments of the U. S., Wilson 50 TVip American Citizen, Dole 90 Ci)m;>arative VieM^ of Governments, Wenzel 80 ' Siiu'Les in American History, Sheldon— Barnes... 1.13