Wolverhampton 5th Jany 1862 Sir I beg most respectfully to submit to your consideration the enclosed plan for a gradual, but eventually certain restoration of the authority of the Federal Government over the seceded States. The execution of the scheme appeals at once to the patriotism, to the love of adventure and to the desire of property in land which have ever distinguished the inhabitants of the United States, and those natives of Europe who from time to time have made the Republic their home, and may therefore be expected to secure a wide response to its call. Its progress will, I think, if prudently organized, be attended with comparatively little bloodshed, and less sickness and privation: and while it does not exclude but rather invite the most brilliant military genius, it will not absolutely require anything but ordinary talent to ensure its success. It will involve no augmentation of debt, no issue of paper currency, no burdensome taxation; none indeed, but what will be required for years to come, even in time of peace should a rival state be established on your borders. I have reflected for months on the propriety of laying before you my thoughts on the matter:- I have feared the doing so might expose me to ridicule as an audacious intruder of advice; or obtain for me a publicity from which I should shrink with dread: but the disaster at Fredricksburgh has decided me to place this paper in your hands; requesting only that you will kindly protect me as far as possible from the notoriety which I dread. I am with profound respect Sir Your most obt servant James Hildreth To the Hon'ble Abraham Lincoln President of the United States [*13842*] James Hildreth Wolverhampton Glen On suppression of the Rebellion Memorandum of a Plan for the Suppression of the Rebellion of the Southern States The war for the reduction of the revolted States of the South, having thus far cost an immense sum of money and a multitude of valuable lives, I beg to suggest means by which without increasing the debt of the country; the object contemplated may be attained, with the smallest loss of life that is compatible with success. The writer therefore proposes that the occupation of the seceded states should be mainly affected by the voluntary enterprise, energy and patriotism of its more adventurous citizens, supplemented by an enlarged European immigration; the Executive government taking the lead and imparting that organization and consistency to its development, which the movement will require. I have estimated that about 200,000 people in the United States annually leave their homes for new fields of enterprise, which have hitherto been chiefly found in the western and northwestern territories; and in addition to these, a European emigration of about half that amount has swelled the tide that has borne the landmarks of cultivation every summer many miles towards the Pacific Ocean. Now I think this vast tide of population is of itself a mighty power, that, skillfully directed, is sufficient to overwhelm any impediment that can be presented by a community [that] like that of the thinly settled territories of the Southern Confederacy. A small, compact, highly trained Army opening the way; while the ground [was] is occupied by armed cultivators, artisans, and traders following its wake, and sheltered by its protection. Suppose then that all the usual fields of Every nation were closed by legislative Enactment and if necessary by a police or military force and no titles to land granted in the West while every inducement was offered to persons willing to travel. [*13844*] Southward, to the extent of giving free conveyance on the Railroads and steamers, to certain districts indicated from time to time by the Government. I estimate that under these circumstances about 200,000 people of whom one half would be males capable of bearing arms, composed of native Americans & European immigrants, might be induced to enter the revolted territory, by appealing through the press in various ways to their patriotism, to their philanthropy in the subject of slavery, to their love of adventure, and to their personal interests; you would thus introduce into the revolted territory a population imbued with principles devoted to the support and consolidation of the Union. For organising these I would suggest as follows: taking the city of Nashville for example, and supposing it requires for it safety a garrison of 15,000 men as an advanced port of the Union; the place should be made as strong as possible by earthworks around it so that it would be able to keep in check 50000 of the enemy for a fortnight; the lands on the north of the city should then be surveyed, and such part of them as belonged to persons who had fled, or fallen in the interest of the rebels, should be divided into lots of say 50 acres each and apportioned among the new settlers, either gratuitously or for such low price as would be an inducement to them, on the condition of each person old enough enrolling himself as a local volunteer, liable to be called out whenever the enemy appeared in force within 20 miles, and to give an hour every Evening and four hours every Saturday evening to drill and to learning the use of the rifle. Proclamations should be issued making known that the executive had no wish to deal harshly with anyone on account of what had taken place, but any one even who had to some extent been committed to the rebellion should be pardoned on submission, with the [loss] forfeiture of a certain portion of [their] his property towards the expenses which had been through their acts, forced upon the government. It might not be prudent to act on this extensively at first but while holding out the hand of reconciliation to the people in general, certain parties who continued to make themselves conspicuous by acts of disaffection should be brought before a competent tribunal and solemnly adjudged to banishment to the far western territories and to the forfeiture of all their property to the state. The houses & lands thus acquired being divided as quickly as possible among the new comers. We suppose thus in a few months the whole territory north of Nashville would be occupied by a population which could be depended upon for sustaining the government, and for thirty miles on each side, east and west, which with 30 miles Northward would give an area of 1800 square miles and on a very low estimate of its rate of population should contain 25,000 of this local militia. On the first suitable opportunity the regular garrison might be suddenly augmented by concentration from other stations, and an unexpected advance made on some defensible position not more than thirty miles forward, the territory thus covered to be defended, and subjected to the same process as the last till the whole space behind had been filled by a Union or Federal population when the advance should be repeated. Besides, when required in addition to their drill the militia might be embodied in rotation, one in twelve or one in twenty, for a month or three weeks, so that each man's turn would come round once a year or once in 18 months during which time they should act in conjunction with the regulars as outlying packets from one mile to twenty miles in advance according to circumstances, to give timely notice of any gathering among the confederates or any approach of their troops, which might be communicated by telegraph, and by swift messengers on horseback and on foot, that the people might be called out, those in advanced positions drawn back and every thing prepared for a successful resistance. Thus, from one point or another, each year some advance will be made, and some territory gained; in the meantime every effort should be made for conciliating individuals brought into contact with the federals; every possible [effort] attempt should be tried to make known to [*13845*] the bulk of the people the clemency of the Federal government, their willingness to restore the rights of citizenship to all who should submit themselves to the laws: with full protection for their property in lands, houses, cattle and negroes "held to labor;" recognizing slavery as an institution to be deprecated indeed, and not encouraged, yet at the same time not to be meddled with, except by such gradual legislation as the restored Union should be able to bring to bear on it; but which was certain to perish outright if brought into direct resistance to the advance of Union interests. Every facility should be given by Federal officers & magistrates for trade & personal intercourse with with the Secessionists, which of course would be united by the Confederate authorities, who would thus be brought into disrepute with their own people. Besides if the Confederates are left for a time without opportunity of carrying on war except as aggressors and attackers of fortified places, various matters of dispute will arise between the different states, and between their officers, which will to some extent paralyse their actions, while personal acquaintance and matrimonial alliances will unite the people gradually with the new comers; amalgamating their interests and silently increasing the influence of the Federal government. I estimate that for every federalist who established himself in the revolted districts, one at least of the population would become detatched from the cause of secession, and be absorbed in the ranks of the defenders of the Union. Reckoning the number of Federal immigrants at an average of 200,000 a year, and the converts at an equal amount, in ten years, four millions of the Southern populations would be supporters of the Union; in five years more, without any sucession of bloody victories, or mutual causes of heart burning, Secession will have become among the things that are forgotten, and will have left no trace of envy or disaffection between the different sections of the Country. On the subject of Negro slavery, I would say a few words. It is contended by the supporters of the institution, that the race is incapable of performing the duties of social and political life: if this can be proved, their proper condition is that of slavery. I do not recognise the truth of the statement, but the progress of this occupation would furnish an opportunity of testing its validity. A considerable number of negroes & coloured people would be set free by desertion of their owners; and for these a distinct legislation would be required. A strict law of supremacy might be enacted, under which every Negro begging or without regular Employment should be assigned to the care of some Employer of labour at a minimum rate of wages (say, half a dollar per day); should he prove incapable or unwilling so that his employer was dissatisfied, another master should be found for him; but after three failures he might be given in charge to a reformatory or corrective institution, where under discipline of proper offices he could be taught and accustomed to steady labour. Should the experience of a few months prove that the majority of them were incapable of sustained labour except under compulsion, and insensible to moral obligation, it might then be assumed that they were below the standard of humanity, and incapable of its duties and responsibilities; for my own part I believe they would be found capable of all the duties devolving on the bulk of the agricultural labourers of Europe, and would form an indispensable class for carrying on field operations, for which the more delicate organization of the white race unfits them in those hot climates. Legislation might be then used gradually to improve the condition of those still under owners, by setting limits to the master's authority in regard to marriage, paternity, and acquired property; and private benevolence might be invoked to purchase their liberty individually. Slavery and villeinage were not eradicated in England and throughout Europe by legislative enactment, but died out gradually as the supply of free labour increased and was found cheaper and better than service exacted in bondage. [*over*] [*13846*] Now these operations could not be successfully carried on without the presence of a standing army, till they were accomplished; and this leads me to consider the means of sustaining it in efficiency without overburdening the national resources. In Great Britain we have recently raised 70 millions for arms by taxes in a time of peace from a population of 28 millions. It is here our population numbers in it some of the wealthiest persons in the world, but it also counts a vast number of very poor. I think it is not too much to say that the average capability of paying taxes individually would be about equal in the two countries. Estimating the population of the Federal States at 20 millions, the proportionate revenue would be about 50 millions. I have calculated that a regiment of infantry, with the officers, might be maintained for £60,000 per year or 100 regiments for six millions. Estimating the complement of cavalry and artillery at an equal sum, and twelve millions more for the naval force, we have not accounted for half the estimated revenue. While I write tidings are received of the disastrous battle of Fredericksburgh, and the retreat across the Rappahannock. Now suppose that 50,000 troops were to be henceforth permanently encamped in the north bank of that river till the country between it and the Potomac were filled up with a Federal population, composed as above stated of emigrants from Europe, and citizens from the northern states, combined with such of the present population as were won over to Federal sentiments; and that the same process were carried on in Tennessee throughout the tract between Nashville & Memphis, would not a vast amount of strength have been gained to the Union, even suppose it took two years to complete the operation. But before reducing the army to this number of 150,000 men, it might be advisable if the military authorities thought it practicable, to unite in a grand effort to take first Savannah, then Charleston, & then Mobile, by combined naval & military attacks; the blockading force might then be dispensed with, as the enemy would no longer have a port in their possession, while all being duly garrisoned could be opened to the commerce of the world. It might then be concluded that there could be no longer any pretext for intervention by the European powers; and each seaport would form a nucleus from which trade, civilization, and freedom would gradually spread into the interior. It may be objected that these cities would require garrisons to hold them, but how could the regular army of 150,000 troops be better employed than in holding them, ten to twenty thousand at each point aided by the local militia, and capable of being re-inforced in short time to any needful amount. To me it appears that Virginia & Richmond are the least important portions of the Confederate territory. If the bulk of their forces could be detained there while the navigation of the Mississippi was opened and the territory on its left bank secured, and Charleston & Savannah occupied, a considerable extent of land might be planted with cotton at the very opening of the year, both on the Mississippi and the [su? ] islands, which at the present rate would be highly remunerative to the growers, and give employment to the escaped slaves. In addition I think it highly probable that were the Confederate states left to themselves by the cessation of active hostilities; dissentions and disagreements would arise among them; individuals, villages, even towns would fall away as opportunity offered, and would invoke the protection of the Federal armies; thus hastening the process of the reabsorption of the whole revolted territory. Had the advance in Richmond been more successful, and had the whole Southern territory been over-run; it would have required a garrison of 500,000 men to have held possession of those states, with constant loss of life in skirmishing; while at the end of ten years of mutual injury and irritation, they would be no nearer than ever to a reconciliation; but the growth of a system of recolonisation in which the old population would be gradually merged in the healthy increase of the new, would give to [*13847*] the Republic, a one-ness of character, and a stability of condition that it has never hitherto possessed. I feel that objections may be urged to many parts of the plan. I thus advocate: but after eighteen months reflection on the subject - I think I could satisfactorily answer them all. To do so however would be to write a treatise, and it is my wish merely to suggest. If what I have written shall avail to stay [the] a vast amount of needless slaughter, and to fix on a firm basis the institutions of the Great Republic which has been for nearly a century the ark and the palladium of liberty, I shall feel that I have not written in vain. James Hildreth [*[1862, Jan. 5]*] Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.