THAILAND. LEGAL ASPECTS AND UNDERLYING FACTS CONCERNING THE QUESTION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION If the term "racial discrimination" (in its vernacular form) is understood by the mass of the Thai people, it is not because they originated it. The Thai themselves are oblivious of racial or genetic physical differences. They tend to think highly of their own culture but have no feelings of racial superiority. 1/ This is true because the people of Thailand are composed of several ethnic groups, among which the Thai comprise an overwhelming majority. The Chinese form the second largest group, which seven significant minorities (much smaller in size), combined with more than 20 minor groups, constitute the remainder of the population of approximately 25 million 2/ of this Texas-sized Southeast Asian country. The number of Chinese residing in Thailand is variously given, depending on the source and method of classification. Estimates of the number of Thai citizens of Chinese descent vary between 1 and 3 million, 3/ although the census of 1947 4/ numbered only 358,937 Chinese of Thai nationality and 476,516 non-citizen Chinese. ------------ 1/ Blanchard, Wendell, et al. Thailand: Its people, its society, its culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. p. 56. 2/ Ratha sapha san (The Assembly Journal). Bangkok, Sasnakngan lekhathikan sapha phu thaen rasadon, vol. 8, pt. 9, August 1960. p. 168. 3/ Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Pp. 22, 23, 26. 4/ Thailand National Economic Council (Central Statistical Office), Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). p. 50.THAILAND. LEGAL ASPECTS AND UNDERLYING FACTS CONCERNING THE QUESTION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION If the term "racial discrimination" (in its vernacular form) is understood by the mass of the Thai people, it is not because they originated it. The Thai themselves are oblivious of racial or genetic physical differences. They tend to think highly of their own culture but have no feelings of racial superiority. 1/ This is true because the people of Thailand are composed of several ethnic groups, among which the Thai comprise an overwhelming majority. The Chinese form the second largest group, which seven significant minorities (much smaller in size), combined with more than 20 minor groups, constitute the remainder of the population of approximately 25 million 2/ of this Texas-sized Southeast Asian country. The number of Chinese residing in Thailand is variously given, depending on the source and method of classification. Estimates of the number of Thai citizens of Chinese descent vary between 1 and 3 million, 3/ although the census of 1947 4/ numbered only 358,937 Chinese of Thai nationality and 476,516 non-citizen Chinese. ------------ 1/ Blanchard, Wendell, et al. Thailand: Its people, its society, its culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. p. 56. 2/ Ratha sapha san (The Assembly Journal). Bangkok, Sasnakngan lekhathikan sapha phu thaen rasadon, vol. 8, pt. 9, August 1960. p. 168. 3/ Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Pp. 22, 23, 26. 4/ Thailand National Economic Council (Central Statistical Office), Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). p. 50.THAILAND. LEGAL ASPECTS AND UNDERLYING FACTS CONCERNING THE QUESTION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION If the term "racial discrimination" (in its vernacular form) is understood by the mass of the Thai people, it is not because they originated it. The Thai themselves are oblivious of racial or genetic physical differences. They tend to think highly of their own culture but have no feelings of racial superiority. 1/ This is true because the people of Thailand are composed of several ethnic groups, among which the Thai comprise an overwhelming majority. The Chinese form the second largest group, which seven significant minorities (much smaller in size), combined with more than 20 minor groups, constitute the remainder of the population of approximately 25 million 2/ of this Texas-sized Southeast Asian country. The number of Chinese residing in Thailand is variously given, depending on the source and method of classification. Estimates of the number of Thai citizens of Chinese descent vary between 1 and 3 million, 3/ although the census of 1947 4/ numbered only 358,937 Chinese of Thai nationality and 476,516 non-citizen Chinese. ------------ 1/ Blanchard, Wendell, et al. Thailand: Its people, its society, its culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. p. 56. 2/ Ratha sapha san (The Assembly Journal). Bangkok, Sasnakngan lekhathikan sapha phu thaen rasadon, vol. 8, pt. 9, August 1960. p. 168. 3/ Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Pp. 22, 23, 26. 4/ Thailand National Economic Council (Central Statistical Office), Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). p. 50.THAILAND. LEGAL ASPECTS AND UNDERLYING FACTS CONCERNING THE QUESTION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION If the term "racial discrimination" (in its vernacular form) is understood by the mass of the Thai people, it is not because they originated it. The Thai themselves are oblivious of racial or genetic physical differences. They tend to think highly of their own culture but have no feelings of racial superiority. 1/ This is true because the people of Thailand are composed of several ethnic groups, among which the Thai comprise an overwhelming majority. The Chinese form the second largest group, which seven significant minorities (much smaller in size), combined with more than 20 minor groups, constitute the remainder of the population of approximately 25 million 2/ of this Texas-sized Southeast Asian country. The number of Chinese residing in Thailand is variously given, depending on the source and method of classification. Estimates of the number of Thai citizens of Chinese descent vary between 1 and 3 million, 3/ although the census of 1947 4/ numbered only 358,937 Chinese of Thai nationality and 476,516 non-citizen Chinese. ------------ 1/ Blanchard, Wendell, et al. Thailand: Its people, its society, its culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. p. 56. 2/ Ratha sapha san (The Assembly Journal). Bangkok, Sasnakngan lekhathikan sapha phu thaen rasadon, vol. 8, pt. 9, August 1960. p. 168. 3/ Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Pp. 22, 23, 26. 4/ Thailand National Economic Council (Central Statistical Office), Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). p. 50.THAILAND. LEGAL ASPECTS AND UNDERLYING FACTS CONCERNING THE QUESTION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION If the term "racial discrimination" (in its vernacular form) is understood by the mass of the Thai people, it is not because they originated it. The Thai themselves are oblivious of racial or genetic physical differences. They tend to think highly of their own culture but have no feelings of racial superiority. 1/ This is true because the people of Thailand are composed of several ethnic groups, among which the Thai comprise an overwhelming majority. The Chinese form the second largest group, which seven significant minorities (much smaller in size), combined with more than 20 minor groups, constitute the remainder of the population of approximately 25 million 2/ of this Texas-sized Southeast Asian country. The number of Chinese residing in Thailand is variously given, depending on the source and method of classification. Estimates of the number of Thai citizens of Chinese descent vary between 1 and 3 million, 3/ although the census of 1947 4/ numbered only 358,937 Chinese of Thai nationality and 476,516 non-citizen Chinese. ------------ 1/ Blanchard, Wendell, et al. Thailand: Its people, its society, its culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. p. 56. 2/ Ratha sapha san (The Assembly Journal). Bangkok, Sasnakngan lekhathikan sapha phu thaen rasadon, vol. 8, pt. 9, August 1960. p. 168. 3/ Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Pp. 22, 23, 26. 4/ Thailand National Economic Council (Central Statistical Office), Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). p. 50.- 2 - Historically, the Thai retreated from Chinese pressure into the Indo-Chinese Peninsula and established a new kingdom at the turn of the thirteenth century. As the Thai expanded farther to the south they fought in the beginning with the aboriginal Khmer (Cambodians). Later, they engaged in a four-century war with the neighboring Burmese. Having survived the wars, the Thai kingdom was finally reunited in 1767 with Bangkok as its capitol. 5/ In cognisance of the fact that unity of its ethnic groups is essential to the nation's integrity, the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 6/ of B.E. 2475 (1932), as amended by the Constitutional Amendments of B.E. 2495 (1952), provides in Section 1: Thailand is a kingdom, one and indivisible. The Thai people, irrespective of birth or religion, are equally under the protection of this Constitution. Nevertheless, constitutionalism in Thailand did not result from a hard-won victory of public demand; it was introduced to the people by a group of civil and military officers in 1932. For almost three decades, the experiment of constitutional monarchy in Thailand has failed to change the indifference attitude of the great mass of the population. In 29 years, Thailand has had 7 constitutions, and a new one is now being prepared by a Constituent Assembly (composed ----------- 5/ Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai (The History of the Thai). Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). 235 p. 6/ This Consitution was abrogated by Proclamation No. 3 of the Revolutionary Group, dated October 20, 1958. As a matter of legal technicality, the King proclaimed the Interim Constitution on January 28, 1959, although it was countersigned by the Head of the Revolutionary Group, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.- 2 - Historically, the Thai retreated from Chinese pressure into the Indo-Chinese Peninsula and established a new kingdom at the turn of the thirteenth century. As the Thai expanded farther to the south they fought in the beginning with the aboriginal Khmer (Cambodians). Later, they engaged in a four-century war with the neighboring Burmese. Having survived the wars, the Thai kingdom was finally reunited in 1767 with Bangkok as its capitol. 5/ In cognisance of the fact that unity of its ethnic groups is essential to the nation's integrity, the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 6/ of B.E. 2475 (1932), as amended by the Constitutional Amendments of B.E. 2495 (1952), provides in Section 1: Thailand is a kingdom, one and indivisible. The Thai people, irrespective of birth or religion, are equally under the protection of this Constitution. Nevertheless, constitutionalism in Thailand did not result from a hard-won victory of public demand; it was introduced to the people by a group of civil and military officers in 1932. For almost three decades, the experiment of constitutional monarchy in Thailand has failed to change the indifference attitude of the great mass of the population. In 29 years, Thailand has had 7 constitutions, and a new one is now being prepared by a Constituent Assembly (composed ----------- 5/ Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai (The History of the Thai). Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). 235 p. 6/ This Consitution was abrogated by Proclamation No. 3 of the Revolutionary Group, dated October 20, 1958. As a matter of legal technicality, the King proclaimed the Interim Constitution on January 28, 1959, although it was countersigned by the Head of the Revolutionary Group, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.- 2 - Historically, the Thai retreated from Chinese pressure into the Indo-Chinese Peninsula and established a new kingdom at the turn of the thirteenth century. As the Thai expanded farther to the south they fought in the beginning with the aboriginal Khmer (Cambodians). Later, they engaged in a four-century war with the neighboring Burmese. Having survived the wars, the Thai kingdom was finally reunited in 1767 with Bangkok as its capitol. 5/ In cognisance of the fact that unity of its ethnic groups is essential to the nation's integrity, the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 6/ of B.E. 2475 (1932), as amended by the Constitutional Amendments of B.E. 2495 (1952), provides in Section 1: Thailand is a kingdom, one and indivisible. The Thai people, irrespective of birth or religion, are equally under the protection of this Constitution. Nevertheless, constitutionalism in Thailand did not result from a hard-won victory of public demand; it was introduced to the people by a group of civil and military officers in 1932. For almost three decades, the experiment of constitutional monarchy in Thailand has failed to change the indifference attitude of the great mass of the population. In 29 years, Thailand has had 7 constitutions, and a new one is now being prepared by a Constituent Assembly (composed ----------- 5/ Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai (The History of the Thai). Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). 235 p. 6/ This Consitution was abrogated by Proclamation No. 3 of the Revolutionary Group, dated October 20, 1958. As a matter of legal technicality, the King proclaimed the Interim Constitution on January 28, 1959, although it was countersigned by the Head of the Revolutionary Group, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.- 2 - Historically, the Thai retreated from Chinese pressure into the Indo-Chinese Peninsula and established a new kingdom at the turn of the thirteenth century. As the Thai expanded farther to the south they fought in the beginning with the aboriginal Khmer (Cambodians). Later, they engaged in a four-century war with the neighboring Burmese. Having survived the wars, the Thai kingdom was finally reunited in 1767 with Bangkok as its capitol. 5/ In cognisance of the fact that unity of its ethnic groups is essential to the nation's integrity, the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 6/ of B.E. 2475 (1932), as amended by the Constitutional Amendments of B.E. 2495 (1952), provides in Section 1: Thailand is a kingdom, one and indivisible. The Thai people, irrespective of birth or religion, are equally under the protection of this Constitution. Nevertheless, constitutionalism in Thailand did not result from a hard-won victory of public demand; it was introduced to the people by a group of civil and military officers in 1932. For almost three decades, the experiment of constitutional monarchy in Thailand has failed to change the indifference attitude of the great mass of the population. In 29 years, Thailand has had 7 constitutions, and a new one is now being prepared by a Constituent Assembly (composed ----------- 5/ Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai (The History of the Thai). Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). 235 p. 6/ This Consitution was abrogated by Proclamation No. 3 of the Revolutionary Group, dated October 20, 1958. As a matter of legal technicality, the King proclaimed the Interim Constitution on January 28, 1959, although it was countersigned by the Head of the Revolutionary Group, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.- 2 - Historically, the Thai retreated from Chinese pressure into the Indo-Chinese Peninsula and established a new kingdom at the turn of the thirteenth century. As the Thai expanded farther to the south they fought in the beginning with the aboriginal Khmer (Cambodians). Later, they engaged in a four-century war with the neighboring Burmese. Having survived the wars, the Thai kingdom was finally reunited in 1767 with Bangkok as its capitol. 5/ In cognisance of the fact that unity of its ethnic groups is essential to the nation's integrity, the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 6/ of B.E. 2475 (1932), as amended by the Constitutional Amendments of B.E. 2495 (1952), provides in Section 1: Thailand is a kingdom, one and indivisible. The Thai people, irrespective of birth or religion, are equally under the protection of this Constitution. Nevertheless, constitutionalism in Thailand did not result from a hard-won victory of public demand; it was introduced to the people by a group of civil and military officers in 1932. For almost three decades, the experiment of constitutional monarchy in Thailand has failed to change the indifference attitude of the great mass of the population. In 29 years, Thailand has had 7 constitutions, and a new one is now being prepared by a Constituent Assembly (composed ----------- 5/ Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai (The History of the Thai). Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). 235 p. 6/ This Consitution was abrogated by Proclamation No. 3 of the Revolutionary Group, dated October 20, 1958. As a matter of legal technicality, the King proclaimed the Interim Constitution on January 28, 1959, although it was countersigned by the Head of the Revolutionary Group, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.- 3 - entirely of appointed members). 7/ As is always the case, the change of constitution was initiated by a revolutionary group. In view of these facts, it may be asked whether the principle of constitutionalism in Thailand is valid, and whether the basic rights of the people will be affected one way or another by the change. The research group of Human Relations Area Files sizes up the prevailing situation in Thailand in this way: The politicians ardently advocate the theory of Constitutions but do not always appear to understand the spirit of a constitutional regime. There is no tradition of power curbed by law; there is a strong tradition of untrammeled personal power. Consequently, the rulers of modern Thailand have not hesitated to violate the letter and spirit of the basic law or to replace one basic law with another. The Constitution may rule supreme in theory, but personality rules in fact. The Constitution is useful to the leader more as a catchword and a convenient rationalization than as a code of conduct. It cannot be said to set firm limits to the exercise of political power, and it is violated in day-to-day police and administrative activity. 8/ No date has been set for completion of the permanent Constitution to be drafted by the appointed Constituent Assembly (which also acts as the National Assembly, As the situation now stands, there seem to be loose ends in the Interim Constitution from a legal viewpoint. The provisions affirming the people's basic rights, which always appeared in the ---------- 7/ Interim Constitution, Section 7. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version), vol. 2, no. CXXV, February 7, 1959. p. 83. 8/ Blanchard, Wendell et al. op. cit., pp. 167-168.- 3 - entirely of appointed members). 7/ As is always the case, the change of constitution was initiated by a revolutionary group. In view of these facts, it may be asked whether the principle of constitutionalism in Thailand is valid, and whether the basic rights of the people will be affected one way or another by the change. The research group of Human Relations Area Files sizes up the prevailing situation in Thailand in this way: The politicians ardently advocate the theory of Constitutions but do not always appear to understand the spirit of a constitutional regime. There is no tradition of power curbed by law; there is a strong tradition of untrammeled personal power. Consequently, the rulers of modern Thailand have not hesitated to violate the letter and spirit of the basic law or to replace one basic law with another. The Constitution may rule supreme in theory, but personality rules in fact. The Constitution is useful to the leader more as a catchword and a convenient rationalization than as a code of conduct. It cannot be said to set firm limits to the exercise of political power, and it is violated in day-to-day police and administrative activity. 8/ No date has been set for completion of the permanent Constitution to be drafted by the appointed Constituent Assembly (which also acts as the National Assembly, As the situation now stands, there seem to be loose ends in the Interim Constitution from a legal viewpoint. The provisions affirming the people's basic rights, which always appeared in the ---------- 7/ Interim Constitution, Section 7. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version), vol. 2, no. CXXV, February 7, 1959. p. 83. 8/ Blanchard, Wendell et al. op. cit., pp. 167-168.- 3 - entirely of appointed members). 7/ As is always the case, the change of constitution was initiated by a revolutionary group. In view of these facts, it may be asked whether the principle of constitutionalism in Thailand is valid, and whether the basic rights of the people will be affected one way or another by the change. The research group of Human Relations Area Files sizes up the prevailing situation in Thailand in this way: The politicians ardently advocate the theory of Constitutions but do not always appear to understand the spirit of a constitutional regime. There is no tradition of power curbed by law; there is a strong tradition of untrammeled personal power. Consequently, the rulers of modern Thailand have not hesitated to violate the letter and spirit of the basic law or to replace one basic law with another. The Constitution may rule supreme in theory, but personality rules in fact. The Constitution is useful to the leader more as a catchword and a convenient rationalization than as a code of conduct. It cannot be said to set firm limits to the exercise of political power, and it is violated in day-to-day police and administrative activity. 8/ No date has been set for completion of the permanent Constitution to be drafted by the appointed Constituent Assembly (which also acts as the National Assembly, As the situation now stands, there seem to be loose ends in the Interim Constitution from a legal viewpoint. The provisions affirming the people's basic rights, which always appeared in the ---------- 7/ Interim Constitution, Section 7. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version), vol. 2, no. CXXV, February 7, 1959. p. 83. 8/ Blanchard, Wendell et al. op. cit., pp. 167-168.- 3 - entirely of appointed members). 7/ As is always the case, the change of constitution was initiated by a revolutionary group. In view of these facts, it may be asked whether the principle of constitutionalism in Thailand is valid, and whether the basic rights of the people will be affected one way or another by the change. The research group of Human Relations Area Files sizes up the prevailing situation in Thailand in this way: The politicians ardently advocate the theory of Constitutions but do not always appear to understand the spirit of a constitutional regime. There is no tradition of power curbed by law; there is a strong tradition of untrammeled personal power. Consequently, the rulers of modern Thailand have not hesitated to violate the letter and spirit of the basic law or to replace one basic law with another. The Constitution may rule supreme in theory, but personality rules in fact. The Constitution is useful to the leader more as a catchword and a convenient rationalization than as a code of conduct. It cannot be said to set firm limits to the exercise of political power, and it is violated in day-to-day police and administrative activity. 8/ No date has been set for completion of the permanent Constitution to be drafted by the appointed Constituent Assembly (which also acts as the National Assembly, As the situation now stands, there seem to be loose ends in the Interim Constitution from a legal viewpoint. The provisions affirming the people's basic rights, which always appeared in the ---------- 7/ Interim Constitution, Section 7. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version), vol. 2, no. CXXV, February 7, 1959. p. 83. 8/ Blanchard, Wendell et al. op. cit., pp. 167-168.- 3 - entirely of appointed members). 7/ As is always the case, the change of constitution was initiated by a revolutionary group. In view of these facts, it may be asked whether the principle of constitutionalism in Thailand is valid, and whether the basic rights of the people will be affected one way or another by the change. The research group of Human Relations Area Files sizes up the prevailing situation in Thailand in this way: The politicians ardently advocate the theory of Constitutions but do not always appear to understand the spirit of a constitutional regime. There is no tradition of power curbed by law; there is a strong tradition of untrammeled personal power. Consequently, the rulers of modern Thailand have not hesitated to violate the letter and spirit of the basic law or to replace one basic law with another. The Constitution may rule supreme in theory, but personality rules in fact. The Constitution is useful to the leader more as a catchword and a convenient rationalization than as a code of conduct. It cannot be said to set firm limits to the exercise of political power, and it is violated in day-to-day police and administrative activity. 8/ No date has been set for completion of the permanent Constitution to be drafted by the appointed Constituent Assembly (which also acts as the National Assembly, As the situation now stands, there seem to be loose ends in the Interim Constitution from a legal viewpoint. The provisions affirming the people's basic rights, which always appeared in the ---------- 7/ Interim Constitution, Section 7. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version), vol. 2, no. CXXV, February 7, 1959. p. 83. 8/ Blanchard, Wendell et al. op. cit., pp. 167-168.- 4 - texts of the former Constitutions, are omitted. Although the Interim Constitution itself is apparently a confirmation that the theory of constitutional regime still applies, several of its provisions are inconsistent with one another, a state of affairs which hardly supports constitutionalism. Section 1 reads: "The sovereign power emanates from the Thai people." 9/ But the people themselves are by no means represented. The first paragraph of Section 20 reads: "In a case where no specific provisions of the present Constitution are applicable, the decision shall be based on Thai constitutional practices." 10/ Nevertheless, Thai constitutional practices are not likely to be applicable under Section 17 which rules: During the enforcement of the present Constitution, whenever the Prime Minister deems appropriate for the purpose of repressing or suppressing activities whether of internal or external origin which jeopardize the national security or the throne or subvert or threaten law and order, the Prime Minister, by resolution of the Council of Ministers, is empowered to issue orders or take steps accordingly. Such orders or steps shall be considered legal. All orders issues and steps taken by the Prime Minister in accordance with the provisions of the foregoing paragraph shall be made known to the National Assembly. 11/ ----------- 9/ Interim Constitution, op. cit., p. 83. 10/ Ibid., p. 85. 11/ Ibid., p. 85.- 4 - texts of the former Constitutions, are omitted. Although the Interim Constitution itself is apparently a confirmation that the theory of constitutional regime still applies, several of its provisions are inconsistent with one another, a state of affairs which hardly supports constitutionalism. Section 1 reads: "The sovereign power emanates from the Thai people." 9/ But the people themselves are by no means represented. The first paragraph of Section 20 reads: "In a case where no specific provisions of the present Constitution are applicable, the decision shall be based on Thai constitutional practices." 10/ Nevertheless, Thai constitutional practices are not likely to be applicable under Section 17 which rules: During the enforcement of the present Constitution, whenever the Prime Minister deems appropriate for the purpose of repressing or suppressing activities whether of internal or external origin which jeopardize the national security or the throne or subvert or threaten law and order, the Prime Minister, by resolution of the Council of Ministers, is empowered to issue orders or take steps accordingly. Such orders or steps shall be considered legal. All orders issues and steps taken by the Prime Minister in accordance with the provisions of the foregoing paragraph shall be made known to the National Assembly. 11/ ----------- 9/ Interim Constitution, op. cit., p. 83. 10/ Ibid., p. 85. 11/ Ibid., p. 85.- 4 - texts of the former Constitutions, are omitted. Although the Interim Constitution itself is apparently a confirmation that the theory of constitutional regime still applies, several of its provisions are inconsistent with one another, a state of affairs which hardly supports constitutionalism. Section 1 reads: "The sovereign power emanates from the Thai people." 9/ But the people themselves are by no means represented. The first paragraph of Section 20 reads: "In a case where no specific provisions of the present Constitution are applicable, the decision shall be based on Thai constitutional practices." 10/ Nevertheless, Thai constitutional practices are not likely to be applicable under Section 17 which rules: During the enforcement of the present Constitution, whenever the Prime Minister deems appropriate for the purpose of repressing or suppressing activities whether of internal or external origin which jeopardize the national security or the throne or subvert or threaten law and order, the Prime Minister, by resolution of the Council of Ministers, is empowered to issue orders or take steps accordingly. Such orders or steps shall be considered legal. All orders issues and steps taken by the Prime Minister in accordance with the provisions of the foregoing paragraph shall be made known to the National Assembly. 11/ ----------- 9/ Interim Constitution, op. cit., p. 83. 10/ Ibid., p. 85. 11/ Ibid., p. 85.- 4 - texts of the former Constitutions, are omitted. Although the Interim Constitution itself is apparently a confirmation that the theory of constitutional regime still applies, several of its provisions are inconsistent with one another, a state of affairs which hardly supports constitutionalism. Section 1 reads: "The sovereign power emanates from the Thai people." 9/ But the people themselves are by no means represented. The first paragraph of Section 20 reads: "In a case where no specific provisions of the present Constitution are applicable, the decision shall be based on Thai constitutional practices." 10/ Nevertheless, Thai constitutional practices are not likely to be applicable under Section 17 which rules: During the enforcement of the present Constitution, whenever the Prime Minister deems appropriate for the purpose of repressing or suppressing activities whether of internal or external origin which jeopardize the national security or the throne or subvert or threaten law and order, the Prime Minister, by resolution of the Council of Ministers, is empowered to issue orders or take steps accordingly. Such orders or steps shall be considered legal. All orders issues and steps taken by the Prime Minister in accordance with the provisions of the foregoing paragraph shall be made known to the National Assembly. 11/ ----------- 9/ Interim Constitution, op. cit., p. 83. 10/ Ibid., p. 85. 11/ Ibid., p. 85.- 4 - texts of the former Constitutions, are omitted. Although the Interim Constitution itself is apparently a confirmation that the theory of constitutional regime still applies, several of its provisions are inconsistent with one another, a state of affairs which hardly supports constitutionalism. Section 1 reads: "The sovereign power emanates from the Thai people." 9/ But the people themselves are by no means represented. The first paragraph of Section 20 reads: "In a case where no specific provisions of the present Constitution are applicable, the decision shall be based on Thai constitutional practices." 10/ Nevertheless, Thai constitutional practices are not likely to be applicable under Section 17 which rules: During the enforcement of the present Constitution, whenever the Prime Minister deems appropriate for the purpose of repressing or suppressing activities whether of internal or external origin which jeopardize the national security or the throne or subvert or threaten law and order, the Prime Minister, by resolution of the Council of Ministers, is empowered to issue orders or take steps accordingly. Such orders or steps shall be considered legal. All orders issues and steps taken by the Prime Minister in accordance with the provisions of the foregoing paragraph shall be made known to the National Assembly. 11/ ----------- 9/ Interim Constitution, op. cit., p. 83. 10/ Ibid., p. 85. 11/ Ibid., p. 85.- 5 - Evidently, as the Revolutionary Group claimed in justification of the latest coup d'etat, Section 17 is phrased so as to provide absolute power for the government in dealing with the extensive Communist movement in Thailand. Section 17 has resulted in the capital punishment of four Thai men, at the resolution of the Council of Ministers. Nai Sila Wong(s)sin was shot on June 26, 1959, by a firing squad for leading a riot so as to jeopardize the national security. 12/ Nai Suphachai Srisoti received the same penalty on July 6, 1959, for engaging in Communist activities so as to endanger the national security. 13/ Recently, Nai Khrong Chandawong(s) and Nai Thongphan(thu) Suthimat were sentenced to meet the same fate for insurrection in the North- eastern provinces which adjoin the Laotian border. The official communique' issued on May 31, 1961, states that this action was taken so that "the national security and the Throne can be safeguarded; and the precedent is set so as to discourage such wrongdoing." 14/ In its official communique' of August 26, 1960, the government made clear its intention of enforcing Section 17 of the Interim Constitution. The communique' reads in part: This government has then decided to resist strongly all Communist activities with the procedure of Martial Law, with the revolutionary power as authorized in ---------- 12/ Sapha(h)san (The Weekly Journal), Bangkok, vol. 2, no. 35, January 9, 2563 B.E. (1960), p. 10. 13/ Ibid. 14/ Ibid., vol. 4, no. 5, June 10, 2504 B.E. (1961), p. 11.- 5 - Evidently, as the Revolutionary Group claimed in justification of the latest coup d'etat, Section 17 is phrased so as to provide absolute power for the government in dealing with the extensive Communist movement in Thailand. Section 17 has resulted in the capital punishment of four Thai men, at the resolution of the Council of Ministers. Nai Sila Wong(s)sin was shot on June 26, 1959, by a firing squad for leading a riot so as to jeopardize the national security. 12/ Nai Suphachai Srisoti received the same penalty on July 6, 1959, for engaging in Communist activities so as to endanger the national security. 13/ Recently, Nai Khrong Chandawong(s) and Nai Thongphan(thu) Suthimat were sentenced to meet the same fate for insurrection in the North- eastern provinces which adjoin the Laotian border. The official communique' issued on May 31, 1961, states that this action was taken so that "the national security and the Throne can be safeguarded; and the precedent is set so as to discourage such wrongdoing." 14/ In its official communique' of August 26, 1960, the government made clear its intention of enforcing Section 17 of the Interim Constitution. The communique' reads in part: This government has then decided to resist strongly all Communist activities with the procedure of Martial Law, with the revolutionary power as authorized in ---------- 12/ Sapha(h)san (The Weekly Journal), Bangkok, vol. 2, no. 35, January 9, 2563 B.E. (1960), p. 10. 13/ Ibid. 14/ Ibid., vol. 4, no. 5, June 10, 2504 B.E. (1961), p. 11.- 5 - Evidently, as the Revolutionary Group claimed in justification of the latest coup d'etat, Section 17 is phrased so as to provide absolute power for the government in dealing with the extensive Communist movement in Thailand. Section 17 has resulted in the capital punishment of four Thai men, at the resolution of the Council of Ministers. Nai Sila Wong(s)sin was shot on June 26, 1959, by a firing squad for leading a riot so as to jeopardize the national security. 12/ Nai Suphachai Srisoti received the same penalty on July 6, 1959, for engaging in Communist activities so as to endanger the national security. 13/ Recently, Nai Khrong Chandawong(s) and Nai Thongphan(thu) Suthimat were sentenced to meet the same fate for insurrection in the North- eastern provinces which adjoin the Laotian border. The official communique' issued on May 31, 1961, states that this action was taken so that "the national security and the Throne can be safeguarded; and the precedent is set so as to discourage such wrongdoing." 14/ In its official communique' of August 26, 1960, the government made clear its intention of enforcing Section 17 of the Interim Constitution. The communique' reads in part: This government has then decided to resist strongly all Communist activities with the procedure of Martial Law, with the revolutionary power as authorized in ---------- 12/ Sapha(h)san (The Weekly Journal), Bangkok, vol. 2, no. 35, January 9, 2563 B.E. (1960), p. 10. 13/ Ibid. 14/ Ibid., vol. 4, no. 5, June 10, 2504 B.E. (1961), p. 11.- 5 - Evidently, as the Revolutionary Group claimed in justification of the latest coup d'etat, Section 17 is phrased so as to provide absolute power for the government in dealing with the extensive Communist movement in Thailand. Section 17 has resulted in the capital punishment of four Thai men, at the resolution of the Council of Ministers. Nai Sila Wong(s)sin was shot on June 26, 1959, by a firing squad for leading a riot so as to jeopardize the national security. 12/ Nai Suphachai Srisoti received the same penalty on July 6, 1959, for engaging in Communist activities so as to endanger the national security. 13/ Recently, Nai Khrong Chandawong(s) and Nai Thongphan(thu) Suthimat were sentenced to meet the same fate for insurrection in the North- eastern provinces which adjoin the Laotian border. The official communique' issued on May 31, 1961, states that this action was taken so that "the national security and the Throne can be safeguarded; and the precedent is set so as to discourage such wrongdoing." 14/ In its official communique' of August 26, 1960, the government made clear its intention of enforcing Section 17 of the Interim Constitution. The communique' reads in part: This government has then decided to resist strongly all Communist activities with the procedure of Martial Law, with the revolutionary power as authorized in ---------- 12/ Sapha(h)san (The Weekly Journal), Bangkok, vol. 2, no. 35, January 9, 2563 B.E. (1960), p. 10. 13/ Ibid. 14/ Ibid., vol. 4, no. 5, June 10, 2504 B.E. (1961), p. 11.- 5 - Evidently, as the Revolutionary Group claimed in justification of the latest coup d'etat, Section 17 is phrased so as to provide absolute power for the government in dealing with the extensive Communist movement in Thailand. Section 17 has resulted in the capital punishment of four Thai men, at the resolution of the Council of Ministers. Nai Sila Wong(s)sin was shot on June 26, 1959, by a firing squad for leading a riot so as to jeopardize the national security. 12/ Nai Suphachai Srisoti received the same penalty on July 6, 1959, for engaging in Communist activities so as to endanger the national security. 13/ Recently, Nai Khrong Chandawong(s) and Nai Thongphan(thu) Suthimat were sentenced to meet the same fate for insurrection in the North- eastern provinces which adjoin the Laotian border. The official communique' issued on May 31, 1961, states that this action was taken so that "the national security and the Throne can be safeguarded; and the precedent is set so as to discourage such wrongdoing." 14/ In its official communique' of August 26, 1960, the government made clear its intention of enforcing Section 17 of the Interim Constitution. The communique' reads in part: This government has then decided to resist strongly all Communist activities with the procedure of Martial Law, with the revolutionary power as authorized in ---------- 12/ Sapha(h)san (The Weekly Journal), Bangkok, vol. 2, no. 35, January 9, 2563 B.E. (1960), p. 10. 13/ Ibid. 14/ Ibid., vol. 4, no. 5, June 10, 2504 B.E. (1961), p. 11.- 6 - Section 17 of the Interim Constitution, and with all its forces on call to safeguard the nation and the people. The government shall pursue all actions having to do with Communist movements. If any Communist is arrested with strong evidence against him, he shall be punished with the maximum penalty as provided by law, and/or as authorized in the Interim Constitution. 15/ As against these drastic measures practices by the present revolutionary government of Thailand, no instance of the abuse of power for the purpose of discrimination has been found. Except for this specific law, the country still functions under the statutory laws empowering the governmental agencies to act for the national interest in their several areas of administration. Among these are the Nationality Act, the Immigration Act, the Alien Registration Act, the Vocational Assistance to Thais Act, the Land Code, the Rules on Allocation of Land for the People's Livelihood, and many others which perpetuate the strong policy of nationalism. In order to determine the extent to which discrimination in Thailand, racial or against aliens or any group of the population, is a possibility or reality, it will be necessary to make a review beyond the scope of law. A Thai government under any regime must always face the two minority problems developing from the behavior and cultural -------- 15/ Ratha saphasan, op. cit., vol. 8, pt. 10, September 1960, p. 145.- 6 - Section 17 of the Interim Constitution, and with all its forces on call to safeguard the nation and the people. The government shall pursue all actions having to do with Communist movements. If any Communist is arrested with strong evidence against him, he shall be punished with the maximum penalty as provided by law, and/or as authorized in the Interim Constitution. 15/ As against these drastic measures practices by the present revolutionary government of Thailand, no instance of the abuse of power for the purpose of discrimination has been found. Except for this specific law, the country still functions under the statutory laws empowering the governmental agencies to act for the national interest in their several areas of administration. Among these are the Nationality Act, the Immigration Act, the Alien Registration Act, the Vocational Assistance to Thais Act, the Land Code, the Rules on Allocation of Land for the People's Livelihood, and many others which perpetuate the strong policy of nationalism. In order to determine the extent to which discrimination in Thailand, racial or against aliens or any group of the population, is a possibility or reality, it will be necessary to make a review beyond the scope of law. A Thai government under any regime must always face the two minority problems developing from the behavior and cultural -------- 15/ Ratha saphasan, op. cit., vol. 8, pt. 10, September 1960, p. 145.- 6 - Section 17 of the Interim Constitution, and with all its forces on call to safeguard the nation and the people. The government shall pursue all actions having to do with Communist movements. If any Communist is arrested with strong evidence against him, he shall be punished with the maximum penalty as provided by law, and/or as authorized in the Interim Constitution. 15/ As against these drastic measures practices by the present revolutionary government of Thailand, no instance of the abuse of power for the purpose of discrimination has been found. Except for this specific law, the country still functions under the statutory laws empowering the governmental agencies to act for the national interest in their several areas of administration. Among these are the Nationality Act, the Immigration Act, the Alien Registration Act, the Vocational Assistance to Thais Act, the Land Code, the Rules on Allocation of Land for the People's Livelihood, and many others which perpetuate the strong policy of nationalism. In order to determine the extent to which discrimination in Thailand, racial or against aliens or any group of the population, is a possibility or reality, it will be necessary to make a review beyond the scope of law. A Thai government under any regime must always face the two minority problems developing from the behavior and cultural -------- 15/ Ratha saphasan, op. cit., vol. 8, pt. 10, September 1960, p. 145.- 6 - Section 17 of the Interim Constitution, and with all its forces on call to safeguard the nation and the people. The government shall pursue all actions having to do with Communist movements. If any Communist is arrested with strong evidence against him, he shall be punished with the maximum penalty as provided by law, and/or as authorized in the Interim Constitution. 15/ As against these drastic measures practices by the present revolutionary government of Thailand, no instance of the abuse of power for the purpose of discrimination has been found. Except for this specific law, the country still functions under the statutory laws empowering the governmental agencies to act for the national interest in their several areas of administration. Among these are the Nationality Act, the Immigration Act, the Alien Registration Act, the Vocational Assistance to Thais Act, the Land Code, the Rules on Allocation of Land for the People's Livelihood, and many others which perpetuate the strong policy of nationalism. In order to determine the extent to which discrimination in Thailand, racial or against aliens or any group of the population, is a possibility or reality, it will be necessary to make a review beyond the scope of law. A Thai government under any regime must always face the two minority problems developing from the behavior and cultural -------- 15/ Ratha saphasan, op. cit., vol. 8, pt. 10, September 1960, p. 145.- 6 - Section 17 of the Interim Constitution, and with all its forces on call to safeguard the nation and the people. The government shall pursue all actions having to do with Communist movements. If any Communist is arrested with strong evidence against him, he shall be punished with the maximum penalty as provided by law, and/or as authorized in the Interim Constitution. 15/ As against these drastic measures practices by the present revolutionary government of Thailand, no instance of the abuse of power for the purpose of discrimination has been found. Except for this specific law, the country still functions under the statutory laws empowering the governmental agencies to act for the national interest in their several areas of administration. Among these are the Nationality Act, the Immigration Act, the Alien Registration Act, the Vocational Assistance to Thais Act, the Land Code, the Rules on Allocation of Land for the People's Livelihood, and many others which perpetuate the strong policy of nationalism. In order to determine the extent to which discrimination in Thailand, racial or against aliens or any group of the population, is a possibility or reality, it will be necessary to make a review beyond the scope of law. A Thai government under any regime must always face the two minority problems developing from the behavior and cultural -------- 15/ Ratha saphasan, op. cit., vol. 8, pt. 10, September 1960, p. 145.-7- patterns of the two large ethnic groups, the Chinese and the Moslems. The Chinese as the largest minority tend to present an "alien-type" problem, while the second largest group, the Moslems, create one of a "racial type." The Chinese are an immigrant ethnic group, and the Moslems are a native one. These two large ethnic groups deliberately resist the assimilation which the Thai government, in its basic policy, would like to impose upon all permanent residents and minority groups. Problems in connection with other minor groups can be classified into one of these main types. Hence, the "alien-type" problem involves the Chinese, the Indians and Pakistanis, and the Vietnamese. The "racial-type" problem comes from the native ethnic groups, e.g. the Moslems, the Khmer (Cambodians), the Kon, the Shan, the Karen and may others. The Westerners -- the Europeans and Americans -- do not belong to either of these types since few of them consider themselves permanent residents. The "racial-type" problem concerns primarily the Moslems, whose religious customs, language, and cultural traits are at variance with those of the majority, the Thai. The Moslems constitute an almost impenetrable barrier to the government's policy of assimilating minority groups. The Moslems, who are Thai citizens, are concentrated in the four southernmost provinces of the Peninsula-- the area directly adjacent to the Federation of Malaya. The-7- patterns of the two large ethnic groups, the Chinese and the Moslems. The Chinese as the largest minority tend to present an "alien-type" problem, while the second largest group, the Moslems, create one of a "racial type." The Chinese are an immigrant ethnic group, and the Moslems are a native one. These two large ethnic groups deliberately resist the assimilation which the Thai government, in its basic policy, would like to impose upon all permanent residents and minority groups. Problems in connection with other minor groups can be classified into one of these main types. Hence, the "alien-type" problem involves the Chinese, the Indians and Pakistanis, and the Vietnamese. The "racial-type" problem comes from the native ethnic groups, e.g. the Moslems, the Khmer (Cambodians), the Kon, the Shan, the Karen and may others. The Westerners -- the Europeans and Americans -- do not belong to either of these types since few of them consider themselves permanent residents. The "racial-type" problem concerns primarily the Moslems, whose religious customs, language, and cultural traits are at variance with those of the majority, the Thai. The Moslems constitute an almost impenetrable barrier to the government's policy of assimilating minority groups. The Moslems, who are Thai citizens, are concentrated in the four southernmost provinces of the Peninsula-- the area directly adjacent to the Federation of Malaya. The-7- patterns of the two large ethnic groups, the Chinese and the Moslems. The Chinese as the largest minority tend to present an "alien-type" problem, while the second largest group, the Moslems, create one of a "racial type." The Chinese are an immigrant ethnic group, and the Moslems are a native one. These two large ethnic groups deliberately resist the assimilation which the Thai government, in its basic policy, would like to impose upon all permanent residents and minority groups. Problems in connection with other minor groups can be classified into one of these main types. Hence, the "alien-type" problem involves the Chinese, the Indians and Pakistanis, and the Vietnamese. The "racial-type" problem comes from the native ethnic groups, e.g. the Moslems, the Khmer (Cambodians), the Kon, the Shan, the Karen and may others. The Westerners -- the Europeans and Americans -- do not belong to either of these types since few of them consider themselves permanent residents. The "racial-type" problem concerns primarily the Moslems, whose religious customs, language, and cultural traits are at variance with those of the majority, the Thai. The Moslems constitute an almost impenetrable barrier to the government's policy of assimilating minority groups. The Moslems, who are Thai citizens, are concentrated in the four southernmost provinces of the Peninsula-- the area directly adjacent to the Federation of Malaya. The-7- patterns of the two large ethnic groups, the Chinese and the Moslems. The Chinese as the largest minority tend to present an "alien-type" problem, while the second largest group, the Moslems, create one of a "racial type." The Chinese are an immigrant ethnic group, and the Moslems are a native one. These two large ethnic groups deliberately resist the assimilation which the Thai government, in its basic policy, would like to impose upon all permanent residents and minority groups. Problems in connection with other minor groups can be classified into one of these main types. Hence, the "alien-type" problem involves the Chinese, the Indians and Pakistanis, and the Vietnamese. The "racial-type" problem comes from the native ethnic groups, e.g. the Moslems, the Khmer (Cambodians), the Kon, the Shan, the Karen and may others. The Westerners -- the Europeans and Americans -- do not belong to either of these types since few of them consider themselves permanent residents. The "racial-type" problem concerns primarily the Moslems, whose religious customs, language, and cultural traits are at variance with those of the majority, the Thai. The Moslems constitute an almost impenetrable barrier to the government's policy of assimilating minority groups. The Moslems, who are Thai citizens, are concentrated in the four southernmost provinces of the Peninsula-- the area directly adjacent to the Federation of Malaya. The-7- patterns of the two large ethnic groups, the Chinese and the Moslems. The Chinese as the largest minority tend to present an "alien-type" problem, while the second largest group, the Moslems, create one of a "racial type." The Chinese are an immigrant ethnic group, and the Moslems are a native one. These two large ethnic groups deliberately resist the assimilation which the Thai government, in its basic policy, would like to impose upon all permanent residents and minority groups. Problems in connection with other minor groups can be classified into one of these main types. Hence, the "alien-type" problem involves the Chinese, the Indians and Pakistanis, and the Vietnamese. The "racial-type" problem comes from the native ethnic groups, e.g. the Moslems, the Khmer (Cambodians), the Kon, the Shan, the Karen and may others. The Westerners -- the Europeans and Americans -- do not belong to either of these types since few of them consider themselves permanent residents. The "racial-type" problem concerns primarily the Moslems, whose religious customs, language, and cultural traits are at variance with those of the majority, the Thai. The Moslems constitute an almost impenetrable barrier to the government's policy of assimilating minority groups. The Moslems, who are Thai citizens, are concentrated in the four southernmost provinces of the Peninsula-- the area directly adjacent to the Federation of Malaya. The-8- Thai government officially refers to all members of the Moslem group as "Thai Islam" in order to stress the national unity of all citizens regardless of race or religion. 16/ The demographic survey 17/ of 1956 states the number of these Islamic citizens to be 756,160. Statutory laws bearing subjectively or objectively on the Islamic minority, effective in the past or at present, reflect the Thai government's passive policy toward this ethnic group. Beginning in 1901 with the enactment of the Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces, 18/ the acts promulgating the provisions of Book 5 (on Family) and Book 6 (on Succession) of the Civil and Commercial Code (1934) reaffirmed the customary rights of the Islamic minority as previously provided in those Rules. 19/ This means that civil cases concerning family and succession which have a Moslem as the plaintiff and/or defendant shall not be governed by the Law of Family and Succession as provided in the Civil and Commercial Code. Islamic common law shall apply in the procedure and judicial decision in such cases, and a senior Moslem called Toh Kali 20/ shall preside over the court. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 16/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 60. 17/ Statistical Year Book of Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. 18/ The Seven Provinces referred to at that time are now resolved into four provinces: Pattani, Yala, Satun, and Narathiwat. 19/ Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.). 20/ Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huamuang ro so-8- Thai government officially refers to all members of the Moslem group as "Thai Islam" in order to stress the national unity of all citizens regardless of race or religion. 16/ The demographic survey 17/ of 1956 states the number of these Islamic citizens to be 756,160. Statutory laws bearing subjectively or objectively on the Islamic minority, effective in the past or at present, reflect the Thai government's passive policy toward this ethnic group. Beginning in 1901 with the enactment of the Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces, 18/ the acts promulgating the provisions of Book 5 (on Family) and Book 6 (on Succession) of the Civil and Commercial Code (1934) reaffirmed the customary rights of the Islamic minority as previously provided in those Rules. 19/ This means that civil cases concerning family and succession which have a Moslem as the plaintiff and/or defendant shall not be governed by the Law of Family and Succession as provided in the Civil and Commercial Code. Islamic common law shall apply in the procedure and judicial decision in such cases, and a senior Moslem called Toh Kali 20/ shall preside over the court. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 16/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 60. 17/ Statistical Year Book of Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. 18/ The Seven Provinces referred to at that time are now resolved into four provinces: Pattani, Yala, Satun, and Narathiwat. 19/ Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.). 20/ Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huamuang ro so-8- Thai government officially refers to all members of the Moslem group as "Thai Islam" in order to stress the national unity of all citizens regardless of race or religion. 16/ The demographic survey 17/ of 1956 states the number of these Islamic citizens to be 756,160. Statutory laws bearing subjectively or objectively on the Islamic minority, effective in the past or at present, reflect the Thai government's passive policy toward this ethnic group. Beginning in 1901 with the enactment of the Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces, 18/ the acts promulgating the provisions of Book 5 (on Family) and Book 6 (on Succession) of the Civil and Commercial Code (1934) reaffirmed the customary rights of the Islamic minority as previously provided in those Rules. 19/ This means that civil cases concerning family and succession which have a Moslem as the plaintiff and/or defendant shall not be governed by the Law of Family and Succession as provided in the Civil and Commercial Code. Islamic common law shall apply in the procedure and judicial decision in such cases, and a senior Moslem called Toh Kali 20/ shall preside over the court. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 16/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 60. 17/ Statistical Year Book of Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. 18/ The Seven Provinces referred to at that time are now resolved into four provinces: Pattani, Yala, Satun, and Narathiwat. 19/ Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.). 20/ Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huamuang ro so-8- Thai government officially refers to all members of the Moslem group as "Thai Islam" in order to stress the national unity of all citizens regardless of race or religion. 16/ The demographic survey 17/ of 1956 states the number of these Islamic citizens to be 756,160. Statutory laws bearing subjectively or objectively on the Islamic minority, effective in the past or at present, reflect the Thai government's passive policy toward this ethnic group. Beginning in 1901 with the enactment of the Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces, 18/ the acts promulgating the provisions of Book 5 (on Family) and Book 6 (on Succession) of the Civil and Commercial Code (1934) reaffirmed the customary rights of the Islamic minority as previously provided in those Rules. 19/ This means that civil cases concerning family and succession which have a Moslem as the plaintiff and/or defendant shall not be governed by the Law of Family and Succession as provided in the Civil and Commercial Code. Islamic common law shall apply in the procedure and judicial decision in such cases, and a senior Moslem called Toh Kali 20/ shall preside over the court. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 16/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 60. 17/ Statistical Year Book of Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. 18/ The Seven Provinces referred to at that time are now resolved into four provinces: Pattani, Yala, Satun, and Narathiwat. 19/ Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.). 20/ Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huamuang ro so-8- Thai government officially refers to all members of the Moslem group as "Thai Islam" in order to stress the national unity of all citizens regardless of race or religion. 16/ The demographic survey 17/ of 1956 states the number of these Islamic citizens to be 756,160. Statutory laws bearing subjectively or objectively on the Islamic minority, effective in the past or at present, reflect the Thai government's passive policy toward this ethnic group. Beginning in 1901 with the enactment of the Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces, 18/ the acts promulgating the provisions of Book 5 (on Family) and Book 6 (on Succession) of the Civil and Commercial Code (1934) reaffirmed the customary rights of the Islamic minority as previously provided in those Rules. 19/ This means that civil cases concerning family and succession which have a Moslem as the plaintiff and/or defendant shall not be governed by the Law of Family and Succession as provided in the Civil and Commercial Code. Islamic common law shall apply in the procedure and judicial decision in such cases, and a senior Moslem called Toh Kali 20/ shall preside over the court. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 16/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 60. 17/ Statistical Year Book of Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. 18/ The Seven Provinces referred to at that time are now resolved into four provinces: Pattani, Yala, Satun, and Narathiwat. 19/ Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.). 20/ Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huamuang ro so-9- Until 1945, there was no specific law committing the State to official support of religions other than Buddhism, which, by virtue of the Constitution, has been declared the national religion. The Constitution provides that "The King must be a Buddhist and is the upholder of Religion." Moslems were guaranteed official support for the first time by virtue of the Royal Decree for Patronage of the Islamic Religion (1945). The preamble of this decree, still in effect, clearly states the objectives of the law: Whereas the Thai people under the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand have complete liberty in adhering to a religion; the King is the upholder of Religion; and whereas consideration given to Thai people in the regions of Islamic religious preference warrants patronage and providence for His Majesty's Islamics, the Regent in the gracious name of His Majesty, by virtue of Section 56 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, therefore enacts this Royal Decree: . . . 21/ The Royal Decree authorises the Ministry of Education to establish an Islamic College for religious education and training, and to arrange periodical selection of graduates thereof for pilgrimage to Mecca at the expense of the Royal Fund. By the same token, the Ministry of Interior is authorized to organize a Provincial Islamic Committee in any province where the Moslems are sufficient in number, so that this committee shall function as the ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R. S. 120], Bangkok, (h.d.), p. 12. 21/ Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collectino of Laws], Phra rachkriadibeanwaduai kan [sasnupotham?] (ph) fai islam, Bangkok, Nitiwet, vol. 58, 2488 B.E. (1945), pp. 212-213. -9- Until 1945, there was no specific law committing the State to official support of religions other than Buddhism, which, by virtue of the Constitution, has been declared the national religion. The Constitution provides that "The King must be a Buddhist and is the upholder of Religion." Moslems were guaranteed official support for the first time by virtue of the Royal Decree for Patronage of the Islamic Religion (1945). The preamble of this decree, still in effect, clearly states the objectives of the law: Whereas the Thai people under the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand have complete liberty in adhering to a religion; the King is the upholder of Religion; and whereas consideration given to Thai people in the regions of Islamic religious preference warrants patronage and providence for His Majesty's Islamics, the Regent in the gracious name of His Majesty, by virtue of Section 56 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, therefore enacts this Royal Decree: . . . 21/ The Royal Decree authorises the Ministry of Education to establish an Islamic College for religious education and training, and to arrange periodical selection of graduates thereof for pilgrimage to Mecca at the expense of the Royal Fund. By the same token, the Ministry of Interior is authorized to organize a Provincial Islamic Committee in any province where the Moslems are sufficient in number, so that this committee shall function as the ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R. S. 120], Bangkok, (h.d.), p. 12. 21/ Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collectino of Laws], Phra rachkriadibeanwaduai kan [sasnupotham?] (ph) fai islam, Bangkok, Nitiwet, vol. 58, 2488 B.E. (1945), pp. 212-213. -9- Until 1945, there was no specific law committing the State to official support of religions other than Buddhism, which, by virtue of the Constitution, has been declared the national religion. The Constitution provides that "The King must be a Buddhist and is the upholder of Religion." Moslems were guaranteed official support for the first time by virtue of the Royal Decree for Patronage of the Islamic Religion (1945). The preamble of this decree, still in effect, clearly states the objectives of the law: Whereas the Thai people under the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand have complete liberty in adhering to a religion; the King is the upholder of Religion; and whereas consideration given to Thai people in the regions of Islamic religious preference warrants patronage and providence for His Majesty's Islamics, the Regent in the gracious name of His Majesty, by virtue of Section 56 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, therefore enacts this Royal Decree: . . . 21/ The Royal Decree authorises the Ministry of Education to establish an Islamic College for religious education and training, and to arrange periodical selection of graduates thereof for pilgrimage to Mecca at the expense of the Royal Fund. By the same token, the Ministry of Interior is authorized to organize a Provincial Islamic Committee in any province where the Moslems are sufficient in number, so that this committee shall function as the ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R. S. 120], Bangkok, (h.d.), p. 12. 21/ Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collectino of Laws], Phra rachkriadibeanwaduai kan [sasnupotham?] (ph) fai islam, Bangkok, Nitiwet, vol. 58, 2488 B.E. (1945), pp. 212-213. -9- Until 1945, there was no specific law committing the State to official support of religions other than Buddhism, which, by virtue of the Constitution, has been declared the national religion. The Constitution provides that "The King must be a Buddhist and is the upholder of Religion." Moslems were guaranteed official support for the first time by virtue of the Royal Decree for Patronage of the Islamic Religion (1945). The preamble of this decree, still in effect, clearly states the objectives of the law: Whereas the Thai people under the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand have complete liberty in adhering to a religion; the King is the upholder of Religion; and whereas consideration given to Thai people in the regions of Islamic religious preference warrants patronage and providence for His Majesty's Islamics, the Regent in the gracious name of His Majesty, by virtue of Section 56 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, therefore enacts this Royal Decree: . . . 21/ The Royal Decree authorises the Ministry of Education to establish an Islamic College for religious education and training, and to arrange periodical selection of graduates thereof for pilgrimage to Mecca at the expense of the Royal Fund. By the same token, the Ministry of Interior is authorized to organize a Provincial Islamic Committee in any province where the Moslems are sufficient in number, so that this committee shall function as the ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R. S. 120], Bangkok, (h.d.), p. 12. 21/ Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collectino of Laws], Phra rachkriadibeanwaduai kan [sasnupotham?] (ph) fai islam, Bangkok, Nitiwet, vol. 58, 2488 B.E. (1945), pp. 212-213. -9- Until 1945, there was no specific law committing the State to official support of religions other than Buddhism, which, by virtue of the Constitution, has been declared the national religion. The Constitution provides that "The King must be a Buddhist and is the upholder of Religion." Moslems were guaranteed official support for the first time by virtue of the Royal Decree for Patronage of the Islamic Religion (1945). The preamble of this decree, still in effect, clearly states the objectives of the law: Whereas the Thai people under the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand have complete liberty in adhering to a religion; the King is the upholder of Religion; and whereas consideration given to Thai people in the regions of Islamic religious preference warrants patronage and providence for His Majesty's Islamics, the Regent in the gracious name of His Majesty, by virtue of Section 56 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, therefore enacts this Royal Decree: . . . 21/ The Royal Decree authorises the Ministry of Education to establish an Islamic College for religious education and training, and to arrange periodical selection of graduates thereof for pilgrimage to Mecca at the expense of the Royal Fund. By the same token, the Ministry of Interior is authorized to organize a Provincial Islamic Committee in any province where the Moslems are sufficient in number, so that this committee shall function as the ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R. S. 120], Bangkok, (h.d.), p. 12. 21/ Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collectino of Laws], Phra rachkriadibeanwaduai kan [sasnupotham?] (ph) fai islam, Bangkok, Nitiwet, vol. 58, 2488 B.E. (1945), pp. 212-213. - 10 - Religious Advisory Group to the Provincial Administrative Committee, and as the administrative body for Islamic regional cemeteries. Both ministries are to be advised by the Central Islamic Committee of Thailand, to be appointed by the government. 22/ In another move to raise the morals of the Islamic minority, the government initiated a law, passed by the National Assembly and proclaimed in 1947, under the title of Phra rachbanyat matsayit islam (The Act concerning Islamic Mosques). 23/ This law, currently in effect, recognizes the legal status of a registered Islamic Mosque, and its customary procedure and method of administration. Although the Islamic religion in Thailand has less than a million followers, in comparison with almost twenty million Buddhists, yet Islam ranks second only to the national religion in official status. The Moslem minority is culturally affiliated with the Malay of the Federated States of Malaya. The geographic concentration of the Thai Moslems in the peninsular area directly adjacent to the borders of that newly independent state gives them an importance in Thai politics beyond their numbers. As a repercussion from the nationalistic movements of the Islamic peoples in British Malaya and Dutch Indonesia after the end of World War II, -------- 22/ Ibid., Sections 4, 5, 7, 8. 23/ Rachkichanubeksa (The Government Gazette), Bangkok, vol. 41, pt. 64, September 2, 1947, pp. 544-546.- 10 - Religious Advisory Group to the Provincial Administrative Committee, and as the administrative body for Islamic regional cemeteries. Both ministries are to be advised by the Central Islamic Committee of Thailand, to be appointed by the government. 22/ In another move to raise the morals of the Islamic minority, the government initiated a law, passed by the National Assembly and proclaimed in 1947, under the title of Phra rachbanyat matsayit islam (The Act concerning Islamic Mosques). 23/ This law, currently in effect, recognizes the legal status of a registered Islamic Mosque, and its customary procedure and method of administration. Although the Islamic religion in Thailand has less than a million followers, in comparison with almost twenty million Buddhists, yet Islam ranks second only to the national religion in official status. The Moslem minority is culturally affiliated with the Malay of the Federated States of Malaya. The geographic concentration of the Thai Moslems in the peninsular area directly adjacent to the borders of that newly independent state gives them an importance in Thai politics beyond their numbers. As a repercussion from the nationalistic movements of the Islamic peoples in British Malaya and Dutch Indonesia after the end of World War II, -------- 22/ Ibid., Sections 4, 5, 7, 8. 23/ Rachkichanubeksa (The Government Gazette), Bangkok, vol. 41, pt. 64, September 2, 1947, pp. 544-546.- 10 - Religious Advisory Group to the Provincial Administrative Committee, and as the administrative body for Islamic regional cemeteries. Both ministries are to be advised by the Central Islamic Committee of Thailand, to be appointed by the government. 22/ In another move to raise the morals of the Islamic minority, the government initiated a law, passed by the National Assembly and proclaimed in 1947, under the title of Phra rachbanyat matsayit islam (The Act concerning Islamic Mosques). 23/ This law, currently in effect, recognizes the legal status of a registered Islamic Mosque, and its customary procedure and method of administration. Although the Islamic religion in Thailand has less than a million followers, in comparison with almost twenty million Buddhists, yet Islam ranks second only to the national religion in official status. The Moslem minority is culturally affiliated with the Malay of the Federated States of Malaya. The geographic concentration of the Thai Moslems in the peninsular area directly adjacent to the borders of that newly independent state gives them an importance in Thai politics beyond their numbers. As a repercussion from the nationalistic movements of the Islamic peoples in British Malaya and Dutch Indonesia after the end of World War II, -------- 22/ Ibid., Sections 4, 5, 7, 8. 23/ Rachkichanubeksa (The Government Gazette), Bangkok, vol. 41, pt. 64, September 2, 1947, pp. 544-546.- 10 - Religious Advisory Group to the Provincial Administrative Committee, and as the administrative body for Islamic regional cemeteries. Both ministries are to be advised by the Central Islamic Committee of Thailand, to be appointed by the government. 22/ In another move to raise the morals of the Islamic minority, the government initiated a law, passed by the National Assembly and proclaimed in 1947, under the title of Phra rachbanyat matsayit islam (The Act concerning Islamic Mosques). 23/ This law, currently in effect, recognizes the legal status of a registered Islamic Mosque, and its customary procedure and method of administration. Although the Islamic religion in Thailand has less than a million followers, in comparison with almost twenty million Buddhists, yet Islam ranks second only to the national religion in official status. The Moslem minority is culturally affiliated with the Malay of the Federated States of Malaya. The geographic concentration of the Thai Moslems in the peninsular area directly adjacent to the borders of that newly independent state gives them an importance in Thai politics beyond their numbers. As a repercussion from the nationalistic movements of the Islamic peoples in British Malaya and Dutch Indonesia after the end of World War II, -------- 22/ Ibid., Sections 4, 5, 7, 8. 23/ Rachkichanubeksa (The Government Gazette), Bangkok, vol. 41, pt. 64, September 2, 1947, pp. 544-546.- 10 - Religious Advisory Group to the Provincial Administrative Committee, and as the administrative body for Islamic regional cemeteries. Both ministries are to be advised by the Central Islamic Committee of Thailand, to be appointed by the government. 22/ In another move to raise the morals of the Islamic minority, the government initiated a law, passed by the National Assembly and proclaimed in 1947, under the title of Phra rachbanyat matsayit islam (The Act concerning Islamic Mosques). 23/ This law, currently in effect, recognizes the legal status of a registered Islamic Mosque, and its customary procedure and method of administration. Although the Islamic religion in Thailand has less than a million followers, in comparison with almost twenty million Buddhists, yet Islam ranks second only to the national religion in official status. The Moslem minority is culturally affiliated with the Malay of the Federated States of Malaya. The geographic concentration of the Thai Moslems in the peninsular area directly adjacent to the borders of that newly independent state gives them an importance in Thai politics beyond their numbers. As a repercussion from the nationalistic movements of the Islamic peoples in British Malaya and Dutch Indonesia after the end of World War II, -------- 22/ Ibid., Sections 4, 5, 7, 8. 23/ Rachkichanubeksa (The Government Gazette), Bangkok, vol. 41, pt. 64, September 2, 1947, pp. 544-546.- 11 - friction and rioting were reported to prevail in these southern provinces of Thailand. Obviously enough, the recent legislations reviewed above underline the Thai government's lenient policy toward the "racial-type" problem created by one of the nation's minorities. In contrast to the situation arising from "racial-type" problems, which involve politics above all, the Chinese minority problem is based on the conflict of economic interest between the native Thai and the alien Chinese, who have become the "masters of trade" in the nation's economy. The Chinese mass immigration into Thailand began at the turn of this century, and the ever- increasing numbers continued unchecked for decades. The conflict of interest was not apparent in the early stages of Chinese entry into the nation's economic life. An agricultural and underpopulated country of considerable size like Thailand could well absorb millions of newcomers whose labor and abilities would contribute to the nation's economic growth. The early Chinese immigrants were almost entirely single men who, not long after their settlement, married local Thai women. Their children and grandchildren became well assimilated and blended with the Thai. Since 1910, however, the Chinese and Thai communities have begun to separate, and they have lately become more and more isolated from each other. The imbalance can be measured by the rate - 11 - friction and rioting were reported to prevail in these southern provinces of Thailand. Obviously enough, the recent legislations reviewed above underline the Thai government's lenient policy toward the "racial-type" problem created by one of the nation's minorities. In contrast to the situation arising from "racial-type" problems, which involve politics above all, the Chinese minority problem is based on the conflict of economic interest between the native Thai and the alien Chinese, who have become the "masters of trade" in the nation's economy. The Chinese mass immigration into Thailand began at the turn of this century, and the ever- increasing numbers continued unchecked for decades. The conflict of interest was not apparent in the early stages of Chinese entry into the nation's economic life. An agricultural and underpopulated country of considerable size like Thailand could well absorb millions of newcomers whose labor and abilities would contribute to the nation's economic growth. The early Chinese immigrants were almost entirely single men who, not long after their settlement, married local Thai women. Their children and grandchildren became well assimilated and blended with the Thai. Since 1910, however, the Chinese and Thai communities have begun to separate, and they have lately become more and more isolated from each other. The imbalance can be measured by the rate - 11 - friction and rioting were reported to prevail in these southern provinces of Thailand. Obviously enough, the recent legislations reviewed above underline the Thai government's lenient policy toward the "racial-type" problem created by one of the nation's minorities. In contrast to the situation arising from "racial-type" problems, which involve politics above all, the Chinese minority problem is based on the conflict of economic interest between the native Thai and the alien Chinese, who have become the "masters of trade" in the nation's economy. The Chinese mass immigration into Thailand began at the turn of this century, and the ever- increasing numbers continued unchecked for decades. The conflict of interest was not apparent in the early stages of Chinese entry into the nation's economic life. An agricultural and underpopulated country of considerable size like Thailand could well absorb millions of newcomers whose labor and abilities would contribute to the nation's economic growth. The early Chinese immigrants were almost entirely single men who, not long after their settlement, married local Thai women. Their children and grandchildren became well assimilated and blended with the Thai. Since 1910, however, the Chinese and Thai communities have begun to separate, and they have lately become more and more isolated from each other. The imbalance can be measured by the rate - 11 - friction and rioting were reported to prevail in these southern provinces of Thailand. Obviously enough, the recent legislations reviewed above underline the Thai government's lenient policy toward the "racial-type" problem created by one of the nation's minorities. In contrast to the situation arising from "racial-type" problems, which involve politics above all, the Chinese minority problem is based on the conflict of economic interest between the native Thai and the alien Chinese, who have become the "masters of trade" in the nation's economy. The Chinese mass immigration into Thailand began at the turn of this century, and the ever- increasing numbers continued unchecked for decades. The conflict of interest was not apparent in the early stages of Chinese entry into the nation's economic life. An agricultural and underpopulated country of considerable size like Thailand could well absorb millions of newcomers whose labor and abilities would contribute to the nation's economic growth. The early Chinese immigrants were almost entirely single men who, not long after their settlement, married local Thai women. Their children and grandchildren became well assimilated and blended with the Thai. Since 1910, however, the Chinese and Thai communities have begun to separate, and they have lately become more and more isolated from each other. The imbalance can be measured by the rate - 11 - friction and rioting were reported to prevail in these southern provinces of Thailand. Obviously enough, the recent legislations reviewed above underline the Thai government's lenient policy toward the "racial-type" problem created by one of the nation's minorities. In contrast to the situation arising from "racial-type" problems, which involve politics above all, the Chinese minority problem is based on the conflict of economic interest between the native Thai and the alien Chinese, who have become the "masters of trade" in the nation's economy. The Chinese mass immigration into Thailand began at the turn of this century, and the ever- increasing numbers continued unchecked for decades. The conflict of interest was not apparent in the early stages of Chinese entry into the nation's economic life. An agricultural and underpopulated country of considerable size like Thailand could well absorb millions of newcomers whose labor and abilities would contribute to the nation's economic growth. The early Chinese immigrants were almost entirely single men who, not long after their settlement, married local Thai women. Their children and grandchildren became well assimilated and blended with the Thai. Since 1910, however, the Chinese and Thai communities have begun to separate, and they have lately become more and more isolated from each other. The imbalance can be measured by the rate - 12 - of assimilation. Its slowing down has been attributed to several factors. The "alien-type" problem appeared as assimilation of the Chinese significantly decreased. There is, so far, no statistical value to pinpoint the correlation of these effects, but Wendell Blanchard and his research co-workers explain the phenomenon in this way: A change took place in the relationship between Chinese and Thai because of the growth of Asian nationalist feeling, which drew strength from Japan's victory over Russia in 1905 and the resulting stimulus to Chinese nationalism culminating in the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. At the same time, nationalism grew among the Thai, and the authorities became increasingly concerned about a simultaneous intensification of a militant, foreign-oriented nationalism among the well-organised Chinese. Attempts to strengthen Thai national feeling aggravated the rivalry with the Chinese, usually taking the form of business competition since the Chinese held a virtual monopoly of the Thai economy, though showing no apparent desire to encroach on other sphered of Thai life. The Chinese peddler, merchant, and moneylender were particularly vulnerable to propaganda attack. As a reaction to this development of tension, Chinese assimilation slowed down. Beginning about 1915, the Chinese and Thai communities became more isolated from each other. The whole social system among the Chinese became--and still remains--practically independent of Thai society. Increased immigration of Chinese women led to the establishment of homes where Chinese culture could be perpetuated and the Chinese family and lineage system strengthened. 24/ --------- 24/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 67.- 12 - of assimilation. Its slowing down has been attributed to several factors. The "alien-type" problem appeared as assimilation of the Chinese significantly decreased. There is, so far, no statistical value to pinpoint the correlation of these effects, but Wendell Blanchard and his research co-workers explain the phenomenon in this way: A change took place in the relationship between Chinese and Thai because of the growth of Asian nationalist feeling, which drew strength from Japan's victory over Russia in 1905 and the resulting stimulus to Chinese nationalism culminating in the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. At the same time, nationalism grew among the Thai, and the authorities became increasingly concerned about a simultaneous intensification of a militant, foreign-oriented nationalism among the well-organised Chinese. Attempts to strengthen Thai national feeling aggravated the rivalry with the Chinese, usually taking the form of business competition since the Chinese held a virtual monopoly of the Thai economy, though showing no apparent desire to encroach on other sphered of Thai life. The Chinese peddler, merchant, and moneylender were particularly vulnerable to propaganda attack. As a reaction to this development of tension, Chinese assimilation slowed down. Beginning about 1915, the Chinese and Thai communities became more isolated from each other. The whole social system among the Chinese became--and still remains--practically independent of Thai society. Increased immigration of Chinese women led to the establishment of homes where Chinese culture could be perpetuated and the Chinese family and lineage system strengthened. 24/ --------- 24/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 67.- 12 - of assimilation. Its slowing down has been attributed to several factors. The "alien-type" problem appeared as assimilation of the Chinese significantly decreased. There is, so far, no statistical value to pinpoint the correlation of these effects, but Wendell Blanchard and his research co-workers explain the phenomenon in this way: A change took place in the relationship between Chinese and Thai because of the growth of Asian nationalist feeling, which drew strength from Japan's victory over Russia in 1905 and the resulting stimulus to Chinese nationalism culminating in the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. At the same time, nationalism grew among the Thai, and the authorities became increasingly concerned about a simultaneous intensification of a militant, foreign-oriented nationalism among the well-organised Chinese. Attempts to strengthen Thai national feeling aggravated the rivalry with the Chinese, usually taking the form of business competition since the Chinese held a virtual monopoly of the Thai economy, though showing no apparent desire to encroach on other sphered of Thai life. The Chinese peddler, merchant, and moneylender were particularly vulnerable to propaganda attack. As a reaction to this development of tension, Chinese assimilation slowed down. Beginning about 1915, the Chinese and Thai communities became more isolated from each other. The whole social system among the Chinese became--and still remains--practically independent of Thai society. Increased immigration of Chinese women led to the establishment of homes where Chinese culture could be perpetuated and the Chinese family and lineage system strengthened. 24/ --------- 24/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 67.- 12 - of assimilation. Its slowing down has been attributed to several factors. The "alien-type" problem appeared as assimilation of the Chinese significantly decreased. There is, so far, no statistical value to pinpoint the correlation of these effects, but Wendell Blanchard and his research co-workers explain the phenomenon in this way: A change took place in the relationship between Chinese and Thai because of the growth of Asian nationalist feeling, which drew strength from Japan's victory over Russia in 1905 and the resulting stimulus to Chinese nationalism culminating in the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. At the same time, nationalism grew among the Thai, and the authorities became increasingly concerned about a simultaneous intensification of a militant, foreign-oriented nationalism among the well-organised Chinese. Attempts to strengthen Thai national feeling aggravated the rivalry with the Chinese, usually taking the form of business competition since the Chinese held a virtual monopoly of the Thai economy, though showing no apparent desire to encroach on other sphered of Thai life. The Chinese peddler, merchant, and moneylender were particularly vulnerable to propaganda attack. As a reaction to this development of tension, Chinese assimilation slowed down. Beginning about 1915, the Chinese and Thai communities became more isolated from each other. The whole social system among the Chinese became--and still remains--practically independent of Thai society. Increased immigration of Chinese women led to the establishment of homes where Chinese culture could be perpetuated and the Chinese family and lineage system strengthened. 24/ --------- 24/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 67.- 12 - of assimilation. Its slowing down has been attributed to several factors. The "alien-type" problem appeared as assimilation of the Chinese significantly decreased. There is, so far, no statistical value to pinpoint the correlation of these effects, but Wendell Blanchard and his research co-workers explain the phenomenon in this way: A change took place in the relationship between Chinese and Thai because of the growth of Asian nationalist feeling, which drew strength from Japan's victory over Russia in 1905 and the resulting stimulus to Chinese nationalism culminating in the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. At the same time, nationalism grew among the Thai, and the authorities became increasingly concerned about a simultaneous intensification of a militant, foreign-oriented nationalism among the well-organised Chinese. Attempts to strengthen Thai national feeling aggravated the rivalry with the Chinese, usually taking the form of business competition since the Chinese held a virtual monopoly of the Thai economy, though showing no apparent desire to encroach on other sphered of Thai life. The Chinese peddler, merchant, and moneylender were particularly vulnerable to propaganda attack. As a reaction to this development of tension, Chinese assimilation slowed down. Beginning about 1915, the Chinese and Thai communities became more isolated from each other. The whole social system among the Chinese became--and still remains--practically independent of Thai society. Increased immigration of Chinese women led to the establishment of homes where Chinese culture could be perpetuated and the Chinese family and lineage system strengthened. 24/ --------- 24/ Blanchard, Wendell et al., op. cit., p. 67.- 13 - G. William Skinner, in his article 25/ published in The Journal of Asian Studies, February 1957, described the factors affecting the assimilation rate as numerous and complex. He singled out three specific factors as having a primary effect on the assimilation rate of the Chinese in Thailand, i.e., intermarriage, education, and nationalism. Dr. Skinner's appraisal is fairly close to the real situation. But the sentiment of nationalism in both the Thai and the Chinese is definitely the predominant factor. This sentiment, demonstrated in different ways at different periods, has played a great role in the slowing down of assimilation, and has led to an intensification of the "alien-type" problem. On the part of the Thai, the sentiment of nationalism was aroused in 1914 by King Rama VI (1910-1925), who in his papers, under a nom de plume, explicitly criticized the extreme racial loyalty of the Chinese, and characterized them as having no consideration for the interest of the host country where they came to settle. The King's papers had a profound influence on the shaping of the anti-Chinese opinion. But his attitude involved no action at a governmental level. During his reign, there was -------- 25/"Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," by G. William Skinner, The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250.- 13 - G. William Skinner, in his article 25/ published in The Journal of Asian Studies, February 1957, described the factors affecting the assimilation rate as numerous and complex. He singled out three specific factors as having a primary effect on the assimilation rate of the Chinese in Thailand, i.e., intermarriage, education, and nationalism. Dr. Skinner's appraisal is fairly close to the real situation. But the sentiment of nationalism in both the Thai and the Chinese is definitely the predominant factor. This sentiment, demonstrated in different ways at different periods, has played a great role in the slowing down of assimilation, and has led to an intensification of the "alien-type" problem. On the part of the Thai, the sentiment of nationalism was aroused in 1914 by King Rama VI (1910-1925), who in his papers, under a nom de plume, explicitly criticized the extreme racial loyalty of the Chinese, and characterized them as having no consideration for the interest of the host country where they came to settle. The King's papers had a profound influence on the shaping of the anti-Chinese opinion. But his attitude involved no action at a governmental level. During his reign, there was -------- 25/"Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," by G. William Skinner, The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250.- 13 - G. William Skinner, in his article 25/ published in The Journal of Asian Studies, February 1957, described the factors affecting the assimilation rate as numerous and complex. He singled out three specific factors as having a primary effect on the assimilation rate of the Chinese in Thailand, i.e., intermarriage, education, and nationalism. Dr. Skinner's appraisal is fairly close to the real situation. But the sentiment of nationalism in both the Thai and the Chinese is definitely the predominant factor. This sentiment, demonstrated in different ways at different periods, has played a great role in the slowing down of assimilation, and has led to an intensification of the "alien-type" problem. On the part of the Thai, the sentiment of nationalism was aroused in 1914 by King Rama VI (1910-1925), who in his papers, under a nom de plume, explicitly criticized the extreme racial loyalty of the Chinese, and characterized them as having no consideration for the interest of the host country where they came to settle. The King's papers had a profound influence on the shaping of the anti-Chinese opinion. But his attitude involved no action at a governmental level. During his reign, there was -------- 25/"Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," by G. William Skinner, The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250.- 13 - G. William Skinner, in his article 25/ published in The Journal of Asian Studies, February 1957, described the factors affecting the assimilation rate as numerous and complex. He singled out three specific factors as having a primary effect on the assimilation rate of the Chinese in Thailand, i.e., intermarriage, education, and nationalism. Dr. Skinner's appraisal is fairly close to the real situation. But the sentiment of nationalism in both the Thai and the Chinese is definitely the predominant factor. This sentiment, demonstrated in different ways at different periods, has played a great role in the slowing down of assimilation, and has led to an intensification of the "alien-type" problem. On the part of the Thai, the sentiment of nationalism was aroused in 1914 by King Rama VI (1910-1925), who in his papers, under a nom de plume, explicitly criticized the extreme racial loyalty of the Chinese, and characterized them as having no consideration for the interest of the host country where they came to settle. The King's papers had a profound influence on the shaping of the anti-Chinese opinion. But his attitude involved no action at a governmental level. During his reign, there was -------- 25/"Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," by G. William Skinner, The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250.- 13 - G. William Skinner, in his article 25/ published in The Journal of Asian Studies, February 1957, described the factors affecting the assimilation rate as numerous and complex. He singled out three specific factors as having a primary effect on the assimilation rate of the Chinese in Thailand, i.e., intermarriage, education, and nationalism. Dr. Skinner's appraisal is fairly close to the real situation. But the sentiment of nationalism in both the Thai and the Chinese is definitely the predominant factor. This sentiment, demonstrated in different ways at different periods, has played a great role in the slowing down of assimilation, and has led to an intensification of the "alien-type" problem. On the part of the Thai, the sentiment of nationalism was aroused in 1914 by King Rama VI (1910-1925), who in his papers, under a nom de plume, explicitly criticized the extreme racial loyalty of the Chinese, and characterized them as having no consideration for the interest of the host country where they came to settle. The King's papers had a profound influence on the shaping of the anti-Chinese opinion. But his attitude involved no action at a governmental level. During his reign, there was -------- 25/"Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," by G. William Skinner, The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250.not a single text of law governing immigration. The Nationality Act, proclaimed in 1913, the first of its kind, clearly defined the term "Thai citizenship" in Section 3: Persons as hereinafter provided shall be Thai citizens: 1. A person born in or outside the Siamese Kingdom to a father of Thai descent; 2. A person born to a mother of Thai descent but to an unknown father; 3. A person born in the Siamese Kingdom; 4. A female alien married to a Thai citizen under the marriage law; 5. An alien naturalized for Thai citizenship under the act governing it. This law reflected the underlying concepts of the Law of the Soil and the Law of Blood. From a legalistic viewpoint, the Nationality Act of 1913 simply set up five categories of Thai citizenship so as to draw a line of distinction between a citizen and an alien. It could have served as a tool to persuade aliens to assimilate if there had been some kind of supplementary restrictive measures on aliens. But there were no such restrictive measures, and so the law did not affect the status of aliens; the Chinese enjoyed equal rights of citizenship in owning land, sending children to free elementary schools, and even in using Thai passports under the category "Chinese nationality: Thai sovereignty." As there was no suchnot a single text of law governing immigration. The Nationality Act, proclaimed in 1913, the first of its kind, clearly defined the term "Thai citizenship" in Section 3: Persons as hereinafter provided shall be Thai citizens: 1. A person born in or outside the Siamese Kingdom to a father of Thai descent; 2. A person born to a mother of Thai descent but to an unknown father; 3. A person born in the Siamese Kingdom; 4. A female alien married to a Thai citizen under the marriage law; 5. An alien naturalized for Thai citizenship under the act governing it. This law reflected the underlying concepts of the Law of the Soil and the Law of Blood. From a legalistic viewpoint, the Nationality Act of 1913 simply set up five categories of Thai citizenship so as to draw a line of distinction between a citizen and an alien. It could have served as a tool to persuade aliens to assimilate if there had been some kind of supplementary restrictive measures on aliens. But there were no such restrictive measures, and so the law did not affect the status of aliens; the Chinese enjoyed equal rights of citizenship in owning land, sending children to free elementary schools, and even in using Thai passports under the category "Chinese nationality: Thai sovereignty." As there was no suchnot a single text of law governing immigration. The Nationality Act, proclaimed in 1913, the first of its kind, clearly defined the term "Thai citizenship" in Section 3: Persons as hereinafter provided shall be Thai citizens: 1. A person born in or outside the Siamese Kingdom to a father of Thai descent; 2. A person born to a mother of Thai descent but to an unknown father; 3. A person born in the Siamese Kingdom; 4. A female alien married to a Thai citizen under the marriage law; 5. An alien naturalized for Thai citizenship under the act governing it. This law reflected the underlying concepts of the Law of the Soil and the Law of Blood. From a legalistic viewpoint, the Nationality Act of 1913 simply set up five categories of Thai citizenship so as to draw a line of distinction between a citizen and an alien. It could have served as a tool to persuade aliens to assimilate if there had been some kind of supplementary restrictive measures on aliens. But there were no such restrictive measures, and so the law did not affect the status of aliens; the Chinese enjoyed equal rights of citizenship in owning land, sending children to free elementary schools, and even in using Thai passports under the category "Chinese nationality: Thai sovereignty." As there was no suchnot a single text of law governing immigration. The Nationality Act, proclaimed in 1913, the first of its kind, clearly defined the term "Thai citizenship" in Section 3: Persons as hereinafter provided shall be Thai citizens: 1. A person born in or outside the Siamese Kingdom to a father of Thai descent; 2. A person born to a mother of Thai descent but to an unknown father; 3. A person born in the Siamese Kingdom; 4. A female alien married to a Thai citizen under the marriage law; 5. An alien naturalized for Thai citizenship under the act governing it. This law reflected the underlying concepts of the Law of the Soil and the Law of Blood. From a legalistic viewpoint, the Nationality Act of 1913 simply set up five categories of Thai citizenship so as to draw a line of distinction between a citizen and an alien. It could have served as a tool to persuade aliens to assimilate if there had been some kind of supplementary restrictive measures on aliens. But there were no such restrictive measures, and so the law did not affect the status of aliens; the Chinese enjoyed equal rights of citizenship in owning land, sending children to free elementary schools, and even in using Thai passports under the category "Chinese nationality: Thai sovereignty." As there was no suchnot a single text of law governing immigration. The Nationality Act, proclaimed in 1913, the first of its kind, clearly defined the term "Thai citizenship" in Section 3: Persons as hereinafter provided shall be Thai citizens: 1. A person born in or outside the Siamese Kingdom to a father of Thai descent; 2. A person born to a mother of Thai descent but to an unknown father; 3. A person born in the Siamese Kingdom; 4. A female alien married to a Thai citizen under the marriage law; 5. An alien naturalized for Thai citizenship under the act governing it. This law reflected the underlying concepts of the Law of the Soil and the Law of Blood. From a legalistic viewpoint, the Nationality Act of 1913 simply set up five categories of Thai citizenship so as to draw a line of distinction between a citizen and an alien. It could have served as a tool to persuade aliens to assimilate if there had been some kind of supplementary restrictive measures on aliens. But there were no such restrictive measures, and so the law did not affect the status of aliens; the Chinese enjoyed equal rights of citizenship in owning land, sending children to free elementary schools, and even in using Thai passports under the category "Chinese nationality: Thai sovereignty." As there was no such- 35 - thing as a voting right under the absolute monarchy, the line of distinction between a citizen and an alien had little meaning. The absorption of Chinese immigrants into the Thai civilization could not be hastened under such circumstances. The early control measures put into effect in 1927 were embodied in the Immigration Act [27] of 2470 B.E. [1927], which empowered the Minister of the Interior to fix the number of aliens of any nationality that might be admitted into the Kingdom each year. The law set five conditions for aliens to fulfill before entering: validity of passport, health, vaccination, support or expectation of livelihood, and desirable character. The Immigration Amendment Act [28] of 1932 added three more requirements: ability to pay the fee, membership in a specified age group, and literacy in Thai or his or her own language. If this law was expected to affect any immigrant, it would certainly be a Chinese. Most of the Chinese peasant class, and particularly the women, were known to be illiterate, and the addi- tional fees would positively exclude a large percentage of the Chinese who would ordinarily attempt to enter Thailand. While no quota of immigrants was set, control on the basis of the required condition for immigrants could perceptibly discourage the Chinese ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [27] - 35 - thing as a voting right under the absolute monarchy, the line of distinction between a citizen and an alien had little meaning. The absorption of Chinese immigrants into the Thai civilization could not be hastened under such circumstances. The early control measures put into effect in 1927 were embodied in the Immigration Act [27] of 2470 B.E. [1927], which empowered the Minister of the Interior to fix the number of aliens of any nationality that might be admitted into the Kingdom each year. The law set five conditions for aliens to fulfill before entering: validity of passport, health, vaccination, support or expectation of livelihood, and desirable character. The Immigration Amendment Act [28] of 1932 added three more requirements: ability to pay the fee, membership in a specified age group, and literacy in Thai or his or her own language. If this law was expected to affect any immigrant, it would certainly be a Chinese. Most of the Chinese peasant class, and particularly the women, were known to be illiterate, and the addi- tional fees would positively exclude a large percentage of the Chinese who would ordinarily attempt to enter Thailand. While no quota of immigrants was set, control on the basis of the required condition for immigrants could perceptibly discourage the Chinese ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [27] - 35 - thing as a voting right under the absolute monarchy, the line of distinction between a citizen and an alien had little meaning. The absorption of Chinese immigrants into the Thai civilization could not be hastened under such circumstances. The early control measures put into effect in 1927 were embodied in the Immigration Act [27] of 2470 B.E. [1927], which empowered the Minister of the Interior to fix the number of aliens of any nationality that might be admitted into the Kingdom each year. The law set five conditions for aliens to fulfill before entering: validity of passport, health, vaccination, support or expectation of livelihood, and desirable character. The Immigration Amendment Act [28] of 1932 added three more requirements: ability to pay the fee, membership in a specified age group, and literacy in Thai or his or her own language. If this law was expected to affect any immigrant, it would certainly be a Chinese. Most of the Chinese peasant class, and particularly the women, were known to be illiterate, and the addi- tional fees would positively exclude a large percentage of the Chinese who would ordinarily attempt to enter Thailand. While no quota of immigrants was set, control on the basis of the required condition for immigrants could perceptibly discourage the Chinese ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [27] - 35 - thing as a voting right under the absolute monarchy, the line of distinction between a citizen and an alien had little meaning. The absorption of Chinese immigrants into the Thai civilization could not be hastened under such circumstances. The early control measures put into effect in 1927 were embodied in the Immigration Act [27] of 2470 B.E. [1927], which empowered the Minister of the Interior to fix the number of aliens of any nationality that might be admitted into the Kingdom each year. The law set five conditions for aliens to fulfill before entering: validity of passport, health, vaccination, support or expectation of livelihood, and desirable character. The Immigration Amendment Act [28] of 1932 added three more requirements: ability to pay the fee, membership in a specified age group, and literacy in Thai or his or her own language. If this law was expected to affect any immigrant, it would certainly be a Chinese. Most of the Chinese peasant class, and particularly the women, were known to be illiterate, and the addi- tional fees would positively exclude a large percentage of the Chinese who would ordinarily attempt to enter Thailand. While no quota of immigrants was set, control on the basis of the required condition for immigrants could perceptibly discourage the Chinese ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [27] - 35 - thing as a voting right under the absolute monarchy, the line of distinction between a citizen and an alien had little meaning. The absorption of Chinese immigrants into the Thai civilization could not be hastened under such circumstances. The early control measures put into effect in 1927 were embodied in the Immigration Act [27] of 2470 B.E. [1927], which empowered the Minister of the Interior to fix the number of aliens of any nationality that might be admitted into the Kingdom each year. The law set five conditions for aliens to fulfill before entering: validity of passport, health, vaccination, support or expectation of livelihood, and desirable character. The Immigration Amendment Act [28] of 1932 added three more requirements: ability to pay the fee, membership in a specified age group, and literacy in Thai or his or her own language. If this law was expected to affect any immigrant, it would certainly be a Chinese. Most of the Chinese peasant class, and particularly the women, were known to be illiterate, and the addi- tional fees would positively exclude a large percentage of the Chinese who would ordinarily attempt to enter Thailand. While no quota of immigrants was set, control on the basis of the required condition for immigrants could perceptibly discourage the Chinese ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [27] - 16 - mass immigration. But the law also encouraged illegal entry into the Kingdom. A series of cases of illegal entry of Chinese led to the proclamation of the Alien Registration Act [29] of 1936. This law required identification of aliens, who were then required to pay the fee. At the same time, the validity of their entry was checked. The Alien Registration Act and the Immigration Act were replaced by Acts [30] of the same titles in 1950; both presented the same features as the preceding laws, but were now more specific in detail. After the revolution of 1932, as the nationalism of the new ruling group grew, restrictive measures appeared in new legislation affecting aliens. The Chinese, who were the largest minority group, were affected the most. The legal instruments for control may be grouped into those controlling the quantity of immigrants and those limiting aliens' activities. In 1951, quantity control took the form of immigrant quotas, which were set at 200 immigrants of each nationality and 100 aliens without nationality. Limitation of aliens' activities took the form of non-eligibility clauses under laws gov- erning land ownership, occupations, trades, and private schools. Curbing the activities of aliens was one way of bring pressure on the alien Chinese to assimilate because it frequently meant a choice ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [29] Ibid., vol. 54, 2480 B.E. (1937), p. 756. [30] Ibid., vol. 67, 2493 B.E. (1950). - 16 - mass immigration. But the law also encouraged illegal entry into the Kingdom. A series of cases of illegal entry of Chinese led to the proclamation of the Alien Registration Act [29] of 1936. This law required identification of aliens, who were then required to pay the fee. At the same time, the validity of their entry was checked. The Alien Registration Act and the Immigration Act were replaced by Acts [30] of the same titles in 1950; both presented the same features as the preceding laws, but were now more specific in detail. After the revolution of 1932, as the nationalism of the new ruling group grew, restrictive measures appeared in new legislation affecting aliens. The Chinese, who were the largest minority group, were affected the most. The legal instruments for control may be grouped into those controlling the quantity of immigrants and those limiting aliens' activities. In 1951, quantity control took the form of immigrant quotas, which were set at 200 immigrants of each nationality and 100 aliens without nationality. Limitation of aliens' activities took the form of non-eligibility clauses under laws gov- erning land ownership, occupations, trades, and private schools. Curbing the activities of aliens was one way of bring pressure on the alien Chinese to assimilate because it frequently meant a choice ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [29] Ibid., vol. 54, 2480 B.E. (1937), p. 756. [30] Ibid., vol. 67, 2493 B.E. (1950). - 16 - mass immigration. But the law also encouraged illegal entry into the Kingdom. A series of cases of illegal entry of Chinese led to the proclamation of the Alien Registration Act [29] of 1936. This law required identification of aliens, who were then required to pay the fee. At the same time, the validity of their entry was checked. The Alien Registration Act and the Immigration Act were replaced by Acts [30] of the same titles in 1950; both presented the same features as the preceding laws, but were now more specific in detail. After the revolution of 1932, as the nationalism of the new ruling group grew, restrictive measures appeared in new legislation affecting aliens. The Chinese, who were the largest minority group, were affected the most. The legal instruments for control may be grouped into those controlling the quantity of immigrants and those limiting aliens' activities. In 1951, quantity control took the form of immigrant quotas, which were set at 200 immigrants of each nationality and 100 aliens without nationality. Limitation of aliens' activities took the form of non-eligibility clauses under laws gov- erning land ownership, occupations, trades, and private schools. Curbing the activities of aliens was one way of bring pressure on the alien Chinese to assimilate because it frequently meant a choice ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [29] Ibid., vol. 54, 2480 B.E. (1937), p. 756. [30] Ibid., vol. 67, 2493 B.E. (1950). - 16 - mass immigration. But the law also encouraged illegal entry into the Kingdom. A series of cases of illegal entry of Chinese led to the proclamation of the Alien Registration Act [29] of 1936. This law required identification of aliens, who were then required to pay the fee. At the same time, the validity of their entry was checked. The Alien Registration Act and the Immigration Act were replaced by Acts [30] of the same titles in 1950; both presented the same features as the preceding laws, but were now more specific in detail. After the revolution of 1932, as the nationalism of the new ruling group grew, restrictive measures appeared in new legislation affecting aliens. The Chinese, who were the largest minority group, were affected the most. The legal instruments for control may be grouped into those controlling the quantity of immigrants and those limiting aliens' activities. In 1951, quantity control took the form of immigrant quotas, which were set at 200 immigrants of each nationality and 100 aliens without nationality. Limitation of aliens' activities took the form of non-eligibility clauses under laws gov- erning land ownership, occupations, trades, and private schools. Curbing the activities of aliens was one way of bring pressure on the alien Chinese to assimilate because it frequently meant a choice ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [29] Ibid., vol. 54, 2480 B.E. (1937), p. 756. [30] Ibid., vol. 67, 2493 B.E. (1950). - 16 - mass immigration. But the law also encouraged illegal entry into the Kingdom. A series of cases of illegal entry of Chinese led to the proclamation of the Alien Registration Act [29] of 1936. This law required identification of aliens, who were then required to pay the fee. At the same time, the validity of their entry was checked. The Alien Registration Act and the Immigration Act were replaced by Acts [30] of the same titles in 1950; both presented the same features as the preceding laws, but were now more specific in detail. After the revolution of 1932, as the nationalism of the new ruling group grew, restrictive measures appeared in new legislation affecting aliens. The Chinese, who were the largest minority group, were affected the most. The legal instruments for control may be grouped into those controlling the quantity of immigrants and those limiting aliens' activities. In 1951, quantity control took the form of immigrant quotas, which were set at 200 immigrants of each nationality and 100 aliens without nationality. Limitation of aliens' activities took the form of non-eligibility clauses under laws gov- erning land ownership, occupations, trades, and private schools. Curbing the activities of aliens was one way of bring pressure on the alien Chinese to assimilate because it frequently meant a choice ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [29] Ibid., vol. 54, 2480 B.E. (1937), p. 756. [30] Ibid., vol. 67, 2493 B.E. (1950). - 17 - between leaving the country and becoming naturalized. For example, in order to be eligible for a barber's license, the applicant must be a citizen. A Chinese barber can hardly re-orient himself to the occupation of a peddler, whose activity does not require a license. This restrictive measure was an important factor in the reduction in the number of Chinese in Thailand shown by the demo- graphic survey [31] of 1956, which stated the number of Chinese to be 329,440, a decrease of 147,148 from the number of 476,588 given by the same source in 1947. Government control of education in the area of the private schools affected the Chinese to the very core of their cultural pattern. The Private Schools Act [32] of 1936, superseding the Acts of 1918 and 1919, provided stringent measures for controlling the qualifications of teachers and principals, of whom the law required knowledge of the Thai language at the fourth grade (elementary) level. [33] Section 20 of this Act ruled that class instruction was to be carried on in the Thai language except for cases in which special permission was granted by the Minister of Education. The new law set the effective date for three months after the date it was proclaimed, and set the interim period for another three months ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [31] Statistical Year Book: Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. [32] [???] [33] The Thai high school system at the time had 12 grades, beginning with 4 elementary grades (Prathorn), continuing with 6 of junior-high level (Mathayorn), and concluding with 2 grades on the senior-high level (Mothayorn).- 17 - between leaving the country and becoming naturalized. For example, in order to be eligible for a barber's license, the applicant must be a citizen. A Chinese barber can hardly re-orient himself to the occupation of a peddler, whose activity does not require a license. This restrictive measure was an important factor in the reduction in the number of Chinese in Thailand shown by the demo- graphic survey [31] of 1956, which stated the number of Chinese to be 329,440, a decrease of 147,148 from the number of 476,588 given by the same source in 1947. Government control of education in the area of the private schools affected the Chinese to the very core of their cultural pattern. The Private Schools Act [32] of 1936, superseding the Acts of 1918 and 1919, provided stringent measures for controlling the qualifications of teachers and principals, of whom the law required knowledge of the Thai language at the fourth grade (elementary) level. [33] Section 20 of this Act ruled that class instruction was to be carried on in the Thai language except for cases in which special permission was granted by the Minister of Education. The new law set the effective date for three months after the date it was proclaimed, and set the interim period for another three months ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [31] Statistical Year Book: Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. [32] [???] [33] The Thai high school system at the time had 12 grades, beginning with 4 elementary grades (Prathorn), continuing with 6 of junior-high level (Mathayorn), and concluding with 2 grades on the senior-high level (Mothayorn).- 17 - between leaving the country and becoming naturalized. For example, in order to be eligible for a barber's license, the applicant must be a citizen. A Chinese barber can hardly re-orient himself to the occupation of a peddler, whose activity does not require a license. This restrictive measure was an important factor in the reduction in the number of Chinese in Thailand shown by the demo- graphic survey [31] of 1956, which stated the number of Chinese to be 329,440, a decrease of 147,148 from the number of 476,588 given by the same source in 1947. Government control of education in the area of the private schools affected the Chinese to the very core of their cultural pattern. The Private Schools Act [32] of 1936, superseding the Acts of 1918 and 1919, provided stringent measures for controlling the qualifications of teachers and principals, of whom the law required knowledge of the Thai language at the fourth grade (elementary) level. [33] Section 20 of this Act ruled that class instruction was to be carried on in the Thai language except for cases in which special permission was granted by the Minister of Education. The new law set the effective date for three months after the date it was proclaimed, and set the interim period for another three months ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [31] Statistical Year Book: Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. [32] [???] [33] The Thai high school system at the time had 12 grades, beginning with 4 elementary grades (Prathorn), continuing with 6 of junior-high level (Mathayorn), and concluding with 2 grades on the senior-high level (Mothayorn).- 17 - between leaving the country and becoming naturalized. For example, in order to be eligible for a barber's license, the applicant must be a citizen. A Chinese barber can hardly re-orient himself to the occupation of a peddler, whose activity does not require a license. This restrictive measure was an important factor in the reduction in the number of Chinese in Thailand shown by the demo- graphic survey [31] of 1956, which stated the number of Chinese to be 329,440, a decrease of 147,148 from the number of 476,588 given by the same source in 1947. Government control of education in the area of the private schools affected the Chinese to the very core of their cultural pattern. The Private Schools Act [32] of 1936, superseding the Acts of 1918 and 1919, provided stringent measures for controlling the qualifications of teachers and principals, of whom the law required knowledge of the Thai language at the fourth grade (elementary) level. [33] Section 20 of this Act ruled that class instruction was to be carried on in the Thai language except for cases in which special permission was granted by the Minister of Education. The new law set the effective date for three months after the date it was proclaimed, and set the interim period for another three months ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [31] Statistical Year Book: Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. [32] [???] [33] The Thai high school system at the time had 12 grades, beginning with 4 elementary grades (Prathorn), continuing with 6 of junior-high level (Mathayorn), and concluding with 2 grades on the senior-high level (Mothayorn).- 17 - between leaving the country and becoming naturalized. For example, in order to be eligible for a barber's license, the applicant must be a citizen. A Chinese barber can hardly re-orient himself to the occupation of a peddler, whose activity does not require a license. This restrictive measure was an important factor in the reduction in the number of Chinese in Thailand shown by the demo- graphic survey [31] of 1956, which stated the number of Chinese to be 329,440, a decrease of 147,148 from the number of 476,588 given by the same source in 1947. Government control of education in the area of the private schools affected the Chinese to the very core of their cultural pattern. The Private Schools Act [32] of 1936, superseding the Acts of 1918 and 1919, provided stringent measures for controlling the qualifications of teachers and principals, of whom the law required knowledge of the Thai language at the fourth grade (elementary) level. [33] Section 20 of this Act ruled that class instruction was to be carried on in the Thai language except for cases in which special permission was granted by the Minister of Education. The new law set the effective date for three months after the date it was proclaimed, and set the interim period for another three months ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [31] Statistical Year Book: Thailand, op. cit., no. 23, B.E. 2499 (1956) to 2501 (1958), p. 54. [32] [???] [33] The Thai high school system at the time had 12 grades, beginning with 4 elementary grades (Prathorn), continuing with 6 of junior-high level (Mathayorn), and concluding with 2 grades on the senior-high level (Mothayorn).- 18 - beyond the effective date, in order to allow ample time for existing private schools to make all the required arrangements to comply with the new law. But, so far as education is concerned, the conflict of interest between Thai and Chinese nationalisms lies in the issue of enforcement of the Primary Education law. The main objective of this law is to keep all children from the ages of 7 to 14 in elementary schools so that the percentage of literate citizens will increase. It was the pledge of the revolutionary part of 1932 to promote national education for the immediate goal of raising the rate of literacy to 50 per cent of the population within the 10 years they were to retain control of the government. Section 14 of the Private Schools Act of 1936 rules that any private school maintaining students in the compulsory age group (7-14) as provided by the Primary Education Act [34] must also be governed by this law. Section 6 of the Primary Education Act ignores the nationality of children falling within this age-group: Every child entering the eighth year of age must have schooling in an elementary school and remain therein until the child enters the fifteenth year of age with the exception of cases in which the child has passed the elementary grades of school under a program approved or controlled by the Ministry of Education. [35] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [34] [???] [Education Laws and Regulations], [???] [The Primary Education Act of 1935], Bangkok, 2501 B.E. (1959), Chapter 6, section 4, pp. 2-17. [35] Ibid., p. 4.- 18 - beyond the effective date, in order to allow ample time for existing private schools to make all the required arrangements to comply with the new law. But, so far as education is concerned, the conflict of interest between Thai and Chinese nationalisms lies in the issue of enforcement of the Primary Education law. The main objective of this law is to keep all children from the ages of 7 to 14 in elementary schools so that the percentage of literate citizens will increase. It was the pledge of the revolutionary part of 1932 to promote national education for the immediate goal of raising the rate of literacy to 50 per cent of the population within the 10 years they were to retain control of the government. Section 14 of the Private Schools Act of 1936 rules that any private school maintaining students in the compulsory age group (7-14) as provided by the Primary Education Act [34] must also be governed by this law. Section 6 of the Primary Education Act ignores the nationality of children falling within this age-group: Every child entering the eighth year of age must have schooling in an elementary school and remain therein until the child enters the fifteenth year of age with the exception of cases in which the child has passed the elementary grades of school under a program approved or controlled by the Ministry of Education. [35] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [34] [???] [Education Laws and Regulations], [???] [The Primary Education Act of 1935], Bangkok, 2501 B.E. (1959), Chapter 6, section 4, pp. 2-17. [35] Ibid., p. 4.- 18 - beyond the effective date, in order to allow ample time for existing private schools to make all the required arrangements to comply with the new law. But, so far as education is concerned, the conflict of interest between Thai and Chinese nationalisms lies in the issue of enforcement of the Primary Education law. The main objective of this law is to keep all children from the ages of 7 to 14 in elementary schools so that the percentage of literate citizens will increase. It was the pledge of the revolutionary part of 1932 to promote national education for the immediate goal of raising the rate of literacy to 50 per cent of the population within the 10 years they were to retain control of the government. Section 14 of the Private Schools Act of 1936 rules that any private school maintaining students in the compulsory age group (7-14) as provided by the Primary Education Act [34] must also be governed by this law. Section 6 of the Primary Education Act ignores the nationality of children falling within this age-group: Every child entering the eighth year of age must have schooling in an elementary school and remain therein until the child enters the fifteenth year of age with the exception of cases in which the child has passed the elementary grades of school under a program approved or controlled by the Ministry of Education. [35] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [34] [???] [Education Laws and Regulations], [???] [The Primary Education Act of 1935], Bangkok, 2501 B.E. (1959), Chapter 6, section 4, pp. 2-17. [35] Ibid., p. 4.- 18 - beyond the effective date, in order to allow ample time for existing private schools to make all the required arrangements to comply with the new law. But, so far as education is concerned, the conflict of interest between Thai and Chinese nationalisms lies in the issue of enforcement of the Primary Education law. The main objective of this law is to keep all children from the ages of 7 to 14 in elementary schools so that the percentage of literate citizens will increase. It was the pledge of the revolutionary part of 1932 to promote national education for the immediate goal of raising the rate of literacy to 50 per cent of the population within the 10 years they were to retain control of the government. Section 14 of the Private Schools Act of 1936 rules that any private school maintaining students in the compulsory age group (7-14) as provided by the Primary Education Act [34] must also be governed by this law. Section 6 of the Primary Education Act ignores the nationality of children falling within this age-group: Every child entering the eighth year of age must have schooling in an elementary school and remain therein until the child enters the fifteenth year of age with the exception of cases in which the child has passed the elementary grades of school under a program approved or controlled by the Ministry of Education. [35] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [34] [???] [Education Laws and Regulations], [???] [The Primary Education Act of 1935], Bangkok, 2501 B.E. (1959), Chapter 6, section 4, pp. 2-17. [35] Ibid., p. 4.- 18 - beyond the effective date, in order to allow ample time for existing private schools to make all the required arrangements to comply with the new law. But, so far as education is concerned, the conflict of interest between Thai and Chinese nationalisms lies in the issue of enforcement of the Primary Education law. The main objective of this law is to keep all children from the ages of 7 to 14 in elementary schools so that the percentage of literate citizens will increase. It was the pledge of the revolutionary part of 1932 to promote national education for the immediate goal of raising the rate of literacy to 50 per cent of the population within the 10 years they were to retain control of the government. Section 14 of the Private Schools Act of 1936 rules that any private school maintaining students in the compulsory age group (7-14) as provided by the Primary Education Act [34] must also be governed by this law. Section 6 of the Primary Education Act ignores the nationality of children falling within this age-group: Every child entering the eighth year of age must have schooling in an elementary school and remain therein until the child enters the fifteenth year of age with the exception of cases in which the child has passed the elementary grades of school under a program approved or controlled by the Ministry of Education. [35] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [34] [???] [Education Laws and Regulations], [???] [The Primary Education Act of 1935], Bangkok, 2501 B.E. (1959), Chapter 6, section 4, pp. 2-17. [35] Ibid., p. 4.- 19 - At the time these laws were enacted, there were not only Chinese private schools to be affected, but several Catholic and Protestant mission schools as well. These mission schools were under the administration of Europeans and Americans who were classi- fied as aliens just as were the Chinese. But there was a big difference between the mission schools and the Chinese schools, as explained by Dr. Landon: The mission schools, whether Roman Catholic or Protestant, quickly fell into line. They had been from the first intended chiefly for the Thai. The one school started by the Presbyterians for Chinese had since changed its curriculum and taught in the Thai language. There were a few small Chinese schools run by the missions, but they had some difficulty retaining their students since they observed the law so scrupulously that parents of Chinese children com- plained that their children learned more Thai than Chinese, and transferred them to schools that were less meticulous. The influence of such missionaries as miss Edna S. Cole, of whom the Thai said, "She values things Thai more than we do ourselves," had actually made some of the mission schools more con- sciously nationalistic than the Thai-controlled schools of the pre-constitutional era. But the Chinese schools were alien in character and purpose. From the beginning they were founded to preserve the foreign culture of a minority population, to perpetuate the Chinese language and Chinese nation- alism. Whenever the law conflicted with their purpose, they got around it if they could--and disobeyed it if they could not. The problem of enforcement of the Pri- mary Education Law, with its strict provisions about the teaching of the Thai language, was there enormous. [36] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [36] Landon, Kenneth P. op. cit., The Chinese in Thailand, p. 269.- 19 - At the time these laws were enacted, there were not only Chinese private schools to be affected, but several Catholic and Protestant mission schools as well. These mission schools were under the administration of Europeans and Americans who were classi- fied as aliens just as were the Chinese. But there was a big difference between the mission schools and the Chinese schools, as explained by Dr. Landon: The mission schools, whether Roman Catholic or Protestant, quickly fell into line. They had been from the first intended chiefly for the Thai. The one school started by the Presbyterians for Chinese had since changed its curriculum and taught in the Thai language. There were a few small Chinese schools run by the missions, but they had some difficulty retaining their students since they observed the law so scrupulously that parents of Chinese children com- plained that their children learned more Thai than Chinese, and transferred them to schools that were less meticulous. The influence of such missionaries as miss Edna S. Cole, of whom the Thai said, "She values things Thai more than we do ourselves," had actually made some of the mission schools more con- sciously nationalistic than the Thai-controlled schools of the pre-constitutional era. But the Chinese schools were alien in character and purpose. From the beginning they were founded to preserve the foreign culture of a minority population, to perpetuate the Chinese language and Chinese nation- alism. Whenever the law conflicted with their purpose, they got around it if they could--and disobeyed it if they could not. The problem of enforcement of the Pri- mary Education Law, with its strict provisions about the teaching of the Thai language, was there enormous. [36] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [36] Landon, Kenneth P. op. cit., The Chinese in Thailand, p. 269.- 19 - At the time these laws were enacted, there were not only Chinese private schools to be affected, but several Catholic and Protestant mission schools as well. These mission schools were under the administration of Europeans and Americans who were classi- fied as aliens just as were the Chinese. But there was a big difference between the mission schools and the Chinese schools, as explained by Dr. Landon: The mission schools, whether Roman Catholic or Protestant, quickly fell into line. They had been from the first intended chiefly for the Thai. The one school started by the Presbyterians for Chinese had since changed its curriculum and taught in the Thai language. There were a few small Chinese schools run by the missions, but they had some difficulty retaining their students since they observed the law so scrupulously that parents of Chinese children com- plained that their children learned more Thai than Chinese, and transferred them to schools that were less meticulous. The influence of such missionaries as miss Edna S. Cole, of whom the Thai said, "She values things Thai more than we do ourselves," had actually made some of the mission schools more con- sciously nationalistic than the Thai-controlled schools of the pre-constitutional era. But the Chinese schools were alien in character and purpose. From the beginning they were founded to preserve the foreign culture of a minority population, to perpetuate the Chinese language and Chinese nation- alism. Whenever the law conflicted with their purpose, they got around it if they could--and disobeyed it if they could not. The problem of enforcement of the Pri- mary Education Law, with its strict provisions about the teaching of the Thai language, was there enormous. [36] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [36] Landon, Kenneth P. op. cit., The Chinese in Thailand, p. 269.- 19 - At the time these laws were enacted, there were not only Chinese private schools to be affected, but several Catholic and Protestant mission schools as well. These mission schools were under the administration of Europeans and Americans who were classi- fied as aliens just as were the Chinese. But there was a big difference between the mission schools and the Chinese schools, as explained by Dr. Landon: The mission schools, whether Roman Catholic or Protestant, quickly fell into line. They had been from the first intended chiefly for the Thai. The one school started by the Presbyterians for Chinese had since changed its curriculum and taught in the Thai language. There were a few small Chinese schools run by the missions, but they had some difficulty retaining their students since they observed the law so scrupulously that parents of Chinese children com- plained that their children learned more Thai than Chinese, and transferred them to schools that were less meticulous. The influence of such missionaries as miss Edna S. Cole, of whom the Thai said, "She values things Thai more than we do ourselves," had actually made some of the mission schools more con- sciously nationalistic than the Thai-controlled schools of the pre-constitutional era. But the Chinese schools were alien in character and purpose. From the beginning they were founded to preserve the foreign culture of a minority population, to perpetuate the Chinese language and Chinese nation- alism. Whenever the law conflicted with their purpose, they got around it if they could--and disobeyed it if they could not. The problem of enforcement of the Pri- mary Education Law, with its strict provisions about the teaching of the Thai language, was there enormous. [36] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [36] Landon, Kenneth P. op. cit., The Chinese in Thailand, p. 269.- 19 - At the time these laws were enacted, there were not only Chinese private schools to be affected, but several Catholic and Protestant mission schools as well. These mission schools were under the administration of Europeans and Americans who were classi- fied as aliens just as were the Chinese. But there was a big difference between the mission schools and the Chinese schools, as explained by Dr. Landon: The mission schools, whether Roman Catholic or Protestant, quickly fell into line. They had been from the first intended chiefly for the Thai. The one school started by the Presbyterians for Chinese had since changed its curriculum and taught in the Thai language. There were a few small Chinese schools run by the missions, but they had some difficulty retaining their students since they observed the law so scrupulously that parents of Chinese children com- plained that their children learned more Thai than Chinese, and transferred them to schools that were less meticulous. The influence of such missionaries as miss Edna S. Cole, of whom the Thai said, "She values things Thai more than we do ourselves," had actually made some of the mission schools more con- sciously nationalistic than the Thai-controlled schools of the pre-constitutional era. But the Chinese schools were alien in character and purpose. From the beginning they were founded to preserve the foreign culture of a minority population, to perpetuate the Chinese language and Chinese nation- alism. Whenever the law conflicted with their purpose, they got around it if they could--and disobeyed it if they could not. The problem of enforcement of the Pri- mary Education Law, with its strict provisions about the teaching of the Thai language, was there enormous. [36] ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [36] Landon, Kenneth P. op. cit., The Chinese in Thailand, p. 269.-20- The enforcement of the Private Schools Act was met with strong resistance by the Chinese community. As a result, several Chinese schools were closed. The local Chinese newspapers lent their efforts to the outburst of indignation, and some of them were closed by the Thai government. Dr. Landon has this comment to make on the pre-World War II situation in the Chinese private schools: It is not an accident that the struggle between the government and the Chinese community has centered around schools, for it is here that the aspirations of the two sides must inevitably clash. The government is determined that people in Thailand shall be educated as Thai. If they are to grow up in the community it is only reasonable to expect that they should learn to be a part of it, as they could never hope to be unless they used the Thai language. The government is to be criticized chiefly for its unimaginative administration. The whole course of changes could hardly have been handled in a way more calculated to antagonize, and yet fundamentally the government's plan was not unreasonable. 37/ Nevertheless, the limitations placed on aliens' private schools, and on the Chinese schools in particular, proved to be fruitful in forcing assimilation. On this subject, Dr. Landon continues: In its insistence on the importance of the Thai language as a bait best calculated to draw Chinese children into the Thai community, the government has been psychologically correct. The writer has witnessed several cases where the sons and daughters of all-Chinese homes were exposed to the influence of Thai instruction. The Thai language was easier to 37/ Ibid., p. 279.-20- The enforcement of the Private Schools Act was met with strong resistance by the Chinese community. As a result, several Chinese schools were closed. The local Chinese newspapers lent their efforts to the outburst of indignation, and some of them were closed by the Thai government. Dr. Landon has this comment to make on the pre-World War II situation in the Chinese private schools: It is not an accident that the struggle between the government and the Chinese community has centered around schools, for it is here that the aspirations of the two sides must inevitably clash. The government is determined that people in Thailand shall be educated as Thai. If they are to grow up in the community it is only reasonable to expect that they should learn to be a part of it, as they could never hope to be unless they used the Thai language. The government is to be criticized chiefly for its unimaginative administration. The whole course of changes could hardly have been handled in a way more calculated to antagonize, and yet fundamentally the government's plan was not unreasonable. 37/ Nevertheless, the limitations placed on aliens' private schools, and on the Chinese schools in particular, proved to be fruitful in forcing assimilation. On this subject, Dr. Landon continues: In its insistence on the importance of the Thai language as a bait best calculated to draw Chinese children into the Thai community, the government has been psychologically correct. The writer has witnessed several cases where the sons and daughters of all-Chinese homes were exposed to the influence of Thai instruction. The Thai language was easier to 37/ Ibid., p. 279.-20- The enforcement of the Private Schools Act was met with strong resistance by the Chinese community. As a result, several Chinese schools were closed. The local Chinese newspapers lent their efforts to the outburst of indignation, and some of them were closed by the Thai government. Dr. Landon has this comment to make on the pre-World War II situation in the Chinese private schools: It is not an accident that the struggle between the government and the Chinese community has centered around schools, for it is here that the aspirations of the two sides must inevitably clash. The government is determined that people in Thailand shall be educated as Thai. If they are to grow up in the community it is only reasonable to expect that they should learn to be a part of it, as they could never hope to be unless they used the Thai language. The government is to be criticized chiefly for its unimaginative administration. The whole course of changes could hardly have been handled in a way more calculated to antagonize, and yet fundamentally the government's plan was not unreasonable. 37/ Nevertheless, the limitations placed on aliens' private schools, and on the Chinese schools in particular, proved to be fruitful in forcing assimilation. On this subject, Dr. Landon continues: In its insistence on the importance of the Thai language as a bait best calculated to draw Chinese children into the Thai community, the government has been psychologically correct. The writer has witnessed several cases where the sons and daughters of all-Chinese homes were exposed to the influence of Thai instruction. The Thai language was easier to 37/ Ibid., p. 279.-20- The enforcement of the Private Schools Act was met with strong resistance by the Chinese community. As a result, several Chinese schools were closed. The local Chinese newspapers lent their efforts to the outburst of indignation, and some of them were closed by the Thai government. Dr. Landon has this comment to make on the pre-World War II situation in the Chinese private schools: It is not an accident that the struggle between the government and the Chinese community has centered around schools, for it is here that the aspirations of the two sides must inevitably clash. The government is determined that people in Thailand shall be educated as Thai. If they are to grow up in the community it is only reasonable to expect that they should learn to be a part of it, as they could never hope to be unless they used the Thai language. The government is to be criticized chiefly for its unimaginative administration. The whole course of changes could hardly have been handled in a way more calculated to antagonize, and yet fundamentally the government's plan was not unreasonable. 37/ Nevertheless, the limitations placed on aliens' private schools, and on the Chinese schools in particular, proved to be fruitful in forcing assimilation. On this subject, Dr. Landon continues: In its insistence on the importance of the Thai language as a bait best calculated to draw Chinese children into the Thai community, the government has been psychologically correct. The writer has witnessed several cases where the sons and daughters of all-Chinese homes were exposed to the influence of Thai instruction. The Thai language was easier to 37/ Ibid., p. 279.-20- The enforcement of the Private Schools Act was met with strong resistance by the Chinese community. As a result, several Chinese schools were closed. The local Chinese newspapers lent their efforts to the outburst of indignation, and some of them were closed by the Thai government. Dr. Landon has this comment to make on the pre-World War II situation in the Chinese private schools: It is not an accident that the struggle between the government and the Chinese community has centered around schools, for it is here that the aspirations of the two sides must inevitably clash. The government is determined that people in Thailand shall be educated as Thai. If they are to grow up in the community it is only reasonable to expect that they should learn to be a part of it, as they could never hope to be unless they used the Thai language. The government is to be criticized chiefly for its unimaginative administration. The whole course of changes could hardly have been handled in a way more calculated to antagonize, and yet fundamentally the government's plan was not unreasonable. 37/ Nevertheless, the limitations placed on aliens' private schools, and on the Chinese schools in particular, proved to be fruitful in forcing assimilation. On this subject, Dr. Landon continues: In its insistence on the importance of the Thai language as a bait best calculated to draw Chinese children into the Thai community, the government has been psychologically correct. The writer has witnessed several cases where the sons and daughters of all-Chinese homes were exposed to the influence of Thai instruction. The Thai language was easier to 37/ Ibid., p. 279.- 21 - read than Chinese, the newspapers could be skimmed more rapidly, and the speaking of the Bangkok dialect gave face. As they became more and more Thai and avoided any appearance of being Chinese, their home life was affected. New channels of thought were cut and new patterns of life were developed which tended to efface the old ways and prepared the members of the family to become reconciled to a different world. 38/ What convinced the Chinese in Thailand that the Thai government was anti-Chinese, and, for that matter, would be pro-Japanese, was not the issue of private school control alone. There were several other areas in which aliens' activities were curbed. A few years before the Second World War was enlarged with its new theater in the Pacific, nationalism in Thailand had swung into a direction opposite from its previous basic policy of assimilation. Dr. Skinner has explained this situation as follows: After the change of administration in December 1938, however, Thai policy toward the Chinese rapidly changed to one of ruthless repression and containment. During the first premiership of Pibun Songkhram [Pibulsonggram], Chinese resentment against the Thai ruling class welled up, and in-group trades and businesses were attacked in a rapid series of decrees and laws promulgated between December 1938 and May 1939. The increasingly vigorous attempts to bring Thai into commercial and industrial life were put on a patriotic basis in November 1939, by the Fifth Cultural Mandate of the State, which called on Thai patriots to eat only food derived from Thai produce by Thai manufacture, to wear clothing manufactured by Thai, preferably of Thai cloth, and to assist one another in entering trade and industry. This all-out campaign to Thai-ify the economy was coupled with one of political suppression: Chinese nationalist organizations and all activities designed to help China in her struggle 38/ Ibid., p.279.- 21 - read than Chinese, the newspapers could be skimmed more rapidly, and the speaking of the Bangkok dialect gave face. As they became more and more Thai and avoided any appearance of being Chinese, their home life was affected. New channels of thought were cut and new patterns of life were developed which tended to efface the old ways and prepared the members of the family to become reconciled to a different world. 38/ What convinced the Chinese in Thailand that the Thai government was anti-Chinese, and, for that matter, would be pro-Japanese, was not the issue of private school control alone. There were several other areas in which aliens' activities were curbed. A few years before the Second World War was enlarged with its new theater in the Pacific, nationalism in Thailand had swung into a direction opposite from its previous basic policy of assimilation. Dr. Skinner has explained this situation as follows: After the change of administration in December 1938, however, Thai policy toward the Chinese rapidly changed to one of ruthless repression and containment. During the first premiership of Pibun Songkhram [Pibulsonggram], Chinese resentment against the Thai ruling class welled up, and in-group trades and businesses were attacked in a rapid series of decrees and laws promulgated between December 1938 and May 1939. The increasingly vigorous attempts to bring Thai into commercial and industrial life were put on a patriotic basis in November 1939, by the Fifth Cultural Mandate of the State, which called on Thai patriots to eat only food derived from Thai produce by Thai manufacture, to wear clothing manufactured by Thai, preferably of Thai cloth, and to assist one another in entering trade and industry. This all-out campaign to Thai-ify the economy was coupled with one of political suppression: Chinese nationalist organizations and all activities designed to help China in her struggle 38/ Ibid., p.279.- 21 - read than Chinese, the newspapers could be skimmed more rapidly, and the speaking of the Bangkok dialect gave face. As they became more and more Thai and avoided any appearance of being Chinese, their home life was affected. New channels of thought were cut and new patterns of life were developed which tended to efface the old ways and prepared the members of the family to become reconciled to a different world. 38/ What convinced the Chinese in Thailand that the Thai government was anti-Chinese, and, for that matter, would be pro-Japanese, was not the issue of private school control alone. There were several other areas in which aliens' activities were curbed. A few years before the Second World War was enlarged with its new theater in the Pacific, nationalism in Thailand had swung into a direction opposite from its previous basic policy of assimilation. Dr. Skinner has explained this situation as follows: After the change of administration in December 1938, however, Thai policy toward the Chinese rapidly changed to one of ruthless repression and containment. During the first premiership of Pibun Songkhram [Pibulsonggram], Chinese resentment against the Thai ruling class welled up, and in-group trades and businesses were attacked in a rapid series of decrees and laws promulgated between December 1938 and May 1939. The increasingly vigorous attempts to bring Thai into commercial and industrial life were put on a patriotic basis in November 1939, by the Fifth Cultural Mandate of the State, which called on Thai patriots to eat only food derived from Thai produce by Thai manufacture, to wear clothing manufactured by Thai, preferably of Thai cloth, and to assist one another in entering trade and industry. This all-out campaign to Thai-ify the economy was coupled with one of political suppression: Chinese nationalist organizations and all activities designed to help China in her struggle 38/ Ibid., p.279.- 21 - read than Chinese, the newspapers could be skimmed more rapidly, and the speaking of the Bangkok dialect gave face. As they became more and more Thai and avoided any appearance of being Chinese, their home life was affected. New channels of thought were cut and new patterns of life were developed which tended to efface the old ways and prepared the members of the family to become reconciled to a different world. 38/ What convinced the Chinese in Thailand that the Thai government was anti-Chinese, and, for that matter, would be pro-Japanese, was not the issue of private school control alone. There were several other areas in which aliens' activities were curbed. A few years before the Second World War was enlarged with its new theater in the Pacific, nationalism in Thailand had swung into a direction opposite from its previous basic policy of assimilation. Dr. Skinner has explained this situation as follows: After the change of administration in December 1938, however, Thai policy toward the Chinese rapidly changed to one of ruthless repression and containment. During the first premiership of Pibun Songkhram [Pibulsonggram], Chinese resentment against the Thai ruling class welled up, and in-group trades and businesses were attacked in a rapid series of decrees and laws promulgated between December 1938 and May 1939. The increasingly vigorous attempts to bring Thai into commercial and industrial life were put on a patriotic basis in November 1939, by the Fifth Cultural Mandate of the State, which called on Thai patriots to eat only food derived from Thai produce by Thai manufacture, to wear clothing manufactured by Thai, preferably of Thai cloth, and to assist one another in entering trade and industry. This all-out campaign to Thai-ify the economy was coupled with one of political suppression: Chinese nationalist organizations and all activities designed to help China in her struggle 38/ Ibid., p.279.- 21 - read than Chinese, the newspapers could be skimmed more rapidly, and the speaking of the Bangkok dialect gave face. As they became more and more Thai and avoided any appearance of being Chinese, their home life was affected. New channels of thought were cut and new patterns of life were developed which tended to efface the old ways and prepared the members of the family to become reconciled to a different world. 38/ What convinced the Chinese in Thailand that the Thai government was anti-Chinese, and, for that matter, would be pro-Japanese, was not the issue of private school control alone. There were several other areas in which aliens' activities were curbed. A few years before the Second World War was enlarged with its new theater in the Pacific, nationalism in Thailand had swung into a direction opposite from its previous basic policy of assimilation. Dr. Skinner has explained this situation as follows: After the change of administration in December 1938, however, Thai policy toward the Chinese rapidly changed to one of ruthless repression and containment. During the first premiership of Pibun Songkhram [Pibulsonggram], Chinese resentment against the Thai ruling class welled up, and in-group trades and businesses were attacked in a rapid series of decrees and laws promulgated between December 1938 and May 1939. The increasingly vigorous attempts to bring Thai into commercial and industrial life were put on a patriotic basis in November 1939, by the Fifth Cultural Mandate of the State, which called on Thai patriots to eat only food derived from Thai produce by Thai manufacture, to wear clothing manufactured by Thai, preferably of Thai cloth, and to assist one another in entering trade and industry. This all-out campaign to Thai-ify the economy was coupled with one of political suppression: Chinese nationalist organizations and all activities designed to help China in her struggle 38/ Ibid., p.279.- 22 - with Japan were squashed by the Thai police between January and August 1939. In April 1939, the Ministry of Education cut the amount of time which private schools could devote to Chinese to only two hours per week. A rapid succession of school closures followed, reaching a climax in August. In that month, too, all Chinese newspapers were closed, with but one exception. 39/ Although there were overtones of Thai nationalism during the Pacific-war years when Thailand practically fell under Japanese occupation, there was never any terrorism directed against the local Chinese. An almost complete reversal of policy with regard to them took place following the end of the war. The new international status of China forced a major policy change, and for the first time, Thailand established diplomatic relations with Nanking. Restrictions on aliens by laws previously affecting the Chinese were revised or ignored by the government authorities. But the loss of administrative control by the Nationalist Chinese to the Communists on the Chinese mainland had a tremendous repercussion on the Thai government's basic policies toward the local Chinese. In accordance with the Thai government's strictly pro-Western position, the "alien-type" problem connected with the Chinese could no longer be treated as an economic consideration alone, for it involved political and military problems as well. Restrictive measures enforced on aliens, i.e., Chinese, were coming back in the early 1950's. Aliens were forbidden to live within ten kilometers 39/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 245.- 22 - with Japan were squashed by the Thai police between January and August 1939. In April 1939, the Ministry of Education cut the amount of time which private schools could devote to Chinese to only two hours per week. A rapid succession of school closures followed, reaching a climax in August. In that month, too, all Chinese newspapers were closed, with but one exception. 39/ Although there were overtones of Thai nationalism during the Pacific-war years when Thailand practically fell under Japanese occupation, there was never any terrorism directed against the local Chinese. An almost complete reversal of policy with regard to them took place following the end of the war. The new international status of China forced a major policy change, and for the first time, Thailand established diplomatic relations with Nanking. Restrictions on aliens by laws previously affecting the Chinese were revised or ignored by the government authorities. But the loss of administrative control by the Nationalist Chinese to the Communists on the Chinese mainland had a tremendous repercussion on the Thai government's basic policies toward the local Chinese. In accordance with the Thai government's strictly pro-Western position, the "alien-type" problem connected with the Chinese could no longer be treated as an economic consideration alone, for it involved political and military problems as well. Restrictive measures enforced on aliens, i.e., Chinese, were coming back in the early 1950's. Aliens were forbidden to live within ten kilometers 39/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 245.- 22 - with Japan were squashed by the Thai police between January and August 1939. In April 1939, the Ministry of Education cut the amount of time which private schools could devote to Chinese to only two hours per week. A rapid succession of school closures followed, reaching a climax in August. In that month, too, all Chinese newspapers were closed, with but one exception. 39/ Although there were overtones of Thai nationalism during the Pacific-war years when Thailand practically fell under Japanese occupation, there was never any terrorism directed against the local Chinese. An almost complete reversal of policy with regard to them took place following the end of the war. The new international status of China forced a major policy change, and for the first time, Thailand established diplomatic relations with Nanking. Restrictions on aliens by laws previously affecting the Chinese were revised or ignored by the government authorities. But the loss of administrative control by the Nationalist Chinese to the Communists on the Chinese mainland had a tremendous repercussion on the Thai government's basic policies toward the local Chinese. In accordance with the Thai government's strictly pro-Western position, the "alien-type" problem connected with the Chinese could no longer be treated as an economic consideration alone, for it involved political and military problems as well. Restrictive measures enforced on aliens, i.e., Chinese, were coming back in the early 1950's. Aliens were forbidden to live within ten kilometers 39/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 245.- 22 - with Japan were squashed by the Thai police between January and August 1939. In April 1939, the Ministry of Education cut the amount of time which private schools could devote to Chinese to only two hours per week. A rapid succession of school closures followed, reaching a climax in August. In that month, too, all Chinese newspapers were closed, with but one exception. 39/ Although there were overtones of Thai nationalism during the Pacific-war years when Thailand practically fell under Japanese occupation, there was never any terrorism directed against the local Chinese. An almost complete reversal of policy with regard to them took place following the end of the war. The new international status of China forced a major policy change, and for the first time, Thailand established diplomatic relations with Nanking. Restrictions on aliens by laws previously affecting the Chinese were revised or ignored by the government authorities. But the loss of administrative control by the Nationalist Chinese to the Communists on the Chinese mainland had a tremendous repercussion on the Thai government's basic policies toward the local Chinese. In accordance with the Thai government's strictly pro-Western position, the "alien-type" problem connected with the Chinese could no longer be treated as an economic consideration alone, for it involved political and military problems as well. Restrictive measures enforced on aliens, i.e., Chinese, were coming back in the early 1950's. Aliens were forbidden to live within ten kilometers 39/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 245.- 22 - with Japan were squashed by the Thai police between January and August 1939. In April 1939, the Ministry of Education cut the amount of time which private schools could devote to Chinese to only two hours per week. A rapid succession of school closures followed, reaching a climax in August. In that month, too, all Chinese newspapers were closed, with but one exception. 39/ Although there were overtones of Thai nationalism during the Pacific-war years when Thailand practically fell under Japanese occupation, there was never any terrorism directed against the local Chinese. An almost complete reversal of policy with regard to them took place following the end of the war. The new international status of China forced a major policy change, and for the first time, Thailand established diplomatic relations with Nanking. Restrictions on aliens by laws previously affecting the Chinese were revised or ignored by the government authorities. But the loss of administrative control by the Nationalist Chinese to the Communists on the Chinese mainland had a tremendous repercussion on the Thai government's basic policies toward the local Chinese. In accordance with the Thai government's strictly pro-Western position, the "alien-type" problem connected with the Chinese could no longer be treated as an economic consideration alone, for it involved political and military problems as well. Restrictive measures enforced on aliens, i.e., Chinese, were coming back in the early 1950's. Aliens were forbidden to live within ten kilometers 39/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 245.-23- of rivers, railways, bridges or dams, and to rent or to stay even temporarily in buildings adjacent to police stations. The alien registration fee was suddenly raised from 20 to 400 bahts (approximately 20 bahts to one U.S. dollar). In 1954, the new Private School Act 40/ required Thai nationality of an applicant, whether a natural or juristic person, for school ownership. It also required the school manager and principal to have Thai nationality. Under the new Nationality Act of 1952 and the amendment of 1953, the concept of Law of Blood predominated over that of Law of the Soil. Section 7 reads: Persons as hereinafter provided shall acquire Thai nationality by birth: (1) A person born in or outside the Kingdom to a Thai father; (2) A person born outside the Kingdom to a Thai mother but to an unknown legitimate father or to a father of no nationality; (3) A person born in the Kingdom to a Thai mother. 41/ Section 16 of this Act even encouraged a person born in the Kingdom to an alien father and Thai mother to convert himself into an alien: A person who acquired Thai nationality because of having been born in the Kingdom but to an alien father, if he also received an alien identification under the Alien Registration Law, he shall no longer hold Thai nationality whether or not he acquires the identification before or after the effective date of this act. 42/ 40/ Praman rabiap krasuang suksathikan, op. cit., Phra rachbanyat rongrian ratd (r) [[The Private School Act of 1954], Sections 7, 9, and 10. 41/ Prachum kotrai pracham sok, op. cit., vol. 66, pt. 1, 2496 B.E. (19543, pp. 197-198 42/ Ibid., p. 198.-23- of rivers, railways, bridges or dams, and to rent or to stay even temporarily in buildings adjacent to police stations. The alien registration fee was suddenly raised from 20 to 400 bahts (approximately 20 bahts to one U.S. dollar). In 1954, the new Private School Act 40/ required Thai nationality of an applicant, whether a natural or juristic person, for school ownership. It also required the school manager and principal to have Thai nationality. Under the new Nationality Act of 1952 and the amendment of 1953, the concept of Law of Blood predominated over that of Law of the Soil. Section 7 reads: Persons as hereinafter provided shall acquire Thai nationality by birth: (1) A person born in or outside the Kingdom to a Thai father; (2) A person born outside the Kingdom to a Thai mother but to an unknown legitimate father or to a father of no nationality; (3) A person born in the Kingdom to a Thai mother. 41/ Section 16 of this Act even encouraged a person born in the Kingdom to an alien father and Thai mother to convert himself into an alien: A person who acquired Thai nationality because of having been born in the Kingdom but to an alien father, if he also received an alien identification under the Alien Registration Law, he shall no longer hold Thai nationality whether or not he acquires the identification before or after the effective date of this act. 42/ 40/ Praman rabiap krasuang suksathikan, op. cit., Phra rachbanyat rongrian ratd (r) [[The Private School Act of 1954], Sections 7, 9, and 10. 41/ Prachum kotrai pracham sok, op. cit., vol. 66, pt. 1, 2496 B.E. (19543, pp. 197-198 42/ Ibid., p. 198.-23- of rivers, railways, bridges or dams, and to rent or to stay even temporarily in buildings adjacent to police stations. The alien registration fee was suddenly raised from 20 to 400 bahts (approximately 20 bahts to one U.S. dollar). In 1954, the new Private School Act 40/ required Thai nationality of an applicant, whether a natural or juristic person, for school ownership. It also required the school manager and principal to have Thai nationality. Under the new Nationality Act of 1952 and the amendment of 1953, the concept of Law of Blood predominated over that of Law of the Soil. Section 7 reads: Persons as hereinafter provided shall acquire Thai nationality by birth: (1) A person born in or outside the Kingdom to a Thai father; (2) A person born outside the Kingdom to a Thai mother but to an unknown legitimate father or to a father of no nationality; (3) A person born in the Kingdom to a Thai mother. 41/ Section 16 of this Act even encouraged a person born in the Kingdom to an alien father and Thai mother to convert himself into an alien: A person who acquired Thai nationality because of having been born in the Kingdom but to an alien father, if he also received an alien identification under the Alien Registration Law, he shall no longer hold Thai nationality whether or not he acquires the identification before or after the effective date of this act. 42/ 40/ Praman rabiap krasuang suksathikan, op. cit., Phra rachbanyat rongrian ratd (r) [[The Private School Act of 1954], Sections 7, 9, and 10. 41/ Prachum kotrai pracham sok, op. cit., vol. 66, pt. 1, 2496 B.E. (19543, pp. 197-198 42/ Ibid., p. 198.-23- of rivers, railways, bridges or dams, and to rent or to stay even temporarily in buildings adjacent to police stations. The alien registration fee was suddenly raised from 20 to 400 bahts (approximately 20 bahts to one U.S. dollar). In 1954, the new Private School Act 40/ required Thai nationality of an applicant, whether a natural or juristic person, for school ownership. It also required the school manager and principal to have Thai nationality. Under the new Nationality Act of 1952 and the amendment of 1953, the concept of Law of Blood predominated over that of Law of the Soil. Section 7 reads: Persons as hereinafter provided shall acquire Thai nationality by birth: (1) A person born in or outside the Kingdom to a Thai father; (2) A person born outside the Kingdom to a Thai mother but to an unknown legitimate father or to a father of no nationality; (3) A person born in the Kingdom to a Thai mother. 41/ Section 16 of this Act even encouraged a person born in the Kingdom to an alien father and Thai mother to convert himself into an alien: A person who acquired Thai nationality because of having been born in the Kingdom but to an alien father, if he also received an alien identification under the Alien Registration Law, he shall no longer hold Thai nationality whether or not he acquires the identification before or after the effective date of this act. 42/ 40/ Praman rabiap krasuang suksathikan, op. cit., Phra rachbanyat rongrian ratd (r) [[The Private School Act of 1954], Sections 7, 9, and 10. 41/ Prachum kotrai pracham sok, op. cit., vol. 66, pt. 1, 2496 B.E. (19543, pp. 197-198 42/ Ibid., p. 198.-23- of rivers, railways, bridges or dams, and to rent or to stay even temporarily in buildings adjacent to police stations. The alien registration fee was suddenly raised from 20 to 400 bahts (approximately 20 bahts to one U.S. dollar). In 1954, the new Private School Act 40/ required Thai nationality of an applicant, whether a natural or juristic person, for school ownership. It also required the school manager and principal to have Thai nationality. Under the new Nationality Act of 1952 and the amendment of 1953, the concept of Law of Blood predominated over that of Law of the Soil. Section 7 reads: Persons as hereinafter provided shall acquire Thai nationality by birth: (1) A person born in or outside the Kingdom to a Thai father; (2) A person born outside the Kingdom to a Thai mother but to an unknown legitimate father or to a father of no nationality; (3) A person born in the Kingdom to a Thai mother. 41/ Section 16 of this Act even encouraged a person born in the Kingdom to an alien father and Thai mother to convert himself into an alien: A person who acquired Thai nationality because of having been born in the Kingdom but to an alien father, if he also received an alien identification under the Alien Registration Law, he shall no longer hold Thai nationality whether or not he acquires the identification before or after the effective date of this act. 42/ 40/ Praman rabiap krasuang suksathikan, op. cit., Phra rachbanyat rongrian ratd (r) [[The Private School Act of 1954], Sections 7, 9, and 10. 41/ Prachum kotrai pracham sok, op. cit., vol. 66, pt. 1, 2496 B.E. (19543, pp. 197-198 42/ Ibid., p. 198.- 24 - Thus, the Nationality Act as amended served as a widely restrictive instrument in curbing alien, i.e., Chinese, activities. It affected their potentiality of owning schools and land, and many other activities which could be curbed by the nationality requirement. Mr. Richard J. Coughlin has given his viewpoint in an article written in 1952: The Chinese are convinced that the Thai government is deliberately discriminatory, and . . . the anti-Chinese feelings that have been officially displayed in the course of the past twenty years are being increasingly reciprocated by anti-Thai sentiment on the part of the Chinese. 43/ According to Dr. Skinner: All of these measures were strongly anti-assimilationist in effect, but as it turned out they were also only transitory. In July 1955, the administration proclaimed a new liberal policy toward the Chinese. In August, the Military Service Law was again amended, this time to remove provisions discriminatory to citizens of alien extraction, and the decrees discriminating against such citizens in the acquisition of land were also rescinded. In October 1955, regulations were promulgated whereby six broadly defined classes of aliens could apply for exemption from payment of the alien registration fee, and in January 1956, the fee itself was reduced to 200 baht. in March 1956, a new Electoral Law was promulgated, extending to Thai nationals born of alien fathers and to naturalized Thai citizens the basic right to stand for elections to the National Assembly. The Nationality Law is now in process of amendment to restore citizenship rights to those born in Thailand of alien mothers, and naturalization of Chinese aliens is officially encouraged. 43/ Coughlin, Richard J., "The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952, p. 387.- 24 - Thus, the Nationality Act as amended served as a widely restrictive instrument in curbing alien, i.e., Chinese, activities. It affected their potentiality of owning schools and land, and many other activities which could be curbed by the nationality requirement. Mr. Richard J. Coughlin has given his viewpoint in an article written in 1952: The Chinese are convinced that the Thai government is deliberately discriminatory, and . . . the anti-Chinese feelings that have been officially displayed in the course of the past twenty years are being increasingly reciprocated by anti-Thai sentiment on the part of the Chinese. 43/ According to Dr. Skinner: All of these measures were strongly anti-assimilationist in effect, but as it turned out they were also only transitory. In July 1955, the administration proclaimed a new liberal policy toward the Chinese. In August, the Military Service Law was again amended, this time to remove provisions discriminatory to citizens of alien extraction, and the decrees discriminating against such citizens in the acquisition of land were also rescinded. In October 1955, regulations were promulgated whereby six broadly defined classes of aliens could apply for exemption from payment of the alien registration fee, and in January 1956, the fee itself was reduced to 200 baht. in March 1956, a new Electoral Law was promulgated, extending to Thai nationals born of alien fathers and to naturalized Thai citizens the basic right to stand for elections to the National Assembly. The Nationality Law is now in process of amendment to restore citizenship rights to those born in Thailand of alien mothers, and naturalization of Chinese aliens is officially encouraged. 43/ Coughlin, Richard J., "The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952, p. 387.- 24 - Thus, the Nationality Act as amended served as a widely restrictive instrument in curbing alien, i.e., Chinese, activities. It affected their potentiality of owning schools and land, and many other activities which could be curbed by the nationality requirement. Mr. Richard J. Coughlin has given his viewpoint in an article written in 1952: The Chinese are convinced that the Thai government is deliberately discriminatory, and . . . the anti-Chinese feelings that have been officially displayed in the course of the past twenty years are being increasingly reciprocated by anti-Thai sentiment on the part of the Chinese. 43/ According to Dr. Skinner: All of these measures were strongly anti-assimilationist in effect, but as it turned out they were also only transitory. In July 1955, the administration proclaimed a new liberal policy toward the Chinese. In August, the Military Service Law was again amended, this time to remove provisions discriminatory to citizens of alien extraction, and the decrees discriminating against such citizens in the acquisition of land were also rescinded. In October 1955, regulations were promulgated whereby six broadly defined classes of aliens could apply for exemption from payment of the alien registration fee, and in January 1956, the fee itself was reduced to 200 baht. in March 1956, a new Electoral Law was promulgated, extending to Thai nationals born of alien fathers and to naturalized Thai citizens the basic right to stand for elections to the National Assembly. The Nationality Law is now in process of amendment to restore citizenship rights to those born in Thailand of alien mothers, and naturalization of Chinese aliens is officially encouraged. 43/ Coughlin, Richard J., "The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952, p. 387.- 24 - Thus, the Nationality Act as amended served as a widely restrictive instrument in curbing alien, i.e., Chinese, activities. It affected their potentiality of owning schools and land, and many other activities which could be curbed by the nationality requirement. Mr. Richard J. Coughlin has given his viewpoint in an article written in 1952: The Chinese are convinced that the Thai government is deliberately discriminatory, and . . . the anti-Chinese feelings that have been officially displayed in the course of the past twenty years are being increasingly reciprocated by anti-Thai sentiment on the part of the Chinese. 43/ According to Dr. Skinner: All of these measures were strongly anti-assimilationist in effect, but as it turned out they were also only transitory. In July 1955, the administration proclaimed a new liberal policy toward the Chinese. In August, the Military Service Law was again amended, this time to remove provisions discriminatory to citizens of alien extraction, and the decrees discriminating against such citizens in the acquisition of land were also rescinded. In October 1955, regulations were promulgated whereby six broadly defined classes of aliens could apply for exemption from payment of the alien registration fee, and in January 1956, the fee itself was reduced to 200 baht. in March 1956, a new Electoral Law was promulgated, extending to Thai nationals born of alien fathers and to naturalized Thai citizens the basic right to stand for elections to the National Assembly. The Nationality Law is now in process of amendment to restore citizenship rights to those born in Thailand of alien mothers, and naturalization of Chinese aliens is officially encouraged. 43/ Coughlin, Richard J., "The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952, p. 387.- 24 - Thus, the Nationality Act as amended served as a widely restrictive instrument in curbing alien, i.e., Chinese, activities. It affected their potentiality of owning schools and land, and many other activities which could be curbed by the nationality requirement. Mr. Richard J. Coughlin has given his viewpoint in an article written in 1952: The Chinese are convinced that the Thai government is deliberately discriminatory, and . . . the anti-Chinese feelings that have been officially displayed in the course of the past twenty years are being increasingly reciprocated by anti-Thai sentiment on the part of the Chinese. 43/ According to Dr. Skinner: All of these measures were strongly anti-assimilationist in effect, but as it turned out they were also only transitory. In July 1955, the administration proclaimed a new liberal policy toward the Chinese. In August, the Military Service Law was again amended, this time to remove provisions discriminatory to citizens of alien extraction, and the decrees discriminating against such citizens in the acquisition of land were also rescinded. In October 1955, regulations were promulgated whereby six broadly defined classes of aliens could apply for exemption from payment of the alien registration fee, and in January 1956, the fee itself was reduced to 200 baht. in March 1956, a new Electoral Law was promulgated, extending to Thai nationals born of alien fathers and to naturalized Thai citizens the basic right to stand for elections to the National Assembly. The Nationality Law is now in process of amendment to restore citizenship rights to those born in Thailand of alien mothers, and naturalization of Chinese aliens is officially encouraged. 43/ Coughlin, Richard J., "The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952, p. 387.- 25 - At the same time, no basic change in educational policy is contemplated which might alter the decline in Chinese education whereby the number of students in Chinese schools has decreased from over 175,000 to less than 50,000 in eight years. In addition, a new inter-ethnic labor union federation has been organized with police blessing, and the administration has announced plans to end opium smoking and cure addicts. In almost every respect, the Thai government is now following a consistent and reasonable pro-assimilation policy. 44/ In appraising the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand, a word of caution by Mr. Coughlin should be appreciated. He holds that, "as one might reasonably expect, the true situation of the Chinese minority in Thailand cannot be correctly assessed on the basis of partisan statements alone. And he continues, on the basis of his own study: It should be recognized, first of all, that in a strictly legal sense, the Chinese are not singled out for discrimination. No law has ever been enacted specifically denying to the Chinese in Thailand rights which are granted to other alien groups. On the contrary, the very laws which extreme partisans of the Chinese regard as tantamount to the persecution are applicable to all aliens without exception. The Thai government has been careful to adhere to this policy of impartiality both in the formulation and in the execution of measures which affect the Chinese. 46/ Despite his criticism of unsound policies and unimaginative measures applied to the Chinese by the Thai government, Dr. Landon's conclusion made in 1941 is still pertinent to the whole issue of the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand. 44/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 247. 45/ Coughlin, Richard, J., The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand, op. cit., p. 378. 46/ Ibid., pp. 378-379.- 25 - At the same time, no basic change in educational policy is contemplated which might alter the decline in Chinese education whereby the number of students in Chinese schools has decreased from over 175,000 to less than 50,000 in eight years. In addition, a new inter-ethnic labor union federation has been organized with police blessing, and the administration has announced plans to end opium smoking and cure addicts. In almost every respect, the Thai government is now following a consistent and reasonable pro-assimilation policy. 44/ In appraising the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand, a word of caution by Mr. Coughlin should be appreciated. He holds that, "as one might reasonably expect, the true situation of the Chinese minority in Thailand cannot be correctly assessed on the basis of partisan statements alone. And he continues, on the basis of his own study: It should be recognized, first of all, that in a strictly legal sense, the Chinese are not singled out for discrimination. No law has ever been enacted specifically denying to the Chinese in Thailand rights which are granted to other alien groups. On the contrary, the very laws which extreme partisans of the Chinese regard as tantamount to the persecution are applicable to all aliens without exception. The Thai government has been careful to adhere to this policy of impartiality both in the formulation and in the execution of measures which affect the Chinese. 46/ Despite his criticism of unsound policies and unimaginative measures applied to the Chinese by the Thai government, Dr. Landon's conclusion made in 1941 is still pertinent to the whole issue of the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand. 44/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 247. 45/ Coughlin, Richard, J., The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand, op. cit., p. 378. 46/ Ibid., pp. 378-379.- 25 - At the same time, no basic change in educational policy is contemplated which might alter the decline in Chinese education whereby the number of students in Chinese schools has decreased from over 175,000 to less than 50,000 in eight years. In addition, a new inter-ethnic labor union federation has been organized with police blessing, and the administration has announced plans to end opium smoking and cure addicts. In almost every respect, the Thai government is now following a consistent and reasonable pro-assimilation policy. 44/ In appraising the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand, a word of caution by Mr. Coughlin should be appreciated. He holds that, "as one might reasonably expect, the true situation of the Chinese minority in Thailand cannot be correctly assessed on the basis of partisan statements alone. And he continues, on the basis of his own study: It should be recognized, first of all, that in a strictly legal sense, the Chinese are not singled out for discrimination. No law has ever been enacted specifically denying to the Chinese in Thailand rights which are granted to other alien groups. On the contrary, the very laws which extreme partisans of the Chinese regard as tantamount to the persecution are applicable to all aliens without exception. The Thai government has been careful to adhere to this policy of impartiality both in the formulation and in the execution of measures which affect the Chinese. 46/ Despite his criticism of unsound policies and unimaginative measures applied to the Chinese by the Thai government, Dr. Landon's conclusion made in 1941 is still pertinent to the whole issue of the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand. 44/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 247. 45/ Coughlin, Richard, J., The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand, op. cit., p. 378. 46/ Ibid., pp. 378-379.- 25 - At the same time, no basic change in educational policy is contemplated which might alter the decline in Chinese education whereby the number of students in Chinese schools has decreased from over 175,000 to less than 50,000 in eight years. In addition, a new inter-ethnic labor union federation has been organized with police blessing, and the administration has announced plans to end opium smoking and cure addicts. In almost every respect, the Thai government is now following a consistent and reasonable pro-assimilation policy. 44/ In appraising the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand, a word of caution by Mr. Coughlin should be appreciated. He holds that, "as one might reasonably expect, the true situation of the Chinese minority in Thailand cannot be correctly assessed on the basis of partisan statements alone. And he continues, on the basis of his own study: It should be recognized, first of all, that in a strictly legal sense, the Chinese are not singled out for discrimination. No law has ever been enacted specifically denying to the Chinese in Thailand rights which are granted to other alien groups. On the contrary, the very laws which extreme partisans of the Chinese regard as tantamount to the persecution are applicable to all aliens without exception. The Thai government has been careful to adhere to this policy of impartiality both in the formulation and in the execution of measures which affect the Chinese. 46/ Despite his criticism of unsound policies and unimaginative measures applied to the Chinese by the Thai government, Dr. Landon's conclusion made in 1941 is still pertinent to the whole issue of the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand. 44/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 247. 45/ Coughlin, Richard, J., The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand, op. cit., p. 378. 46/ Ibid., pp. 378-379.- 25 - At the same time, no basic change in educational policy is contemplated which might alter the decline in Chinese education whereby the number of students in Chinese schools has decreased from over 175,000 to less than 50,000 in eight years. In addition, a new inter-ethnic labor union federation has been organized with police blessing, and the administration has announced plans to end opium smoking and cure addicts. In almost every respect, the Thai government is now following a consistent and reasonable pro-assimilation policy. 44/ In appraising the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand, a word of caution by Mr. Coughlin should be appreciated. He holds that, "as one might reasonably expect, the true situation of the Chinese minority in Thailand cannot be correctly assessed on the basis of partisan statements alone. And he continues, on the basis of his own study: It should be recognized, first of all, that in a strictly legal sense, the Chinese are not singled out for discrimination. No law has ever been enacted specifically denying to the Chinese in Thailand rights which are granted to other alien groups. On the contrary, the very laws which extreme partisans of the Chinese regard as tantamount to the persecution are applicable to all aliens without exception. The Thai government has been careful to adhere to this policy of impartiality both in the formulation and in the execution of measures which affect the Chinese. 46/ Despite his criticism of unsound policies and unimaginative measures applied to the Chinese by the Thai government, Dr. Landon's conclusion made in 1941 is still pertinent to the whole issue of the "alien-type" minority problem in Thailand. 44/ Skinner, William G., Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics, op. cit., p. 247. 45/ Coughlin, Richard, J., The Status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand, op. cit., p. 378. 46/ Ibid., pp. 378-379.-26- In its dealings with the Chinese the Thai government has reduced immigration, has forced Thai education upon Chinese in Thailand, is diminishing as rapidly as possible their important commercial position, and is attempting to destroy or at least to control their secret commercial and political societies. The two races, Thai and Chinese, are playing out their historic drama. The Thai cannot now abandon home and field and move southward to escape. This, then, is their last stand in a centuries-long contest. They are apparently devising a technique of living with the Chinese while maintaining Thai supremacy in the Thai national home. 47/ Pakon Pachinbhayang Far Eastern Law Division January 1962 47/ Lanion, Kenneth P., The Chinese in Thailand, op. cit., p. 292.-26- In its dealings with the Chinese the Thai government has reduced immigration, has forced Thai education upon Chinese in Thailand, is diminishing as rapidly as possible their important commercial position, and is attempting to destroy or at least to control their secret commercial and political societies. The two races, Thai and Chinese, are playing out their historic drama. The Thai cannot now abandon home and field and move southward to escape. This, then, is their last stand in a centuries-long contest. They are apparently devising a technique of living with the Chinese while maintaining Thai supremacy in the Thai national home. 47/ Pakon Pachinbhayang Far Eastern Law Division January 1962 47/ Lanion, Kenneth P., The Chinese in Thailand, op. cit., p. 292.-26- In its dealings with the Chinese the Thai government has reduced immigration, has forced Thai education upon Chinese in Thailand, is diminishing as rapidly as possible their important commercial position, and is attempting to destroy or at least to control their secret commercial and political societies. The two races, Thai and Chinese, are playing out their historic drama. The Thai cannot now abandon home and field and move southward to escape. This, then, is their last stand in a centuries-long contest. They are apparently devising a technique of living with the Chinese while maintaining Thai supremacy in the Thai national home. 47/ Pakon Pachinbhayang Far Eastern Law Division January 1962 47/ Lanion, Kenneth P., The Chinese in Thailand, op. cit., p. 292.-26- In its dealings with the Chinese the Thai government has reduced immigration, has forced Thai education upon Chinese in Thailand, is diminishing as rapidly as possible their important commercial position, and is attempting to destroy or at least to control their secret commercial and political societies. The two races, Thai and Chinese, are playing out their historic drama. The Thai cannot now abandon home and field and move southward to escape. This, then, is their last stand in a centuries-long contest. They are apparently devising a technique of living with the Chinese while maintaining Thai supremacy in the Thai national home. 47/ Pakon Pachinbhayang Far Eastern Law Division January 1962 47/ Lanion, Kenneth P., The Chinese in Thailand, op. cit., p. 292.-26- In its dealings with the Chinese the Thai government has reduced immigration, has forced Thai education upon Chinese in Thailand, is diminishing as rapidly as possible their important commercial position, and is attempting to destroy or at least to control their secret commercial and political societies. The two races, Thai and Chinese, are playing out their historic drama. The Thai cannot now abandon home and field and move southward to escape. This, then, is their last stand in a centuries-long contest. They are apparently devising a technique of living with the Chinese while maintaining Thai supremacy in the Thai national home. 47/ Pakon Pachinbhayang Far Eastern Law Division January 1962 47/ Lanion, Kenneth P., The Chinese in Thailand, op. cit., p. 292.-27- BIBLIOGRAPHY Blanchard, Wendell, et. al. Thailand: Its People, Its Society, Its Culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. Coughlin, Richard J. "The status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952. Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai [The History of the Thai]. Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huanuang ro so 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R.S. 120], Bangkok (h.d.). Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collection of Laws]. Bangkok Pramuan rahiap kramuang muksathikan [Education Laws and Regulations]. Bangkok, 2502 B.E. (1959). Rachkichanubeksa [The Government Gazette]. Bangkok. Ratha sapha san [The Assembly Journal]. Bangkok. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version). Bangkok. Sapha(h)san [The Weekly Journal]. Bangkok. Sarasas, Phra. My Country Thailand. Tokyo, Maruzen Company, Ltd., 1942. Skinner, G. William. "Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250. Thailand National Economic Council, Central Statistical Office. Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.).-27- BIBLIOGRAPHY Blanchard, Wendell, et. al. Thailand: Its People, Its Society, Its Culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. Coughlin, Richard J. "The status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952. Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai [The History of the Thai]. Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huanuang ro so 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R.S. 120], Bangkok (h.d.). Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collection of Laws]. Bangkok Pramuan rahiap kramuang muksathikan [Education Laws and Regulations]. Bangkok, 2502 B.E. (1959). Rachkichanubeksa [The Government Gazette]. Bangkok. Ratha sapha san [The Assembly Journal]. Bangkok. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version). Bangkok. Sapha(h)san [The Weekly Journal]. Bangkok. Sarasas, Phra. My Country Thailand. Tokyo, Maruzen Company, Ltd., 1942. Skinner, G. William. "Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250. Thailand National Economic Council, Central Statistical Office. Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.).-27- BIBLIOGRAPHY Blanchard, Wendell, et. al. Thailand: Its People, Its Society, Its Culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. Coughlin, Richard J. "The status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952. Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai [The History of the Thai]. Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huanuang ro so 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R.S. 120], Bangkok (h.d.). Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collection of Laws]. Bangkok Pramuan rahiap kramuang muksathikan [Education Laws and Regulations]. Bangkok, 2502 B.E. (1959). Rachkichanubeksa [The Government Gazette]. Bangkok. Ratha sapha san [The Assembly Journal]. Bangkok. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version). Bangkok. Sapha(h)san [The Weekly Journal]. Bangkok. Sarasas, Phra. My Country Thailand. Tokyo, Maruzen Company, Ltd., 1942. Skinner, G. William. "Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250. Thailand National Economic Council, Central Statistical Office. Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.).-27- BIBLIOGRAPHY Blanchard, Wendell, et. al. Thailand: Its People, Its Society, Its Culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. Coughlin, Richard J. "The status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952. Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai [The History of the Thai]. Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huanuang ro so 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R.S. 120], Bangkok (h.d.). Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collection of Laws]. Bangkok Pramuan rahiap kramuang muksathikan [Education Laws and Regulations]. Bangkok, 2502 B.E. (1959). Rachkichanubeksa [The Government Gazette]. Bangkok. Ratha sapha san [The Assembly Journal]. Bangkok. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version). Bangkok. Sapha(h)san [The Weekly Journal]. Bangkok. Sarasas, Phra. My Country Thailand. Tokyo, Maruzen Company, Ltd., 1942. Skinner, G. William. "Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250. Thailand National Economic Council, Central Statistical Office. Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.).-27- BIBLIOGRAPHY Blanchard, Wendell, et. al. Thailand: Its People, Its Society, Its Culture. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1957. Coughlin, Richard J. "The status of the Chinese Minority in Thailand," Pacific Affairs, vol. XXV, no. 4, December 1952. Kanchanakphan, Sanga. Lak Thai [The History of the Thai]. Bangkok, 2471 B.E. (1928). Kot kho bangkhap samrap pokkhrong boriaren chet huanuang ro so 120 [The Rules of Administration for Seven Provinces R.S. 120], Bangkok (h.d.). Landon, Kenneth Perry. The Chinese in Thailand. London, Oxford University Press, 1941. Prachum kotmai pracham sok [Annual Collection of Laws]. Bangkok Pramuan rahiap kramuang muksathikan [Education Laws and Regulations]. Bangkok, 2502 B.E. (1959). Rachkichanubeksa [The Government Gazette]. Bangkok. Ratha sapha san [The Assembly Journal]. Bangkok. Royal Thai Government Gazette (Thai version). Bangkok. Sapha(h)san [The Weekly Journal]. Bangkok. Sarasas, Phra. My Country Thailand. Tokyo, Maruzen Company, Ltd., 1942. Skinner, G. William. "Chinese Assimilation and Thai Politics," The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XVI, no. 2, February 1957, pp. 237-250. Thailand National Economic Council, Central Statistical Office. Statistical Year Book of Thailand, No. 22 (vol. 1), B.E. 2488 (1945) to 2498 (1955). Translation of the Civil and Commercial Code, Bangkok, Secretariat of the Council of Ministers (h.d.).