BLACKWELL FAMILY ELIZABETH BLACKWELL Printed Matter MEMORIAL ADDRESSED TO THE RT. HON. LORD GEORGE HAMILTON, Secretary of State for India (March, 1898.) MY LORD, We, the undersigned registered Medical Women, practising in the United Kingdom and in India, desire respectfully to protest against the measures recently enacted for dealing with Venereal Disease in the Indian Army (East India Contagious Diseases No. 6 1897 C 8.538), and request permission to place before you the grounds on which we make this protest. The Cantonment Rules of 1897 cannot, in our opinion, be applied to venereal disease without resorting to methods degrading both to men and women, and which may in their execution lead to abuse and blackmail of the worst kind, and which are inconsistent with the restrictions so admirably laid down by your Lordship in Paragraph 11 of your Despatch of March 26th, 1897. (a) In support of this point, we note that in the Cantonment Rules there is no definition of the "prima facie grounds" on which medical officers may entertain the suspicion that any given person is diseased. Our conviction, supported by experience, is that any accusation of venereal disease, privately made by one person against another, can be so little depended upon that such testimony ought never to be permitted to form the basis of an inquiry possibly involving serious personal, social and legal consequences. In this connection we quote the statement of Lord Roberts to the Departmental Committee of 1893, that "soldiers seldom or never point out the woman who may have diseased them." We note that there is no legal means of confronting accuser and accused, and that the punishment which the rules provide for willful false witness, is only a nominal fine. (b) Again, your Lordship laid down that no compulsory or periodical examination of women should be permitted. We admit that such compulsion may be considered relative rather than absolute, in that it allows to the persons denounced the option of leaving the Cantonment. This alternative, however, places those falsely accused on the horns of a cruel dilemma. If they remain, they must submit to examination, though possibly innocent even of immoral conduct; if they go, they must leave their homes, any means of honest employment they may have, and in the (?) to clear their characters. (c) With regard to the frequency of medical examinations, we submit that the variations in the length of the incubation period in venereal disease, and of the latent periods following the primary manifestations in syphilis, render any isolated examination insufficient to prove that a patient is not diseased. It is clear that a single examination would therefore in many cases have an entirely negative value, and that to detect disease with certainty, such as examination would have to be repeated at definite intervals., Thus, a woman who at the first examination might appear healthy would, in order to satisfy the medical officer that she was free from disease, have to be subjected to repeated examinations. That this is, indeed, the logical outcome of the recent legislation would appear to be shown by the fact that it has been considered necessary, for the "protection of the medical and other officers in the discharge of duties which the Rules impose upon them," to repeal the Cantonments Acts Amendment Act of 1895. Since this repeal, it is no longer illegal to enforce periodical and compulsory examinations, the very curse which your Lordship, in the Despatch referred to above, forbade. It is to be feared that the removal of so fundamental a restriction may lead to the renewal of many of those irregular practices which followed the introduction of the Cantonment Rules of 1889. 2. We urge that from the nature of venereal disease the legislation embodied in the Cantonment Rules cannot materially reduce its amount,and that the objections proved against previous methods apply equally to them. We would indicate the following practical points, which appear to render it impossible to class venereal diseases with other infectious and contagious diseases, for purposes either of prophylaxis, segregation or treatment. (a) With respect to venereal disease, it lies to a large extent within the power of the individual to avoid infection. With other contagious diseases there is not the same power of voluntary escape. (b) Whereas to prevent the spread of other contagious diseases only short, well-defined periods of isolation are necessary, the stamping out of venereal disease would demand a long and uncertain isolation, extending always over months, and often over years. Thus, is the case of the latter disease, an adequate detention would be impossible both on the score of expense and of accommodation, to say nothing of justice to the person detained. Again, other contagious diseases as a rule easily recognized, rarely or with difficulty concealed, treatment is voluntarily sought, and no question of conduct or character is involved. These things are not true in the same degree of venereal disease. Other diseases can be cured and certified as cured within a comparatively short time,but in the case of venereal disease, in spite of all appearances of health, an individual may preserve the power of infecting others for months or years. (c) With regard to the supposed benefit derived from the temporary removal to hospital of proportion of those suffering from venereal disease, we ask leave to quote the remarks of the army Sanitary Commission in their memorandum of December, 1893 - "It may be argued that the detention of a certain number of diseased women in Hospitals must pro tanto reduce the number of men affected, and so have a certain salutary influence, but on the other hand, a large reduction of the number of prostitutes might make the few remaining outside greater sources of danger than they otherwise would have been. This, however, is not a matter to be decided by mere theoretical considerations. We can deal only with the facts, and there was ample evidence in the course of the Indian Lock Hospital experience to show that a woman's passing a periodical examination was no guarantee that she might not communicate disease. The Cantonment Rules of 1897 cannot, in our opinion, be applied to venereal disease without resorting to methods degrading both to men and women, and which may in their execution lead to abuse and blackmail of the worst kind, and which are inconsistent with the restrictions so admirably laid down by your Lordship in Paragraph 11 of your Despatch of March 26, 1897. (d) As regards the possibility of ascertaining by the most careful and exhaustive examination whether any given person is or is not the subject of venereal disease (with the exception of those cases in which typical manifestations place doubt out of the question) our opinion entirely coincides with that of the Army Sanitary Commission mentioned above, and we believe an assertion either one way or the other to be extremely difficult. It is the result of the experience of many of us, after exceptional opportunities of examining women of all classes and conditions, that it is practically impossible to say when any woman who has once been affected with venereal disease, is free from all likelihood of infecting others either directly or indirectly. Under no circumstances would we permit ourselves to give certificates of health, such as Her Majesty's Government have in time past accepted, and which in other countries are still accepted, as satisfactory evidence of freedom from disease. Neither, for the same reasons, would we allow it to be understood that the fact of our ceasing to treat any patient, or of our discharging any patient from the hospital, was equivalent on our part to a declaration that we considered such patient to be safe from the possibility of spreading disease by sexual intercourse. 3 In comment on the arguments which have been brought forward in support of the legislation embodied in the new Cantonment Rules, we offer the following considerations:- (a) Much stress has been laid on the occurrence among our soldiers returning from India of syphilis in its most severe forms.* It is recognized in civil practice that after the symptoms have disappeared and the patient is able to return to his ordinary occupation, anti-syphilitic treatment must be persisted in for at least some months in order to prevent the further development of the disease. We are informed that a soldier suffering from syphilis is treated in hospital until the symptoms disappear. He is then returned to duty without treatment until fresh symptoms occur, when he is re-admitted to hospital; and this may be repeated again and again, the interruptions of treatment extending over many consecutive months. If our information is correct, the absence of continued treatment would appear to account in some degree for the severity of many cases of the disease, and for the fact that so many men are liable to break down on active service. We would therefore suggest that one of the first steps in checking both the severity and the spread of disease should be a systematic and prolonged treatment of the soldier. If such treatment were carried out with due regard to privacy and with some attempt to impress upon the men the importance of their co-operation, we cannot believe that it would be impossible to secure the necessary attendance without in the majority of cases admitting them again and again to hospital. (b) With regard to the prophylaxis of disease in the civil population, we believe that the practice of inducing patients to come voluntarily for treatment for a long period would be much more advantageous to themselves, to those with whom they may consort and to future generations, than their compulsory detention for a few weeks in hospital without subsequent treatment. To this end out-door dispensaries should be numerous and well staffed. (c) In view of the lack of uniformity and method in the statistics at present available, we suggest that it would be advantageous to initiate a system of detailed and uniform investigation concerning the variations in prevalence and malignity of disease in English regiments quartered abroad. We believe that some such system, widely carried out, would yield in a few years data of great value. We further suggest that such returns should refer to regiments as well as to stations. 4. We are in favour of such legislation as would materially diminish the amount and severity of venereal disease, founded on the principle of making vice difficult, and in a practical way, dishonourable to the troops. (a) We suggest that there should be an organised and determined effort on the part of the Authorities to suppress the trade of prostitution in Cantonments. With this view, we suggest that Rule 12 of the Cantonment Act of 1889 should be altered to:- "The Cantonment Authority shall prohibit (a) the keeping of a brothel, (b) the residence of a public prostitute," instead of "may prohibit" as it now stands, and that Paragraph 13 be erased. In this connection, and in view of the fact that clandestine or non-professional prostitution continues to be a prominent cause of the spread of disease, we are entirely in agreement with the suggestions of the Army Sanitary Commission referred to in the latter part of Paragraph 10 of the Despatch of March 26th, 1897, to the Government of India. viz:- "We would also strongly advocate that the power of Commanding Officers should be as much enlarged as practicable in the direction of diminishing the temptation to young soldiers, by preventing women, for example, from coming about the lines after dusk, and also putting places out of bounds where soldiers are believed to have contracted disease." (b) We suggest that moral character should be made an important element in the promotion of the individual, and in the bestowal of appointments ; and that as regards a regiment or other military unit, a bad record in respect of venereal disease should diminish the chance of selection for honourable and honour-bringing service. (c) As regards the physical care of the soldier, we suggest that every man on joining the Army should have it made clear to him that immorality will neither be countenanced nor excused, and that he is expected to live chastely. In this connection we desire to express our grateful recognition of the principles laid down in the recent General Order to the Army of the late Commander-in-Chief in India, General Sir George White. In presenting this Memorial we are animated by a desire to diminish sexual immorality, as well as to prevent and cure the resulting disease. We wish to emphasise that we can give no approval to any measures containing features of the old Contagious Diseases Acts, which were equally repugnant to our moral sense and to our scientific convictions. *We note that in the list of serious cases of venereal disease furnished from Netley quoted in Appendix III. of Lord Onslow's Committee, 10 out of 40 were cases of gonorrhœa. We are aware that by the non-medical public syphilis is regarded as the graver venereal disease, and indeed in its worst forms its gravity and its serious consequences to the next generation can hardly be exaggerated. At the same time gonorrhœa is profoundly deleterious to the health of the nation at large. It is responsible for much permanent ill-health in both sexes, for many cases of sterility in married women, and it is the cause of much disease in women which is dangerous to life and necessitates the performance of major operations. We would therefore urge that this disease should receive no less careful and prolonged treatment than syphilis. Signed, ANNIE M. S. ANDERSON, M.D., Lond. Assistant Physician Clinical Hospital for Women and Children, Manchester. MARY ACWORTH, M.D., Brux.; L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. LOUISE APPEL, M.B., M.S., B.Sc., Lond. Medical Registrar Royal Free Hospital. ELIZABETH BLACKWELL, M.D., Geneva ; New York, 1849 ; St. Bart.’s, 1859. Consulting Physician New Hospital for Women. ADELA BOSANQUET, L.R.C.P.I., L.M., Diploma of State Medicine, 1883. FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE BOYD, M.D., Brux. ; L.R.C.P & S.I. Surgeon to New Hospital for Women, Euston Road, London. Late Surgeon to the Medical Home for Venereal Diseases of the National Vigilance Association. EDITH MARY BROWN, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. ; M.D., Brux. ; Ludhiana, India. ROSA ELIZABETH BALE, L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S., Edin. Late House Surgeon Clapham Maternity Hospital. Late Clinical Assistant New Hospital for Women. ELLEN MARGARET TINNÉ BERTHON, M.B., Lond. Late Assistant Physician Clapham Maternity Hospital. A. HELEN A. BOYLE, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. ; M.D., Brux. Late Assistant Medical Officer Claybury Asylum. Late Clinical Assistant New Hospital for Women. Late Senior Resident Medical Officer Canning Town Medical Mission Hospital. Late Assistant Physician Canning Town Medical Mission Dispensary. LILLIAN M. BLAKE, L.R.C.P. & S. ELIZABETH A. BAKER, L.R.C.P. & S. ANNIE E. CLARK, M.B., L.K.Q.C.P.I. Physician to the Birmingham and Midland Hospital for Women. Physician to the Birmingham and Midland Hospital for Children. EVELINE A. CARGILL, M.D., L.B.C.P. & S., Edin. DOROTHEA CAINE, MB. Lond. Assistant Physician to Out-Patients New Hospital for Women. Clinical Assistant Out-Patient Department Royal Free Hospital. MAUD MARY CHADBURN, M. B., Lond. Assistant Physician New Hospital for Women, Euston Road. GRACE ROSS CADELL, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Physician to the Free Consulting Room for Women and Children, Leith. ELIZA L. WALKER DUNBAR, M.D., Zurich, 1873 ; L.K.Q.C.P.I., 1877 Hon. Visiting Physician Bristol Private Hospital for Women, and Dispensary for Women and Children. E. WINIFRED DICKSON, M.D., M.O.A., R.U.I., ; F.R.C.S.I. Gynæcologist to the Richmond, Whitworth and Hardwick Hospital. Assistant Master Coombe Lying-In Hospital, Dublin. MARGARET C. DEWAR, M.B., C.M., Glas. ; L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S., Edin, ; L.F.P. & S., Glas. House Surgeon Children's Hospital, Sheffield. MARIAN ERSKINE, L.R.C.P. & s., Edin. F. E. TURLE-EVANS, L.R.C.P. &S., Edin. EMILY E. FLEMMING, M.D., Lond. Late Medical Registrar Royal Free Hospital. Late Assistant Physician New Hospital for Women. ELLEN M. FARRAR, M.B., M.S., Lond. ; Bhuvani, Punjab, India. SARAH GRAY, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Medical Examiner to Nottingham School Board. Hon Medical Officer Nottingham and Notts Convalescent Homes. MARY GORDON, L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S., Edin. ; L.F.P. & S., Glas. Clinical Assistant East London Hospital for Children and Dispensary for Women, Shadwell, E. HELEN M. GREENE, M.D., Brux. ; L.S.A., Lond. JANET M. C. GRAY, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Duchess of Teck Hospital, Patna, India. EDITH E. GOODRICH, M.B., C.M. BEATRICE GARVIE, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Medical Missionary Rajputana, India. Late Resident Doctor Glasgow Samaritan Hospital for Women. MARIAN GILCHRIST, L.L.A., M.B., C.M. AGNES HENDERSON, L.R.C.P.& S., Edin. ; M.D., Brux. Free Church of Scotland Medical Mission, Nagpur, India. MARY BIRD HANNAY, M.B., C.M. Medical Officer to Islands of Flotta and Pharay, Orkney. MARY JOSEPHINE HANNAN, L.R.C.P. & S.I. Hon. Medical Officer to Salvation Refuge House, Cardiff. JANE L. J. HASKEW, M.D., Brux, ; L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Medical Missionary Lucknow, India. EMMELINE MABEL HENWOOD, L.S.A., Lond. ; L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Lecturer and Medical Examiner under Nottingham School Board. ELSIE MAUD INGLIS, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Medical Officer St. Cuthbert's Parish Church. Gynæcologist to St. Anne's Dispensary. MABEL JONES, M.D., Lond. Late House Surgeon New Hospital for Women. Late Assistant Anæsthetist Royal Free Hospital. Late House Surgeon Children's Hospital, Hull. ALICE MELVILLE VOWE JOHNSON, L.S.A. ARABELLA KENEALY, L.R.C.P. ALICE J. KER, M.D., Berne ; L.K.Q.C.P.I., L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. ; L.F.P. & S., Glas. Medical Officer to Female Staff of P.O. Hon. Medical Officer Birkenhead Lying-In Hospital. Hon. Medical Officer Birkenhead Rescue Home. LUCILLE LESLIE, L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S. Physician to the Lock Hospital, Colombo, Ceylon. OCTAVIA LEWIN, M.B., B.S., Lond. Assistant Anæsthetist and Clinical Assistant Royal Free Hospital. Clinical Assistant Paddington Green Children's Hospital. CONSTANCE E. LONG, M.D., Brux. ; L.S.A., Lond. Resident Medical Officer Babies' Castle, Hawkhurst. Late Resident Medical Officer Battersea Branch of Clapham Maternity and Dispensary for Women.LILY LENEY, M.D., Brux.; L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Clinical Assistant New Hospital for Women. Late Assistant Medical Resident Officer Canning Town Medical Mission Hospital. AGNES MCLAREN, M.D. ANNIE MCCALL, M.D., L.K.Q.C.P.I. Director Clapham Maternity Hospital. ISABELLA M. MACDONALD, M.B., Physician New Hospital for Women, London. Late Physician Cama Government Hospital, Bombay. ALEXANDRA MCPHAIL, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Medical Missionary, Madras. ALICE JANET MCLAREN, M.D., B.S., Lond. Physician to Dispensary of Samaritan Hospital for Diseases of Women, Glasgow. Extra Physician to Dispensary of Royal Hospital for Sick Children, Glasgow. KATHERINE M. U. MAGUIRE, B.CH., M.D. JESSIE M. MACGREGOR, M.B., C.M., Edin. Registrar and Assistant to Extra Physicians Royal Hospital for Sick Children, Edinburgh. MARGARET F. MACNAUGHTON, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin.; L.F.P. & S., Glas. ELEANOR A. MONTGOMERY, L.R.C.P. & S. Edin.; Borsad, West India. LILIAN FRAZER NASH, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin., L.F.P. & S., Glas. Medical Officer to the Elizabeth Fry Refuge, Hackney. Late Resident Medical Officer New Hospital for Women and Dispensary for Women, Haiderabad. AGATHA PORTER, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Late Resident Assistant Medical Officer Chorlton Union Hospitals, Withington, Manchester. ELIZABETH MARGARET PACE, M.D., Lond. Gynæcologist Bebahouston Dispensary of Victoria Infirmary, Glasgow. Assistant Lock Hospital, Glasgow. MARY E. PAILTHORPE, M.D., Lond. Senior Physician Victoria Hospital, Benares, N.W.P. EDITH B. PELLATT, L.S.A.; Cape Town. FLORENCE ADA ROBINSON, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. MARGARET M. SHARP, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. MARY D. STURGE, M.D., Lond. Late Resident Medical Officer New Hospital for Women. Late Resident Medical Officer South Tottenham Fever Hospital. MARY SMITH, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin.; L.F.P.S., Glas. CAROLINE STURGE, M.B. Late House Surgeon Clapham Maternity Hospital. Senior Medical Officer Battersea Branch Clapham Maternity Hospital. AMY SHEPPARD, M.B. Assistant Physician New Hospital for Women. MARIA SHARPE, L.S.A., M.D., Brux. MARY S. P. STRANGMAN, L.R.C.P. & S.I., L.M., (Rot.) EMILY H. STOWE, M.D. Member of the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Ontario, Canada. ELIZABETH A. TENNANT, L.M., L.R.C.P.I., L.M., L.R.C.S.I. Physician to St. Catherine's Almshouses, Dublin. Physician to St. Catherine's Schools, Dublin. LILLIAS THOMSON, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. CATHERINE JANE URQUHART, L.K.Q.C.P.I., L.M. Visiting Physician Jewish dispensary, High Rigg, Edinburgh. Visiting Physician 92, Causewayside, Edinburgh. Late House Physician Women's Hospital, Grove Street, Edinburgh. ALICE M. UMPHERSTONE, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. and Glas. Lecturer on Physiology St. Andrew's University. JANE HARRIETT WALKER, M.D., Brux., L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S. Physician to the New Hospital for Women, London. HELEN WEBB, M.B., Lond., L.S.A. Out-Patient Physician to New Hospital for Women, 144, Euston Road, N.W. Consulting Physician to S. Katharine's Refuge Home, 177, Drummond Street, N.W. HELEN M. WILSON, M.D., Lond., Sheffield. MABEL E. WEBB, M.B., Lond. LUCY WHITBY, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. SARAH E. WHITE, M.B., B.Sc., Lond. CATHERINE M. WICKHAM, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Medical Officer in Charge Rusulkangi Hospital for Women, Rajkot. Zenana Medical Officer Kathiawar Political Agency, Kathiawar, India. The following additions have been received since the first issue of this Paper: ELEANOR T. DADSON, L.S.A., M.D. Brux. Lecturer N. India Medical School for Christian Women, Ludhiana, Punjab. CHARLOTTE E. HULL, M.B., B.S., Lond.; B.A., R.U.I. Physician-in-Charge S.P.G. Hospital for Women, Karnal, Punjab. LILIAN A. R. JENKINS, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin., L.F.P.G., L.M. Late Resident Medical Officer Victoria Hospital, Benares. Late Resident Medical Officer Kinnaird Memorial Hospital., Lucknow. Medical Officer St. Aidan's Mission Dispensary, Durban, Natal. EDITH KNIGHT, M.B., Lond. Lecturer to N. India School of Medicine for Christian Women. RUKHMAHAI, F.R.C.P. & S., Edin.; M.D., Brux. Medical Officer in Charge Morarkhai V. Hospital and Dispensary for Women and Children, Surat, India. ANNA J. THOBURN, M.D. Missionary Consulting Physician to Private Temperance Hospital, Bombay. ALICE VAN INGEN, M.D., L.S.A., Lond. Medical Officer on Plague Duty, Bombay. Medical Officer in Charge of Private Temperance Hospital, Bombay. Late Assistant Colonial Surgeon Ceylon Civil Medical Department. Late Medical Officer in Charge of the Lady Dufferin Hospitals in Calcutta and Bhagulpore. Reprinted (by permission) by British Committee, 17, Tothill Street, Westminster. Copies may be had at 1d. each, or 4s. per 100 post free.[?D] ST. LEONARDS OBSERVER, SATURDAY A NOTE ON ROSETTI, 101 By COULSON KERNAHAN. In view of the interest attaching to Rosetti's association with Hastings and St. Leonards, our readers may be glad to see the following article which the Editor's friend, Mr. Coulson Kernahan, has accorded us permission to reprint. The article appeared originally in the "Fortnightly Review," and has since been published, with other critical articles in a volume dedicated to Mr. Kernahan's friend, the late Mr. Theodore Watts-Dunton, author of the romance, "Aylwin." Mr. Watts-Dunton, Swinburne, George Meredith, and Rossetti at one time lived together in the same house. Mr. Kernahan also permits us to reproduce a sketch by Rossetti, now in the possession of Mr. Kernahan, to whom it was given by his friend, Mr. William Michael Rosetti. It is a portrait of Christina Rossetti, and from this sketch D. G. Rosetti ultimately evolved his portrait of the Virgin for the picture "The Annunciation," now in the National Gallery. CHAPTER I. "I grudge Wordsworth every vote he gets," said Rossetti once to my old friend, Sir Hall Caine, and the remark is significant. Wordsworth and Rossetti stand at opposite poles of poetic and personal individuality. The one is as distinctively the poet of the open air and the hillside, as the other is of the studio and the study. Wordsworth's work has a background of sky and mountain, and his verse is blown through as by a breeze from hill-summits. There are passages in his poems in which nature speaks to us as intimately as she speaks in the rippling, running tinkling of the brooklet over its pebbly bed. To the artist who is truly in sympathy with her, Nature's voice is audible in the study or studio, as well as on the mountain or in the fields. The lyric which, like the sound of bells born from a distance, comes and goes in his brain during his secluded moments, is but the continuation of the song the wind sang to him when it rustled among the dry reeds on the river's marge; or was called into being by the gleam of blue sky, framed in between rain-beaten and glistening tree-tops, which caught his eye in his morning walk. And when he returns to the mountain and fields, he does not leave his art behind him as something which would there be out of place. On the contrary, the sonnet which rises involuntarily to his lips is as much a part of the landscape at which he gazes, as is the lustre of red sorrel that darkens the hillside to burnished copper, or as the tawny gold of withered leaves in a clump of autumnal beeches. Hence there are poems by Wordsworth of which it may be said that, to a sympathetic reader, suns seem to rise and set in the verses, stars to sparkle between the lines, and the scent of blossoming clover-fields to exhale from the pages. It is not Art but Nature which lends such magic to his lines. Viewed apart from their marvelous interpretation of the great Mother, many of them are cold and colourless, and lack the passion and the sensuous beauty which are characteristics of Rossetti's work. To pass from Wordsworth's "The Excursion" to Rossetti's "The House of Life," is like turning aside from the white sunlight and crystalline freshness of a spring morning into the seclusion of some temple of a bygone age. Outside the heart beats high and the blood ran swiftly under the exhilaration born of broad sky-spaces and windy meadows, but here there is no glad burst of morning sunlight to greet us, and the perfumed air, sweet almost to oppressiveness, hangs hot and heavy like a curtain. Is it within the precincts of a Catholic sanctuary we are standing? Shadow-shrouded aisles, sensuous music, and the serene splendour of jewelled panes:- surely these are the surroundings we associate with the emotional religion of the which, in taste and sympathy, he was so thoroughly at one. He had no wish to catch the public vote; and popular, in the sense of being read and appreciated by the multitude--which looks first at the sentiment, and secondly, and often indifferently, at the form in which that sentiment is expressed--his work will never be. It is too purely artistic to appeal to those who are incapable of appreciating a work of art on its artistic merits; and if one were to read a score of the "House of Life" sonnets to a popular entertainment audience, two-thirds of those present would consider the selection peculiarly and perplexingly dull, and would probably go away with the remark that they "had not been educated up to it," which, on the whole, would be a tolerably correct statement of the case. There is no "playing to the gods" in any single poem of Rossetti's. All that he does he does thoroughly. Some of his sonnets remind us of Oriental ivory work, in which every available inch and corner has been used for ornamental purposes, and in which, too, among the multiplicity of minor decorations, we find it difficult to distinguish the original design. They are finished now and then to faultiness, and would gain rather than lose were they a trifle harsher and ruder,--were they more evidently the outcome of impulse and more spontaneity, and less suggestive of the dexterity of the craftsman. That he must have taken infinite pains with them is certain, for they have been tuned and re-tuned to concert pitch. Every consonant has been considered in connection with the consonant which precedes or follows it, and each vowel has been calculated to a nicety. As musical compositions they are unique. There is fascination in the mere sound of them, independently of their meaning. And, indeed, all Rossetti's work is noticeable for its confluent volume of sound, and rhythmic splendour and sonority, but to attain this, he is occasionally guilty of making sense subservient to sound, as exemplified in the third line of the sonnet, "Through Death to Love" :-- "Like labour-laden moon-clouds faint to flee From winds that sweep the winter-bitten wold,-- Like multiform circumfluence manifold Of night's flood-tide," etc., in which, "like multiform circumfluence manifold" is apparently introduced, less on account of its description or imaginative significance, than for the sake of an unusual combination of alliterative sounds. But it was only rarely that Rossetti allowed his rapturous and exultant delight in sweet and sonorous measures to interfere with his otherwise analytical attention to perspicuity and logical relationships, for in his most passionate inspirations he was not too absorbed to cast an occasional sidelong glance at that standard of "fundamental brainwork" which he held to be the very first consideration of Art. CHAPTER III. The reasonableness of the complaints of those who take exception to Rossetti's work on the score of its "lusciousness," we, who admire his poetry most, may and must admit. But what we do not admit as reasonable are the strictures passed by the folk who complain that the sole aim of his work is to gratify the artistic perceptions and to charm the senses,--that he has nothing to teach them, and that they search in vain among his poems for religious or moral instruction. "Is this all?" they say with outstretched palms of protest, lugubrious countenances, and a general air of injured probity, not altogether unlike that of a cabman who has received sixpence over and above his legitimate fare-- "is this all, then, that Mr. Rossetti has to tell us?" Now, though no-one will deny that the influence of the highest art is, directed or indirectly, ethical, it is not for that reason the bounden duty of every artist to pose as a moralist. The folk who can call nothing good, unless it carry, dog-like, at its tail a tin-can of noisy and rattling morality, and the critics who--forgetting that the very over-weighting of individuality, genius, as we call it, which gives a man such power on one side and in one direction, necessitates, by natural and inevitable law, a corresponding under-balance on the other--cannot award their grudging meed of praise for honest work done, without complaining that something else has been left undone, are a thankless set. After Carlyle has devoted his life to labour little better than slavery, that he might write a "Frederick the Great," or a "French Revolution," and in so doing had injured his general health and digestion (and, consequently his temper), they fell to abusing him for his irritability in what is, after all, no affair of theirs in any way--his private and domestic life. And after Rosetti, one of the most original interpreters and creators of the beautiful, in two separate but kindred realms of art, since the days of Michel Angelo, had with infinite pain and spirit-travail (pain and travail with which, as he himself said, his "very life ebbed out") succeeded in producing some of the most exquisite poems in the language, as well as many unique pictures, they reproached him because they failed to find in his work the evidence of a purpose for which he never intended it-- the inculcation of moral or religious truth. That he was neither the discoverer of a new star in our philosophical heavens, nor the propounder of a theory for the ...the following article which the Editor's friend, Mr. Coulson Kernahan, has accorded us permission to reprint. The article appeared originally in the "Fortnightly Review," and has since been published, with the other critical articles in a volume dedicated to Mr. Kernaham's friend, the late Mr. Theodore Watts-Dunton, author of the romance, "Aylwin." Mr. Watts- Dunton, Swinburne, George Meredith, and Rosetti at one time lived together in the same house. Mr. Kernahan, to whom it was given by his friend, Mr. William Michael Rossetti. It is a portrait of Christina Rossetti, and from this sketch D. G. Rossetti ultimately evolved this portrait of the Virgin for the picture, "The Annunciation," now in the National Gallery. CHAPTER I. "I grudge Wordsworth every vote he gets," said Rossetti once to my old friend, Sir Hall Caine, and the remark is significant. Words- worth and Rossetti stand at opposite poles of poetic and personal individuality. The one is as distinctively the poet of the open air and the hillside, as the other is of the studio and the study. Wordsworth's work has a background of sky and mountain, and his poems in which nature speaks to us as intimately as she speaks in the rippling, running tinkling of the brooklet over its pebbly bed. To the artist who is truly in sympathy with her, Nature's voice is audible in the study or studio, as well as on the mountain or in the fields. The lyric which, like the sound of bells bourne from a distance, comes and goes in his brain during his secluded moments, is but the continuation of the song the wind sang to him when it rustled among the dry reeds on the river's marge; or was called into being by the gleam of blue sky, framed in between rain-beaten and glistening tree-tops, which caught his eye in this morning walk. And when he returns to the mountain and fields, he does not leave his art behind him as something which would there be out of place. On the contrary, the sonnet which rises involun- tarily to his lips is as much a part of the landscape at which he gazes, as in the lustre of red sorrel that darkens the hillside to burnished copper, or as the tawny gold of withered leaves in a clump of autumnal beeches. Hence there are poems by Words- worth of which it may be said that, to a sympathetic reader, suns seem to rise and set in the versus, stars to sparkle between the lines, and the scent of blossoming clover-fields to exhale from the pages. It is not Art but Nature which lends such magic to his lines. Viewed apart from their marvelous interpretation of the great Mother, many of them are cold and colour- less, and lack the passion and the sensuous beauty which are characteristics of Rossetti's work. To pass from Words- worth's "The Excursion" to Rossetti's "The House of Life," is like turn- ing aside from the white sunlight and crystalline freshness of a spring morn- ing into the seclusion of some temple of a bygone age. Outside the heart beats high and the blood ran swiftly under the exhilaration born of broad sky-spaces and windy meadows, but here there is no glad burst of morning sunlight to greet us, and the perfumed air, sweet almost to oppressiveness, hangs hot and heavy like a curtain. Is it within the precincts of a Catholic sanctuary we are standing? Shadow-shrouded aisles, sensuous music, and the serene splendour of jeweled panes;- surely these are the surroundings we associate with the emotional religion of the South! And yet something there is in the scene which reminds us less of the Christian cloister than of the pagan temple, more of the worship of Venus than of the Virgin; for through the clouds of wreathing incense, we see white arms outstretched wooingly towards us, above the billowy ebb and flow, the stormy rising and falling of whiter bosoms. And then the music dies away, the poem is ended, and, all drowsy- eyed and slumber-steeped, we waken to real life again, like men who have been rudely aroused from some drug-born but delicious dream of an Oriental paradise. That the super-sensuousness and Southern warmth of colouring, which are so frequent in Rossetti's work, should have caused readers, who imperfectly understand the passionate nature of the man and the symbolism that appealed so powerfully to his nature, to take exception to the voluptuousness of his language, is not surprising. But he held, and held strongly, that the non- sensuous can best be apprehended by means of an image dealing with the sensuous; and he would have contended that instead of sticking fast at the sensuous image, and seeing in it only "fleshliness" those who read his poetry aright, see through and beyond the sensuous image, to the nonsensuous which it typifies. And to Rossetti, whose whole nature was dominated b his artistic instincts, Art was in and of herself, and apart from every other consideration, pure, sacred, and inviolate; and he was shocked (the word is not too strong) to find that what in his eyes was but a faithfully-finished and harmonious work of art, was regarded by others as wanting in delicacy and in discretion. That his poems are always healthy, not even his most enthusiastic admirers, will insist. There are passages which are heavy with an overpowering sweetness as of many hyacinths. The atmosphere is like that of a hothouse, in which, amid all the odorous deliciousness, we gasp for a breath of outer air again. And in some of his work, self-consciousness is so painfully present as to remind us of the line in his sonnet, "Willow-wood" And pity of self through all made broken moan." CHAPTER II and popular, in the sense of being read and appreciated by the multitude - which looks first at the sentiment, and secondly, and often indifferently, at the form in which that sentiment is expressed -his work will never be. It is too purely artistic to appeal to those who are incapable of appreciating a work of art on its artistic merits; and if one were to read a score of the "House of Life" sonnets to a popular entertainment audience, two-thirds of those present wold consider the selection peculiarly and perplexingly dull, and would probably go away with the remark that they "has not been educated up to it." which, on the whole, would be a tolerably correct statement of the case. There is no "playing to the gods" in any single poem of Rossetti's. All that he does he does thoroughly. Some of his sonnets remind us of Oriental ivory work, in which every available inch and corner has been used for ornamental purposes, and in which, too, among the multiplicity of minor decorations, we find it difficult to distinguish the original design. They are finished now and then to faultiness, and would gain rather than lose were they a trifle harsher and ruder, - were they more evidently the outcome of impulse and spontaneity, and less suggestive of the dexterity of the craftsman. That he must have taken infinite pains with them is certain, for they have been tuned and re-tuned to concert pitch. Every consonant has been considered in connection with the consonant which precedes or follows it, and each vowel has been calculated to a nicety. As musical compositions they are unique. There is fascination in the mere sound of them, independently of their meaning. And, indeed, all Rossetti's work is noticeable for its confluent volume of sound, and rhythmic splendour and sonority, but to attain this, he is occasionally guilty of making sense subservient to sound, as exemplified in the third line of the sonnet, "Through Death to Love." "Like labour-laden moon-clouds faint to flee From winds that sweep the winter-bitten wold,- Like multiform circumfluence manifold Of night's flood-tide," etc., In which, "like multiform circumfluence manifold" is apparently introduced, less on account of its descriptive or imaginative significance, than for the sake of an unusual combination of alliterative sounds. But it was only rarely that Rossetti allowed his rapturous and exultant delight in sweet and sonorous measures to interfere with his otherwise analytical attention to perspicuity and logical relationship, for in his most passionate inspirations he was not too absorbed to cast an occasional sidelong glance at that standard of "fundamental brainwork" which he held to be the very first consideration of Art. CHAPTER III. The reasonablness of the complaints of those who take exception to Rossett's work on the score of its "lusciousness," we, who admire his poetry most, may and must admit. But what we do not admit as reasonable are the strictures passed by the folk who complain that the sole aim of his work is to gratify the artistic perceptions and to charm the senses, -that he has nothing to teach them, and that they search in vain among his poems for religious or moral instruction. "Is this all?" they say with outstretched palms of protest, lugubrious countenances, and a general air of injured probity, not altogether unlike that of a cabman who has received sixpence over and above his legitimate fare - "is this all, then, that Mr. Rossetti has to tell us?" Now, though no-one will deny that the influence of the highest art is directly or indirectly, ethical, it is not for that reason the bounden duty of every artist to pose as a moralist. The folk who can call nothing good, unless it carry, dog-like, at its tail a tin-can of noisy and rattling morality, and the critics who - forgetting that the very over-weighting of individuality, genius, as well call it, which gives a man such power on one side and in one direction, necessitates, by natural and inevitable law, a corresponding under-balance on the other - cannot award their grudging need of praise for hones work done, without complaining that something else has been left undone, are a thankless set. After Carlyle had devoted his life to labour little better than slavery, that he might write a "Frederick the Great," or a "French Revolution," and in so doing had injured his general health and digestion (and consequently his temper), they fell to abusing him for his irritability in what is, after all, no affair of theirs in any way - his private and domestic life. And after Rossetti, one of the most original interpreters and creators of the beautiful in two separate but kindred realms of art, since the days of Michel Angelo, had with infinite pain and spirit-travail (pain and travail with which, as he himself aid, his "very life ebbed out" succeeded in producing some of the most exquisite poems in the language, as well as many unique pictures, they reproached him because they failed to find in his work the evidence of a purpose for which he never intended it - the inculcation of moral or religious truth. That he was neither the discoverer of a new start in our philosophical heavens, nor the propounder of a theory for the social or moral amelioration of the race, is undeniable, for to be either the one or the other was never at any time his aim. He was a man of meditative rather than of speculative order of mind, somewhat narrow in tastes and sympathies, and far too absorbed in the contemplation of his own many-hued moods and emotions to trouble himself much about those of his fellow-creatures who had no part to play in the all important role of ministering to his overmastering and exquisitely-developed sense of beauty. Art was his supreme mistress, and he served her long and faithfully. It was as an artist only that he claimed to be judged; and whether we approve or regret his choice, we have no right to demand that any man of genius, be he preacher, painter, or poet, shall be all things to all men. On the contrary, we must accept with gladness the good things he gives us, and seek elsewhere for the spiritual or intellectual gifts which he cannot and does not pretend to bestow. Chapter I. "I grudge Wordsworth every vote he gets," said Rossetti once to my old friend, Sir Hall Caine, and the remark is significant. Wordsworth and Rossetti stand at opposite poles of poetic and personal individuality. The one is as distinctively the poet of the open air and the hillside, as the other is of the studio and the study. Wordsworth's work has a background of sky and mountain, and his verse is blown through as by a breeze from hill-summits. There are passages in his poems in which nature speaks to us as intimately as she speaks in the rippling running tinkling of the brooklet over its pebbly bed. To the artist who is truly in sympathy with her, Nature's voice is audible in the study or studio, as well as on the mountain or in the fields. The lyric which, like the sound of bells borne from a distance, comes and goes in his brain during his secluded moments, is but the continuation of the song the wind sang to him when it rustled among the dry reeds on the river's marge ; or was called into being by the gleam of blue sky, framed in between rain-beaten and glistening tree-tops, which caught his eye in the morning walk. And when he returns to the mountain and fields, he does not leave his art behind him as something which would there be out of place. On the contrary, the sonnet which rises involuntarily to his lips is as much a part of the landscape at which he gazes, as is the lustre of red sorrel that darkens the hillside to burnished copper, or as the tawny gold of withered leaves in a clump of autumnal beeches. Hence there are poems by Wordsworth of which it may be said that, to a sympathetic reader, suns seem to rise and set in the verses, stars to sparkle between the lines, and the scent of blossoming clover-fields to exhale from the pages. It is not Art but Nature which lends such magic to his lines. Viewed apart from their marvellous interpretation of the great Mother, many of them are cold and colourless, and lack the passion of the sensuous beauty which are characteristics of Rossetti's work. To pass from Wordsworth's "The Excursion" to Rossetti's "The House of Life," is like turning aside from the white sunlight and crystalline freshness of a spring morning into the seclusion of some temple of a bygone age. Outside the heart beats high and the blood ran swiftly under the exhilaration born of broad sky-spaces and windy meadows, but here there is no glad burst of morning sunlight to greet us, and the perfumed air, sweet almost to oppressiveness, hangs hot and heavy like a curtain. Is it within the precincts of a Catholic sanctuary we are standing? Shadow-shrouded aisles, sensuous music, and the serene splendour of jewelled panes:- surely these are the surroundings we associate with the emotional religion of the South ! And yet something there is in the scene which reminds us less of the Christian cloister than of the pagan temple, more of the worship of Venus than of the Virgin; for, through the clouds of wreathing incense, we see white arms outstretched wooingly towards us, above the billowy ebb and flow, the stormy rising and falling of whiter bosoms. And then the music dies away, the poem is ended, and, all drowsy-eyed and slumber-steeped, we waken to real life again, like men who have been rudely aroused from some drug-born but delicious dream of an Oriental paradise. That super-sensuousness and Southern warmth of colouring, which are so frequent in Rossetti's work, should have caused readers, who imperfectly understand the passionate nature of the man and the symbolism that appealed so powerfully to his nature, to take exception to the voluptuousness of his language, is not surprising. But he held, and held strongly, that the non-sensuous can be best apprehended by means of an image dealing with the sensuous ; and he would have contended that--instead of sticking fast at the sensuous image, and seeing in it only "fleshliness"--those who read his poetry aright, see through and beyond the sensuous image to the non-sensuous which it typifies. And to Rossetti, whose whole nature was dominated by his artistic instincts, Art was in and of herself, and apart from every other consideration, pure, sacred, and inviolate ; and Lo was shocked (the word is not too strong) to find that what in his eyes was but a faithfully-finished and harmonious work of art, was regarded by others as wanting in delicacy and in discretion. That his poems are always healthy, not even his most enthusiastic admirers will insist. There are passages which are heavy with overpowering sweetness as of many hyacinths. The atmosphere is like that of a hothouse, in which, amid all the odorous deliciousness, we gasp for breath of outer air again. And in some of his work, self-consciousness is so painfully present as to remind us of the line in his sonnet, "Willow-wood"-"And pity of self through all made broken moan." Chapter II. We live in now-a-days at so rapid a pace, that many people regard their occasional dips into Literature and into Art in the same way they regard a meal snatched hastily during the "five-minutes' wait" on a long journey, when each traveller looks out--not for the fare which is best worth having, but for that which can be quickly disposed of, and with the least expenditure of personal trouble. As a consequence, not a few commercially-minded craftsmen have come to consider "marketability" before merit, aiming, tradesmen-like, at effect instead of thoroughness, at popularity instead of at perfection. Nor do they forget, when laying out their goods to advantage, to cast certain sidelong glances upon the folk for whom these goods are intended, in order that their literary or artistic "show counter" may not be wanting in the articles likely to please that whimsical, novelty-loving, but promptly-paying customer, the public. Not thus did Rossetti accommodate himself to the requirements of the times. He was "in" the nineteenth century but no "of" it : and his presence among us in these latter days was in many respects an anachronism. He was the posthumous son of an age long since passed away- a literary and artistic Rip Van Winkle, who was for ever harking back with the tenderest reminiscences to that vanished Mediævalism with wold,-- Like multiform circumfluence manifold Of night's flood-tide," etc., in which, "like multiform circumfluence manifold" is apparently introduced, less on account of its descriptive or imaginative significance, than for the sake of an unusual combination of alliterative sounds. But it was only rarely that Rossetti allowed his rapturous and exultant delight in sweet and sonorous measures to interfere with his otherwise analytical attention to perspicuity and logical relationship; for in his most passionate inspirations he was not too absorbed to cast an occasional sidelong glance at that standard of "fundamental brainwork" which he held to be the very first consideration of Art. Chapter III The reasonableness of the complaints of those who take exception to Rossetti's work on the score of its "lusciousness," we, who admire his poetry most, may and must admit. But what do we not admit as reasonable are the strictures passed by the folk who complain that the sole aim of his work is to gratify the artistic perceptions and to charm the senses,--that he has nothing to teach them, and that they search in vain among his poems for religious or moral instruction. "Is this all?" they say with outstretched palms of protest, lugubrious countenances, and a general air of injured probity, not altogether unlike that of a cabman who has received sixpence over and above his legitimate fare--"is this all, then, that Mr. Rossetti has to tell us?" Now, though no-one will deny that the influence of the highest art is, directly or indirectly, ethical, it is not for that reason the bounden duty of every artist to pose as a moralist. The folk who can call nothing good, unless it carry, dog-like, at its tail a tin-can of noisy and rattling morality, and the critics, who--forgetting that the very over-weighting of individuality, genius, as we call it, which gives a man such power on one side and in one direction, necessitates, by natural and inevitable law, a corresponding under-balance on the other--cannot award their grudging meed of praise for honest work done, without complaining that something else has been left undone, are a thankless set. After Carlyle had devoted his life labour little better than slavery, that he might write a "Frederick the Great," or a "French Revolution," and in so doing had injured his general health and digestion (and, consequently his temper), they fell to abusing him for his irritability in what is, after all, no affair of theirs in any way--his private and domestic life. And after Rossetti, one of the most original interpreters and creators of the beautiful, in two separate but kindred realms of art, since the days of Michel Angelo, had with infinite pain and spirit-travail (pain and travail with which, as he himself said, his "very life ebbed out") succeeded in producing some of the most exquisite poems in the language, as well as many unique pictures, they reproached him because they failed to find in his work the evidence of a purpose for which he never intended it-- the inculcation of moral or religious truth. That he was neither the discoverer of a new star in our philosophical heavens, nor the propounder of a theory for the social or moral amelioration of the race, is undeniable, for to be either the one or the other was never at any time his aim. He was a man of meditative rather than of speculative order of mind, somewhat narrow in tastes and sympathies, and far too absorbed in the contemplation of his own many-hued moods and emotions to trouble himself much about those of his fellow-creatures who had no part to play in the all-important rôle of ministering to his overmastering and exquisitely-developed sense of beauty. Art was his supreme mistress, and he served her long and faithfully. It was as an artist only that he claimed to be judged; and whether we approve or regret his choice, we have no right to demand that any man of genius, be he preacher, painter, or poet, shall be all things to all men. On the contrary, we must accept with gladness the good things he gives us, and seek elsewhere for the spiritual or intellectual gifts which he cannot and does not pretend to bestow. Rossetti Memorial This lamp, which was specially designed by Edward Spencer, and was made by the Artificers' Guide, Ltd., forms part of the Rossetti Memorial, which is to be dedicated at a special service at St. Clement's to-day (Saturday) at 5:30 p.m., being the centenary of Dante Gabriel Rossetti's birth. The following inscription is worked on the rim : "Dante Gabriel Rossetti married Elizabeth Eleanor Siddal here, May 23rd, 1860." The Rev. H. C. B. Foyster and Mr. Arthur Foord Hughes will take part. The Hastings Oriana Singers, under the direction of Mr. Reginald Groves, will sing the musical parts of the service, assisted by the church choir.ST. LEONARDS OBSERVER, SATURDAY, M Why should not the Championships be played here? It remains for the Corporation to make the best of this asset. So far as the actual bowling and the tournament are concerned the best thing to do is to leave to the clubs and the Tournament Committee and officials, giving them as much encouragement and assistance as possible. But there are ways in which the Corporation can help, one of which I have already mentioned, viz., by seeing that the refreshments are well done. Also tell the world about it. Well advertised and with good catering the balconies in front of the new pavilion should become a favourite rendezvous for many residents and visitors who are not bowlers as well as those who are. Another thing the Corporation might do is to extend a hearty invitation to the English Bowling Association to play the championships here say in 1929 or 1930; this year has already been fixed. These championships occupy a week and attract a large number of visitors. Last year they were played at Brighton, where the accommodation cannot be compared with that at White Rock. The invitation should be sent off as soon as possible, because these important fixtures are made a long time in advance. The Orchestra on the Wireless. All “listeners-in” will agree that the orchestral performances at the White Rock Pavilion last Saturday “came over” wonderfully well, and that it was one of the best performances heard by wireless for a long time. I received the appended message from the Rev. C. A. Sturgess- Jones, Garboldisham Rectory, Diss, Norfolk, on Monday :—"So very enjoyable to be in touch with Hastings again on Saturday night by means of the wireless and listening to that delightful concert at the White Rock Pavilion. We were so sorry we could not express our appreciation down the loud speaker !" Local Artist's Successes. I believe there is a feeling amongst certain artists that to seek publicity for their successes is not quite the right thing to do, but having learnt of a recent addition to the successes of a local artist I venture to mention it even at the risk of incurring his displeasure. I refer to Mr. Leslie Badham, R.B.A. This well-known artist is represented at the Royal Academy of Arts by a picture entitled "A Sussex Village,” and this is the 21st picture that he has had hung on the walls of this institution. It was purchased on the private view day. On the private view day of the Royal Society of British Artists' Exhibition, of which Society he is a member, his work entitled ‘‘The Storm" was purchased by the Towner Art Gallery, Eastbourne. This is the second picture he has had bought for this Gallery, the previous one, a Hastings subject, is entitled "St. Clement's Vicarage, Hastings," and was exhibited by special invitation at the Hastings Museum, 1923-1029 ; by special invitation at the Derby Corporation Art Gallery in 1924, in the Royal Academy, 1925, and in the Paris Salon, 1926. One of his students, Miss Gertrude Ely, has a picture in the Royal Academy which was painted at the Municipal School of Art, Hastings. Mr. Badham has had the honour of being elected a Fellow of the Royal Society o! Arts by invitation of the Committee. The Railway Service.—Mr. E liott Replies to “ Vigilant.” In my notes last week dealing with the address to the Borough Association by Mr. J. B. Elliott, the Advertising Director of the Southern Railway, I said he is no doubt, a good man at his job, and, after carefully reading a letter I have just received from him, I am not inclined to change my opinion. He knows how to “put it over’ for the Company he represents. As I believe in allowing everybody a fair hearing I give his letter without comment, except that I must point out that I have never said or implied that ‘‘ the Company takes no steps to keep its rolling stock clean.” I have said there are many complaints of the dirty state of the carriages on the London to Hastings service, and I may add that the complaints are made of the carriages before as well as after they pass through the tunnels. By the way, Mr. Elliott might read, and perhaps do something to mitigate the grievance referred to in a letter in this issue under the heading, "The Sunday Southern." Here is his own letter:-- DEAR SIR, -- I hope you will allow me space in which to comment on the remarks under the heading of "Flotsam and Jetsam" in this week’s issue of the ‘“ Hastings and St. Leonards Observer " concerning my recent address to the Hastings Borough Association. During the course of my remarks I suggested it was bad policy for a holiday resort publicly and constantly to decry its railway service, particularly with statements which are not in accordance with the facts, for the reason that such statements give the public the idea that the resort is difficult to reach, or has no fast trains. Nothing could be worse for a seaside town-- especially if it is untrue. A glance at the A.B.C. will show that in the matter of frequency of service, Hastings is well up to the average for seaside resorts. The fact that the journey time is long for the distance is solely due to the hilly and circuitous nature of the route, factors which always operate against a fast train service. The present management of the Southern Railway did not build the line to Hastings, they simply have to work it as best they can with all its disadvantages. The difficulty of the tunnels on the route between London and Hastings is, as your correspondent says, well-known, but he does not seem to realise the extent to which it is the dominating factor. He says, for instance, that ‘‘ the tunnels are not responsible for the dirty state of the carriages.” Most people know that rolling stock which is constantly travelling through smoky tunnels (such as the Hastings stock) is invariably harder to keep clean than when it performs long runs in the open. The Southern Railway spends over a quarter of a million pounds a year on carriage cleaning, and while I do not suggest that there are never grounds for complaint, it is not true to imply that the Company takes no steps to keep its rolling stock clean. With regard to the rolling stock itself, it is well-known that the tunnels on the Hastings line do not allow of the standard corridor stock being run with safety, but as was stated recently to a deputation from Hastings, headed by the Mayor, the Company is building special out-of-guage corridor stock for the Hastings service. The position with regard to the station is that before work can be started, the Locomotive Depot must be moved, and, as Mr. Cox, Chief Operating Superintendent, told the recent Hastings deputation, the Company is in negotiation concerning this. Mention is also made of unpunctuality. During the past six months the time-keeping admittedly has not been up to the mark, but this has been due to the work being undertaken on the permanent way between London, Tonbridge and Ashford. When this is completed the speed restrictions with are now in force in various places will be removed. The punctuality record of the Southern Railway during the past two years is one of which no Railway Company need be ashamed. The figures have been published before, but I may be forgiven perhaps for giving one or two again. In December, 1927, always a difficult month because of the Christmas holiday and school traffic, the figures for the whole system were :—No. of steam trains run, 70,740 ; average arrival, 3.33 mins. late. Your readers will doubtless remember that this month was made memorable by extraordinary floods, snow storms and frosts. The most recent figures, those for March, 1928, are :—Whole system : No. of steam trains run, 105,258 ; average arrival, 1.56 mins. late. Finally, the old statement is reiterated that there is some mystery behind the Company's attitude to Hastings, and that it needlessly refuses facilities to Hastings that it gives to other towns. The factors that have always made the Hastings railway service a difficult one to operate are still present to-day, and I can only re-state what I know to be| true—that the Southern Railway Company endeavours to give to each resort the best possible service, no easy task, since there are frequently conflicting interests of various towns served by the same route. — Yours faithfully, J. B. ELLIOT, Assistant to General Manager (Public Relations and Advertising), Southern Railway. The Golden Penny.—Bexhill sets Hastings an Example. The Order of the Golden Penny is moving forward at Bexhill, where it was inaugurated by Mr. A. V. Parsons. The latest development is the adoption of the ward system for distribution of boxes and collections. There are five wards in Bexhill and a meeting was held to see how these could be covered. At the meeting four of the wards were taken up and I understand that the fifth has since been alloted. In some cases a ward has beenwith that at White Rock. The invitation should be sent off as soon as possible, because these important fixtures are made a long time in advance. The Orchestra on the Wireless. All “ Listeners-in ” will agree that the orchestral performances at the White Rock Pavilion last Saturday “came over” wonderfully well, and that it was one of the best performances heard by wireless for a long time. I received the appended message from the Rev. C. A. Sturgess Jones, Garboldisham Rectory, Diss, Nor- folk, on Monday :—"So very enjoyable to be in touch with Hastings again on Saturday night by means of the wireless and listening to that delightful concert at the White Rock Pavilion. We were so sorry we could not express our appreciation down the loud speaker!" Local Artist's Successes. I believe there is a feeling amongst certain artists that to seek publicity for their successes is not quite the right thing to do, but having learnt of a recent addition to the successes of a local artist I venture to mention it even at the risk of incurring his displeasure. I refer to Mr. Leslie Badham, R.B.A. This well-known artist is represented at the Royal Academy of Arts by a picture entitled "A Sussex Village,” and this is the 21st picture that he has had hung on the walls of this institution. It was purchased on the private view day. On the private view day of the Royal Society of British Artists' Exhibition, of which Society he is a member, his work entitled ‘‘The Storm" was purchased by the Towner Art Gallery, Eastbourne. This is the second picture he has had bought for this Gallery, the previous one, a Hastings subject, is entitled "St. Clement's Vicarage, Hastings," and was exhibited by special invitation at the Hastings Museum, 1923-1029; by special invitation at the Derby Corporation Art Gallery in 1924, in the Royal Academy, 1925, and in the Paris Salon, 1926. One of his students, Miss Gertrude Ely, has a picture in the Royal Academy which was painted at the Municipal School of Art, Hastings. Mr. Badham has had the honour of being elected a Fellow of the Royal Society o! Arts by invitation of the Committee. The Railway Service.—Mr. Eliott Replies to “ Vigilant.” In my notes last week dealing with the address to the Borough Association by Mr. J. B. Elliott, the Advertising Director of the Southern Railway, I said he is no doubt, a good man at his job, and, alter carefully reading a letter I have just received from him, I am not inclined to change my opinion. He knows how to “put it over’ for the Company he represents. As I believe in allowing everybody a fair hearing I give his letter without comment, except that I must point out that I have never said or implied that ‘‘ the Company takes no steps to keep its rolling stock clean.” I have said there are many complaints of the dirty state of the carriages on the London to Hastings service, and I may add that the complaints are made of the carriages before as well as after they pass through the tunnels. By the way, Mr. Elliott might read, and perhaps do something to mitigate the grievance referred to in a letter in this issue under the heading, "The Sunday Southern." Here is his own letter: - DEAR SIR, - I hope you will allow me space in which to comment on the remarks under In thins County 6,000,000 Gas Cookers and Grillers Testify to the Economy and Efficiency of GAS for COOKING and HEATING The superiority of Gas for Domestic Cooking and Heating is so well established on the grounds of Efficiency and Economy, that the use of Gas for these purposes is greater than all other methods put together. We cordially invite seem to realise the extent to which it is the dominating factor. He says, for instance, that ‘‘ the tunnels are not responsible for the dirty state of the carriages.” Most people know that rolling stock which is constantly travelling through smoky tunnels (such as the Hastings stock) is invariably harder to keep clean than when it performs long rans in the open. The Southern Railway spends over a quarter of a million pounds a year on carriage cleaning, and while I do not suggest that there are never grounds for complaint, it is not true to imply that the Company takes no steps to keep its rolling stock clean. With regard to the rolling stock itself, it is well-known that the tunnels on the Hastings line do not allow of the standard corridor stock being run with safety but as was stated recently to a deputation from Hastings, headed by the Mayor, the Company is building special out-of -guage corridor stock for the Hastings service. The position with regard to the station is that before work can be started, the Loco- motive Depot must be moved, and, as Mr. Cox, Chief Operating Superintendent, told the recent Hastings deputation, the Company is in negotiation concerning this. Mention is also made of unpunctuality. During the past six months the time-keeping admittedly has not been up to the mark, but this has been due to the work being undertaken on the permanent way between London, Tonbridge and Ashford. When this is completed the speed restrictions with are now in force in various places will be removed. The punctuality record of the Southern Railway during the past two years is one of which no Railway Company need be ashamed. The figures have been published before, but I may be forgiven perhaps for giving one or two again. In December, 1927, always a difficult month because of the Christmas holiday and school traffic, the figures for the whole system were:—No. of steam trains run, 70,740; average arrival, 3.33 mins. late. Your readers will doubtless remember that this month was made memorable by extraordinary floods, snow storms and frosts. The most recent figures, those for March, 1928, are :—Whole system: No. of steam trains run, 105,258; average arrival, 1.56 mins. late. Finally, the old statement is reiterated that there is some! mystery behind the Company's attitude to Hastings, and that it needlessly refuses facilities to Hastings that it gives to other towns, The factors that have always made the Hastings railway service a difficult one to operate are still present to-day, and I can only re-state what I know to be| true—that the Southern Railway Company endeavours to give to each resort the best possible service, no easy task, since there are frequently conflicting interests of various towns served by the same route. — Yours faithfully, J. B. ELLIOT, Assistant to General Manager (Public Relations and Advertising), Southern Railway. The Golden Penny.—Bexhill sets Hastings an Example. The Order of the Golden Penny is moving forward at Bexhill, where it was inaugurated by Mr. A. V. Parsons. The latest development is the adoption of the ward system for distribution of boxes and collections. There are five wards in Bexhill and a meeting was held to see how these could be covered. At the meeting four of the wards were taken up and understand that the fifth has since been alloted. In some cases a ward has been taken by a local organisation, such as Rotary, and each of these organisations makes itself responsible for the whole ward. It will have its own committee, with its own chairman, and will carry on the whole of the work of distribution of boxes and collection in that particular ward. This is the way Canterbury set to work, and it is the way Hastings will have to proceed when it starts the scheme in this town, There is work enough for all local organisations that would Like to take part in it. One hopes that when the Mayor calls his promised meeting, and the scheme is set on foot, there will be plenty of organisations and individuals ready to volunteer to carry out the details as is being done at Canterbury, Bexhill and other places. Long Speeches and Philosophy. Another correspondent has "broken into song" on the Mayor’s warning against long speeches. She sends me the following:—" Our worthy Mayor objects to gas-bags; perhaps a little mild philosophy may help him to bear the ills of office" -— We'd gaily scrap a lot of folk, And gladly go without them; We think they are superfluous, And we could do without ‘em. The catty ones all on the pounce For all our faults and failings Who poke a scratchy paw right in, Inside our sacred railings. Suspicious ones who smell a rat and ever scent evasion, And contradict us hard and flat On every occasion. Grim ones who cannot see a joke Unless it's on a table, Surrounded by the "why" and "how," And labelled with a label. Grousers who wish the world was flat Because God made it round, And fail to see the goodly things That all around abound. The dominating “ don’ter," and The blamer, and the preacher Who cannot see but what is wrong In any fellow creature, And does the heavy parson stunt While we sit in the pew, Where he administers to us A bitter end to chew. How mustard-pots and pepper-pots Are boons beyond all question , And vinegar though sour to taste An aid is to digestion. Without them would our viands pall,Local Artist's Successes. I believe there is a feeling amongst certain artists that to seek publicity for their successes is not quite the right thing to do, but having learnt of a recent addition to the successes of a local artist I venture to mention it even at the risk of incurring his displeasure. I refer to Mr. Leslie Badham, R.B.A. This well-known artist is represented at the Royal Academy of Arts by a picture entitled "A Sussex Village,” and this is the 21st picture that he has had hung on the walls of this institution. It was purchased on the private view day. On the private view day of the Royal Society of British Artists' Exhibition, of which Society he is a member, his work entitled ‘‘The Storm" was purchased by the Towner Art Gallery, Eastbourne. This is the second picture he has had bought for this Gallery, the previous one, a Hastings subject, is entitled "St. Clement's Vicarage, Hastings," and was exhibited by special invitation at the Hastings Museum, 1923-1029; by special invitation at the Derby Corporation Art Gallery in 1924, in the Royal Academy, 1925, and in the Paris Salon, 1926. One of his students, Miss Gertrude Ely, has a picture in the Royal Academy which was painted at the Municipal School of Art, Hastings. Mr. Badham has had the honour of being elected a Fellow of the Royal Society o! Arts by invitation of the Committee. The Railway Service.—Mr. Eliott Replies to “ Vigilant.” In my notes last week dealing with the address to the Borough Association by Mr. J. B. Elliott, the Advertising Director of the Southern Railway, I said he is no doubt, a good man at his job, and, alter carefully reading a letter I have just received from him, I am not inclined to change my opinion. He knows how to “put it over’ for the Company he represents. As I believe in allowing everybody a fair hearing I give his letter without comment, except that I must point out that I have never said or implied that ‘‘ the Company takes no steps to keep its rolling stock clean.” I have said there are many complaints of the dirty state of the carriages on the London to Hastings service, and I may add that the complaints are made of the carriages before as well as after they pass through the tunnels. By the way, Mr. Elliott might read, and perhaps do something to mitigate the grievance referred to in a letter in this issue under the heading, "The Sunday Southern." Here is his own letter: - DEAR SIR, - I hope you will allow me space in which to comment on the remarks under In thins County 6,000,000 Gas Cookers and Grillers Testify to the Economy and Efficiency of GAS for COOKING and HEATING The superiority of Gas for Domestic Cooking and Heating is so well established on the grounds of Efficiency and Economy, that the use of Gas for these purposes is greater than all other methods put together. We cordially invite your enquiries on all matters pertaining to the use of Gas. Our Experts will be pleased to attend and give advice free. seem to realise the extent to which it is the dominating factor. He says, for instance, that ‘‘ the tunnels are not responsible for the dirty state of the carriages.” Most people know that rolling stock which is constantly travelling through smoky tunnels (such as the Hastings stock) is invariably harder to keep clean than when it performs long rans in the open. The Southern Railway spends over a quarter of a million pounds a year on carriage cleaning, and while I do not suggest that there are never grounds for complaint, it is not true to imply that the Company takes no steps to keep its rolling stock clean. With regard to the rolling stock itself, it is well-known that the tunnels on the Hastings line do not allow of the standard corridor stock being run with safety but as was stated recently to a deputation from Hastings, headed by the Mayor, the Company is building special out-of -guage corridor stock for the Hastings service. The position with regard to the station is that before work can be started, the Locomotive Depot must be moved, and, as Mr. Cox, Chief Operating Superintendent, told the recent Hastings deputation, the Company is in negotiation concerning this. Mention is also made of unpunctuality. During the past six months the time-keeping admittedly has not been up to the mark, but this has been due to the work being undertaken on the permanent way between London, Tonbridge and Ashford. When this is completed the speed restrictions with are now in force in various places will be removed. The punctuality record of the Southern Railway during the past two years is one of which no Railway Company need be ashamed. The figures have been published before, but I may be forgiven perhaps for giving one or two again. In December, 1927, always a difficult month because of the Christmas holiday and school traffic, the figures for the whole system were:—No. of steam trains run, 70,740; average arrival, 3.33 mins. late. Your readers will doubtless remember that this month was made memorable by extraordinary floods, snow storms and frosts. The most recent figures, those for March, 1928, are :—Whole system: No. of steam trains run, 105,258; average arrival, 1.56 mins. late. Finally, the old statement is reiterated that there is some! mystery behind the Company's attitude to Hastings, and that it needlessly refuses facilities to Hastings that it gives to other towns, The factors that have always made the Hastings railway service a difficult one to operate are still present to-day, and I can only re-state what I know to be true—that the Southern Railway Company endeavours to give to each resort the best possible services, no easy task, since there are frequently conflicting interests of various towns served by the same route. — Yours faithfully, J. B. ELLIOT, Assistant to General Manager (Public Relations and Advertising), Southern Railway. The Golden Penny.—Bexhill sets Hastings an Example. The Order of the Golden Penny is moving forward at Bexhill, where it was inaugurated by Mr. A. V. Parsons. The latest development is the adoption of the ward system for distribution of boxes and collections. There are five wards in Bexhill and a meeting was held to see how these could be covered. At the meeting four of the wards were taken up and understand that the fifth has since been alloted. In some cases a ward has been taken by a local organisation, such as Rotary, and each of these organisations makes itself responsible for the whole ward. It will have its own committee, with its own chairman, and will carry on the whole of the work of distribution al boxes and collection in that particular ward. This is the way Canterbury set to work, and it is the way Hastings will have to proceed when it starts the scheme in this town, There is work enough for all local organisations that would Like to take part in it. One hopes that when the Mayor calls his promised meeting, and the scheme is set on foot, there will be plenty of organisations and individuals ready to volunteer to carry out the details as is being done at Canterbury, Bexhill and other places. Long Speeches and Philosophy. Another correspondent has "broken into song" on the Mayor’s warning against long speeches. She sends me the following:— " Our worthy Mayor objects to gas-bags; perhaps a little mild philosophy may help him to bear the ills of office" -— We'd gaily scrap a lot of folk, And gladly go without them; We think they are superfluous, And we could do without ‘em. The catty ones all on the pounce For all our faults and failings Who poke a scratchy paw right in, Inside our sacred railings. Suspicious ones who smell a rat and ever scent evasion, And contradict us hard and flat On every occasion. Grim ones who cannot see a joke Unless it's on a table, Surrounded by the "why" and "how," And labelled with a label. Grousers who wish the world was flat Because God made it round, And fail to see the goodly things That all around abound. The dominating “ don’ter," and The blamer, and the preacher Who cannot see but what is wrong In any fellow creature, And does the heavy parson stunt While we sit in the pew, Where he administers to us A bitter end to chew. How mustard-pots and pepper-pots Are boons beyond all question , And vinegar though sour to taste An aid is to digestion. Without them would our viands pall, And lose much of their savour; And so those human condiments Give zest to life, and flavour. The great thing is to be one's self, The gas-bag-let him gas, And if one is a donkey born,[*With Sedley Taylor's compliments*] THE PARTICIPATION OF LABOUR IN THE PROFITS OF ENTERPRISE. PAPER READ BEFORE THE SOCIETY OF ARTS ON WEDNESDAY, FEB. 16, 1881, BY SEDLEY TAYLOR, M.A., Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, TOGETHER WITH REPORT OF THE DISCUSSION AT THE ABOVE MEETING AND AT THE ADJOURNED MEETING ON FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1881. Reprinted from the "Journal of the Society of Arts." LONDON: PRINTED BY W. TROUNCE 10, GOUGH-SQUARE, FLEET-STREET, E.C. 1881.THE PARTICIPATION OF LABOUR IN THE PROFITS OF ENTERPRISE. PAPER READ BEFORE THE SOCIETY OF ARTS ON WEDNESDAY, FEB. 16, 1881, BY SEDLEY TAYLOR, M.A., Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, TOGETHER WITH REPORT OF THE DISCUSSION AT THE ABOVE MEETING AND AT THE ADJOURNED MEETING ON FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1881. Reprinted from the "Journal of the Society of Arts." LONDON: PRINTED BY W. TROUNCE 10, GOUGH-SQUARE, FLEET-STREET, E.C. 1881.THE PARTICIPATION OF LABOUR IN THE PROFITS OF ENTERPRISE. PAPER READ BEFORE THE SOCIETY OF ARTS ON WEDNESDAY, FEB. 16, 1881, BY SEDLEY TAYLOR, M.A., Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, I ask attention this evening to a particular method of remunerating labour, which has for some time been practised in a large number of important industrial and commercial establishments, situated for the most part in France, Switzerland, and Germany. If any justification is needed for bringing this subject before the Society of Arts, I find it in the following considerations :- The relations between employers and employed, under the system of payment by fixed wages only, are admitted on all hands to be unsatisfactory. They involve a chronic antagonism, breaking out periodically into internecine conflicts, which leave few tangible results behind them, save extreme mutual exasperation. One is reminded of the old school- game of French and English, where a great expenditure of force in tugging at the opposite ends of a rope has for chief result a marked rise of temperature, where in fact, as in an ill-constructed machine, energy is converted mainly into heat. The evil of a permanent antagonism between men engaged in one and the same branch of production or distribution, has induced a number of employers to try whether, by modifying the established method of remuneration by wages only, they could bring about a better state of things. The bulk of these experiments have been made on the Continent, and, though not without examples of failure, they present, on the whole, a very decided and very encouraging success. This being so, the close connexion which links together the industries of neighbouring countries makes it incumbent on English employers to bestow vigilant attention on a matter of such importance as a considerable continental movement towards a reform in the mode of remunerating labour. While, however, I feel that the nature of my subject is its own best justification, I am perfectly aware that one who, like myself, is no employer of labour, and, consequently, has no profits to divide, may, when he urges such division upon those who have, be damagingly compared to a certain hearer of a charity sermon, who, according to Sidney Smith, found his generous emotions so stirred by the eloquence of the preacher, that he put his hands into his neighbour's pockets, and was thus enabled to place a most liberal contribution in the plate. In order to avoid the point of this dangerous comparison, I shall, without professing an impartiality which I do not feel, endeavour, as far as possible, to set out the facts on which I rely, in the statements, often in the actual words, of employers describing the results of experiments which they have themselves made. By placing before you their statements in the most authentic and least warped form at my command, I hope in some measure to make up for my own lack of business knowledge and business experience. The mode of remunerating labour which is now to engage our attention consists in assigning to the employed, over and above their wages paid at the ordinary market rate, a part of the net profits realized by the concern for which they work. The system is known in France as "la participation aux benefices," i.e., participation in profits. I shall, for shortness's sake, designate it in this paper simply as "participation." The economic basis on which the method rests may be thus stated :- The profits realized by an industrial establishment must largely depend on the degree of vigour and vigilance with which the hands in its employ perform their work. Economy 2 of time, and avoidance of needless consumption of raw materials and destruction of tools and machinery, will lead to higher profits than can accrue where dawdling, waste of materials, and recklessness in handling implements and gear are the order of the day. Now, the established practice of the workshop shows that, under the system of payment by wages alone, it is not expected that this zealously active type of work will be given voluntarily. Watchers and overlookers are placed there, in order to extort, by the fear of dismissal, whatever quantity and quality of work is obtainable by an appeal to such feelings. Work thus reluctantly yielded will, manifestly, be inferior at all points to that given voluntarily. It will therefore be dear work, and tend to shorten profits, which will be further preyed upon by the wages of the overlookers employed in exacting it, in other words, by the "costs of superintendence" which it entails. The expectation of those who introduced participation was that, under that system, work of the most zealous kind would be spontaneously given, when once the workmen had become fully alive to the fact that their more efficient efforts would directly benefit themselves. Thus better, and therefore cheaper, work would be obtained, and the costs of supervision be proportionately reduced. It is in the additional profits to be realized by these stimulated efforts, and in the economy in superintendence which they render possible, that participation finds the fund which it promises to divide. The employer is, therefore, not called upon to forego any portion of the profits which would, under a non-participating system, have accrued to him. In regard to the manner in which the workmen's share in profits is made available by them, there exist among participating houses very wide difference of practice; indeed, these differences afford a convenient means of classifying such houses. They fall into three categories:-- 1. Those which pay over the workmen's share in an annual ready-money bonus. 2. Those which retain that share for an assigned period, in order to ultimately apply it, together with its accumulated interest, for the workmen's benefit. 3. Those which annually distribute a portion of the workmen's share, and invest the remainder. I propose to take one establishment out of each group as a type-specimen. It will be readily understood that limits of time will compel me to describe their organization only in the most general terms. In regard to the sources from which my statements of fact will be drawn, I can here only name summarily the chief. These are:--(1) A German work, published in 1878, by Professor Böhmert, of Dresden, under the title "Die Gewinnbetheiligung,"* or "Division of Profits." (2) The periodical Bulletin† of a French society, formed in 1879, for facilitating the practical study of participation, and (3) the work of M. Fourgerousse, "Patrons et Ouvriers de Paris,"‡ "Masters and Men in Paris," published in 1880. Quitting preliminaries, I begin with the group of houses which hand over the workmen's entire share of profits in annual ready-money bonuses. I * Leipzig Brockhaus. † Paris, Chaix. ‡ Paris, Chaix. take as type-specimen the establishment of M. Bord, pianoforte maker, 64, rue des Poissonniers, Paris. Participation has existed in that house since 1865, on the following basis:--At each annual settlement, interest at 10 per cent. on the capital invested in the business is deducted and handed over to its proprietor, M. Bord. The remaining net profits are then divided in two parts, respectively proportional, the one to the interest already allotted to capital, the other to the whole amount which has been paid during the year in wages at the current market rate. The former part is added to M. Bord's receipts; the latter is divided among all such workmen as have been employed by the house for not less than six months of the year in question. The individual distribution takes place in bonuses proportional to the yearly sums respectively earned by each workman in wages. These dividends to labour are handed over without any limitation or condition whatever. The number of employés was, on January 1, 1878, 6 clerks, 395 men, and 27 boys. The sums thus paid during the last three years were, I am informed by M. Bord, in 1878, £3,784; in 1879, £2,874; and in 1880, £3,548. The represent, respectively, 15 per cent., 12 per cent., and 16 per cent. on the men's yearly earnings in wages. The entire amount paid over, exclusively out of profits, since the introduction of participation in 1865, is £39,300. M. Bord considers the effect of the system, in attaching the workmen to the house, and its influence on their relations towards their employer, to be extremely satisfactory. In June, 1869, he ascertained that about one-half of his workmen had invested their dividends for that year, and that about a quarter had employed them in clearing off debts, and in purchasing clothes and furniture. A dozen or so only had dissipated a part of their dividends. The number of houses which adopt M. Bord's system of immediate cash distribution is very small. I pass to a larger group, organized on a very different plan. The example selected is a leading Parisian Insurance Company, the Compagnie d'Assurances Générales, 87, rue de Richelieu. In this company, whose staff of officials, clerks, and other employés numbers about 250 persons, participation is now of thirty years' standing. It is fixed at 5 per cent. on the profits of the company, and allotted in proportion to the individual salaries earned, which are at least on a level with those obtainable in non-participating companies of the same kind. The essential feature of the system here in force is that no part of an employé's share in profits is paid over to him in ready money. The sums to which he becomes yearly entitled are placed in a deposit-account opened in his name, where they accumulate at 4 per cent. compound interest. Only on the completion of 25 years of work in the house, or of 65 years of age, can the beneficiary claim the liquidation of his account. The following alternatives are then at his choice:-- He may purchase a life-annuity in the company's office, with reversion to his widow or some other person to be approved by the Board of Directors; or he may invest in French Government or railway securities, in which case the stock certificates will be retained by the company until his death, in order to be subsequently handed over to the persons whom he may designate by will as his heirs. 3. He cannot claim the payment of his account in ready money, the Board of Directors being sole judges of the exceptional circumstances under which they may consent to such payment, and not bound to assign any reason for their decision. M. Alfred de Courcy, to whom the Compagnie d'Assurances Générales, of which he is the managing director, owes this particular form of long-deferred, indeed, one may say, of testamentarily transmitted, participation, has publicly advocated it with great eloquence and ability. He insists on the relatively large sums which it has accumulated, in comparatively short spaces of time, for employés of the company. Thus he specifies a simple bookkeeper, in whose name £480 stood to the good after fourteen years of work, a sub-cashier with more than £800 after 25 years, and a superior official with £2,600 at the end of a similar period. The results of the company itself are described in the following passage, which I translate at second hand, from the German version of the original given by Böhmert:-- "The bond which unites the company and its employés has acquired a peculiar strength. Formerly, notices of resignation were very numerous. Among the young people, caprice, levity, and infirmity of purpose were often the cause of this. On the occurrence of the slightest annoyance they became intractable, and withdrew, or worked negligently, while they were looking about for another post. In the case of the more practised and experienced employés, personal interest was the decisive motive. New insurance companies were called into existence, the founders of which naturally sought for people who were not novices, and possessed special acquaintance with our business. Where were such men to be found, unless in the staffs of the old insurance companies? We, therefore, frequently had our best employés carried off by the promise of a higher remuneration, in order that they might make use elsewhere of the knowledge acquired with us, so that we actually furnished the weapons for a competition directed against ourselves. To this disorder, and this withdrawal of employés, which threatened to injure our organization, the deposit-account has put an end. It is so highly valued, that the sacrifice of the benefits of participation for a momentary advantage is not readily made. It has rendered even the young people more steady and assiduous. The faithful employés, too, have become more hardworking, not merely because they know that they have a joint interest in the success of the business, but because it is an advantage for them that the number of the staff should not be increased. At the time of heavy pressure of business they are, therefore, willing to redouble their activity, and, if necessary, to stay over-hours at the office. Their own interest is the best guarantee for their zeal. The limitation of the number of employés to what is adequate, and no more, is an important source of saving to the company." M. de Courcy is so high an authority on all matters connected with participation that I desired, for the purposes of this Paper, to ascertain his latest view on the subject. I accordingly asked him to tell me whether his opinion, both of the principle of participation itself, and of the system of deferred possession, remained as favourable as at the time of the publication of Professor Böhmert's work. In his reply, dated November 6, 1880, M. de Courcy writes as follows:-- "My present opinion is more favourable than ever, both to the principle of participation, and in particular to my system of deferred possession. The institution has now had thirty years of experience, that is to say, of unvarying successes. Each year, by augmenting the account of the employé, makes him feel more strongly the advantage of the deferred participation. Each year, too, the company appreciates better what it gains in fidelity in return for these sacrifices. My general principle is that there are no thoroughly satisfactory business transactions except those which are satisfactory to both the parties concerned. Experience has justified our institution from each of these points of view. It is excellent for the employés and excellent for the company." The great majority of participating houses have favoured neither the entire immediate distribution of profits practised by M. Bord, nor the extremely remote postponement of benefits advocated by M. de Courcy. They have adopted a mixed system, by conceding to the workman immediate possession of a part of his share in profits, and investing the remainder for his future benefit. Of the establishments which have taken this course, I select as example the great railway printing, publishing, and bookselling house of M.S. Chaix, 20, rue Bergère, Paris, who is at once the "Bradshaw" and the "Right Hon. W. H. Smith" of France, and who employs about 600 persons of both sexes. Participation dates from 1872, and extends to all well-conducted hands who can show three years of continuous presence in the house. The share assigned to them is separately fixed each year, but has hitherto been 15 per cent. on the net profits. The sum allotted to each participant, which is proportional to his or her annual earning in wages, is divided into three equal parts. One of these is handed over on the spot in cash; a second, though regarded as the property of the recipient, remains in the custody of the house, in order to aid in supporting its provident society; the remaining part is likewise placed to the credit of the beneficiary, but only comes into his possession at the age of sixty, or after twenty years of uninterrupted work for the house. In regard to the ultimate disposal of the second and third parts, regulations subsist similar to those in force in the Compagnie d'Assurances Générales. The total amount allotted by M. Chaix out of profits to his participants, from 1872 to 1880, is £14, 409, which represents an annual average of 7½ per cent. on the wages of the beneficiaries. Only one-third of this average, i.e., 2½ per cent. on wages was, however, as has been already explained, yearly distributed in ready money. In regard to the general results of participation in this house, we have the testimony of M. Chaix himself, in the addresses which he has delivered to his participants at each of the seven yearly distributions which have as yet taken place. I will translate a few extracts from these, which speak for themselves. At the second participation, on April 5, 1874, M. Chaix said-- "I have ascertained with satisfaction that the introduction of participation has, as I hope it would do, developed the zeal of those interested in it; each one takes more interest in the work assigned to him, and executes it better and more expeditiously."* On March 28, 1875, he spoke as follows:-- "If there be a spectacle which should satisfy the friends of social peace, it is assuredly that presented by *Comptes Rendus des Assemblées Générales Annuelles. Paris, Chaix, 1880, p. 33.4. the industrial family of this establishment, when, at the completion of the year's work, it is gathered together in order to learn the results of its own allotted share in the profits realised. No institution is, indeed, better adapted to draw close the bonds which unite you to the house, and to inspire you with confidence in the future, than the participation which has enabled me to constitute for your benefit, not only certain immediate advantages, but also an economized capital, which has, for some among you, already reached important dimensions."* The address of April 13, 1879, contains the following passage:-- "In what concerns the execution of work in the workshops and in the offices, I find around me such an amount of willing zeal, that I give the main credit for this excellent state of things to participation, and congratulate myself more and more on having set that principle working in the house."** The three categories, of each of which an example has now been given, include all houses practising what has been termed simple participation, i.e., what under which the participants are allowed no voice in the administration of the concern for which they work, and own no part of the capital embarked in it. There are, however, a few houses which admit their workpeople to part- ownership in capital, and to a share in administrative control. These establishments are specially interesting, not only on account of their individual importance, but because their organization may be regarded as marking the point of transition from simple participation, where the master retains exclusive possession of capital and control over direction, to co-operative production, where the entire capital belongs to the associated workmen, and the business-direction is in the hands of a manager or committee acting under their authority. Each of the small group of houses occupying this intermediate position is well worth of special study, but where, as this evening, but one of them can be described, the Maison Leclaire, at Paris, is incontestably entitled to be selected as the representative of the group. It is a house-painting and decorating establishment, 11, rue Saint-Georges, and employs at present upwards of one thousand workmen. Its founder, born in 1801, the son of a poor village shoemaker, and apprenticed in 1818 to a Parisian house-painter, had, by 1834, already attained a position of distinction and assured success as an employer of labour in that branch. From 1842 onwards, he practised participation in profits, beginning with his steadiest and best-conducted workmen, and gradually extending the system among the others. In 1853, Leclaire established, for his workpeople, a "Mutual Aid Society," to be supported exclusively out of the profits of his house. This society which, until 1860, only performed the functions of an ordinary sick-club, undertook thenceforth to supply retiring life- pensions to its members on their superannuation from active work. In 1864, the same society was, by formal and irrevocable deed, constituted sleeping partner in the house, and owner of a considerable portion of its capital. Five years later, in 1869, Leclaire took the final step of transforming his establishment into a permanent industrial Foundation, the net profits of which, after deduction *Comptes Rendus de Assemblees Generales Annuelles. Paris, Chaix, 1880, p. 39 and 40. **Ib., p. 73. of 5 per cent. interest on capital, were to be annually disposed of in the following proportions: --One - fourth was to go to the two managing partners, who were at first to be M. Leclaire himself and his associate, M. Defournaux. One half was to be distributed in ready - money dividends to labour, and the remaining quarter to be handed over to the Provident Society for its sickness and pension fund. The business-direction of the house, i.e., its actual executive, was to remain exclusively in the hands of the two managing partners for the time being. To the full members of the Foundation were, however, reserved very considerable powers, to be exercised by them through two committees, one for the "House," the other for the "Society," on both of which labour would have a predominant representation. These two bodies, which their electing constituencies, were to choose the managing partners and foremen, admit new members, expel grave misdemeanants, administer the funds of the "Society," and see that the share of profits annually due to it from the "House" was fully paid over. Leclaire did not long survive the definitive incorporation of his house. He died in 1872, and in 1875 death removed his successor, M. Defournaux. The present heads of the establishment are MM. Redouly et Marquot, the latter of whom was private secretary to Leclaire. M. Charles Robert, conseiller d'etat under the Empire, who from his boyhood was strongly attached to the founder, succeeded him as President of the Mutual Aid Society, and, though now charged, as managing director of a great Parisian Insurance Company, l'Union, with engrossing administrative work of his own, has never ceased to be the staunch and untiring friend and counsellor of the Maison Leclaire; advocating its central principle with a ready pen, and standing forth, with eloquent tongue and cultured utterance, as its mouthpiece on every occasion of corporate weal or woe, whether to cheer on its members with the good news of continued and increasing prosperity, or to pronounce in their name, as they crowded in hundreds around him, words of final leave-taking at the open graves of Leclaire and Defournaux. The material successes achieved by the house during the last ten years have been little short of marvellous. The sum paid each year in wages has increased during that period from £16, 257 to £34,715; the sum annually paid in labour- dividends out of profits has risen during the same period from £2,331 to £6,400. In other words, the yearly payments in wages are now double, and the workmen's ready-money receipts out of profits nearly treble, what they were ten years ago. Each individual participant received, at the distribution made last summer, more than 18 per cent. on his year's wages. Independently of these annual immediate advantages, the Mutual Aid Society assures to each of its members, besides all the benefits of an ordinary Friendly Society, a life-pension of £40 per annum from his fiftieth year of age and twentieth year of work in the house, half of which is continued to his widow for her life. It further pays over an additional £40 in cash at his death to his survivors, and, if he is disabled or 5 killed while on actual duty, pensions him off with the full life annuity of £40, or his widow with a half-pension of £20, and that however short may have been his period of service in the house. The purely economic results of participation in the Maison Leclaire may be summed up by saying that the total of payments out of profits to the participating workmen, since 1842, whether made in ready money or to the account of the Mutual Aid Society, has now reached the sum of £94, 700. I with the time at my command permitted me to describe, even in the briefest terms, the high educational and moral benefits flowing from the administrative and social institutions which Leclaire grouped around the central principle of his Foundation. I abstain, however, with the less reluctance, inasmuch as a somewhat full account of these institutions is to be found in the Nineteenth Century for September, 1880. The principle of participation, organized under a great variety of different forms adapted to differing industrial conditions, has been applied with success to almost every class of undertaking, productive, distributive, or purely administrative. In order to give an idea how large is the extent of ground covered by these applications, I will refer, very summarily, to a few leading categories. In agriculture, undertakings on a participatory basis are being successfully carried on by Herr Von Thunen in Mecklenburg, by Herr Neumann in East Prussia, and by Baron Zytphen-Adeler in the Danish island, Zealand. In production on a considerable scale, I may cite the paper-mills of M. Laroche-Joubert, at Angouleme, which employ 1,500 workmen; the Maison Leclaire, with its 1,000, or 1,100 painters and decorators; and the cotton-mills of Steinheil et Compagnie, at Rothau, in Alsace, which give employment to some 600 men. Of productive establishments working on a smaller scale, a conspicuously successful example is the firm Billon et Isaac, at Geneva, which manufactures parts of the mechanism of musical- boxes, and employs about 100 workmen. Under distribution, a leading house is the Magazin "au bon marche" at Paris, property of Madame Veuve Boucicaut, a huge establishment for the sale of manufactured articles of all kinds, which allots a share in profits to about 300 out of the 1,600 persons whom it employs. There are, especially in Paris, very many smaller participating establishments, in different branches of distribution, which it is needless to refer to by name here. In order, however, not to pass over the purely administrative undertakings, I may instance the bank of Vernes et Compagnie at Paris, and a whole group of insurance companies in the French metropolis, including, besides the Compagnie d'Assurances Generales already referred to at some length in this paper, l'Urbaine, l'aigle at le Soleil, la France, la Nationale, and l'Union. The whole number of establishment now at work on the Continent upon a participatory basis, does not admit of exact determination, but is certainly not less than one hundred. I have as yet mentioned cases of successful participation only, and an earlier reference may have been expected to the abortive attempts which have occurred on the Continent side by side with the prosperous experiments described above. In particular, I may be fairly asked to explain why I have said nothing about conspicuous English experiments, which have ended in the abandonment of the system. Now, assuredly, it has been from no desire to blink discussion of the English cases that I have abstained from entering upon them here. On the contrary, I think that instances of failure are often precisely those which best deserve and reward a searching discussion. In order, however, that such a discussion may take place to any good purpose, it is an obviously essential preliminary that the facts on which the failure turned be publicly accessible, in detailed statements of recognised authenticity. In regard to the unsuccessful English experiments, this condition has not been satisfied. The circumstances which brought about the abandonment of the attempt have formed the subject of no detailed and authoritative public statement. As far, indeed, as concerns one of the most important and best known unsuccessful English experiments, that made from 1865 to 1874 in the collieries of Messrs. Briggs, at Whitwood, I have reason to believe that a statement as to the causes of the failure is likely before long to be forthcoming, under the authority of Mr. Henry Currer Briggs. At present, however, the basis for a decisive discussion of the abandoned English attempts is non-existent. With regard to the continental break-downs, we are, thanks to Bohmert's research, in a better position for forming a judgment. Lack of time alone prevents my entering here on these cases, in respect to many of which the failure can be decisively traced to causes extraneous to the principle of participation. I have now, far more fragmentarily, indeed, than I could have wished, described the main features of participation as practised on the Continent. It remains to say a few words on the system itself, and on its applicability to English circumstances. The theory on which it is based--a theory abundantly verified by experience--is that, by directly interesting workmen in the fruits of enterprise, better and more economical labour will be obtained, and thus a source of additional profits opened. These surplus profits might, indeed, without injustice, be allotted wholly to the workmen whose stimulated efforts produced them. In practice, however, a share goes to the employer, who, if he so pleases, may, by investing it in a reserve fund, protect himself against losses in bad years. It is thus clear that participating workmen do, in an indirect but perfectly real way, share losses as well as profits with their employers. This is often denied by opponents of the system; it is, therefore, important that the fact should be explicitly asserted and made good. In regard to the final disposal of the workman's share in profits, it will not have escaped notice how all but diametrically opposed to each other are M. Bord's system of annual cash distribution and M. de Courcy's method of long-deferred possession. On the merits of these rival systems an eager discussion took place before the Societe d'Economie Sociale, at Paris, in April last.* A question on which two such authorities as M. Fougerousse and M. de Courcy are not agreed, and which a majority of houses has rather compromised than decided, leaves *"Bulletin de la Societe Internationale d'Economie Sociale" Paris, 2, Rue Perrault, 1880. Tome vii., pp. 145-186.6 even inexperience free to utter its opinion. I may, therefore venture to say that the system of immediate cash distribution seems to me along consistent with the economical theory on which participation rests. The workman's share of profits is earned by his own more efficient labour, and, from the moment of its definitive realization and ascertainment, becomes rightfully his. It can, therefore, be temporarily withheld from him on one ground only, that, in his own interest, and in that of the community, he ought to be debarred from the free disposal of his own earnings. I cannot believe that, among the steady and energetic class of workmen, with whom alone participatory experiments should, at least at first, be attempted, there is any great necessity for such arbitrary restrictions. The greatest pains should undoubtedly be taken to bring forcibly before them, at the time of the annual division of profits, the extreme importance of systematic and persevering investment. But the final decision ought, I think, to be left to those who can probably decide better what is for their own interest than other people can settle it for them. As far as English workmen are concerned, there can be little doubt that the strong feeling of independence which the influence of trade societies has fostered among them, would make the compulsory detention of sums actually earned extremely unwelcome, even if it did not, as I think it very possibly might, render such detention impracticable. Participation, successfully practised under whatever form confers, as has been seen, signal advantages on both the parties directly concerned in it. To the employer it gives increased security and industrial peace. For the thrifty workman it accumulates, not by the hand of charity, but as the result of his own heartier efforts, an economized capital, which he may employ in making his old days easy and independent, or, better still, transmit, in part at least, to his children. Further, what is of even higher significance, it brings to the workman an enhanced feeling of respect for himself and for his fellows, based on the fact that he and they have become, in a very real sense, partners in the house for which they toil. It would be an oversight if I omitted to point out here the advantage which the public too, in its capacity of consumer, derives from the system before us. Participation encourages excellence of workmanship, and combats every form of trade dishonesty with singularly efficacious vigour. The very intensity of the complaints so constantly made of the procrastinating, scamped, ungenuine work performed under existing industrial arrangements, is a measure of the benefits to the consumer to be looked for from a system under which these evils are, on mere considerations of self-interest if on no higher ground, sternly discountenanced by the workmen themselves. I have no only to ask, in conclusion, whether there is any valid reason why a system which has proved so fruitful in good results on the Continent may not be hopefully re-introduced into this country? In order to answer this question, we have only to take two preliminary steps; to set out the economic conditions under which a participatory success is attainable, and to examine whether those conditions can, or can not, be satisfied in England. In order that participation may be advantageously introduced in any particular branch of industry, the workmen must have it in their power, by more efficacious labour, to increase the quantity, improve the quality, or diminish the cost price, of the staple of production in that branch. The extent to which these results are attainable--the purchase which manual labour can thus exert upon production--must necessarily be different in different industries. Much will depend on whether the materials employed are cheap or costly, and on whether machinery plays a subordinate or a predominant part in the production. The degree in which costs of labour-superintendence admit of being reduced, is also an important element of the question. A promising field is, therefore, manifestly presented by such industries as house-painting, papering, glazing, plumbing, &c., in which manual labour plays the leading part, and individual superintendence is well-nigh impracticable, and where no one will have the hardihood to assert that the workmanship is already of so zealously active a type that its excellence is unsusceptible of further improvement. Much the same may be said of agriculture. In coal-mining, as I am assured by the most competent witnesses, there occurs a huge waste of materials, due solely to the fact that the colliers have no interest in preventing it. Even in machine-dominated industries, the vigilant attention with which a really zealous operative superintends the instruments under his charge has a surprising influence on the final result. Mr. Kenward, the very able manager of the lighthouse department of Messrs. Chance's glass-works, near Birmingham, where the prevalence of piece-work supplies a direct gauge of the results attained by individual effort, assured me that, in such an apparently routine occupation as superintending a machine punching holes in a metal plate, a thoroughly active workman could realize a surplus wage three times as great as that obtained under identical conditions by a less strenuous, but not less skillful or less capable, colleague. At a meeting in Birmingham, attended by representative artizans, it was asserted without contradiction, by an exceptionally well-informed man, that "an enormous preventible waste occurred in every trade in the town." It would appear, from the above considerations, that there is no lack of scope for participatory successes in many branches of English industry. The question may, however, be raised--Can our workmen be brought to recognize the benefits of participation, and put for the sustained and intelligent efforts which can alone ensure the successful working of that system? On this issue the rapid spread among the working class of education, and of the feeling of mutual confidence which all genuine education fosters, may well relieve us of serious hesitation. No one who has marked the eager interest which men of that class, now take in social questions; or who, like myself, has seen hundreds of colliers in regular attendance at a course of systematic lectures on Political Economy, delivered week by week for three months on end, by a popular, but none the less thoroughgoing, exponent of that subject,* *Mr. W.M.Moorsom, of Trinity College, Cambridge, delivered, in the autumn of 1880, a course of 12 weekly lectures on Political Economy, to audiences consisting chiefly of pitmen, at five centres in the Newcastle coal district. The lectures were organized under the University of Durham extension scheme; and at one exclusively mining centre alone, 400 tickets for the entire course were sold in advance. "No public speaker," writes Mr. Pringle, of Barrington Colliery, Northumberland, "ever took away from our remote county so large a share of good wishes and heartfelt gratitude, nor left behind him such a popular name as Mr Moorsom."--See The CommonGood, Jan. 15, 1881, p. 239. Published at 282, Strand, London. 7 can entertain a doubt that participation in profits, if once clearly set before the working classes of this country, will soon be thoroughly understood and appreciated by them. My own very decided conviction is, that participation has a great future before it in this country; and I am strongly confirmed in that view by the opinion of the leading French exponent of the system. Writing to me on Nov. 8, 1880, M. Charles Robert expressed himself in words which I translate as follows:-- "Wherever there exist in combination industrial energy, intelligence, and the spirit of initiative, the final success of generously-conceived innovations is almost always assured. And where is a greater and better success to be looked for than in England, the country of personal independence, and of combined effort, the classic land of free and fruitful activity, whose denizens are accustomed to mass their individual powers, and to serve as models to every student of the theory and practice of association? The admirable results obtained on your side of the Channel by Cooperative Societies of Distribution, the magnificent development of your Friendly Societies, the formidable power of your Trades' Unions, prove to demonstration that England will well know how to make participation in profits prosper within her borders. English advocates of that system will assuredly obtain a favourable hearing, as well from industrial chiefs as from workmen, and I make bold to hope that we in France shall soon be called upon to register their successes, and profit by their examples." Before sitting down, I desire to make a practical suggestion to which I attach a considerable importance. It is manifest that before participation can be extensively tried in this country with good prospects of success, the results attained on the Continent must first have been adequately studied both by English employers and by English workmen. Now, what are the means as yet provided for pursuing this study? In the spring of 1879, a society composed of employers engaged in industry or commerce was established at Paris, having for its sole object to facilitate the practical study of participation in profits. This society has already published in its periodical Bulletin the regulations of the most important participating houses, and has assembled in its library a mass of unpublished rules in force in the less conspicuous establishments. It is now bringing out in a French translation, with the author's latest additions, the work of Bohmert, which is a real mine of trustworthy information, particularly as to results obtained in Germany. Clearly, therefore, an inquirer who wishes to make a practical study of the subject may derive the greatest assistance from the French society. He finds abundant matter in its publications, and, should he desire further information on points of detail, has only to place himself in communication, through its officers, with the heads of houses abroad whose systems he may desire to investigate. But these facilities are as yet restricted to students possessing a good knowledge of French, and a not inconsiderable stock of leisure. In order that they may be effectively thrown open to all classes in this country, means must be taken for publishing, in plain readable English, and at a low price, the most essential facts which have been ascertained by continental research. The work might well be undertaken by a special society, which should endeavour to facilitate in England the practical study of participation, whose objects and whose title should, in fact, be identical with those of the French society. Such an association would disseminate trustworthy printed information, promote the reading of papers, the delivery of lectures, the holding of discussions, and generally seek, by every available means, to spread sound knowledge on the subject with which its operations were concerned. It would also serve as a bond of union and mutual support between such English houses as gave an actual trial to participation, and between all persons interested in the progress and development of that principle. A very important feature of its work would obviously be the maintenance of close and cordial relations with the French society, and with the heads of the movement in other parts of the Continent. In order roughly to gauge the amount of support likely to be forthcoming for a scheme of this kind, I should be very pleased to receive, at Trinity College, Cambridge, the names and addresses of any persons, whether occupied or not in industrial or commercial pursuits, who, were such a society to be called into existence, would be disposed to join it. PROCEEDINGS OF THE MEETING. As the Eleventh Ordinary Meeting of the Society of Arts, held on Wednesday, February 16th, 1881, Mr. W.H. Hall in the chair, The Chairman, in introducing Mr. Taylor, said his only title to preside was his having had the good fortune to bring to light afresh the most remarkable instance of industrial partnerships--that of Mr. Leclaire, on which a pamphlet, written by him, had just been published by the Central Co-operative Board. The remarkable feature of that enterprise was that, nearly 10 years after the founder's death, it still went on in a more flourishing way than ever. It was the whole object of Leclaire's life that the scheme should not be dependent on him, and, during the latter part of his life, he withdrew as much as possible from the active supervision of the business. The success had been most wonderful, and the same principle had been followed in several other instances on the Continent; but, unfortunately, in England such attempts had not hitherto turned out well. Many might remember the attempts of Messrs. Briggs, Messrs. Fox, Head, & Co., and others, but they had not the elements of durability. Why this should be so, he was at a loss to understand, because the system was one which eminently commended itself to common sense or enlightened self-interest,8 Leclaire began life as a labourer, and noticed the wasteful habits of labourers. As he got on in life, and became an employer himself, he asked himself the question if nothing could be done to remedy this state of things, and came to the conclusion that the only way was to give the workmen themselves as interest in greater thrift, carefulness, and industry. He thought that if 6d. a day was saved in this way, and the workmen received 1 1/2 d. of it, and the employer 4 1/2 d., the plan could be adopted, and this proved to be the case. In this way a large fund was accumulated out of nothing. He had a suspicion that one cause of the non-success of the plan in England, was the opposition of trades unions. These organisations had done great good in some respects, but he feared that in some cases they had opposed enterprises of this kind, which had been essayed by men not in the union, and of which the union leaders were jealous, because they were not concerned in it themselves. He threw out the hint that this might be the cause, because he knew that in France, employers came more directly in contact with their workpeople. Mr. Sedley Taylor having read his paper, given in the previous pages, the following discussion took place:-- Mr. Wolstencroft felt sure that the scheme nightbe applied with success to many industries, but that in others, piece-work would be superior. He gave several instances where double the amount of work was done with the same number of hands on piece-work, and at much less expense to the employer. He did not think the system of participation would be applicable to collieries. There the workings were let out in drifts to a man, who was paid so much a ton for all the coal which came out of the drift. He was not paid for the dirt, but only for the amount of coal raised, and a higher price for that raised in good condition. In Oldham the co-operative system was commenced, and was found to answer very well, one mill paying a dividend of 25 per cent.; but, in consequence, there was a rush of capital into this industry, and 20 large mills were built at one time, some containing about a quarter of a million spindles, and then the market became glutted. Participation might readily be applied to warehouses where the work could not be placed on the piece-work footing; but generally he maintained that it was best to pay men by results. Mr. Lloyd jones suggested that it would be better not to discuss the disputed questions of piece-work or day-work. Before dealing with the question, he wished to correct the Chairman's statement, that the trades unionists of the country were adverse to proposals for a participation of labour and profit. He was not aware that such was the case, and he had perhaps as large an experience of trade unionists as any man in the country. He knew all the leaders in every branch of industry where trade unionism existed, and he did not know a single case of personal hostility to such a scheme. He knew that Mr. Briggs had not succeeded with it, and no doubt that gentleman had many grievances, which he would make known when he published his statement; but there was quite another side to the question, which it would be time enough to deal with when Mr. Briggs had published his statement. Nothing could be more interesting than such a subject as that now brought forward, if for no other reason than that it was absolutely impossible that present industrial system of this country could go on. He joined trades unionism 53 years ago, and had been in intimate connection with members of various trades unions from that day to this, and he was more satisfied than ever that the system on which business was now conducted would absolutely break down unless interests which were antagonistic could be reconciled. The partnership spoken of would answer where you got a man of large intelligence and benevolence, who undertook to do the work in which he called his workmen to assist him, and where the workmen were absolutely satisfied as to the intentions of the man who called on them to co-operate with him, but there was nothing more certain than that where suspicion of the employer by the employed came in, the whole thing would break down. He did not agree with the reader of the paper where he spoke of the break down of the attempts at co-operative production in this country. Mr. Taylor said he did not speak on co-operative production. His remarks were exclusively limited to industrial partnership. Mr. Jones said he had alluded to Mr. Briggs' scheme, which consisted simply of a bonus given by the vote of the shareholders at their half-yearly meetings, the workpeople being entirely at the control of the shareholders. The shareholders voted according to what they thought it was right to give, and the workpeople found themselves gradually cut off until their bonus entirely disappeared. He would say further, that the workpeople felt all along that a portion of the design of that experiment was to draw the away from the trades unions to which they belonged. Now, there were a number of gentlemen present who were engaged in the work of distributive co-operation, and the workmen connected with that had in their hands what they called the organisation of the custom of the country. The business they were doing was, perhaps, £14,000,000 or £15,000,000 a year. They had, therefore, in their hands the orders from all people belonging to these various stores, and, having those orders they could regulation production precisely as it suited their purpose. Instead of manufacturing speculatively, as most manufacturing was carried out, and at a very serious loss occasionally, they manufactured in reference to the custom which they had organised. Thus the demand came from before the supply, and the fatal point in the present system, where you overdid the supply of any given article, and therefore reduced its market value, and ruined profits, as had been the case in the coal industry, was avoided. In this way they produced a scientific relationship between the supply and the demand. The co-operators had established a place, not referred to in the paper, at Leicester, called the Leicester Boot and Shoe Works. Sometimes they did not make heavy profits, because they foolishly competed with the outside market, when there was no absolute necessity to do so. Here there was no speculation, and no fear of loss which they did not wilfully bring upon themselves, and the demand and supply was brought into a kind of harmony, which prevented the bankruptcy and ruin so common in trade. He believed that if employers would put themselves into friendly relationships with their employes, they would hit upon some plan of running side by side without injuring each other, and bring out of the industry of the country fair wages for one, and fair profits for the other. Mr. Sillar said it ought not to require many words to satisfy anyone of the advantages of the participation of labour. It was proverbial that carelessness was common. He used the work in no offensive sense, but simple as the absence of care. Anything which could identify the interests of the labourer with his labour was certain to result in good. If, therefore, it was very good to allow labourers a little participation in the profits, it would be better to allow them to have more, and best of all, if such a thing could be arranged, that their interest in it should be entire. The chief difficulty that appeared to crop up, was that there were three kinds of labour; constructive labour, destructive labour, and distributive labour, and it was a very difficult thing indeed to say what proportion of the profits of destructive labour should fall to the labourer. The result of labour, until it was ascertained was an unknown quantity, and in that 9 unknown quantity, it was quite right that the labourer should participate, and have an equal share of it as a remuneration for his contribution to bring it about. But, unfortunately, the labourer could not wait for the harvest; he generally lived from hand to mouth, and, therefore, he sold his day's labour at the market rate, and the market rate was the estimate which somebody else formed of what the result was likely to be. Wherever the result was likely to be very prosperous, a man would willingly pay double for the labour. If therefore, the reader of the paper, instead of saying the labourer was to share in the profits of the industry, it would present the question in a very different aspect. There were very few labourers indeed who were prepared to stake their daily bread on the results of their industry. In fact, in these days, we had too many instances where combined industry was most disastrous. If the wages were not equitable, the man ought to get more; but the capitalist would only pay the market rate, which fluctuated like the market rate of anything else. In England, we had instances of that sort of co-operation on a large scale. One instance was the old East India Company, where, originally, the dividends of the shareholders were limited to 10 per cent., and, consequently, they had no other field for disposing of their surplus profits than in raising the wages of their employes. These were raised to such a grand sum that they commanded the very finest industry and talent of Great Britain. The system, as carried on at the India-house, closely resembled that described in France. Part was paid in the shape of wages, and part in the shape of bonus or retiring allowances. It would be a grand thing for every labourer if he were entitled to a retiring pension at a certain age; but very few would like to trust their employers with such an amount for 30 years; and he certainly should prefer to get it in cash, and to put it in some insurance office, in which he had more confidence. Mr. Ganney agreed with Mr. Lloyd Jones that the industrial system of the country must be changed. As one of the Society of Arts reporters at the Paris Exhibition, he had some opportunities of observing from different standpoints the position of labour on the Continent as compared with England; and he had spent some years in America. He had noticed there that employers would cheerfully pay dollars a day and succeed, where an English employer would scarcely pay shillings and fail. The fault lay very much in this, that there were not sufficient competent employers; the men who directed the large industries of the country in many cases not being practically acquainted with the business they carried on. In old days, the men who built up the trade of England were actual workers, but now he knew a series of trades which were being positively annihilated by foreign competition, for instance, the English clock and watch trade, in which men now made money by putting the London trade-mark on foreign articles. That was a state of matters for which he long worked to find a remedy, and he trusted that the direction in which the reader of the paper was working, viz., the practical co-operation of the workmen with competent employers, would lead to a solution of the difficulty. He had made attempts to introduce the co-operative system, both in London and in Coventry, but in neither case had they been successful, on account of the inability of the workmen to find sufficient capital when trade was in full swing. If they could only get large capitalists to induce practical workmen to take an interest in their business, many trades which were now languishing on account of the antagonism between the capitalist and labouring classes, would revive, and increase to an extent which few could conceive. Mr. Chapman regretted that the reader of the paper had not called attention to the speech of the Emperor of Germany, which appeared in that day's papers, in which he alluded to the scheme brought forward by Prince Bismarck for improving the condition of the proletariat. That scheme, as published in the Spectator for January 5th, consisted in making assurance against accidents compulsory in some branches of labour, half the premium would be paid by the employer, and where the wages were below a certain amount, two-thirds of the remainder to come out of the poor-rate. The fund thus raised would provide sick allowance for up to two-thirds of the wages, with a provision for the widow and children. It was also intended, he understood, to carry the scheme still further. The failure of Messrs. Briggs' experiment had been referred to, but what was the cause of the failure? The profit, the second year of the experiment, was £30,000, but when the price of coal was considerably raised, and the profits grew to £60,000, they did not like dividing it amongst their workpeople and that was the cause of the failure. There were many examples of the success of this system in England, and he was sorry he had not the materials with him to quote them. Mr. H. Solly desired to express his most earnest sympathy with the movement, which was evidently growing, for promoting this participation in profits, and did not think they need be at all discouraged by the failure of one or two attempts in this direction some years ago. One had just been referred to by Mr. Chapman, and they knew how many failures the co-operative movement suffered before it attained its present success. It had almost entirely died out before the Rochdale Pioneers began their wonderfully successful enterprise. There was hardly any social, industrial, or political movement which had not to encounter failure at the onset; and it was only in that way that experience was gained which led to ultimate success. Mr. Chapman, however, was in error as to the cause of the failure of Messrs. Briggs' experiment. He knew Mr. Currer Briggs very well; and he was one of the last employers who would grudge his workmen a share in the profits of the business. If he had been ever so grudging, he would be the last man to be so when he saw beneficial results accruing to the firm from the participation. The real cause of the failure was the relation, or supposed relation, of the firm and the employes to the trades union. He would not go into that, but he did not consider the men were to blame at all in the matter. Mr. Briggs himself deeply regretted the cause, and probably if it had rested with him the difficulty would have been got over. The same with Fox, Head, and Co., of Middlesborough. Jeremiah Head threw his whole heart and soul into the matter, and as far as the profits went, it worked well. As regards the beneficial results of this system, he had recently been informed that the manager of the stationery department in one of the largest firms in the metropolis had saved his employees nearly £800 a year through the introduction of the system. This was simply because he felt it to his interest to make every effort to prevent waste. When he mentioned this fact on a former occasion, an employer said that the man must have been shamefully neglecting his duty not to have made this saving previously; but even granted that it were so, you must deal with facts as you find them. If you found a certain system would induce men to be more careful, and increase the profits of their employers, and another would not, it was only common sense to use the one system and not the other. This had been proved to be the case, for where this system was carried out, the saving was immense. One objection often brought against it was, that while the workmen were willing enough to share the profits in a good year, they would not like to share the lesser in a bad year. His answer was this, which might not be correct, but he had always felt it to be sufficient, that the bonus should be calculated, making allowance for the losses of bad years. He did not imagine there would be any difficulty10 in making a calculation of that character. He entirely endorsed the remarks which had been made, that some change in our industrial system was inevitable. The trade of this country was undoubtedly in a very serious condition; every now and then the reports from consuls abroad stated that in this and that particular trade we were being superseded, sometimes by continental firms, but chiefly by Americans. He was informed by a relative of his, who was in business in New York, that a mining engineer in England told him that his men always preferred American tools. And in illustration of that they found intelligent men, who had worked in America, telling them that there was far more co-operation between employers and workmen there than in this country. He need not go into the causes of that, but the effect was undoubted. The work was carried out in consequence in a way which it never could be where the employer and workmen were not on friendly terms. Then, again, the question of the patent- laws came in, but that was beside the present subject. He was thoroughly convinced that, although the bonus system acted chiefly upon the pocket, it was also, to a large extent, a moral question as well; and there it appeared to him that the lesson to be drawn from Leclaire's life and character was of incalculable importance. He was thankful to know that his example was being held up, not only by Mr. Taylor and the Chairman, but by a lady friend of his now present, Miss Hart, who had brought it before the workmen's clubs. If they could succeed in introducing a more brotherly spirit into the relation of employers and workmen, and get masters and men to have that true sympathy with one another which must lie at the foundation of all success, this bonus system would come in and work well. It never would be broken down, if there were only the same brotherly spirit as prevailed in Leclaire's establishment. Mr. Nuttall understood Mr. Taylor to suggest that under this system, new profits might be created which were now lost; he did not ask that the workmen should be given anything which the employer now had himself, but that the workmen should be induced to produce new profits, and have a share of it. If that were what he meant, he did not see how any capitalist could object, but he would be glad to induce his workmen to produce more and waste less, and work on more friendly terms with him than hitherto. The would probably live to see this system take root in England, but it had not done so yet, for which, many reasons no doubt could be given. The principal reason he believed was, because the tendency of the age was that more capital per head was likely to be employed in all trades than in previous years. In the cotton trade it now cost the employer £200 per man, and in the engineering and iron trade about the same. Now, it took a working man a good many years to save that capital. When a shoemaker worked for himself in the old days, and could carry his kit with him round the country, it was easy for him to work on his own account, and keep the profits for himself, or to join with others, but it was not so now. There were large workshops in that trade, as in every other, and the amount of capital required per man was much greater than formerly, and this must be the tendency in all trades, because machinery would have to do the work which manual labour had hitherto done; therefore it would be more difficult in the future for the workmen themselves to become the owners of the works in which they were employed; and he felt very strongly indeed that whatever they might desire, the end would be that the public themselves would ultimately supply the capital, employ the workpeople, and share the profits. He did not agree with many of their friends, who thought the workmen would ultimately become the owners of their own works; nor did he even think it desirable that that should be so, because the tendency of the workman was the same as the tendency of the employer; he would make all he possibly could out of the customer, He would sell his shoes or his cloth as dear as he could, and think he was doing right, as the capitalist did now; and not only that, but he would pay the least possible wages. The workman himself, where he was not actually employing himself, but had to employ others, would pay the lowest possible wages. He had seen this actually done times out of number. He had seen the workmen in Oldham--where 20,000 workmen were shareholders in joint-stock cotton mills--in one mill where they were employed, urge that it was not only right, but that it would pay to give the workmen an interest in their work; and he had seen the same workmen as shareholders holding £5 or £100, invested in the concern, urge that it was not right, and that it would not pay, to give other workmen a share in the profits. These were practical difficulties. No doubt in years to come they would see a considerable improvement, but not in the direction that some of their friends and well-wishers really desired. he had seen it tried with cotton buyers, and fail, because the mere paltry bonus of £1 a week extra to him, when he was in the receipt of £7, 8, or £10 a week wages, had no influence--it was too small. Give him £5 a week extra, and he would neglect his dinner when at Liverpool, and, perhaps, save one- eighth or one-sixteenth of a penny per lb. in buying; and the seller of yarn in Manchester would take the same course. But he had seen other workmen begrudge giving an extra £5 or £10 to men who had acted in this way, though they might have saved hundreds of pounds by it. The middle-class and high-class employers, as a rule, did not do that; and they, as working men, had to learn to be more liberal in such matters. If anything would succeed anywhere, it ought to succeed in Oldham, for there every cotton-mill owner almost had risen from a workman, he could produce more, and whether he did or did not waste his master's time and material; and every workman knew that he did waste material; every trades unionist knew it, and every employer knew it. The point was how to get them to save it and invest it. In Oldham there were 25,000 workmen, who owned £4,000,000 of capital all employed in the cotton, iron, coal, or paper trades; and, surely, they ought to give their own workpeople an interest in their works, which would produce a large profit divisible among them as shareholders; yet they did not do so, and it could not be said that they were friendly to the principle. The plan had been tried in many concerns--in four or five cotton mills--with the buyer of cotton, the seller of yarn, the engineer, the carder, and others, and they had tried it in the iron trades. In an Oldham engineering works, where he was director for many years, and knew all about it, every workman was actually made into a shareholder to induce him to take an interest in his work and save material, but what was the practical result? Those who were dissatisfied with their wages, combined with others in the workshop or out of it to get more. If they could not get it from the immediate foreman above them, they then tried to remove him. If they could not succeed in that, they tried to get it from the manager, and when they could not get it from him, they tried to remove the manager. When they could not remove him, they tried to remove the board of directors, and the result was they had to be disfranchised. Everybody must regret to see that amongst the workmen themselves, but it was no use hiding these facts. What was wanted, was to get the bulk of the workmen to see that it would be to their interest to save instead of wasting; and that there was more pleasure in working properly than in idling time away during working hours. He could not see how any working man could have any pleasure in idling time away, either his own or 11 his employer's, but the had got into that habit, and he did not really see his way yet to any practical scheme to induce the bulk of the workmen to become more economical of their masters' time, tools, and materials. He had tried the principle in a colliery. He and a few friends joined in a colliery and tried to make it succeed. They gave the banksmen an interest in proportion to what they did, and it succeeded with them but when they went down into the pit and tried to induce the cutters themselves to use less powder, to be more careful about mixing dirt with the coal, and to keep the water away from the mine, and so on, it was impossible to induce the colliers to take any interest whatever in their master's affairs. He offered them an extra sum per ton, but still they could not do it. He thought there was always a fear in the mind of the workmen that there was something else in view when anything was offered them, and the way in which they had been treated necessarily caused them to have those feelings. It would take many years before workmen would feel, as Mr. Jones put it, that they were really trusting somebody deserving of being trusted. He could not tell the meeting one half of what he should like them to understand on this subject, but he thought there were many forms of industrial partnership and co-operation which would succeed side by side with each other. It had succeeded in the works of Messrs. Platt Brothers, of Oldham, the largest engineering works in the world. There there were 20 or 30 men, to whom they paid £1,000 to £1,500 per annum each, with a bonus in addition, but they did not follow the bonus to be withdrawn. It was accumulated with the profits on it, year after year, and when they had been in the firm a certain number of years, they were entitled to sell out. He had many companions. half-a-dozen of whom were in receipt of £500, £600, or £800 per annum, with a bonus, who had been their principal foremen for years, and who did study their employers' interest and their own. But the bulk of the workmen had no interest in the concern; only the heads of departments. It succeeded at Accrington, in the machine works there, and in many other places where heads of departments only were taken into account. He should be been glad if Mr. Taylor had told them where it succeeded what proportion of capital per head was employed, and he should imagine that in the house painters, watchmakers, and many of those industries, the capital as very small indeed, and that there it would succeed better than in large concerns. Mr. Benjamin Jones said the last speaker had gone into a great number of details to show why the participation of labour in profits should succeed, and then why it should not. Some years ago he was as thorough an advocate of labour having a share of profits as could be found anywhere; probably, he was only an instance sort of ebb and flow of opinion which had taken place amongst working men generally. Some years ago, the feeling amongst hundreds and thousands of workmen was that this participation was a good thing; but a great proportion of them, who had been working hardest and thinking most got rather rich, and then changed their minds, because they got into the position of capitalists. There were concerns where they gave labour a share; but when they found they were getting rich, they thought they could do without the labourers' co-operation, and stopped his profits. Then bad times came, and profits dwindled away, and many believed it was on account of what he considered the unjust treatment of the labourer; and some of those who, in the high tide of prosperity, were against a division of profits, were again changing their minds, and coming to believe that it was the right thing after all. No one had mentioned Mr. Taylor's suggestion to have an association to discuss this question, but the discussion which had already taken place showed how useful it could be; and he thought they could not do better than form such an association, where details could be gone into. It seemed to him an incontestible fact, that to give a man an interest in the profits must have an influence on his industry. Take his own case; he was in service, in a position, where he thoroughly enjoyed the work he had to do, and he would not exchange it on any account. It might be said that, with such a position, no inducement offered him would make him more zealous, but still he must say that when he had made what he considered a good hit for his employers, it rankled very much in his mind that it did not add a 6d. to his wages. He considered it was essentially unfair that capital should take all profits which resulted from enterprise and integrity of industrious labourers. As the working classes of this country increased in intelligence, they would make up their minds that they would have a greater share in the produce of their industry, and the question for capitalists would be, would they have a grand battle between their employes and themselves, or try to devise some such means as Mr. Taylor had suggested, for uniting their interests, and sharing their profits with them. If the question was left to the workmen, they would devise means by which the capitalists should only be allowed 3 or 4 per cent. on his capital. Personally, he should prefer such a solution, but it would take a long while and he doubted whether it would be applicable to all industries; and, in the meantime, he welcomed the suggestion now made as likely to bring the two great classes into more amity with one another. Mr. Trewby said the question had been asked, why this principle succeeded in France, and not in England; but he thought the instincts of the two nations were very different. A Frenchman was content to live in part of a house, while an Englishman wanted a house to himself. Then there was a vast difference in emoluments for the same kind of work, as in the case of the clergy, where one man received £1,000 a-year for less work than another received £100 a-year for, and yet they were not willing to set that right. The same kind of thing applied in all industrial occupations. There was a kind of aristocracy in manufacture and distribution. Mind naturally took precedence of the actual labour, and it became the function of the mind to draw around it other minds. No nation had done so much towards increasing the distribution of products as England, and it had been done by simply making the labourer a partner to the employer. In the large distributing firms, down to a certain grade, each man received an emolument according to the profits of the concern. In the large wholesale firms, the buyers were paid according to the amount of the turnover, and under them were salesmen, who were also paid according to their ability. In the case of the large painting and decorating establishment in Paris which had been referred to, he did not suppose there was a large amount of capital employed; but how would the principle work if it were applied to all concerns of the same kin? There was not outlet for a man's ability; if he wanted to start for himself, he had to face the fact that he would lose whatever he had deposited in the concern. In this country a man could work his way up to the top of the tree, and then strike out for himself. The lower class of labour was always regulated by the demand for increased pay. Mr. Mineard said he had looked at this question from three different standpoints--as a workman, as a foreman, and as an employer, and he had felt, from the time when he knew how to use his tools, that he ought to have an interest in the work he had in hand. The only interest he could then show was to do his work in the best manner he could, and the result was that he almost always remained with his employers as long as it suited him to stay. When he was a foreman, he made a similar suggestion to that brought forward by Mr. Taylor. He12 was once carrying out a large job in the country as building foreman, and he suggested to his employer that he should have 10 per cent. on the profits of it, he, on the other hand, offering to deposit 10 per cent. as his share in case of a possible loss. That offer, however, was refused. He was now an employer, being what was called a speculative builder, and, although in good times builder could make fair profits, in bad times, in the same neighbourhood, and building the same class of property, he might lose twice as much as he had an opportunity of earning in good years. During the last two years he had been, at one time, cornered, and there were then men in his employ who offered to let him have every pound they had. He believed this vexed questions of capital and labour could only be solved in the mode suggested by Mr. Taylor; but it seemed only faire that those who shared the profit should also share the loss. He was quite willing to join such an association as had been mentioned, for the purposes of enlightening the workmen themselves, for it could only be done by first convincing them. He had men in his employ whose wages he had often raised, and he never let a holiday go by without given those in a leading position a bonus. He had seen waste go on in large metropolitan firms to such an extent that he had actually thrown up his work. On the other hand, you might drive men by piecework to do a lot of work which was worth nothing. He only found piecework answer in the simplest operations, such as excavation, and then he never attempted to cut down a man's wages because he earned a good deal. Mr. George Shipton moved the adjournment of the discussion, which was seconded by Mr. Botly. The discussion adjourned from the 16th February, was resumed on February 25th, Mr. W.H. Hall in the chair. Mr. George Shipton said he should like to refer in a few words to the remarks of the Chairman in reference to English trade unions. He understood him to say that, probably, we had not been able to see our way to such a means of reconciling the interests of employers and employed in this country as had been arrived at on the Continent, in consequence of the hostility of English trade societies. He was sure the Chairman would be the last knowingly to inflict such injustice on English trade societies, and he could assure him that members of the trade societies, instead of being hostile to any conciliatory offer, were always the first to make it. He could say a great deal on the other side, of men who had entered into negotiations and signed contracts that there should be no alteration of time or of wages without three or six months' notice, and he had known employers, in the face of an agreement like that, signed by both sides, scatter the whole thing to the winds without the least notice, and insist on a reduction of wages, and lock the men out if they refused. There was a case of the kind in Bristol at that very moment. However, he had no desire to use words which would increase any bitterness which might exist between employers and employed. They were met for a different purpose, that of endeavouring to reconcile the interests of both parties as far as possible. The subject had been somewhat departed from last week in the discussion, which touched on the question of good work and bad work, piece work and day work. This would form a very fitting subject for discussion by itself, but he would prefer pointing out what seemed to him defects in the various schemes brought forward by Mr. Taylor. To begin with, he took exception to one point, which, unless it were got over, would prevent English working men from taking an interest in the scheme, and that was to say that the participation should only take place in the profits to be created by the extra exertions of the men. He certainly thought that if workmen, by their own perseverance, skill, and care, made profits which the employer had not contributed to, those profits rightfully belonged to the men, and surely the employer would not be so immoral as to participate in profits which he had not been instrumental in creating. If the participation were only to come out of new profits, they had to thank the employer for nothing. He held it should be a participation in the general profits he derived from the joint energies of those employed in the particular house, or calling. The next best scheme was very much after after the fashion of the plan adopted by Mr. Bord. He should advocate immediate cash payments of profits to workmen, and not a deferred advantage, though possibly there might be no reason why an agreement to defer the payments should not be made. It might be said that if the workmen suddenly enjoyed a degree of prosperity they were not used to, they would squander the money, but he had yet to learn that that did not apply to other classes as well. Why should a special moral restriction be applied to workmen, which was not applied to all classes? The Rev. Mr. Blackley had put forward a national scheme of insurance, which certainly had the merit of compelling all classes to contribute, without exception. What he objected to in Mr. Bord's plan was, that he wrote off 10 per cent. per annum on the capital invested, and then took half the profits remaining, the other half being divided proportionately amongst the workmen who had contributed towards those profits. He thought 10 per cent. was an excessive price to chart as interest upon capital sunk in a business, and that 5 per cent. was the maximum. If they wrote off 5 per cent., he held that all the profits derived from the joint energies of those engaged in the firm should be divided proportionately to their wages, amongst employers and workmen, giving to the employers their extra share as managers, and so on; but if they were going to make themselves so secure, first by having 10 per cent. on the capital, and then taking half the profits, there was very little left for the workmen. It seemed to be the idea that all these things must come from the workmen's side, and nothing from the employers. Otherwise, with this exception, Mr. Bord's plan was the best, inasmuch as there was an immediate payment of profits. The proposition of Mr. De Courcy was simply an utter piece of selfishness, and he should be sorry to see it applied in English industrial life. The persons employed in his office got no advantage until the had been in the firm 25 years, and then it was not paid to them at all, but invested in the house, or in Government funds, and practically the men received no direct advantage. He was one who did not approve of postponing every advantage from his labour until he was dead and gone; he liked to participate in them while he was alive. Mr. De Courcy's own language showed the scheme to be an utterly selfish one, because he referred particularly to its influence in making the employes work long hours in place of fresh hands being engaged. Now, if they only looked at the fact that in England there were a million of paupers to keep, and that one in ten of the population died a criminal or a pauper, it was absurd to put up as solution of the labour question a scheme like this. Their object should be rather to shorten the hours of labour, and why? As one instance, that workmen night come and take part in such discussions as the present. If English workmen were ever to hold their own it must be by lifting up their whole character, not by making them into a degraded and ignorant race. If they had not time, how could they improve themselves, in order that they might stamp on their own work their own character and their own conscience. He should therefore deprecate any system which would tend to physically deteriorate the workman, and shut out those from employment who were as much entitled to it as those who had already a position in the firm. Mr. Chaix's plan was too paternal. He would rather see a man entrusted with his own money, even if he made some 13. mistakes at first because it would lead the way to a better state of things hereafter, and the freedom he would have would be much more valuable than training him up in any way under the guise of paternal Government. English workmen would never be induced to go into any scheme of that kind, if payment were deferred. He could give a very striking instance of this. About 1875, Messrs. Wingate and Co., ship - builders, at Glasgow, had, in their establishment, an insurance and accidental fund, to which the workmen were compelled to subscribe. This was retained by the firm, and deposited in the name of the firm. Some time after they went into liquidation, seized on the money, and distributed it amongst the creditors as part of the assets, so that the workmen, although it had been deducted from their wages, lost every farthing of it. Any system which would hand over to the employers the profits to keep for the workmen would be highly unsatisfactory. If the sums were held in trust for them at all, it should be done by some responsible party, by some one agreed upon by both. As far as he had had time to study the plan of the late Mr. Leclaire, that was the best as a compromise, because there the workmen's counsels were brought in co-operation with the employer. The employer took his proper position as administrator of the firm, giving to it all the force of his individual character, but at the same time allowing his workpeople to participate in the whole profits. There was only one point which he should like to have cleared up. He believed they had to be employed for six months before they participated in the profits. Now, in times of brisk trade there were many workmen called in for three or four months, who contributed to the prosperity of the firm, and he could not see why they should be shut out from participating, to some reasonable extent, simply because they were unfortunate enough to be employed for only a short time. No more than 5 per cent. was allowed to the capital invested; the work was done in the ordinary working hours, and the extra profits, if any, were accumulated by the extra conscience and extra ability developed amongst the men, and not by working an excessive number of hours. The profits should extend to all workmen, and he hoped it was not intended that the system should be applicable solely through any "nigger-driving" system, or that the workmen were to work themselves almost to death in order to live, which would inevitably lead to physical deterioration. It should be simply by fair work that the profits should be realised. He thoroughly agreed with Mr. Taylor's position in the latter portion of his remarks. If there were any effort made of this kind, one thing was absolutely necessary, and that was, that the English employers should leave off their pride and arrogance, and no longer refuse to meet their workmen in council. At present, they drove to their shops in their carriages, and knew no more about their workmen than the Czar of Russia. They saw their foremen, agents, and managers, but with their workmen they never came in contact. They knew nothing of the vicissitudes of labour and did not care. Up to the present time that had been the bitter experience, but if there were a change, the workmen would be only too glad to carry out such a scheme as that proposed. Mr. William Botly could not quite agree with the opening remarks of Mr. Shipton. He rather understood that the 10 per cent. would be 5 per cent. on the capital employed in the business, and that the other 5 per cent. would be for the maintenance of the manager. As regards the importance of dividing a portion of the profits among the labourers, there should be a consensus of opinion, and he thought, on the general principle of the paper, they would all be agreed. In that Book which they all professed to be the rule of their lives, they were told not to muzzle the ox that trod out the corn, and that the labourer was worthy of his hire. Anyone at all acquainted with manufacture, agriculture, or commerce, found that it was the interest of the employer to do his duty to the workmen, by giving him a sufficient wage for his day's work, which should allow him to provide for old age. They should all do what they could to encourage thrift, and the principle now brought forward would, he thought, encourage that, and also the straightforward carefulness which they all desired to see in the working man. The paper had given proof of the beneficial effects of participation in profits in France; and notwithstanding some difference in the habits of the French and English, he did not see why the same system should not be adopted here. The remark that the result of labour, until it was ascertained, was an unknown quantity, was quite correct; but the labourer might be paid the regular wages in the district, and at the end of the year the profits could be very easily reckoned. That would be particularly applicable to agriculture. There were instances in England where that was done--as, for instance, on the property of the Speaker of the House of Commons. No doubt, there would be occasions--as, for instance, the year before last, which was the most unfortunate you ever remembered--when there would be no profits. One gentleman said the loss to the farming interest, on wheat alone, was five millions; but he believed it would be found the loss would be nearer 50 millions; and, of course, in that year the agricultural labourer would have had no division of profits at all. He hoped to see the time when, by better education and more thrift--which every one should encourage by their own example, whatever their position in life--the position of English workmen would be improved. No one ever rose to eminence without great application. This was shown in the case of George Moore, the Morrisons, and others. Some might say that workmen had not the power of doing so generally, but he said they had. He knew instances of persons who had raised themselves from common labourers to small farmers; but then they made efforts which the generality did not do--they were not smokers or drinkers, but made the most of every trifle. Mr. Quinlan said he did not come with the intention of speaking, but he thought he was bound to meet some of the remarks which were made by Mr. Shipton with regard to employers and workmen. He stated that the workmen were always anxious for arbitration, and to submit their case for equitable decision, and that the employers were not so. But look at the present state of affairs in Lancashire and Yorkshire. In these counties the colliers have struck for higher wages, which the employers say they cannot give; and they have offered, in proof of this, to lay their books before any competent accountant, and to submit the whole dispute to arbitration. According to the papers, that had been refused. He did not wish to say a word against workmen, but he protested against the entire class of employers and capitalists being stigmatised as tyrannical and unjust because some had been harsh. Mr. Shipton objected to more than five per cent. being allowed to the employer. But take the case of hazardous businesses, such as collieries, in which he was largely interested, and in one of which he was a director. They were liable to explosions and all sorts of accidents. Would any man who had money be satisfied to put it in these hazardous things for five per cent.? It would pay very well in some things. Three per cent. paid in Consols, but 20 per cent. would scarcely be a remunerative return in other occupations, such as mining, where the changes of loss of both capital and interest were very great. Mr. Shipton also stated that the whole of the profits should be divided amongst the workpeople; not that which they made by their own diligence or extra work. But would they divide the losses as well? It was necessary to face this question.14 They would only give five per cent. interest, and all the additional profits must be divided amongst the men; what about the losses. For various reasons he was in favour of a partial division of profits and superannuation. If a man went into an establishment, such, for instance, as Krupp's Iron Works, and he knew by the rules he would be entitled to superannuation by a certain time, it was a check on the natural tendency of young men to change, and the consequence was, men would stop in such an establishment, with the result that they went on all through their lives at good wages, with plenty to eat and drink, and everything a man wanted, whereas, if they got the whole of their profits they would probably become rolling stones and ramble about, some would get to high positions, and others would go to the workhouse. He should prefer the middle course, giving the man a share every year of the extra profits, and putting by an equal amount, which he should be paid in case of accident or death. A case had been mentioned of the money put by being seized by creditors, and he believed something of the same sort took place with regard to a co-operative farm, which was carried on successfully for some time in Ireland, but all this could be guarded against if proper arrangements were made in the first place. Then it was said that new men ought to share with the old, but he could not see the justice of that. It was not the case anywhere, that he knew of, that a new man in an establishment got equal wages with an old one, except, perhaps, in a particular shop, where every many went in on the same footing, under special circumstances. He believed the participation plan was the best which could be adopted; and he thought the reason why some efforts of this kind had failed was, that the difficulties were not sufficiently appreciated and protected against. Some men would not care for the system, others, on the contrary, appreciated it. He could understand why Leclaire succeeded, by reading his life. He started as a workman, and gradually built up his establishment, and he could imagine him carefully selecting his men and his foremen; and when he commenced this participating scheme he was surrounded by a set of men whom he knew, and who knew him. The same principle would answer in this country, and it would help to put an end to piece-work, which, in the interest of all concerned, it would be well to get rid of, if possible. He did not see why the plan should not succeed, if it were carried out here with the intelligence which Frenchmen exhibited, but it should not be put in force without preparation. The men should be selected in the first place, and there should be means for getting rid of those whom it did not suit. He had always seen, that if you gave a man an interest in his work it would be done better, and more of it would be done. Mr. George Howell said Leclaire's system did provide for dividing profits with the very newest comer into the firm, an instance of which was given in Mr. Hall's book or in Mr. Sedley Taylor's article, of a man who had worked one day of ten hours, when he received 6 francs and 50 centimes for his wages, and, at the end of the year, he had his proportion of profits just the same as the rest. He thought they had not yet realised the principles laid down in the paper, the central point being that the men contributed nothing in the shape of capital to the firm, but the whole of the capital was got out of profits. He was now using the term capital in the sense of money, not in the widest sense. The principle seemed to be this, that the men, not by working longer hours, but by working the ordinary day and being paid the current wages in the trade, having a chance of participating in the profit, threw an amount of intelligence, and skill, and energy into their work which had not previously existed. He did not think the workmen had anything at all to complain of in that respect. If they were paid the current wages, they realised that for which unions were primarily started, and if by extra energy and skill they could create more profits than the master originally obtained by the ordinary, perhaps slovenly and wasteful work, they were allowed to participate in those extra profits. That was only the first initiatory stage of the scheme, a stage which, to his mind, could be applied easily to almost the entire ramifications of industrial life in this country, and the workmen surely would have nothing to complain of if, after having been paid their just wages, they realised something in the way of profits, the higher the share, the better, of course; in Leclaire's establishment, it amounted to about 15 per cent. It ended in this--and the moral was the grandest part of it--that these workmen became better workmen than the ordinary workmen in the trade, and were not only paid the ordinary wages of the district, but could command higher wages, and were actually paid higher wages, and, in addition to that, still had the bonus. That was the earlier stage of the matter, but it was the other stages taken up by Leclaire which showed up the moral grandeur of the scheme, and he could not believe Englishmen were so far behind Frenchmen that the same could not be done here. he did not think Englishmen were more selfish that Frenchmen, though they might not be quite so free in their speculations. Leclaire's scheme was worked out under the great disadvantage of not being able to meet in public and discuss their plans, and thus lay down the basis upon which to work. The first starting-point seemed to have been his absolutely bringing in some bags of money and dividing the profits--not upon the year he had promised them, but upon the previous year, because the Government had refused permission to hold a meeting. The scheme which, perhaps, caused the greatest amount of discussion was the greater and broader one, in which the men became absolute co-partners--a scheme which, in a certain sense, had been applied in this country, and was still applied in some instances; but, in this particular case, not only were the men paid their full wages, and participated in a certain proportion of profits, but were entitled to all the benefits of the mutual aid society--in its first stage contributed to by the men and by the masters, but ultimately only contributed to by the profits--and the men participated in the first distribution of its funds when the society was dissolved. Subsequently to that, and in all later stages, the capital seemed absolutely to have been created out of the firm, a proportion of it having been set aside, in addition to the wages and the bonus, until the mutual aid society had sufficient funds, or nearly so (the balance being made up by Leclaire himself), to make it a sleeping partner in the concern. When the employers of England, or a large number of them, could once see their way to say to any number of men in their employment that they were prepared to make a similar step to that, his belief was that the workmen, whether unionist or non-unionist, as a rule would jump at it, but the difficulty was the one hinted at by the last speaker with regard to the losses that might be sustained in the court of business. Those losses were prudently prepared for by Leclaire., as they were by all other prudent employers. A man who made 20 per cent. this year, as a celebrated firm did which had been referred to in the course of the debate, and divided all the profits among the proprietors, and made no provision by a reserve fund, and then asked the men to help bear the loss when it came, was a very different thing to Leclaire's system. It was not enough to say whether the firm should reserve to themselves 5 per cent. or 10 per cent., seeing that the firm made the business and found the capital. No doubt 5 per cent. certain was beginning to be recognised as much better than a fluctuating per-centage, ranging from 10 per cent. or 20 per cent to nil; and when they could provide against these contingencies, it might be found that 5 per cent. would be sufficient. That 15 was just the amount reserved by Leclaire for interest on capital in his business, that being given equally to the partners for their shares, and to the mutual aid society for its share, although its share of capital was made out of the profits. The question was, was there any insuperable difficulty on the part of English workmen to entertain proposals of this kind, should they be made by their employers? He could not conceive for one moment that there was any objection to the scheme for being tried anywhere, or that any well organised trade union would raise any objection to it. It was altogether outside the purview of the unions. He did not mean to say but that a well conducted firm of this description might incidentally interfere with the working of the union, because some of the societies had a very well elaborated scheme of mutual aid, in the shape of a sick fund, an out-of- work fund, and so on, such as was provided for in the mutual aid society of Leclaire, and that might be interfered with indirectly; but, if it were found that this could be done better in some other way, Englishmen would soon agree to the change. But suppose the scheme to go on in the most favourable manner, it would be a long time before it would be able to do away with great unions, like that of the engineers', which, perhaps, provided more for the sum paid in than any other benefit society. He could see many reasons why workmen should seek these advantages if employers were only willing to concede them, but it was lamentable to him to find that instead of the bonds of union between employers and employed being made closer they were being continually loosened. They began that when they went form the month to the week in hiring, again from the week to the day, and again from the day to the hour, and the system existed now of mere minute contracts. How was it possible for any individual man to have an interest in the welfare and prosperity of a firm when he might be dismissed at a minute's notice? Anything which would give him a permanent and binding interest in the firm would help him in future life in more ways than the mere fact of having regular wages, because it would have a great moral effect. He was, therefore, in favour of helping forward this movement as far as possible, by discussion and otherwise, until some employer of labour, having something like the generous sympathies of Leclaire, would be prepared to try it on a broad basis. With regard to the character of the business in which it was tried, he did not think that the house-painting and decorating business in Paris was quite of the precarious kind that it was in this country, and so far, Leclaire had an advantage; but it must be recollected that the painting and decorating firms in this country were not limited to those who were connected with jerry builders and field ranging, as it was called. There were great firms in London which kept their men on almost permanently, only discharging them under great and continued pressure. If the plan could be tried in that particular trade where a man had to take upon himself a certain amount of independent action, and yet must co-operate with the whole of his fellows to produce a good result, it could be done in most trades. It was tried in this country to a greater extent than many supposed, especially on the system more particularly comment upon by Mr. Shipton-- of deferred profits; but it sometimes became necessary to compel the owner of a share in the deferred profits to go out of the firm and take his money with him. He did not know whether he was quite accurate, but he had heard, on good authority, of a man who had been for 24 or 25 years occupying a good position in a considerable firm, and who very early in life had participated in the profits to a certain extent, and also allowed a portion of his salary to accumulate. Ultimately, some alterations being made in the firm, it was suggested to him that he should retire from the business; he was willing to do so, though he did not like leaving, but said he should like to leave his money there. He was told, however, that they had as much as they knew what to do with, and, although it seemed an incredible sum, he was informed, on good authority, that the man was paid no less than £50,000 as his share. In Leclaire's establishment 15 per cent., on the average, was divided for nine years, and in addition to that the men had £21 each out of the mutual aid fund when it was shared. If they had gone on to a second share in that fund, it seemed probable that, in the course of the next 15 years, they would have shared from £50 to £60 each. He could only say that he hoped some employers in this country would see their way to bind their men to them by allowing them in participation in profits, and ultimately making them co-partners in the firm, because one example of that kind would do a great deal more to advance the matter than any amount of discussion. Mr. Gridley said he had read Mr. Taylor's paper and the discussion on the previous occasion, although he was not present, and he was strongly of opinion that under certain conditions labour was entitled to much more than at present it generally received out of the profits of enterprise. He said this as an employer. Taken collectively, capital now stood as an absolute ruler of labour and exercised a despotism of the most absolute character, but he was of opinion that such a system could not be much longer tolerated. These schemes were, be believed, honest endeavours to find a remedy and to get for labour more justice, and he should willingly assist in the proposed society for making the idea better known. It would be much more difficulty, however, in England than in France, because the French were much more suited to co-operation; the English were slow to believe in any idea until it was shown to be an advantage, whilst the French were eager to try any new scheme of equality and fraternity. With respect to the conditions under which participation could and should be attempted, any endeavour to try it where the employer did not primarily consider that he had certain moral duties owing to labour, would soon, he feared, end in failure. Dr. Ingram read a paper at the last Trades Union Congress, in which he dealt with the position of capitalists, and pointed out that they ought to regard themselves as discharging a public function, namely, that of conservators and administrators of human capital. Unless capitalists recognised these moral duties, and obtained the respect, esteem, and trust of their workmen, he could see nothing but failure. Carlyle said that cash never yet paid one man fully his deserts to another, and never would. You might commence participation in a concern by appealing to the greed and selfishness of the employes, and in that way get them to work better and amass money, and assist capitalists to do the same, and this was pretty well as far as Mr. Taylor wished the matter to be carried, but in his opinion this was a most objectionable way of gaining a position of prosperity, even if that could be thus attained. They must appeal to the great moral power in man, not to his selfishness and greed. A true workman did not work honestly and thoroughly because he was paid to do it, but because he felt to do the contrary was despicable and dishonest. Mr. Pfoundes thought they were overlooking the fact that a great deal had already been done in past years in the direction pointed out by the paper in foreign countries. Twenty-four or twenty-five years ago, efforts were made in this direction in the Australian Colonies, and he wished to point out the necessity of turning attention to what our own countrymen had done, when released from the trammels so much complained of, which hampered them at home. There were thousands of the most intelligent of our countrymen living in the colonies and foreign countries, who were16 actually now competing under most favourable circumstances with those at home, and the time had come when a question like this should be taken up on a broader bases, so that , admirable as the paper was, he submitted it was not altogether what was required. If they could go abroad and see how their own countrymen succeeded there, they might learn some very valuable lessons. The improvement had to come from the men themselves. He had seen Englishmen, landing in Melbourne, laughed and jeered at as new chums by their own countrymen, who had only been two or three years in the colony: and in the same way in Castle Garden, New York, he had seem them laughed at as gawkies, by those who had only been in that country a year or two. He had seen the same class in the New England States, and in the colonies, showing a wonderful improvement in two or three years; and since his recent return to this country, he had seen the necessity of something more than the merely half-hearted measures which were continually suggested, being brought forward. He did not think it was practicable, in a business point of view, to entirely adopt principles which might, more or less, succeed in foreign countries like France; but an entirely reformed social system would be needed; and that reform must come from below as well as above. While there were these conflicts going on between workingmen and employers, and they were constantly quarreling over the shell, other nations were stepping in, and taking the oyster out. Our commerce was failing from our hands, simply from the quarrels of labourers and capitalists. How could they expect a division of the profit which must, in great measure, result from clever, hard-headed men, when they were obliged to go on the market, and speculate in raw material, to keep their hands employed. When he was abroad, some of their own correspondents had sent out goods which were sold at a loss; but they were manufactured simply to keep the mills going. How were profits to be divided in such cases? Would the men stand having a per-centage taken off their paltry wages, in case the head of the firm made a mistake on the market? The Chairman said there was no intention of taking anything off anyone's wages, the proposal was to add something to them. Mr. Pfoundes said what he wanted to point out was the necessity of looking to what our countrymen were doing abroad. Mr. Phillips said his impression was that no system except that of Leclaire was worthy of consideration, because all the others were simply the development of selfishness. They sprang from selfishness in the employer, were calculated to develop selfishness in the workmen, and on the whole, would tend to demoralization. Leclaire's principle was very simple, and would be immediately applicable not to one occupation only, but wherever people were employed; the only requisite was to find the employers with an inborn spirit of justice sufficient to induce them to put it in practice. Once you had the principle, others would soon follow and co-operate. The public, who were much interested in the kind of goods they purchased, could assist by giving such establishments their support. Sometimes there was a confusion made between the capitalist and employer. You sometimes heard rich men called captains of industry, but many of them were not captains of industry at all; they were simply owners of capital, who farmed the industry and intelligence of other men. They took six portions out of ten, and gave the workman only four to live upon, while they grew rich on the six parts they had taken. That was the general rule, and it was supported by the principles of the dismal science. To these men it did not matter whether the wages given to the workmen were sufficient to keep body and soul together or not; if they could get a man willing to accept such wages they felt justified in giving them. But that was not a fair portion. If that system continued to prevail, the labouring people throughout the world who now spoke with one sentiment, but different languages, would eventually have those sentiments conveyed in one language, and when they did so speak, it would be with a solidarity that would have power to act. And how would it act? That lay with the capitalists and employers who regulated the legislation of the country. If they sowed wisely they would reap well, but if they sowed the miserable system which now existed, the time would come when they would reap ill. Various points had been raised which hardly bore on the question With regard to the interest which should accrue to the invested capital, a statement was made with regard to mines, that the capitalist who invested in a mine suffered from explosion and accidents. He always thought the boot was on the other leg. It was not the capitalist who suffered, but the men. If 15 per cent was a fair per cent, for the capitalist to receive who invested his money, what was a fair percentage for the man who invested is life? Much stress had been laid on the participation of profits versus participation of loss, but he believed the workman was just as fair and intelligent as the capitalist, and if you gave the workman a fair share of the profits, he would be quite willing to take his fair share of the loss. He would not deal with many of the side issues which had been raised, but with regard to piece-work and waste of material, he might say that he had frequently had charge of work, and while in that position had an opportunity of seeing how it was done, and how material was used. He had seldom cause to find fault with men working day-work, but he had noticed the greatest waste of material he had ever come across had been indulged in by piece-workers. You might get the most physical exertion out of a man who worked piece-work, but you would not get the best work. If he (Mr. Phillips) was going to sea, and had the choice of going in a sip which was built by piece-work, or one that was built by day-work, he would much prefer the latter. Mr. Hodgson Pratt said he hoped that, if any practical result were to follow this discussion, the form participation would take would not be that of giving a few small sums in the shape of bonus at the end of the year, which would be a very small step in the desired direction, but that the main object steadily kept in view would be the permanent identification of interest between the workmen and employers in the same house. That would not be realized by simply giving a bonus at the end of six or 12 months. The great object should be to make the workmen gradually more and more partners in every concern in which they were employed. What was wanted was to do away with the sharp line of division between the two classes, and to make every workman a capitalist as well as a mere wage-receiver. It was quite clear, from the experiments of Leclaire and others, that not only increased industry, attention, and desire to prevent waste would be the result, but that, in every form, the identification of interests on the part of all employed must bring to the firm new ideas and suggestions as regards processes, and so forth, which could not fail to be beneficial. it had been pointed out over and over again that many of our industries were in a very precarious position at the present time, and that, in many departments, we were beaten by foreign competition. All this tended to show that England was now undergoing a considerable crisis, and that her future depended on her undergoing an industrial change, which should enlist a greater amount of intelligence in her manufactures. Compare the present condition of things, in which the workman could have little or no interest in the firm, with that which would take place if every workman in every large firm had an opportunity of being an holder of its capital. In that case all men of intelligence would be constantly thinking how to increase 17 the profits, and make the concern more successful. A vast number of minds all over the country would be electrified, so to speak, by that desire, and the new ideas would be forthcoming, which were absolutely necessary to enable us to compete successfully with other countries. One word with regard to Messrs. Briggs' collieries which had been alluded to. All the facts connected with that went to show that there was a fatal error on the part of those employers. They did not approach the workman as an associate, but simply as a workman, to receive what they chose to give him, and with such a state of things there could never be that complete confidence on both sides which was essential to realize the welfare of the undertaking. That Messrs. Briggs could have supposed for a moment that the workmen in their employ would consent to cut themselves off from their trade association, showed, in the most striking manner, how completely faulty was the spirit in which they approached the experiment. There must be perfect equality of rights and feeling between the two parties. Messrs. Briggs showed themselves wholly unable to understand the problem before them, when they ventured to trench on the ordinary independence and self-respect of their workmen, by dictating to them what they should do in connection with their trade society. If employers wished this movement to succeed, they must approach the matter in an altogether different spirit; treat their workmen with confidence and respect, and make them sharers in the capital. Mr. Sedley Taylor said he would reply very briefly to the main objections which had been advanced against the principle of participation during the discussion. Mr. Wolstencroft had expressed an opinion that, in some industries, piece-work would be superior to participation. There were, however, theoretical considerations of much force which made for the latter, as against the former, system. Participation stimulated excellence of work in every direction, whereas piece-work, though it increased quantity of production in a given time, had no tendency whatever to improve quality or enhance economy beyond the degree which would just pass muster with the inspecting examiner. But theoretical considerations were not all they had to judge by. They had the evidence of the important firm, Billon et Isaac, at Geneva, where the managing director and a large majority of the workmen had stated, as their deliberate opinion, that piece-work was no effective substitute for participation in profits. The two systems were, however, capable of being worked together without the slightest difficulty, as was, in fact, done in the establishment just referred to, and in many other participating houses on the Continent. The same speaker had denied the applicability of participation to coal-mining, on the ground that the colliers were paid only for the coal actually brought to the surface in proper condition. He (Mr. Taylor) had, however, been informed, during a recent visit to the Newcastle coal-field, that a great preventable waste of materials occurred in that industry, which payment by results did not diminish in the slightest degree, but which participation would directly tend to check. He had learned that large quantities of the timber used for shoring up the workings were constantly getting buried under the debris thrown out in the hewing process,, and permanently lost. The pitmen had no interest in preventing this waste, and, rather than make their employers a present of the labour required to remove the timber to a position of safety, rarely hesitated to entomb it, for good and all, under the unsaleable small coal thrown aside in the operation of hewing. Payment by results thus actually tended to encourage this waste, whereas participation in profits would teach the miners to suppress it as directly injurious to themselves. In reference to the very satisfactory statement which had been made by Mr. Lloyd Jones that there was no reason to apprehend hostility on the part of trades union leaders against a movement for industrial participation, a very important letter had reached him (Mr. Taylor) from Mr. Burt, M.P. for Morpeth, whose connection with the miners' union was well known. "I am glad" wrote Mr. Burt, "that you are carrying on your efforts in favour of co-partnership, or, as you well express it, participation by the labourer in the profits. I quite agree with your views, and wish you every success." A movement which had the support of Mr. Burt in the North, and Mr. Lloyd Jones and Mrs. Howell in the South, had no reason to anticipate an excommunication by trade unions. Mr. Trewby had objected to Leclaire's system that it afforded no outlet for individual enterprise, as, if a man started in business on his own account, he would lose whatever he had deposited in the concern. As far as promotion to higher employment in the house itself was concerned, the Maison Leclaire offered to unendowed talent and perseverance most exceptional "outlets." The posts of foreman, and even those of the two managing partners, were open to, and obtainable solely by, merit. MM. Redouly and Marquot, the present heads of the house, had both begun work as simple apprentices, and owed their present honourable and lucrative positions exclusively to their own abilities and high principle. In quitting employment by the house for a private enterprise, a member of the mutual aid society would doubtless lose his right to a retiring pension, but he would carry with him the result of cash payments, averaging 15 per cent, on each year of his work for the house, which it would be his own fault if he had not systematically capitalized. Mr. Trewby's objection was, undoubtedly, of much greater force against M. de Courey's system of long-deferred participation,; it should, however, be borne in mind that that system had in view the case, not of workmen, but of clerks, who could only under very exceptional circumstances hope to become employers of labour themselves, and whose ambition was, as a rule, limited to the attainment of confidential posts immediately below those occupied by the capitalists at the head of the concern. For men thus situated, a permanent connexion with one and the same house was a distinct advantage, and the tie involved in M. de Courey's system would, therefore, be far less irksomely felt by them than by workmen whose circumstances involved frequent changes of employer. To Mr. Shipton's view, that the entire surplus profits should be allotted to the workmen whose more effective labour called them into existence, he would reply that some material advantage must be offered to the employer, in return for the time and trouble which he would have to expend in organizing and superintending new industrial relations. Much thought and energy would be required in making the change and insuring its success, and employers could not fairly be called upon to make such efforts, unless on behalf of a system of mutual advantage. Mr. Shipton's proposal to limit the interest on capital invested in production to 5 per cent., without making any allowance for the great differences of trade risk inherent in different industries, could not possibly be entertained. The same speaker's apprehensions that participation would lead to "nigger driving," and premature exhaustion of the labourer by an increase in the hours of daily work, lacked all support from the experience of participating houses, where the hours were no longer, nor the work more physically exhausting, than in concerns carried on in the ordinary way. It was by united and heartier work, not by intensified physical exertion, that the happy results of participation were to be achieved. In order to show, on the authority of a well-known political economist, that participation in profits approached the problem of capital and labour from the only point of view which offered any prospect of a solution, he would quote the following passage from Mr. Fawcett's work on "Pauperism" -* *London, Macmillan 1871. P. 164.18 "It is vain to expect any marked improvement in the general economic condition of the country, as long as the production of wealth involves a keen conflict of opposing pecuniary interests. The force which ten men can exert may be completely neutralised, if they are so arranged as to contend against, instead of assisting, each other, Similarly, the efficiency of capital and labour must be most seriously impaired, when, instead of representing two agents assisting each other to secure a common object, they spend a considerable potion of their strength in an internecine contest. All experience shows that there can be no hope of introducing more harmonious relations, unless employers and employed are both made to feel that they have an immediate and direct interest in the success of the work in which they are engaged." He was personally authorized to say that the Postmaster- General was prepared to repeat, with even accentuated emphasis, the strongly favourable opinion on industrial participation expressed in the volume just referred to. Mr. Taylor concluded by again urging the advisability of forming a society to promote the practical study of participation, and by renewing his request that conditional adhesions to such a society might be forwarded to him at Trinity College, Cambridge. The Chairman said he must add one word of explanation of the remark which fell from him on the opening night with regard to trades unions. He merely threw out the suggestion that trades unions might be one of the possible obstacles to the spread of this scheme. He did not make any assertions on the subject, but he was aware that unions did not exist in France, where these participation schemes flourished. He was still bound to think to a certain extent that the trades union organisation, on the part of the men or of the masters, did present certain obstacles to that familiar intercourse between individual master and man which was so desirable, but he could hardly regret having thrown out the remark, because it had elicited such emphatic repudiation of antagonism to the principle of participation on the part of leading unionists. He could not believe that in England - where capitalists were known to bestow GBP100,000 on founding a library or giving a park to the people, as some men did in the North of England, thus devoting almost the whole of their accumulation in gifts to the place where their wealth was made - that men actuated by the spirit of Leclaire would not be forthcoming. He thought that when such an experiment were set before them, men of the stamp of Hugh Mason and Firth would feel infinitely more satisfaction in spreading their munificence over their whole lives, than in deferring it to the end, and then pouring it forth in this generous and wholesale fashion. In conclusion, he proposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Sedley Taylor, and endorsed his desire for the foundation of a society* to disseminate information on the subject of participation in profits. At these discussions there had been a more marked attendance of gentlemen representing the working class than the employers, and in order to carry on the subject, he hoped that at the next meeting they might secure the attendance of several large employers of labour. Mr. George Shipton seconded the vote of thanks. Mr. Crace. jun., said, as an employer, he begged to add his voice to the vote of thanks, as he felt very much indebted to Mr. Taylor for bringing the subject forward. The vote of thanks was carried unanimously. *It is requested that all communications relating to the proposed Society may be addressed to SEDLEY TAYLOR, Esq., Trinity College, Cambridge. The Participation of Labour in the profits of enterprise. Sedley Taylor, before the Society of Arts, Feb. 16, 1881 inscribed "with Sedley Taylor's compliments 18pp LONDON: W. TROUNCE, PRINTER, COUGH SQUARE, FLEET STREET, E.C. [**P2 P12 P29*] Medical Women A TEN YEARS' RETROSPECT BY DR SOPHIA JEX-BLAKE, Member of the Irish College of Physicians; Lecturer on Midwifery in the Extra-Mural School of Edinburgh; Attending Physician to the Edinburgh Hospital for Women and Children; Dean of the Edinburgh School of Medicine for Women. REPRINTED, BY PERMISSION, FROM THE NINETEENTH CENTURY OF NOVEMBER 11887. WITH POSTSCRIPT AND APPENDIX. Published by THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR PROMOTING THE MEDICAL EDUCATION OF WOMEN. EDINBURGH, 1888.INDEX. PAGE REPRINT FROM Nineteenth Century - - - - 1 POSTSCRIPT - - - - - - - 21 APPENDIX- A. Edinburgh School of Medicine for Women - - 25 B. Finances of the School - - - - - 27 C. Registered Medical Women - - - - 28 D. Institutions Officered by Medical Women - - - 31 E. Bursaries and Scholarships - - - - 32 F. Medical Schools, Expenses, Examinations - - 33 G. Appointment in Edinburgh Extra-Mural School - - 35MEDICAL WOMEN. JUST ten years have elapsed since there appeared, in one of the earliest number of this Review, a thoroughly chivalrous paper with the above title, and I am glad to refer to it anyone who is not familiar with the history of the movement in favour of the medical education of women up to that date, and who may wish to read it as it appeared to a writer who had no personal interest whatever in the cause, except the one paramount interest of a love of justice and right.[1] "The case (he says) is an instance not uncommon in the history of movements destined to succeed, of an up-hill struggle apparently against long odds, of doubtful progress, hopes disappointed or defeated, the patience and courage of many trembling in the balance, and then, at the moment of the greatest discouragement, the hour before the dawn. of a sudden collapse of opposition, and then of daylight and the haven reached." I shall not of course attempt in the present article to go over again in any detail the ground which has been so admirably covered by Mr. Stansfeld, but shall make it my endeavour to supplement his paper with an account, as clear as brevity will permit, of the subsequent events in the history of the last ten years, and of the present position of medical women in this country and abroad. In order, however, to make my story clear, it will probably be necessary for me to recapitulate as briefly as possible the most essential points referred to in the previous paper. The whole story really turned upon the fact that, by the Medical Act of 1858, the sole power of admission to the medical register was vested in nineteen licensing bodies, and, by a fatal oversight, no clause on the Act made it obligatory on those bodies to examine all candidates irrespective of sex. It had never occurred to the framers of the Act that the boards in question would capriciously refuse to examine, and 1 Medical Women, by the Right Hon. James Stansfeld, M.P., Nineteenth Century, July, 1877. A 2 that in this way an enormous injustice might be committed under shelter of the law.[2] After referring to the remarkable circumstances under which the two first English medical women, Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell and Dr Garrett Anderson, succeeded in placing their names upon the British Register (in 1858 and 1865 respectively), and the still more remarkable way in which the doors through which they entered were closed effectually after these "forerunners of the movement," Mr Stansfeld proceeded to give an account of the struggle itself, which he dates from the month of March 1869, when application was made by a woman [*Dr Blackwell Dr Garrett Anderson*] to the University of Edinburgh, for permission to become a student in its Medical Faculty. After various vicissitudes which it is impossible to narrate, the requisite permission for separate classes was given, and received the sanction of every one of the governing bodies of the University.[3] Five women were allowed to matriculate in October 1869, and, after passing the requisite examination in arts, were required to pay the usual fees and to sign the University roll, then receiving the ordinary matriculation tickets, which bore their names and declared them to be Cives Academiae Edinensis. The apparent success thus gained was, however, ultimately rendered nugatory by the fact that, while the University authorities "permitted" women to attend any other, they did not require the Professors to give such classes, and so left the women dependent on the personal caprice of each individual teacher. At the end of two years a deadlock ensued, and subsequently the Court of Session was called upon to decide between the claims of those medical students who had the misfortune to be women, and the assertion of the right of professors to refuse to teach one section of Edinburgh undergraduates. The action was tried in 1872 before Lord Ordinary Gifford, and was by him decided substantially in favour of the women's claims. 2 It is a curious fact that Mr Cowper-Temple (afterwards Lord Mount-Temple) was in office in 1838, and as Vice-President was specially instrumental in passing this Act; so that his subsequent advocacy on our behalf was peculiarly appropriate. 3 For all details see Medical Women, by the present writer, second edition, Oliphant, Anderson & Co., Edinburgh, 1886. 3 "It is impossible to hold (said his lordship) that ladies are students with no rights whatever, whereas males are students with legal and enforceable rights. To admit them as students and yet deny their right to be taught would be absurd....And, lastly, it follows that the pursuers are entitled equally, as a matter of right, to demand full and complete medical degrees. The right to demand graduation is a necessary consequence of the right to study at the university; ordinary medical degrees are not matters of favour or of arbitrary discretion; they are the indefeasible right of the successful student." The question, however, was not allowed to rest here. The case was appealed to the Inner House, and, after deliberations extending over nearly a year, judgment was, in June 1873, given against the ladies by a bare majority of the whole Court of Session. The defeated students thus lost all the labour and expenditure of the previous four years, and were, moreover, made liable for the whole expenses of the lawsuit, amounting to GBP848. It would of course have been possible still to appeal to the House of Lords, but after much anxious consideration the women in question determined, as Mr. Stansfeld puts it, "to widen their appeal, and to base it on the ground of right, and to address it to Parliament and to public opinion." The little band of Edinburgh students come to the south, and enlisted sufficient sympathy in and out of the medical profession to enable them to found the London School of Medicine for Women, which was opened in October 1874, and which has ever since pursued a career of increasing usefulness and success. Lecturers from existing schools were induced to undertake the teaching of its students; and when, in 1877, the wards of the Royal Free Hospital were also thrown open to them, chiefly through the exertions of Mr. Stansfeld, the whole problem of the medical education of women might be considered as satisfactorily solved. But this was only half of what was required. It was also necessary that access to the Medical Register should be secured, through the examinations and qualification of at least one of the Examining Boards. The question came up in Parliament again and again, and the cause of the women was generously taken up with equal readiness by just men belonging to both sides of the House. In 1874 a bill was brought in "to remove doubts as to the powers of the Universities of 4 Scotland," but those universities (or some of them) preferred that the doubts should remain, and the bill proved a failure. In 1875 Mr. Cowper-Temple proposed that the degrees of certain foreign universities should be registrable in the case of women, so long as these women were debarred from the ordinary British examinations and diplomas; but this bill also fell to the ground. Finally, a bill was, in 1876, brought in and carried by Mr. Russell Gurney, then recorder of London, which "enabled" (without compelling) all British Examining Boards to extend their examinations and qualifications to women. At the same time the question was brought by the Government before the Medical Council, who delivered, as their official reply, that "The Council are not prepared to say that women ought to be excluded from the profession." Within a few months of the passing of the Enabling Act the path of the women was made plain by the liberality of the King's and Queen's College of Physicians in Ireland, who declared their readiness to admit them to their ordinary examinations, and to grant them the usual qualification for registration. Now, then, the goal at length was won, and when Mr. Stansfeld wrote his article in 1877, the three absolutely essential points had all been secured :- (1) a medical school; (2) a hospital for clinical teaching; (3) examination and registration. The foundations, in fact, were well and safely laid, after eight years of incessant struggle; but much, very much, still remained to be done before the superstructure could be considered complete. At that time only one examining body, out of nineteen, had consented to admit women, and that one granted a "medical" qualification only (i.e. not including surgery); no University in the three kingdoms would grant them degrees; no College of Surgeons would examine them; only nine women had succeeded in obtaining registration; only one medical school was open to women, and this numbered less than thirty students; not a penny of public money was available for their assistance in any way, and the whole very considerable expense of founding and maintaining a separate school, till it became large enough to be self-supporting, had to be met from private funds, which, as usual, were less easily attainable for such a purpose than 5 for benevolent objects more directly appealing to the sympathies of the population at large. I hope now in the following pages to relate what has subsequently been achieved in the various directions in which progress was most urgently needed. When I stated that all the universities still closed their doors in 1877, I should perhaps have mentioned, as an exception, that the authorities of the Queen's University in Ireland consented to examine women, if any could comply with their conditions; but as no candidates were admitted except from the affiliated colleges of Belfast, Cork, and Galway and as all these colleges unanimously refused to teach women, the permission was, in fact, merely nominal. Subsequently, however, in 1879, this university became transformed into the Royal University of Ireland, and was enabled to fulfil its pledge to the women, as residence at special colleges was no longer required. A number of women have already passed its examinations and obtained its degrees, though no degree has yet been granted in the medical faculty, which, however, is now fully open. The university that practically led the van in admitting women to British degrees, was, as was perhaps to be expected, the University of London. When, in January 1878, the question of the admission of women was brought by the Senate before Convocation, it was decided on the side of liberality by an overwhelming majority (241 to 132 votes), and the degrees of this, the leading university of Great Britain, have ever since been thrown open on equal conditions to all comers, as the rewards of academic merit alone; no longer to be regarded, as still are unfortunately the degrees of other British universities, as a mere "appanage of the male sex." It is a matter of some interest that examinations are, in this university, conducted by papers marked with numbers only, so that examiners do not know the sex of the candidate; and thus the question of relative capacity for success has been for the first time tried before an inevitably impartial tribunal. It is at least worth notice that an analysis of the results given in the University Calendar shows that during the first five years (1878 to 1883) 7208 men went up for the matriculation examination, and 3712 passed, i.e. 51.5 per cent.; while 619 6 women went up, and 427 passed, or 69 per cent. The results of the subsequent examinations were not dissimilar. of course I would not for a moment argue from this fact, that the mental power of women is superior to that of men (an assertion which seems to me just as absurd as its converse), but that the comparatively small number of women who take advantage of the lately opened door, value their privileges more highly, and are more thoroughly in earnest in their use of them, than is the case with the average student of the other sex, for whom academic honours have always hitherto been arbitrarily reserved. With regard to the Colleges of Surgeons, the final success was to be still delayed for some years. It was not till 1885 that the Irish College of Surgeons, under the enlightened presidency of Sir Charles Cameron, threw open its doors to women on the same terms as to men; and in February 1886 the conjoint Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons of Edinburgh and Glasgow took the same step. This action was singularly opportune in view of the passing of a new Medical Act a few months later, which required a "double qualification" (i.e. in both surgery and medicine) from all candidates for registration, and which therefore, but for the voluntary action of the Irish and Scotch colleges, would once more have excluded women from the register; unless indeed it had contained a compulsory clause requiring every recognized Examining Board to admit all candidates, irrespective of sex. Now however the requisite provision has been made by the wise liberality of the Scotch and Irish colleges, and it is left to the English Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons to remain alone "on a bad eminence" of persistent exclusion. It might have been thought that when, in March 1886, these colleges asked a woman to lay the foundation stone of their new Conjoint Examination Hall, it would have been a graceful act to announce that students of her Majesty's sex would no longer be excluded from their portals, - but this unfortunately was not the view taken by the learned bodies in question. As, however, these colleges are supported by funds of a more or less private character, derived either from bequest or from the examination fees of candidates, there is at least more excuse for their policy of exclusion than can be found in the 7 case of the universities, which are in a much more extended sense dependent upon national funds. As regards the ancient foundations of Oxford and Cambridge it may not be out of place to remind the authorities that in more than one case the benefactors of the colleges have belonged to the sex at present excluded from their formal list of honors and degrees; but now that a woman has shown her right to claim the position of senior classic, and many others have followed not far behind her, it can hardly be doubted that these universities will speedily acknowledge the logic of events, and put an end voluntarily to so absurdly anomalous a position. In the case of the recently founded Victoria University the exclusion of women from medical degrees is the more indefensible, as this university professes to examine candidates of both sexes on equal terms, and in fact does so in the non- medical faculties; but it requires that all students taking its degrees shall have studied in one of its affiliated colleges, at Manchester or Liverpool, and yet allows women to be excluded from the medical departments of both these colleges. it is quite clear that either such exclusion should cease, or that women students of medicine should be admitted to examination after studying elsewhere. The case of the Scottish universities is, however, the one that most urgently demands public attention, and it was a very great disappointment to all those interested in the matter to find that in the Scottish Universities Bill, recently introduced by the Government, no provision whatever was made for securing justice to women, even in view of the largely increased subsidies of public money to be drawn from the pockets of ratepayers of both sexes. It is stated in a parliamentary return just issued that no less than GBP315,330 has been paid to the four Scottish Universities within the last ten years,[4] and the recent Bill would considerably increase that amount. Even if it is maintained that one-half of the community have no claim upon ancient endowments for educational purposes, - and in Italy on the contrary, it has been held that every Italian of either sex is alike entitled to the benefits of the national universities, - it seems at least difficult to maintain that a parliament, in whose election women have no share, 4 Times, August 22, 1887.8 is entitled to vote increasing sums of money from the taxation imposed on female as well as male ratepayers, for purposes of education, from all the advantages of which all women are excluded. The point seems worthy of the attention of those who maintain that all the true interests of women are safe in spite of their disenfranchisement; and it is at least to be hoped that no future charter will be granted to any university without absolute security that students of both sexes shall receive justice at its hands. At the present moment not one penny of public money is available in any shape for the medical education of women. Since the foundation of the London School in 1874, and the opening of the Royal Free Hospital in 1877, an excellent curriculum has been open to women, but it has been secured entirely by private effort and by the aid of private beneficence. About GBP5800 was contributed by friends for the purposes of the school during the first six years of its existence, the students' fees for the same period amounting to about GBP3900. A few legacies also have been received, but these have been mainly invested for the permanent advantage of the school. Now that its numbers have so greatly increased - there are this winter (1887-88) seventy-five students as against twenty- three during the year 1874-75, - it is hoped that their fees, combined with the modest income derived from investments, will suffice to meet the ordinary expenditure of the school. Until very recently this school afforded the only opportunity of medical study for women, and this fact presented very great difficulties to those residing at a distance from the metropolis, especially to Scotch and Irish students. In point of fact the number of Scotch girls who desire to study medicine is considerably greater in proportion to population than the number from either England or Ireland; and I can myself testify to the many applications I have had in part years from natives of Scotland whose circumstances made it impossible for them to go so far from home as was then necessary, though they would gladly have availed themselves of more readily accessible opportunities. When, therefore, early in 1886, the Scottish colleges threw open their examinations and diplomas, it seemed of pressing importance that classes should once more be re-opened in Edinburgh; and, after an interval of twelve 9 years, this, I am thankful to say, has now been successfully accomplished. A first year's course was provided for women last winter in Surgeons' Hall, and eight students at once took advantage of the opportunities offered. These ladies moreover acquitted themselves with marked distinction; for the prize lists of the Extra-mural School of Edinburgh (published in the Scotsman of March 28, 1887) showed the very unusual fact that every member of the little class had attained a place in the honours lists. A small executive committee, consisting of members of the larger committee of the Association for Promoting the Medical Education of Women, has been constituted, and arrangements are already complete for the full curriculum of medical education; though, while the number of students is small, and the funds low, courses of lectures will, for the sake of economy, be given in rotation only. The authorities of the Leith Hospital have most kindly consented to throw open their wards to our students, and arrangements for full courses of clinical instruction have already been made.[5] Nine new students, making a total of 16, have now (October 1887) entered for the second Winter Session, so that no doubt can be entertained of the reality of the demand that this school was intended to supply. Excellent premises have been secured for the school in the historic precincts of Surgeon Square, comprising a circular lecture-theatre seated for about a hundred persons, two large halls lighted from above, and other smaller apartments. Here, however, as elsewhere, we find the chief difficulty to consist in the provision of the sinews of war; and in the fact that, no public funds being available, every penny has to be obtained from the comparatively small number of those who are fully awake to the importance of the movement. In Edinburgh the number of wealthy friends is much smaller than in London, and we cannot fall back upon the great city companies who have on more than one occasion given generous aid to the London school. We live in hopes, however, that some enlightened Scotchman, or Scotchwoman, with equally large heart and large means, will come to our rescue, and enable us to tide over the first few years of difficulty, when the expenditure must necessarily exceed the income from students' fees; and 5 See Appendix, Note A. 2A 10 especially at the present moment to meet the expenses of purchase and needful repairs of the school building, amounting as they do to about GBP1000, of which only a small part is at present available. All who now give us a helping hand may rest assured that by the most rigid economy we will reduce all outlay to a minimum, and pledge ourselves as quickly as possible to make the school entirely self-supporting.[6] In Ireland also the College of Surgeons completed their good work by throwing open their school as well as their examinations to women. In London and in Edinburgh it has been found necessary for the present (by the wish of the lecturers) to establish separate classes, but in Dublin the ladies have been admitted to the ordinary lectures, separate arrangements being made in one department only. A number of women have gladly availed themselves of the opportunities offered, and it is pleasant to find that in the recent examinations several of them acquitted themselves with great distinction. The progress then of the last ten years as regards education and examination may now be summed up. Instead of one examining board we have no less than seven thrown open to women; viz, two Universities, two Irish Colleges, and three Scotch Colleges; but the English Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons still remain closed, as also four out of the five English Universities, and all the Scottish Universities, as well as Trinity College, Dublin, and the Apothecaries' Halls of London and Dublin.[7] Instead of a single medical school for women we now have three, viz., one in the capital of each of the three kingdoms; and the number of students has risen from less than thirty in 1877, to about a hundred at the present time. The number of registered medical women in 1877 was but nine; at the beginning of 1887 the number who had attained registration was fifty-four, and some additional names have since been entered.[8] If we turn to the results, as shown by practical work accomplished or in progress, the evidence is not less satisfactory. A hospital for women and children, managed exclusively by medical women, has now been established in London for 6 See Appendix, Note B. 7 See Postscript. 8 See Appendix, Note C. 11 more than fifteen years, and larger premises have been needed and obtained at least twice during that period. A small hospital of the same kind in Edinburgh has just completed its second year. In addition to these, dispensaries have been started in London, Clifton, Leeds, and Manchester, and in every case the attendance of patients has shown how much the facilities offered have been appreciated. In a number of other instances medical women are working in conjunction with various charitable and other institutions. One of the largest day schools for girls in London has a woman doctor in regular attendance, with a view to preventive rather than curative service; and I trust that his example will before long be far more widely followed. In these days of educational pressure I know of no more useful function for medical women than the constant and careful supervision of growing girls during their period of study, and I am sure that a great part of the evil results now justly deprecated could be with certainty avoided, if a sensible medical women were entrusted with the oversight of physical health in every large centre of education for girls. Another branch of work that in America is being gradually more and more handed over to medical women, is the supervision of patients of their own sex in lunatic asylums, and also in prisons and reformatories. The subject is not suited for discussion in these pages, even if space could permit, but few unprejudiced persons who know anything of the facts can fail to see the immense boom that might be conferred, both physically and morally, on suffering women, by the almost exclusive employment of physicians of their own sex in these special cases, and the time is probably not far off when public opinion will awake to the need I can here only indicate. It is of course neither possible nor advisable to enter here into details of private practice carried on in this country by medical women; but, as some have ventured to question the demand for their services because they do not invariably find a ready-made practice spring up around them in a few weeks, I feel bound to record my belief that disappointment in this matter can only be experienced by those who have entertained unreasonable expectations, such as would be absurd in the case of a man; and that, other things being equal, it is invariably 12 [*Dr Pope*] easier for a young medical women than for a young medical man to build up a satisfactory practice. In point of fact women are continually doing what men hardly even attempt, viz., settling down in a strange place, with no professional introduction to proactive by purchase or otherwise; and, if gifted with a moderate degree of patience, tact, and other qualities needful in every successful practitioner, they do manage to succeed in a way that certainly goes far to justify their bold adventure. Hitherto, no statistics on this subject have been taken in this country, but it may be of interest to mention that in 1881 a systematic enquiry was made respecting the 460 medical women who were known to be in practice in America, and that answers were obtained from 362 of them, which showed that 226 were satisfied with their professional incomes, and that only eleven of those who had been in practice over two years had failed to become self-supporting.9 It is, however, of course in India and other parts of the East that the necessity for medical women is most apparent, and their usefulness most indisputable. The great publicity given to Lady Dufferin's movement for supplying medical women to India, and the very influential patronage under which it has been organized, have brought the matter before the nation at large with an emphasis and authority that no private authority could have commanded. For many years past, however, the facts have been familiar to those specially interested in the welfare of India on the one hand, or in the education of medical women on the other. As long ago as 1867 a medical school for native women was started by Surgeon Corbyn at Bareilly; and in 1872 the subject was brought before the Madras Government by Inspector-General Balfour, who bore witness that "of the hundred millions of women in India, at least two-thirds are, by their social customs, debarred alike from receiving the visits of a medical man at their own houses, and from attending at the public hospitals and dispensaries. ... To send among those classes women educated in the medical art seems to be the only means of providing them with scientific medical aid."10 The result of this was the 9 See a paper read by Dr. Emily Pope, before the American Social Science Association, at Saratoga, September 7, 1881. 10 Circular Memorandum, No. 4218, issued by the Madras Government, 1874. 13 opening of the Madras Medical College to women in 1875. Notwithstanding this advance, Sir Salar Jung wrote in 1880 that he was of opinion that "it would be a great benefit to India, a benefit that could not be exaggerated, if English medical women, educated completely in England, could settle in the chief towns of India. He estimated the number necessary at first at 1025, but believed this number would prove wholly insufficient."11 Over a thousand English medical women urgently needed for India in 1880, and in 1887 there are but fifty-four women, all told, on the British Register! Is it possible to have stronger evidence of the pressing need of increased facilities and national aid for the medical education of women? The movement in favour of medical women in India received, however, its first great impetus from the natives themselves, when, in January 1883, a committee chiefly composed of native gentlemen was formed spontaneously in Bombay; and at a meeting held in the following March, Sir Jamsitjee Jejeebhoy in the chair, it was announced that about £4000 had already been raised for the purpose of bringing women doctors from England, establishing a hospital and dispensary to be worked by them, and providing for the medical education of women at the Bombay medical College, with scholarships as required. The committee were fortunate enough to induce Dr. Edith Pechey to accept the chief appointment in the proposed hospital, and before she landed in Bombay its foundation was laid with great éclat on the 22nd of November 1883, by H.R.H. the Duke of Connaught, who remarked that "the introduction of female medical practitioners into India is calculated to afford a needful relief to classes which have hitherto been almost deprived of medical and surgical aid. ... It affords me much gratification that my first public act in India should be performed on behalf of so excellent an object, one which Her Majesty the Empress will most highly approve of." This, the Kama Hospital for Women and Children, was founded by the munificence of a Parsee gentleman, named Pestonjee Kama, and is now in full working order, with wards containing sixty beds, and an excellent staff of three thoroughly qualified medical women. It is a matter of interest 11 Lecture by Mrs. Scharlieb, M.B. B.S. Lond., at Madras, Nov. 21, 1885.14 that this is the first hospital in the Bombay presidency that has been from the outset nursed entirely by trained English nurses, and that has attached to it a training school for nurses of all nations. The success of this department is due in great measure to the indefatigable exertions of Lady Reay, wife of the governor of Bombay. The same medical staff has also charge of a dispensary, established by the liberality of a Mussulman gentleman, named Cumoo Suliman; and the attendance here is simply enormous, for the report tells us that in 1885 no less than 5998 new patients came for advice, with a total number of visits amounting to 27,429. A similar hospital "for caste and gosha women" was established in Madras in 1885, under the auspices of Mrs. grant Duff, and the committee secured for it the services of Mrs. Scharlieb, M.B. Lond., who also undertook to lecture on mid-wifery to the women students of the Medical College at Madras. This hospital now contains about fifty beds, with a very large dispensary practice in connection. In August 1885, the Countess of Dufferin, wife of the Viceroy, issued the prospectus of a "National Association for Supplying Female Medical Aid to the Women of India," and stated that Her Majesty had consented to be Patron of the Association, which indeed owed its existence to her initiative, as she had personally commended the matter to Lady Dufferin's attention before she left for India. It is impossible here to give any detailed account of the very large scope and aims of this Association, which can best be learned from its Reports, and also from an excellent article written by Lady Dufferin herself on the subject.[12] One of the most interesting features of the case is the rigidly non-proselytizing character of the Association, which has received, as Lady Dufferin says, large sums of money from native gentlemen, who trust in the honour of its promoters that they shall not be employed in any way hostile to the national creeds. This principle, of course, makes it impossible for the Association to co-operate in any way with the Medical Missionary Societies, but it by no means precludes friendly relations between the promoters of the two movements, which have to some extent a common aim. I cannot leave this branch of the subject without remarking 12 Asiatic Quarterly Review, April 1886. 15 that the immense size of the field now open in India, and the enormous number of medical women that would be required adequately to meet its needs, are in themselves conducive to the one great danger which to my mind threatens the best interests of the movement, - if not, indeed, its very existence. With but fifty women on the British Register, it is of course quite impossible that the demands made in India can be filled up from their ranks alone; as a matter of fact I find that ten only of these registered women are available for this field.[13] The main supply must for the present come from America, where medical women are numbered at least by hundreds, but no doubt here also the contingent at command falls short of the needs even of the present moment. An obvious and easy remedy unfortunately presents itself only too temptingly in the employment of women very imperfectly qualified for their work by an incomplete and insufficient education, and I am sorry to find that both Medical Missionary Societies and Lady Dufferin's Association are in danger of falling into the pitfall in question. The "Church of England Zenana Missionary Society" is a notorious offender in this respect, for it appears that out of ten women who, under its auspices, are doing more or less exclusively medical work (including even in some cases the sole charge of hospitals and dispensaries), but one has received a complete medical education, terminating in a registrable qualification! The sister society (non-sectarian), which is, I think, now called the "Zenana Bible and Medical Mission," has, I understand, on the contrary, distinguished itself by the wiser resolution to employ as medical missionaries none but fully qualified women; and, though this will no doubt for the moment limit its power of usefulness, I am sure that in the long run the wisdom of such action will be established. In the same way I think Lady Dufferin's Association is committing a very serious error by accepting partially qualified women, and especially the lower class of "medical practitioners," educated at the Indian Colleges with a much restricted curriculum,[14] and placing them practically on an equal footing 13 See Appendix, Note C. 14 When women were admitted to the Madras Medical College in 1875, it was arranged, I think unfortunately, that they should have the option of studying for the ordinary M.D. degree, or for a "Medical Practitioners' Certificate," representing a very inferior standard of education and attainment. 16 with the graduates of those same colleges, or of European schools, who have really had a thorough education. I do not say that imperfectly educated women may never be usefully employed, but it should certainly be only in subordinate positions, and by no means in a post of sole responsibility; and this alike for the sake of those who may rely on their professional skill, and for that of the credit of medical women at large. It is of course a separate, and most important question, which cannot be adequately discussed here, whether it is possible or, indeed, desirable that provision for the medical needs of the hundred millions of Indian women should be undertaken by any voluntary agency; and whether it ought not, in fact, to be made in connection with the Civil Service of this the most important dependency of our empire. This is the more worthy of consideration as the great majority of the patients are quite unable to pay remunerative fees, and the matter seems one rather for public than for private benevolence. If also medical women took their place on the Indian Medical Service we may be sure that proper regulations would be enforced, and no practitioners would be suffered to act without sufficient credentials. It will, of course, be self-evident that in the foregoing pages I have confined myself to narration only, and have not attempted to enter into any controversy with reference to the fundamental question of the desirability that women should, or should not, be educated in medicine. Any adequate discussion of this subject would require all the space allotted to the present paper; and at this moment I am content to address myself to those already interested in the matter, either because they know the real existence of a need that can be supplied by medical women only, or because they sympathize in the belief that every human being is entitled to perfect liberty of choice in the selection of his or her life-work.[15] I do not propose now in any way to widen the scope of my paper, but merely in conclusion to sum up the chief difficulties 15 We deny the right of any portion of the species to decide for another portion, or any individual for another individual, what is, and what is not, the "proper sphere." The proper sphere of all human beings is the largest and the highest which they are able to attain to. What this is cannot be ascertained without complete liberty of choice. - Mrs. J. S. Mill. 17 and dangers which still beset the movement whose history I have brought down briefly to the present time. 1. The first difficulty lies in some remaining jealousy and ill-will towards medical women, on the part of a section (constantly diminishing, as I believe) of the medical profession itself. Some twenty years ago the professional prejudice was so deep and so widely spread that it constituted a very formidable obstacle, but it has been steadily melting away before the logic of facts; and now is, with a few exceptions, rarely to be found among the leaders of the profession, nor indeed among the great majority of the rank and file, so far as can be judged by the personal experience of medical women themselves. Unfortunately, it seems strongest just where it has least justification - viz., among the practitioners who devote themselves chiefly to midwifery and to the special diseases of women. The Obstetrical Society is, so far as I know, still of the same mind as when, in 1874, they excluded Dr. Garrett Anderson, a distinguished M.D. of Paris, from their membership; and the Soho Square Hospital for Women has never revoked its curt refusal to allow me to enter its doors when, in 1878, I proposed to take advantage of the invitation issued in its Report to all practitioners who were specially interested in the case for which the hospital is reserved. Sometimes this jealousy takes a sufficiently comic form. For instance, I received for two successive years a lithographed circular inviting me by name to send to the Lancet the reports of interesting cases that might occur in my dispensary practice, but, when I wrote in response to this supposed offer of professional fellowship, I received by next post a hurried assurance from the editor that it was all a mistake, and that in fact the Lancet could not stoop to record medical experiences, however interesting, if they occurred in the practice of the inferior sex! Probably it will not require many more years to make this sort of thing ridiculous even in the eyes of those who are now capable of such puerilities. 2. The second obstacle lies in the continued exclusion of women from the majority of our universities, and from the English Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons. Here also the matter may be left to the growth of public opinion as regards those existing bodies which do not depend upon the public A3 18 purse; but it is time that Parliament should refuse supplies to those bodies whose sense of justice cannot be otherwise awakened, and it is certainly the duty of Government to see that no new charter is granted without absolute security for equal justice to students of both sexes. 3. The third difficulty is that of finance. If women are to be excluded from public schools, and obliged with great additional labour and expense, to make their own arrangements, it certainly seems not unreasonable that some modest share of public money should be assigned to them, and that a helping hand should be given, at least during the earliest years of probation. I quite agree that in the long run all medical schools should be self-supporting, and if the fees and the expenditure are properly balanced they are sure to become so eventually; but even then some kindly help will be always needed for individual students whose means are too slender to meet the full expenses of medical education. The number of scholarships and exhibitions founded for the benefit of young men cannot be easily told, and surely the claims of young women are not less valid or less pressing. The average wealth of women is less than that of men, and few fathers are as ready to spend money on professions for their daughters as for their sons. Less money is available for women students, and their need of it is greater; for, while almost all endowments are reserved for men, more than average expense has to be incurred in making separate arrangements for women. Surely public money should not be altogether denied to them, nor should private generosity lose sight of the very considerable number of struggling women students, whose merits and whose energies are sadly in excess of their available means.[16] 4. But to my mind by far the most formidable danger, and the only one that need really alarm us, arises not from without but from within, - from the professed, and probably sincere, friends of the movement itself. I refer to the threatened discredit of medical women by the introduction into their ranks of those who, refusing to go through the door into the sheepfold, are encouraged by well-meaning, but ill-judging persons, to climb up some other way, and who, therefore, cannot complain if they find themselves held as thieves and 16 See Appendix, Note E. 19 robbers. Not long after the foundation of the London School, it was found necessary to prevent the admission to it of foolish persons, who fancied that after taking "a few classes" they might consider themselves competent to practise as medical missionaries or otherwise; and in order to do this a regulation was passed that every medical student must sign a declaration stating her intention to go through the whole course of study, with a view to admission to the National Register. The same rule is in force in Edinburgh, and therefore neither of the special schools for women can be held in any degree responsible if ill-educated women creep surreptitiously into the profession. Unfortunately, provision has been made elsewhere for "two years' courses" of instruction, and women are being sent out under the name of medical missionaries, who cannot possibly be duly qualified for the very serious responsibilities of practice. Every doctor who has gone through the ordinary four years' course will testify that it has been all too short, and that not a day could be spared from it if even the most essential knowledge is to be secured; and if this is so in this country, where opportunities of consultation with senior practitioners abound, how much more is it the case in the East, where each medical woman is probably isolated in a far-away station, and must meet emergencies of life and death with no outside aid whatever. Let those who think differently ask themselves if they would be willing to trust the lives of their nearest and dearest in the hands of an average second year's student of either sex, or, if they would not do so, whether they can be justified in foisting their excuse that they desire the spread of the Christian religion? Is it not rather a case of "Assist us to accomplish all our ends, And sanctify the means we take to get 'em--"? Let me quote on this subject the indignant protest uttered by Dr. Edith Pechey in her Inaugural Address delivered at the London School in 1878. "I confess that I have been somewhat horrified to hear occasionally remarks from the supporters of medical missions, to the effect that a diploma is not necessary, that a full curriculum is superfluous - in fact, that a mere smattering is sufficient for such students. I 20 cannot believe that such sentiments are held by the students themselves, and if there are any here to-day, I beg of you not for one moment to give way to this idea. Is human life worth less in other lands, amongst people of another faith - or do such persons imagine that disease there is of a simper nature, and that the heathen, like the wicked, are 'not in trouble as other men'? . . . 'Christian England' is renowned in every land for her adulterated goods; let it not be said that, under the very guise of Christianity, the medical help she sends out is also an inferior article. Let it nor be said of you hereafter, as was said of some medical missionaries more than a hundred years ago, 'The usual introduction and security of these missionaries is the pretence to the practice of physic, that in destroying bodies they may save souls,' but let your practice prove you a worthy member by lessening pain and smoothing the passage to the grave." (Discourse on Inoculation, by La Condamine. Preface by translator, Maty. 1755.) Of course, unless the whole principle of medical legislation is wrong, the practice of medicine by imperfectly educated persons is always to be most earnestly deprecated; but in the present case the special sting of the injury depends on this, that when disastrous results follow, as they are sure to do, from such reckless intrusion into posts of the deepest responsibility, the blame of the consequent fatalities will be laid, not on the shameful imperfection of education in individual cases, which probably will not be known or realized by the public, but on the sex of the persons who are thus justly blamed; and it will be said that the victims fell a sacrifice not to the exceptional and criminal ignorance of the individual, but to the mistaken idea of the practice of medicine by women; and it is therefore in the name of all my sisters in the profession that I desire most emphatically to record the above protest. SOPHIA JEX-BLAKE, M.D. 21 POSTSCRIPT. A year has elapsed since the publication of the foregoing article, and it is pleasant to record that steady progress has been made in the interval. The number of registered medical women has increased from fifty-four to seventy-two,[16] and the number of students preparing for the profession has also proportionately become larger. In 1887-88 there were seventy-five students at the London School, and now (1888-89) there are eighty-five; the Edinburgh School began in 1886 with eight students and now has twenty-three; and at least half-a-dozen ladies are studying in Dublin.[17] Additional posts have been thrown open to medical women both in India and at home, and the demand for their services considerably exceeds the supply. One event which marks an entirely new departure has been the examination and recognition of a woman by the Scottish Conjoint Colleges as a lecturer in the Extra-Mural School of Edinburgh,[18] and the event is the more curious and significant as it occurred on the scene of the former battlefield, and a woman is now authorized to teach where, a few years ago, it was hard for her to obtain leave to learn. Another Examining Board, that of the London Apothecaries' Company, has thrown open its doors once more to women, after keeping them closed for twenty-three years, and several women have taken its qualification during the present year. A relatively large number of students are preparing for the degrees of the London University, and it is worth record, as probably unprecedented, that out of thirteen women who went up in July last for the Intermediate Examination in Medicine no less than twelve passed successfully. Those who best know the average proportions of passes and failures will best appreciate this fact. The four difficulties and dangers which I pointed out a 16 See Appendix, Note C, for detailed list. 1 See Appendix, Note F. 18 See Appendix, Note G. 22 year ago have still to be borne in mind, though every day probably lessens their importance. The first obstacle; viz., some remaining jealousy of women on the part of the medical profession, now shows itself chiefly in the tolerably uniform system of "boycotting" maintained towards them by the medical press. Any interesting case in the practice of a medical man is gladly published by the professional papers, but experience has taught medical women that no such encouragement is open to them, and that their work is to be done at the best under cover of a "conspiracy of silence." In the same way medical books and papers published by them can never obtain the critical notices which would be given as a matter of course if a masculine name appeared on the title page, and this fact should not be forgotten when the last new cry is raised, viz., that women have failed to distinguish themselves in the department of research. When women are admitted freely to the medico-chirurgical and other scientific societies, and when their achievements are allowed a place in medical chronicles, it will be time to judge of their relative successes; but, till this is the case, it is clear that any comparison between their work and that of their professional brethren is little better than a mockery. As to the second difficulty, the continued exclusion of women by a majority of the Examining Boards, I need say no more at present. It is to be hoped that, as regards Scotland at least, the proposed Universities Commission will not fail to inaugurate a new era. The third and fourth obstacles, however, still need special attention and remedy. If the movement for the medical education of women is to assume its due proportions, it is very important that more abundant funds should be forthcoming either from public or private sources, both to establish medical schools on a firm basis, and to assist individual students of small means. Only about half of the modest sum of GBP2000 asked for on behalf of the Edinburgh School has as yet been subscribed, and a debt of nearly GBP700 still rests upon the building. Numbers of suitable women who desire to enter upon medical study are unable to do so from want of funds, and few better uses could be found for surplus capital than the establishment of a few 23 Perpetual Scholarships in one of the medical schools now existing for women, or in any College or University which may hereafter accept them as students.[19] The question of sending forth imperfectly educated women, as medical missionaries or otherwise, is still to my mind of paramount importance. It is not unnatural that kindly people, without medical experience, should think mainly of the need of Christian workers in India and elsewhere, and should desire to multiple their numbers even at the cost of deteriorated quality; but when it is a question of sending women as "medical missionaries" it is the duty of every honest doctor to protest that only those should be sent whose thorough training and adequate experience can really fit them for honest professional work. Nothing can be more delusive and misleading than such a statement as the following which I find in one of the pamphlets published on behalf of so-called medical missions :- "Those who have even a small amount of knowledge of simple diseases and their treatment, and those who understand nursing, can be so useful, can find so many precious opportunities of telling the good news of salvation."[20] No one will challenge the right of missionary societies to send out teachers to proselytize in the theological field; but every doctor who loves his profession must protest that (in the sense of the above writer) there are no such things as "simple diseases," and that the whole field of medical science is so vast and so complexedly interwoven, that to hope that a few months of study can fit for the competent treatment of any class of diseases is to emulate the wisdom of that father who declared that he "did not wish his son to be troubled with much hard study of Latin, he only wished him to be able to translate any passage he might happen to come across!" Testimony of an exactly opposite kind is given in a pamphlet published by the Zenana Bible and Medical Mission, in which is quoted the following opinion from one of their fully educated medical missionaries.[21] Miss Alice Marston gives a forcible description of the unusual difficulties and dangers attending medical practice in India, and says, "I can 19 See Appendix, Note E. 20 "Perfection of Healing." Church of Engl. Zenana Missionary Society. 1885. 21 "Our Indian Sisters." Jubilee Series. 1887. 24 only add that I would not for the world be one of the 'unqualified' medical missionaries . . .If it were possible I would say not only that 'qualified' doctors are wanted for India, but that experienced and skillful doctors, who have had more than the orthodox four years' study, are needed." A not infrequent argument in this connection is the much misused proverb that "Half a loaf is better than no bread," but the true reply was recently given in the remark that in this case the comparison is one of quality and not of quantity, and the choice really lies between wholesome bread and unbaked dough. It is , of course, for each Society to judge whether they wish to send out women as medical missionaries, but if they decide to do so, they have no moral right to send out any but a genuine article, and no one really interested in the cause of missions can wish them to do otherwise. It is, I know, true that they find great difficulty in securing qualified medical women for the work, and this is likely to be the case so long as the general demand so greatly exceeds the supply; but the true remedy lies, not in the employment of incompetent pretenders, but in the education of women expressly for this work, by means of Scholarships tenable in London, Edinburgh, or Dublin. There are plenty of capable young women, willing to undergo the necessary training, but not able to incur the inevitable expenses; and it is from their ranks and by such reasonable foresight that the demand in question ought to be supplied. In this connection I may say how glad I am to learn, since the above Essay was written, that the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge have decided to devote part of their funds to the training of women as medical missionaries, and that they rigorously insist on a complete education for every woman who holds their Scholarships. If only every similar society would follow this wholesome example, a scandal would be removed from the field of missions, and a very serious danger averted from the cause of medical women. S.J.B. November 1, 1888 Bruntsfield Lodge, Edinburgh 25 APPENDIX ----------------------------------- Note A. Edinburgh School of Medicine for Women In Association With the Leith Hospital. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Chairman, Dr. G.W. Balfour, F.R.C.P. Ed. Dr. Agnes M'Laren W. White Millar, Esq. Mrs. Alexander Russel. Dr. Heron Watson, F.R.C.S. Ed. Hon. Treasurer Miss Ursula Du Pre, Surbiton, Kingston on Thames, Dean of the School Dr. Sophia Jex-Blake, Bruntsfield Lodge, Whitehouse Loan, Edinburgh. LECTURERS. Anatomy and Dr. T. W. Dewar, F.R.C.P. Ed. Practical Anatomy, Chemistry and Mr. Ivison Macadam, F.I.C. Practical Chemistry, Physiology Dr. Noel Paton, F.R.C.P. Ed. Practice of Medicine Dr. Alexander James, F.R.C.P. Ed. Practice of Surgery, Dr. C.W. Cathcart, F.R.C.S. Eng. & Ed. Clinical Medicine, Dr. J. Allan Gray, F.R.C.P. Ed. Clinical Surgery, Dr. W. A. Finlay, F.R.C.S. Ed. Materia Medica, Dr. G.A. Gibson, F.R.C.P. Ed. Pathology, Dr. Alexander Bruce, F.R.C.P. Ed. Forensic Medicine Dr. Littlejohn, F.R.C.S. Ed. Midwifery and Diseases of Women Dr. Sophia Jex-Blake, M & LM. K.Q.C.P.I. Vaccination, Dr. Husband, F.R.C.S. Ed. Bankers British Linen Co. (West End), 141 Princes Street. Secretary, Miss Black, School of Medicine, Surgeon Square.26 MEDICAL CLASSES. The medical classes for women now organized form an integral part of the Extra-mural school of Edinburgh, but the School is distinct in its internal organization, being established and regulated by its own Executive Committee. A full curriculum of instruction in all subjects is provided; Anatomy and Practical Anatomy will be given every year, as also courses of Clinical Medicine and Surgery; and the other courses of lectures will, as a rule, be given in biennial rotation. The order proposed will be found appended, but it is possible that circumstances may cause a modification of this arrangement. The classes will in any case be so arranged that junior students can join at any time, and that the curriculum can be completed in four years, if the student is able to master each subject after attending a single course of lectures. HOSPITAL. Full courses of Hospital instruction are given at the Leith Hospital, to which the students of this School alone are admitted. Opportunities of study are given in daily visits to the wards, and also in periodical attendance at the out-patients' department. Two Clinical Lectures on medicine, and to on Surgery, are given every week during the Winter Session, and Operations are performed regularly once a week, and occasionally at other times. Post-mortem Examinations are also performed before the students whenever occasion arises. Clinical Clerks and Dressers are appointed from among the students, without special fee, and arrangements will be made by the Dean that every student shall hold an appointment of each kind for not less than three months. Students must attend at least two winter courses of Clinical lectures, and must also attend the hospital practice during a third Winter, or for two Summer Sessions. No student is admitted to the Hospital during their first year, except by special permission. FEES. The fees payable for the whole curriculum of Lectures and of Clinical instruction will be GBP80 if paid in one sum; or, if paid in instalments, will be GBP35 for the first year, GBP30 the second year, and one each of the following courses, viz. : - Anatomy, Chemistry, Practical Chemistry, Physiology, Practice of Medicine, Practice of Surgery, Materia Medica, Pathology, Midwifery, Forensic Medicine; two courses of Practical Anatomy; and three years of Hospital instruction, with courses of Clinical Medicine and Clinical Surgery. GENERAL ENQUIRIES. All enquiries as to classes, &c., are to be addressed to Miss BLACK, Secretary, at the School, and a stamped and addressed envelope should be sent whenever a reply is desired by post. Miss BLACK can be seen at the School from 10 A.M. to 12, daily, during Term time. 27 The Dean attends at the school every Monday morning to see the students, and on other days she can be seen at her own house from 2 to 3 P.M. Any lady desiring to enter the School is requested to call upon her personally. PROPOSED ROTATION OF CLASSES. 1889-90. Winter Session. Summer Session. Anatomy. Materia Medica. Practical Anatomy. Pathology. Physiology. Practical Pharmacy. Practice of Medicine. Hospital Visits. Clinical Medicine. Clinical Surgery. Hospital Visits. 1890-91. Winter Session. Summer Session. Anatomy. Practical Chemistry. Practical Anatomy. Midwifery. Chemistry. Forensic Medicine. Practice of Surgery. Practical Pharmacy. Clinical Medicine. Hospital Visits. Clinical Surgery. Hospital Visits. NOTE B. The following extracts are taken from the First Report of the School, published in September 1888 :- "With regard to Finance, the Executive Committee beg to submit the Balance-sheet for the past two years, which will be found appended. The purchase and repair of premises, with needful fittings and furniture, involved liabilities amounting to about GBP1200, and the current expenses of the first Session inevitably exceeded by GBP100 the amount realized from students' fees. Nearly another GBP100 has been spent in laying the foundations of a Museum and Library for the School, and if it is to be efficiently equipped in these respects a good deal more money will be required for similar purposes. To meet these expenses, and the probable excess of expenditure over receipts for the first few years, the Committee ventured to appeal to the public for a special fund of GBP2000, which would, they trusted, represent the whole sum required to put the School on a firm basis. In answer to the appeal, nearly GBP1000 has been subscribed; part being already paid, and part promised within 28 the next four years. A debt of about £700 still remains on the buildings, and the Committee are most anxious to liquidate this as soon as possible. They cannot but believe that a large number of friends would readily contribute this relatively small amount, if the necessity for it could be brought to their knowledge, especially as it is hoped that, of the £2000 asked for is obtained, no further appeal to the public will be necessary. BALANCE SHEET From May 1st, 1886, to July 31st, 1888. RECEIPTS. EXPENDITURE. £ S. D. £ S. D. Student's Fees 865 4 0 Part purchase of Premises Grants from National Association and expense of transfer 315 17 5 for Promoting Repairs, Painting, &c. 102 2 6 the Medical Education Furniture and Fittings 78 19 9 of Women 250 0 0 Museum and Library 85 3 3 Other Subscriptions and Fees to Lecturers & Hosp. 657 19 0 Donations 385 11 0 Salaries and Wages (part Bank Interest, &c. 7 1 5 of year) 63 14 9 Rent, Taxes, & Insurance (part of year) 26 8 7 Stationery, Printing, and Postage 27 13 2 Fuel and Gas (part of year) 11 17 10 Prizes, Certificates, &c. 8 19 1 Advertisements 6 6 6 Petty cash and sundries 4 19 11 £1390 1 9 Balance in Bank . £117 7 10 Cash in hand 0 6 10 117 14 8 £1507 16 5 £1507 16 5 By order of the Executive Committee, July 31st, 1888. URSULA DE PRE, Hon, Treasurer" NOTE C. Registered Medical Women. The following is a complete list of the women (seventy-two in number) who have, up to November 1st, 1888, taken medical diplomas, entitling them to enter their names on the British Register 29. of duly qualified Medical Practitioners. The names are arranged in the order, and with the year, of registration. Those marked * hold one or more diplomas from the Irish College of Physicians. ‡ Indicates a diplomas from the Irish College of Surgeons ; † the triple qualification of the Scottish Colleges ; § the licence of Apothecaries' Hall. In 1882 two women were for the first time permitted to obtain medical degrees from the University of London ; and eight women have now taken its degrees ; two of them having obtained the Gold Medal of the University, viz., Miss Prideaux in Anatomy 1881 ; and Mrs Scharlieb in Obstetrics, 1882. 1858. Dr ELIZABRTH BALCKWELL (M.D. Geneva, New York), Rock House, Hastings ; Cons. Physician New Hosp. for Women, London, N.W. 1866. §Dr ELIZABETH GARRETT ANDERSON (M.D. Paris, L.S.A.), 4 Upper Berkley Street, London, W. ; Physician New Hospital for Women ; lecturer on Medicine and Dean of the London School of Medicine for Women. 1877. *Dr ELIZA WALKER DUNBAR (M.D. Zurich), 9 Oakfield Road, Clifton, Bristol ; Med Off Dispensary for Women and Children. *Dr FRANCES HOGGAN (M.D. Zurich), Monaco. *Dr SOPHIA JEX-BALKE (M.D. Bern), Bruntsfield Lodge, Edinburgh ; Att. Med. Off. Edinburg Hospital for Women and Children ; Dean of the Edinburg Hospital of Medicine for Women ; Lecturer on Midwifery in the Extra-Mural School of Edinburgh. *Dr LOUISA ATKINS (M.D. Zurich), 37 Gloucester Place, London, W. ; Lecturer on Gynæcology London School of Medicine for Women. *Dr EDITH PECHEY (M.D. Bern), Sen. Med. Off. Kama Hospital, Bombay, India. 1878. *Dr. ANNIE REAY BARKER (M.D. Paris), The Mount Aldershot. *Dr. ANNIE E. CLARK (M.D. Bern), 4 Calthorpe Road, Edgbaston, Birmingham ; Physician Birmingham and Midland Hospital for Women. *Dr. AGNES MCLAREN (M.D. Montpellier), June to October, Bruntsfield Lodge, Edinburgh ; October to June, Cannes, Riviera. *Dr. ANNA DAHMS (M.D. Paris), 17 St Ann's Square and G.P.O., Manchester ; Med. Off. Dispensary for Women and Children. 1879. *Dr. JANE E WATERSTON (M.D. Brux.), Medical Missionary, 61 Plein Street, Capetown, Africa. *†Dr. ALICE KER (M.D. Bern), Birkenhead, Liverpool. *Dr. ELIZA F. MCDONOGH FRIKART (M.D. Zurich), Zofingen, Aargau, Switzerland. 880. *Dr. MARY MARSHALL (M.D. Paris), 16 Stanley Gardens, London, W, ; Physician New Hospital for Women ; and Med. Off. Provident Dispensary, Notting Hill, *Dr. MATILDA CHAPLIN AYRTON (M.D. Paris), Died July 19th, 1883. *Mrs FOGGO, Medical Officer, Lady Dufferin's Dispensary, Calcutta. *Mrs GRANT, 5 Sion Villas, Richmond, Surrey. *Miss ALICE VICKERY, 333 Albany Road, London, S.E. *Miss RUSHBROOK, 25 Upper Phillimore Place, London, W. ; Med. Off. Provident Dispensary for Women and Children. 1881. *Miss EDITH SHOVE (M.B. Lond. 1882), Med. Off. (Female Staff), G.P.O., London, 25 St Mark's Crescent, N.W. *Mrs MEARS, 47 Front Street, Tynemouth. *Miss ALICE MARSTON, Medical Missionary, India (Z.B.M.M.). *Dr HOPE ADAMS WALTHER (M.D. Bern), Neue Mainzer Strasse, Frankfort- on-Main. *Mrs DE LA CHEROIS, 28 Clifton Gardens, Maida Vale, London, W. ; Physician New Hospital for Women.30 1882. Mrs. Julia Mitchell, 45 Sloane Street, London, S.W. Miss Katherine Mitchell, 45 Sloane Street, London, S.W. Miss Julia Cock, Physician New Hospital for Women; Med. Insp. N. London Collegiate School, 57 Oakley Square, London, N.W. Mrs Mary Scharlier (M.B. & B.S. Lond.), 149 Harley St., W.; Physician New Hospital for Women; Lecturer on Forensic Medicine, London School of Medicine for Women 1883. Miss Adela Bosanquet, 2 Calverley Park, Tunbridge Wells. Mrs Lougheed, 2 Calverley Park, Tunbridge Wells. Mrs Bird, 235 Kingsland Road, London, E. Miss Lucy Cradock, 29 Catherine Street, and G.P.O., Liverpool. Miss Arabella Kenealy, 21 Henrietta Street, London, W. Miss Constance Hitchcock, Res. Med. Off. "Babies' Castle," Hawk- hurst. Miss Emily Tomlinson (M.B. Lond.) Now abroad. Miss Helen Prideaux (M.B. and B.S. Lond.). died Nov. 29th, 1885. 1884. Miss Margaret Morice, Medical Officer, Maternity Hospital and Medical School (Lady Dufferin's), Agra, India. Miss Mary M'George, Medical Missionary, Ahmedebad, Gujerat, India. Mrs Russell Watson, Medical Missionary, Sung King, China. Mrs Mary E. Dowson, 20 Westgate Terrace, London, S.W.; Hon Libr. and Med. Tutor London School of Medicine for Women. Dr. Annie McCall (M.D. Bern), Res. Med. Off. and Lect. Midw. Chapham School of Midwifery, 131 Clapham Road, S.W. Miss Laetitia Bernard (M.B. Lond.), Med. Miss., Poona, India (E.C.S.). Miss Jane Walker, Physician New Hospital for Women, 62 Gower Street, London, W. 1885. Dr. Elizabeth Beilby (M.D. Bern). Med. Off. Maternity Hospital, La- hore, India. Dr. Clarinda Boddy (M.D. Bern). Now abroad. Dr. Cathleen Graham (M.D. Bern), 2 Hanover Square, London, W. Miss Catherine J. Urquhart, 31 Lauder Road, Edinburgh. Miss Mary E. Pailthorpe (M.B. Lond.), Med. Missionary, Benares, India (Z.B.M.M.) 1886. Dr. Julia Brinck (M.D. Bern), 62 Mornington Road, London, N.W. Miss Leonie Van Overbeke, Jun. Med. Off. Kama Hospital, Bombay Miss Emma Littlewood, Jun. Med. Off. Kama Hospital Bombay. Miss Izset Mead, Medical Missionary, Lucknow, India (Z.B.M.M.) 1887. Dr Edith Huntley (M.D. Brux), Wandsworth Road, London, S.W. Mrs Lilian Nash, Hyderabad, India. Dr Jane Haskew (M.D. Brux.), Med. Miss., Lucknow, India (Z.B.M.M.) Miss Alexandrina Macphail, Medical Missionary, Madras, India (F.C.S.) Miss Jean Grant, Medical Missionary, Ajmere, Rajpootana, India. 1888. Miss Mary Crawley, Res. Med. Off. Edinburgh Hospital for Women and Children, 6 Grove Street, Edinburgh. Miss Isabella Macdonald (M.B. Lond.), 51 Torrington Square, London, W.C. Miss Jessie Crosfield, Res. Med. Off. New Hospital for Women, 222 Marylebone Road, London, N.W. Dr Florence N. Toms (M.D. Brux.). Now studying abroad. Miss Lilian Jenkins, Medical Missionary (Z.B.M.M.) Miss Helen Webb (M.B. Lond.), 30 Devonshire Street, London, W. Miss Janet Hunter, Assist. Med. Off. School of Midwifery, 131 Clapham Road, S.W. Miss Sarah Gray, Res. Clin. Assist., Homerton Fever Hospital, Lon- don, E. Mrs Caroline Keith. Now studying abroad. Miss Florence Sorby. Now studying abroad. Miss Mary Acworth, Sheldmont, Shoot-up Hill, Brondesbury, N.W. Miss Elizabeth Mitchell, Toronto, Canada. Miss Nettie Ogilvie, Canada 31 Note D. Medical Institutions for Women and Children Officered wholly or partially by Registered Medical Women. In Great Britain. 1. London - The New Hospital for Women, 222 Marylebone Road, N.W. Visiting Physicians (In-patients)-- Dr. Garrett Anderson, Dr Mary Marshall, Mrs de la Cherois, L.K.Q.C.P.I. Visiting Physicians (Out-patients)--Mrs Scharlieb, M.B. Lond.; Miss Julia Cock, L.K.Q.C.P.I. ; Miss Jane Walker, L.K.Q.C.P.I. Res. Med. Off. --- Miss Jessie Crosfield, L.R.C.P. & S. Ed. & G. Provident Dispensary for Women and Children, 193 Portobello Road, Notting Hill, London, W. Medical Officers --- Dr. Mary Marshall, Mrs Rushbrook, L.K.Q.C.P.I., L.M. Clapham School of Midwifery, 131 Clapham Road, S.W. Res. Med. Off. and Lecturer -- Dr Annie M'Call. Assist. Med. Off. -- Miss. Janet Hunter, L.R.C.P. & S. Ed. & G. Clapham Dispensary for Women and Children, 2 Fentiman Road, S.W. Att. Med. Officers -- Dr. Annie M'Call, Miss Janet Hunter. 2. Edinburgh. -- Edinburgh Hospital and Dispensary for Women and Children, 6 Grove Street. Att. Med. Officer - Dr. Sophia Jex-Blake. Res. Med. Officer - Miss Crawley, L.R.C.P. & S. Ed. & G. 3. Bristol -- The Dispensary for Women and Children. Medical Officer -- Dr. Eliza Dunbar. 4. Birmingham. -- The Midland Hospital for Women, The Cres- cent, Birmingham. Honorary Acting Physician -- Dr. Annie Clark. Children's Hospital, Birmingham. Extra Acting Physician -- Dr Annie Clark. 5. Manchester. -- The Dispensary for Women and Children, 74 Canal Street, Ancoats, Manchester. Med. Off. -- Dr. Anna Dahms. In India. 1. Kama Hospital Bombay. (This Hospital has now been taken over by the Government, and Dr Pechey has received the first- official appointment ever given to a women in the Indian Medical Department.) --Senior Medical Officer--Dr Edith Pechey. Junior Medical Officers -- Miss Van Overbeke, L. & L.M. K.Q.C.P.I. ; Miss Littlewood, L.R.C.P. & S. Ed. & G. 2. Calcutta. -- Lady Dufferin's Dispensary. Medical Officer -- Mrs. Isa Foggo, L. & L.M. K.Q.C.P.I. 3. Lahore.-- Maternity Hospital.--Med. Off. -- Dr. Eliz. Beilby. 4. Agra. -- Maternity Hospital and Medical School. -- Med. Officer -- Miss Margaret Morice. Other Appointments Held by Medical Women. Miss Edith Shove, M.B. Lond., Medical Superintendent of the Female Staff at the General Post Office , London. Miss Cradock, L.K.Q.C.P.I. & L.M., Medical Officer to the Female Staff at the Post Office, Liverpool. Dr Anna Dahms. Med. Off. to Female Staff, Post Office, Manchester. Dr Sophia Jex-Blake, Lecturer on Midwifery, Extra-Mural School of Edinburgh.32 NOTE E. Scholarships, Bursaries, &c., for Women. Scholarships and Bursaries are offered from time to time in connection with the different Schools and Examining Boards, and particulars can be obtained in each case from the respective authorities. Ladies desiring to go to India can also in some cases obtain assistance from the Committees connected with Lady Dufferin's Fund. Two such Scholarships were recently offered in connection with the London School. Those who desire eventually to work as Medical Missionaries can frequently obtain help from the Societies connected with different religious denominations among with are the following:— 1. SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE (Episcopalian), Northumberland Avenue, London, W.C. 2. ZENANA BIBLE AND MEDICAL MISSION (Non-sectarian), 2 Adelphi Terrace, London, W.C. 3. EDINBURGH LADIES' ZENANA COMMITTEE (United Presbyterian), Hon. Sec., Mrs Duncan M'Laren, St Oswald's, Edinburgh. 4. LADIES' SOCIETY FOR FEMALE EDUCATION IN INDIA, &c. (Free Church of Scotland), apply to Rev. W. Stevenson, Edinburgh. The Executive Committee of the Edinburgh School of Medicine for Women invites the foundation of Free Scholarships in Perpetuity in connection with the School, on the following terms:— 1. An endowment of £500 founds a Scholarship in perpetuity, and gives the donor, or his or her representative, the right to have always one Free Student in the School; provided that the student nominated is approved by the Executive Committee, and conforms to the ordinary regulations and usages of the School. 2. The length of tenure of the Scholarship by each student is entirely at the option of the donor, or of his or her representative; the usual minimum course of study occupies four years, but the Scholarship can be tenable for a shorter or longer period. 3. The Scholarship may be named after the donor, or after any other person whose name, or memory, the donor may wish to attach to it. 4. A Free Scholarship once founded will continue in perpetuity, and if the donor waives his or her right of presentation, or does not transfer or bequeath such right, the Executive Committee of the School will themselves nominate a Free Scholar by competitive examination, or otherwise, and will renew the nomination as often as the Scholarship falls vacant. 5. A Scholarship may at the option of the donor be restricted to students of any special class or nationality; and in case the presentation to it is made by the Executive Committee of the School, the donor's directions in this respect will be strictly observed. 33 NOTE F. Medical Schools for Women. It is now possible for women to study Medicine, and to prepare for the diplomas or degrees named above, in London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, and the selection of a School must depend to a great extent on personal considerations in each case. In London and Edinburgh the Schools of Medicine for Women, though taught mainly by lecturers who teach also in the public Schools of Medicine for men, are separate and distinct from the general classes, and in each case a special Hospital is attached to the School for clinical study. In Dublin, on the other hand, women are admitted to the ordinary classes at the College of Surgeons and in the Hospitals, though separate arrangements are made for the study of Practical Anatomy. As a rule students who go to the Dublin School will do so with a view of obtaining the diploma of the Irish Colleges. Those who desire to pass the Conjoint Examinations of the Scottish Colleges will do well to study in the Edinburgh School, where arrangements are specially made with a view to this diploma. Students desiring to take the medical degree of the London University will find the greatest facilities for study at the London School of Medicine, as special classes in connection with its requirements are open to women at University College, in addition to the ordinary work of the School. The new Regulations of the Royal University of Ireland are so precise and so complicated that it will not be easy for any of the Schools to comply with them. Students desiring further details respecting any one of the three Medical Schools can obtain it as follows:— 1. LONDON SCHOOL OF MEDICINE FOR WOMEN, in association with the Royal Free Hospital.—Apply to Mrs Thorne, Hon. Sec., 30 Handel Street, Brunswick Square, London, W.C. 2. EDINBURGH SCHOOL OF MEDICINE FOR WOMEN, in association with the Leith Hospital.—Apply to Dr Sophia Jex-Blake, Dean of the School, Bruntsfield Lodge, Whitehouse Loan, Edinburgh; or to Miss Black, Secretary, School of Medicine, Surgeon Square, Edinburgh. 3. DUBLIN.—Ladies desiring to study in Dublin can obtain full information from Dr Jacob, Secretary of Council, Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, Dublin. Complete education in Dentistry was also thrown open to women at the Dental Hospital and School in Edinburgh in 1886, and at the National Dental Hospital and College in London in 1887. All letters of enquiry should contain a stamped and addressed envelope for reply. The age of the candidate for admission should also be given, as no students are admitted to the Edinburgh or London Medical Schools under the age of eighteen. A special form of application for admission will be forwarded by the Secretary of each School, and no one can enter the classes until a favourable reply has34 been received from the authorities. it is therefore desirable in all cases to write at least a month before the commencement of the session. The winter session begins in October, and the summer session in May. Every student at the London and Edinburgh Schools is required to sign a declaration stating her intention to go through the whole course of study, and to pass the examination necessary for admission to the National Medical Register. The only exceptions made are for ladies who desire to take one or two classes for scientific purposes, and who sign a declaration stating that they have no intention of entering the medical profession. This measure was found necessary to prevent the entrance of foolish persons, who fancied that, after taking a few classes only, they might consider themselves competent to practise as medical missionaries or otherwise, and whose incompetency would have brought discredit on the Schools, and indeed on the movement at large. Expenses of Medical Education. (a) The personal expenses of students for board, lodgings, &c., differ so much in each case that only the most general estimate can be given, but the cost will usually vary from GBP1 to GBP2 a week, according to requirements. The winter and summer sessions together comprise about thirty-eight weeks. (b) The expenses of study vary considerably, according to the School chosen, and according to the arrangements in each case for additional classes, special instruction in certain subjects, &c. The following, however, are the minimum fees for the whole course of lectures and of hospital instruction :- 1. LONDON SCHOOL OF MEDICINE FOR WOMEN, GBP105 if paid in one sum, or GBP115 if paid in instalments. 2. EDINBURGH SCHOOL OF MEDICINE FOR WOMEN, GBP80 if paid in one sum, or GBP85 if paid in instalments. 3. IRISH COLLEGE OF SURGEONS, GBP99, 15s. (c) The fees for supplementary subjects, required by all or most of the Examining Boards, e.g., Vaccination, Practical Midwifery, Pharmacy, &c., vary from GBP10 to GBP20. Examination Fees. The cost of obtaining the various diplomas also varies considerably, and is of course increased by additional fees in case of failure at any of the Examinations. The usual minimum cost is, however, as follows :- IRISH COLLEGE OF SURGEONS (Licence in Surgery) ... GBP26 5 0 IRISH COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS (Licences in Medicine and Midwifery) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 16 16 0 SCOTTISH COLLEGES (Triple Qualification) ... ... ... ... 26 5 0 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON (M.D., M.S.) ... ... ... ... ... 30 0 0 ROYAL UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND (M.D., M.Ch., M.A.O.) 18 0 0 SOCIETY OF APOTHECARIES (L.S.A.) ... ... ... ... ... ... 10 10 0 35 NOTE G. "EDINBURGH EXTRA-MURAL SCHOOL. - An event of an entirely novel character has just occurred in the Edinburgh Extra-Mural School, in the recognition of Dr Sophia Jex-Blake as a lecturer on Midwifery, whose lectures will qualify for the examinations and diploma of the Scottish Colleges. On Dr Jex-Blake's application for such recognition, a committee was appointed, consisting of the President of the College of Physicians with Fellows of the two Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons of Edinburgh, before whom Dr Jex-Blake passed a satisfactory examination, and to whose inspection she submitted the lecture room and museums at Surgeon Square, where she proposes to lecture. As a result of this examination and inspection a formal diploma of recognition as a lecturer has been granted to her, and this event marks an important new departure, as it is the first case in which a women has been recognized as a lecturer in a public Medical School in this country." Glasgow Herald, Aug. 15, 1888. "Another nail has been driven into the coffin of the male accoucheur by the official recognition of Dr Sophia Jex-Blake as a qualified Lecturer on Midwifery. The news of this appointment, which we publish to-day, marks a new and significant stage in the Medical-Education-of-Women Movement. This is the first instance of the admission of a woman as lecturer in a public school of medicine, and the two points about it particularly interesting and appropriate are that the first recognized female medical teacher should be Dr Jex-Blake, and that the scene of her operations should be Edinburgh of all places. It was in Edinburgh some twenty years ago that the movement for medical women was cradled, and the author of its being was practically Miss Jex-Blake. The idea was repugnant to the then most eminent Edinburgh medical professors, and it was only due to the indomitable perseverance and combative energy of Miss Jex-Blake that the movement was not strangled in its infancy. The keen and protracted struggle of the famous seven ladies against the Edinburgh Medical Faculty, in order to obtain for themselves a medical degree, is matter of history . . . . The old prejudices of a portion of the medical faculty in Edinburgh brought about, fourteen years ago, an apparent defeat for the ladies. Yet the latter really triumphed, when they succeeded in gaining admission to membership of the Irish College of Physicians. But the fruits of complete victory for the ladies are seen in the announcement to-day that their leader, Dr Jex-Blake has herself received the official seal of the Scotch Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons." Edinburgh Evening Dispatch, Aug. 14, 1888. St. Clement, Hastings. Order of Service at the Dedication of the Memorial to Dante Gabriel Rossetti (Born May 12th, 1828, married here May 23rd, 1860, died April 9th, 1882.) 5.30 p.m., Saturday, May 12th, 1928. (The first Hymn and all the Prayers in this Service are from the pen of Christina Rossetti). When the Choir have taken their places in the Chancel, the Rector will say, all standing :- Dearly Beloved. We are met together to-day to dedicate a Picture and a Lamp to the greater glory of Almighty God and in memory - on this the hundredth anniversary of his birth - of DANTE GABRIEL ROSSETTI, Poet and Painter. In this Church he was married to ELIZABETH ELEANOR SIDDAL, and these gifts are placed here to commemorate their connection with this place. Let us give thanks to Almighty God for all Artists and Poets, his servants, who reveal to us whose eyes are not fully opened the wonder of his Face in truth and Beauty and Goodness. Then shall be sung this Hymn. (684 A. & M.). WHAT are these that glow from afar, These that lean over the golden bar, Strong as the lion, pure as the dove, With open arms, and hearts of love? They the blessed ones gone before, They the blessed for evermore; Out of great tribulation they went Home to their home of heav'n content. What are these that fly as a cloud, With flashing heads and faces bow'd; In their mouths a victorious psalm, In their hands a rove and a palm? Welcoming Angels these that shine, Your own Angel, and yours, and mine; Who have hedged us, both day and night, On the left hand and on the right.Light above light, and bliss beyond bliss, Whom words cannot utter, lo, who is this? As a King with many crowns He stands And our names are graven upon His hands. As a Priest, with God-uplifted eyes, He offers for us His Sacrifice; As the Lamb of God for sinners slain, That we too may live, He lives again. God the Father give us grace To walk in the light of Jesu's face; God the Son give us a part In the hiding-place of Jesu's heart; God the Spirit so hold us up That we may drink of Jesu's cup' As our own Champion behold Him stand, Strong to save us at God's right hand. Amen. ¶ While a still verse is played upon the Organ the Choir and Clergy will proceed to the West end of the Church, and the Rev. H.C.B. Foyster will ask Mr. A. Foord Hughes to unveil the Picture, saying:- On behalf of the Subscribers to this Memorial, we now request you, in virtue of your friendship with him whom we commemorate, to unveil this Picture to the Glory of God and the Beautifying of His House. ¶ The Rector will say these Prayers. Let us Pray. O Gracious Lord God who deignest to make of man Thy mirror that we in one another may behold Thine Image and love Thyself; unto every one of us grant, we beseech Thee, thus to love and thus to be beloved. For Jesus Christ's sake. Amen. O Lord with whom is the Foundation of Life give us all we entreat Thee grace and good will to follow the leadings of Thy most Holy Spirit. Let the dew of Thy grace descend and abide upon us, refreshing that which droops, reviving that which is ready to perish until the day when all Thy faithful people shall drink of the river of Thy pleasures in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. ¶ The Procession will then return to the Chancel and the Anthem Ave Maria (Arcadelt) will be sung, all seated the while. ¶ Then, all standing, the Clergy will proceed to the Sanctuary, and the Rector will address the Rev. H.C.B. Foyster as follows: - On behalf of this Congregation we request you to light this Lamp to the Glory of God and in perpetual remembrance of His mercies; specially calling to mind those in whose memory it is given; May they rest in peace and may Light perpetual shine upon them; ¶ The Lamp will then be lowered, lighted and raised again; and the Rector will say: Let us now sing the Ancient Hymn of the Church at the Lighting of the Lamps. ¶ Then shall be sung this Hymn (18 A. & M). HAIL, gladdening Light, of His pure glory pour'd Who is the Immortal FATHER, Heavenly, Blest, Holiest of Holies, JESUS CHRIST, our Lord. Now we are come to the sun's hour of rest, The lights of evening round us shine, We hymn the FATHER, SON, and HOLY SPIRIT Divine. Worthiest art Thou at all times to be sung With undefiled tongue, SON of our GOD, Giver of life, Alone! Therefore in all the world Thy glories, LORD, they own. Amen. ¶ These Prayers shall follow: Let us Pray. O Lord, make us, we implore Thee, so to love Thee, that thou mayest be to us a Fire of Love, purifying and not destroying. O Lord who seest that all hearts are empty except Thou fill them and all desires balked except they crave after Thee, give us light and grace to seek and find thee that we may be Thine and Thou mayest be ours forever. O Faithful Lord grant to us we pray Thee, faithful hearts devoted to Thee and to service of all men for Thy sake. Fill us with pure love of Thee, keep us steadfast in this love, give us faith that worketh by love and preserve us faithful unto death; All this we ask for the sake of Him who hast taught us thus to pray:- Our Father The Anthem " Jesu dulcis memoria" (Vittoria) will be sung. ¶ These prayers will then be said:- Let us Pray. O Lord, the Lord whose ways are right keep us in Thy mercy from lip-service and empty forms; from having a name that we live, but being dead. Help us to worship Thee by righteous deeds and lives of holiness; that our prayer also may be set forth in Thy sight as the incense and the lifting up of our hands be as an evening sacrifice. Amen. O Lord, God of our Fathers we bless Thy Holy Name, Thy grace and mercy for all those who have gone before us to rest in Thee; all, in all vocations, who have pleased Thee. And we pray Thee give us also grace to walk before Thee as they walked in righteousness and self denial that having laboured as they laboured, we may afterwards rest as they rest, in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. May the Divine Assistance remain always with us, and may the souls of the Faithful departed rest in Peace. Amen. ¶ The Congregation are asked to make an offering as they leave the Church towards the "Church Expenses Fund." The music will be under the direction of Mr. Reginald E. Groves and the 2 anthems will be sung by the Hastings Oriana Singers.ALICE J. KER, M.D., Berne; L.K.Q.C.P.I., L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. ; L.F.P. & S., Glas. Medical Officer to Female Staff of P.O. Hon. Medical Officer Birkenhead Lying-In Hospital. Hon. Medical Officer Birkenhead Rescue Home. OCTAVIA LEWIN, M.B., B.S., Lond. Assistant Anaesthetist and Clinical Assistant Royal Free Hospital. Clinical Assistant Paddington Green Children’s Hospital. CONSTANCE E. LONG, M.D., Brux. ; L.S.A., Lond. Resident Medical Officer Babies’ Castle, Hawkhurst. Late Resident Medical Officer Battersea Branch of Clapham Maternity and Dispensary for Women. LILY LENEY, M.D., Brux.; L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Clinical Assistant New Hospital for Women. Late Assistant Medical Resident Officer Canning Town Medical Mission Hospital. AGNES MCLAREN, M.D. ANNIE MCCALL, M.D., L.K.Q.C.P.I. Director Clapham Maternity Hospital. ISABELLA M. MACDONALD, M.B., Lond. Physician New Hospital for Women, London. Late Physician Cama Government Hospital, Bombay. ALEXANDRIA MCPHAIL, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. ; Medical Missionary, Madras. ALICE JANET MCLAREN, M.D., B.S., Lond. Physician to Dispensary of Samaritan Hospital for Diseases of Women, Glasgow. Extra Physician to Dispensary of Royal Hospital for Sick Children, Glasgow. KATHERINE M. U. MAGUIRE, B.CH., M.D. JESSIE M. MACGREGOR, M.B., C.M., Edin. Registrar and Assistant to Extra Physicians Royal Hospital for Sick Children, Edinburgh. MARGARET F. MACNAUGHTON, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin.; L.F.P. & S., Glas. LILIAN FRAZER NASH, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. ; L.F.P. & S., Glas. Medical Officer to the Elizabeth Fry Refuge, Hackney. Late Resident Medical Officer New Hospital for Women and Dispensary for Women, Haiderabad. AGATHA PORTER, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. Late Resident Assistant Medical Officer Chorlton Union Hospitals, Withington, Manchester. ELIZABETH MARGARET PACE, M.D., Lond. Gynaecologist Bebahouston Dispensary of Victoria Infirmary, Glasgow. Assistant Lock Hospital, Glasgow. MARY E. PAILTHORPE, M.D., Lond. Senior Physician Victoria Hospital, Benares, N.W.P. FLORENCE ADA ROBINSON, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. MARGARET M. SHARP, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. MARY D. STURGE, M.D., Lond. Late Resident Medical Officer New Hospital for Women. Late Resident Medical Officer South Tottenham Fever Hospital. MARY SMITH, L.R.C.P. & 8., Edin. ; L.F.P.S., Glas. CARLOINE STURGE, M.B. Late House Surgeon Clapham Maternity Hospital. Senior Medical Officer Battersea Branch Clapham Maternity Hospital. AMY SHEPPARD, M.B. Assistant Physician New Hospital for Women. MARIA SHARPE, L.S.A., M.D., Brux. MARY S. P. STRANGMAN, L.R.C.P. & S.I., L.M. (Rot.) ELIZABETH A. TENNANT, L.M., L.R.C.P.I., L.M., L.R.C.S.I. Physician to St. Catherine's Almshouses, Dublin. Physician to St. Catherine’s Schools, Dublin. LILLIAS THOMSON, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. CATHERINE JANE URQUHART, L.K.Q.C.P.I., L.M. Visiting Physician Jewish Dispensary, High Rigg, Edinburgh. Visiting Physician 92, Causewayside, Edinburgh. Late House Physician Women’s Hospital, Grove Street, Edinburgh. ALICE M. UMPHERSTONE, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. and Glas. Lecturer on Physiology St. Andrew's University. JANE HARRIETT WALKER, M.D., Brux. ; L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S. Physician to the New Hospital for Women, London. HELEN WEBB, M.B., Lond. ; L.S.A. Out-Patient Physician to New Hospital for Women, 144, Euston Road, N.W. Consulting Physician to S. Katharine’s Refuge Home, 177, Drummond Street, N.W. HELEN M. WILSON, M.D., Lond. ; Sheffield. MABEL E. WEBB, M.B., Lond. LUCY WHITHY, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin. SARAH E. WHITE, M.B., B.Sc., Lond. Wickham 87 have signed March 18, 1898.MEMORIAL ADDRESSED TO THE RT. HON. LORD GEORGE HAMILTON Secretary of State for India. MY LORD, We, the undersigned registered Medical Women, practising in the United Kingdom and in India, desire respectfully to protest against the measures recently enacted for dealing with Venereal Disease in the Indian Army (East India Contagious Diseases No. 6 1897 C. 8,538), and request permission to place before you the grounds on which we make this protest. The Cantonment Rules of 1897, cannot, in our opinion, be applied to venereal disease without resorting to methods degrading both to men and women, and which may in their execution lead to abuse and blackmail of the worst kind, and which are inconsistent with the restrictions so admirably laid down by your Lordship in Paragraph 11 of your Dispatch of March 26th, 1897. (a) In support of this point, we note that in the Cantonment Rules there is no definition of the "prima facie grounds" on which medical officers may entertain the suspicion that any given person is diseased. Our conviction, supported by experience, is that any accusation of venereal disease, privately made by one person against another, can be so little depended upon that such testimony ought never to be permitted to form the basis of an inquiry possibly involving serious personal, social or legal consequence. In this connection we quote the statement of Lord Roberts to the Departmental Committee of 1893, that "soldiers seldom or never point out the woman who may have diseased them." We note that there is no legal means of confronting accuser and accused, and that the punishment which the rules provide for willful false witness, is only a nominal fine. (b) Again, your Lordship laid down that no compulsory or periodical examination of women should be permitted. We admit that such compulsion may be considered relative rather than absolute, in that it allows to the persons denounced the option of leaving the Cantonment. This alternative, however, places those falsely accused on the horns of a cruel dilemma. If they remain, they must submit to examination, though possibly innocent even of immoral conduct; if they go, they must leave their homes, any means of honest employment they may have, and in the end fail to clear their characters. (c) With regard to the frequency of medical examinations, we submit that the variations in the length of the incubation period in venereal disease, and of the latent periods following the primary manifestations in Syphilis, render any isolated examination insufficient to prove that a patient is not diseased. It is clear that a single examination would therefore in many cases have an entirely negative value, and that to detect disease with certainty, such an examination would have to be repeated at definite intervals. Thus, a woman who at the first examination might appear healthy would, in order to satisfy the medical officer that she was free from disease, have to be subjected to repeated examinations. That this is, indeed, the logical outcome of the recent legislation would appear to be shown by the fact that it has been considered necessary, for the "protection of the medical and other officers in the discharge of duties which the Rules impose upon them," to repeal the Cantonments Acts Amendment Act of 1895. Since this repeal, it is no longer illegal to enforce periodical and compulsory examinations, the very course which your Lordship, in the Despatch referred to above, forbade. It is to be feared that the removal of so fundamental a restriction may lead to the renewal of many of those irregular practices which followed the introduction of the Cantonment Rules of 1889. 2. We urge that from the nature of venereal disease the legislation embodied in the Cantonment Rules cannot materially reduce the amount, and that the objections proved against previous methods apply equally to them. We would indicate the following practical points, which appear to render it impossible to class venereal diseases with other infectious and contagious diseases, for purposes either of prophylaxis, segregation or treatment. Signed, Annie M.S. Anderson, M.D., Lond. Assistant Physician Clinical Hospital for Women and Children, Manchester. Mary Acworth, M.D., Brux.; L.R.C.P. & S, Edin. Louise Appel, M.B., B. Sc., Lond. Medical Registrar Royal Free Hospital. Elizabeth Blackwell, M.D., Geneva; New York, 1849, 1850. English Register 1859. Consulting Physician New Hospital for Women. Adela Bosanquet, L.R.C.P.I., L.M. Diploma of State Medicine, 1883. Florence Nightingale Boyd, M.D. Brux; L.R.C.P. & S.I. Surgeon to New Hospital for Women, Euston Road, London. Late Surgeon to the Medical Home for Venereal Diseases of the National Vigilance Association. Edith Mary Brown, L.R.C.P.. & S, Edin,; M.D., Brux. ; Ludhiana, India. Rosa Elizabeth Bale, L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S., Edin. Late House Surgeon Clapham Maternity Hospital. Late Clinical Assistant New Hospital for Women Ellen Margaret Tinne Berthon, M.B., Lond. Late Assistant Physician Clapham Maternity Hospital. A. Helen A. Boyle, L.R.C.P. & S., Edin.; M.D. Brux. Late Assistant Medical Officer Claybury Asylum. Late Clinical Assistant New Hospital for Women. Late Senior Resident Medical Officer Canning Town Medical Mission Hospital. Late Assistant Physician Canning Town Medical Mission Dispensary. Lillian M. Blake, L.R.C.P. & S. Elizabeth A. Baker, L.R.C.P. & S. Annie E. Clark, M.B., L.K.Q.C. P.I. Physicians to the Birmingham and Midland Hospital for Women. Physician to the Birmingham and Midland Hospital for Children. Eveline A. Cargill, M.D., L.R.C.P., & S., Edin. Dorothea Caine, M.B. Lond. Assistant Physician to Our-Patients New Hospital for Women. Clinical Assistant Out-Patient Department Royal Free Hospital. Maud Mary Chadburn, M.B., Lond. Assistant Physician New Hospital for Women, Euston Road. Grace Ross Cadell, L.R.C.P., & S. Edin. Physician to the Free Consulting Room for Women and Children, Leith. Eliza L. Walker Dunbar, M.D., Zurich, 1873; L.K.Q.C.P.I.. 1877 Hon. Visiting Physician Bristol Private Hospital for Women, and Dispensary for Women and Children. E. Winifred Dickson, M.D., M.O.A., R.U.I, F.R.C.S.I. Gynecologist to the Richmond, Whitworth and Hardwick Hospital. Assistant Master Coombe Lying-In Hospital, Dublin. Margaret C. Dewar, M.B., C.M., Glas.; L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S., Edin; L.F.P. & S., Glas. House Surgeon Children's Hospital, Sheffield. Marian Erskine, L.R.C.P. & S. F.E. Turle-Evans, L.R.C.P. & S. Edin. Emily E. Flemming, M.D. Lond. Late Medical Registrar Royal Free Hospital. Late Assistant Physician New Hospital for Women. Ellen M. Farrar, M.B., M.S. Lond; Bhuvani, Punjab, India. Sarah Gray, L.R.C.P. & S. Edin. Medical Examiner to Nottingham School Board. Hon. Medical Officer Nottingham and Notts convalescent Homes. Mary Gordon, L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S., Edin; L.F.P. & S. Glas. Clinical Assistant East London Hospital for Children and Dispensary for Women, Shadwell, E. Helen M. Greene, M.D., Brux; L.S.A., Lond. Janet M.C. Gray, L.R.C.P., &S. Edin. Duchess of Teck Hospital, Patna, India. Edith E. Goodrich, M.B., C.M. Beatrice Garvie, L.R.C.P. & S. Edin. Medical Missionary Rajputana, India. Late Resident Doctor Glasgow Samaritan Hospital for Women. Marian Gilchrist, L.L.A. M.B., C.M. Agnes Henderson, L.R.C.P.. & S. Edin.; M.D. Brux. Free Church of Scotland Medical Mission, Nagpur, India. Mary Bird Hannay, M.B., C.M. Medical Officer to Islands of Flotta and Pharay, Orkney. Mary Josephine Hannan, L.R.C.P. & S.I. Hon. Medical Officer to Salvation Refuge Hose, Cardiff. Emmeline Mabel Henwood, L.S.A., Lond. L.R.C.P. & S. Edin. Lecturer and Medical Examiner under Nottingham School Board. Elsie Maud Inglis, L.R.C.P. & S.. Edin. Medical Officer St. Cuthbert's Parish Church. Gynecologist to St. Anne's Dispensary. Mabel Jones, M.D. Lond. Late House Surgeon New Hospital for Women. Late Assistant Anesthetist Royal Free Hospital. Late House Surgeon Children's Hospital Hull. Alice Melville Vowe Johnson, L.S.A. Arabella Kenealy, L.R.C.P.(a) With respect to venereal disease, it lies to a large extent within the power of he individual to avoid infection. With other contagious diseases there is not the same power of voluntary escape. (b) Whereas to prevent the spread of other contagious diseases only short, well-defined periods of isolation are necessary, the stamping out of venereal disease would demand a long and uncertain isolation, extending always over months, and often over years. Thus, in the case of the latter disease, an adequate detention would be impossible both on the score of expense and of accommodation, to say nothing of justice to the person detained. Again, other contagious diseases are as a rule easily recognized, rarely or with difficulty concealed, treatment is voluntarily sought, and no question of conduct or character is involved. These things are not true in the same degree of venereal disease. Other diseases can be cured and certified as cured within a comparatively short time, but in the case of venereal disease, in spite of all appearances of health, an individual may preserve the power of infecting others for months or years. (c) With regard to the supposed benefit derived from the temporary removal to hospital of a proportion of those suffering from venereal disease, we ask leave to quote the remarks of the Army Sanitary Commission in their memorandum of December, 1893. "It may be argued that the detention of a certain number of diseased women in Hospitals must por tanto reduce the number of men affected, and so have a certain salutary influence, but on the other hand, a large reduction of the number of prostitutes might make the few remaining outside greater sources of danger than they otherwise would have been. This, however, is not a matter to be decided by mere theoretical considerations. We can deal only with the facts, and there was ample evidence in the course of the Indian Lock Hospital experience to show that a woman's passing a periodical examination was no guarantee that she might not communicate disease." (d) As regards the possibility of ascertaining by the most careful and exhaustive examination whether any given person is or is not the subject of venereal disease (with the exception of those cases in which typical manifestations place doubt out of the question) our opinion entirely coincides with that of the Army Sanitary Commission mentioned above, and we believe an assertion either one way or the other to be extremely difficult. It is the result of the experience of many of us, after exceptional opportunities of examining women, of all classes and conditions, that it is practically impossible to say when any woman, who has once been affected with venereal disease, is free from all likelihood of infecting others either directly or indirectly. Under no circumstances would we permit ourselves to give certificates of health, such as Her Majesty's Government have in time past accepted, and which in other countries are still accepted, as satisfactory evidence of freedom from disease. Neither, for the same reasons, would we allow it to be understood that the fact of our ceasing to treat any patient, or of our discharging any patient from hospital, was equivalent on our part to a declaration that we considered such patient to be safe from the possibility of spreading disease by sexual intercourse. 3. In comment on the arguments which have been brought forward in support of the legislation embodied in the new Cantonment Rules, we offer the following considerations:- (a) Much stress has been laid on the occurrence among our soldiers returning from India of Syphilis in its most severe forms.* It is recognized in civil practice that after the symptoms have disappeared and the patient is able to return to his ordinary occupation, anti-syphilitic treatment must be persisted in for at least some months in order to prevent the further development of the disease. We are informed that a soldier suffering from Syphilis is treated in hospital until the symptoms disappear. He is then return to duty without treatment until fresh symptoms occur, when he is re-admitted to hospital; and this may be repeated again and again, the interruptions of treatment extending over many consecutive months. If our information is correct, the absence of continued treatment would appear to account in some degree for the severity of many cases of the disease, and for the fact that so many men are liable to break down on active service. We would therefore suggest that one of the first steps in checking both the severity and the spread of disease should be a systematic and prolonged treatment of the soldier. If such treatment were carried out with due regard to privacy and with some attempt to impress upon the men the importance of their co-operation, we cannot believe that it would be impossible to secure the necessary attendance without in the majority of cases admitting them again and again to hospital. ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ * We note that in the list of serious cases of venereal disease furnished from Netley quoted in Appendix III. of Lord Onslow's Committee, 10 out or 40 were cases of Gonorrhea. We are aware that by the non-medical public Syphilis is regarded as the graver venereal disease, and indeed in its worst forms its gravity and its serious consequences to the next generation can hardly be exaggerated. At the same time Gonorrhea is profoundly deleterious to the health of the nation at large. It is responsible for much permanent ill-health in both sexes, for many cases of sterility in married women, and it is the cause of much disease in women which is dangerous to life and necessitates the performance of major operations. We would therefore urge that this disease should receive no less careful and prolonged treatment than Syphilis. (b) With regard to the prophylaxis of disease in the civil population, we believe that the practice of inducing patients to come voluntarily for treatment for a long period would be much more advantageous to themselves, to those with whom they may consort and to future generations, than their compulsory detention for a few weeks in hospital without subsequent treatment. To this end out-door dispensaries should be numerous and well staffed. (c) In view of the lack of uniformity and method in the statistics at present available, we suggest that it would be advantageous to initiate a system of detailed and uniform investigation concerning the variations in prevalence and malignity of disease in English regiments quartered abroad. We believe that some such system, widely carried out, would yield in a few years data of great value. We further suggest that such returns should refer to regiments as well as to stations. 4. We are in favour of such legislation as would materially diminish the amount and severity of venereal disease, founded on the principle of making vice difficult, and in a practical way, dishonourable to the troops. (a) We suggest that there should be an organized and determined effort on the part of the Authorities to suppress the trade of prostitution in Cantonments. With this view, we suggest that Rule 12 of the Cantonment Act of 1889 should be altered to:- "The Cantonment Authority shall prohibit (a) the keeping of a brothel, (b) the residence of a public prostitute," instead of "may prohibit" as it now stands, and that paragraph 13 be erased. In this connection, and in view of the fact that clandestine or non-professional prostitution continues to be a prominent cause of the spread of disease, we are entirely in agreement with the suggestions of the Army Sanitary Commission referred to in the latter part of paragraph 10 of the Despatch of March 26th, 1897, to the Government of India, viz:- "We would also strongly advocate that the power of Commanding Officers should be as much enlarged as practicable in the direction of diminishing the temptation to young soldiers, by preventing women, for example, from coming about the lines after dusk, and also putting places out of bounds where soldiers are believed to have contracted disease." (b) We suggest that moral character should be made an important element in the promotion of the individual, and in the bestowal of appointments; and that as regards a regiment or other military unit, a bad record in respect of venereal disease should diminish the chance of selection for honourable and honour-bringing service. (c) As regards the physical care of the soldier, we suggest that every man on joining the Army, should have it made clear to him that immorality will neither be countenanced nor excused, and that he is expected to live chastely. In this connection we desire to express our grateful recognition of the principles laid down in the recent General Order to the Army of the late Commander-In-Chief in India, General Sir George White. In presenting this Memorial we are animated by a desire to diminish sexual immorality, as well as to prevent and cure the resulting disease. We wish to emphasize that we can give no approval to any measures containing features of the old Contagious Diseases Acts, which were equally repugnant to our moral sense and to our scientific convictions.THE SUNDAY EXPRESS MAY 13, 1928 My - - - Reminiscences. HOLLYWOOD BY NIGHT. Marion Davies' Fancy Dress Ball:: Gloria Swanson Decides the Ping-Pong title :: Moonlight Bathing Parties. By Ronald Colman Hollywood is not on the map. There is no such town. It has no railway station, no post office, no municipal government. It is merely the motion picture part of Los Angeles, near the sea, and the heart of Los Angeles is ten miles to the east. We who have homes there lead in many ways a rural life, in houses of our own, never in flats, and I am sure we enjoy the highest degree of domesticity which acting folk have ever known. A visitor driving after dark down Sunset Boulevard to the Pacific will see spread before him a fairyland of lights, where there are no high buildings to shut out row on row of lamps twinkling in every street. A train whistles. It is the night express over the Santa Fe. A syren screams. It is a boat steaming out of the harbour of San Pedro. As he draws nearer into the illuminated avenues he sees not the yellow lights of a city, but great patches of blue lights and white, the studio lights where hundred of players are working on the lot at night scenes. The voice of a director of a mob scene, perhaps a scene in the French Revolution, booms through a megaphone - Summer Saturdays. "Camera! Lights! Close in, there! Kneel down, you! Get up! Lie still, you're dead, you're dead!" The Hollywood Bowl, in the hills to the north, seats 35,000 people, and others on gala nights find room on the slopes above to make up the number to 100,000. It is for symphony concerts and for singers. We go nearly every Saturday night in summer, Galli-Curci sang one night, and charmed the ears of the remotest listener. Adjacent to this bowl is a smaller bowl, which is now becoming famous as the scene of the Pilgrimage Play , an imitation, and a most laudable one , of the Passion Play of Oberammergau. On top of the hill above it, a fiery cross, electrically lighted, burns through the night, and can be seen for miles around during July and August. One of the most striking pageants I have ever seen is the entry into Jerusalem, in which the Christ comes by night down a winding path from the summit of the hill into the stadium. The cast is made up largely from actors living in Hollywood, except those in the speaking parts, who come on from the East. More and more visitors are now coming to Hollywood as much on account of this spectacle as to see the film centre. The two bowls, tucked into the hills like the ancient theater at Delphi or Epidaurus, add a suggestion of the Greek ideal which makes our Hollywood nights the richer to live for. Doug. D'Artagnan. I don't know that our parties are any more frequent or any more elaborate than parties given in any community where a large number of players, writers, and artistic people are readily within call. But when a fancy dress ball comes off it may be that, with our unlimited stock of costumes and makeup at hand, we can present a somewhat more striking show. Not long ago, for example, Marion Davies gave a costume dance which all the film stars attended dressed in their favourite roles. Our hostess appeared as Phoebe in "Quality Street," "Doug," came as D'Artagnan, Lillian Gish as Romola, Jack Gilbert as Bardelys, Pola Negri as Du Barry, John Barrymore as Don Juan Gloria Swanson as Mme. Sans-Gene, Ramon Novarro as Scaramouche, and Charlie Chaplin, of course, as Charlie Chaplin. It was a mad night, the fun naturally being heightened by the memories we were prompted to revive in connection with our trials and triumphs in making each picture. But the party was more than that. It looked like so many leaves from the pages of history, and no one who came, all being so steeped in the character, could quite help acting up to his part at odd moments. Our parties in private homes, as I have suggested, are very seldom likely to be mere gatherings for dinner, card playing, and chat. They are usually occasional affairs, in honour of some passing guest, but quite often a special amusement of an uncommon sort may be expected. To illustrate: Some months ago the Pacific Coast Tennis Championship was being played in Hollywood. "Bill" Tilden, Johnstone, and Molla Mallory were there, but there were also a number of foreign luminaries, and among them Manual Alonzo, the champion of Spain. Gloria Swanson heard that Alonzo was also the ping-pong champion of Spain, and at the same time she knew that M. Rene, who was doing some studio work in Hollywood, was ping-pong champion of France. She quietly arranged a dinner at her house, inviting these two, and when we all arrived she told us that we were to see decided that evening the ping-pong championship of the world. Referees were chosen from the tennis stars and for two hours we sat tensely round a table and watched what I can only describe as hurricane playing. Alonzo won, but with not much to spare. So far as I know, his title (he was proclaimed world champion (?) Gloria) has not been challenged. The Beach Rush. There is a strip of beach very (?) Hollywood, just to the north of Saint Monica, which was long closed to the public. Its owner would allow no (?) to be put through, though this land (?) the only possible access along the coast to northern towns. Finally, she was prevailed upon to lease this plot for ten years, after which she has declared that she will close up the land again. Many of the film colon at once rushed down, staked out sites for bungalows, and built the sort of thing that will last just about ten years and more. The advantage of this particular location is that it affords good (?) ing. We go down to our little shacks (?) a hard day "on the lot," have (?) at cards or a small dance, (?) plunge into the ocean for a (?) bathe. Thus bathing parties, for (?) we have little time during the (?) have now become a rather (?) route to the playhouse, while the police are kept on the jump to hold them back. They come to see the stars drive up. In a balcony over the entrance, which is flooded with light, stands an announcer, who cries out the names of these celebrities as they alight from their motor-cars. Fanatics by the dozen hedged about the doorway snap their cameras and turn tiny cinema cameras to catch close-up souvenirs of their favourites. The capacity of the theatre is about 5,000. It is lavishly decorated inside and out in either Chinese or Egyptian (the page is cut off here and cannot be read) started, the programme goes on until long after one o'clock. A prologue, always in keeping with the story of the film, introduces the show. This entertainment would rival a first night at an important theatre in London. It is what might be called a "presentation round the picture." In the case of charlie Chaplin's "Circus" a hundred and fifty people took part in the prologue, including the twelve best acrobats who could be brought from London and New York. Two clowns did expert wire-walking. Pagliacci was sung by the ablest successor to Caruso the producer could find. Between reels the audience parades in the grand promenade with all the sang-froid one associates with the foyer of the Opera House in Paris. After the picture is run through, the master of ceremonies introduces the star and the minor characters in person, all of whom either take bows or speak. This intimate touch to the show, which, of course, is denied to the run of the film everywhere else, keeps the house in an uproar for an hour. Parties of cinema players may then whirl off to supper at one of the "roadLONDON. THE SUNDAY EXPRESS. LOVE STORIES OF THE GREAT. BEAUTY'S SLAVE. The Tragic Romance of Dante Gabriel Rossetti—Poet, Painter and Paradox. BY ANTHONY PRAGA. THROUGH the window of a milliner's shop near Leicester-square a young painter, W. H. Deverell, saw a girl sewing. Her beauty was remarkable—long, copper-golden hair, fine and dignified features, large clear blue eyes, "She had the look," it was said of her, "of one who read her Bible every night." Deverell, through his mother, obtained sittings from the girl, and painted a Shakespearean subject, called "The Duke and Viola listening to the Court Minstrels." The girl, Elizabeth Eleanor Siddal, sat for Viola; for the head of the Court Jester the model was Dante Gabriel Rossetti. In this way, with so extraordinary a dramatic and artistic fitness, began the romance and then a tragedy. A great painter met his wife in a picture. Rossetti, the centenary of whose birth fell yesterday, presents to us one of the most astonishing figures of the recent past. He was not only both a poet and a painter, with a full degree of genius in each of his arts—a genius of unforgettable beauty and originality —he was also an intense personality, a man in whom charm and individuality were so assimilated to a vast force of character as to make him almost hypnotic. He could persuade or command without effort, or even without knowing that he did either. He exercised such influence on men of his own craft whom he consulted as masters that they found themselves becoming disciples, and he founded a new school of painting solely by the words of his mouth. And to such fantastic opulence of temperament must be added a whole luxuriant outgrowth of paradox and contradiction. Rossetti was extravagantly generous and entirely selfish, careless of money, and a hard and even unscrupulous bargainer. He was profoundly self-opinionated, and always ready with praise for, and interest in, rivals. He was capable of passionate devotion and thoughtless indifference. In a word, he combined all his most salient characteristics with their opposites, and the result was a man who, in a way different from others numbered among the great, became a legend. When he walked into Deverell's picture, and there met Elizabeth Siddal, he was a young man of twenty-two, and already the dominant force in the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, of which, a little earlier, he had been the principal founder. He had achieved a certain notice with his painting. "The Girlhood of Mary Virgin," and in his second realm of art there stood to his credit - his immortal credit - the superb poem of the "Blessed Damozel," written before he was twenty. He was not well off, but neither was he starving, and the high enthusiasm for the new ideals of art held by him and his chief friends at the time - Millais and Holman Hunt - dwarfed all other considerations. The vision of Elizabeth, when he came upon it, so completely the embodiment of his conception of human beauty, with its gravity and grace, its solemn innocence, produced an inevitable effect, and he fell in love almost at once. Rossetti was almost wholly Italian, with the passionate temperament of his race, and if he had harboured any ideas of permanent celibacy, they vanished now. And they never returned. Elizabeth, then barely seventeen, had about her a charm and strangeness altogether apart from her purely physical beauty. She was the daughter of a Sheffield tradesman, and had little education, but she adorned her ignorance with exceptional mental and moral qualities. There was about her an instinctive nobility, a capacity for beauty and the fruits of the mind, that lifted her far beyond the mere accident of her social circumstances. She had patience, she had courage, and she had a great power of loving. Such a girl, then, became the second absorption of Rossetti's life. He painted her time after time, and made countless drawings of her head. Under his influence, she herself learned to draw, and acquired a skill by no means despicable. She became the most personal inspiration of a man whose well-spring had been himself. But on all this, and on all that was to come, there lay a darkness and a taint of morality. "It seems hard to me when I look at her sometimes," write Rossetti, "working, or too ill to work, and think how many without one tithe of her genius and greatness of spirit have granted them abundant health and opportunity to labour through the little they can do or will do, while perhaps her soul is never to bloom nor her bright hair fade, but after hardly escaping from degradation and corruption... That was written before their marriage, and Elizabeth did not escape. Within a year of the first meeting, they became engaged, but the engagement, for one reason or another, dragged on for close upon ten years. Whether it was solely lack of means (and that would have been cause enough) or whether Rossetti, in the egotism of his genius, preferred a more uncertain, but freer, relationship, seems still to be doubtful. It has been said that he did not desire marriage, but that his friends pressed him to it. Whatever be the fact, he married Elizabeth in 1860 - and her health was then failing hopelessly. She was almost too ill to be married, but they got down to Hastings somehow, where the ceremony took place, and afterwards they went for a little while to Paris. Two years saw everything ended - two years in which there was great happiness, though it was not unspoiled. For the early ideal of purity, however, much it remained an ideal, had not remained a reality. More than once Elizabeth had bitter opportunities for the exercise of her patience and her devotion. At Blackfriars Bridge It was not that Rossetti was gross; it was that a passionate nature, allied to a mind delighting in visible and tangible beauties, fell more and more under its own spell as experience matured it. And the self-absorption, the ego-centricity, increased as genius developed. Elizabeth was often neglected, and hardly any order was to be seen in their domestic life. They were living in a house at the north-west corner of Blackfriars Bridge, a house exquisitely unsuitable to the woman's malady, which was consumption. Every sharp [?wind] brought in death-loaded air and the foul damp of the city river. There she sat, while Rossetti went out, or wrote poems, or painted, with no time or no thought to see the noiseless drama of decay that was killing his wife breath by breath. It was a strange enough irony that the man who so passionately loved visible beauty should thus stand blind, while the beauty he most loved withered before him. But a greater irony was to come, and [?] it the supreme gesture of Rossetti's life. Elizabeth, in 1861, gave birth to a [?still] child, and from that moment [?her] health ran fast to ruin. she had [?] the habit of taking laudanum, and one night in February 1862, she misjudged the dose, and it killed her. What was the irony - that despite the near certainty of death, it was an accident that gave the final blow. Rossetti, faced suddenly with a brutal realty, was conscious-stricken, and his agony led him to a splendid extravagance of sacrifice. A moment before the coffin was sealed down, he took a manuscript book of his poems and laid it between the dim face and the still bright hair of his wife. Then he returned to his friends and said that many of those poems had been written while she was suffering, at times when he might have comforted her; they should be all renounced, and go into the earth with her. It was a tremendous thing for such a man to have done - and it proved too great for him. For, seven and a half years later, there occurred a thing from which a cold horror can never be washed out, a fire was lit in the night beside the grave and the coffin dug up and opened. And while Rossetti sat crouched in the house of a friend (with what thoughts in his head!) strange hands fumbled that which had been the face of his wife, and took back what belonged to the dead. Madness. They did not bring the book to him then, for on the pages were intolerable stains, but after a tactful cleansing, it was delivered, and Rossetti copied out his poems afresh. They were published, and acclaimed. The end of his life was darkened by a taint of madness. Though for some years he was full of vigour, spirit, and great work, insomnia began to torture him, and he gradually became enslaved to the drug chloral. Soon after Elizabeth's death he took No. 16, Cheyne-walk, Chelsea, a large house which he shared for a time with his brother, William, Swinburne, and Meredith. He kept strange pets, including a wombat and a zebu - till the zebu chased him round the garden. After a time hallucinations began. He fancied that the spirit of his wife came near him, that he heard her voice in the notes of birds. His sight also was affected, and an unfair critical attack helped to bring on a delusion of persecution. He traveled, lived for a time in the country with William Morris, was ill, and rallied, and was ill again. At last he had a violent attack, and being lent a bungalow at Birchington, went there in hopes of a recovery. But it was too late. On Saturday, April 8, 1882, he said, "I believe I shall die to-night," and he was but a day out of reckoning. Convulsions seized him the following evening, and in a few minutes he was dead. He was not quite fifty-four. There remains one doubt about Rossetti, a doubt that rises out of that terrible hour by the firelit grave; When did his love story end? But perhaps that hour is the answer. (Copyright in North America.)The Zeta Phi Fraternity Directory 1909-10CHAPTERS ALPHA College of Medicine, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York. BETA Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. GAMMA Johns Hopkins Medical School, Baltimore, Maryland. DELTA University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada. EPSILON Tufts College Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts.OFFICERS OF GENERAL FRATERNITY HONORARY PRESIDENT SARAH ADAMSON DOLLY, M. D. PRESIDENT FLORENCE I. STAUNTON, M. D. VICE-PRESIDENT E. KATHLEEN RUSSELL, B. A. SECRETARY LILLIAN GURINE STEVENSON, M. D. TREASURER ANNA B. WHITE-MARQUIS, M. D.MEMBERSHIP ALPHA OFFICERS, 1909-1910 President GRACE R. M. ILAHI BAKSH Vice-President E. L. SHRIMPTON, B. S., M. D. Secretary-Treasurer EDITH A. MCDOWELL ACTIVE MEMBERS Edith A. McDowell, '12. Grace R. M. Ilahi Baksh, '11. ALUMNAE 1900 Anna T. Bingham, M. D. Mary F. Sweet, M. D. 1901 Elizabeth L. Shrimpton, B. S., M. D. 1902 Emma C. Clark, M. D. Phoebe A. Ferris, M. D. Anna B. White-Marquis, M. D. 1903 Pearl Foster-Bigelow, Ph. B., M. D. Sarah G. Peirson, M. D. Camilla Quackenbush-Cristman, M. D. Jane G. Seeley, M. D. Cynthia Steers-Wells, M. D. 1904 Elizabeth Finch, M. D. Lois L. Gannett, M. D. 1906 Inez A. Bentley, M. D. Clara E. Moore-Harris, M. D. Alice E. Thayer-Doust. 1908 Emma P. Eberhardt, M. D. 1909 Florence King, M. D. ASSOCIATE Elizabeth Blackwell, M. D., Geneva Medical, 1849. Sarah Adamson-Dolly, M. D., Central Medical College, 1851. Eveline Ballantine, M. D., University of Michigan, 1877. Marion Craig-Potter, M. D., University of Michigan, 1884. Juliet E. Hanchett, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1885. Eve E. McKnight, M. D., University of Michigan, 1890. Evelyn Baldwin, M. D., Woman's Medical College of New York Infirmary, 1892.Angeline Martine, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1892. Mary Scott, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1892. Cornelia White-Thomas, M. D., College of Medicine, Syracuse University, 1895. Harriet M. Doane, M. D., College of Medicine, Syracuse University, 1896. Adelaide Dutcher, B. S., M. D., Johns Hopkins Medical School, 1901. Frances M. Thornton, M. D., Cornell University Medical College, 1902. BETA OFFICERS, 1909-1910 President JACOBINA S. REDDIE, M. D. Vice-President ELIZABETH S. BEATY. Secretary ELIZABETH F. CLARK, M. D. Treasurer MARY E. JONES-MENTZER, M. D. ACTIVE MEMBERS Elizabeth S. Beaty, '10. Mary Danforth. Constance Hart. ALUMNAE 1904 Grace W. Sherwood, M. D. 1905 Lucinda B. Hatch, M. D. Mary E. Jones-Mentzer, M. D. Myrtelle M. Moore-Canovan, M. D. Jacobina S. Reddie, M. D. Florence I. Staunton, M. D. 1906 Mary T. Martin-Sloop, M. D. Agnes E. Page, M. D. 1907 Mary R. Bowman, M. D. Mary Latimer James, A. B., M. D. Margaret Newlin Levick, M. D. Mary Carswell McClellan, M. D. Amy B. Rohrer, M. D. 1908 Laura M. Preble, M. D. 1909 Elizabeth Frances Clark, M. D. Wilhelmina Afton Ragland, M. D. Lillian Gurine Stevenson, A. B., M. D. ASSOCIATE Emma Elizabeth Musson, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1883. Elizabeth R. Bundy, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1884. Elizabeth L. Peck, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1885. Adelaide Ward Peckham, , M. D., Woman's Medical College of New York Infirmary, 1886. Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1902. Marie L. Bauer, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1890. Lida Stewart-Cogill, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1896. Mary E. Lapham, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1900. Elizabeth B. Bricker, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1903. Mary G. Bryson, B. A., M. D., C. M., Toronto University, 1903. Jessie M. Allyn, M. D., C. M., Toronto University, 1904. Margaret MacAlpine, M. B., Toronto University, 1905. Winne K. Mount, A. B., M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1905. Alice A. Steffian, M. D., Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1905. GAMMA OFFICERS, 1909-1910 President MARY ALLEN Vice-President HELEN WATSON Secretary ANNA HUBERT Treasurer MIRA BARDEN ACTIVE MEMBERS Mary Dayton Allen, A. B., '10. Helen Watson, A. B., '10. Elmira Isabel Barden, A. B., '11. Nona Gould, B. S., '11. Anna Hubert, A. B., A. M., '11. Barbara Hunt, A. B., '11. ALUMNAE Alice M. Ballou-Eliot, Ph. B., A. M., M. D. Edith Hale-Swift, A. B., M. D. 1906 Phoebe M. Bogart-Van Voast, A. B., M. D. Mary C. Sieling, A. B. 1907 Gladys Rowena Henry, S. B., M. D. 1908 Lillian Emeline Ray, A. B., A. M., M. D. 1909 Florence Chapman Child, A. B., M. D. Iva Catherine Youmans, A. B., M. D. HONORARY Elizabeth Hurdon, M. D., Toronto University, 1895. DELTA OFFICERS, 1909-1910 President AGATHA DOHERTY Vice-President SUSIE FOTHERINGHAM Secretary MARION KENNEY Treasurer I. MAY ROBERTS, B. A. ACTIVE MEMBERS M. Agatha Doherty, '10. Susie Fotheringham, '11. Marion S. Kenny, '11. I. May Roberts, B. A., '11. ALUMNAE 1908 Rosamund Leacock, M.B. Sarah G. McVean, M.B. F. Evelyn Windsor, M.B. E. Kathleen Russell, B.A. ASSOCIATE Jean M. Willson, M.B. Toronto University, 1898. Isabella S. Wood, M.D.C.M. Trinity University, 1901. Lily E. Taylor, M.D.C.M. Trinity University, 1906. EPSILON OFFICERS, 1909-1910 President Christina Margaret Leonard Vice-President Anna O'Sullivan Secretary-Treasurer Annie R. Young ACTIVE MEMBERS Margaret Christina Leonard, '10 Anna O'Sullivan '10 Jane Gray Stone, '11 Annie Roberts Young, '11 ALUMNAE 1909 Elizabeth Morrison Abbe M.D. Jessie Anderson Dow, M.D. Catherine Rose Kelley, M.D. Mette Marie Knudson, M.D. Edith Rogers Spaulding, M.D. ADDRESSES Abbe, Elizabeth Morrison, M.D., 212 Hemmingquay St. Boston, Mass. Allen, Mary D., 104 Jackson Place, Baltimore, Md. Allyn, Jessie, M.D. C.M. Vuyyuru, Kistna District, India Baldwin, Evelyn, M.D., 476 West Ave., Rochester, N.Y. Ballantine, Eveline, M.D. Rochester State Hospital, Rochester, N.Y. Barden, Elmira I., 104 Jackson Place, Baltimore, Md. Bauer, Marie L. M.D. 1613 Fairmount Ave. Philadelphia, Pa. Beaty, Elizabeth S., 2231 Thompson St., Philadelphia, Pa. Bentley, Inez A. M.D., Kings Park, New York Bigelow, Pearl Foster, M.D. 378 Sunset Ave., Utica, N.Y. Bingham, Anna T., M.D., New York State Training School for Girls, Hudson, N.Y. Blackwell, Elizabeth, M.D. Hastings, England. Bowman, Mary R. M.D., 108 East Walnut St., Lancaster, Pa. Bricker, Elizabeth B., M.D. Sititz, Pa. Bryson, Mary G. M.D., 412 Albert St., Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. Bundy, Elizabeth R., M.D., 110 S. Eighteenth St., Philadelphia, Pa. Canovan, Myrtelle M. Moore, M.D. Hathorne, Mass.Child, Florence C., M.D., Women's and Children's Hospital, Syracuse, N.Y. Clark, Elizabeth F., M.D., 1801 Pine St., Philadelphia, Pa. Clark, Emma C., M.D., Berry Block, Dover, N.J. Cogill, Lida Stewart, M.D. 869 North Forty-first St., Philadelphia, Pa. Cristman, Camilla Quackenbush - M.D., Herkimer, N.Y. Danforth, Mary, Groton, Conn. Doane, Harriet M., M.D. Fulton, N.Y. Doherty, M. Agatha, Abbeycourt, Eglinton, North Toronto, Canada Dolly, Sarah Adamson, M.D. 50 East Ave., Rochester, N.Y. Doust, Alice E. Thayer, M.D. Dow, Jessie Anderson, M.D. Memorial Hospital, Worcester, Mass. Dutcher, Adelaide, M.D. 841 University Building, Syracuse, N.Y. Eberhardt, Emma P., M.D.,Madalin, N.Y. Eliot, Alice M. Ballou, M.D. Weston, Mass. Ferris, Phoebe A., M.D. Butte, Mont. Finch, Elizabeth, M.D. High View Ave., South Beach, Conn. Fotheringham, Susie, 62 Heath St., East Deer Park, Toronto, Canada Gannett, Lois L. M.D. Adams, N.Y. Gould, Nona, Poughkeepsie, N.Y. Hanchett, Juliet E. M.D. 407 E. Fayette St., Syracuse, N.Y. Harris, Clara E. Moore, M.D. 417 Monroe Ave., Rochester N.Y. Hart, Constance, 2231 Thompson St., Philadelphia, Pa. Hatch, Lucinda B.,, M.D., 85 Emery St., Portland, Me., Henry, Gladys R. M.D., Burchard, Neb. Hubert, Anna, 1705 Fairmount Ave., Baltimore, Md. Hunt, Barbara, 1706 East Monument St., Baltimore, Md. Hurdon, Elizabeth, M.D., 1315 North Charles St., Baltimore, Md. Ilahik Baksh, Grace R.M., Winchell Hall, Syracuse, N.Y. James, Mary Latimer, M.D. Care of C.H. Curtis, Esq., Wyncote, Pa. Kelley, Catherine Rose., M.D. Worcester Memorial Hospital, Worcester, Mass. Kenny, Marion S., Mimico P.O., Ontario, Canada King, Florence, M.D., New England Hospital, Boston, Mass. Knudson, Metta Marie, M.D., Worcester Memorial Hospital, Worcester, Mass. Lapham, Mary E., M.D., Highlands, N.C. Leacock, Rosamund, M. B., 115 West Barre St., Baltimore, Md. Leonard, Christina Margaret, Franklin Square House, Boston, Mass. Levick, Margaret N., M.D. Punganoor, North Acot, South India. MacAlpine, Margaret, M.B., 619 Bathhurst St., Toronto, Canada. McClellan, Mary C., M.D. 127 Second St., Lexington, Ky. McDowell, Edith, A, 608 South Crouse Ave., Syracuse, N.Y. McKnight, Eva E., M.D., Oswego, N.Y. McVean, Sarah G. M.B. Dresden, Ontario, Canada Marquis, Anna B. White, M.D. Norwich, N.Y. Martine, Angeline, M.D., 325 Genesee St., Utica, N.Y.Mentzer, Mary E. Jones, M.D. 152 West Seventy-ninth St., New York City. Mount, Winne K., M.D., New Paul Block, Oil City, Pa. Musson, Emma E., M.D. 213 South Seventeenth St., Philadelphia, Pa. O'Sullivan, Anna, 20 Court St., Boston, Mass. Page, Agnes E., M.D., 176 State St., Albany, N.Y. Peck, Elizabeth I., M.D., 4113 Walnut St., Philadelphia, Pa. Peckham, Adelaide Ward, M.D., Lansdowne, Pa. Pierson, Sarah G., M.D., Rochester State Hospital, Rochester, N.Y. Potter, Marion Craig, M.D., Rochester State Hospital, Rochester, N.Y. Preble, Laura M., M.D. West Enfield, Me. Ragland, Wilhelmina Afton, M.D., New York Infirmary for Women and Children, New York City Ray,Lillian E., M.D. 2419 South Grand Ave., Los Angeles, Cal. Reddie, Jacobina S., M.D., 880 North Forty-first St. Philadelphia, Pa. Roberts, I. May, 56 Franky Ave., Toronto, Canada Rohrer, Amy B., M.D. Rajahmundry, India. Russell, E. Kathleen, Windsor, Nova Scotia. Seeley, Jane G., M.D., 319 W. State St., Ithaca, N.Y. Scott, Mary, M.D. 1111 East Genesee St., Syracuse, N.Y. Sherwood, Grace W., M.D. St. Albans, Vermont. Shrimpton, Elizbeth L. M.D., 611 East Genesee St. Syracuse, N.Y. Sieling, Mary C., 625 West Market St., York, Pa. Sloop, Mary T. Martin, M.D. Plumtree, N.C. Spaulding, Edith Rogers, M.D., Stonybrook, Mass. Staunton, Florence I., M.D., 14 Cottage Place, Utica, N.Y. Steffian, Alice A. M.D., Lancaster, Mass. Stevenson, Lillian G., M.D. New York Infirmary for Women and Children, New York City. Stone, Jane Gray, 456 Parker St. Roxbury, Mass. Sweet, Mary F., M.D. Decatur, Ga. Swift, Edith Hale, M.D. Landshuter, Strasse 7 Berlin, West Germany Taylor, Lily E. M.D. care of Dr.Ruhe, 31 Airdrie Place, Chicago, Ill. Thomas, Cornelia White, M.D. 470 Lyell Ave., Rochester, N.Y. Thornton, M. Frances, M.D. Hoffman Arms, 640 Madison Ave., New York City Van Voast, Phoebe M. Bogart, M.D. 232 East One Hundred Ninety-eighth St. New York City. Watson, Helen 104 Jackson Place, Baltimore, Md. Wells, Cynthia Steers, M.D., Schenectady, N.Y. Willson, Jean M. M.B. 95 Bloor St. East, West Toronto, Canada Windsor F. Evelyn, M.B. Women's Hospital and Infants' Home, Detroit, Michigan Wood, Isabella S., M.B. 321 Bathhurst St., Toronto, Canada Youmans, Iva C., M.D. New York Infirmary for Women and Children, New York City Young, Annie Roberts, 75 Lincoln St., Newton Highlands, Mass.