BLACKWELL FAMILY
ALICE STONE BLACKWELL

SUBJECT FILE

India: Printed MatterS.N.T. 
A.I.T.
F.A.I.

BULLETIN OF INFORMATION
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INFORMATION SERVICE
Vía Durruti, 30 - 40.
BARCELONA (Spain)

SERVICE D'INFORMATION
Bureau de Presse
28 Bd. St. Denis.
PARIS, (France)
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3rd Year.
BARCELONA, August 13th, 1938
Whole No. 79
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Mussolini shows again his "loyalty"

THIS ITALIAN OFFENSIVE IN ITALY HAS BEEN FRUSTRATED

All the prisoners taken by the soldiers of the people are of Italian
nationality. The "Blue Arrows" and the "Black Flames" the "Litorio" and
the "23rd March"- after making good their losses due to their complete
defeat two months ago in the battle of the Ebro - are carrying on a desperate
attack against our lines. This is simply a proof of fascist loyalty
in regard to their international obligations: it is the demonstration 
of how, after the "Agreement of London", Italy honours her signature
at the foot of the last proposal for the withdrawal of volunteers. England
would do well if, instead of sending their ingenous agents to Rome, they
sent them to Viver or Vall de Uxó, where they could find out what language 
the so-called "nationalist" speak. Naturally, we are not surprised at
this Italian intervention. We are suffering from it since the beginning
of the war, and we know that the traditional cowardice of the soldiers of
the "Duce" prevents them from advancing when the aviation and artillery
has not completed cleared the ground they want to conquer. But we point
out the fact as a definite ratification of the falsity of Mussolini and
the tragic farce of London. To-day, as always, the dictators sign all
kinds of agreements without the intention of fulfilling them, persuing as
exploit in future nefotiotions.

But the desperate offensive undertaken by the Italian troops at the
Levant front shows, not only the Mussolini fallacy, but also the haste
to liquidate a situation which is becoming untenable for those who dreamt of an easy and profitable conquest.

Italy found in Spain more accessible and rich booty than Abysinnia,
Italy entered our country helped by a tribe of traitors, protected by the
cowardly inhibitions of the great democracies, which were not capable even
to vote for those slight sanctions which were imposed when she undertook
the conquest of Ethiopia. She was herself faced by a people without military
organization, without adequate armament, boicotted by those who,
trampling the law underfoot, refused to them the arms which they could
have acquired. Mussolini thought the fight would be short and victorious,
with a minimum of expense in men and material and an enormous production,
exploiting the soil and subsoil, utilizing the Spaniards as beast of
burden, transforming our terrestrial and air bases, and constituting
a threat which would oblige London and Paris to compromise and come to
an arrangement. But this was a complete mistake. The people whom he thought
it would be easy to conquer, distinguished themselves for their heroism;
the military organization was created amid magnificent enthusiasm; soon
after the first victory came the shameful defeat at Brihuega, dishonour
of an army which thought itself invincible. To-day the dramatic reality
is presented to the sight of the invader. Abyssinia cost a small number
of losses; about a few hundred million lira and five months fighting.
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Spain has cost two years of bloodshed, twenty five thousand men and twenty
thousand million lira. And for what? Nothing practical and tangible,
certainly. Unless it be the hope, which is every day more remote, of securing
a victory which may permit the recuperation of the money spent. Every hour
that passes without our resistance diminishing is a fresh blow for Italy. 
In three years the Debt has reached thirty eight thousand million liras; the
deficit calculated for this year is twelve thousand millions; there is no
money even to buy the five hundred thousand tons of wheat which would permit that the people, whose ration has been reduced to the minimum imaginable, may
have a piece of bread. A year more of war and intervention in Spain would be,
fatally and inevitably, the financial crash, the economic collapse of Italy.
And with the economic and financial disaster would come the revolution, which
would drag Mussolini himself to his death.

In order to try to avoid this certain danger, the offensive of the East
was planned, but it did not give the results expected; to achieve them, a
fortnight ago a strong offensive was begun. Anyway, troops were called to the
Levante fronts; all the available material was collected there: at one time
attacks were made with enormous violence in five different directions: for 
whole hours all the roads were machine - gunned; shells were used in great
quantities to remove all the earth protecting the positions defended by the
Popular Army. But, when they thought that nobody remained alive, soldiers and
machine guns issued from the earth and raked the ranks of the attackers. On
the 9th July "at the latest" they were going to be in Sagunto, according to
the ITalian plans for the division of "black shirts" which advanced along the
Ter[?]al road. This is not the 9th July but the 9th August and the whole Italian
offensive has only served to reach Barracas, which is 50 kilometers from
the point indicated in the plans of the Rome General Staff. The heroic resistance
of our soldiers has caused the great offensive to fail already, in
spite of the fact that the invaders prepared it so carefully. They have certainly
advanced a few kilometers, but they have not advanced a fifth of the
distance planned, and the cost has been ten times as great as they expected.
Mussolini has plenty of reasons to be displeased. He can never conquer Spain,
but Spain will destroy his prestige when it makes him collapse economically
and will free the enslaved people of Italy.

WE ARE JUST AS ANARCHIST AS EVER

At every step we meet the same affirmation, in spite of all we have done
to clear up the problem in regard to our position in relation with the State
and government collaberation. The fact of our participation in Government
is misapplied and made to serve as a sign of our political conversion, and non
existing reasons are brought forward in order to adulate our transformation
as a movement against the State into a movement incorporated indefinitely in
the classical political actuation of political parties. We are not grateful
for praises of this kind, because consciously or unconsciously, this means
speculation with a transitory line of conduct so as to confuse public opinion.
It would be better for us if the "defenders" of this kind were to keep silent
if they are not capable of defending us, or if they insist on falsifying the
truth with contemptible proposals, may they show themselves for what they are.

From a circumstantial collaboration with a war Government, we have always
said, nobody can draw deductions respecting the rectification of our principles
and libertarian methods. On the contrary, we have had to circumvent those
who fell into the error of supposing less anarchistic than before, the criticisms
of our own anarchist circles abroad, the defamers who do not lose any
occasion to reap political benefit at the cost of a movement like ours, and
we have constantly repeated that we do not rectify any of our principles and
that we do not renounce our anti-capitalist and anti-state claims.

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Neither we have experienced a process of ideological transformation nor
have we abandoned the fundamental principles which anarchist methods indicate
for the Revolution. But only a state of war such as we are experiencing, with
its problems and its complexities, has led us to share responsibilities with
organisms which, in our opinion, should be suppressed, in a really revolutionary
phase of socialist reconstruction. Only due to the needs of the war are
we to be found in institutions which our anarchistic conception repudiates.
Our anarchism has not evaporated in face of the realities we have experienced.
The transitory tactics adopted, cannot give rooted revolutionary interpretations,
which, if they have received some addition in the two years of our
struggle, this has not been by any means to revaluate what we considered up to
the 19th July to be opposed to the interest of the Revolution.

If the political parties have their own points of view, we also have ours.
And we claim the right to defend them and to fight for their realization, when
the times comes for the people to say, with complete liberty, their last word.

As a pleasure is taken lately in repeating catch phrases about our new
position, without the Libertarian Movement having ever said what they are alleged
to have said or thought, we think it opportune to repeat ourselves, for
the hundredth time, that as we have not been shown to be wrong in anything, th
firmness of our convictions has not diminished at all. We trust that those wh
pointing to our "evolution" want to certify the efficay of their policy and
methods, may understand this once and for all.

To clear up confusions

AUTHENTIC VANGUARDS ARE MADE IN THE STRUGGLE

In the name of important contigents of workmen, who have their own vanguar
we beg to make a few friendly observations in regard to the revolutionary lite
rature with which a certain Barcelona newspaper is exciting its readers.

The vanguard in ideological movements, within propaganda and theory, is
formed by the conscious workers, the militants and propagandists. In the order
of organization, it is formed by the men who organize, with perseverance and
competence, the organism, groups and elements for the struggle. And in order
of the struggle itself the vanguard is formed of these who first face the 
bullets of the adversary and those who offer an example of courage and herois
on those occasions when an encounter takes place.

To be a vanguard, one or the other of these requisites must be fulfilled.
It is not sufficient to say, "we are the vanguard" to be it reality. This
seems to us as clear as the sunlight.

We do not wish to refute that the Spanish communists are the vanguard of
communism in Spain. We think it is quite logical that the communist comrades
should affirm their vanguardism, in regard to the doctrine which serves them
us ideology.

This is one thing, but it is another quite different thing when they affirm
day after day, without anybody troubling to deny it, that the Communist Party
us the vanguard of the Spanish workmen.

When communism is unknown in Spain and the Russian revolution had not yet
taken place, Pablo Iglesias had already formed the glorious Spanish Socialist
Party and the Bakuninist movement had a great number of adherents and centre
organized in the whole of Spain. Then the Russian revolution took place, when
anarcho-socialism in Spain had formed its vanguards and had its anonymous figh
ors and heroes who fell riddled with bullets by the minions of Martinez Anid


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BULLETIN OF INFORMATION
Page No. 4

and Arlegui. Millions of workmen, independent of Russian influence, fought
in the streets of Spain for the independence and liberation of the proletarist.
And those men who fell, strong and vigorous, who could, after many attempts in
which their blood was splikt in torrents, consolidate the victory of the 19th
July, on the eve of which the communist represented 4 per cent of an electoral
coalition of the left.

The working masses of Spain have their vanguard, which cannot be cheerfull:
improvised with a few slogans and propaganda posters, constituted on the basis
of men persued by all the tyrannies; hardened in the fight of many years and
with a balance of victims immolated by the reation and capitalism. And with 
their vanguards they went to fight in the 19th of July and they won in Barcelo
and Madrid and the greater part of the Spanish soil. Therefore, nobody can honestly
attribute to himself the honour of being the vanguard of the working
class in Spain. Let the communist be the vanguard of their movement, which is
no small thing. Above all if this vanguard is able to serve the anti-fascist
cause, in an efficacious manner, as we should all do.

POLITICAL SPECULATION IN REGARD TO OUR STRUGGLE

Reactionary circles everywhere are spreading the legend of the Marxist predominance
in loyal Spain, or, more particularly, that of Bloshevist hegemony,
in order to prejudice the non-Marxist anti-fascist against us, from the libera
to the libertarians, justifying incidentally up to a certain point the open
intervention in an efficacious manner, as we should all do.

This legend should be vigorously opposed, because it does not correspond
by any means to the political and social reality. It is true that a certain
sector of the anti-fascist block, characterized by its exclusive tendencies,
has tried to get into possession of the most important resources of the Government,
and it is also true that this same sector carried on a mistaken propaganda
campaign, which was intended to demonstrate that it is they who direct
everything. This wild and often irresponsible propaganda was sadly manifest in
the recent Peace Congress held in Paris, where and absurd sectarianism was
shown, when a characteristic representative of the Communist Party was loudly
called to speak in the name of the Spanish Delegation. This kind of procedure
which is accompanied by a series of defamations of other sectors, and principally
against the libertarian sector, does not correspond at all to the pacts
of common anti-fascist action and the unionist slogans which were broadcast so
much, for this contributes indirectly to give veresimilitude to the said legend
of reactionary origin. But this cannot and should not deceive the true friends
of anti-fascist Spain. The Spanish people are fighting now for clearly defined
objectives, for vital objectives. These are the postulates of national independence,
of political liberty, economic equality. First of all fascism must be
overcome, the criminal invaders must be expelled from our soil, without [?]easing
for a moment to persue these objectives, within the existing material possibilities.
No totalitarian system, no party or sector dictatorship will be tolerated
by the great mass of the combattants and workers who are sacrificeing themselves
to-day for the liberation of Spain. Our people who have shown a political
intuition and a revolutionary maturity which has surprised the whole world
will not permit their sacrifices to be directed to a single party, whichever
this be. This is the best guarantee we can offer to anti-fascist workers in the
whole world, thus repudiating the stupid speculations which for one reason or
the other are carried on abroad in connection with the heroic fight of the Spanish
people. Whoever places his own political interests above the vital intere
of the people fighting for their existence, commits in reality an act of unqualifiable
disloyalty, but this should not be a motive for weakening the effort
to help anti-fascist Spain. Fascism must be crushed, in spite of everything.

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BULLETIN OF INFORMATION
Page No. 5

NECESSARY RECTIFISATIONS
in regard to an article by Jorge Dimitrov

The secretary of the Communist International, Jorge Dimitrov, Published
an article on the occasion of the second anniversary of our struggle, which
the press addicted to the Communist Part discipline has reproduced. We abstain
from analysing some paragraphs which refer to the Popular Front, tracing its
history from its inception to the present date, but we must make some rectifications.

First. The present Popular Front has nothing to do with that constituted in
January 1936, as a political front ready to intervene in the elections and enter
into power. The said political front, composed of marxist and republicans, exe
cluding the Socialist Part and the P.O.U.M. , far from demostrating its efficacy,
showed that, even when they came into power, they were not able to fight fascism,
which prepared and delivered their blow while the political front was at the
height of its power. The incorporation of the C.N.T. and the F.A.I. into the
creation of a real Anti-fascist Front, including ALL the forces, great and small,
that are fighting side by side, and, as the four parties which composed the Popular
Front again declined to compromise, it was the anarchists and the anarcho-syndicalist who compromised in the interest of unity. And this present Popular
Front only aspires to carry out effective action in face of the war which is
being waved TO-DAY.

Second. The following affirmation made to the effect that in March 1937
"IN MANY PROVINCES OF SPAIN, ALL THE UNIFIED SOCIALIST YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS,
ANARCHIST AND REPUBLICAN ORGANIZATIONS AMALGAMATED AND A SINGLE YOUTH ORGANIZATION WAS CREATED" is incorrect, because the anarchist youths have never entered
such an amalgamation.

Third. We think the process of unification of Spanish anti-fascist forces
in the war should not be connected with the policy of the Popular Front,
which, as is well known, was urged by Dimitrov himself, from the Moscow International.
When it is stated that "THIS PROGRESS OF THE STRUGGLE OF THE SPANISH
PEOPLE HAS CONFIRMED IN AN IRREFUTABLE MANNER THE JUSTICE OF THE POLICY OF
THE POPULAR FRONT" the corresponding explanation should be given, so that international
opinion may not confuse what has been done and what is being done
in Spain with the Popular Front policy urged by certain parties for politicial
reasons and with the object of coming into power.

Finally, when it is affirmed that the "COMMUNIST PARTY, A LONG TIME BEFORE
THE REBELLION, WAS ON GUARD AGAINST THE OFFENSIVE WHICH WAS BEING PREPARED,
POINTED OUT THE UNDERMINING ACTIVITY OF THE FASCISTS AGAINST THE SPANISH PEOPLE;
DISCOVERED THE THREADS WHICH CONNECTED THE CONSPIRATORS INSIDE THE COUNTRY
WITH THEIR GERMAN AND ITALIAN INSTIGATORS, INSPIRED ON THE NEED TO DESTROY
THE REACTIONARY GENERALS, ARM THE PEOPLE AND TAKE OTHER STEPS OF AN EFFICACIOUS
NATURE FOR THE DEFENSE OF THE REPUBLIC" this statement attempts to demonstrate 
that the Communist Party - which participated in the Popular Front
which was in the Government - had taken up a JUST POSITION and we could speak
much about this, forgetting that it was the libertarian movement which, being
prepared, gave battle at the head of the people in July 1936.

These indications, and others which we could make, we consider are obligatory
on us, in order to avoid confusion, because we know perfectly well that,
outside Spain, speculation is being carried on with the supposed monopoly of
the "just line" of a party which hardly appeared on the Spanish political map
before July.......

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AN ANARCHIST WOMAN FIGHTER

The name of Teresa Claramunt is nearly forgotten to-day, yet for nearly
fifty years, at a time when the workers were being subjected to the most ruthless
persecution, she was at the forefront of revolutionary agitation and anarchist
propaganda. It can be said that she was the only woman revolutionary, in
the true sense of the word, of those far gone days.

Witout having received any special education, Teresa Claramunt knew how to
acquire by herself the necessary training and knowledge.

By 1884 she had already directed an agitation against social conditions in
her native town of Sabadell, and afterwards she joined in every revolutionary
activity undertaken by the working class.

During 1888-1889 she was an exile in Portugal with her companion and towards
1893, a time of great revolutionary activity in Barcelona, she was arrested with
Domingo Mir when coming out of a meeting in which both had taken part.

After his terms of imprisonment came at frequent intervals, and it is needless
to relate the great sufferings which she endured at the hands of her jailer
during these periods. When the henchmen of the ill-famed Captain Portas started
to employ third degree methods on the political prisoners, Teresa, on hearing of
it and being in the women's gaol, protested vigorously against such torments,
and the reaction to this appeal to humanity was to be herself removed at 12 o'clock
one night with her hands tied to her back and escorted by four civil
guards to that sinister Castle. They locked her in a dungeon overridden with
vermin, from where she could hear the cries of those unfortunate prisoners being
tormented in their cells.

During the ensuing proceedings the Public Prosecutor demanded 28 death sentences
and asked for 57 to be sent to penal servitude for life, but the actual
sentences turned out to be less terrible, and Teresa was only exiled.

London - Roubaix - Paris and in 1898 back once more in Spain to continue
the struggle for social justice, this time by publishing, in partnership with
Leopoldo Bonafulla, a militant paper called "El Progreso."

Arrested in 1902 for taking part in several meetings on the occasion of a 
strike by textile workers, and set free once more, she returned to the fray,
to be sent to prison again both in Andalusia and in Aragón. As a result of her
last term between prison walls - 1911 - she contracted paralysis from which she
never fully recovered.

After spending several years in Seville, where in spite of her poor health
she took part in many anarchist meetings, home sickness brought her back to Barcelona
in 1924.

During her last years of life, and notwithstanding her handicap, her sole
desire was to be able to assist in bringing about the Revolution. For a matter
of a few years - she died in 1931 - she missed the present moments through which
Spain is passing.

(From the book "Our Women Fighters" in print) 8 "Spain and the World"Nationalist India

Vol 1, No. 2
May, 1940

Issued monthly by the INDIA COUNCIL,
an information and speakers service
bringing to you the truth about India's
Fight for Freedom under the leadership
of Gandhi, Nehru and the India
National Congress!

A STATEMENT BY JAWAJARAL NEHRU!*

The position and status of India
abroad will be determined ultimately
by the position and status of India.
Therefore the vital problem
for all Indians, wherever they might
be, is the freedom of India. In the
difficult days before us I trust that
Indians living in distance countries
will realize this and give their support
in every way to the mother
country. Thus they will support
and strengthen themselves. In regard
to their own position and demands
they must always maintain
the dignity of India and never agree
to anything that impairs that dignity
or discriminates against them in
an unfair way."

*"Indian Opinion," Nov. 3, 1939.

THE ONLY WEAPON

"So far as I can see, there is no independence
for India except through
the strictest adherence to truth and nonviolence.
My generalship is of no use
whatsoever, if I have an army which
doubts the efficacy of the weapons with
which I arm them. I am as determined
a foe of the exploitation of my country
as anyone can be. I am as impatient as
the hottest congressman for complete
deliverance of the country from

the foreign yoke. But I have no hate
for a single Englishman and for that
matter for anybody on earth. If I may
not help the Allies, I do not wish disaster
to them. Though the British Government
have grievously disappointed the Congress
hope, my hope, I do not seek
any gain from their embarrassment. My attempt
and my prayer are and will be
for an honourable peace between the
belligerent nations in the least possible
time. I had nursed the hope that there
would be an honourable peace and partnership
between Britain and India and
that I might be able to play an humble
part in finding a way out of the awful
carnage that is disgracing humanity and
making life itself a burden. But God 
has willed it otherwise."
—GANDHIJI

RAMGARH March 1940

The Indian National Congress met in
Annual Session the other day. It was a 
session held in the shadow of War — a
war unsought by the Indian people. It
was a session where momentous issues
confronted the delegates from all of India,
and, especially — was this the time
to start Civil Disobedience?

The Congress has for the past years
declared its unyielding opposition to India's
participation in Britain's wars;
India's resources, economic strength and
manpower may not be used to maintain
the status quo. Since the outbreak of the

(Continue on page 4)

CONTENTS:
Page
1. NEHRU: Message to Indians Abroad
GANDHI: The Only Weapon
2. Bombay Assembly Resolution on War
3. India's Women. India demands a Constitutional
Convention.
4. Ramgahr.

INDIA and the WAR

"If the war is to defend the status quo, imperialist possessions, colonies,
vested interests and privileges, then India can have nothing to do with it! If, however,
the issue is democracy and a world order based on democracy, then India is intensely
interested in it!"

"The Working Committee therefore invites the British Government to declare in unequivocal
terms what their war aims are in regard to democracy and imperialism and
the new order that is envisaged, in particular how these aims are going to apply to 
India and to be given effect to IN THE PRESENT!"
*From the September 14 statement of the Congress.

BOMBAY ASSEMBLY
RESOLUTION ON WAR

"This Assembly regrets that the British
Government has made India a participant
in the war between Great Britain
and Germany without the consent of
the people of India and has further, 
in complete disregard of Indian opinion,
passed laws and adopted measures curtailing
the powers and activities of
the Provincial Governments.

"This Assembly recommends to Government
to convey to the Government
of India, and through them, to the British
Government that, in consonance with
the avowed aims of the present war,
it is essential in order to secure the cooperation
of the Indian people that the
principles of democracy be applied to
India and her policy be guided by her
people; and that India should be regarded
as an independent nation entitled to
frame her own constitution providing,
among other things, adequate safeguards
for the protection of the rights and liberty
of the members of all minority
communities in India, and further that
suitable action should be taken in so 
far as is possible in the immediate present
to give effect to that principle in
regard to the present governance of
India, giving at the same time a voice to
important minorities in the machinery
that may be deviced for the purpose.

"This Assembly regrets that the situation
in India has not been rightly
understood by His Majesty's Government
when authorizing the statement
that has been made of their behalf in
regard to India."

INDIA AND IMPERIALISM

A press communique issued in Lahore
September 12th commented on how "in
spite of the promulgation of the Defence
of India Ordinance, 1939, a few
persons are continuing to make speeches
calculated to prejudice the efficient prosecution
of the war and more particularly
to prejudice recruitment to His Majesty's
Forces." The Government could "no
longer tolerate the commission of prejudicial
acts as defined in rule 34 (6) of
the Defence of  India Rules, acts which
are under rule 38 punishable with imprisonment
for a term which may extend
to 5 years." Action against offenders
will henceforth be more efficient...

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru writes in a 
message published in the "Indian Opinion"
of December 22nd:

"India holds fast today as before to
democracy, freedom and peace, and condemns
all aggression. If the war is for 
this, then Governments must state their 
aims clearly, agree to end Fascism and
Imperialism, support self-determination,
declare independence for India, and act
up to these declarations. Then all freedom
loving forces in the world will rally 
and establish a new order. India cannot
support preservation of Imperialism!"

INDIA DEMANDS A 
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION!

India demands a Constituent Assembly—
an assembly where all communities
will be represented in their exact proportions.
As Gandhiji writes: "There is
no other way of doing full justice to
rival claims. Without it, there can be no
finality to communal and other claims."

"Again, the Constituent Assembly alone
can produce a Constitution indigenous
to the country and truly and fully representing
the will of the people. Self-government
to be self-government has
merely to reflect the will of the people
who are to govern themselves. I can
conceive the possibility of people fitting
themselves for right government through
a series of wrong experiments, but I 
cannot conceive of a people governing themselves
rightly through a government imposed
from without, even as the fabled
jackdaw could not walk like a peacock
with the feathers borrowed from his elegant
companion. A diseased person has a
prospect of getting well by personal effort.
He cannot borrow health from
others.

"Any other method must lead to an
imposed constitution, mostly undemocratic.
It would mean an indefinite prolongation
of imperialistic rule sustained
by the help of those who will not accept
the fully democratic method of a Constituent
Assembly."
(*Abridged from an article in the
"Harijan," Poona, Nov. 25, 1939.

WOMEN of INDIA

Ten years have passed since India's Nationalists declared their determination to
win freedom for Mother India — ten years of civil war, of political strife, and intensified
social reconstruction. The fight for an Independent India has therefore proceeded along
two fronts at the same time — the political front — and the social front.

No friend of India is unfamiliar with
the magnificent achievements of Gandhi
in his fight for the removal of the
social ban on the untouchables; much
has likewise been written of the reforms
in education that are being initiated, and
the encouragement of native industries—
the latter emphasized by the spinning
wheel shown on every National Flag.
What some may not have realized is the
significance of the contribution of the
women of India to this work of social
reform and reconstruction—work of the
highest importance in the political development
of the nation.

When the Civil Disobedience movement
was suspended the participants in
the struggle returned in many cases to
the villages. The thousands of women
who had suffered long jail sentences returned
to find themselves the counselors
and guides of the new village life. Educational
reforms were needed, both in
terms of methods of farming and animal
husbandry, and in the education of the
children of these workers and peasants
of India. In many districts under British
rule—within a hundred years—there
had come to be one school for every
4,000 pupils where there had been one
for every 400 . . . The money lenders
had to be fought, and the problems of
those many thousands who were facing
eviction for non-payment of taxes had to
be solved. Educational and social reforms
had to be coordinated . . .

The women of India—as always—
were to be in the forefront of the struggle.
Leaders like Sarojini Naidu and
Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya gave new
life to the struggle for reforms in the
autocratically governed States of the
Princes,—the fight for progress and
democracy, for education and social
reform.

During the past years of "Constitutional
Goverment," a period closed
abruptly by the beginning of the War
and the resumption of Rule by Ordinance
in India, womens' organizations were to
contribute much towards strengthening
the social reform movement that is at
present in the shadow of Martial Law.
The recent semi-annual report of the All
India Women's Conference reports on
some of these accomplishments—schools,
creches and clinics, work among the
Harijans (untouchables), adult mass
literacy work, the introduction of social
reform bills in the legislatures, establishment
of industrial centers and vocational
training schools, and the fight
for improvement of labour conditions of
women workers in the mills and factories.

The fight for a Free India continues
along two fronts— that of political struggle
and social reform. Both roads lead
to Freedom! All honour to India's Great
Women Leaders!


Ramgarh
(Continued from Page 1)

present war, India and her leaders have
told the British Government to give evidence
of her sincerity; if England is
fighting for Democracy and Peace as she
says, let her begin by bringing Democracy
to India! A Constituent Assembly
must meet to frame the Constitution for
the Free India of tomorrow! India's demands
have been simple. She has demanded
bread — not stones . . . 

Britain's reply has been equally simple.
Today you get five years in jail (instead
of the former one) for anti-recruiting
speeches. Twenty-three Khaksar
demonstrators* were killed by the
police in Lahore on March 19th. Democracy
and Peace in India!

The issue facing the Congress was —
to fight — and if to fight, how? If not
to fight — then should these endless and
apparently fruitless negotiations be continued?
Many leaders, disregarding
many points, joined with the Subhas Chandra
Rose, ex-Congress President, who is
quoted as saying: "From this conference
let us send a warning to both imperialism
and its Indian allies. The success of
this Conference means the deathknell of
compromise with imperialism!"

Gandhiji had declared on March 16th:

"How can I claim statutory independence
today when Great Britain's 
own fate hangs in the balance? What
I want is an unequivocal declaration
of policy and immediate action in so
far as practical. The legal transfer of
power must perhaps await conclusion
of the war. Meantime, we must be
treated as a free nation."

On March 18th the subjects committee
passed a resolution later adopted by the
mass of the delegates. The Congress'
demand for complete freedom was reiterated;
Indian freedom could not exist
"within the orbit of British Imperialism."
The Congress once more formally
disassociated itself from the European
war, and endorsed the protest resignation
of the Congress Ministries that
followed the war's outbreak. Gandhi's
statement that he could undertake responsibility
for declaring civil disobedience
only when satisfied that the Congress

was observing discipline and carrying
out a constructive program, was
stressed.

The Ramgarh session of the Indian
National Congress concluded on March
20th, Congress voting Gandhiji complete
powers to direct the fight for freedom.
Gandhiji's program of moderation — of
constructive action — was endorsed; the
Leftist block defeated.

News-stories told of how the delegates
stood in ankle-deep water in the pouring
rain to hear the farewell words of their
leader, Gandhi. "We must break the
bond of slavery," he is quoted as saying.
"But if I am your general you must accept
my conditions. I have never led an
army to defeat. I have never had a defeat.
I know no defeat. My defeat is your defeat 
and India's defeat! WE MUST FIGHT
TO WIN!"

*A militant non-Congress Moslem group.

SRIMATI KAMALADEVI CHATTOPADHYAYA
is at present in this
country. Write to us if you want to know
when and if she will be speaking in your
city.

THIS BULLETIN
is issued to you free of charge. The Council,
however, appeals to you to give your
support to our work in every possible way!

The India Council opened the fourth
year of its activities with the publication,
in December, 1939, of the September
14th statement of the India Congress
on "India and the War." Members
and friends of the Council met on
January 6th, at a luncheon honoring
the great Indian Nationalist leader, Kamaladevi.
Miss Ruth St. Denis presided.
The Council participated in a joint celebration
of January 26th, the anniversary 
of India's Declaration of Independence.

MISS ANEELA NARAYAN
Chairman
H. Stefan Santesson
Exec. Secretary
Kindly send all correspondence to:
H. S. Santesson;
333 East 11th St. Box 15
New York City.
"NEWS FROM INDIA"
With the compliments of
ALL INDIA CONGRESS COMMITTEE
[FOREIGN DEPARTMENT]
SWARAJ BHAWAN  •  ALLAHABAD

February 15, 1940. 
NEW SERIES
Number Two

GANDHI - VICEROY TALKS:

After the decision of the Working Committee of
19th November, the government thought it probably better to
come down a little. On January 12th the Viceroy, in a speech
at the Orient Club of Bombay, repeated that the British objective
in India has already been made clear as dominion
status. He gave an assurance that the intermediate period
would be made the shortest 'practical', that is a soon 
as practicable after the war. For the present, the only
immediate offer was an expansion of the Viceroy's Council.
But everything again was made conditional on an agreement
between the communities. In the end he made an appeal to
the leaders to help him.

The speech was received with scepticism by the
Congress leaders. Mahatma Gandhi, however, declared that he
like the spirit of the pronouncement. "There are undoubted
snags in the speech. Many i's have been dotted, many t's
have to be crossed, but it seems to contain germs of a settlement
honourable to both nations."

On an invitation by the Viceroy, Mahatma Gandhi
had a long conversation with him on the 5th February. In
the official communique a summary of the Viceroy's proposals
is outlined. The proposals are substantially the same as
announced in the speech at the Orient Club, Bombay. The
Viceroy called attention to the complex issue of India's
defence. The comminique concludes "Mahatma Gandhi expressed
appreciation of the spirit in which these proposals were put 
forward but made it clear that they did not, in his view, at
this stage meet the full demand of the Congress party." The 
talks were therefore deferred for the moment.

Mahatma Gandhi in a statement explained the underlying
reasons for this difference of opinion. "The vital
difference between the Congress demand and the Viceroy's
offer consists in the fact that the Viceroy's offer contemplates
final determination of India's destiny by British
Government, whereas the Congress contemplates just the contrary.
The Congress position is that the test of real freedom
consists in the people of India determining their own destiny
without outside interference. I see no prospect whatsoever
of a peaceful and honourable settlement between England and
India unless the vital difference is obliterated and England
decides upon the right course, namely, accepting the position
that the time has come when India must be allowed to determining
the question of Defence, the question of minorities, the
question of Princes and the question of European interests
will be automatically dissolved." He made clear the Congress
position with regard to real and legitimate minorities as
against bogus bodies whose number is becoming so great that

- 2 -

the majority is in fear of becoming a minority. He condemned
the defence policy of the British Government which has made
India defenceless without foreign aid. He invited the princes
 to join the National Assembly which will determine India's
fate, as representatives of their people. He was not disappointed
by the failure. "That failure I am going to use, as
a stepping stone to success. But if that success does not
come in the near future, I can only say, heaven help India, 
Britain and the World."

In another article discussing the task before the
nation after the failure of the Delhi conversation, he confesses
that he was mistaken in seeing germs of a settlement in
the Viceroy's speech in Bombay. He wants it to be made clear
to the whole world as to what we stand for. "India cannot
be one of the many dominions, that is a partner in the 
exploitation of the non-European races of the earth." She must
have her own independent status. It's content and nature
must not be dictated or determined by Britain.

In his opinion task before Congressman is to
put their own house in order by being just to minorities and
in this way make their strength felt by the opponent. Civil
disobedience cannot be resorted to out of impatience. "But
let us be ready for it. I say with a full sense of my responsibility
that we are not ready. Time is not ripe. It
may be any day. Let us not be found wanting when it comes."

LORD ZETLAND'S APPEAL AND THE CONGRESS REPLY:

Lord Zetland's in an interview to the Sunday
 Times, reiterates the old argument about the settlement of
communal disputes by the Indians before Britain can make any
proposals. He refuses to accept Mahatma Gandhi's contention
that if the British Government would leave the framing of the
Constitution to Indians, all the difficulties would be automatically
solved, and expressed his opinion that as long as 
the congress maintains its present attitude, obstacles would 
increase in the way of an honourable understanding. He
declines to believe that the vast majority of Indians want
to get out of the British Commonwealth, and repeats all the
old arguments about the benefits of British rule in India.
He appeals to the Congress to escape from the tyranny of
phrases, and not to make a fetish about 'Independence'.

Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the President has given a
befitting reply to this sermon. "Lord Zetland's statements
are always provocative though not thought provoking. Congressmen
understand their business and are fully conscious of
the difficulties that they and the country have to face. As
Mahatma Gandhi said they are also anxious for a settlement
if it can be had with honour. British statesmen will do well
to shed their patronizing tone and be prepared to deal with
Indians on terms of equality. India claims the right to
settle her own constitution and it serves no purpose to tell
her that gentlemen five thousand miles away know and understand
her needs better than Indians themselves.

"We are keen on settling all differences that prevail
among Indians but we also realize that many of them are
British creations and cannot be satisfactorily settled so
long as there is a third party to pat each group in India on
the back in turn. If Lord Zetland really believes what he
says, that the communal question is for Indians to settle, then
why does he not leave it to Indians to settle among themselves
and frame their own constitution to be accepted by the British
Government? It is idle to expect Indians to give up their
ideals. In claiming independence they claim nothing more- 3 -

then what every free man wants for himself in his own country
and to ensure which to others, the war is ostensibly being
fought. If we suffer from the tyranny of phrases, the British
Government with all its vast experience of government
of men should not suffer from it and should be able boldly
to accept the Indian demand, if there is no substantial difference
between the expressions used by them and the Indians.

"Britain cannot have it both ways. It cannot
claim the war to be a fight for democracy and freedom and
at the same time deny self-determination and independence to
India. As Gandhiji has said, the great gulf between Britain
and India cannot be bridged until India's right of self-determination
is conceded. If independence is dangerous and
harmful to India why does Lord Zetland think Indians will be
foolish enough to take it? Why does he not give them the
choice?"

INDEPENDENCE DAY CELEBRATIONS

The Independence Day was celebrated with solemn
fervour on the 26th January throughout the whole of India, and
inclement weather and bitter cold in certain places could
not keep away the people who came in large numbers to the
meetings. Though schools were not closed, the educational
institutions observed, on the whole, an unofficial holiday.
Inspite of the refusal of many Millowners, factory workers in
treat industrial centres like Bombay, Ahmedabad, or Sholapur
took off a day. In many places torchlight processions were
taken out. The independence Pledge was read out and renewed
by all the persons present at the meetings. In all parts of
the world, in far away places like London, Hollywood, Losangeles,
New York, South Africa and in many others, wherever
there are Indian or friends of India, meetings were held to
renew the pledge of Independence. There were monster demonstration
in great Indian cities like Bombay, Calcutta, Madras
and Ahmedabad.

This year's celebrations had more than usual importance
on account of the war crisis. Congressmen realised
the necessity of being ready to face all eventualities if
their just demands were not conceded. The Independence Day,
therefore, was the beginning of a disciplined preparation of
the national forces,

THE TURKISH EARTHQUAKE:

Great sympathy was felt all over India for the
sufferers of the Turkish Earthquake. On behalf of the Congress
Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the President,
sent messages of sympathy. Many funds are being collected
to help them. Dr. Prasad opened a Congress fund for
helping the sufferers whose proceeds will be sent to Turkey.

THE STUDENTS' CONVENTION

The All Indian Student Federation Convention held
at Delhi under the presidentship of Mr. S.C. Bose, passed a
resolution supporting the Congress policy and its demand for
a Constituent Assembly. IT called on all students to observe
the independence day on the 26th January.

- 4 -

ALL INDIA WOMEN'S CONFERENCE

The All India Women's Conference held its annual
session at Allahabad towards the end of January. They sent
a special message to the women in all warring countries that
women cannot be in tune with the doctrine that right is might.
It appeals to them to do all within their power, in their
respective countries, to end the war both in the East and in 
the west. Another resolution sent to the greetings of the Conference
to the women of China, expressed its solidarity with
the Chinese cause and decided to send a women's Good-Will
delegation to China. The Conference reaffirmed its faith in
non-violence, and demanded freedom not only for India but
for all those people who are being exploited or oppressed.

MALAN'S SEGREGATION PROPOSAL AND GANDHIJI:

Mahatma Gandhi gave a serious warning to Dr. Malan
and his South African party who are seeking to enforce segregation
of Asiatics by law. He observes that India's independence
is coming sooner than many people think and nothing can
stop it. "I myself envisage an alliance with Great Britain
and Dominions if freedom is to come as a result of an honourable
understanding between the two countries. But if the 
statesmen of South Africa continue the attitude of race superiority,
alliance between unequals would become an impossibility."

Balkrishna Keskar,
Secretary,
Foreign Department.



A PAPER GOD
OF
RANCHODJI AND HIS TEMPLE
AT DAKOR.

This is a paper god picture of Ranchodji, the black faced god,
who is supposed to be very powerful and is worshipped by millions of
people. His chief temple is at Dakor, in Gujarat. We have visited
Dakor many times and are acquainted with the priests of the temple.
You will notice that in front of the temple there are fruits which have
been offered by devotees. Then there are the sacred bulls made of
stone. Ranchodji is supposed to come down from his throne at night
and ride through the city seated on one of these stone bulls. I have
asked various people if they have ever seen him riding through the
city. They replied that they hadn't, as "he takes his ride when people are
asleep and in the night so he won't be disturbed." Over the temple
there are the sun, moon and Hanuman, the Monkey god, and Lord
Krishna. Ranchodji is supposed to be such a powerful god that the
sun, moon and all the gods and goddesses stop to worship as they pass
over his temple. These paper gods can be purchased in all bazaars and
are to be found in Hindu homes in all villages and cities of India and
are worshipped by millions.

Isn't it wonderful that the Lord has entrusted to you and me the
privilege of bringing the Glad News to men and women who are lost in
the darkness and despair of heathenism?

"Can we to men benighted
The Lamp of Light Deny?"

When we consider that it only costs $5.00 a month to support an
Indian Evangelist to tell the Story, one cannot help but feel that
everyone who loves Jesus should have a share in the spreading of the
Good News and so make it possible for men and women who are living
in the villages of India to have the Gospel preached unto them.

"For the scripture saith, Whosoever believeth on him shall not
be ashamed. For there is no difference between the Jew and
the Greek: for the same Lord over all, is rich unto all that call
upon him. For whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord
shall be saved. How then shall they call on him in whom they
have not believed? and how shall they believe in him of whom 
they have not heard? and how shall they hear without a
preacher? and how shall they preach except they be sent"
Romans 10:11; 15.

POCHA'S HORTICULTURAL PRESS, NO. 1-A, MIDDLE ROAD, POONA


REGD No1223

एस. ए. जीशी आ

R.U. PRESS, GHATKOPAR"Preaching unto them Jesus."

To
DR. MORRIS W. EHNES, TREASURER, 
BOARD OF FOREIGN MISSIONS, 
150, FIFTH AVENUE, 
NEW YORK CITY.

DEAR DR. EHNES,

I am enclosing herewith check for 
Dollars to be used in the work of Rev. R. D. BISBEE, 
Poona India.
This is my special Thank-offering in acknowledgement 
of my love for Christ and my interest in the 
extension of his Kingdom.  I should be glad if you 
would have this offering forwarded to Dr. Bisbee as 
soon as convenient.

My Pastor's name is 
District 
Conference
Respectfully yours, 

(Address)
Please remember that $5.00 will support a Bhill 
Evangelist for one month.  $60.00 will support an 
Evangelist for a whole year.
Dr. Bisbee will write immediately to you on 
receipt of your gift and will tell you exactly how your 
offering is used, sending photographs of your Bhil Evangelist 
and reports of the work.INDIA LETTER

From:—
Rev. R. D. Bisbee,
3-A, N. Petty Staff Lines,
Poona, India.
22nd April, 1940.

Dear Friend,

Greetings from India!

This is a bright hot summer morning: the thermometer is fast rising and will
soon be over 100° in the shade. Before it gets too hot, I would like to take you with
me on a walking tour through the bazaars of Poona.

As we walk down the narrow street, we come first of all, to the sweet seller's
shops in which there are all kinds of strange oriental sweets. 'Jalabees' are made out of
sugar and flour and fried like dough-nuts in sweet oil or clarified butter and then dipped
in hot thick sugar water so that the syrup is absorbed. This is a favorite sweet with the
children of India. Then there are the 'goolab jambs' which are made out of clarified butter,
flour and sugar and then fired until brown in oil or ghee (clarified butter) and are round
like the centre of a dough-nut. Then there are the spiced sweets and the puffed rice,
also pea-nut brittle, etc.

The shop next to the sweet seller's shops is very interesting, because it is the shop
to which every bride-groom goes to purchase flowers for his bride! The flowers are
beautifully strung on string and made into crowns and wreaths. Rose petals are valuable
and are sold in the flower shops. There are at least a half a dozen of these flower shops,
and it is worth our while to tarry and see the beautiful designs which the flower merchants
make.

Beyond the flower stalls, there are the silver shops. It is interesting to watch the
silver merchant as he melts and beats out the silver and fashions rings for the fingers and
toes, and makes chain bracelets for the wrists of the Indian brides, also ankle-chains of
which the Indian women are very fond.

Just beyond the silver shops are the cloth merchants and their stalls. It is surprising
the various kinds of cloth that the Indian people are now manufacturing. The light clothes
that I am wearing are made out of Indian made cloth. It should not be necessary for
India to import cloth in-as-much as we have so many Indian mills, with hundreds of
thousands of labourers working day and night.

Next to the cloth merchants' shops are the variety and novelty shops in which there
are many Indian and Japanese toys, buttons, brooches, and so forth.

But we must hasten to the Monkey Temple which stands at the corner of the road,
in which there are the idols of various Hindu gods and goddesses including Hanuman, the
Monkey god. It is very strange that men and women created as they are "in the image and
likeness of God" should for a moment think of the Monkey as sacred and build temples
in honour of him.

(Over)
Just across the street from the monkey temple there a two-storied Jain temple.
In this Jain temple there are idols of all kinds, including some of the lesser gods as well
as idols of gods which are considered to be more powerful. The priest of this shrine is
always very polite and is happy to show us through the temple, provided we take off our
shoes and leave them on the steps. They consider cow-hide to be unclean and that it
would pollute their temple.

It is not far from this temple to the square where we have been street preaching. Our
preachers and laymen rejoice in the privilege of going to this square and in singing beautiful
Gospel songs and in giving their testimonies. A crowd always gathers, especially this
time of year as the crops have been gathered and the fields have been cleared, and
the farmers are now waiting for the rains to come so that the ground will be soft again,
making it possible for them to plough. Many of the farmers congregate in the city to see
 what is going on. This then is our opportunity of presenting Christ and reaching many
villages with the Gospel Message. We have Gospel tracts and Bible portions which our
laymen distribute, and the crowds listen with great attention as the Gospel is presented.

We have here in Poona, over a hundred Hindu temples and shrines. Although we
have lived here over three years and have been presenting Christ constantly as the Saviour
of mankind, yet I am amazed as I talk to the people to find that many have never heard
of Jesus and that our Message is entirely new to them.

Some other morning we will go to the other sections of the city and visit the iron
mongers, the markets where vegetables, fruit and call kinds of provisions are bought and
sold. Then we will wish to tarry at the potters and see them mould jars, vases and
earthen wares of all kinds.

Then, there are the idol makers where gods and goddesses of all kinds are made.
When we recall that there are more than four hundred million gods and goddesses in India,
one becomes bewildered at the various shapes and conditions of these idols which are
made out of gold, silver, copper, brass and clay. Some morning, you will wish to visit
with us a Hindu home where they have over three hundred of these idols and worship
each one in turn. We are praying that we may win this lovely family for Christ.

But we must hasten. This is the time of the year for our Evangelistic Campaign.
We are trying to reach the more distant and out-of-the-way villages where the Gospel is
seldom if ever preached. This year, a number of our Christian laymen are taking part in the Campaign and have formed themselves into what they call "Gyan Tolies" or "Singing
Bands". They will have with them, their drums and cymbals. As mentioned above the village
people do not have so much to do during this season of the year as the crops have been
gathered and the fields cleared. The farmers will now wait for the coming of the rains so
that the round will be soft enough to plough. After the rains come in the latter part of
June or the first part of July, the village people will be very busy.  But just now they have
time to listen to the singing of our Singing Bands. As the Singing Bands cannot sing all
the time the singing will be interspersed with the reading of the Holy Scriptures and the
testimonies of our consecrated Evangelists and laymen. Many hears will be stirred in these
Gospel Meetings and there will be shouts of "victory to Jesus". We are praying for at
least 5,000 conversions during this campaign. Praise the Lord !

Praying that God's richest blessing may rest upon you and your home, and asking
that you uphold us with your prayers,

Yours in His glad service,
R. D. Bisbee.[*1940*]

EXTREMISTS STONE 
MODERATES IN INDIA

Hand Spinning Demonstration Is 
Broken Up—7 Persons Hurt

Wireless to THE NEW YORK TIMES.

CALCUTTA, India, April 7—Moderates 
of the All India Congress, 
giving a demonstration of hand 
spinning—one of the four points in 
Mahandas K. Gandhi's new technique 
of civil disobedience—were 
stoned here today by Congress extremists.

The assailants, shouting "Down 
with Gandhiism" and various slogans 
in favor of Subhas Chandra 
Bose, leader of the Congress party's 
radical faction, which charges Mr. 
Gandhi with compromising the Indian 
struggle for independence, pelted 
the hand spinners with stones 
and shoes.  Seven persons were injured 
and the demonstration, which 
was organized as part of the Congress 
party's "National Week" celebration 
in various parts of the country, 
was abandoned after ten minutes.

Mr. Gandhi's fourfold independence 
program puts forth the values 
of nonviolence, communal harmony, 
the removal of untouchability 
and the universal need for spinning 
and the using of homespun 
cloth. Mr. Gandhi regards the endorsement 
of his new technique as 
essential to the success of civil disobedience.

The program aims at disciplining 
the Congress into regarding the insistence 
upon truth as more significant 
than passive resistance, and as 
contributing, through spinning and 
self-discipline, toward a policy of 
non-violent action.

While extremists and non-Congress 
elements consider Mr. Gandhi's 
conditions incapable of fulfillment, 
Mr. Gandhi insists upon his 
policy if he is to lead the Congress 
party as its "General," the self-styled 
term he has adopted.


[*N. Y. Times
1940*]

MOSLEM  SUGGESTS 
PARTITION OF INDIA

Jinnah Invites Gandhi to Talk 
Over Idea of Separate Hindu 
and Mohammedan States

THINKS UNION IMPOSSIBLE

Leader Says Islamic Group Is 
Ready to Give Support to 
Britain in European War

NEW DELHI, India, March 31 
(UP)-—Mohammed Ali Jinnah, president 
of the All-India Moslem 
League, disclosed tonight that he 
was inviting Mohandas K. Gandhi 
to a private conference to discuss 
the partition of India into Moslem 
and Hindu States.

In an interview, Mr. Jinnah declared 
that hit was useless to criticize 
Great Britain for being slow 
in granting independence to India 
if the leaders of the different Indian 
movements did not present 
logical and practical plans.

"I am anxious to meet Gandhi 
soon and discuss plans for two 
Indias—Moslem and Hindu—which 
are as unlike as Germany and 
France," Mr. Jinnah said.  "They 
are even more unlike because of 
the different peoples' religious and 
social order.

"I am willing to forget personal 
differences and go to Wardha myself 
and meet Gandhi in his own 
camp.  I think the time has come 
when Gandhi and myself can get 
together and talk brass tacks.

All India Not Represented
"I feel I can speak in behalf of 
Moslem India and Gandhi in behalf 
of the Hindus, but not all India as 
he pretends to represent."

It was significant that the Moslem 
League was making the first 
advance toward joining with the 
All-India National Congress, over 
which Mr. Gandhi rules, in bringing 
about an independent India.

The Moslem League has been at 
odds with the powerful, dominant 
All-India National Congress, which 
claims to represent the entire 
Indian feeling.

Asked if he wanted complete independence, 
Mr. Jinnah replied:

"I would be satisfied with Dominion 
status for Moslem India 
within the British Commonwealth 
of Nations.  India is a continent of 
400,000,000 persons.  If British 
bayonets disappeared suddenly, then 
the central government would collapse.  
One might as well dream of 
a united North and South America.

Mr. Jinnah recalled that Burma 
once belonged to India, but was 
permitted to separate.

"The same," he said, "should 
follow for Moslem India."

Wants Moslem Federation
Asked what sort of State he 
wanted, Mr. Jinnah said:

"There should be a Moslem federation 
based on 90,000,000 Moslems 
in India, including the Northwest 
frontier Province of Kashmir and 
the eastern zone comprising Bengal 
and Assam. Lahore should be the 
capital."

Mr. Jinnah declared that Moslem 
India would be "willing to fight for 
Great Britain" in the European 
war.

"Our practical interests are to 
have Britain win," he said.

Recently the militant Khaksars, 
composed of Moslems, held a series 
of demonstrations in Lahore in 
which twenty-nine persons were 
killed.  Mr. Jinnah said that until 
six months ago the Khaksars were 
used for keeping order at the Moslem 
rallies.  He said he did not know 
whether they were a "military or 
social service organization," but 
"we must examine and see what 
their real character is worth."


[*April 7th 1940.   N. Y. Times.*]

STARRING M. GANDHI

By K. AHMAD ABBAS
BOMBAY.

MAHATMA GANDHI, the 
saint-leader of India, is the 
subject and principal star of 
a unique film now in production 
here.  The film is to be a 
biography of the man who hates 
cinema, who never sees films and 
who is reputed to have naively 
asked, "Who is Charlie Chaplin?" 
when some years ago a meeting 
was arranged in London between 
India's greatest living man and the 
screen's most beloved comedian.

Most of the scenes in the film 
have been taken from old newsreels, 
collected from the four corners 
of the earth.  It took the producer 
two years to scour the world 
in search of them.  The result is a 
film which is expected to be more 
than the screen biography of India's 
greatest man.  It is the story 
of the Gandhian era in Indian history.
***
"Mahatma Gandhi" is the first 
ambitious production of Documentary 
Films, Ltd., a concern 
started three years ago in Madras, 
India, with the object of producing 
documentary films of Indian life.  
The originator of the scheme and 
the managing director of Documentary 
Films is A. K. Chettiar, a 
young South Indian and a trained 
cinematographer who worked in 
the United States for a year as a 
newsreel camera man for Pathe 
News.

Having completed preliminary arrangements 
for the film in India, 
Chettiar embarked on a world tour, 
in the course of which he traveled 
almost 100,000 miles through four 
continents in search of film material 
bearing on Mahatma Gandhi's 
life.  In the course of his tour he 
saw 500,000 feet of film, from which 
he selected and bought 50,000 feet.  
For some pieces he had to pay 
fancy prices, while one historical 
newsreel he got free from a European 
admirer of the Mahatma.

Some of these scenes are truly 

historic.  The earliest newsreel featuring 
the great man of India, for 
instance, came from South Africa.  
It records the reception accorded 
to the late Mr. Gokhale, an eminent 
Indian politician, when he visited 
Johannesburg in 1912 and was 
received at the pier by the Mayor 
and representatives of the Indian 
community.  Among the latter was 
an Indian barrister, dressed in European 
clothes, named Mohandas 
Karamchand Gandhi.

A newsreel man accompanied the 
Mahatma when he made the historic 
voyage to attend the Indian 
Round Table Conference in London 
and some interesting scenes of the 
Mahatma's life on board the liner 
Rajputana have been incorporated 
in the film.  The stay in London 
during the conference was, of 
course, filly covered by newsreelers, 
and there are some interesting 
scenes of the Mahatma's lodgings 
in East End, his visit to the industrial 
areas, his arrival at Buckingham 
Palace to attend the King's 
garden party and his meeting with 
Charlie Chaplin.

On his return to India via Italy 
Gandhi visited Rome, and there is a 
fine film record, obtained from the 
Cinema Department of the Government 
of Italy, of the world's arch-pacifist 
reviewing the Italian 
troops, standing beside the Fascist 
Foreign Minister.
***
To provide the background of 
Gandhi's political career, all the important 
landmarks in his life—the 
house where he was born, the house 
where he lived in Johannesburg, the 
Sabarmati Ashram, the Yervada 
Jail and such—will be seen on the 
screen.  Mr. Chettiar was privileged 
to remain for several days in the 
Ashram at Sheogaon, and there he 
quietly filmed the daily routine of 
the Mahatma.  As the producers are 
anxious not to miss any important 
event in the leader's contemporary 
political career, a camera man 
constantly follows the great man 
wherever he goes.

The purpose of the picture is not 
only to provide a film story of 
Gandhi's life, but also to record the 
progress of the institutions and 
movements that have been inspired 
or influenced by him.  Thus, all the 
sessions of the Indian National Congress 
during the last fifteen years, 
parades of Congress volunteers, 
typical scenes of Gandhi's nonviolent 
civil disobedience movement, 
glimpses of village industries, 
etc., will be seen in this epic film.

The film, in its Indian version, 
will run to about 12,000 feet, but 
for foreign countries it will be cut 
down to a bare 3,000.  There will be 
two different versions in English— 
one for the United States (commentary 
for which will be spoken by 
the well-known American commentator, 
Lowell Thomas) and the 
other for the rest of the English-speaking 
world.  Chettiar himself 
may fly to America with a copy to 
show it first, if possible, to President 
Roosevelt.

Documentary Films, Ltd., have 
offers from most European countries 
to release this film therein 
with the separate commentaries to 
be superimposed in the respective 
native languages.  If the war does 
not interfere the film will be seen 
throughout the world in as many 
as twenty-one languages.  At the 
moment it is being edited in Bombay 
and is expected to be ready for 
release in India by the end of April.  
After completion the producers expect 
to show it to the Mahatma and 
get his approval before showing it 
to the general public.

Will the first film seen by Gandhi 
be "Mahatma Gandhi" starring 
himself?NEWS LETTER
All India Congress Committee
FOREIGN DEPARTMENT
Swaraj Bhawan
ALLAHABAD - INDIA

NEW SERIES No. 6
4th May, 1940

ALL INDIA INDEPENDENT MUSLIM CONFERENCE

The All-India Azad (Independent) Muslim Conference began its sitting in Delhi on the 27th April
amidst scenes of great enthusiasm. For some time past the feeling had been growing among responsible Muslim leaders and workers that an effort should be made to bring all patriotic Muslims together on a common platform and thus counteract the anti-national activities of the Muslim League. They knew that the Muslim Masses were not with Mr. Jinnah and his League, and, given the right lead, would march forward with the other communities towards the common goal of freedom. The conference exposed the hollowness of the Muslim League's pretension that it represents the Muslims, and evolved a common agreed programme for counteracting its propaganda.

The conference was organized by a number of representative Muslim organisations like the Majlis-i-Ahrar, Jamiatul-ulema-i-hind, the All-India Momin Conference and others. Khan Bahadur Allah Bux,
ex-premier of Sind, one of the provinces where the Muslims are in a majority, was elected the president.

The president was given a royal reception on his arrival in Delhi. A very large number of Muslims
participated in the procession. The streets and shops were tastefully decorated. In the Conference itself the daily attendance was more than 50,000 and all shades of Muslim opinion, excepting the League faction, were represented.

In his remarkably thought-provoking and clear presidential address, Khan Bahadur Allah Bux showed
the absurdity of Mr. Jinnah's partition scheme, and challenged the false propaganda about Indian Muslims being against the Independence of India.

With regard to the conference formulating concrete proposals for communal settlement, he observed: "If you can come to an agreement as regards the basis of a communal settlement the Congress, which is undoubtedly the most influential and powerful organisation in the country today, is bound to consider your proposals as the one golden bridge which leads not merely to communal and political harmony in the country but to the ultimate goal namely India's independence. Perhaps your decisions are being awaited both in the country and abroad with great impatience because on them will depend a very great deal."

"I am perfectly confident in my mind that the Congress will not hesitate to endorse our reasonable proposals for a communal settlement."

He was indignant that the British Government should take shelter behind the plea of the Muslim League's opposition and make it appear that the Muslims of India are the main obstacles in the way of India's progress. He said "No Mussalman with the slightest sense of realism and self-respect can possibly tolerate for a moment that he should be made a political scapegoat and that the evil consequences of the process should be allowed to react unfavourably on his own and his coming generations' political and material future." "But what credentials beyond public meetings does the League present to be recognized as the representative of the majority of Indian Muslims? The only way to test its representative character would be to send the League to the polls on the specific issue of the policy it has declared at Lahore."

He said that Muslims were proud to be Indians and nobody can deprive them of one inch of their common homeland.

He showed the evils of the Pakistan scheme and the grave injury it would cause the Muslims. "The 
proposal, if not promptly and authoritatively repudiated by a representative gathering like this, is calculated to cause infinite harm to our Indian co-religionists throughout the Muslim and non-Muslim parts of the world and much more so at home." In his opinion, even from a purely practical point of view, it was unworkable, as the financial situation of the province would be precarious and there was little prospect of the Frontier, Sind and Baluchi provinces of joining in. "Credulous Muslims should not be deceived into thinking of an independent Islamic state, but they should be frankly told that another Palestine is sought to be created under the British Mandate."

After prolonged and full discussion the conference passed the following resolution unanimously:—

"This conference of representatives of the Indian Muslims, who desire to secure the fullest freedom
for their country, consisting of delegates and representatives from all provinces, after having given its fullest and most careful consideration to all the vital questions affecting the interests of the Muslim community and the country as a whole declares the following:—

"India, with its geographical and political boundaries is an indivisible whole and as such it is the common homeland of all the citizens, irrespective of race or religion, who are joint owners of its resources. All nooks and corners of the country contain the hearths and homes of the Muslims and the cherished historic monuments of their religion and culture, which are dearer to them than
their lives. From the national point of view every Muslim is an Indian, the common rights of all
the inhabitants of the country and their responsibilities in every walk of life and in every sphere of
activity are the same. The Indian Muslim, by virtue of these rights and responsibilities is unquestionably an Indian national and in every part of the country he is entitles to equal privileges with
all other Indian nationals in every sphere of Governmental, economic and other national activities.
For that very reason Muslims owe equal responsibility with other Indians for striving and making
sacrifices to achieve the country's independence. This is a self-evident proposition, and truth of
which no right-thinking Muslim will question.

"This conference declares unequivocally and with all the emphasis at its command that the goal of
Indian Muslims is complete Independence along with the protection of their religious and communal rights and they are anxious to attain this goal as early as possible. Inspired by this aim they have in the past made great sacrifices.

"This conference unreservedly and strongly repudiates the baseless charge levelled against Indian Muslims by the agents of British Imperialism and others that they are an obstacle in the path of Indian freedom and emphatically declares that the Muslims are fully alive to their responsibility and consider it inconsistent with their tradition and derogatory to their honour to lag behind others in the struggle for the country's independence."

The Conference resolution on war declares that the war is the out-come of the Imperialist tendencies of the European nations. It adds "the imperialist powers are making a special effort to use the people in Islamic countries as tools to gain their own ends as is evident from their activities in Egypt, Morocco, Palestine and Syria." The resolution called upon the Indian Muslims to remain neutral in the war and participate in the struggle for freedom.

The Conference by a resolution supported the demand for a constituent assembly and declared that only that constitution for the future government of India would be acceptable to the people of India which is framed by the Indians themselves elected by means of adult franchise.

JOINT ELECTORATES FOR SIND MUNICIPALITIES

The Legislative Assembly for the province of Sind has passed a bill introducing joint electorates in the borough municipal elections of the province. This most salutary reform in a province with Muslim majority was commended by all sections of the public opinion. The bill stipulates that candidates, for being elected, should have received a certain percentage of votes from voters of the other community. The Governor has given his assent to the bill.

NATIONAL WEEK CELEBRATIONS

The celebrations of the National Week (6th to 13th of April) took place all over India in a spirit of preparation and organisation for the coming struggle. The Congress committees organised Khadi sales and charkha competitions, and meetings were held in all the cities and circles to explain the significance of this week and the task awaiting us. On the last day, great public demonstrations were held throughout India to reiterate the Congress demand and India's firm resolve to follow the lead of Mahatma Gandhi in order to reach the goal of independence.

SATYAGRAHA PREPARATIONS AND REPRESSION

In India as a whole repression is increasing every day. In all provinces important workers are being arrested for speeches delivered weeks ago and there appears to be a policy of imprisoning active workers and provoking the Congress into an active reply, but the Congress is carrying on its work of preparation unruffled.

As instructed by the General Secretary, All India Congress Committee, all local and provincial Congress committees have converted themselves into active Satyagraha committees and the work of enrolling Satyagraha volunteers is going on briskly. The districts are holding camps to instruct and train the volunteers. Charkha rallies and competitions are held in the different mandals (circles). The pace of constructive work as outlined by Gandhiji is being sped up. Conferences and meetings are taking place in all districts for popularising the programme outlined by the Working Committee and enlisting active public sympathy for the work.

BALKRISHNA KESKAR
Secretary
Foreign Department

PRINTER - J. K. SHARMA, A. L. J. PRESS, ALLAHABAD
PUBLISHER - J. B. KRIPALANI, SECRETARY, A. I. C. C., ALLAHABADINDIAN NATIONALISTS
SET TO DEFY BRITAIN

Congress Order to Prepare
for Civil Disobedience Met
With Threat to Crush It

Wireless to THE NEW YORK TIMES

LONDON, April 18—The threat of
bitter strife in India was brought
nearer today with acall to the All-
India Nationalist Congress committees
throughout the country to prepare
for a declaration of civil disobedience.
The British authorities
countered with a warning that if
civil disobedience was adopted, the
government would take full measures
to crush it.

The Congress summons was made
in a resolution adopted by the working 
committee at Wardha today
after four days of deliberations
in which Mohandas Gandhi took
part. The resolution reads:

"The committee has given full
consideration to the situation in the
country as it has developed since
the Ramgarh congress and to the
necessity of preparing the Congress
organization for satyagraha [civil
disobedience], which the Ramgahr
congress declared to be inevitable
in the future.

"The committee welcomes the
steps taken by the provincial Congress
committees in pursuance of
the directions issued by Gandhi to
function as satyagraha committees
and to enroll active and passive
satyagrahis. The committee trusts
that all Congress committees
throughout the country will pursue
this program with all earnestness
and thoroughness and will put their
afafirs in order for such action as
may be required of them.

Calls for Discipline

"The committee recommends that
those members of Congress executives
who are unable to take the
prescribed pledge and should the
burden of the struggle under the
disciplined guidance of the Congress
withdraw from their executive
positions.

"The committee stresses once
more fulfillment of the conditions
laid down by Gandhi, compliance
with which is essential for civil disobedience."

This congress call coincided with
a debate on the future of India in 
both Houses of Parliament here.
Both houses approved motions continuing
for another twelve months 
the assumption of executive powers
by the Governors in the seven
provinces of British India where
Congress Ministries have resigned.

Repeating the statement made by
the Marquess of etland, Secretary
of State for India in the House of
Lords, Sir Hugh O'Neill, Under-Secretary
for India, told the Commons 
that "in the circumstances
it does not seem there is anything
further the government can do."

"The situation is difficult and not
without danger," he added. "If
civil disobedience, unfortunately, is
adopted, His Majesty's government

Continued on Page Six

Gandhi Appeals to Britain 
To Seek Peace With Nazis

By The United Press.

NEW DELHI, India, July 2—
Mohandas K. Gandhi tonight appealed
to all Britons to cease
hostilities with Germany and 
urged that they settle their differences
with "non-violent methods."

The Indian Nationalist leader
urged Britain not to enter "undignified
competition with the
Nazis in destructive power." He
said he was placing his services
at the command of the British
Government to "advance the
object" of his appeal.

Mr. Gandhi made the appeal in
a message to the Viceroy of India,
the Marquess of Linlithgow. The
message of 2,000 words began and
ended "In God's name," it was
said.

APRIL 19, 1940.

INDIA NATIONALISTS
SET TO DEFY BRITAIN

Continued From Page One

will be bound to take full measures
to counteract it. Ordered government
must be carried on, especially
in time of war, and I cannot but believe
the Congress leaders themselves
recognize that to the full."

Cheers Great Declaration

Sir Hugh's declaration was endorsed
by the cheers of the house,
as also was his tribute to India's
unity in resistance to Nazi Germany.

Lord Zetland declared the British
Government desired to consult
the three principal Indian aparties
in the communal controversy—the
Congress, the All-India Moslem
League and the Princes—to ascertain
the lines on which they wished
for different reasons to alter the
Federal provisions of the India Act.

The British Government, he added,
has accepted the reasonableness
of the claim that the Indians themselves
should play a vital part in
devising the form of their future
constitution, but it could not dissociate
itself from the shaping
thereof. A substantial measure of
agreement among the Indian communities
was essential if the vision
of a united India that inspired so
many Indians and Britons was to
become a reality.

"But the plain fact of the matter
 is," Lord Zetland concluded, "that
the Congress party has aroused in
the minds of many Moslems apprehensions
which only they can allay,
and a question of vital import for
the future of India concerned is
this: Will the Congress refrain
from closing the door upon that
unity of India which they themselves
so passionately desire?"

It was not too much, he thought,
to say that upon the answer of the
Congress hung the future of India.

Gandhi May Tour Country

BOMBAY, April 18 (AP)—Congress
party leaders hinted today that Mohandas
K. Gandhi might make a
tour of India to sound out sentiment
before starting a civil disobedience
campaign.

1940

HINDU-MOSLEM RIOTS
AT RANGOON CONTINUE

Toll Reaches 11 Dead—Sects
at Lucknow in Fatal Clash

Wireless to THE NEW YORK TIMES

RANGOON, Burma, April 21—
Continuation today of the strife between
Hindu and Moslem crowds in
Rangoon has left eleven persons
killed and sixty-nine injured.

The trouble began yesterday on
the eve of Moslem celebrations of
the Prophet Mohammed's birthday.
Troops and police then restored order
after six persons had been
stabbed to death.

Wireless to THE NEW YORK TIMES

LUCKNOW, India, April 21—A
clash between Shias and Sunnis,
two rival Moslem sects, was followed
by rioting in several districts of
Lucknow today and at least three
persons were killed and about fifty
injured.

The disturbance is reported to
have begun when firecrackers were
thrown on a Sunni procession from
the housetops. Police fired on the
rioters, some of whom threw home-made
bombs.

[The Lucknow Shias or Shi'ites,
a "fundamentalist" sect, was also
aroused, because of a donkey in
the procession with the word
"Tabarra" painted on its back,
"Tabarra" being the title of a
song sacred to the Sunnis but offensive
to the Shias.]

J. N. Charles, a city magistrate,
was attacked by a man with a
sword, but warded off his assailant's
blow with a walking stick.

Four policemen were among the
injured. A curfew has been enforced
and police and soldiers are
patrolling the streets.

10, 1940

INDIA COMMUNISTS
GROWING BOLDER

See Present War as Chance
to Intensify Propaganda
Among the Masses

DIRECTED FROM ABROAD

Moscow Is Working Through
Channels in England to
Promote Revolution

Special Correspondence, THE NEW YORK TIMES.

NEW DELHI, India,—Agents of
the Soviet are taking advantage of
the internal political dissensions in
India to endeavor to spread the doctrine
of communism. 

The present acute differences between
the Indian National Congress
and the Moslem League have offered
a chance for the Red agents
to work actively for the sovietization
of the country. M. N. Roy and
Subhash Bose are noted for their
belief in Russian methods and ideology,
although this cannot be said
with as much certainty of Pandit
Nehru, who visited Moscow some
years back. However, as long as
Mahatma Gandhi lives, India is not
likely to become the vortex of Russian
communism.

British communists are the channels
through which Moscow operates
in India. The Communist party
here has no more than a few thousand
members, but its influence is
to be measured not so much by its
size as by its ability to guide other
groups and organizations and the
indirect sway its teachings exert
over the national movement

In practicing its methods the
Communist leaders are conforming
to the policy of their comrades in
Great Britain, from whom they receive
a steady flow of advice and
instructions. They use the National
Congress as a cover for activities
aimed at the capture of political
power. Success in this depends on
the concealment of the real objective
under a cloak of legitimate agitation
and in avoidance of a breach
with the Congress.

During the Summer months of
1939, the Communist policy underwent
a significant change, in conformity
with the changes in policy
of the advisers of the movement in
Great Britain and elsewhere in Europe.
A carefully worded declaration
published in the various Red
organs deprecated the former direct
attacks on the compromising
right wing of Congress and criticism
of Gandhi's doctrines, for the
reason that these provoked retaliation.
It went on to say that in view
of the sure approach of an international
crisis that would envelop India,
energies must be concentrated
on uniting Communists, Socialists,
peasant, student, and labor groups
into a single united left front capable,
by virtue of the support of
the masses, of directing Congress
policy by pressure from below instead
of control from above.

Plans include the unsettling of
labor by suggesting demands for 25
per cent wage increases and dear
food allowances, remission of rent
and reduction of taxes. Workers
were approached individually

at their homes and not at the mills
or factories; propaganda among villagers
was to be carried on in a way
that would not arouse the suspicions
of the police. But the outbreak of
war produced a quickening of the
tempo and a growing volume of open
propaganda. Violent speeches are
made, frequently accompanied by
expression of racial hatred and
hints of organized sabotage, including
the wrecking of communications,
tampering with the loyalty of
troops and police, the creation of
feelings of financial and economic
instability, attempts of the lives of
government officials and attacks
on police stations. The appeal
generally ends with a call to the youth
of the country to bring about the
destruction of British rule in terms
of sacrifice and martyrdom reminiscent
of the familiar type of terrorist
propaganda a few years
ago.




April 18 1940

4

INDIA FEELS SAFE
FROM INVASION

British Navy Is Depended
Upon to Protect the 
2,000-Mile Coast

MOUNTAINS LINE BORDERS

Afghanistan and Iran Also
Stand in Way of Any
Attack by Russia

Special Correspondence, THE NEW YORK TIMES.

NEW DELHI, India—Germany's
present attitude toward Russia
brings India measurably closer to
the war in Europe, with its threat
 of spreading eastward.

By her geographical position and
the conformation of her frontiers
India has been protected by nature
from external aggression, either
from the east or the west, whether
by land, air or sea, to an extent
which is not widely realized.

India has an enormous coastline,
about 2,000 miles long. To provide
a fleet to defend this would be entirely
beyond the scope of her financial 
capacity. So, as part of the
British Empire, India relies on the
British Navy to do the bulk of the
defense for her. Sporadic attack
by raiders are always possible. Such
attacks could be made only by
isolated ships which had not been
tracked down by the special naval
forces allotted for their destruction,
and to attack a defended port exposes
an isolated raider to grave
risk. It is doubtful if any serious
naval attack could in any circumstances
be attempted while Singapore
and the Suez Canal remain in
British hands.

The Land Frontier

The land frontier is well over 3,000
miles in extent. Although politically
India is separated from Burma, it
is impossible to separate the two
countries strategically. Throughout
history all the greatest land invasions
have come via a comparatively
short stretch of the western frontier.
Had it not been for the undeveloped
and trackless hills and
forests of the Sino-Burmese border
it is probable that Chinese influence
would have extended to India centuries
ago, as it did into Turkestan.

The same applies to the northwest
frontier of India, where the great
mass of the Himalayas, fronted by
deserts and high, arid plateaus to
the north, have throughout the ages
been an impassable obstacle. India's
gateways to invasion by land still
lie in the Khyber and Bolan passes
of the northwest frontier.

The situation may change politically
on the Sino-Burmese frontier,
but many years must pass before
communications with China can be
developed for the passage of armies
and Burma become one of the gateways
for attack.

Attack on India is possible from
both sea-borne and land-bases aircraft.
Surprise attack by sea-borne
aircraft must, under existing conditions, 
be limited to those that can
be carried by individual raiders.
These planes could carry only a few
light bombs.

The obstacles which nature has
provided for India's protection from
land attack are equally efficacious
for protection against air attack
from land bases. The great belt of
mountains which forms the major
part of the frontiers is by reason
of height and adverse climatic conditions
over a great part of the year
a serious deterrent.

As to Russia's Designs

As to the perennial talk of Russia's
designs on India's potential
wealth, nowhere do the Soviet
frontiers march with those of India
save in Sinkiang, where the Chinese
border fringes that of the Gilgit
Agency and Kashmir. Sinkiang
at present is a Soviet province in
all but name, but invasion from
that direction could never be a serious
threat, military experts say.

Therefore, Afghanistan and Iran
are the only other countries through
which an attack could come, and
as one authority recently put it:
"Afghanistan and Iran would fight
to the last man in a Russian conflict."

The best way for attack would
be through Afghanistan. This
could be developed on two lines.
Either from Termez, on the Oxus
in the north, or from Kushak Post
in the south. Soviet railways from
Bokhara to Merv feed these bases
from Russia itself, but for the advance
there are only indifferent2,000-Mile Coast

MOUNTAINS LINE BORDERS

Afghanistan and Iran Also
Stand in Way of Any
Attack by Russia

Special Correspondence, THE NEW YORK TIMES.

NEW DELHI, India—Germany's
present attitude toward Russia
brings India measurably closer to
the war in Europe, with its threat
 of spreading eastward.

By her geographical position and
the conformation of her frontiers
India has been protected by nature
from external aggression, either
from the east or the west, whether
by land, air or sea, to an extent
which is not widely realized.

India has an enormous coastline,
about 2,000 miles long. To provide
a fleet to defend this would be entirely
beyond the scope of her financial 
capacity. So, as part of the
British Empire, India relies on the
British Navy to do the bulk of the
defense for her. Sporadic attack
by raiders are always possible. Such
attacks could be made only by
isolated ships which had not been
tracked down by the special naval
forces allotted for their destruction,
and to attack a defended port exposes
an isolated raider to grave
risk. It is doubtful if any serious
naval attack could in any circumstances
be attempted while Singapore
and the Suez Canal remain in
British hands.

The Land Frontier

The land frontier is well over 3,000
miles in extent. Although politically
India is separated from Burma, it
is impossible to separate the two
countries strategically. Throughout
history all the greatest land invasions
have come via a comparatively
short stretch of the western frontier.
Had it not been for the undeveloped
and trackless hills and
forests of the Sino-Burmese border
it is probable that Chinese influence
would have extended to India centuries
ago, as it did into Turkestan.

The same applies to the northwest
frontier of India, where the great
mass of the Himalayas, fronted by
deserts and high, arid plateaus to
the north, have throughout the ages
been an impassable obstacle. India's
gateways to invasion by land still
lie in the Khyber and Bolan passes
of the northwest frontier.

The situation may change politically
on the Sino-Burmese frontier,
but many years must pass before
communications with China can be
developed for the passage of armies
and Burma become one of the gateways
for attack.

Attack on India is possible from
both sea-borne and land-bases aircraft.
Surprise attack by sea-borne
aircraft must, under existing conditions, 
be limited to those that can
be carried by individual raiders.
These planes could carry only a few
light bombs.

The obstacles which nature has
provided for India's protection from
land attack are equally efficacious
for protection against air attack
from land bases. The great belt of
mountains which forms the major
part of the frontiers is by reason
of height and adverse climatic conditions
over a great part of the year
a serious deterrent.

As to Russia's Designs

As to the perennial talk of Russia's
designs on India's potential
wealth, nowhere do the Soviet
frontiers march with those of India
save in Sinkiang, where the Chinese
border fringes that of the Gilgit
Agency and Kashmir. Sinkiang
at present is a Soviet province in
all but name, but invasion from
that direction could never be a serious
threat, military experts say.

Therefore, Afghanistan and Iran
are the only other countries through
which an attack could come, and
as one authority recently put it:
"Afghanistan and Iran would fight
to the last man in a Russian conflict."

The best way for attack would
be through Afghanistan. This
could be developed on two lines.
Either from Termez, on the Oxus
in the north, or from Kushak Post
in the south. Soviet railways from
Bokhara to Merv feed these bases
from Russia itself, but for the advance
there are only indifferent
roads and tracks. From Termez to
Kabul, the capital, is about 200
miles direct, but the route passes
over the difficult mountains of the
Hindukush range. Thence to Peshawar
via the Khyber Pass is
roughly another 100 miles as the
crow flies. This is the time-honored
route to India. From Kushak Post to Kandahar, passing to the south
of the Hindukush, is some 450 miles,
and thereafter about another 90
miles to the Indian frontier at
Chaman.

Even for the most highly trained
modern army it would take about
nine months to reach Kabul. For
about four months Afghanistan is
under snow, so that it would take a
year to reach Indian borders after
launching the campaign. By that
time India would be fully prepared.MOSLEMS OF INDIA
ASK PALESTINE PACT
Stress Concern Over Britain's
Delay With Arabs

Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES
LAHORE, India, March 24—The
Moslem League at its final session
today adopted a resolution viewing
"with grave concern the inordinate
delay by the British Government in
coming to a settlement with the
Arabs in Palestine."
The resolution declared "no arrangements
of a piecemeal character
should be made in Palestine
which are contrary to the pledges
given the Moslem world, particularly
the Moslems of India, to obtain
their active assistance in the war
of 1914-1918."
It also warned the British Government
against taking advantage
of the presence of the large British
force in Palestine "to overawe the
Arabs and force them into submission."
Another resolution urged early

INDIA PREPARES FOR ANY ATTACK
Power of Navy Already Has
Been Increased by Large
Fleet of Small Craft
Aug 26' 1940
Special Correspondence, THE NEW YORK TIMES
SIMLA, India—India has begun to
make full preparations to meet any
prospective Nazi attack. The regular
Indian Army has been expanded
by about 53,000 men. New formations
will include mechanized
and motorized units, infantry, artillery
and technical troops, necessitating
additional recruitment of
personnel for all ranks. There is
going to be an ultimate enrollment
of 200,000 men.
The Royal Indian Navy has
grown out of knowledge since war
started. In addition to the escort
vessels, it includes a large fleet of
anti-submarine craft, minesweepers
and motor boats, armed to deal
with the menace of sea raiders
against ports and harbors. The
strength of the personnel is now
two-and-a-half times what it was,
and the new ratings have been intensively
trained to meet all
emergencies.
The expansion of the Indian Air
Force has been more difficult. Potential
pilots and observers are
available in considerable numbers
and can be trained fairly quickly,
but the provision of adequate numbers
of skilled mechanics is a grave
problem. Indians make good mechanics,
but they have to be made,
and the making takes time. There
is very little surplus of skilled
labor in the country, and employers

are naturally anxious to hold on to
what they have.
Airplanes are not easy to obtain
owing to the enormous demands of
the war in Europe, but a government
expansion scheme will, if all
goes well, result in the quadrupling
of the regular Indian Air Force. As
regards officers, Indians are to get
more appointments and they will 
be posted to all units of the Indian
Army.
All these increased measures
mean huge additional expenditure,
to meet which the Government of
India has issued Indian Defence
Certificates to the value of 10
rupees, 50 rupees and 100 rupees.
There are three kinds of issues:
(1) Defense Certificate to the
value of 10 rupees measurable in ten
years, at the end of which they receive
about 3 per cent compound
interest.
(2) Defence Savings Bonds, maturable
after six years at 3 per
cent interest. The maximum holding
an individual can have in this 
issue is Rs. 15,000.
(3) A three-year interest-free loan.
There are many persons possessing
immense wealth which they have
offered to invest without interest.
The government is examining the
question of manufacturing airplanes,
but this will mainly depend
upon the degree of success of these
loans.

cancellation of the order declaring
the Khaksar Moslem communal
body was banned following a clash
between many of its members and
the police last Tuesday when
twenty-five persons were killed and
thirty-nine injured.
The League also adopted a resolution
demanding the creation of
independent States in provinces
where Moslems are the majority.
It was offered by Fazl ul Huq, 
Premier of Bengal, who declared
the Moslems would make "absolutely
unworkable" any constitution
federating the Indian States into a 
country independent of Britain, as
proposed by the All-India Congress
in which Mohandas K. Gandhi was
the central figure.

[*Liberty- (3rd)? April 1940*]

WHY I WON'T JOIN THE 
OXFORD MOVEMENT
by Mahatma Gandhi

READING TIME 5 MINUTES 45 SECONDS
I HAVE been asked many times my 
opinion of the Oxford Group, and, 
more recently, of the Moral Rearmament 
movement that its founder, 
Dr. Frank Buchman, initiated.  
The outbreak of hostilities in Europe 
raises the Moral Rearmament 
campaign into the greatest prominence, 
since it is maintained that if 
the warring nations joined heart and 
soul in the principles of the movement, 
there would be peace in the 
world today.  But before I state the 
points on which I disagreed with it 
when it was originally proposed to 
me, I would like to consider the Oxford 
Group itself.  Perhaps I can 
best say how I feel toward it by reporting 
a recent conversation.
   Shortly after the war started, six 
friends who are members of the 
Group came to visit me.  They included 
an attorney and his wife, an 
American journalist, a European 
railway official, and the gifted daughter 
of a one-time English army officer.  
They described their mission 
as one of "thinking aloud and spiritual 
sharing," and their spokesman 
said to me :  
   "You have always been listening 
to God.  We feel that the solution of 
those problems for which you have 
worked would be reached if all the 
millions of India would listen to God.  
We feel we have a place in this plan, 
and therefore we have come to you.  
Each day we are silent for a certain 
period to listen to God and to find 
out what He wants of us; we know 
that this is true of you too, and that 
all your actions are taken only under 
God's guidance."
   I told these friends that I admired 
their enthusiasm and their certainty, 
and that I wished I could share it— 
for I could not.  "Yes," I said, "I 
have tried my very best to make 
India's millions listen to the way of 
God, and I have had some success— 
but I am still very far away from 
the goal.  Perhaps it is because the 
more I listen myself, the more I discover 
that God is still infinitely distant 
from me.  Yes, I can lay down 
the rules essential for proper listening, 
but the reality escapes me."
   For, I continued, although we can 
say that we are listening to God and 
receiving answers and guidance, is 
there not every possibility of self-deception ?  
Listening to God's voice 
presupposes a fitness to listen, which 
is acquired only after a constant and 
patient striving and waiting.  A 

"I am a believer in 
the laws of Truth and 
Non-Violence, and so 
I can acclaim their 
emphasis on improving 
oneself, not others."

A famous leader of millions and lover of 
peace makes a candid, surprising confession

great Hindu philosopher once compared 
the process to an attempt to 
drain the sea by means of a pipe as 
small as a blade of grass—and yet at 
the same time the effort must be as 
natural as breathing or the winking 
of an eye.  Only this waiting and 
striving, and only this natural acceptance 
of it, can take us face to 
face with God.
   "I am by no means sure," I said, 
"that I myself am free from self-deception.  
I have been asked if I 
may not be mistaken in what I think 
is God's guidance, and in all truth I 
must answer, Yes, very likely !"
   I said this to these friends, first, 
in order to warn them what a mistake 
it is to be convinced that one 
can always listen to the voice of God 
simply by sitting in silence and telling 
oneself that it is happening ; and 
second, to show them that it is unwise 
to assure the millions of humble 
people that if they listen, all their 
problems will be solved.  Those who 
are not in want can say, "We listen, 
and our questions are answered."  
But how could anyone say honestly 

to India's hungry thousands, "Listen, 
and you shall receive the bread 
that you need "?
   I concluded that I did not think 
one should merely advise the people 
as a whole to listen and to pray.  To 
put it in India's terms, I thought instead 
that one might tell the Harijan 
(the poverty-stricken untouchable) 
to pray for the sins which may originally 
have made him an untouchable, 
but that the Savarna Hindu 
(the powerful orthodox Hindu), who 
has kept him an untouchable, should 
be told to repent, and to do this by 
befriending the untouchable and by 
raising him to his own level.
   This expresses my general feelings 
toward the Oxford Group and 
the ideas that it proposes.  My opinion 
of its Moral Rearmament movement 
is more definite because of 
something that happened shortly before 
the war broke out.
   At the time an appeal was issued 
by the movement to the nations of 
the world.  The President of the 
United States endorsed it and advocated 
Moral Rearmament as a means 

APRIL 13, 1940                                            11NEWS LETTER
All India Congress Committee
FOREIGN DEPARTMENT
Swaraj Bhawan
ALLAHABAD - INDIA
NEW SERIES No. 7
1st June 1940
Gandhiji on British Attitude
Writing on the power of non-violent non-cooperation Mahatma
Gandhi observes that its net effect has been of the greatest
benefit to India. It has brought about an awakening among the
masses which would probably have taken generations otherwise.
With regard to the British attitude towards Indian demands he
says: "So far as the British are concerned I have already said
that I will do nothing to embarrass them. I am straining
every nerve to avoid a conflict. But they may make it inevitable.
Even so, I am praying for a mode of application which
will be effective and still not embarrassing in the sense of
violent outbreaks throughout the country.
"Here I must say that, whilst it is true that active
cooperation on the part of Congressmen is not yet much in evidence,
of passive cooperation on their part there is no lack.
Violent, sporadic eruptions on the part of the people would
have paralysed my effort to gather together forces of nonviolence
in an effective manner. As it is, the restraint which
they have exercised fills me with hope for the future.
"Hindu-Muslim unity is a morsel by itself. But my friend
is on the wrong track when he suggests that unity should be
hastened for fear of Muslims raising their demands. Demands
against whom ? India is as much theirs as anybody else's. 
The way to unity lies through just demands once and for all, not
through ever-increasing demands, whether just or unjust. The
demand for partition puts an end to all effort to unity for
the time being. I hold that communal understanding is not a 
pre-requisite to the British doing justice, on their part.
When they feel that they want to recognise India's right of
self-determination, all the difficulties that they put forth
as obstacles in their path will melt away like ice before the
sun's rays. The right of self-determination means the right
of determination by every group and ultimately every individual.
The demand for a Constituent Assembly presumes that
the determinations of the groups and individuals will coincide.
Should it happen otherwise and partition become the fashion,
either we shall have partition or partitions rather than
foreign rule, or we shall continue to wrangle among ourselves
and submit to foreign rule, or else have a proper civil war.
Anyway the present suspense cannot continue. IT has to end
one way or the other  I am an optimist. I have every hope
that when we come to grips Hindus, Muslims, and all others
will throw in their weight in favour of India which all will 
claim as their own."
War Situation and the Duty of the Congress
In reply to many letters asking him not to embarrass
Britain while she is in difficulties, Mahatma Gandhi has cleared
up the attitude of the Congress. With regards to these correspondents
he observes that "there is want of appreciation of
reality. These letters ignore British nature. British people
stand in no need of sympathy from subject people. For they
can command all they want from them. They are a brave and
proud people. The are not going to be demoralised by even2.
half a dozen such setbacks.  They are well able to cope with 
any difficulty that may face them.  India has no say whatsoever 
in the manner in which she is to take her part in the war.  
She was dragged into the war by the mere wish of the British 
Cabinet.  Her resources are being utilised at the will of the 
British cabinet.  India is a dependency, and Britain will 
drain the dependency dry as she has done in the past.  What 
gesture has the Congress to make in these circumstances ?  
The greatest gesture in its power the Congress is already 
making.  It creates no trouble in the country.  It refrains 
in pursuance of its own policy.  I have said and I repeat that 
I shall do nothing wilfully to embarrass Britain.  It will be 
contrary to my conception of Satyagraha.  Beyond this it is not 
in the power of the Congress to go.  Indeed it is the duty 
of the Congress to persecute its demand for independence and 
to continue the preparations for civil disobedience to the 
fullest extent it can."

      The duty of the Congress and British Government is clear.  
"The Congress contribution to the cause of the Allies in so 
far as it may be good, and to the world peace, is its active 
pursuance of non-violence and truth and the prosecution of its 
goal of complete Independence without abatement and without 
delay."

      "Britain is really damaging her own cause by persistently 
refusing to examine the Congress position and recognise its 
justice and in raising false issues.  The Constituent Assembly 
of the kind proposed by me provides for every difficulty except 
one, if it is a difficulty.  It does not provide for British 
interference in the shaping of India's destiny.  If that is 
put forth as a difficulty, the Congress must wait till it is 
acknowledged that it is not only no difficulty and that 
self-determination is India's indisputable right."

      "In this connection let me refer to the letters I have 
received accusing me of unwillingness to declare civil disobedience 
under some pretext or other.  These friends must 
know that I am more concerned than they in the successful demonstration 
of the weapon of non-violence.  I am not giving 
myself a minute's rest from the pursuit of the search.  I am 
ceaselessly praying for the light.  But I cannot precipitate 
civil disobedience because of outside pressure, even as I will 
not refrain because of such pressure."

3rd Session of the National Planning Committee
      The National Planning Committee held its third session 
in Bombay on 1st of May under the Chairmanship of Jawaharlal 
Nehru.  Its work went on for a fortnight and the reports of 
the following sub-Committees were considered and discussed.
      I.  Engineering and Transport Industries  II.  Population 
      III.  Housing  IV.  Labour  V.  Horticulture  VI.  River 
      Training  VII.  Manufacturing industries  VIII.  Chemicals 
      IX.  Transport  X.  Public Finance  XI.  Currency and Banking 
      XII.  Land Policy  XIII.  Animal Husbandry.

      The Chairman made it clear that "the very basis of our 
planning is a free India, democratically fashioned where no 
external authority can interfere or obstruct the Nation's 
work.  There can be no planning otherwise.  Full political 
and economic freedom is thus a pre-requisite to Planning."  
He thought it necessary to draw attention to this important 
point so that unjustifiable advantage might not be taken of 
a part of the scheme to consolidate and strengthen foreign 
authority and interests in India.  He gave an example.  Many 
of the sub-Committees have recommended State ownership or 
control of certain services and industries.  The State referred 
to is always a free and democratic India, and not one subordinate 
to foreign authority and interests.  In concluding the 
session the Chairman drew attention to the aim of planning.


3.

"It must always be borne in mind that we are thinking in terms 
of a planned society, and therefore our recommendations must 
be taken as a whole, and not in bits.  Occasionally, of course, 
some bits might be desirable in themselves and they can be 
taken separately.  Often also it might be injurious just to 
take one bit and not the rest, as this would break up any 
equilibrium that may exist without bringing a new one in its 
place."

      Of the various recommendations and reports of the sub-Committees 
passed by the Session mention may be made of the 
recommendation for establishing heavy engineering industries 
in India and State Control for all key and defence industries.  
The Committee also recommended the nationalisation of the 
Reserve Bank of India and delinking the rupee from the pound.

United Provinces Congress Committee on Present Situation
      The U.P. Provincial Congress Committee at its meeting 
on 19th May in Lucknow passed an important resolution on the 
present political situation.  With regard to the world situation 
and India's position, the resolution thus defines the 
attitude of the Committee:  

      "The U.P. Provincial Congress Committee, meeting at a 
time when vast armed forces clash and struggle for mastery in 
Europe and the fate of empires hangs in the balance, has given 
its most earnest consideration to the problem as it affects 
India.  Events are taking place, with ever increasing speed, 
which affect the entire political and economic structure of the 
world, and will change it vitally.  It is clear that the empires 
of today disintegrate and will cease to be; small independent 
countries, howsoever advanced they might be, are helpless 
and can have no future as independent units unless they are 
parts of a larger federation.  The menace of a new and vast 
Fascist empire looms over Europe, and yet even the possibility 
of military triumph can give it no stable foundation.  The 
forces which the War has unleashed will find no resting place 
except in an equilibrium based on political and economic freedom 
for nations, a new social order, and a world federation 
of nations.

      The Committee has noted with anxious concern the invasion 
of small and free nations by Nazi Germany, and sends its deep 
sympathy to the peoples of Denmark, Norway, Holland, Belgium 
and Luxembourg, who have become the innocent victims in the 
struggle between rival empires.

      The Committee notes also that, in spite of the peril that 
encompasses it, the British Government still thinks and acts 
in terms of empire and imperialism, and in India we continue 
to see the face of British Imperialism and to hear its voice.  
Instead of recognising Indian Independence and fashioning itself 
so as to give the earliest effect to it, British authority 
denies and refuses this demand and birth-right of the 
Indian people, and speaks in terms of empire and patronising 
domination.  In India the people's representatives have no 
authority or place and autocracy holds sway.  Large numbers 
of Congressmen and others have been condemned to prison, public 
activities interfered with and civil liberties taken away.  
The picture of India is still the picture of British Imperialism 
in action.

      The committee can never tolerate or agree with this 
picture, whatever may happen in the battlefields of Europe.  
India's policy towards Britain is determined by Britain's 
attitude towards India, and not by other and external considerations.  
If Indian independence is not recognised and given 
effect to, if British Imperialism still flourishes in India, 
intent of preserving its vested interests and supporting 
feudalism and encouraging disruption, then India must continue 
to refuse all co-operation and to resist imposed decisions.

      The Committee is convinced that the decision of the 4.
Ramgarh Congress that Satyagraha is inevitable and should be 
prepared for, must be acted upon in its entirety and nothing 
has happened which should be allowed to vary it.  The new 
turn in world events makes it all the more imperative that 
India's independence should be secured and that the Indian 
people should determine the form to be given to this.  The 
Committee deprecates all attempts to confuse this fundamental 
issue by raising other questions of co-operation with 
Britain in defence.  India will defend herself when she is free 
against all who seek to deprive her of this freedom; she cannot 
defend an empire which holds her in its grip and comes in the 
way of her freedom."

Satyagraha Preparations and Repression
The enrolment of Satyagrahis is going on apace.  According 
to the Secretary of the U.P. Provincial Congress Committee 
more than ten thousand persons have already signed the 
pledge in that province alone.  Though full reports are not 
available for all the provinces, in nine provinces more than 
twenty thousand Satyagrahis have already been enrolled.

Camps for training Satyagraha volunteers are being 
held in most of the districts.  The provincial Committees 
have been instructed to hold camps to train and coordinate the 
main workers of the province.  The Maharashtra provincial 
camp was inaugurated by Vallabhbhai Patel on the 16th May.  
Successful provincial camps have been held recently in the 
United Provinces, Punjab, the N.W.  Frontier province and 
Behar.  The Sind provincial camp is going on at present and 
the other provinces are making arrangements for similar 
training for their workers.

Simultaneously repression is also increasing.  Numerous 
arrests are taking place daily all over the country, but 
the number is specially large in Bengal, United Provinces, 
Behar, Andhra and Tamil Nad.  The police use any pretext for 
arresting prominent workers.  Recently, copies of the 
Ramgarh Congress Resolution on war were confiscated in Aligarh 
though there is no such order nor has it been declared 
illegal.

Balkrishna Keskar
Secretary 
Foreign DepartmentJust to let you know what
we are doing.
[?]
You and your friends are cordially invited
to the second of our summer evening gatherings,
to meet
Miss MRNALINI SWAMINATHAN,
student at Rabindranath Tagore's school,
who will dance
Miss RUTH St. DENIS
who will tell of her adventures in India
and others
FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 26, 1940
AT 8 P. M.
AT STUDIO 8D,
66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEAR 13TH STREET N.Y.C.
Admission Free. For cards of admission, kindly send self-addressed
stamped envelope to the Secretary.
THE INDIA COUNCIL
333 EAST 11TH STREET NO.15 N.Y.C.NEW YORK N.Y.
JULY 21
430 PM
1940
THIS SIDE OF CARD IS FOR ADDRESS
Miss Alice Stone Blackwell
1010 Massachusetts Avenue
CAMBRIDGE, MASSGandhi Faces the Storm
By Harold E. Fey

WHAT will happen in India if Britain suffers the 
same fate which has overtaken three other nations 
with colonial empires?  The answer in part will 
depend upon Mohandas K. Gandhi, whom I visited only 
a few weeks ago.  While the catastrophic collapse of 
France was still in the unpredictable future, impressions 
gathered during the three days I stayed with the Indian 
leader may help to provide a basis on which to assess the 
intellectual vigor, the spiritual insight and the political 
acumen of this fragile old man.  For whether he lives or 
dies, it is universally admitted that Gandhi's influence will 
be strongly felt in the fateful decisions toward which India 
is moving.

Four years ago Gandhi went to live in Segaon, a backward 
village of "untouchables" located near Wardha in 
central India.  He intended to go alone, attempting to discourage 
even his wife from following.  But that elderly 
lady has a mind of her own.  Other followers also sought 
him out until he was forced to move across the road from 
overcrowded Segaon.  Here he started a new village which 
now consists of a dozen mud huts.  To Sevagram, or 
"service village," the two-wheeled cart which served as 
my taxi jogged one blazing morning of the Indian hot 
season.  The dusty road which Sir Stafford Cripps had 
followed only a few days before had previously been 
traveled by Lord Lothian and others whom the world 
calls mighty.  At that time of the year the almost level 
plains of Central Province resemble the arid vastness of 
Oklahoma.  Among the trees at the side of a shallow 
creek we came upon unpretentious Sevagram, its people 
busy about the routine of a sultry morning. 

India's Mud-Hut White House
Visiting with Mahadev Desai, Gandhi's senior secretary, 
I made an appointment to see Gandhi late that very 
afternoon and arranged to return to Wardha with the 
district medical officer, who had come to deal with an outbreak 
of smallpox in Segaon.  While I waited I sat in the 
shade of a tree and looked about.  In the center is Gandhi's 
tiny house.  It is a one-story mud hut, with thatch roof and 
earthen floor, about fifteen by twenty feet in size and, as I 
was later to learn, it contains two rooms.  Outlined in the 
gray-brown mud of one wall are the forms of two spinning 
wheels surmounted by the graceful curve of a palm tree.  
This is the sole decoration.  The other buildings of the 
village, which accommodates a permanent population of 
perhaps fifty people, are of the same construction although 
some are a bit larger.

On the way back to Wardha in the district doctor's car, 
this government official and the surgeon who accompanied 
him spoke in terms of great respect and affection for 
Gandhi.  In accounting for his amazing vitality, the more 
remarkable because of the toll which the Indian climate 
takes, the physician said that in his judgment it was due 
to Gandhi's cleanliness and simplicity of life and to his 
unwavering faith in God.  Although he is past seventy, 

the mahatma "does more work than a dozen men," he 
said, because his strength is inwardly nurtured.  The visiting 
surgeon had glimpsed Gandhi for the first time that 
morning and was evidently greatly impressed with the 
importance of the privilege which had been his.

In Wardha I interviewed a graduate of a ranking 
American theological seminary.  A Christian, he has abandoned 
the Indian Christian church because he says it is 
hopelessly linked to imperialist interests.  He believes that 
the Indian educational system as it is developing under 
Gandhi's interpretation of the principles of truth and non-violence 
is more Christian than the present Indian church 
can possibly be.  I also talked with graduates in education 
of leading American schools who are putting into practice 
far from its origin the philosophy of John Dewey.  All 
of them were dressed in hand-made Indian cloth, which 
was of excellent quality and weave, and all live in ascetic 
simplicity.

Welcome to Sevagram
Back at Sevagram again I was  greeted by Mr. Gandhi 
himself and invited to join the members of the ashram in 
their evening meal, which is eaten together.  There was no 
fuss of secretaries and factotums and hardly even an introduction.  
Mr. Gandhi, who always seems to be capable 
of high good humor, immediately said:  "If you will guess 
how I knew how to pronounce your name, I will give you 
an orange," and he brought from the cool water of a brass 
bowl a dripping piece of fruit.  When I "failed in my first 
examination" he told me that both Muriel Lester and 
John Haynes Holmes had written that I was coming and 
gave me the orange anyway.  In this informal fashion I 
was introduced to Sevagram.

After the evening meal, we hiked a mile or so up the 
dusty road and back.  Gandhi's morning and evening walks 
are an institution at Sevagram.  Fifteen or twenty people 
followed along, Gandhi leading out vigorously, his light 
bamboo staff pumping like piston.  He showed great interest 
in my long journey to India and in conditions in 
China and in America, remarking that he hoped that we 
would not become involved in the European war, which 
he regards as the judgment of God upon nations which 
trust in methods of force and seek gain through getting 
or holding colonies against their will.  Then he turned and 
heard the reports of associates who had just returned after 
having spent months in Indian villages teaching the farmers 
handicrafts and village organization.

On this first walk I also talked with Rajkumari Amrit 
Kaur, a highly educated Indian woman who is serving as 
a second secretary to Gandhi.  She is said to be a Christian, 
a member of the Indian nobility, is small, very neat, and 
speaks a beautiful drawing-room English.  We discussed the 
new scheme of village education known as the Wardha 
plan.  This plan has grown out of Gandhi's conviction that 
Indian education, based on British university entrance requirements, 
is completely out of touch with Indian life.

92I922     THE CHRISTIAN CENTURY     July 24, I940

The new education, he says, must be based upon the crafts.  
His theory is that nothing is worth knowing that cannot 
be acquired through the process of doing the indispensable 
work that is necessary to life.  So, as the child begins 
to learn spinning, the number of threads in the yarn 
teaches it to count, the shape of the wheel teaches it geometry, 
the story of spinning opens to it the history of the 
long struggle of its people for bread and freedom, and the 
desire to record and teach these things makes its language 
and grammar study easy.
   With this beginning, a group of well trained educators, 
housed in one of the mud huts at Sevagram, is revolutionizing 
the entire educational structure.  During the two 
years that congress ministries ruled eight out of eleven 
Indian provinces, the “Wardha scheme" got its start.  The 
products which will be made in these schools by the children 
already engaged in productive labor will, it is hoped, 
provide financial support for the extension of learning to 
the nine-tenths of the people of India to whom education 
has until now been denied.

Evening Prayers 
   Returning to the village after the walk, the entire membership 
of the ashram gathered for evening prayers.  Night 
had fallen and rain unseasonably threatened.  So the prayer 
mats were spread on the porch of one of the buildings.  
Gandhi seated himself in the middle and the others ranged 
about him.  The lanterns were dimmed, so that a faint glow 
surrounded the group.  Then a leader issued a plaintive, 
three-times-repeated call to prayer, and a man with a 
curious stringed instrument began to play.  This cello or 
banjo possessed the remarkable quality of sounding very 
far away when it was strummed softly.  To this plangent, 
ethereal music the entire group then recited a long section 
of the Hindu scriptures.  During the half-hour of recitation, 
Mr. Gandhi sometimes took part and sometimes not, 
but remained bowed in the most complete devotion.
   Preparations for bed involved the simple gesture of unrolling 
our blankets on the veranda, since the rain prevented 
the usual custom of sleeping in the open.  I lay 
down perhaps ten feet from where Mr. Gandhi's pallet 
had been spread.  His Indian physician, Dr. Roy, then 
used a delicate modern instrument which tested his blood-pressure 
and directed a thorough massage.  These ministrations 
seemed to take a long time.  I finally drifted to 
sleep with the impression that the conversation between 
Gandhi and those who waited upon him was ending.
   About I0:30 Mr. Gandhi decided to move his bed into 
the open, the threat of rain having passed.  The rest of 
the group followed, but I stayed behind.  Following the 
evening prayers, members of the ashram had caught a 
wicked-looking scorpion and a twitching gray-green snake 
whose bite is said to be as deadly as that of the cobra.  In 
each case, Hindu reverence for life had carried the interlopers 
across the road and politely dropped them unharmed 
into the grass.  With these deadly pests at large, I 
was satisfied to remain on the porch.  Several times during 
the night I wakened and looked out on the peaceful scene, 
with sleeping figures scattered all around the central 
strange man who seemed to be so much at home in the 
mystic splendor of the clear Indian moonlight. Long after 

midnight I stood admiring in the blue light the beauty of 
the white forms sleeping, the vague outlines of huts and 
trees and low hills beyond.  There were no guards in this, 
the real capital of India, and no need for guards.

Morning Prayers
   Morning prayers came when the rising bell echoed 
among the glowing stars at four o'clock.  Mats were spread 
around the bed of the mahatma.  Only a third of the people 
arose, the others continuing their slumbers round about 
while once again the cantor gave the call to prayer and 
the musician started chanting the next section of the 
Hindu scriptures.  One of the village workers led in a 
protracted section and long before she had finished the 
mahatma had gone back to sleep and was snoring audibly.  
It was reassuring to discover that Gandhi after all is no 
superman, but that he sometimes gets sleepy during long 
prayers like ordinary mortals.  Dawn had just begun to tint 
the east when devotions were finished.
   Unlike the other meals, breakfasts are eaten by the 
individuals alone.  Breakfast consisted that morning of a 
tumbler of hot goat's milk, some dates, grapes and chapati, 
a thin crust of Indian pancake-like bread.  Lunch was 
more sumptuous.  A bowl of curd, some cooked greens, a 
raw cabbage leaf and onion, some cooked vegetables, two 
kinds of hard bread, rice and oranges.  All meals are, of 
course, strictly vegetarian.  Commenting, Gandhi noted 
that the villagers do not have as much as he has, and said 
he was trying to learn how to cut down his consumption 
of food and at the same time not lose strength and energy.
   After breakfast I had opportunity for my second walk 
with the Indian leader.  The evening before I had outlined 
to him my purpose in coming and the questions I 
wanted to ask.  As we walked down the road, I asked him 
why the Indian National Congress had voted to begin 
civil disobedience again at this time.  He said that the 
British government had never redeemed the promises made 
in the First World War and that she had no right to deny 
India her independence now.  Indians, having been asked 
to help Britain at this time, were not going to repeat the 
story of the last war.  When I asked when civil disobedience 
would begin, he said he did not know.  Civil disobedience 
is not a strategy like that which is used by 
generals, he explained.  It is an inner necessity which, if it 
is done at all, must be done spontaneously and regardless 
of consequences.  Unfortunately, he continued, India was 
not ready, but he quickly said that he did not know the 
hour and the moment when she might become ready.

Not to Embarrass Britain 
   His purpose in initiating civil disobedience is not to 
embarrass Britain.  When I asked him why he should 
hesitate to embarrass the government that had kept India 
from her freedom for so long, he rebuked me for even 
asking the question.  He said that he had no grudge against 
the British people, that he admired them very much, and 
that he strove by every means possible to avoid causing 
them any unnecessary difficulty.  He stressed the fact that 
the last thing he had in mind in initiating civil disobedience 
was to be of any help to Britain's foes.  If by her 
own refusal to grant independence to India, Britain gets 


July 24, I940     THE CHRISTIAN CENTURY     923

into a compromising position, then there is no way to 
avoid difficulty but Gandhi will not be responsible.
   At present, he said that India was far from being ready 
for mass civil disobedience.  If satyagraha were launched 
now, it would, he said, “be starting a fire no man could 
control.”  India is in a bad state, he continued.  The continual 
rioting and fighting and the growing rivalry between 
Hindus and Moslems indicate that it is not spiritually 
ready.  The salt march to the sea was successful 
because the people were spiritually prepared.  Lacking this 
mass preparation, civil disobedience might now have to be 
launched on a smaller scale.  A selected group of congressmen 
might precipitate civil disobedience, or he might 
do it himself.  On the other hand, mass action was not 
ruled out. It all depended upon the will of God.  God 
would guide the eventual decision, and Gandhi would 
know his will through prayer.  This was the real reason 
why he did not know when disobedience would begin.

Conflict Between Religious Communities
   Following this interview, Gandhi went back to his 
spinning wheel, and I to visit the headquarters of his 
village industries association.  There I saw in a new 
museum the various steps of the history of spinning and 
the revival of those home handicraft industries by which 
Gandhi hopes to break the control of foreign capital on 
India, and to make his country self-sustaining.  Returning 
in time for prayers in the evening, I went into Gandhi's 
hut for the third interview.  Both Desai and Miss Kaur 
were present, as were several others.  Gandhi sat on the 
floor with his back against the wall, and I on a mat at his 
feet.  In the light of a kerosene lantern the faces of the 
dozen people in the room glowed strangely.
   I began by asking him what was the solution of the conflict 
between Hindus and Moslems.  He said it would be 
swaraj, or home rule, that the presence of the foreign 
viceroy helped to exaggerate and inflame the problem.  
He did not minimize the difficulty of reconciliation because 
he said the Moslems remember the time when they 
ruled India and they want to get their power back again.  
Moslems reply that Hindus use the Indian National Congress 
as a cloak for Hindu rule.  So I asked him about the 
familiar Moslem charge that the congress is a Hindu organization.  
This he denied, saying that it had mothered 
minorities ever since it had been founded nearly two 
generations ago by the Englishman Hume.  He said the 
congress had gone out of its way to placate the minorities 
and would continue to do so, but that if minorities felt 
their interest required that they confine themselves into an 
opposition or anti-congress party, congress would not object 
to the formation of such a political group.
   The organization of industrial labor into unions is a 
question that is hotly discussed in India.  In this area 
communism has its principal support and strength.  Gandhi 
said he is continuing to encourage the organization of 
unions which are not controlled by communists.  He 
pointed out that his organization controls one of the oldest 
industrial unions in India, that this union maintains 
schools, hospitals and welfare work and aims to become 
the owner of the mills it works and to divide the profits 
among the workers. He pointed out that the union is now 

strong and wealthy and that it manages its affairs by negotiation, 
without strikes or other difficulties.  He admitted 
that communists control unions in some places in India, 
particularly in Cawnpore.  The real problem in India is 
not industry, but agriculture.  It is, therefore, the farmer 
and not the industrial worker who constitutes the crux of 
the Indian problem, he said.

Plans for Peasant Help 
   To deal with the problem of the ninety per cent of the 
people of India who live on the land, Gandhi pointed out 
that he had organized five principal agencies.  The first is 
the spinning association which exists to free the people 
from the tyranny of foreign cloth.  The second is the 
village industries association whose work is to develop 
handicrafts.  The third is the National Planning Commission, 
whose chairman is the brilliant Jawaharlal Nehru, 
whose work it is to coordinate the best minds of India on 
the planned development of Indian economy.  The fourth 
is the so-called "Wardha education scheme” which seeks 
to make every Indian, by the same process, both literate 
and productive.  And the last is the organization he has 
built up to rid India of the curse of untouchability.
    Gandhi went on to explain that all his co-workers in 
these activities are committed with him to an avowed nonviolence 
position—to the creed of "soul force.”  This, he 
insisted, is at the very heart of democracy.  You cannot 
have both democracy and violence.  Democracy, he maintained, 
is a drag and a hindrance to nations which are 
committed to war or to methods of violence.  If nations 
are going to fight, let them first give up democracy, because 
they cannot keep it anyway.  The creed of nonviolence 
protects the weak, whereas armed and warring 
nations cannot protect the weak.  In a true democracy, the 
weakest and the strongest are equal.  In no country in the 
world today, he said, do the strong show that meticulous 
regard for the weak which he is seeking to build in India.  
In the United States the farmer is a capitalist and he 
helps exploit the weak.  In India the farmers own only a 
very small amount of land or perhaps none at all.  A society 
built on the principle of non-violence will take them 
into account and seek to serve them. 

What Is Britain Defending?
   What is it that Britain is defending today? asked Mr. 
Gandhi.  She is not defending democracy, he said, or else 
she would at once give India her freedom.  She is defending 
her right to continue to control colonies against their 
will and she is trying to prevent them from falling into 
the hands of another nation which has the same aim.
   I asked Mr. Gandhi how he managed to carry the 
enormous responsibility which lay upon him as the leader 
of the Indian people.  He said:  "If I felt I had to carry 
my responsibilities alone, I would go mad.  I know that if 
I speak the word, millions of Indians will rise to do my 
bidding even unto death.  These millions have faith in me 
and will do what I say.  Why is this so?  What have I done 
for these millions?  I have become one of them.  I trust 
God that this power which I have will be rightly used.  
I do not worry about it, but I try to do what is right and 
leave the rest to God.  Nothing can defeat his will."Irresponsible Idealism
By Henry P. Van Dusen

A YEAR and a half ago, through the columns of The 
Christian Century, Dr. Albert W. Palmer initiated 
a campaign for the summoning of a 
world economic conference to forestall the threatening 
European conflict.  The Christian Century supported Dr. 
Palmer, made his proposal its own, and ardently pressed 
for such a conference as the one promising preventive 
of war.  During six and more of the most critical months 
in human history, large numbers of American Christians 
lodged their hopes for averting world conflict in the projected 
world economic conference.

Yet there was never the most minute iota of possibility 
that such a conference could have been held or that, if it 
had assembled, it could have turned back the inexorable 
march of events.  Every intelligent student of world affairs 
knew that.  This was true even within the church. I 
can recall vividly the expressions of incredulity on the 
faces of foremost Christian leaders from every corner of 
the world when the proposal first came to them at Madras.  
And again in Paris a month later when the plan, now 
transformed into a Christian world economic conference, 
was urged upon the provisional committee of the World 
Council.  Was it possible that reasonable and responsible 
men could seriously sponsor such a suggestion in the face 
of what all knew to be the true actualities of the world's 
crisis?  One of the senior leaders of the world church, a 
man of uncommon grace and charity of spirit, voiced the 
view of nearly all when he referred, with unintended alliteration, 
to "Palmer's preposterous proposal.”

Only One Thing Possible
The proposal sprang in the first instance from a sincere 
and noble concern—a sense that the nations were heading 
toward holocaust, and that something ought to be done 
about it.  As one of the advocates of the plan cried passionately, 
“The world is about to burst into flames.  Surely 
there is something we can do !”  Yes, there was one thing, 
and only one thing, which the American people could have 
done through the winter of I938-39 which might possibly 
have averted the European conflict.  If the United States 
had then promised to the democratic powers the unlimited 
material and moral aid which is actually being given 
today, war might have been averted.  If the people of the 
United States had then been willing to indicate that they 
could not witness unconcerned the repeated and ruthless 
despoilment of weak and unoffending peoples and that, 
if such aggression continued, this nation would feel compelled 
to enlist its full strength in defense of the victims, 
war would almost certainly have been averted.  This 
should, of course, have been combined with proposals for 
world economic readjustments.  That was the only line of 
action which could possibly have affected in any significant 
degree the development toward the present tragedy.  
Every intelligent student of world affairs knew that.

It is not for one moment suggested that the American 
churches should have advocated such a national policy.  

 It is contended that, if the churches or their leaders essayed 
to advise the American public as to moves they might yet 
make to avert war, they should have told them this.  For 
this was the truth, and churches and their leaders are 
under obligation to truth.  To advance any other measure 
as an effective preventive of conflict was to fire people's 
hopes by expectations without the slightest foundation, 
and so to prevent them from facing the real facts.  The 
proposal for a world economic conference, whether at 
the call of President Roosevelt or the World Council or 
the Federal Council, was escapism.  Escapism the psychologists 
define as the creation of a world of illusion to 
evade confronting reality.

Escapist Journalism 
Since the outbreak of hostilities in September, The 
Christian Century has been urging, almost weekly, that 
the United States bring the conflict to a speedy end by 
sponsoring a peace conference.  With persistent and unwearying 
reiteration, it has been suggesting to its public 
that the realization of this high end waits only upon the 
initiative of President Roosevelt supported by other neutrals.  
As late as May I5, its leading editorial entitled 
“What Can America Do For Peace ?” proposed that the 
President should send deputations to eighteen "neutral” 
European capitals inviting their governments to join a 
standing peace conference to remain in session at Rome 
or Madrid for the duration of the war.  When the editorial 
was written, fourteen of the eighteen nations were 
so bound to one or another of the belligerents as to forbid 
independent diplomatic action ; every intelligent student 
of world affairs knew that too.  Before the editorial could 
reach its readers, two of the remaining had been overwhelmed 
and reduced to servitude.  Within another fortnight, 
the proposed seat of this continuing peace conference 
had become the latest center of unprincipled aggression.

Now Dr. Palmer returns to support the proposed strategy.  
"Why wait any longer to make definite proposals to 
stop the war ?” he inquires (The Christian Century, June 
I9, p. 793).  “Let the United States call the remaining 
neutrals together at once and outline the main points of a 
decent post-war order.”  I have been studying a world 
map to discover the composition of the projected world 
peace conference.  Apparently the participants, in addition 
to nations of the Western hemisphere, are to be 
Switzerland, Portugal, Iran, Iraq, Siam, Afghanistan and 
possibly one or two others which have eluded attention.  
“Would Hitler consider such a proposal ?” he goes on to 
ask.  "Does anyone know until it is put up to him ?” With 
more reason it might be inquired, "Will Wendell Willkie 
campaign for Franklin Roosevelt ?  Does anyone know 
until it is put up to him ?"  Or, “Will Hitler now abdicate 
in favor of Brüning and a restoration of constitutional 
democracy in Germany ?  Does anyone know until 
it is put up to him ?"

924N, C, Times, lig 8-1941
OBITUARIES
TAGORE DIES AT 80; NOTED INDIAN POET
Sir Rabindranath, Playwright and Philosopher, Received
Nobel Prize in 1913
KNIGHTED BY GEORGE V
Owner of Large Estates in Bengal-Established in 1901
International University
CALCUTTA, India, Aug. 7 (P)Sir Rabindranath Tagore, famed as India's greatest modern poet, died here today after a long illness at the age of 80. Tagore, who was seriously ill last October but made a remarkable recovery, underwent an operation recently for a kidney ailment.
Special to THE NEW YORK TIMES, WASHINGTON, Aug. 7-Lord Halifax, British Ambassador to the United States, who served as Viceroy of India from 1926 to 1931, said today on hearing of Tagore's death:
"I grieve with India over the loss of one of her most distinguished sons, who by his thought and writing did so much to open to the world new and priceless treasures of the mind."
Also Famed as an Actor Sir Rabindranath Tagore, Nobel Prize winner for literature in 1913, one of India's greatest poets, who was famous also as playwright, philosopher, historian, musician, painter and actor, was born in Calcutta on May 6, 1861, son of a Maharashi, "great sage" Devendranath Tagore and grandson of Prince Dwarakanath Tagore.
His family, one of the most influential and distinguished of India, gave to the country many prominent leaders. His grandfather was the leader of the "Brahma Samaj," a society whose aim was to conform. Hinduism with the scientific spirit of the age. He was also the founder of the Landholder's Society. In 1842 his father took over the leadership of the Brahma Samaj and in 1848 published a series of extracts from the Hindu scriptures called the Brahma Dharma. In 1872 he handed over the affairs of the society to Rabindranath's brother, Dwijendranath. His father was also one of the founders and first secretary of the British-India Association, the first political body to adopt an all-India outlook.
The early death of his mother drew young Rabindranath closer to his father, who, when the boy was eleven years old, sent him to the Himalayas so that his soul might be stimulated by their grandeur. Under the wise instruction of his father, Rabindranath grew up in a way that developed his mystic and poetic nature.
Leaving his school of books, he traveled extensively, reading the great classics of his country all the time, however, and studying English. When he was 17 years old, in 1877, he went to England and spent a year there, perfecting his knowledge of this language.
Inspired Indian Youth In his earlier years Rabindranath Tagore was often in the limelight of the ultra-national Swadeshi movement and many of his patriotic songs composed during these years are a source of inspiration to the youth of India. The deep love of his mother country expressed in his psalm-like poetry and his fervent appeals to his countrymen earned for him the name of the "Soul of Bengal." It is asserted that his songs have
SIR RABINDRANATH TAGORE
New York Times Studio
were historic embraces between the aging Mahatma and the aged Gurudev, spiritual master, as Tagore was called by intimates, Afterward Gandhi responded to an appeal by Tagore to lend his powerful prestige to insuring the perpetuation of Tagore's school.
In 1913 Tagore won the Nobel Prize for literature. The particular work acclaimed was "Gitanjali," "Song Offerings," a selection of his poems which he prepared for publication in English with the encouragement of Sir William Rothenstein and Yeats. He was little known outside the Orientn before 1913. This was the only introduction the Western World needed to the poetry that had made its author almost a spiritual figure in his own country. English translations at once became best sellers. In Germany one publisher sold more than 2,000,000 volumes within the next year. His books were translated into a score of languages.
He accepted a knighthood in 1915, granted to him by King George V, but in 1919 surrendered it as a protest against the Jhilianwalla, Punjab, affair and made a fearless and impassioned statement in that connection. In later years, however, he offered no objection to using the title.
Lectured at Oxford in 1930 He visited Europe on several occasions, and in 1930 delivered the Hibbert Lectures at Oxford, England. He visited also Japan, Soviet Russia and the UUnited States. Tagore arrived in San Francisco by way of Japan in 1916, and he traveled so far and so rapidly in the hands of a money-wise lecture agent, that he often said afterward that his health never recovered from the strain. He canceled a lecture in San Francisco and left hurriedly when the police discovered what they believed to be an Indian plot against his life.
Nearly two years after, in 1918, the United States Government made public a mass of intercepted German diplomatic correspondence which purported to involve the poet and some thirty Hindus in an effort to launch a revolution in British India. The former German Ambassador to the United States, Count von Bernstorff, was accused of having been instrumental in the conspiracy which was also said to have involved several powerful Japanese statesmen. A few months later Tagore received a letter from Lord Chelmsford, then Viceroy of India, exonerating him of any connection with the alleged plot. He toured the UnUited States before returning to India, visiting many of the universities and giving a series of lectures.
Plays Are Produced In July, 1913, two of Tagore's plays, "Sacrifice," and "The Post Office," were produced at the Garrick Theatre. The latter was referred to by THE NEW YORK TIMES as a "gently pathetic work which
KNIGHTED BY GEORGE V

Owner of Large Estates in 
Bengal--Established in 1901 
   International University

   CALCUTTA, India, Aug. 7 (AP)— 
Sir Rabindranath Tagore, famed as 
India's greatest modern poet, died 
here today after a long illness at 
the age of 80.  Tagore, who was 
seriously ill last October but made 
a remarkable recovery, underwent 
an operation recently for a kidney 
ailment.

Special to THE NEW YORK TIMES.
   WASHINGTON, Aug. 7—Lord 
Halifax, British Ambassador to the 
United States, who served as Viceroy 
of India from 1926 to 1931, said 
today on hearing of Tagore's death:  
   "I grieve with India over the loss 
of one of her most distinguished 
sons, who by his thought and writing 
did so much to open to the 
world new and priceless treasures 
of the mind."

       Also Famed as an Actor
   Sir Rabindranath Tagore, Nobel 
Prize winner for literature in 1913, 
one of India's greatest poets, who 
was famous also as playwright, 
philosopher, historian, musician, 
painter and actor, was born in Calcutta 
on May 6, 1861, son of a 
Maharashi, "great sage" Devendranath 
Tagore and grandson of 
Prince Dwarakanath Tagore.
   His family, one of the most influential 
and distinguished of India, 
gave to the country many prominent 
leaders.  His grandfather was 
the leader of the "Brahma Samaj," 
a society whose aim was to conform 
Hinduism with the scientific 
spirit of the age.  He was also the 
founder of the Landholder's Society.  
In 1842 his father took 
over the leadership of the Brahma 
Samaj and in 1848 published a series 
of extracts from the Hindu 
scriptures called the Brahma 
Dharma.  In 1872 he handed over 
the affairs of the society to Rabindranath's 
brother, Dwijendranath.  
His father was also one of the 
founders and first secretary of 
the British-India Association, the 
first political body to adopt an 
all-India outlook.
   The early death of his mother 
drew young Rabindranath closer 
to his father, who, when the boy 
was eleven years old, sent him to 
the Himalayas so that his soul 
might be stimulated by their 
grandeur.  Under the wise instruction 
of his father, Rabindranath 
grew up in a way that developed 
his mystic and poetic nature.
   Leaving his school of books, he 
traveled extensively, reading the 
great classics of his country all 
the time, however, and studying 
English.  When he was 17 years 
old, in 1877, he went to England 
and spent a year there, perfecting 
his knowledge of this language.

       Inspired Indian Youth
   In his earlier years Rabindranath 
Tagore was often in the 
limelight of the ultra-national 
Swadeshi movement and many of 
his patriotic songs composed during 
these years are a source of 
inspiration to the youth of India.  
The deep love of his mother country 
expressed in his psalm-like 
poetry and his fervent appeals to 
his countrymen earned for him the 
name of the "Soul of Bengal."  It 
is asserted that his songs have 
done as much toward the upbuilding 
and knitting together of all 
India as any other single force.
   When Tagore returned to Bengal 
he began writing the poetry which 
was later to win him the Nobel 
Prize for literature.  He gave himself 
up largely to that passion for 
contemplation and speculation 
which has always been a mark of 
Hindu character.  His early poems 
were colored by his youthful 
thoughts of love and romance and 
their sensitive beauty alarmed the 
conservative Hindus.  But the 
marked spirituality of his nature 
asserted itself and expanded.  His 
songs took a deeper and more 
spiritual note until they were such 
that William Butler Yeats said of 
them:
   "In all poems there is one single 
theme, the love of God.  When I 
tried to find anything Western 
that might compare with the works 
of Tagore, I thought of the 'Imitation 
of Christ' by Thomas A. 
Kempis."

      Directed 100,000 Tenants
   At the age of 23 he married and 
devoted his time to his estates, the 
largest in Bengal, having more 
than 100,000 tenants.  His wife died 
seventeen years later.  They had 
five children of whom three died 
young.  A son and a daughter survive.
   Because of his early training he 
was able to write his lyrics first in 
his native Bengali and then render 
them in English without loss of 
their beauty.
   In 1901 he established the famous 
Santiniketan, "The Abode of 
Peace," a school at Bolpur, ninety-three 
miles from Calcutta, which 
developed into "Visva-Bharati," International 
University [?] 

SIR RABINDRANATH TAGORE
         New York Times Studio

were historic embraces between 
the aging Mahatma and the aged 
Gurudev, spiritual master, as 
Tagore was called by intimates.  
Afterward Gandhi responded to an 
appeal by Tagore to lend his 
powerful prestige to insuring the 
perpetuation of Tagore's school.
   In 1913 Tagore won the Nobel 
Prize for literature.  The particular 
work acclaimed was "Gitanjali," 
"Song Offerings," a selection of his 
poems which he prepared for publication 
in English with the encouragement 
of Sir William Rothenstein 
and Yeats.  He was little 
known outside the Orientn before 
1913.  This was the only introduction 
the Western World needed to 
the poetry that had made its author 
almost a spiritual figure in 
his own country.  English translations 
at once became best sellers.  
In Germany one publisher sold 
more than 2,000,000 volumes within 
the next year.  His books were 
translated into a score of languages.
   He accepted a knighthood in 
1915, granted to him by King 
George V, but in 1919 surrendered 
it as a protest against the Jhilianwalla, 
Punjab, affair and made a 
fearless and impassioned statement 
in that connection.  In later 
years, however, he offered no objection 
to using the title.

      Lectured at Oxford in 1930
   He visited Europe on several occasions, 
and in 1930 delivered the 
Hibbert Lectures at Oxford, England.  
He visited also Japan, Soviet 
Russia and the UUnited States.  
Tagore arrived in San Francisco 
by way of Japan in 1916, and he 
traveled so far and so rapidly in 
the hands of a money-wise lecture 
agent, that he often said afterward 
that his health never recovered 
from the strain.  He canceled a 
lecture in San Francisco and left 
hurriedly when the police discovered 
what they believed to be an 
Indian plot against his life.
   Nearly two years after, in 1918, 
the United States Government 
made public a mass of intercepted 
German diplomatic correspondence 
which purported to involve the poet 
and some thirty Hindus in an effort 
to launch a revolution in British 
India.  The former German Ambassador 
to the United States, 
Count von Bernstorff, was accused 
of having been instrumental in the 
conspiracy which was also said to 
have involved several powerful 
Japanese statesmen.  A few months 
later Tagore received a letter from 
Lord Chelmsford, then Viceroy of 
India, exonerating him of any connection 
with the alleged plot.  He 
toured the UnUited States before 
returning to India, visiting many 
of the universities and giving a series 
of lectures.

           Plays Are Produced
   In July, 1913, two of Tagore's 
plays, "Sacrifice," and "The Post 
Office," were produced at the Garrick 
Theatre.  The latter was referred 
to by THE NEW YORK TIMES 
as a "gently pathetic work which 
can tug at the heartstrings of all 
the world."
   He wrote about fifty dramas, 
nearly one hundred books of 
verse containing more than 3,000 
poems, about forty works of fiction 
and short stories, innumerable 
songs with notations, about fifty 
books of literary, political and 
religious essays and scores of others 
on travel and children's stories.
   His most important works which 
were translated into English are:   
"Gitanjali," "The Crescent Moon" 
(1913), "Chitra," "The Post Office," 
"The Gardener" (1914), 
"One Hundred Poems of Kabir" 
(1915), "Fruit Gathering," "Stray 
Bird" (1916), "The Lover's Gift 
and Crossing," "Nationalism," 
"Lectures on Personality," "My 
Reminiscences" (1917), "The Parrot's 
Training" (1918), "Sakuntala" 
(1920), "Red Oleanders" 
(1925).
   He was a master in the science 
of music and he gave a new interpretation 
to the musical renderings 
prevalent in Bengal.
   During his last ten years the 
poet took to painting.  His interpretation 
was as unorthodox as it 
was unique and symbolized the 
mood of the artist in various 
phases.  His paintings have earned 
unstinted praise in Berlin, New 
York, Paris, Moscow, Munich and 
Birmingham exhibitions.

                Praise by Critics
   Besides having been a great 
poet and dramatist, he was a great 
actor, and was seen many times on 
the stage appearing in roles created 
by him.  His histrionic presentations 
were considered by the critics 
to be of the highest order and 
were aided in his younger days 
[?][*????????????????????????*]
did so much to open to the
world new and priceless treasures
of the mind."

      Also Famed as an Actor
   Sir Rabindranath Tagore, Nobel
Prize winner for literature in 1913,
one of India's greatest poets, who
was famous also as playwright,
philosopher, historian, musician,
painter and actor, was born in Calcutta
on May 6, 1861, son of a
Maharashi, "great sage" Devendranath
Tagore and grandson of
Prince Dwarakanath Tagore.
   His family, one of the most influential
and distinguished of India,
gave to the country many prominent
leaders. His grandfather was
the leader of the "Brahma Samaj,"
a society whose aim was to conform
Hinduism with the scientific
spirit of the age. He was also the 
founder of the Landholder's Society.
In 1842 his father took
over the leadership of the Brahma
Samaj and in 1848 published a series
of extracts from the Hindu
scriptures called the Brahma
Dharma. In 1872 he handed over
the affairs of the society to Rabindranath's
brother, Dwijendranath.
His father was also one of the
founders and first secretary of
the British-India Association, the
first political body to adopt an
all-India outlook.
   The early death of his mother
drew young Rabindranath closer
to his father, who, when the boy
was eleven years old, sent him to
the Himalayas so that his soul
might be stimulated by their
grandeur. Under the wise instruction
of his father, Rabindranath
grew up in a way that developed
his mystic and poetic nature.
   Leaving his school of books, he
traveled extensively, reading the
great classics of his country all
the time, however, and studying
English. When he was 17 years
old, in 1877, he went to England
and spent a year there, perfecting
his knowledge of this language.

          Inspired Indian Youth
   In his earlier years Rabindranath
Tagore was often in the
limelight of the ultra-national
Swadeshi movement and many of
his patriotic songs composed during
these years are a source of
inspiration to the youth of India.
The deep love of his mother country
expressed in his psalm-like
poetry and his fervent appeals to
his countrymen earned for him the
name of the "Soul of Bengal." It
is asserted that his songs have
done as much toward the upbuilding
and knitting together of all
India as any other single force.
   When Tagore returned to Bengal
he began writing the poetry which
was later to win him the Nobel
Prize for literature. He gave himself
up largely to that passion for
contemplation and speculation
which has always been a mark of
Hindu character. His early poems
were colored by his youthful
thoughts of love and romance and
their sensitive beauty alarmed the
conservative Hindus. But the
marked spirituality of his nature
asserted itself and expanded. His
songs took a deeper and more
spiritual note until they were such
that William Butler Yeats said of 
them:
   "In all poems there is one single
theme, the love of god. When I
tried to find anything Western
that might compare with the works 
of Tagore, I thought of the 'Imitation
of Christ' by Thomas A
Kempis."
 
         Directed 100,000 Tenants
   At the age of 23 he married and
devoted his time to his estates, the
largest in Bengal, having more
than 100,000 tenants. His wife died
seventeen years later. They had 
five children of whom three died
young. A son and a daughter survive.
   Because of his early training he
was able to write his lyrics first in
his native Bengali and then render
them in English without loss of
their beauty.
   In 1901 he established the famous
Santiniketan, "The Abode of
Peace," a school at Bolpur, ninety-three
miles from Calcutta, which
developed into "Visva-Bharati," International
University, an important
educational institution conducted
on unconventional lines. It
was his ambition to harmonize the
spiritual resources of the East with
the scientific learning of the West.
It was based on the "forest
schools" of ancient India. Many
professors of international reputation
are attached to this university.
His Nobel Prize money, his
royalties from his books and the
revenue from his estates were donated
to this school.
   In February, 1940, came a spectacular
pilgrimage by Mohandas
K. Gandhi to Santiniketan. There

[*?????????????????????????????????*]
lication in English with the encouragement
of Sir William Rothenstein
and Yeats. He was little
known outside the Orientn before
1913. This was the only introduction
the Western World needed to
the poetry that had made its author 
almost a spiritual figure in 
his own country. English translations
at once became best sellers.
In Germany one publisher sold
more than 2,000,000 volumes within
the next year. His books were
translated into a score of languages.
   He accepted a knighthood in 
1915, granted to him by King
George V, but in 1919 surrendered
it as a protest against the Jhilianwalla,
Punjab, affair and made a
fearless and impassioned statement
in that connection. In later
years, however, he offered no objection
to using the title.

       Lectured at Oxford in 1930
   He visited Europe on several occasions,
and in 1930 delivered the
Hibbert Lectures at Oxford, England.
He visited also Japan, Soviet
Russia and the UUnited States.
Tagore arrived in San Francisco
by way of Japan in 1916, and he
traveled so far and so rapidly in
the hands of a money-wise lecture
agent, that he often said afterward
that his health never recovered
from the strain. He canceled a
lecture in San Francisco and left
hurriedly when the police discovered
what they believed to be an
Indian plot against his life.
   Nearly two years after, in 1918,
the United States Government
made public a mass of intercepted
German diplomatic correspondence
which purported to involve the poet
and some thirty Hindus in an effort
to launch a revolution in British
India. The former German Ambassador
to the United States,
Count von Bernstorff, was accused
of having been instrumental in the
conspiracy which was also said to
have involved several powerful
Japanese statesmen. A few months
later Tagore received a letter from 
Lord Chelmsford, then Viceroy of
India, exonerating him of any connection
with the alleged plot. He
toured the UnUited States before
returning to India, visiting many
of the universities and giving a series
of lectures.

         Plays Are Produced
   In July, 1913, two of Tagore's
plays, "Sacrifice," and "The Post
Office," were produced at the Garrick
Theatre. The latter was referred
to by THE NEW YORK TIMES
as a "gently pathetic work which
can tug at the heartstrings of all
the world."
   He wrote about fifty dramas,
nearly one hundred books of
verse containing more than 3,000
poems, about forty works of fiction
and short stories, innumerable
songs with notations, about fifty
books of literary, political and
religious essays and scores of others
on travel and children's stories.
   His most important works which
were translated into English are:
"Gitanjali," "The Crescent Moon"
(1913), "Chitra," "The Post Office,"
"The Gardener" (1914),
"One Hundred Poems of Kabir"
(1915), "Fruit Gathering," "Stray
Bird" (1916), "The Lover's Gift
and Crossing," "Nationalism,"
"Lectures on Personality," "My
Reminiscences" (1917), "The Parrot's
Training" (1918), "Sakuntala"
(1920), "Red Oleanders"
(1925).
   He was a master in the science
of music and he gave a new interpretation
to the musical renderings
prevalent in Bengal.
   During his last ten years the
poet took to painting. His interpretation
was as unorthodox as it
was unique and symbolized the
mood of the artist in various
phases. His paintings have earned
unstinted praise in Berlin, New
York, Paris, Moscow, Munich and
Birmingham exhibitions.

         Praised by Critics
   Besides having been a great
poet and dramatist, he was a great
actor, and was seen many times on
the stage appearing in roles created
by him. His histrionic presentations
were considered by the critics
to be of the highest order and
were aided in his younger days
with a rich ringing voice.
   The Tagore the West knew best
was a picturesque figure. His impressive,
benign countenance was
framed by his snow-white beard
and long hair crowned with a black
skull cap. His flowing robes gave
the Hindu poet an imposing carriage
as he recited his musical
cadences.
   He was honorary doctor of the
Calcutta University, the Hindu
University in Benares, the Dacca
University, the Dacca and Osmania
University in Hayderabad and
Oxford University conferred upon
him an honorary Litt. D. in 1940.[*Aug 19, 1941*]

Girls of India
 Broadened By
   Guide Work

Special to The Christian Science Monitor
                                                 London
   Interesting evidence of how
girls of India are becoming
conscious of the outside world may
be found in the way Indian Girl
Guides are helping Poles and
others in the path of war in countries
far away from them, in addition
to the war work they are
doing for India and Britain.
   A generation ago their interests
were confined to the inside 
of their own houses. Now they are
beginning to think of people at
the other end of the world. Bombay
Girl Guides provide money
and comforts for the Polish Relief
Fund. They have also contributed 
generously to the Guide
Relief Fund which helps Guides
of all nationalities who are now
in England. In the South Indian
State of Mysore, Guides recently
organized an entertainment in aid
of refugee children in England.
The Guide movement has been a
means of giving young Indian
women new international contacts.
An Indian Guider, Miss Niru Biswas
attended the last international
camp before the war, which was
held in Hungary in the summer 
of 1939.

Combined With
Local Work
   Sometimes Indian Guides combine
help for war sufferers with
work for local Indian needs. In
the Punjab and the ancient Rajputana
State of Jodpur, Guides
have held fetes, half the proceeds
of which have gone to war charities
and the other half to the
relief of famine in near-by districts.
In Calcutta, Guides have
been providing clothing for a 
local children's charity, which before
the war, used to count on
parcels from England. In every
way Guides, Rangers and their
officers have been taking a prominent
part in war work. They are
active in first-aid, and in Air-Raid
Precautions in places where these
are considered necessary. They
help to collect scrap, including
waste paper, and co-operate with
local women's organizations.
   India contributed £835 out of
the total of £48,000 raised by the
Empire Guide Gift Week last year.
Perhaps a more remarkable sum,
however, was the £30 raised for
war charities by eight Brownies on
the island of Bahrein in the 
Persian Gulf.
   The Guide movement was
started in India in 1911 and was at
first confined to children of European
or mixed parentage. In 1916
the first Indian company was
formed at Poona and it was 
thought a daring innovation to
suggest that Indian girls should
undertake Guide activities. At
present the number of Guides in
India is well over 42,000 and
Indian girls go camping and
hiking and learn to swim. Provision,
however, is also made for
those who are in seclusion and
they have their meetings indoors,
or in enclosed gardens. Sometimes
these "purdah" Guides join in a
march past, wearing their "burkas,"
the long white garment 
which covers secluded women
from head to foot when they go
out.

Seva 
Samiti
   The Scout and Guide movement
in India was, of course, of
British origin so Indian nationalists
have started a movement of
their own on somewhat similar
lines, which is known as the Seva
Samiti.          G. Delap Stevenson

Upper Left--Girl Guides of
Bombay, India. This photograph
was taken when three divisions
of Bombay Girl Guides met at
the Cathedral High School, Bombay,
early this year to offer prayers
for victory. The European,
Parsi, Jewish, Marathi, and Moslem
Guides met separately.
Upper Right--South Indian Rangers
cooking at a rally. Lower--
Guides of the First Barharwa
Company, India, erecting a flagstaff.
Guide activities for girls
belonging to some of the religions
of India are a tremendous
step toward freedom of womanhood.
Certain groups wear costumes
similar to traditional Indian
women's dress.
40
WAR ORDERS KEEP INDIAN FIRMS BUSY
Factories Being Enlarged to 
Turn Out Weapons and
Munitions
HUGE EXPORT TO BRITAIN
All Kinds of Equipment Also
Being Manufactured for
Egyptian Government
Special Correspondence, The New York Times.
SIMLA, India -- A scheme costing
approximately £6,000,000 for the expansiona
of ordnance factories in India
has just been undertaken by the
Defense Department. This is in addition
to the expansion of production
in ordnance factories as they
stood on the outbreak of the war.
Under this scheme every factory
will be enlarged to increase its potential
production and to permit it
to undertake the manufacture of 
the most modern types of weapons
and munitions.
An additional plant costing about
£700,000 for the manufacture of high
explosives is being installed and
large orders for steel work and machinery
have been placed. Experts
have been drafted from ordnance
factories in India and others from
England.
Indian Materials Used
Except for certain machinery imported
from overseas, the entire
scheme is being carried out with
materials manufactured in India.
Ordnance factories, railway workshops
and engineering firms are
working to full capacity. Three railway
factories are engaged in the
production of shell gauges, while
two others are manufacturing hand-grenade
bodies. Others are making
ammunition boxes. The production
of gun ammunition alone has risen
1,200 per cent above the peacetime
rate.
Since the outbreak of hostilities,
India has supplied large quantities
of ammunition and war material to
overseas centers. She has dispatched
75,000,000 rounds of small arms
ammunition and 200,000 shells of all
categories, 6,000 rifles, 8,500 tents
and 4,500,000 sandbags. She has
also supplied 10,000 sets of Web
equipment, 600,000 blankets, 3,000,000
yards of khaki drill, 150,000
pairs of boots, 73,000 ground sheets
and 17,000 saddles. Soon field and
anti-aircraft guns of the latest type
will be in production.
Orders from Egypt
Since 1939 war supply orders to
the value of £340,000 have been executed
by manufacturing firms for
the Egyptian Government. These
orders include telephone line equipment,
bedding, valises, steel hutting,
nails, binding wire, telephone
stores, rolled steel joists, steel
sheets and angles, wire nails, reinforcement
bars, steel tanks and
staging, road-rolling plant, soft timber,
black and galvanized steel
wire, electric fans, army wire mesh
road track with pickets, steel sheets
for bitumen containers and bridging
cribs.

THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR, BOSTON, TUESDAY, MARCH 19, 1940
Gandhi Holds His Followers to Middle of Road
Mohandas K. Gandhi, Center, Asks Pledge of India's Independence at Congress
Bose Followers Oppose Compromise for India
RAMGARH, India, March 19
(AP) -- Following the victory of the
Gandhi forces of moderation in
the All-India National Congress
which meant delay in the proposed
disobedience campaign, the
extremist elements showed that
they were ready to put up a strong
fight under the former Congress
President, Subhas Chandra Bose.
After the Congress Subjects
Committee yesterday had adopted
a resolution demanding complete
independence for India and declaring
that Indian freedom could
not exist within the orbit of British
imperialism, Mr. Bose today
called a rump session of left-wing
dissenters from the Gandhi program
of compromise with Britain.
Opposes Compromise
In a field adjacent to the site
of the plenary session of the regular
Congress, Mr. Bose addressed
followers as President of "the
Anti-Compromise Congress," and
denounced Mohandas K. Gandhi
and "the right-wing high command"
as sidetracking the Indian
independence issue.
The Gandhi adherents had defeated
motions to expedite the demand
for independence over the
veteran leader's insistence that native
Indians must be disciplined to
refrain from violence before a
civil disobedience campaign is
started.
"The problem of the hour," Mr.
Bose said today, "is -- Will India
remain under the thumb of the
right wing, or swing to the left
once and for all?"
Meanwhile, the regular Congress
was told by its President,
Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad, that
India had been drawn into the
war without its consent and that
while it could not endure the prospect
of Naziism or Fascism, it was
even more alert to the oppression
of British imperialism.
India, he said, "must and will go
forward" on a path of noncooperation
until Britain permits it
to frame its own constitution without
intereference. The fundamental
issue, he added, is the fact that
Britain "does not accept the position
that India has the right to
self-determination."
Favors an Assembly
Admitting existence of a minorities
problem, he proposed a constituent
assembly as the best solution.
He expressed confidence in Mr.
Gandhi's leadership but emphasized
refusal "to see British imperialism
triumphant and stronger."
Mr. Gandhi and the Viceroy met
recently but failed for the third
time since the war started to compose
their views on Indian demands
for independence.
The Nationalist leader stood firm
on the demands of his party for
immediate consideration of independence;
Lord Linlithgow reiterated
Britain's stand to postpone
final action until after the war.
Two days before their meeting
Jawaharlal Nehru, President of the
dominant Indian Congress Party,
raised his voice in a demand that
Britain include India's independence
as one of its "war aims."
"The problem of Indian independence
is not due to the European
war although the rush of new
events has accentuated the old
problem," he declared
"India could co-operated in defending
freedom and democracy
provided the war aims were clearly
stated. Imperialism must be abandoned
if world freedom is sought.
Therefore India has requested a
declaration of war aims involving
Indian independence with a constituent
assembly to frame a constitution."
Mr. Gandhi argued in his conference
with the Viceroy that Great
Britain must extend to India the
same democracy for which it professes
to be fighting on the Western
Front.
There has been some progress
toward a better understanding, it
is admitted, but thorny questions
of method and form persist. The
official Congress Party position is
that clear-cut independence rather
than dominion status belongs to
India and that any new constitution
after the war must be drafted
by Indians themselves by means
of a constituent assembly.
1940
NEW YORK TIMES
GANDHI GETS POWER
TO DIRECT CAMPAIGN
Indian Convention Ends After
Voting Authority to Leader
RAMGARH, India, March 20
(UP) -- The fifty-third All-India Nationalist
Congress concluded its
sessions today by voting to Mohandas
K. Gandhi power to direct the
future program for freedom from
British rule. Gandhi immediately
left for his home at Wardha, where
he will begin preparing a plan of
action. 
In ratifying Mr. Gandhi's program
of "moderation," a Congress
turned a deaf ear to the strong
Leftist bloc that demanded complete
independence without compromise.
In a farewell message to the
delegates, who stood in ankle-deep
water to hear the little leader, Mr.
Gandhi said that he would lead his
people to independence.
"We must break the bond of
slavery," he declared, "but if I am
your general you must accept my
conditions. I have never led the
army to defeat. I never have had
a defeat. I know no defeat. I don't
want you to know defeat. My defeat
is your defeat and India's defeat.
We must fight to win."
It was virtually the same declaration
Mr. Gandhi made when he
appeared before the Congress Subjects
Committee, appealing for India
to follow his program of
moderation.
Congress leaders believed that
Mr. Gandhi would begin negotiations
with the British soon. They
based the belief on his assertion
that he would see the Viceroy fifty
times if it would help his cause.
Although Mr. Gandhi received the
power to call a campaign of civil
disobedience at his own discretion,
most Congress leaders believed such
a step would not be taken, if at all,
for at least three months.

Mar 23rd  1940
NEW YORK TIMES
DIVISION OF INDIA
URGED BY MOSLEM
Jinnah, League Leader, Hold
Autonomous National States
Alone Can Solve Issues
BARS HINDU DOMINATION
Hints at Civil War if Such a
Constitution Should Be
Forced on Minorities
Special Cable to The New York Times.
LAHORE, India, March 22 -- The
division of India into autonomous
national States, if the country can
be spared civil war, was advanced
today by Mahomed Ali Jinnah, Indian
Moslem leader, as the only
solution of the Hindu-Moslem differences.
Any constitution thrust
on the Moslems without their approval
and consent would be resisted,
he said.
"If the British Government really
is in earnest and is sincere in its
wishes to secure the peace and happiness
of the people of this sub-continent,"
Mr. Jinnah said in his
presidential address at the annual
session of the Moslem League, "the
only course open to us all is to allow
the major nations to separate
to their homelands."
His suggestion, the Moslem leader
added, would lead all the more
easily to the friendly settlement of
the minorities' question "by reciprocal
arrangements and adjustments 
between Moslem India and
Hindu India which will safeguard
far more adequately and effectively
the rights and interests of Moslems
and various other minorities."
The huge enclosure in which the
session was held was packed by a
hundred thousand people and thousands
more sat in the scorching 
heat outside and listened to the 
speeches being relayed by loud-speakers.
Moslems, Mr. Jinnah said, could
not accept any constitution which
must necessaril result in a Hindu
majority government.
"Hindus and Moslems brought together
under a democratic system
forced upon minorities can only
mean a Hindu Raj. Democracy of
the kind favored by the All-India
Congress high command means the
complete destruction of all that is
most precious in Islam.
"We have had ample experience
of the working of provincial constitutions
in the last two and a half 
years and any repetition of such
government must lead to civil war
and the raising of private armies."
Mr. Jinnah said that the termination
of the British regime would
lead to chaos in India and in the
end "artificial unity being maintained
by British bayonets."

1940
CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE
IS DELAYED IN INDIA
Gandhi's Compromise Plans
Get Increased Support at
Congress  Party Meeting
VAST ACTION IS PREPARED
Pressure on Britain Not Likely
for Three Months -- Bose
Calls for New Leader
RAMGARH, India, March 19
(UP) -- The threat of an immediate
civil disobedience campaign to attain
Indian independence appeared
definitely removed tonight. Mohandas
K. Gandhi emerged from
the first plenary session of the All-India
Nationalist Congress with
greater powers than ever.
A trong leftist bloc, which in
1938 developed the most serious
split in the history of the congress,
declared its intention, however, of
establishing permanent machinery
for waging an uncompromising
drive for complete freedom from
British rule.
Conversations with congress leaders,
including Mr. Gandhi, Jawaharlal
Nehru and Dr. Rajendra
Prasad, led to the conviction that
widespread civil disobedience is out
of the question for at least three
months. In that time, according to
authoritative sources, Mr. Gandhi
is expected to prepare the people
for some kind of action.
Many well-informed persons believe
that after winning over the
Congress leaders, as evidenced
when the All-India Congress Committe
approved his resolution for 
moderation, Mr. Gandhi's next step
will be to tighten the bonds of the 
Congress with the rest of India.
Large Movement Expected
Quarters close to Mr. Ganhi said
he has definite plans for future
action that would not endanger
peace, although they could be
aimed at involving a greater number
of persons than ever before.
"Italy in 1922 was ripe for socialism.
All she needed was an Italian
Lenin, but the opportunity slipped
from the Socialists' hands. Mussolini
seized the opportunity and
power, changing the course of
Italian history. Mussolini's supreme
virtue is knowing his own mind.
That constitutes the essence of
leadership.
"From this conference let us send
a warning to both imperialism and
its Indian allies. The success of
this conference means the death
knell of compromise with imperialism.
"Before parting we must establish
permanent machinery for waging
an uncompromising war. The
hope of this conferenec is that it
will preclude a nationwide struggle
along an all-India front."
When the plenary session opened,
Moulana Abul Kalam Azad, Moslem
theologian, delivered the presidential
address. He assailed British
imperialism and refused to help
Britain fight. He demanded the
right of self-determination for India.
Bose Condemns Gandhi
Followers of Subhas Bose gathered
in a field today to hear their
leader assail Mr. Gandhi and his
compromise program. Mr. Bose
praised Premier Mussolini as a man
who knows when the time is ripe
for action, adding that "this conference
is intended to bring together
all the anti-imperial forces
of India."
"Gandhi's comments on civil
disobedience indicate that the struggle
is not yet commencing," he continued.
"Has the Congress forgotten
Gandhi's attitude in the past 
six months regarding compromise
with the British? Does the Congress
realize that behind this smoke 
screen of hot phrases negotiations
for compromise are proceeding
apace?
The day was marked by demonstrations
and counter-demonstrations
on the issue of immediate
freedom. Mr. Bose, riding in a
farmer's cart drawn by two white
bullocks, headed an anti-Gandhi
procession. They marched through
camps of Gandhi followers shouting,
"Down with compromise."
Many of the Bose followers carried
red flags on which the Communist
hammer and sickle was embroidered.
The also carried banners
saying "We are ready to fight
for independence."

India Issues Ultimatum [*Aug 30 1940*]
BOMBAY, Aug. 30 (AP) -- India
with all its vast millions in manpower
will "throw her full weight
into the struggle" with Britain
against the Axis powers only in
India's independence is acknowledged,
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru,
former President of the Indian National
Congress Party, declared
today.
Mr. Nehru said the Aug. 9 statement
by the Marquis of Linlithgow,
British Viceroy of India, reiterating
promises of "empire
partnership" between India and
Britain at the end of the war was
actually a continuation of the "entire
British policy of creating and
aggravating disruptive tendencies,
crushing nationalism and advance
elements in favor of feudal and
reactionary groups so as to consolidate
British imperialism."
In an interview, explaining the
Indian Congress' refusal to cooperate
with the Empire'war effort,
Mr. Nehru said"
"We are entirely opposed to
Naziism, but we are also opposed
to imperialism, with which we
have had bitter experience ourselves
and which crushes our 
growth and exploits us.
"The demand of Congress for
complete independence as opposed
to the promised dominion status is
based on the idea that if the war is
really a war for democracy and
freedom, then imperialism must
end and independence and self-determination
of India must be acknowledged."
In that event, he said, "India
would throw her full weight into
the struggle."
"Congress sought no power or
position for itself," he declared,
"but demanded an elected constituent
assembly to frame India's
constitution.
"The British Government's reply
was wholly unsatisfactory, and in
most provinces the provincial
governments resigned in protest.
"Since them autonomy has been
suspended and autocratic rule prevails.
It is the old conflict between
parliaments and the King's autocracy
which England, America and
France know so well."
Since the independence plea was
made 11 months ago, Mr. Nehru
said, "the wishes of the Indian
people have been completely ignored
and overridden by means of
government by ordinance and decree."
Hundreds of well-known public
workers, he said, have been arrested.

Nationalists Begin
New Disobedience
Campaign in India
1940
BOMBAY, Aug. 29 (AP) -- The
first move of a new civil disobedience
campaign against Great
Britain for refusing to grant India
immediate independence was begun
today at Cawnpore, home of
the Indian nationalist leader,
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru.
Defying the Government's ban
against organized drill by volunteer
societies, volunteers of the All-India
Congress Party, which
Pandit Nehru heads, decided to
offer themselves for arrest in 
groups.
Eleven Congress volunteers driil
daily in Cawnpore's Shradhanand
Park.
RANGOON, Aug. 29 (AP) -- Dr. Ba
Maw, former Premier of Burma,
who recently was named "Dictator"
of a "Freedom Bloc" in that
British possession, was sentenced
today to a 12-month prison term,
according to messages from Mandalay.
Premier until last February, his
arrest was reported Aug. 6. The
charge was not disclosed.

Can India Be Defended

New weapons against the
invader! A famous leader
presents an amazing plan

Here is a case of nonviolent
resistance. Indian strikers
lie down to prevent strike-breakers
from going to work.

BY MAHATMA GANDHI

READING TIME 6 MINUTES 5 SECONDS

In recent months the German armies
have swallowed vast new stretches
of territory with a lightning speed.
France has fallen and has been ruthlessly
divided by the terms of the
armistice. For the first time in more
than a hundred years, England faces
an enemy across the narrow waters
of the Channel, and faces that enemy
alone. The morrow, perhaps, will
bring invasion by water and by air,
and the very heart of the vast Empire
may go down in bloody defeat.
   But of course it is impossible to
foretell the events of tomorrow, just
as it was impossible to foretell the
events of the past several months.
One thing is clear: that new situations
and urgent new problems are
arising for all lands that in the past
have been bound to Britain. These
problems will weigh more heavily on
India, perhaps, than on any other
country. India, therefore, must consider
most seriously indeed the possibilities
contained in the immediate 
future.
   There are three at least that stand
out. One is that England will win.
The next is that England and Germany
will fight each other to a
standstill, and that a peace of sheer
exhaustion will be signed, leaving the 
Empire completely or virtually untouched.
And the third possibility is
that England will be defeated, and
that her conquerors will set to work
to break up the Empire.
   As the richest and, in terms of
profitable exploitation, most desirable
part of the British Empire, India
must give consideration to this third
possibility.
   Would India defend herself against
the conqueror? And--more pertinently,
perhaps--could India defend
herself?
   But first let me say this. The 
theoretical point has been raised that
a third nation might help India to
win her independence from Great
Britain--say Germany or Russia.
Would India accept that help?
   No. We must find ourselves
through our own inner strength;
otherwise we must fall. Any structure
built with outside help must of
necessity be weak. India must win
her future alone, and stand alone.
   That has a direct bearing on the
questions I have raised about India's
inclination and ability to defend herself.
For these questions are not of
necessity related only to the outcome
of the present war. The questions
would apply just as much if, say, there
had been no war and if England had
granted India full and complete independence.
For India might then be
just as liable to aggression as if she
were seized as part of a defeated
British Empire.
   I can best answer the question of
India's ability to defend herself by
referring to a letter I received recently
from America. My correspondent
asks:
   "Suppose a free India adopts
satyagraha [civil disobedience] and
nonviolence as an instrument of national
policy, how would she defend
herself against probable aggression
by another state? What kind of resistance
could and would be offered
the invader? What would India's 
actions be to meet the invading army
at the frontier? Or would she withhold
all action until after the invader

AUGUST 17, 1940                       25     had taken over the whole country ?
     My answers, obviously, can be only 
speculative.  There is a very big "if" 
involved — that India would adopt 
civil disobedience and nonviolence as 
her national policy.  But let us suppose 
that such is the case.  Let us 
suppose that there is no Indian army, 
no defensive fortifications, no rifles, 
cannons, shells, airplanes, tanks.  And 
let us suppose that India stands entirely 
by herself and that the vast 
and powerful armies of a modern 
edition of Nero descend upon her.  
What would happen ?
     India would defend herself in this 
way.
     The representatives of the free 
Indian State would let the invader in 
without opposition.  But they would 
tell the invader and all his forces at 
the frontier that the Indian people 
would refuse to co-operate in any 
work, in any undertaking.  They 
would refuse to obey orders despite 
all threats and despite all punishments 
inflicted upon them.
     That is civil disobedience.  That is 
India's defense.
     You may fancy that the hardened 
and ruthless invader would laugh at 
such measures.  If he had conquered 
armies who opposed him with steel 
and cannons and warplanes, surely it 
would be ridiculously easy for him to 
conquer this unarmed army !  But 
India is a land of millions, and if they 
stand idle the whole country stands 
idle.  Nothing can be done with it; it 
is worthless.  Civil disobedience, the 

invader would soon find, is a very 
powerful weapon indeed.
     And there is another measure of 
defense that India could adopt.  
Trained in the art of nonviolent resistance, 
the Indian people would offer 
themselves unarmed as fodder for 
the aggressor's cannons.  They would 
tell the invader that they preferred 
death to submission.  These brave 
words have been spoken in other 
lands; in India they would be spoken 
with all their true meaning, and 
spoken in the one great overwhelming 
voice of the masses.  By the million, 
India's people would offer their 
breasts to the invader's bullets.  And 
this would be a terrifying spectacle— 
and one of the highest moral stature, 
ennobling those who took part in it.
     The underlying belief in this 
philosophy of defense is that even a 
modern Nero is not devoid of a heart.  
The spectacle—never seen before by 
him or his soldiers—of endless rows 
of men and women simply dying, 
without violent protest, must ultimately 
affect him.  If it does not affect 
Nero himself, it will affect his 
soldiery.  Men can slaughter one another 
for years in the heat of battle, 
for then it seems to be a case of kill 
or be killed.  But if there is no danger 
of being killed yourself by those you 
slay, you cannot go on killing defenseless 
and unprotesting people endlessly.  
You must put down your gun in 
self-disgust. 
     Thus in the end the invader must 
be beaten—by new weapons, peaceful 

weapons, the weapons of civil disobedience 
and nonviolent resistance.  
Practically speaking, there would 
be probably no greater loss in life 
than if forcible resistance were offered 
to the invader.  How many men 
have been killed in Holland, Belgium, 
and France ?  Hundreds of thousands ?  
Would the invading armies have shot 
down hundreds of thousands of men 
in cold blood if they had simply stood 
passively before them ?  I do not think 
so.
     I have drawn no impossible picture.  
History is replete with instances of 
individual nonviolent resistance of 
the type I have mentioned.  The history 
of the Christian religion abounds 
in examples of men and women who 
have laid down their lives without 
murmur and without forcible resistance 
as martyrs for their faith.  The 
histories of all religions offer similar 
examples.
     There is no warrant for saying or 
thinking that a group of men and 
women cannot act as one in offering 
nonviolent resistance.  Indeed, the 
sum total of the experience of mankind 
is that men somehow or other 
live on.  From which fact I infer that 
it is the law of love that basically 
rules mankind.  For if hatred were 
the basic law, would not the human 
race have perished to the last man 
ages ago ?
     Yes—if India adopts the path of 
nonviolence, she can defend herself, 
and she can win !
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26
LIBERTY.N. Y. Times  Sep 13  1940
INDEFATIGABLE GANDHI
By B. SHIVA RAO
Wardha, India.
At 70 years, in a time of 
persistent political crisis
engendered in India by
Europe's war, Mohandas
Gandhi is still one of his country's
most active leaders. Advancing
years have undoubtedly
left an impress on his personality
and mode of life. Deeper furrows
line his face, he sleeps much
more than before and nuts have
practically disappeared from his 
diet. But he is even now an
astonishingly early riser and
never misses the community
prayers at 4 o'clock. Indeed all
his best thinking and writing is
generally done between the hours
of 2 and 4 in the morning. After
the prayers he sleeps again until
dawn, when after a light breakfast
of goat's milk and fruit, he
goes for a two-mile walk.
Gandhi is a great believer in
massages and in sunbaths in the
Winter. His clear skin is perhaps
a source of wonder to his visitors
but the secret lies in the medicated
herb oil that is gently
rubbed into his body for more
than an hour every morning -- a 
process that invariably sends him
into a deep sleep.
His day is planned with absolute
precision. At 11 o'clock he
has his main meal, consisting of
milk, fruit, vegetables (both raw
and steamed) and crisp homemade
brown-bread cakes. During
the middle of the day, and particularly
in the Summer, he rests
for an hour or two. By that time
his letters have been sorted and
filed by his two secretaries, and
those that need his personal attention
are placed before him.
The afternoons, until about 5,
are devoted to interviews and
discussions. Gandhi always dines
before sunset, the evening meal
being a repetition of the morning
fare, only in smaller quantities.
More correspondence (or writing
for his weekly Harijan) carries
him on to the evening prayers at
7, followed by another walk as in 
the morning, perhaps half an
hour's work, if there is time, and
then to bed at 9.
There is something gripping
about this old man as one
watches him in the quiet of his
home at Sewagram (meaning the
"village of service"), surrounded
by a band of workers who share
his enthusiasm and subscribe to
his philosophy of life. Strange as
it may seem, there are few politicians,
as a rule, living in his 
colony. His main interests are
not political but human: rural
development, the abolition of untouchability,
a new system of
education for India's villages, a
better diet for her poverty-stricken
population -- these touch
the main springs of his life far
more than politics.
India's freedom means, of
course, everything to him. But
the struggle from his standpoint
is not essentially political, as
most of the Indian Nationalists
would regard it, but only an expression
of the two principles he
cherishes most -- non-violence and
truth.
The war found him last year
in a position of considerable embarrassment,
for the conflict was
the very negation of all that he
stood for. Moreover, within the
Congress party there had developed
in the last two years

powerful elements which looked
upon his technique with suspicion,
some even with decided
hostility.
But Gandhi, with rare courage
and insight, decided in September
last year to take his own 
line. Convinced that Hitlerism
was a menace to the world's security
and to civilization, he committed
himself to a position of
almost unconditional support of
Britain and France. India's deliverance,
he thought, was bound
to come, sooner or later; but
"what will it be worth," he wrote,
immediately after an interview
with the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow,
"if England and France fail,
or if they come out  victorious
over Germany ruined and humbled?"
At any time during the past
months Gandhi could have started
civil disobedience and caused
great embarrassment for the
British. If he has refrained from
taking the plunge, it is not only
because of his diffidence in keeping
civil disobedience free from
violence. Another and even greater
consideration is that he will
not embarrass the British while
they are engaged in a life-and-death
struggle against ruthless
aggression. He would rather wait
until the end of the war to assert
India's claim than act on the
principle that Britain's difficulties
are India's opportunity.
Gandhi has the supreme advantage 
of being singularly free from
all trace of bitterness. He has
remained unmoved before an
angry audience and has laughed
in perfect good humor at savage
criticisms of himself. He has a
unique capacity for detaching
himself from the problems that
are engaging his attention. It is
the result of long practice based
on the central teaching of his
favorite Hindu scripture, the
Bhagavad Gita.
Will he live to see the fulfillment
of his hopes? "If India
achieves freedom in my lifetime,"
he says, "and I have energy
still left in me, I will take
my due share, though outside the
official world, in building up the
nation on a strictly non-violent
basis." How much there is to be
done in that direction became
evident to him last July, when
the Congress executive came to
the decision that while it accepted
non-violence as an ideal,
it could not fully endorse Gandhi's
view that India should do
nothing to arm herself against
external aggression.
While the personal relationships
between Gandhi and the
other leaders of the Congress,
stretching back twenty-odd years,
remain cordial and even intimate,
the implications of this rift are
becoming plain. One consequence
has been the Congress offer to
the British that an immediate
declaration of India's complete
freedom followed by the establishment
of a provisional National
Government at Delhi would
evoke the whole-hearted support
of the party for Britain's war
effort. In a sense, this resolution
simplifies the issue by eliminating
British fears and suspicions
that the creed of non-violence
might prevent India's active assistance
by speeding up the production 
munitions and large-scale
recruitment.
[?] 
[SHIFTS WAR ST?]

Resolution Backed by Gandhi 
Praises Britain but Drops 
First Offer of Support

HE RESUMES LEADERSHIP

Non-Violent Resistance Will 
Not Be Extended—Party 
Will Bide Its Time

   BOMBAY, India, Sept. 15 (AP)— 
The working committee of the All-India 
Congress party adopted a 
resolution today withdrawing a 
conditional offer to cooperate with 
Britain in the persecution of the 
war.
   The resolution, which must be 
ratified by the All-India Congress 
Committee, condemned the action 
of the British Government in taking 
India into the war without previous 
consultation.
   Mohandas K. Gandhi, who disagreed 
with the offer in the first 
place, was invited to resume his 
leadership of the party with power 
to "guide it in any action that 
should be taken."
   Mr. Gandhi earlier had approved 
a resolution to be submitted to the 
party committee expressing sympathy 
with Britain for her "bravery 
and endurance' and disclaiming 
any desire to extend at present the 
passive resistance to British rule in 
India.
   His resolution states the opinion 
of the Congress, however, that Britain 
"has no intention of recognizing 
India's independence."
   It was presented to the Congress 
Committee numbering 300 party executives 
gathering today from every 
corner of India.  Mr. Gandhi is expected 
to make a personal appeal 
that the party bide by its time in 
the independence campaign.

Admiration Not Withheld
   "The Congressmen cannot withhold 
admiration for the bravery and 
endurance shown by the British nation 
in face of danger and peril," 
the resolution said.
   "They have no ill-will against 
them and the spirit of Satyagrama 
—insistence on truth—prevents them 
doing antyhing to embarrass them.
   "But this self-imposed restraint 
cannot be taken to the extent of 
self-extinction  *  *  *  However, the 
Congress has not desire at the present 
moment to extend non-violent 
resistance, should this become 
necessary, beyond what is required 
for the preservation of the liberties 
of the people."
   In one of his rare public appearances, 
Mr. Gandhi went before the 
committee and made an eloquent 
appeal for adoption of his resolution 
before adjournment of its two-day 
meeting tomorrow.
   "Ther ewill be no mass civil disobedience 

but a spirit of compromise 
and negotiation," he declared.
   The leader of India's masses announced 
he would seek an interview 
with the Marquess of Linlithgow, 
Viceroy of India, to obtain permission 
to preach passive resistance.

Gandhi Spins Busily
   Before speaking, Mr. Gandhi, 
stripped to the waist, sat cross-legged 
on a cushioned dais spinning 
away with a newly-invented simple 
machine costing only a few pennies.  
The contraption is his latest craze.
   Every few minutes girl attendants 
dressed in orange-colored skirts and 
blue blouses handed him the latest 
reports on the war in Europe.
   Hhis wife sat behind him drowsing 
quietly.
   Speaking first in Hindustani, then 
in English, Mr. Gandhi emphasized 
that he did not want to take advantage 
of any adversary's weakness.
   "Any damage to St. Paul's Cathedral 
is keenly felt by me," he 
said.  "I do not want England to 
be defeated, or even humbled.
   "At the same time, I can not 
think of Germany or any other 
country in terms of less regard."
   All that he asks, Mr. Gandhi asserted, 
is that the Congress party 
be allowed to carry on propaganda, 
not against war, but in favor of its 
own principles of non-violence.
   Mr. Gandhi admitted that he did 
not want to go to jail and added 
that he felt the British would not 
arest him "brecause they know me 
well."


[*N.Y. Times  8/10/40*]

desert soldiers must drink or die—and 
fourteen-fifteenths of Egypt is desert.  
Mussolini's soldiers would have to cross 
500 miles of such country to reach the 
Suez Canal.
   To the Italians, however, the canal 
is a prize far more valuable than cotton-rich 
Egypt itself.  Italian control 
of the canal would sever one of the 
links in Britain's empire.  Italian vessels 
could once more use the canal— 
not one has passed through since Mussolini 
declared war—to reach the isolated 
East African empire.  Grand as 
was this plan of strategy, military observers 
felt the intensification of the 
African war might be primarily an attempt 
by Germany's partner to divert 
British fighting strength from its main 
job—the defense of the British Isles.

Dominion of India?
   Britain's dominions were defined by 
the Imperial Conference of 1926 as 
"equal in status, in nowise subordinate 
to one another in any aspect of their 
domestic or external affairs, though 
united by a common allegiance to the 
Crown and freely associated as members 
of the British Commonwealth of 
Nations,"
   Canada, Australia, New Zealand and 
the Union of South Africa now hold 
Dominion status.  Las week, spurred 
by war pressures and policies, Great 
Britain moved to offer a fifth area the 
autonomy of Dominion once peace is 
restored.  That area was the vast triangular 
peninsula of India, stretching 
from the towering Himalayas to the 
Indian Ocean, inhabited by Sikhs, 
Parsis, Muslims, Bengalis, Punjabs, 
Marathas—a polygot population of 
340,000,000.
   India's recorded history begins with 
the invasion of Alexander the Great in 
327 B. C.  Since then the European 
imagination has been enthralled by the 
wealth and mystery of the hot, fecund 
region.  British interest in India goes 
back to the seventeenth century.  Her 
East India Company and her armies 
carved out an empire, an achievement 
formally recognized when Queen Victoria 
in 1877 assumed the title of Empress.
   Nearly two-thirds of the country is 
under British rule or protection; the 
rest is under native Kings, the Indian 
Princes.  Never in Indian history has 
there been a government ruling the 
whole of the land from a single center.  
In the twentieth century, however, 
many Indians have set an independent 
government as their great political objective.  
Britain has taken cognizance 
of Indian nationalism at a series of 
round-table conferences.

The 1935 Reforms
   In 1935 far-reaching reforms were 
introduced.  Provincial autonomy was 
granted and a plan adopted for the establishment 
of an All-India Federation 
with two native legislative chambers.  
Justifying delay in granting complete 
independence, Britain has maintained 
that India's masses, of whom only 90 
per 1,000 are literate, are divided 

against themselves by race, tradition, 
religion.  The reply of Indian nationalists 
has been a demand to work out 
their own destiny.
   The destinies of both India and Britain 
have been caught up in the spreading 
tide of war.  Pressing British needs 
were seen as the reason why the Marquess 
of Linlithgow, Viceroy since 
1936, offered India a more tangible 
promise of independence than any held 
out in the past.  Once the war ended, 
the Viceroy declared, "the principal 
elements of Indian life" would be 
called together to draft a new Indian 
Constitution.  For the duration the 
Viceroy would include "representative" 
Indians on his Executive Council and 
on a contemplated War Advisory 
Board.
   In return for these concessions, it 
was tacitly implied, Britain hoped to 
obtain a greater measure of cooperation 
from India in the war.  Thus far India 
has held aloof from Britain's titanic 
struggle, but as the battle has gone 
against the British some quarters of 
Indian opinion have expressed fears 
that a German victory might leave India 
exposed to attack by nations far 
more intolerant of the nationalist goal 
than Britain.  On those fears as much 
as on last week's concessions the British 
based their hopes for Indian aid to 
fight the war.


[*N.Y. Times 
Aug 20,  40.*]

POTENTIAL ARMY 
OF INDIA IMMENSE

Man Power of 10,000,000 
Is Considered to Be 
a Possibility

HUGE FORCE IN MAKING

Country is Also Limitless 
Source of Material 
Supplies for War

   "There is an unlimited pool of 
war material in India which, so 
far, has hardly been tapped," 
writes the Delhi correspondent of 
The Times of London.  This information 
is expatiated on by the 
military correspondent of the paper.
   In the first place, the population 
of 300,000,000, with a normal army 
of only 150,000, has a potential man 
power of over 10,000,000.  So far, 
according to the commander in 
chief, General Sir Robert Cassels, 
the peace footing has only been expanded 
to 250,000 men, some of 
whom are already distributed in 
the Near East and the West.  Limitless 
is the non-human source of 
supply.  The correspondent continues:
   "The war forms the great opening 
of the gate of Indianization 
which has been slowly swinging on 
its hinges.  Today, in the war, will 
come the Indian unit officered by 
Indians, and thus we see the birth 
of a new army.

Contingents Already Abroad
   "The defense of India outside her 
own borders is the accepted maximum, 
and already there are contingents 
in France, Egypt, Palestine, 
East Africa, Aden, Malaya, 
and China.  Her military front today 
extends to the Mediterranean, 
and challenges Italy with the military 
strength belonging to 300,000,000 
people.
   "In the last war India contributed 
a million and a half men, and this 
time the number will be greater.  
An air force and navy are also in 
being.  The rush of recruits is overwhelming, 
and is added to by the 
private forces of the ruling princes, 
who offer Muslim and Hindu soldiers 
from out of their 80,000,000 
subjects.
   "India is also expanding on the 
equipment and supply sides, and 
can not only supply her own needs, 
but is helping the Allies also.

Supplies In Great Variety
   "General Sir Henry ap Rhys 
Pryce expanded the ordnance factories 
recently.  India is furnishing 
jute, cloth, blankets, textiles, boots, 
leather, tents, nuts, linseed, rubber, 
tea, cotton, iron, steel, coal, shellac, 
mica, manganese, hemp and 
oil.  Her supplies are limited only 
by the number of ships to carry 
them.
   "She is a supply center for Egypt, 
Malaya, France, and the Mediterranean.  
She is 90 per cent war sufficient, 
and makes her own munitions, 
rifles, and artillery.  Her steel 
huts are raised in India and the 
Near and Middle East, barbed wires 
of her making stretch in three continents, 
soldiers march in a million 
pairs of her boots, and sleep under 
her canvas.  India has become the 
great war depot overseas."NEWS LETTER
All India Congress Committee
FOREIGN DEPARTMENT
Swaraj Bhawan
ALLAHABAD - INDIA
NEW SERIES No. 9   18th July 1940.
Questions that must be settled
On an invitations by the Viceroy Mahatma Gandhi had
a long conversation with him in Simla. After the interview
he made the following observations about the problems confronting
us, "H.E. the Viceroy is again conferring with leaders
of parties. I was invited, but not as a party leader or a
leader at all. I was invited as a friend to help him, if I
could, to come to a definite conclusion, especially to interpret
the Congress mind to him. It is better, in the light
of what is happening (and things will presently move with
lightning velocity), to consider some of the questions that will
demand quick decisions, if they will not have been decided
before these lines are in print.
The first thing that everyone has to consider for himself
is whether Dominion Status of the Westminster variety can
be acceptable to India. If it has not become a myth already, it
will be at the end of the war. Britain herself, victorious or
defeated, will never be the same as she has been for these few
hundred years. But this much is certain that her defeat, if
it must come, will certainly be glorious. If she is defeated
she will be because no other Power similarly situated could
have avoided defeat. I cannot say the same of her victory. It
will be bought by a progressive adoption of the same means as the
totalitarian States have adopted. I must say with the deepest
pain that British statesmen have rejected the only moral influence
they could easily have got from the Congress to turn
the scales in Britain's favour. It is no blame to her statesmen
that they have not availed themselves of that influence.
They did not see the need of it. It may well be that they did
not perceive the moral influence itself which I have claimed
for the Congress. Whatever may be the case, it is clear to me
that India's immediate objective must be unadulterated Independence.
This is no time for mincing words or hiding our
thoughts. I cannot think of anyone wanting less than Independence
for his country, if he can get it. No country has ever
got it without its people having fought for it. Anyway the
Congress made up its mind long ago. Even if India is to render
effective help to Britain, it can come from a free India.
Crores may be drained from India as of yore; thousands of men
may be hired as soldiers or camp followers out of her teeming
millions. All such contributions will be from a helpless
India. They cannot raise the moral status of Britain.
The next question for consideration is that of providing
for internal disorder and external invasion. The raising of
private armies will be worse than useless. It will never be
allowed. No Power, whether foreign or swadeshi, can tolerate
private armies. Those, therefore, who believe in the necessity
of India having armed forces will be driven sooner or
later to enlist themselves under the British banner. It is the
logical outcome of the belief. The Working Committee have
taken the decision on the point. If it is to abide, I have
little doubt that they will presently have to advise Congressmen
to enlist in the usual way. That would mean an end to the
2.
the Congress. May God give wisdom and courage to Congressmen
to take the right step.
The offer of enlarging the Viceroy's Council is on the
tapis. The Congress cannot countenance it, so long as it
swears by Independence and non-violence. But if it sidetracks
them, it will be logically driven to reconstructing Congress
ministries in the Provinces. This means the Congress
becoming a vital part of the war machine. The Government of
Indian has no other occupation but that of preparing India for
defending Britain. It is an illusion to talk of preparing
India for self-defence. No Power has eyes on India except as a
British possession. As such she is a rich prize. Is not India
the brightest jewel in the British Crown? But I own that,
if India is to learn the trade of war, she can now have her
apprenticeship to the extent that the British masters will
allow. 
The Congress has to make its choices. The temptation is
irresistible. Congressmen can again become Cabinet Ministers.
They may also be Ministers or Members at the Centres. They
will have an insight into the war machine. They will watch
from inside (again to the extent allowed) the Englishman at
work when engaged in a life and death struggle. They will have
to raise crores of rupees and dispose of them in the war effort.
If I have my way, I would have the Congress to resist the irresistible
temptation and not grudge those who believe in the
accepted method filling all these posts. There will be Muslims,
Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Parsis and others taking up these posts
as they have done before now. They too are our countrymen. We
must give them credit for good faith. Let us who believe in
Independence and the only way to attain it, hold fast to the
objective and the means. I can see much good coming out of
this division of functions. For the Congress to merge itself
into the stereotyped method would be a disaster of the first
magnitude. If, on the other hand, the Congress sticks to its
colours, it is sure to fight its way to its goal even before
the war is over, provided that the fight is purely, truly and
demonstrably non-violent.
Working Committee's Resolution
To consider the situation in the light of the Gandhi -
Viceroy talk a meeting of the Working Committee was held in
Delhi. After five days deliberation, it passed the following
resolution on the present political situation: "The Working
Committee have noted the serious happenings which have called
forth fresh appeals to bring about a solution of the deadlock
in the Indian political situation; and in view of the desirability
of clarifying the Congress position they have
earnestly examined the whole situation once again in the light
of the latest developments in world affairs.
The Working Committee are more than ever convinced that
the acknowledgment by Great Britain of the complete Independence
of India, is the only solution of the problems facing
both India and Britain and are, therefore, of opinion that such
an unequivocal declaration should be immediately made and that
as a immediate step in giving effect to it, a provisional
National Government should be constituted at the Centre, which,
though formed as a transitory measure, should be such as to
command the confidence of all the elected elements in the
Central Legislature, and secure the closest cooperation of the
Responsible Governments in the provinces.
The Working Committee are of opinion that unless the
aforesaid declaration is made, and a national Government
accordingly formed at the Centre without delay, all efforts
at organizing the material and moral resources of the country
for Defence cannot be in any sense voluntary or as from a free
country, and will therefore be ineffective. The Working
Committee declare that if these measures are adopted, it will
enable the Congress to throw in its full weight in the efforts

3.
for the effective organisation of the Defence of the country."
How the Resolution was Passed:
Gandhiji explains in the Harijan of the 13th July
the background of the Delhi resolution, and how and why it
was passed. He says: "I have just seen the news that the
Working Committee's fateful resolution has been released to
the Press. It was passed in my presence, but I wanted to say
nothing before it was actually released for publication. It
will be a profound mistake to suppose that the members passed
the five solid days in wrangling. They had to discharge a heavy
responsibility. Though logically the resolution is no departure
from the Ramgarh resolution, it is an undoubted departure
from its spirit. The letter often remains constant, the
spirit changes. Up to now for one reason or another the Congress
policy was: No participation in the war except for the
moral influence that the Congress can exercise if the vital
demand was satisfied of Britain's own free will. Such was not
the position of all the members of the Working Committee. Hence
at the critical moment every member had to make up his or her
mind independently of the rest. The five days were of tremendous
heart-searching. I had produced a draft resolution which almost
all thought was the best, if they could bring to bear a living
belief in non-violence through and through, or if they could
truthfully say that such was the belief of their constituencies.
Some had neither and some had individually the required faith.
Only Khan Saheb was clear so far as his own faith and that of
his beloved Khudai Khidmatgars were concerned. So he had
decided even after the last Wardha resolution that he had no
place in the Congress. He had a special mission and a special
duty to his followers. So the Working Committee gladly permitted
him to retire from the Congress. By retiring he
serves the Congress all the more as I hope to do. Who
knows that those of us who retire may not be able to give our
comrades the faith they seem, for the moment, to have lost?
Rajaji was the framer of the resolution. He was as
certain of his position as I was of mine. His persistency,
courage and utter humility brought him converts. Sardar
Patel was his greatest prize. He would not have even thought
of bringing up his resolution if I had chosen to prevent him.
But I give my comrades the same credit for earnestness and
self-confidence that I claim for myself. I had long known
that we were drifting away from each other in our outlook
upon the political problems that face us. He will not allow
me to say that his is a departure from ahimsa. He claims that
his very ahimsa has led him to the point which culminated in
his resolution. He thinks that I suffer from obsession owing
to too much brooding on ahimsa. He almost thinks that my
vision is blurred. It was no use my returning the compliment
though half joking I did. I have no proof, save my faith, to
question his counter faith. That is evidently absurd. I
could not carry the Committee with me at Wardha and so I got
my absolutions. I at once saw as clear as daylight that, if
my position was not acceptable, Rajaji's was the only real
alternative. I therefore encouraged him to persist in his
effort, though all the while I held him to be hopelessly in
the wrong. And by exemplary patience, skill and considerateness 
towards his opponents he got a good majority, five
remaining neutral. I had a fearful moment. Generally such
resolutions are not carried by the majority vote. But at
this juncture unanimity was not to be expected. I advised
that Rajaji's resolution should be enforced. And so at the
last moment the Committee decided that the resolution should
go forth to the world.
It was necessary for the public to have this background
to the tremendous step the Committee have taken for good or
ill. Those Congressmen who have a living faith in the non-violence
of the strong will naturally abstain. For the moment
4.
however, what they can do is wholly irrelevant. Rajaji's
resolution represents the considered policy of the Congress.
Non-Congressmen, who were eager for the Congress to be free of
my religious bias to adopt a purely political attitude, should
welcome the resolution and support it whole-heartedly. So
should the Muslim League, and even the Princes who think of
India more than theri principalities.
The British Government have to make their choice. Independence
they cannot withhold unless their wisdom is as
much blurred as Rajaji claims that mine is. If Independence
is recognised, the acceptance of the other part of the resolution
follows as a matter of course. The question is: do
they want to impress help from India by virtue of their rulership
over India, or will they have the help that a free and
independent India can give? My individual advice has already
gone. My help always has been promised. Acceptance of that
advice can but enhance their heroism. But if they cannot
accept it, I advise, as a disinterested but staunch friend,
that the British Government should not reject the hand of
friendship offered by the Congress."
Betrayal of China:
According to the terms of the Anglo-Japanese agreement concluded
just now, the Burmese Road will be closed to arms
traffic for three months. This decision has been unreservedly
condemned all over India as a betrayal of China. It has also
caused grave concern as to effect of this decision not only
on China but indirectly on India. Condemning this agreement,
Jawaharlal Nehru said: "The news about China is ominous. We
were told recently that the British Government had agreed to
close the Burma-China Road during monsoon. We are now informed
that this Government are engaged in a peace move in the
Far East.
"Peace is preferable to war. But one is forcibly reminded
of Sir Walter Runciman's mission and attempts to secure
peace in Czechoslovakia two years ago, which resulted in the
betrayal and enslavement of that country.
"England may be in a perilous condition today, and it is
easy to understand that she does not want further entanglements.
But betrayal of China will not bring her relief. It will
have far-reaching consequences affecting American opinion
as well as Indian opinion.
"The policy of appeasement of an aggressor has proved
to be disastrous in the past; it will not succeed now. It
will expose still further the pretension that Britain fights
for democracy, and confirm us in our resolve not to be a
party to this. India and China are drawn close to one another,
and they will hold together, for their interests are one."
Dr. Atal Returna from China
Dr. M. Atal, leader of the Congress Medical Mission
to China has returned to India after working for two years
on the Chinese front. Braving all sorts of dangers and
difficulties, he and his colleagues of the Congress Medical
Mission carried on their work of healing and helping the sick
and the wounded in China's heroic struggle against foreign
invasion. The work of the Mission has helped in drawing
India and China nearer to each other, and Dr. Atal and his
colleagues have proved themselves worthy ambassadors of peace
and good-will.
Message of the Chinese Army to the Congress:
In a message sent through Dr. Atal to the Congress
Mao Tze-Tung and Chu Teh of the famous 8th Route Army express

5.
their appreciation and gratitude for the moral and material
support that the Congress has given to China's struggle. After
thanking the Medical Mission for its precious help, they
declare: "The great Indian people and the Chinese have the
common destiny. We, the Indian people and the Chinese
combined, compose almost half of mankind. We are the two
peoples who have been suffering longest under imperialist
oppression and slavery, and we both have the glorious tradition
of fighting for liberty and freedom. Our emancipation,
the emancipation of the Indian people and the Chinese, will
be the signal of the emancipation of all the down-trodden and
oppressed." They conclude their message by expressing admiration
for India's stand. "You our great Indian brothers, are
to-day also engaged in a heroic struggle for your sacred
rights to life, independence and freedom, against imperialist
domination and imperialist war from which you have nothing
to gain but everything to lose. The resolute stand taken
by your Congress as manifested by your recent resolution
against the imperialist war has aroused the deepest admiration
and sympathy among our people.
"To-day, more than ever, great tasks are falling on
your shoulders and ours. Our struggle is hard, friends, but
not in the very far distance the dawn of victory is
already in sight.
"We must help each other, for our goal is the same. Our
victory will be yours just as your victory will be ours.
"Once again we wish to thank you for all your support
to our struggle. Although you yourself are to-day also engaged
in a great struggle for your own independence, we are
confident that your aid to us will continue to come.
"Warmest greetings to the great Indian people, to whose
heroic struggle for independence and freedom, we pledge our
unconditional and fullest support."
Balkrishna Keskar
Secretary Foreign Deptt.