BLACKWELL FAMILY ELIZABETH BLACKWELL Printed MatterDogs and Rabies. To the Editor of the Times. Sir. May I ask those of your readers who believe that the leading of dogs in public places is as effective a preventive against rabies as muzzling, besides being more humane, to write at once to Arthur Tucker, 84 St Saviour's-road, West Croydon. Yours truly, H. J. St. B. Cunliffe. Mad Dogs. To the Editor of the Times. Sir, So long as alarmists exist, so long will hydrophobia scares be fermented and the muzzling order in vogue, and with the discomforting report of the near advent of the latter in this borough it behoves all dog owners and dog lovers to be on the alert. Hastings has hitherto been an exception to the useless and tyrannical order of the Board of Agriculture, to the advantage of the town and pleasure of its visitors, many of which, to my personal knowledge, have brought their canine pets here to enjoy the liberty wisely afforded them and escape from the torture of the muzzle - some after "long" endurance. From time to time, however, a "rabies scare" will happen, and only the week before last I had to make an autopsy on a valuable dog destroyed on the supposition it was mad, but in lieu of which had flown into paroxysms of agony from irritant poisoning. A dog never goes suddenly rabid. Well marked preliminary symptoms peculiar to Rabies Canina are manifested. These I will not trespass on your valuable space by giving in extenso, but it is time to be watchful when an hitherto harmless and gentle dog without any apparent reason becomes aggressive and furious at the sight of one of its own species of either sex. If also a lively, affectionate and demonstrative disposition is quickly changed to a dull and morose one, with continued restlessness and fitful starts, and a desire for solitude, especially after an unaccountable absence from home for some days, suspicion should be aroused and professional advice promptly sought. When associated with these changes there is a tendency for destruction and anger at imaginary objects whose moving course the eyes appear to persistently trace, the animal suddenly springing towards the same and as suddenly slinking back with blinking and averted eyes, as though ashamed of the delusion, and again repeating the conduct, little doubt need exist as to the nature of the case. A rabid dog does not foam at the mouth, which, to canine misfortune and the creation of public scares, is commonly supposed. On the contrary there is an increased secretion of tenacious saliva of a ropy character causing the creature to champ its jaws and paw them to get rid of it, which latter has sealed the fate of more than one human being in examining the mouth for a supposed fixed portion of bone. The strange voice of a rabid dog, between a prolonged howl and a croupy bark, most frequently exercised at night, when once heard is never forgotten. When a rabid dog escapes, which is an invariable attempt, it goes steadily and aimlessly on in a rambling jog trot with head towards the ground and tongue hung out, swollen, livid, and covered with dirt -- any obstruction at once excites ferocity. This pace, if undisturbed, may be continued for miles, until exhaustion compels the animal to stop, when he usually seeks a dark secluded spot, finally becoming paralysed and dying comatose. In "dumb rabies," a less dangerous form of the disease, many of the above symptoms prevail, but the nervous excitability is much less. Paralysis of the muscles of the throat and lower jaw, with loss of voice and inability to eat or drink, are characteristic symptoms. The sufferer with its partly opened slavering mouth presents a pitiful appearance, and invites assistance. Both types of the disease may, however, exist in the same kennel. With regard to the dog alleged to have bitten the retriever recently certified to be rabid, there should be no difficulty in tracing the former's previous and subsequent history and condition, whilst the usual examination and test of the spinal cord in a suspected case of rabies should remove any existing doubt. With the hope these brief remarks may be of some public service, and find a place in your columns, I am, yours obediently, Woodroffe Hill, F.R.C.V.S. St. Margaret's-road, St. Leonards-on-Sea, 14th September, 1897. [?] of the Private Garden adjoining. Excellent Livery Stables. Hotel Flys attend the Trains. A FIRST-CLASS RESTAURANT Adjoins the Hotel. Booking and Enquiry Office of the L.B. & S.C. and S.E. Railways. WILLIAM GLADE, Manager. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________ ST. LEONARDS-ON-SEA. ____________ THE ROYAL SAXON HOTEL, GRAND PARADE (facing the Sea), in the Centre of ST. Leonards, four minutes' walk from Warrior-square Railway Station. Tariff on application. N.J. VAUGHAN, Proprietor. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________ ST. LEONARDS-ON-SEA & HASTINGS. THE ALEXANDRA HOTEL. DUE SOUTH. CENTRE OF PROMENADE. FACING THE SEA: HYDRAULIC PASSENGER LIFT. SPACIOUS PUBLIC ROOMS, CONSERVATORY AND LOUNGE. ELECTRIC LIGHT THROUGHOUT. TABLE D'HOTE at SEPARATE TABLES, at Seven. ______ PERCY BEER, MANAGER (Late of Bailey's Hotels, London). _______________________________________________________________________________________________________ The Eversfield Hotel, ST. LEONARDS-ON-SEA. THIS FIRST CLASS HOTEL, situated on the most select part of the Sea Front, is noted for the excellent accommodation it offers to visitors. Magnificent public rooms, all facing sea, except'onally fine and airy sitting and bedrooms, mostly with bay windows. Attendance, cuisine, and wines receive constantly careful attention and compare well with the best. Passenger Lift, Electric Light, Night Porter, Table d' Ilôle (separate table) at 7, open to non-residents. Reasonable tariff. J.P. BERTEL, MANAGER, Late Hotel Victoria, London, W.C. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________ PURE VINTAGE AUSTRALIAN WINES. "ORION" BRAND. From the South Australian Government Bonded Depót in London. All Wines bearing this brand have been analyzed by official of H.M. Government of South Australia and certificated pure and sound. BOTTLING AGENTS appointed by the South Australian Government Bonded Depót : MOULTON & SON, Wine Merchants, HASTINGS AND ST. LEONARDS. NOTE.-H.M. Government of South Australia, being anxious to promote the sale in the United Kingdom of the genuine grape products of the Colony, has opened a large Bonded Depót in London (under the management of Mr. E. BURNEY YOUNG) to which the vine growers of the Colony are privileged to consign their wines, after careful examination and analysis by official experts of the South Australian Government. All wines allowed to be shipped are pure vintage wines, and all bear the South Australian Government Expert's certificate that they are pure and sound. The guarantee to the consumer that these wines shall reach him exactly as shipped, the South Australian Government has registered the brand "ORION" and the special label on the reverse. All wines sold under this label come direct from the London Bonded Depót, and are bottled only by qualified and reliable Wine Merchants throughout the Kingdom. PRICE LIST. Per doz. Per Per Flagons. RUBY WINES. doz. bots. doz. bots. Imp. Qrts. *BURGUNDY . . No. 20 18s. 10s. 22s. CLARET " No. 22 20s. 11s. 24s. *HERMITAGE " No. 23 24s. 13s. 28s. *CABERNET " No. 29 28s. 15s. 34s. WHITE WINES. RIESLING " No. 28 22s. 12s. ___ CHASSELAS " No. 24 23s. 12s. 6d. ___ MUSCAT " No. 26 30s. 16s. ___ Bottles included. Flagons charged 6d. each extra, and the same is allowed for them when returned in good condition. *Wines at present in stock. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________ THE SOUTH COAST CREAMERY COMPY., 40 WHITE ROCK,Election of School Board. We wish to remind you that the Election of Members for the Hastings School Board will be held on Friday Next, February 9th. The Polling Station for the Ward of St. Clement is at the Old Town Hall, High Street, and will be open at 9 o'clock in the morning and close at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. [*(No 169)*] We beg to solicit you to distribute your Nine Votes [by placing figures opposite the names as under] among the Candidates whose names are printed in large type and who, we think would best further the interests of the Children of the Working Classes. BARKER... 2 Benwell... Cave-Brown-Cave... Hodges... Jennings... Law... Mann... PORTER... 3 Tubbs... WELLS... 2 WOMERSLEY... 2 Young... We are, Yours faithfully, W. E. Ginner, John Duke, James Reeves, H. Osborne, T. F. Stanger, Thos. Poole. Protest. Essential principle. This with the evils of monopoly, developed by George. Injustice of ground rents, ~ 73 per acre + refusal to sell freehold in our valley, or lease. But methods require careful thought. Maybe gradually reached as Improvements belong to owner. Co-operation.PRINTED BY REQUEST FOR THE LEIGH BROWNE ENDOWMENT. A STATEMENT OF THE REASONS THAT HAVE INDUCED ME TO EMPLOY CINNAMON IN MASSIVE DOSES IN THE TREATMENT OF CANCER AND CERTAIN OTHER DISEASES. By J. CARNE ROSS, M.D. EDIN. Physician to Ancoat's Hospital, Manchester. LONDON: 3, VICTORIA STREET, S.W. 1895.CINNAMON IN THE TREATMENT OF CERTAIN MICROBIC DISEASES. THE introduction of antiseptics into surgical practise was greeted with considerable enthusiasm, for not only did surgeons see their way to a great extension in the field of operations, but many physicians also dreamed that it would be but an easy leap from antiseptic surgery to antiseptic medicine, and that with antiseptics the physician would soon be able to deal as successfully with microbes, when they were inside the body, and were there giving rise to some fever or whatever it might be, as the surgeons could deal with them when they were outside the body. Experience, however, has not fulfilled this hope; with antiseptics we may easily destroy our patient, but we cannot apparently destroy the microbe that is flourishing in him; in other words, we have never yet succeeded in aborting any specific fever by means of antiseptics, with the exception of ague by means of quinine. Wearied by repeated failure, medical opinion now inclines to the view that it is hopeless to expect any good results in this direction from drugs; and this swing of the pendulum is not unnatural, though whether it is quite reasonable is another matter. Being personally unwilling to give up any belief in the possible power of drugs, I thought some years ago that perhaps some light might be gained by reviewing in my mind the whole question of microbic disease, or of parasitic disease as I would prefer to call it, for the microbes of all the specific fevers are, I believe, essentially parasites, that is, they do not flourish, as far as we know, independently of some host. From the very dawn of history, and probably long before even that remote period, human beings have been puzzled and alarmed by the remarkable mode of incidence of parasitic or microbic diseases. The mysterious phenomenon was invariably noticed that "one was taken and the other left." We now know, of course, that this seeming mystery is not mysterious at all, but that the person, sick of any specific fever or ( 2 ) epidemic, is sick merely because the microbe of that particular disease has found entrance into his body. But even after we had attained to this level of knowledge, fresh difficulties arose. For it was soon asked, if a person takes scarlet fever from, let us say, drinking certain milk, why does not everyone drinking that milk also have scarlet fever? On investigation it was found that those who did not take the fever had had it before, and then it was agreed that a previous attack made people immune, or, in other words, they were artificially rendered sterile by a previous attack. But then it was also observed that others drank of this infected milk and did not have scarlet fever, and yet it was also found that they had never had a previous attack. How was this fact to be explained? If some do not take the fever because they have been rendered sterile by a previous attack, then surely the only rational explanation, as it seems to me, that can be offered why others who have never had the fever before and yet do not become sick is by supposing that they must be naturally sterile. Now, if we examine the history, generally, of epidemics from the earliest times we will find that writers in considering any particular epidemic, have been so horrified at the gross mortality it has caused, that, usually, they have forgotten to notice how very few, comparatively speaking, suffered from the disease at all, at any rate, at its first onset. For instance, in Hamburg, three years ago I understand that about 8,000 people died of cholera, and as the death-rate of cholera averages from thirty-five to seventy-five per cent., the total number of cases of cholera in the city could not probably on the most liberal computation have numbered 50,000. What do these figures teach? Do they not tend to show us that those who contracted cholera were only a small minority of the population--the population of the city numbering something like 600,000 souls. Again, I think, it was in 1780, that influenza attacked St. Petersburg one night. Next day 40,000 people, Watson tells us, were down with the disease, an enormous number certainly, but still a very small minority of the general population of the city. Again, if measles or scarlet fever breaks out in a school, eliminating those protected by a previous attack, who ever heard of the rest of the school all going down together with the disease? Such a thing was surely never heard of. We see that all being equally exposed to infection, a certain, comparatively small number take the disease, and if segregation is strictly carried out at once, the others generally escape, but if segregation is not carried out, by continued exposure to the infection, gradually more and more cases occur amongst those who resisted the first onset. In fact, looking at the matter broadly, how could the population of the world have escaped extermination if it were not that mankind enjoys some sort of natural sterility against microbic disease? A sterility that is no doubt easily upset by causes which we do not at present understand, but which we should naturally expect to find would be more readily upset in the mobile age of childhood, than in ( 3 ) adult life. And do we not find that children are very much more liable to microbic disease than those of riper years? What do we see going on around us? Take this instance. Macnamara, in his History of Cholera, says: One afternoon, 19 men drank some water, which, by indubitable evidence, was afterwards found to contain cholera dejecta. Wishing five days five of these men had cholera, the remaining 14 men experienced no ill result whatever. The interpretation of these facts appears abundantly simple. These 14 men, enjoying their normal sterility, imbibed the cholera germ without any ill effect, but the other five men, being in a state of fertility, the germ took root in them and flourished, or in other words, they had cholera. It is now pretty generally admitted that the specific fevers, or diseases, for they are not all fevers, result from: 1st. The introduction into the system of a microbe. 2nd. That the mere introduction of the microbe is not of itself sufficient to cause disease, but that the body of the host must at the same time be in a fertile condition; and from the foregoing it appears to me to follow, though others may not at once agree with me, that the normal condition of man is one of sterility, in which state the introduction of a microbe does not appear in any way to act injuriously. From these considerations it appeared to me to follow as a natural inference, that, when a body has become fertile, and a microbe is, therefore, flourishing in it, or in other words, if a person has a fever, if we could, by some means or other, sterilise the body of the host, then the microbe would probably cease to flourish, or in other words, the disease would then probably either abruptly come to an end, or would run a very mild course; for we know that the seed that is planted in stony ground springs up, but withers because it has no root in it. Some years ago I asked myself why I should not, leaving the microbe severely alone, endeavor, if possible, by means of some drug that is non-poisonous and has no selective action, and can, therefore, be used in enormous quantities, so to saturate a patient with it, that he shall practically become tanned or sterilised, and then perhaps the disease will either cease or run a mild course. No one can read the Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, or, indeed, any historical MSS, that deal with the household expenses of our ancestors, without being struck by the enormous quantities of spices that they consumed. At the marriage feast, for instance, of the Earl of Carrick, Robert Bruce's son, about 200 lbs. of cinnamon were consumed, besides other spices. And again, in the vessel equipped by Edward I. to bring home the little Maid of Norway something like 25 lbs. of cinnamon were stored for her special use on the voyage. Of course, those happy people who know everything explain this consumption of spices by telling us the wine in the old days was so bad, that without enormous quantities of spice it was undrinkable. How do they know it was so bad? Again, why did the Norse people, after they settled in England and became English, take to spicing their ale? Was that so bad also? In the Heimskringla we never hear of spiced ale, though we hear a great deal about ale drinking.(4) No! Is it not possible that the use of spices in these enormous quantities was merely an echo of some forgotten knowledge? May not some wise man, some Jewish physician, perhaps, have suggested to some mighty patron that spice in large quantities was protective against disease, and so the use of spice became, by accident, the fashion. I must not dwell here on this most enticing subject. These echoes of forgotten knowledge which we see here and there, lying like dead logs in the history of the world, tell us most plainly, as it seems to me, that many brave men must have lived before Agamemnon, though by an ignorant and foolish generation the labours of their lives were lost, and their names forgotten. Could it be possible, I asked myself, that in the spice series might be found the drug I was in search of. How long these speculations might have continued—mere speculations —I do not know, but in the first week of January, 1892, they suddenly crystallised out. For I read in the papers that some French physician had stated that he thought he had found cinnamon useful in influenza, and I felt certain that if it acted at all, cinnamon could only act as a sterilising agent; and also I felt confident that the drug would not be used in sufficiently large doses, and I at once determined to commence a series of experiments with spices to ascertain whether my theory possessed any practical value. And the first spice I employed was cinnamon, and thinking that cancer possibly owed its origin to some parasite, I first of all experimented on a case of cancer of the stomach, and the result of that experiment has been published elsewhere. An epidemic of influenza broke out early in 1892, and I tried the effect of cinnamon, giving half-an-ounce of the decoction (the strength of the decoction being 1 lb. in the pint and a quarter) every hour. The first few cases surprised me, for the patients seemed to get quite well in a few hours. I also experimented on a case of measles, and the patient, a child aged nine, seemed to be perfectly well in twenty-four hours. A second series of cases of influenza, measles, and scarlet fever were treated, the latter at the Fever House at Monsall, apparently without any results. Bitterly disappointed, for a time I felt inclined to throw up the sponge. But in thinking over my cases the results, where good, seemed to have been so very good, that I began to wonder whether I had not made some blunder somewhere, and on carefully going over my cases again and again, it gradually began to dawn upon me that my good results seemed to stand in some direct relation to the time that had elapsed between the first onset of the disease and that at which treatment had been commenced. In fact, it seemed to be quite clear that the earlier the treatment the better the result. I therefore determined to try again and follow out this suggestion, taking twenty-four hours from the onset of the disease as my working limit, and declining to treat any cases that had been ill for more than (5) twenty-four hours; and with regard to this working limit, I think I should now feel inclined to fix twenty hours instead of twenty-four. Another epidemic of influenza soon broke out, and I treated a considerable number of cases, twenty-five in number, within the twenty-four hour limit, and in all these cases I ceased to attend after the second day. I also treated a case of measles—the patient a young lady of 22. I saw her first at 3 p.m.; the rash had been first noticed at 9 a.m. that morning; temperature 102°; cough very troublesome; respirations 30; severe headache; complete anorexia. Half-an-ounce of decoction of cinnamon was ordered every hour. At 9.30 p.m. that evening temperature was 99°, pulse normal, breathing normal, no cough, no headache, no complaints. At 10 a.m. next morning patient appeared to be quite well, but I kept her in bed for two days as a precaution. The rash, which had been profuse, entirely disappeared in thirty hours from the commencement of treatment. I had myself been a martyr to influenza, having had it five times, and during the spring of 1892 I was again twice attacked by it, and had the usual rigors, malaise pains and loss of appetite. On both occasions the attack commenced about 6 p.m. In the first attack, at 7 p.m., my temperature was a little over 100°, in the second, at the same time, it was 101°, and both times I felt very ill. I dosed myself with half-an-ounce of decoction of cinnamon every forty minutes, and after about two hours and a-half, on both occasions, I experienced a most peculiar sensation of sudden well-being, and half-an-hour after this sensation I have described, on both occasions, my temperature was normal, and I felt quite well and smoked a pipe, which two hours previously I could not even have thought of doing, and on both occasions I awoke next morning feeling quite well, and went about my work as usual. I have tried this treatment in so many cases of influenza now, that I feel compelled to believe that my observations, in this disease at any rate, are accurate. At last, in the spring of 1894, a well-marked case of scarlet fever turned up, and to eliminate any possibility of error in my diagnosis, the sister of this patient was good enough to go down with scarlet fever at the same time; and on the same day five schoolfellows of my patient's, happily in the practice of different medical men in the neighbourhood, also went down with scarlet fever. Only one of my patients was treated with cinnamon. She was a well-grown girl of 15. My first visit was at 11 a.m.; tongue thickly coated; temperature 102.4°; pulse 132; throat deeply engorged; an ulcer, the size of my little finger-nail, on the left tonsil; she complained of great pain in the throat and of severe headache; she had vomited five times, three times in the night and twice in the morning; anorexia complete. Rash profuse over the face, neck and trunk, and well-marked over the limbs.(6) She had complained of not feeling quite well the previous evening during tea time, and had a rigor about 8 p.m. Half-an-ounce of decoction of cinnamon was ordered every hour for the first 24 hours; at the expiration of that time the dose was to be given every two hours; the throat to be gargled every two hours with equal parts of decoction of cinnamon and water. After 24 hours from the commencement of treatment the throat looked better, and complaints of pain were not urgent. After 48 hours the patient's throat gave no pain. After 96 hours, temperature 98, pulse 80, throat a normal colour, ulcer on the tonsil almost healed, no pain whatever in the throat, tongue perfectly clean, appetite had returned, and the patient enjoyed her food; there was no strawberry tongue at any time, there was no albumen at any time, and no thirst was complained of after the first few hours of treatment. For a few days peeling took place from the face and hands. Having mentioned my experiments with scarlet fever to one of my brother practitioners in the neighbourhood, he very kindly called me in to a case of well marked scarlet fever on 9th January, 1895. Patient a girl age 13. My first visit was at 3 p.m., the patient had been out skating the day before, but had felt languid in the evening on going to bed. I found at the first visit temperature 103.5, pulse 134, throat deeply engorged, a large ulcer on the left tonsil, throat painful when she swallowed, glands of the throat enlarged, rash profuse over face, trunk and limbs, patient had vomited three times, tongue thickly coated. Three drachms of decoction of cinnamon was ordered every hour for the first 24 hours, after the expiration of that period the dose to be administered every two hours till the temperature fell to normal. After normal had been touched the dose to be administered four times daily for four days. The throat to be gargled every two hours with equal parts of cinnamon decoction and water. I ventured to say to the medical attendant and the parents if this case ran, as I hoped it would, on all fours with my former case of scarlet fever, that in about 48 hours the throat should give no further trouble, and that in 96 hours the temperature and pulse should be normal and the patient should enjoy her food. On the chart which I have beside me as I write I find that 96 hours after the commencement of treatment the temperature was 98, the pulse 80, and the nurse has noted, at the order of the medical attendant, opposite this date, "patient has enjoyed her food," with the following entry added, "No strawberry tongue, no thirst since first day of illness." I further understand from the medical attendant that there has been no albumen. The results obtained with cinnamon in cancer have been already published in the Lancet of 21st July and 20th October, and in the (7) Medical Press and Circular of the 15th October, and need not be recited again. But the following case has never yet been published, and is of special interest to me because the patient is not under my care though she adopted my treatment. As shortly as I can I give the history of the case: Miss W., aged about 45, in comfortable circumstances, had the breast removed on account of cancer, in February, 1891, by Mr. Currie of Ipswich. The disease returned at once necessitating a second operation in April, 1891. The disease again returned necessitating a third operation, performed by Mr. Currie in August, 1892. In November, 1893, the disease again returned, but Mr. Currie declined further operation. In January, 1894, Miss W. wrote to me, with the full consent of her medical attendant, who himself wrote to me, saying that she wished to try the cinnamon treatment. I did not see her, but told her that my treatment was very simple, and that she had merely to take half-a-pint of decoction of cinnamon daily. I saw Miss W. for the first and only time in May, 1894; she said she was in good health and appeared to be so. I found two cancer nodules about the size of a fairly large marble, one above and the other below the cicatrix left by the first operation. She assured me that these nodules were smaller than they had been; but, of course, I could not tell whether they were so. In August, 1894, Miss W. fell into bad health and I was afraid she was going wrong, but in October I heard she was better again, and on the 10th January, 1895, I received the following letter from her present medical attendant, her former attendant having, I understand, retired from general practise, so as to follow purely surgical practise. "Waveney House, Bungay, "January 10th, 1895. "Dear Dr. Ross,—Miss W. has just forwarded me your note, "and in reply I beg to say I saw Miss W. for the first time "September 3rd, 1894, when I found her following out most faithfully "your treatment. At that time she was in bad health, losing "flesh, and commencing to assume quite a cancerous complexion. "There were two hard nodules, one above and one below the cicatrix, "and the latter having an unhealthy appearance. "I saw her again on November 5th, and on January 7th, 1895, "and on my last visit I was much pleased to see her looking so much "better, in fact I might say looking well. All pain from the part has "ceased, the nodules are much less, and the cicatrix is now healthy. "Personally I have not had any experience in the cinnamon treatment, "but under the circumstances I have strongly advised Miss W. to "continue with it. This letter, of course, you may read at the "meeting. "Believe me, &c., "(Signed) F. HARRISON TETLEY."( 8 ) The rules I follow in the treatment of cancer consist, as I have said, merely in the administration of half-a-pint of the decoction of cinnamon daily; each dose agrees best when taken after meals. In scarlet fever, measles and influenza I would suggest - 1. That no case be treated when more than 20 hours have elapsed from the first onset of the disease. 2. That in adults and patients over 14, half-an-ounce of decoction cinnamon be given every hour for the first 24 hours. 2. At expiration of 24 hours, that the same dose be continued at intervals of two hours till temperature falls to normal. 4. That in scarlet fever the throat be gargled every two hours with equal parts of decoction cinnamon and water for 96 hours, and at expiration of that period gargling to be continued four times daily. 5. After temperature falls to normal, the same dose of decoction be administered four times daily for four days. 6. That in patients under 14, dose be lessened in proportion to age, but that the intervals at which each dose is given should be the same in all cases. A few patients have been found to vomit after the first dose or two, but the vomiting has always been found to cease; if a patient vomits, I now pay no regard to it, but repeat the dose in twenty minutes. Each full dose should be taken in a wine-glass of water. The decoction of cinnamon has been prepared for me by Messrs. Woolley & Sons, Victoria Bridge, Manchester, and by Mr. Horsey, 2, Chichester Street, Upper Westbourne Terrace, London, W. In conclusion, I would add that of course I know very well in the cases I have treated I may have been merely deceived and led astray by a series of coincidences. It is difficult to account, however, for Dr. Tetley's case of cancer in this manner; and with regard to my cases of influenza, scarlet fever, and measles, when I slump them all into one series, I frankly own that, wanting proof to the contrary, I find it very difficult to believe that I could have invariably obtained, throughout this series, the result that I expected and hoped for merely by a succession of coincidences. [Return Place] P.39] The Individualist, A magazine of PERSONAL RIGHTS No. 308 No. 15, New Series MAY-JUNE, 1910. Price 2d. SINGLE COPY, OR 1s. 0d. PER ANNUM, Posted. Contents. Notes and Comments - A League for Medical Freedom; Our Glorious Constitution; Vaccination and Infant Mortality... 25-26 Annual Meeting of the Personal Rights Association... 26-34 The New Conservatism. By Hakluyt Egerton... 34-36 The Elimination of Unfit Voters... 36 Correspondence - Woman Suffrage ; Concerning the "Brown Bequest" and the Council of the London University ... 36-38 The Education Tyranny. By Edwin Collins ... 38-39 Obituary --- 39 'Why you should join the Personal Rights Association" --- 40 "In the long vista of the years to roll Let me not see my country's honour fake; Oh! let me see our land retain its soul! Her pride in freedom, not in freedom's shade." --KEATS. NOTES AND COMMENTS. A League for Medical Freedom. The Public, of Chicago, publishes an address by Mrs. Lydia A. C. Ward, from which we cull the following: -- "There are five Bills before Congress in regard to the establishment of a National Bureau of Health, and all the Bills give far too much power to the proposed Bureau. They are so worded that they may deny the people the right to decide for themselves what kind of medical treatment they shall have. Not among us, but outside, there is graft in the background. Prof. Irving Fisher, President of the 'Committee of 100,' which is the moving power, was confronted at a recent Senate hearing with a letter he had written to a physician asking for funds to push this Bill, and saying that, within a decade, the project will so expand that 'millions upon millions of government money' will be used to carry out its provisions. To defeat this pernicious effort 'The National League for Medical Freedom' has been established, with Mr. B. O. Flower as President, and with many prominent men-- doctors, druggists, and well as bankers and lawyers-- on its advisory board. For no good physician wants to work in underhand ways." Our Glorious Constitution. The Westminster Gazette, in commenting on Walter Sichel's article, "The Privileges of Kingship," in the Fortnightly Review, says he writes "with somewhat strong prejudices against recent developments of democratic power. His article is a plea for the revival of many of the dormant powers of the monarchy." Dormant! What next and next? Some people would evidently encourage the monarchy to follow the House of Lords in the breaking up of that mass of ill-defined convention which serves this country for a constitution; but that the leading Liberal evening paper should describe these obsolete powers as merely "dormant" shows better than anything else the seriousness of the political situation. Vaccination and Infant Mortality. In his Annual Report, Dr. Erskine, Medical Officer of Health for Goole, says: -- "The Vaccination Act, 1907, which came into force on the 1st of January, 1908, provides that parents desiring to obtain exemption from penalties in respect of the non-vaccination of children shall be entitled to do so on making a statutory declaration of conscientious objection to vaccination. What advantage has been taken of this simplified procedure in Goole is shown by the following figures: -- during 1906 there were 11 conscientious objection certificates; 1907, 30; 1908, 99; 1908, 171, or more than a quarter of the total births, in addition to which many of the latter have only been vaccinated in one place. The future alone can tell what effect this disregard of vaccination will have as regards an epidemic of smallpox." In another part of his Report, Dr. Erskine says: -- "There is a great satisfaction in being able to record such a marked decrease of deaths amongst infants;26 THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910. and, as I have previously stated, the lowness of our total death rate is due to this great saving of the lives of infants. Nothing approaching this record has hitherto been made for the town of Goole. The only fear one has is that it would be difficult to maintain." Now we would ask Dr. Erskine frankly to investigate whether there is not some causal connection between the rise of the conscientious objection to vaccination and the fall in the infantile death rate. That these two phenomena come together does not, of course, prove that the former is the cause of the latter; but, that the rebellion against cowpox poisoning tends to the saving of infant life, we cannot doubt. The lamp of life burns very low in many children who are brought into the world; and anything which lowers vitality must, in a considerable number of cases, prove fatal. ANNUAL MEETING OF THE PERSONAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION. THE ANNUAL MEETING of the Personal Rights Association was held on the evening of Thursday, 5th May, 1910, at the offices of the Association. Mr. Franklin Thomasson, a Vice-President of the Association, presided, and the commenced the proceedings by calling on the Honorary Secretary to read letters received from persons unable to attend, and afterwards to read the Report and Statement of Accounts. The HONORARY SECRETARY explained that Dr. W. R. Hadwen, J.P., V.P., had endeavored to shift an appointment that he had made, in order to be present; but had since written: "I regret that, after all, Bath has adhered to the original date I had promised to speak for them, and consequently I shall be debarred from the pleasure of being with you on the 5th prox." --Mr. W. S. B. McLaren, M.P., wrote: "Dear Mr. Levy, I am sorry I have another meeting to-morrow and so can't come to yours." --Sir Roland K. Wilson wrote: "I am sorry, but my engagement is for May 5th. Let me know if there is anything else I can do for you." -- Mr. Councillor J. T. Biggs, J. P., V. P., wrote : "I am sorry I shall not be able to attend the meeting next Thursday, but hope you will have a good gathering of our friends. At no time in our history have the principles of our Association been more needed than they are to-day."--Mr. J. W. Broadbent wrote: "As I cannot attend, in person, your meeting on the 5th inst., I shall be glad if you will express my thanks for your whole-hearted and able to support afforded me through the medium of your paper as well as your well-directed attempts at securing the intervention of the Board of Education to prevent my further persecution. I consider your presentment of this official persecution, in the name of education, the best and most forcible indictment of our compulsory system that has come to my notice I shall miss no opportunity of enlisting members for your society, and of obtaining subscribers to your journal." --Several other members and friends of the Association also wrote expressing regret at inability to attend. The HONORARY SECRETARY then read the Annual Report for 1909 as follows:-- In presenting to you their Report for the thirty- ninth year of the Association's existence, your Committee may at least congratulate you on the success of the endeavor to maintain a centre of genuine Individualistic thought, to keep the flag of freedom and justice flying, with the hope that, as time rolls on, and the consciences and intelligence of men and women become more effective, the cause for which this Association pleads and labours will meet with wider and wider acceptance. No persons do more valuable work for humanity than those, however few, who band together to break the uniformity of evil principles, and keep before a backward and blasé generation the knowledge that its half-realized and half-hearted maxims are challenged. The still, small voice may be drowned for a time; but it slowly-- alas! how slowly!--makes itself audible and gains attention and assent; and even were its ultimate destiny to be hushed for ever, who would wish that it had never been heard? Who so base as not to choose to be overwhelmed by injustice rather than triumphant with it? This Association has, from its inception, been opposed both to Socialism and Privilege. It has never taken up a merely Anti-Socialistic attitude, which is only too likely to drift into one of defence of Privilege which contains no guarantees against a lapse into Socialism. Its position is a difficult one to maintain and inculcate, as it stands midway between rival systems of injustice and oppression, to which it is alternately opposed, according as one or the other is in the ascendant. Perhaps the genius of this society is in no way better shown than in the circumstances out of which it arose. It was those who were gathered together for the repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts who were its founders. They quickly saw that these oppressive laws were but a particular manifestation of a tendency which was cropping up in all directions in our political life. It was on the 14th of March, 1871, that a meeting was held in Manchester at which this Association was formed; and in the Report of the Provisional Committee, appointed at that meeting, these memorable words are to be found:-- "The promoters of that meeting clearly saw, what each succeeding month has but made more manifest, that a period was approaching when the functions of legislation would be more delicate and difficult than they had ever been before, when society would be confronted with many complex social problems, and when even the philanthropic tendencies of the age would but increase the danger of over-much and over-hasty legislation. They saw, moreover, that such over-hasty legislation would introduce and perpetuate evils graver even than those it proposed to remedy; that in would involve grave violations of personal liberty; that it would lead to the infraction of justice between class and class; to the inevitable extension of police espionage and inquisitorial powers; to the handing over whole departments of life, in which THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910. 27 action should be voluntary, to the control of the police; to the substitution of physical coercion for moral restraint; to the confusion of the national, as well as of the individual conscience by the multiplication of technical offences, improperly ranked as crimes." From that day to this, nearly forty years, the Association has followed, coute-que-coute, the lines of opposition to this evil tendency, and has resisted all temptations to purchase popularity and extension of its numbers and means at the expense of principle. Your Committee can claim for the illustrious women and men who conducted this movement during the first third of a century of its existence that never was a great ethical principle more faithfully adhered to or more intelligently applied; and, if they mention this here, it is in order to appeal to the successors in this great work to be worthy of those who initiated it. The origin of this Association, as your Committee have said, is traceable to resistance to the Contagious Diseases Acts; and in no line of action has it been called upon more frequently to intervene than in matters relating to health and its preservation. It seems almost incredible that, in this boasted land of liberty, it was criminal, only a short time ago, for parents to bring up their children free from disease; and, even now, they have to obtain and pay for a special permit to do it, the mother being shut out even from this most ungracious dispensation. And though the father may now, within a narrowly limited time, procure as a privilege one of the most elementary of rights--the right of maintaining his children's health, free from zymotic disease-- he is compelled to work part of the day to earn money for the State endowment of this system of artificially induced illness. Moreover, while this system exists, if tends too spread from cow-poxing to other diseases, and other kinds of compulsory blood-poisoning. There has been no resuscitation of the advocacy of syphilitic vaccination to which your Committee drew your attention last year. Their action--and especially that of our zealous Vice-President, Mr. Arnold Lupton--has proved efficacious, at all events for a time; but the sham cure of what is called "bacteriological diphtheria" still goes on, the enormous death-roll of our Indian fellow-subjects, nominally from plague, probably from the inoculation which was to save them from it, has been piled still higher; and a new proposal has been made to add surgical to medical tyranny, by what is called the "sterilization of the unfit." On the latter subject, your Committee have been in communication with the Local Government Board; and the threatened motion in favour of "sterilization," in the Leicester Board of Guardians, has been withdrawn. But your Committee desire to point out the great danger which exists, through the machinations of an ever active body of highly cultivated and well-meaning persons, who wish to improve the race by a short cut, by surgically depriving of the physical ability to become parents those who are judged by official experts to be unfit for procreation. Now to eugenics as a science and a voluntarily practised art your Committee urge no objection whatever. On the contrary, Individualism has necessarily, as one of its outcomes, a high standard of parental duty--of duty which cannot be legitimately shifted from the parent to the State; and, as our knowledge of the eugenic problem increases, duties will emerge which Individualists will be the first to recognize. But between this and say, the deprivation of motherhood of an unoffending woman, by an enforced abdominal operation, there is an impassable gulf for all who have any respect for personal rights. And if we hold no allegiance to those rights. why stop short with "sterilization"? Why not put those judged to be incurable idiots or lunatics in a lethal chamber? This is the logical outcome of the fashionable trend in eugenics. Another manifestation of the same evil tendency is shown by the practice of experiment on hospital patients, to which attention has recently been drawn, on more than one occasion in the Individualist. In the British Medical Journal of 6th November last, Dr. Charles McNeil gives an account of an "investigation" of tuberculin, on a hundred and fifty-three "cases" at the East London Hospital for children, and says, in conclusion: "I would cordially express my thanks to the members of the the staff of the East London Hospital for Children for their permission to use the abundant material of the hospital for the purpose of this investigation." The evidence given by your Honorary Secretary before the Departmental Committtee of the Home Office on the Inebriates Acts has been printed in the form of a pamphlet, and may be obtained by members on application. Your Honorary Secretary offered to give evidence before the Royal Commission on Electoral Systems. The work of this Commisson was, however, so narrowly circumscribed that your Committee doubted whether it would be worth while to prepare this evidence, and were little disappointed when the Commission declined to receive it. Your Committee presented a memorial to the Colonial Secretary and petitioned the House of Commons against the provision of the Act of Union in South Africa by which the equal rights to representation of citizens of non-European race are, or may be withdrawn. Your Committee regret to say that there is no department of their activity which will probably be more needed in the near future than that of oppression begotten of race or national hatreds. The Protectionest revival--one of the worst signs of our times--derives from this odious sentiment much of its force. Your Committee also wrote to the Earl of Crewe with reference to a statement of his lordship that "he considered that the main objection to the extension of the suffrage (to women) was that it would add to the number of indifferent voters." Your Committee argued that "nothing could be more encouraging than the interest and zeal already shown by women, even in the administration of laws in the making of which they have not been consulted," and that the "lack of interest, which is now given as a reason for28 THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910. their subjection has been pressed upon them as a duty. A standard of femininity has been set up which includes ignorance of and non-interference with the wider interests of mankind, outside of religion. And now the results of this mis-education, which they are fast outgrowing, is pleaded against them; and it is assumed that, when the influences which form their character are of an opposite kind, they will still manifest the political apathy in which they have been assiduously trained." Your Committee hope that this appeal, and the correspondence on Woman suffrage in the individualist, may have done something to make clear the ethical basis of the demand for the abolition of political disabilities founded on the irrelevant ground of sex. In the Personal Rights Association, men and women have, from the first, worked together on a footing of perfect equality, and, if there has ever been any rivalry between them, it has been to see which could do most for the common cause. When our late President, Mr. J.P. Thomasson, died the Presidency of the Association was offered to Mrs. Josephine Butler ,its first Honorary Secretary, but she was unfortunately too ill to accept it. Your Committee have always been opposed to State Education, which necessarily has the tendency to force parents into the acceptance for their children of a stereotyped system of training. The nation, however, having adopted this system, your Committee have watched its development and pointed out its evils. A remarkable exhibition of these has recently occurred in several cases, notably in those of Mr. J. W. Broadbent and Mr. Edwin Collins, two very able men and zealous fathers, who are well able to look after the education of their offspring, but who have been prosecuted because the demur to their little ones being pressed into the regulation State mould. a resolution on this subject will be proposed for your acceptance. The "At Homes" of your Committee have been well attended and the discussions at them full of interest. In future they will be reported in the Individualist. Your Honorary Secretary has delivered several lectures on subjects coming within the purview of the Association -- notably one on "vivisection, with Special Reference to its Effect on Human Character," which has evoked much enthusiasm. It would be very desirable that this means of propaganda should be used more extensively, if the funds at the disposal of your committee would permit this. Your Committee would make an appeal to each of the present members of the Association to constitute himself or herself an agent for recruiting new members. The success of the Association largely depends on an accession of new supporters. Literature will be gratuitously supplied to those who ask for it for this purpose. unable to undertake the audit for this year in time for the Annual meeting, your Committee requested Mr. James Rigby Smith, of our old members, to act as Honorary Auditor, and he very kindly consented. Your Committee ask that this appointment be confirmed, that Mr. Rigby Smith be elected as Honorary Auditor for the ensuing year, and that an Honorary Auditor be appointed year by year, by resolution, at the Annual Meeting. Your Committee are very sorry to have to add to the record " Of those immortal dead who live again In minds made better by their presence" Mrs. S. Woolcott Browne, one of the most zealous and generous supporters of the Association; Dr. Charles Bell Taylor, one of the oldest of our Vice- Presidents; Mr. J. Staines Babb, a most amiable man and a devoted friend of the cause; Mrs. Ann Payne, of Cuckfield, one of the oldest and most earnest of our members; a still older member, Mr. Alderman R. F. Martineau, of Birmingham, whose support to the Association extended over thirty-eight years; and Mrs. Beurle, wife of our Vice-President, Mr. Alderman W. L. Beurle, a most amiable woman, strong in her devotion to principle. Your Committee do not report the ordinary routine work of the Association which is known to the members; but they desire to say that, among the cases of individual injustice with which they have had to deal, they have found the greatest difficulty in obtaining any redress for wrongs inflicted under the Lunacy Laws. Much light on this is thrown by the recent dictum of Mr. Justice Walton: "It seemed plain that a man or a woman, not a pauper, but perfectly well able to maintain himself or herself, might be taken to the workhouse, shut up in an imbecile ward, and then declared to be a lunatic and placed in a lunatic asylum without any public inquiry, any hearing before a magistrate, or any notice of what was going on." Your committee are of opinion that this is not the only way in which the Lunacy Laws work for evil, and that the learned judge's further remark -- that "the gravest responsibility rested upon those who administer the law," upon constables, relieving officers, and others -- is by no means consolatory for those who have any adequate conception of the true guarantees of freedom and justice. THE HONORARY SECRETARY then read the Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ended December 31st, 1909, and spake afterwards, as follows:- [ ] I hereby certify the above Statement of Receipts and Payments to be in accordance with the books of the Association, and properly drawn up, so as to exhibit a true and correct view of its affairs. April 29th, 1910. J. RIGBY SMITH. As your Hon. Treasurer, I have one or two remarks to make upon this Statement of Accounts. In the first place you will notice instead of our balance being £93 as it was last year, it is now only £78. In other words, we have spent somewhat more than our income; but, I think, all of you who have listened to the Report that has been read, and know what the society does, will say that no association is carried on in a more economical way. It is essential that we should be able to do very much with our money. In fact we do not need a very large income, but we want more than we get at present, and more members. if the money does not come in, we are restricted in our operations, and more work is inevitably thrown upon myself; so any of you who not only care for the cause but also care for me, will try and do your best to recruit new members and get subscriptions for us. W must bear in mind that the deaths during the year include some of our big subscriber, and that will inevitably throw upon us some burden. I think I can make, in one direction, a little saving in the clerical expenses, but it cannot be very much; therefore it is highly desirable we should get new subscriptions. The CHAIRMAN: Ladies and Gentlemen, we are met again for our Annual Meeting, to take stock of our position and review the business of the year; and I know you are all well aware of the work that is done by this Association and you have gathered much from the report and Mr. Levy's remarks. In fact I wish I had had the pleasure of saying for him what a very valuable service of being done at a very small cost. We owe a very deep debt of gratitude to Mr. Levy and the members of the Committee who so nobly supported him in the work, for all they do for us. In every walk of our lives we of the Personal apt to call it Individualism; but you all know how much abused that word is. Some of us are old-fashsoned enough still to believe in liberty. I will add one word of caution, and that is that the liberty we ask for within the life of a great community needs naturally to be limited by the recognition of the equal liberty of others. We must submit to some restraint, or our liberty becomes license; and we who are convinced of the rightness of this principle of freedom feel sure that it is the only one by which the relations of individuals towards each other and the community can possibly be regulated for good-- the only sure basis upon which the science of government can be built. but, unfortunately, as you all know, principles in matters of government are rather at a discount just now. Politicians pay lip service to great party principles, as they call them; but they are very careful not to define these too closely. Those of you who have any knowledge of the actual work of politics know very well that there is no basis of principle underneath it to-day, that the conduct of the governments is based entirely on a brought estimate of immediate expediency. I do not think that this is altogether to be wondered at, and I admit it is extremely difficult to avoid. Take an example. You have a government which sets forward not only to absolutely insist how, when, and where your children shall be educated, but proposes to feed them at the public expense. Well, a Liberal may be very strongly opposed to this; but if he opposes and defeats it, he may, by overthrowing the Government, find he has defeated something else that he very much likes, say Free Trade. That is the difficulty in which anybody who supports of the the great political parties is placed. That difficulty arises, of course, from the entire absence of any recognition, in public opinion, of principles such as we of the Personal Rights Association believe in and support. I have found myself. as a Liberal, frequently having to deal with greater difficulties than that. I entered Parliament anxious and willing to support the taxation of the monopoly value of liquor licences; and to get this I found myself compelled to support the principle of Local Veto, to which I was opposed. In like manner, dissatisfied with the principle -- or lack of principle -- on which the late Government had passed the Agricultural Rating Act and anxious to support that portion of the Budget which attempted to deal with the Taxation of Land Values, I found myself compelled at the same time to vote money to subsidize the local authorities in the making of roads, which appears to be on very much the same principle as the Agricultural Rates Act. I also found myself compelled to vote for the modification of Schedule A of the income tax in favour of the landowners. It made one feel, of course, that it was impossible for one of us t be a logical party man; but we have to recollect that we are often compelledof them by public opinion. And I take it that it is for this purpose, among others, but for this purpose principally, that the Personal Rights Association exists- to create in public opinion some recognition of the fact that, if our political conduct is to be rational and just, we must have some definite guiding principle at the back of it. I remember very well how, when I first began to take an intelligent interest in public matters, I found them very confusing, arguments and measures conflicting to such an extent that I found it very difficult indeed to take any definite position in politics; and there must be thousands of people in the same condition to-day. Then I came across the Social Statics of Herbert Spencer, who tells us that men are looking for a guiding principle, on which to base their actions. Spencer then shows that this basis can only be equal personal liberty: and so I went further in the book and finally settled down on this principle which we have made our own, that of the equality of personal rights before the law. But another difficulty faces us here. We are all agreed upon that principle: but I have found even among Individualists and members of this Association, that while we may be perfectly well agreed on the fundamental basis of our belief, yet, when we come to apply it, we are obliged sometimes to differ. Take the question I have just mentioned. I have come across Individualists who take quite a different view of the licensing question. The question arises- may we refuse to renew a licence without compensation, or may we not? Some say "No." You have allowed people to lay out their money, and, if you now want to alter your method of dealing with this problem, you must compensate them. Others say that the licence was granted for one year only, that everyone knew that perfectly well, and must take the consequences. There you have a perfectly fair difference of opinion which may arise at any time. The original wrong we all recognize. Then the same point arises in regard to the Taxation of the Land Values. If we were starting with a new England, there is no one who would hand over the land to a small number of persons, to own and to extort all they could from the majority for the privilege of living on it. But a situation has grown up in which the land is in possession of a certain people, who levy a toll from those who live on it. However, I do not wish to enter into controversial points now, but simply to point out the ease with which we may agree on our fundamental basis, and yet find it extremely difficult to agree upon the application of that principle. And all the point I want now to make is to urge upon you that we must always recognize our fundamental base of agreement, and not allow ourselves to be drawn away from one another by differences of opinion which must necessarily arise when we come to apply those principles to our every-day political controversy. If you want an example of that I cannot do better than quote the case of Mr. Harold Cox and Mr. Levy. Mr. Levy holds private ownership of land to be unjust, and he would, by certain methods, gradually transfer it to the State. Myself, I agree with him, though I go further than he does as to methods. Mr. Cox is such a believer in private ownership of land, that he will have nothing to do with either of us in the matter, nor with the Personal Rights Association, which he anathematizes because he says he is such an Individualist, and considers Mr. Levy's views Socialistic. Well, that is the sort of thing which we must guard ourselves against. It is very difficult, as I was saying, to be a logical party man; but, at any rate, you can be a logical Individualist. A Government, of which we otherwise approve, may, at any time, be found to force things upon us, of which we strongly disapprove, as when a Government which disapproves of such Acts as the Agricultural Rating Act, and attempts to tax and values, is found handing over one half the proceeds of the new land tax to the local authorities, thus relieving rates and increasing land values. Of course these difficulties are as much the effects of ignorance or nonrecognition of economic principles as of ethical principles. But would any of us entrust to a man without any knowledge of architecture, the expenditure of a large sum of money in erecting a building? If you want to propel an enormous steamer with thousands of lives on board across the Atlantic, you never dream of constructing it without the aid of a man who has learnt the science of engineering; but when you hand over the welfare of the nation to a government of men, the public never seem to think of enquiring whether they have any special knowledge of the science of government or even whether such a science exists - before their affairs are handed over to their care. Well, I might multiply instances of this sort ad infinitum; but I should weary you. We must not be discouraged, and never let us imagine our efforts are, or can be, futile. No one who knows Mr. Levy, or who has heard his Report, can think the efforts of the Society are not worth while, or fail to know that, in the long run, the right must prevail. Now I have the pleasure to move that the Report and Statement of Accounts be adopted, printed, and circulated under the direction of the Executive Committee. MR. JAMES H. CAREY: Mr. Chairman, Mr. Levy, Ladies, and Gentlemen, the Chairman has asked me to second this resolution; and although I have not come prepared to speak, perhaps there are a few words which I may say in relation to it. I was very interested in Mr. Thomasson's address, though I think that we must keep before us the idea that Individualism is not the assertion of a limited, academic principle to defend us from tyranny. It is also the main principle of economic progress; and therefore we must endeavour to individually develop it. If we hesitate because we think that by so doing we shall become antagonist to other Individualists by pressing our doctrine, I venture to think we shall become a stagnant body. We must, at all costs, carry forward our own ideas on the Individualist doctrine as we see it; for we must remember that there is not only one school of Individualism, as there is not of Socialism. I am not, perhaps, in complete agreement [next page] with Mr. Levy, even in the fundamental principle of this Association, the idea of rights; but, still, I recognize that Mr. Levy is aiming at the same ideal and in the same way that I am aiming, only using a different philosophy. Now if we recognize how great has been the progress of this idea of freedom, I think we have a great deal to hope for the cause we are here this evening to advocate. On the whole, tyranny has been continuously repressed, but at the present time we seem to be threatened with the revival of old ideas. With this growing tyranny, however, which is being put forward, there is yet another undercurrent which gives the Individualist some faith in the future. We recognize that, even amongst the Socialists, a few are seeing that there is a danger of freedom being snowed under by certain legislation; and one realizes from the discussion which is now going on over the Minority Report of the Poor Law Commission in the advanced Socialist Press, that there is a development in that movement of the recognition that freedom must not be sacrificed in the endeavour to snatch a greater prosperity. In the long run, arguments alone, perhaps, will not prevail; for experience is the teacher, and we may be sure that, as the Socialist doctrine is put into force, new evils will arise, and so we shall find that there will be born a much stronger spirit of enthusiasm for freedom. On the other hand, we can always point out tat, wherever freedom is allowed, conditions have been and would be bettered. In illustration of this, I was interested with Mr. Thomasson's remarks about the public-house question. For instance, if you were to ask me the most sure means of settling it at the present time, I would say that it you were to give a license to Messrs. Lyons and the A.B.C. shops and so on, the public-house evil would be at an end; and if licenses were abolished altogether, and the community selected the type of public-house which they desired, the present public-house with all its evils would die out; and a better system would arise, one of greater variety, where people could meet together and get refreshment. I have much pleasure in seconding the resolution. The resolution was then put by the Chairman and carried unanimously. MR. J. RIGBY SMITH: Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen, I beg to move "That the following ladies and gentlemen, Alderman W.L. Bourle, Mr. T.R. Bridgwater, Mr. William Carter, Mrs. Cotton, Madame Lorenza Garreau, Miss Annie Goff, Mr. George Ledger, Mr. J.H. Levy, Mr. A. Long-Brown, Mr. Alfred Milnes, Mr. W. Pethybridge, Mr. W.P.W. Phillimore, Mr. F. Richards, Mrs. Richards, and Dr. Stephen Smith, with power to add to their number, be the Executive Committee for the ensuing year; and that the meeting support them in upholding the perfect equality of all persons before the law in the exercise of their individual freedom and personal rights." It is difficult to say anything new after the report Mr. Levy has read and the admirable address our chairman has given us; but I will just make one remark which I think has been made in this Society before, and that is that there is a rising tide of criticism of our present political and publishing arrangements. There is a succession of articles and books which together make a powerful indictment. A very striking article appeared in the Nineteenth Century about six years ago, entitled the "Lost Art of Government," another in the Westminister Review on "Literature and Capitalism," and one in an American magazine on our "Lost Individualism." A French writer, M. Faguet, has done the best work in this field. His book has the delicious title of "Le Culte de l'Incomptence." We push out the man who can and put in three men who can't, and call this "progress." There is no opposition whatever to this criticism; no one says a word. There are two explanations of that, and one is that perhaps there is no word to be said. If writers and leaders assailed were to combat these things, they would call public attention to them; but by letting them pass unnoticed they miss their effect. This policy reminds me of an experience of mine as a Volunteer. At an inspection, some of us, at the conclusion of a movement, were not in line, and were trying to shuffle into our right places. The Sergeant loudly told us to stand still. His calculation was that, if we moved, the Inspecting Officer would certainly see the fault; but if we stood still, it was ten to one that it would escape his observation. If the Personal Rights Association is not able to do more, at any rate, it is taking the right ground and holding it. Mr. J.K. PAGE seconded the resolution, which was then unanimously carried. Mr. C.J. POLLARD moved, in accordance with the terms of the Report, "That Mr. J. Rigby Smith be elected as Hon. Auditor for the year 1910." This was seconded by MR. OSBORNE and carried unanimously. MR. ARNOLD LUPTON: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen. I have great pleasure in moving the following resolution; (1)" That this meeting of the Personal Rights Association protests against the recent attempts to take the training of children out of the hands of competent and loving parents, and to force them into one type of educational routine, as a gross invasion of parental rights, deadening to parental interest and responsibility, prohibitive of that variety without which all progress in the mental and moral guidance of the young is impossible, and destructive of that individuality to which, more than anything else, our country owes its strength and eminence." (2) "That a copy of this resolution be sent to the Right Hon. Walter Runciman, M.P. President of the Board of Education, to the London County Council, and to the West Riding Educational Authority." Before I say anything on this resolution, may I be permitted to say with what pleasure I listened to the eloquent report read by Mr. Levy, in which I am sure we all agree. May I also be allowed to say that one of my chief reasons for coming here to-night was in order that I might have the honour of supporting our Chairman, not only for what he has done, but32 THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910. for what his father did, in the support of these principles which we are here to-night to press forward. Your Chairman and I have had some short parliamentary experience, and have been able to study the difficulty there is in enforcing any principles whatever in the government of this country. I do not think he will go as far as I do, and say, in my wrath, that all government is bad. I think, in itself, the principle that each should govern himself, and no man govern another man, is sound principle. In so far as we are forced to have a government, it is an evil which we are obliged to endure ; but that of having to support something which one thinks is wrong in Parliament, and to vote for it in order to avoid a catastrophe which one thinks more serious, might be eliminated by a change in our parliamentary system. There never was a resolution drafted which I could move with greater pleasure and more entire sympathy than this which I have read to you. Now I will just give you an instance of the sort of tyranny which has been going on since the 1902 Act has been in operation ; because I believe that, under that Act, the Local Authority gets a direct bonus for every child in the elementary school. The school and staff being provided, a few additional children can be taken in practically without any additional cost, but indeed with a profit, to the Local Authority. I had a letter some few years ago from people in Bradford and I went over to see them. Now here were a lady and gentleman who had been living in Leeds and had moved into Bradford ; and because they were poor they lived in a cheap part of the town -- in a healthy part, but in a small sort of cottage house at a rent of between 5s. and 7s. a week. The gentlemen was a chemist, and you could not converse with him without seeing that he was a well-educated man ; and the lady, his wife, was a well-educated lady. They had two little children, a boy and a girl, to whom the father was giving a good education, and the lady filled up her time in teaching her children music and dancing and other accomplishments. But they were subjected to continual annoyance. The school attendance officer would frighten the children in the square near the house ; and their parents were afraid that, if they were forced to attend the school, they would learn to talk broad Yorkshire and never admitted to the company of ladies and gentlemen. They wrote to the Chairman of the School Committee, asking him to see the children and examine them. Well, I went over at their request, and saw the mother and the children, and subjected them to a little examination, just to see what sort of training they were getting ; and they were being educated very nicely and I felt sorry that these people should be so persecuted. I thought that, if this lady and gentleman were persecuted like this, what must happen to people just a shade lower. Take another case, in the division of which I was member. There was a farmer who had a moderate sized farm and took keen interest in the education of his sons. Some miles away there was a little school, a dame school, where the children were taught. He said that by the time the children were 12 years old, they had learnt all there was to learn there, and he then took them in hand to teach them something that was likely to be useful to them in life ; and yet this man was subjected to repeated persecution until, in the case of one son, he had paid £25 in fines. He was bringing up his children so as to be useful citizens, as well as to lead a happy life ; and for this he was subjected to relentless persecution. I heard of another case of a man being persecuted for not sending his child to school. He defended himself by saying that he was educating his son at home. The Magistrate said : "Well, I should like to hear the boy spell the word 'receive.' " Now, I believe that if I wrote the word "receive" on a piece of paper I should write it correctly ; but that is not because I know how to write it from memory, but because, from long experience, the hand and eye would write the word. There is no sense in our spelling. A learned professor says an intelligent boy can never spell. Just fancy ! If the boy were to spell the word wrongly, then he was to be taken from his father and sent to a public school where, instead of having the care of a loving father, he would be one in a class of fifty, taught by a youth of fifteen or sixteen, of very inferior education himself. There is the case of Mr. Collins, which you all know, who was told his boys were not being educated properly, and who produced a boy of fourteen who cut out all the other boys in an examination. Then there is the case of Mr. Broadbent, a certificated schoolmaster, with his sister, a certified schoolmistress ; and he, having found that his children got ill at school, kept them away and educated them at home. Every force that money could procure has been used to withdraw even such small liberties as the law allows, in the case of this poor man ; and if it had not been for the Hon E. Pomeroy going to defend him, his children would have been taken from him and sent to an Industrial School. It was not shewn that they were not being properly educated or receiving proper parental and loving care ; but one of the officers who went round with a field glass actually found the little girl helping her mother to wash clothes, instead of learning algebra, or how to spell the word "receive", in an Elementary School. If such a thing could have been forseen in 1870, of course the law could not have been passed ; but when once you begin with compulsion, you go on from one step to another, and from insisting that a child should be educated in some way, you get further to say that it should be educated in only one way. It has been said that the parent is the last person in the world who should be entrusted with the education of his child. Now, I maintain this, that you will never get an educated nation unless the parents of that nation themselves have the charge of the education of their children. There is too much bookish education. We ought to cultivate the use of the hand as well as the use of the mind. After forty years of State education, people are beginning to find out some difficulties ; but they cannot see that THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910. 33 the only way to get an educated nation is for the parent to be responsible for the education for his child? I think people make a mistake in thinking too exclusively of the education of the child. A little child serves two purposes ; not not merely is he or she going to be a man or a woman some day, but it is the care of the education of that little child which will ultimately contribute most valuable elements in the education of the parents. These are often young people whose education, only half begun, will become thorough in the task of training their families. I won't occupy your time by talking about the absurdity of our elementary education, and of the State insisting upon children learning things which are absolutely unnecessary, while the inculcation of those thing that are useful, such as how to dig, sew, weave, build, etc., are left to the parent. The teaching of those things by which we live are entirely left to the private will of the parents, while ornamental things become compulsory ; and the children may starve, and frequently do starve, in order to learn these literary things. The most important point is that the children should grow up strong, and to do this they must have good food. If the are driven to school, the parents may be ill or out of work, and then how are they to make ends meet ? The first thing they do is cut down the food of the children. Now, I say that it is sad indeed to think that interference with family life which results in these things, and is called education the people, can be tolerated in this country. There was a time when all people in the country believed that religion could not be taught except by some State establishment, and everybody had to go to the State Church and believe what the State-appointed Church said he was to believe. For hundreds of years that was the rule in this country. Now it is almost universally admitted that, in religion, freedom is the great thing. I believe that what happened to religion will happen to education--that this compulsory State education of children may prevail for several hundred years or more ; but eventually it will be found that the parents are the ones on whom to rely. We shall never arrive at the true solution of any of these problems so long as we deal with each problem entirely by itself, without regard to principle. We shall only get good results by worshipping at the Shrine of Liberty. If you worship at that shrine, and say that before all things, we shall not interfere with our neighbour's freedom, except to restrain him from interfering with outs, then we shall come to the right conclusion. I move the resolution entrusted to my care. Mr. W. P. W. PHILLIMORE : I rise to second this resolution with very great pleasure indeed. I would at the outset say that I have only one little fault possible to find with the resolution, and that is the limitation of it to only competent parents, because that seems to imply that men who are not competent, in the way that Mr. Broadbent is, ought not to have the liberty of educating their children. I should not like to press that point further except just to express that as my personal feeling in the matter. I cannot help recollecting what a late Vice-President of our Association once said to me, and that was that there were other ways of acquiring knowledge than that of gazing at black specks on white paper. In a word, this case of forcing children of the masses into unhealthy schools from which they bring home illnesses, is utterly mischievous. The notion that the only education which is worthy of acceptance by a literary country is that which is to be obtained by a perusal of books is absolutely futile. As for the farce of asking a child how to spell the word "receive" as a test of its knowledge, I may mention that a great many of my friends who happen to be working at the Public Record Office, and are people of considerable intelli-gence, have confessed to me that the reading of ancient records has totally upset their spelling, and in many cases they are quite at a loss how to spell ; and yet these people are more intelligent and have more learning than any who would test them in spelling. Now I do think that this question of en-forcing education is likely to be one fraught withdanger to the country. The agricultural labourers in days gone by were remarkably intelligent in their own particular class of business. I do not say that they would be so in the way of drafting an intricate letter or preparing an Act of Parliament to regulate other people's business ; but in the work to which they devoted their lives, they often exhibited a very high order of intelligence. I was amused only this last summer, by meeting in a country road a small boy ten years old. He asked me the time, as he was going to catch a train. I said : "Are you going back to school?" He said : "No, its the holidays now. I am going to work ; I am learning something now." And he explained how he could harness a horse, and how he was getting on. He said he did not care much for school : "it was so stuffy." He was learning more that would help him on in life than from the trained teachers who would teach him the bald fcts of natural history. The whole key to the position is in the power of the public purse. So long as the educational authorities have the right to tax you, and take your money, so long will this compulsory education go on. I should like to have every Education Act from 1870 to the present time burnt. The work of education was then supplies by the Church of England Schools, and so-called British Schools, working in connection with their respective churches, and with the aid of the Ragged Schools bringing into line all those who really wanted the education that may be necessary in a civilized country ; and these could have been and were being developed on voluntary lines to any extent that was necessary. The resolution was passed unanimously. MR. LEVY : I have a resolution to propose that I think you will all greet with great heartiness and enthusiasm--" That our best thanks be give to our friend, Mr. Franklin Thomasson, for coming down34 THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910. here to-night to preside over us, and for his very good offices and the great support he has given us for a number of years." I have in my hand a volume of old Reports of this Association running back to the commencement: and, in the subscription list for 1872 I find Mr Thomas Thomasson, our Chairman's grandfather down for £55 and his mother for £5; so I want to show you that, from the very commencement of this Association, Mr. Thomasson's family has been one of our mainstays. Now do not suppose that I am going to appeal to what is called "the hereditary principle." I very much agree with Mr. Horace Smith, one of the authors of "Rejected Addresses," that the peerage is like the potato plant - the most valuable part is underground. Still I would say this - that if a man finds in his own family (and Mr. Thomasson can find it both on the male and the female side) a great and inspiring idea with which they have identified themselves and which they have carried out through their lives, he may very well take that to himself as a moral heritage, an indication of the work he has got to do for humanity, an incitement to him to try to do as much for the great cause as they have done. I do not know that I can say much for my own immediate parentage, but I often look back farther over my line of possible ancestry, to the old prophets of Judea, and ask myself whether it is not my duty to be as bold for the cause of truth and right as they were. They did not think of how many people would follow them. When they saw the truth, they endeavoured to proclaim it; and in that way the did inestimable good to all nations of the earth. Small as out Society is, would not forsake it if it were smaller. Nothing would induce me to give up what I believe to be one of the most sacred and important of causes. I go even farther than Lowell. He said: "They are slaves who dare not be In the right with two or three." I do not stipulate for the two or three: and I think that is the spirit in which one should act. If we are convinced that we have a right principle we should, at all costs, try to act it out, even if we have to stand alone. There is one subject on which I hope we shall not differ so much in the future as we have in the past, viz," The Land Question. All I can say with regard to it is this. I am willing to write out my own statement of principle and submit myself to cross-examination on this by any of those who differ from it. And I am quite sure that I could hold my own ground. I have been at work at it for something like forty years, and I should think I have written at least one hundred articles on it at the very least. Every effort that has been made by opponents to dislodge me from my position has proved a failure. Therefore, I am not only very willing but most anxious to submit myself again to the same test. It appears to me that there are two classes of persons who go wrong on that land question. First, there are those who will not recognize that the raw material of the globe stands out from and is distinct from products made by human beings; and that unequal proprietary rights in this cannot be granted without a violation of freedom and justice. And then there is another set of persons who do recognize this, but who ignore or dispute another important principle - that when the State has for a great length of time, for many generations, recognized something as property, and life and conduct have proceeded on that basis, it would not be just to throw the burden of any change on the possessors of that kind of property. If the State wants to put the matter right, it must do justice without setting up another injustice. Upon these two principles I take my stand and let those who would logically upset them show how it can be done. Now, Ladies and Gentlemen, I think we have had a very pleasant and useful evening, and I conclude by saying I hope you will all give by acclamation our best thanks to Mr. Thomasson for coming to us and taking part in our work. MR. THOMASSON arose amid general cheering and said: I assure you I am very much obliged to you for that resolution; but, if I really deserve those thanks, how much more does Mr. Levy deserve them. Will you joint in giving him a good cheer too. This was given, and the meeting then closed. THE NEW CONSERVATISM BY HAKLUYT EGERTON It is many a long day since the Conservative party had a distinctive political ideal or any foundation of reasoned principles. Aristocratic Conservatism - feudal Conservatism, as it is sometimes called - was killed by the Great Reform Bill of 1832, since then - at least since then - the Conservative party has lived from hand to mouth. It has never made itself at home in the new era. Disgust with the real or imagined tendencies of Liberal policy, have again and again carried the Conservative party to victory. But its victories have been sterile. They have not enabled it either to formulate a distinctive policy or to define a distinctive ideal. In recent times a Conservative victory has been little more than a negative episode. In consequence of this, the Conservative party-except during its accidental alliance with Mr. Chamberlain- has taken but a negligible part in the political education of the English people. It has permitted the nation to drift towards Radical- Socialism, without attempting to furnish a single alternative thought; and, now that the drift becomes threatening, it can do little more than appeal to primitive instincts of self-preservation. Not even the stimulus of a great danger - or of what it deems a great danger - can give it a constructive idea! That stimulus has, however, given it a tactical one. It has given it the idea of preventing Radical-Socialism by giving to the working-classes large installments (or, at least, promises) of Social Reform. This is the new Conservatism, the new policy, based upon Tariff 35 THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910. Reform which is to be the alternative to Mr. Lloyd-George's New Radicalism. Now, all the conceptions and projects of Social Reform now popular have, to say the least, a strong bias towards Radical-Socialism. This is not to be wondered at. The Conservative part has neither principles nor ideals of its own. Therefore, it has not been able to make any distinctive contribution to the nation's thought. Because of the impotence and sterility of the Conservative party the work of educating the English people towards Social Reform has been chiefly in the hands of the Socialists and their allies. Let it not be supposed that the New Conservatism is a belated attempt to recover lost ground - a belated attempt to win the working classes from Socialistic reforms to Conservative reforms. It is nothing of the kind. There is not a single constructive thought behind it; there is nothing Conservative about it except its half-heartedness. The social reform of the New Conservatism is not an alternative to Socialism; it is merely another kind of Socialism. Indeed, it can hardly be termed another kind; for its chief difference from the Socialistic policies, now prevalent, is to be found, not in its aims or methods, but in its financial basis. Our Conservative adventurers into State-Socialism would pay for their adventure by "taxing the foreigner." Older and more intrepid adventurers into that morass would find ways and means by taxing the landlord. The New Conservatism, whatever else it be - and I think it is something else - is a tactical development for protecting the holders of land-values. It attempts to turn the minds of the working-classes from the taxation of land-values by promising them social reforms otherwise paid for. We may not ignore the fact that the Conservative party has taken an active part in bringing about some of the social reforms which have characterized the political history of the last 80 years. The fact is obvious; but was often misinterpreted, and can easily be exaggerated. Lord Shaftesbury's reforms made his name immortal; but they seem to have been the expression of his personal philanthropy rather than of his Conservative principles. The "Young England" movement was, undoubtedly, an attempt - the only attempt hat has yet been made - to establish a policy of social reform upon a distinctively Conservative basis. That movement, however, was abortive. It never became a parliamentary force, and it left no mark on English legislation. There is an indication of Conservative thought in the Education Act of 1902; but in recent years, Conservative reformers have ordinarily been content to base their legislation upon borrowed ideas. Reforms such as the Free Education Act are Conservative only by the accidents of their parliamentary history. Their intellectual foundations are not in any reasoned body of distinctively Conservative principles - such a thing does not exist - but in conceptions which are the aggressive opposite of Conservatism. To some extent, indeed, they are sincere (although misguided) experiments towards justice, experiments made with borrowed capital, because Conservatism has no suitable resources of its own. Primarily, however, they are tactical devices to "dish the Whigs." Conservative reforms, then, demonstrate the tactical ability of the Conservative leaders and the intellectual sterility of the Conservative party. They do not, however, express any distinctively Conservative principles or ideal; for the borrowed thoughts upon which they are grounded belong to or tend towards Radical-Socialism, and because and in so far as they are thus grounded - they themselves are so many unwilling and half-hearted approximations to Radical-Socialism. The Newest of our New Conservatives - those who write for The Morning Post- would have us believe; (1) That Conservative reform is determined by the conception of the "common good." (2) That this determination constitutes a broad and irreducible difference between Conservatism and Socialism. Now, the conception of the "common good" points us to a common social life, a common social order, towards a social unity which includes and reconciles with each other all classes and all interests. Therefore, it is quite inconsistent with the predatory self-assertion of any one class; and, if it be indeed the characteristic note of Conservative reform, then Conservatism is undoubtedly the plain contradiction of certain vulgar tendencies which are now prominent. But is it also, ex hypothesi, the contradiction of Socialism? I think not; for Socialism is also determined to and by the "common good." Therefore, our Conservative idealists cannot make such determination the characteristic note of their policy. If they wish to demonstrate (from their point of view) a fundamental difference between Conservatism and Socialism, they must do one or both of two things - they must show: (1) That Conservatism has a conception of the "common good" which is inconsistent with that of Socialism, (2) That Conservatism proposes to achieve the "common good" otherwise than Socialism proposes to achieve it. As a matter of fact, they show neither. Indeed, they are probably in closer agreement with Socialism than even they themselves surmise. They do not hold the characteristic tenet of contemporary English Socialism -the tenet, namely, that all the means of production and distribution should belong to the State, but it seems clear that their policy presupposes conceptions which make dangerous approximations to Socialism very easy. Like the Socialists, they confound Society with the State, and regard the State (and not Society) as the organic expression of social life. Like the Socialists they very largely ignore the functions of freedom; they regard institutional and social changes as the primary means of reform; and they neglect the mental and moral factors in the formation of character. It is difficult to believe that their theory of State-action - if they have one - contains any limiting principle which would make the actual competence of the Conservative State one whit less than the omnicompetence of the Socialistic State. The new Conservative Idealism is, in fact, the latest and most dangerous instance of what M. Yves Guyot has so aptly called "the Socialistic endosmosis." It does not mark a revival of Conservative thought. It 36 THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910. is not a movement towards a re-statement of Conservative principles. Rather is it a new drift towards conceptions and policies which are radically inconsistent with Conservatism. The Conservative Party still remains without any intellectual equipment - without distinctive principles and without a distinctive ideal. At the present moment it is quite incapable of discharging its primary duty - quite incapable of organizing the Conservative feeling of the country upon a foundation of thoroughly reasoned thought. Its failure is complete, obvious, and deplorable - all the more deplorable because quite unnecessary. Years ago I reached a clear conviction that Conservative feeling could be re-interpreted through a body of reasoned principles which would furnish a genuinely Conservative alternative to Socialism and Radical-Socialism. Recent events have deepened this conviction, and I hold it now more firmly than ever. But, in holding it, I seem to be alone. The Conservative Party remains intellectually sterile. To not one of our recent controversies have its leaders contributed a single illuminating thought. The failure of the Conservative Party is complete, obvious, and deplorable." Who is responsible for that failure? Unfortunately, the answer to this question is quite clear. The chief responsibility for the intellectual incompetence of the Conservative Party rests with Mr. Balfour. His intellectual idiosyncrasies are well known. According to him, belief and conduct have no rational foundations; for they rest upon a psychological (an "ultra-rational") process which cannot be adequately expressed in reasoned principles. For him, the chief function of thought is apologetic and critical, rather than creative. Therefore, he cannot possibly become the missionary of a constructive ideal. He can wait on the process of events, and dextrously make use of it for some desired end. He cannot, however, do more than this. He cannot shape the process which he uses. He cannot translate it into a reasoned and inspiring conviction, or define for it a convincing ideal. He is intellectually the ablest member of the Conservative Party; and yet his personal predominance is one of the chief causes of the intellectual failure of that Party. He has had, more than once, the opportunity to make an invaluable contribution to English political thought; but, because he is what he is, each opportunity has remained unused. He is an engaging master of controversial dialectics, and a tactician of the first rank; but he does not and cannot give us the leading which we most urgently need - he does not and cannot lead us into a new world of constructive thought. THE ELIMINATION OF UNFIT VOTERS. A CORRESPONDENT writes to us: "Will you please say if you do not think it would be an advantage if those persons named on the Register of Parliamentary Electors should be only those who had made personal application at the nearest post office? Would this not lead to the obviation of the present gigantic rival party organizations in the Revision Courts, and serve to lessen the vote of the listless and perhaps otherwise undesirable element? Is not the vote of a volunteer with an interest in it worth more than a pressed one? Would it not also lead to the assistance of those who otherwise might fear intimidation?" The object aimed at by our correspondent is undoubtedly a good one; but the notion that it could be attained merely by sending the elector to the nearest post office to demand his vote is, we are afraid, untenable. What is really wanted is a good system of proportional representation. How many voters are now listless because the issues in which they are interested are shut out from the parliamentary arena by our absurd method of election? How can we blame citizens for apathy under circumstances such as these? It may be quite true that they would not, in many cases, take the trouble to claim a vote even if the assertion were so slight as that suggested by our correspondent. But surely the proper remedy is not to regard their supineness as curable; but to lift from them the incubus of a limitation of choice which practically makes that choice a mere farce. Proportional representation is often regarded as a mere device for securing the representation of minorities. In reality it is the only means by which a real option can be conferred on the elector. This is why the party men object to it. They want to restrict the voter's choice to the candidates of the rival caucuses; and they know that their power of dragooning will be gone as soon as the artificial restraint on that choice has been abolished. Under the present system, the best men cannot get into the House of Commons; or, if they are elected once as John Stuart Mill was, they are not likely to be re-elected, or even to offer themselves for re-election. This is the root evil. Democracy has never yet had a fair chance. It is not by cutting out the cancer of political indifference, but by removing its causes, that we can attain a happier state. CORRESPONDENCE (Correspondents are allowed very wide liberty of expression, and must not be taken either to represent or necessarily to differ from the editorial policy of "THE INDIVIDUALIST." Letters should be as concise as possible. For signed articles the writers are primarily responsible. The Editor merely takes responsibility for their general usefulness, from the point of view of this paper. Unsigned articles alone are editorial.) LETTERS TO THE EDITOR. Woman Suffrage. Dear Sir, - The desire to deal with three criticisms of the Women's Franchise Movement impels me to crave a portion of your valuable space. My attention was drawn some time ago to a letter in a suburban paper from a lady Anti-Suffragist who imagined that an increase of undesirable literature, a greater publicity of divorce scandals, &c., were directly due to the world-wide woman movement of to-day. A friend has also brought to my notice a fear which appears to be assailing numbers of 37 THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910 "womanly" women, namely that they may in future have to submit to some new, undefined, but dread form of petticoat government. These good folks seem to imagine that if, under our present franchise arrangements, some women should obtain the parliamentary vote, they will straightway become legislators. To them it is evidently far less shocking that a male ne'er-do-weel who has chanced to possess and retain the lowest franchise qualification, should be in that position, than that a thinking woman, true to the duties that lie nearest (and therefore increasingly competent to increase their range), should ever share in it. I will not quibble over the possible distinction between a voter and a legislator. Let it be said that a voter is a potential legislator, and already a legislator by proxy; but I should like to express an Individualistic and, at the same time, a humanitarian view of the Woman's Franchise Question as it now stands, more especially as, in the January Social Democrat, a writer who essays to be amusing, professes to lift it out of the range of sex. Speaking as though England were a completely democratic country, he lays stress upon the democratic axiom that "every sane adult member of a community should have a voice in its management and control, and that the mere fact of membership in a community implies this right." He then proceeds to exhibit mirth over the efforts of the various societies for the extension of the parliamentary franchise to women, finding their arguments irrelevant, and distinguishing the words rights and privilege by inverted commas. And it is not only avowed Socialists who resist the present efforts of women. Liberal acquaintances, coloured perhaps unconsciously by the Socialistic atmosphere in which they are working, frequently represent to me the iniquity of wishing to add another stone to the edifice of Privilege! My first word in answer to this is that, as it is being asked for, female suffrage could not do this. The women who became enfranchised would simply form a completing element in such fabric of Privilege as exists, but would neither reduce its elasticity nor tend to its greater permanence. They would form no new category; they would but give real effect to the principle that representation should go with taxation. Conferring the franchise upon women under our present system would not extend the basis of Privilege. It would bring in no new class - but it would, by an educative step, be helping to lift the general mind towards a truer grasp of the fact so constantly ignored, namely, that human beings should be equal before the law. It may not prove waste of time to examine into the reason that causes a preponderance of intelligent women to limit their demand to a simple removal of sex disability. Recent events in regard to the franchise struggle have demonstrated how unfortunately far present-day men in office are from the spirit which, inspiring our best legislators in the past, has favourably differentiated our Law and Constitution from Continental systems. We have, during recent years, been treated to the degrading spectacle of an ever-increasing brute force being employed against an Idea which, in its very essence, accords with the principles vaunted by those who (metaphorically?) wield the bludgeon against it. A scrutiny of Liberal, and in some cases, of Socialist, behaviour in regard to the woman's demand, leads one sadly to the conclusion that to liberate from unjust conditions may no longer be taken as the logical description of the designation Liberal, but that Liberals of to-day have become, like the dyer's hand, "subdued to that it works in" - viz.: to the Socialist vat of force majeure. This, however, by the way. The why of the woman's attitude to-day does not lie there. It lies in the fact that they believe they possess no guarantee that if "adult suffrage" came along, they would have part in it. It lies in the realization forced upon them in spite of every generous prepossession, that an Oriental spirit in regard to their sex still obtains in the hearts of Western men. Now, after forty patient years of propaganda women have succeeded in lifting to the fore the question of the removal of sex disability. This cannot be said by adult suffragists of the question of adult suffrage, and the reason is obvious. To grant the present demand of women would not be to alter the conception upon which our suffrage laws are based. Nothing which women are asking would upheave that basis. They only ask that the system, as it stands, and it may hereafter stand, shall have complete expression. Their demand, if granted, would place no barrier to a further, or to a total, change of the Franchise laws. Any such change would simply have fuller advocacy and more truly national acceptance, or meet with fuller condemnation than could otherwise be the case. When such change shall be made women wish (and rightly) to take their part in making it. They are standing , to-day, outside the pale, through no such disqualification as pauperism, but by reason of a purely artificial and usurpatory barrier which has been raised higher and consolidated more closely during modern times, and the coping-stone to which was put by the Reform Act of 1832. "The woman movement is not responsible for any lowering or vitiation in the social tone. as the lady Anti, to whom I referred above, erroneously imagines. That vitiation, so far as it exists, may be traced to the implicit and explicit preaching of the unmoral, retrograde doctrine that might is right. The woman movement, on the contrary, is probably doing more to put into practice the fundamental morale of Christianity, than any other movement either inside or outside the churches. It is carrying into the homes of the people a true and enlightening conception of citizenship; for it is stimulating all that is best and noblest in the hearts of the nation's mothers. About a million-and-a-half of women would be enfranchised under a Bill on the line of Mr. Stanger's so the good folk who dread some new portentous form of petticoat government, may still dream o'nights safe in their beds. The men voters will hugely preponderate. I could say more on the reasonableness of women in working for the emancipation of their sex, before attempting to revolutionize the franchise laws; but I 38 THE INDIVIDUALIST MAY-JUNE, 1910. have already trespassed too much upon your pages. Perhaps, however, at a future time you will grant a further hearing to —Yours, etc., S. Concerning "The Brown Bequest" and the Council of the London "University. Sir,—As I have some memoranda which may serve to throw light on the doings of vivisectors in a London Institution which represents a benevolent purpose, I propose to ask your attention for a short time to what appears to me to be a failure of justice, and a very gross example of medical officalism. More than 60 years ago, a sum of L20,000 was bequeathed by a gentleman in Dublin to found a hospital to alleviate the sufferings of domestic animals when diseased or accidentally injured. But there is ample evidence that animals are constantly experimented on at that Institution; and (although anesthetics are often used) subjected to inoculation with painful diseases during the course of which such relief is practically unattainable. It is, therefore, astonishing that the Council of the University of London, who are the trustees, should (after referring the question to the officials themselves) have come to the conclusion that all this is in conformity to the expressed wish of the testator. This wish is expressed by the clause that "kindness to the animals treated should be a general principle of the Institution." And it further appears that the Board of Trinity College, Dublin, are beneficiaries under the same will; and that there is a clause in it by which the testator says (after stating the objects he had in view), "That in case that the said Animal Sanatory Institution shall anyhow not continue to be conducted bona fide (for the said objects) agreeably to the conditions aforesaid. I will and bequeath the whole of the property or properties by me hereinbefore bequeathed and designated therefor, to the Provost, Fellows, and Scholars of the University of Dublin for the time being, for the exclusive purpose of founding and maintaining in the said University any three or more of these languages," &c.. &c. Why the said University is not long ago in possession of the whole of the bequest, with the interest, making a capital sum of between L20,000 and L30,000 sterling, it is very hard to understand. But, in any case, it is clearly the duty of Anti-Vivisectionists to cause full enquiry to be made into all the circumstances, in consequence of evidence which has since become available. The date of the will is the 14th of December, 1846, and the testator's address is given as Rosey-Park Hill, the Grange, Dublin. That legal difficulties have been raised is quite true; especially as there may be few witnesses willing to come forward. But if the Home Secretary can be induced to give his consent, and sufficient money is guaranteed for the trial, I have little doubt that at least the right of inspection might be given, so as to preclude the recurrence of such operations as those which undoubtedly have taken place. What is really wanted is sufficient pressure may be brought to bear in the right quarter; as perpetual concealment is alien to the nature of science, and unworthy of the dignity of a great profession. I can give proofs of the mischief of placing undue credence in laboratory pathology and therapeutics, leading as they do to national disasters and degradation of physiology, hygiene, and neglect of the true art of healing the sick. Truly yours, EDWARD HAUGHTON, B.A., M.D., &c. Upper Norwood, S.E. THE EDUCATION TYRANNY. By EDWIN COLLINS. The Education Tyranny is perhaps the worst form of insiduous menace to the liberty of the subject and to the very existence of Individualism that it is possible to conceive. Even if a perfect system of State education had been devised, the compulsory moulding of the bodies, minds, characters, and souls of every person's children into a particular pattern would be an intolerable oppression. This would even be true if there were no incidental cruelties, and injustices arising from maladministration, and if every child were capable, without injury to brain or mind and limb, of passing through the mill and emerging transformed into the kind of human commodity designed and enforced by Act of Parliament. The mistake is often made, in regard to such questions as education, vaccination, religious opinions, of discussing the merits of the thing itself, and not keeping to the main issue; whether or not the forcing of that thing, whatever it be, upon those who do not want it is an encroachment on individual liberty and thus anti-social, dangerous, and unjust, however good the thing itself may be. Any discussion of the merits of a remedy for human ills we are about to force some one else to swallow, and that he wants to refuse, is an implied admission that, if it were good, we have the right to make him swallow it-that it is only if it be shown to be bad that he has the right to refuse it. The better way is to admit, argumenti gratia, every- thing your opponent wants, except his right to interfere with you or others. The dawn is beautiful, is an education and a source of health; the song of birds, the eastern glow, the freshness of the unpolluted air, the silence on which sweet sounds and sights are cameoed. All form an influence and an environment that instruct the mind and body that are nourished by them,, and expand and grow and are adapted to their beauty. Nor might it be impossible to show to a majority of voters or M.P.'s that it would be distinctly good to let every citizen come under this influence, and that it would tend to the general "health, wealth, and wisdom" and good citizenship if all acquired the habit of rising at dawn. Yet it might be resented as an encroachment on personal liberty if a law were passed compelling the attendance of everybody at sunrise, and if an official in uniform were ordered to visit all bedrooms at three or four a.m., and drag off to prison every man 39 THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910 or woman found in bed defying some previous "order"made by the "Early Rising Authority" in his district. But this would only be a parallel case to that cited by Mr. Pomeroy as "one of the countless incredible cases that have occurred under the Education Acts." Arthur Rogers, a school teacher under the London Education Committee, having been summoned stated on oath that is children were under efficient instruction at home, and was ordered to have them examined on a certain day. On this day one of the children could not be examined on account of illness; and, although the father had only asked for an adjournment, which he had been given to understand the Education Authority would consent to, he was, in his absence from the Court, convicted and fined, and one of the children was ordered to be sent to a truant school. The magistrates refused to re-open the case; and, at half-past eight o'clock one morning, two officers called at the house and bodily carried away the boy to an Industrial School. Finally, the father also, not having paid some of the many fines imposed on him was carted off to Pentonville Prison, and remained there till Mr. Pomeroy went and bailed him out. This was all because the Education Authorities insisted on its being better for Mr Roger's little boy to her with thieves and young criminals than to be educated in the way which one of their own certificated teachers thought best for his own child. "The sentence," says Mr. Pomeroy, "is monstrous, and not in conformity with the law, there having been no evidence that the father was not providing education and he had previously stated on oath that he was. He was also a school teacher under the London Education Committee, and presumably they would not have engaged him unless his statements on oath afforded at least a presumption of veracity. The Home Secretary, whom I applied to, informed me on the 28th of May, after an interval of a little over a month, that he could not, consistently with his public duty, interfere in the matter. Consequently, Arthur Rogers is confined in the industrial school, Walthamstow, till he is 14 (he is now 12), and on leaving this place he will be tainted as an industrial-school lad, whom few employers wish to employ, and whose general bearing usually resembles that of a thief." Mr. Pomeroy does not make the mistake of confusing the issue. He holds, as most persons who think, hold, that education as commonly understood, is not good for all persons in all circumstances, and certainly there can be no doubt that different "manners" of instruction are needed for different children. Dr. Rose of the London County Council, for instance, asserts that there are thousands of children, at least 3 per cent, of all in the London area, who "ought never to go inside school walls," but can only be properly instructed in "open air schools" such as I advocated for all children some 16 years ago; Dr. Clement Dukes, Physician to Rugby School, asserts that the school hours at present enforced or allowed, cause permanent injury to the brain and body, stunt the growth of both, and might well form the subject of prosecutions for cruelty to children, and Mr. Pomeroy just incidentally points out that agriculture and domestic economy may afford more healthy and useful media for instruction and a better preparation for life, in some cases at any rate, than the "education" given in State schools. The real point, however, is as Mr. Pomeroy puts it, not as to the question of the kind of education which may or may not be best, but "whether those who differ from the established doctrine are to have their liberty of private judgment voted away and otherwise confiscated." In the book which was briefly noticed in the last number of the Individualist, he shows, by numerous examples, how this is being done by the Education Acts as at present administered, summarizes the whole law on the subject, and gives decisions of the High Courts showing how maladministration, stupid and ignorant, "construction " of the Acts by provincial and suburban J.P's and magistrates' clerks, have caused cruelty and persecution not warranted by the statute law, and gives most valuable information to parents and others as to how to act in case of molestation. OBITUARY. The Personal Rights Association has lost one of its oldest and most illustrious members in DR. ELIZABETH BLACKWELL, who passed away on 31st May, after a prolonged period of semi-consciousness, during which she was tended most affectionately by her adopted daughter. Like Many other of our noblest women, she was aroused to the cause of personal rights by indignation at the subjection of her own sex. "There was no sex war," said the Times in its excellent notice, "where Elizabeth Blackwell was; no that she was either blind or timid in relation to subjects which raised the question of sex subjection in its acutest form. In later years she stood side by side with Mrs. Josephine Butler and other heroic women in their long crusade against the Contagious Diseases Acts. At an earlier period in her life she wrote of the subject of sex degradation, male as well as female: 'I don't know if I ever told you how deep this matter has sunk into my soul, and that my determination to wage a war . . .with it strengthens continually . . . so help me God. I will not be blind, indifferent, or stupid in relation to this matter, as are most women . . . the world can never be redeemed until this central relation of life is placed on a truer footing." For this truer footing she worked while strength remained to her; and the sunset of her life coincided with the dawn of that happier time with the struggle for which her name will be indissolubly united. Another old member of the Association, Mr. PHINEAS H. LEVI, of Birmingham, died on 14th May. In the sixties of last century, he established the firm of Levi and Salaman, manufacturing silversmiths, in conjunction with a brother of our zealous friend, Mr. A. Salaman, of West Australia. He was much esteemed in social and business circles. He passed away in his sixty-third year. 40 THE INDIVIDUALIST, MAY-JUNE, 1910 THE PERSONAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION. FOUNDED 14th MARCH, 1871. OFFICES: II, ABBEVILLE ROAD, LONDON, S.W. Vice-Presidents: Professor W. STEADMAN ALDIS Alderman W. L., BEURLE. Councillor J.T. BIGGS, J.P. Mr. THOMAS COLBY, J.P. Mr. SYDNEY A. GIMSON. Miss ANNIE GOFF. M. YVES GUYOT, late Minister of Public Works of France. WALTER R. HADWEN, J.P., M.D., L.R.C.P., M.R.C.S., etc. Mr. ARNOLD LUPTON. Mr. WALTER McLAREN, M.P. Mr. ALFRED MILNES, M.A. Signor ERNESTO NATHAN, Syndic of Rome, Mr. H.C. STEPHENS, Ex-M.P. Mr. WILLIAM TEBB. Mr. FRANKLIN THOMASSON. Mrs. JOHN P. THOMASSON. Mr. S. VAN HOUTEN, late Minister of the Interior, Holland. Hon. Solicitor: Mr. W.P. W. PHILLMORE, M./A. , B.C.L. Oxon. Hon. Sec. and Treasurer: Mr. J.H. LEVY. Assistant Secretary: Mrs LORENZA GARBEAU. Bankers: PARR'S BANK (CHARING CROSS BRANCH), LIMITED. OBJECT OF THE ASSOCIATION. The object of the Association is to uphold the principle of the perfect equality of all persons before the law in the exercise and enjoyment of their Individual Liberty within the widest practicable limits. It seeks the attainment of this object - I. By labouring to effect the repeal of all existing laws which directly or indirectly violate the aforesaid principle. II. By opposing the enactment of all new laws which violate the said principle. III. By promoting such amendments of the law and its administration as are necessary for giving practical effect to that principle. IV. By watching over the execution of the laws so as to guard the maintenance of that principle in so far as it has already received legislative sanction and to show the evil results of its violation when laws or administrative methods are carried out in disregard of it. V. By spreading among the people a knowledge of the rights and liberties to which they are or ought to be legally entitled, and of the moral grounds on which those legal rights and liberties are founded. WHY YOU SHOULD JOIN THE PERSONAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION. 1. - Because it has, throughout its existence of over thirty-nine years, consistently maintained the principle of the equality of all, citizens before the law, without regard to wealth, birth, sex, culture, race, religious belief, or any other circumstance whatever save the responsibilities which are implied in respect for the rights of others. 2. -Because it would maintain government just so far as, but no farther than, is necessary for the maintenance of the largest freedom; and, in applying this, would have equal regard to the liberty of all citizens. 3. Because, therefore, it is equally opposed to the tyranny of the Few over the Many and the tyranny of the Many over the Few - to the use of all force in our intercourse with our fellows, men and women, save that minimum which is required in order to maintain freedom at the maximum. 4 - Because it disregards the empty catchwords of party,and desires to unite justice-loving women and men in opposition to encroachments on the domain of individual rights, from whatever quarter these encroachments may come. 5. - Because it watches over legislation and the administration of the laws, in order-so far as it means allow-to guard this principle, and to prevent or rectify miscarriages of justice. It took an important part in the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts; It advocates entire freedom of choice in the matter of Vaccination and all other medical prescriptions and practices; it regards with grave disapproval the present state of the Lunacy Laws; it denies that Scientific Motive justifies Vivisectional Cruelty, or any conduct to be condemned as morally wrong. 6. Because it is opposed to all obstacles placed in the way of the Freedom of Industry and Trade, whether external or internal by Protective Tariffs, Bounties, Socialism, Limitations of the Right to Work, Close Corporations, Licensing Restrictions, Pseudo-Hygiene, or enforced Professional Etiquette. 7 - Because it condemns all interference of the State in the matter of Religion. 8 - Because. in Taxation, it holds that no more should be taken from citizens than the amount necessary for the maintenance of the largest amount of freedom, for any other object, however good. 9 - Because it would break down all obstacles to the Economic Freedom of Women, and would recognize in parents equal rights in their children and equal duties to them. 10 - Because, in Parliamentary Reform, it would fully enfranchise all fully responsible citizens, whether rich or poor, male or female; and would make representative government a reality by some efficient system of Total and Proportional Representation. 11 - Because, in Penal and Judicial Reform, it has worked for the establishment of a Court of Criminal Appeal, and is working for the Abolition of Penal Torture, the keeping of Repressive Methods down to the minimum required for the checking of crime, the gradual elimination of the Death Penalty, and the Humanization of Prison Treatment. 12 - Because, its journal, the Individualist, discusses fearlessly all questions of political theory, and criticizes the political expedients of the hour, from the point of view of the principle here set forth and illustrated. If you wish to join in this work, send a subscription to the Treasurer of the Association, at the above address; and the Individualist and a copy of each of the pamphlets and leaflets issued by the Association will be sent to you, as issued, by post. Do not miss the opportunity of co-operating in this work - the breaking of the chains of oppression and the liberation of all the forces which work for happiness and human dignity. Cheques and Postal Orders should be crossed Parr's Bank, Charing Cross Branch. Further information with regard to the Association may be from (Mrs.) LORENZA GARREAU, Assistant Secretary. LONDON - Printed and Published by the PERSONAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION, 11, Abbeville Road, S.W. All communications for the Editor should be sent to the Editor of "THE INDIVIDUALIST" 11, Abbeville Road, S.W. - May-June, 1910. Wholesale and retail agents for the sale of the INDIVIDUALIST, Messrs. P.S. King and Son, Orchard House, 2 & 4, Great Smith Street, Westminster, S.W. [next page] The Individualist, A Magazine of Personal Rights. No. 303 JULY-AUGUST, 1909. Price 2d, Single Copy No. 10, New Series. of 1s Od. Per annum CONTENTS: NOTES AND COMMENTS - The Lost English Love of Freedom; Vaccination and Foot-and-Mouth Disease; Mendel; Dr. Charles Creighton; Medical Diagnosis and Compulsory "Isolation" "Bacteriological Diphtheria;" The Need of Information on Vaccination: The Oath as a Judicial Expedient......41042 The Liberal Surrender..........................................................................................42-45 The South African Constitution and the Native Races. ...................................45-46 Vivisectionitsts by Compulsion............................................................................ 46 The Labour Exchanges Bill.................................................................................. 47 REVIEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS - Malta Fever and Goats' Milk; The Policy of Land Taxation; L.'Erruer Syndicaliste...................47-48 Anti-toxin and Diphtheria.....................................................................................48-49 Scottish Criminal Appeal" The Slater Case, By C.B. Mabon.............................50-51 CORRESPONDENCE - Coroners,The Right of Inquest, and the Medical Profession. By A. Goff........................................................51.52 ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ " All institutions throughout the world, good and bad,have been produced by a continuous process of evolutiion; and consequently the proof, in a particular instance, that such an evolution has, in fact, taken place, affords no criterion whatever as to whether the institution in question is beneficial or harmful." LEONARD DARWIN _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ NOTES AND COMMENTS. The Lost English Love of Freedom. In an address at the Poet's Club, Mr. George Bernard Shaw said: - "The English people has lost its tradition of liberty. . . If the Star Chamber were revived tomorrow I do not think there would be a single protest in London. The Press and the public would take no notice of it whatever,until Dr. Clifford had been put in the pillory with his ears cut off. Then the political side of Nonconformity would make a tremendous outcry against putting Dr. Clifford in the pillory instead of the Archbishop of Canterbury or Lord Hugh Cecil, and there wold be a tremendous protest in the Times; but there would be no protest on the grounds of principle." We are very glad to note these signs of grace in our old friend and opponent; but does he not think that if one on "the political side of Nonconformity" were writing the above extract, the last two sentences might have assumed a somewhat different aspect, without any sacrifice of truthfulness? Vaccination and Foot-and-Mouth Disease. "The Bureau of Animal Industry of the United States Department of Agriculture has "according to the Lancet, "published the results of an investigation as to the origin of an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease among cattle which prevailed during the early part of last winter. It was found after very careful investigation that it had its origin in calves used for the propagation of small-pox vaccine virus which had been contaminated with the virus of foot-and-mouth disease," -The results of the use of this vaccine was an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease among cattle. We are not told what were its results on the unfortunate human beings whose blood was poisoned with it. Mendel. In a review of Professor Bateson 's Mendel's Principles of Heredity, the Lancet says: - "Most of us know the curious story of Gregor Mendel, the Abbot of Pralat of Brunn, who read in 1865 to a local scientific society two papers on plant hybridization, the result of experiments carried on in the gardens of his institution, and there and then founded a school of research which had no scholars for 35 years, but which in now gaining adherents rapidly. Mendel's work . . .attracted, however, no attention, which . . .was all the more extraordinary, because the researches and conclusions were germane to controversies and discussions which happened to be at that very time occupying the minds of several naturalists of the first ran. The work of the Pralat of Brunn, however, went unnoticed, to be rediscoved (?) in 1900, some 16 years after his death as an unappreciated and disappointed man."42 THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST, 1909 Dr. Charles Creighton. If one wants to see a present manifestation of the sort of temper which leads to this obstinate shutting of the eyes to science when presented in a garb not fashionable at the time, onw has only to turn over the leaf of the Lancet on which its review of Professor Bateson's book is printed, to its review of Dr. Charles Creighton's new book : "Contributions to the Physiological Theory of Tuberculosis." We are told that "Dr. Creighton's views are startlingly heterdox. For him the bacillus is not specific to its effects" How shocking! To cast doubt on the specificity of the almighty bacillus is lese majeste at the very least. And so let us, in the name of science, hunt down the heretic. We shall thus get rid of his obnoxious doctrine for the time; though, after he is dead, the present bacillomania may have run its course, and his heterodoxy may he "rediscovered" as the orthodoxy of the next half-century. Medical Diagnosis and Compulsory "Isolation." The Medical Superintendent of the Smallpox Hospitals of the Metropolitan Asylums Board, in his report for last year on the Joyce Green Hospital, says: - "Only one patient suffering from smallpox was admitted during 1908. He recovered. Seven persons certified to have smallpox were admitted to South Wharf, but were found on examination to be suffering from the following disorders: chickenpox, 6; erythema, 1." In other words, of eight persons sent to the smallpox isolation hospital certified as suffering from that disease, only one really had it! And still this medical diagnosis is made the basis of a form of incarceration as horrible as was ever devised by man; and the Vaccination Inquirer is again singing its praises. "Bacteriogical Diphtheria." A passage which lets in a flood of light on the alleged success, in recent years, of the anti-toxin treatment of diphtheria, is to be found in the report, for 1907, of the Medical Superintendent of the Park Hospital. He says: - "The death rate was far lower than ever before, and is to be accounted for by the fact that so many of them had bacteriological, as distinct from clinical, diphtheria. It is well worth the Managers' consideration whether these patients are properly admitted to their hospitals, and if so, why not all persons similarly affected?" It may not be generally known that "bacteriological diphtheria" is a new brand of the disease which very conveniently provides a large number of cases which can be represented as anti-toxin cures, and pulls down the "diphtheria" death rate. The clinical features of diphtheria are absent in these bacteriological cases. and they are adjudged to be diphtheria only because the bacillus which is supposed to be that of the disease is to be found in the patient's throats. If these patients obstinately refuse to manifest the usual symptoms of diphtheria, they are not to be let off on that account. They must be sent to the prison hospital and duly anti-toxined. But - pace Dr. Birdwood - it would not do to send all persons similarly affected into the hospital. Their number would be far too great, and the system would break down by its own weight. The Need of Information on Vaccination. According to the Latchworth Citizen, "Dr. Freemantle, the County Medical Officer, in his Annual Report just issued, urges the sanitary authorities to take vigorous action to check the growing influence of the anti-vaccinator, which he ascribes to the 'spreading of misleading information, and says: 'In Hitchin Rural District, the numbers of unvaccinated children is greatly on the increase, especially in Garden City." This is very sad; but it is just what we should expect. The Garden City people believe in fresh air, cleanliness, and good hygienic conditions generally; and if the apostles of blood-poisoning find their occupation rapidly on the decrease under such depressing circumstances, the wisest thing to do would be to change that occupation. The Oath as a Judicial Expedient Judge Edge has recently said that "the oath is an almost worthless proceeding nowadays. There is so much false swearing in Court that one has to fall back on what are the probable circumstances in each individual case." - This is the Nemesis of calling in theological aid - on which men are profoundly divided -in judicial procedure. It soon lapses into mere formality, and destroys the sense of reality. It calls up passionate differences just at the very time that they should be forgotten. The oath is mostly taken by kissing the book which forbids it. A few years ago, we read an account on a case in which a Chinese was sworn in a London Court for breaking a saucer, and proclaiming his belief that, if he told a lie, he would be cracked as the saucer was. What a preliminary to the investigation of truth before a civilized tribunal! THE LIBERAL SURRENDER. ACCORDING to the Times - or, to be more exact, the Times of the 2nd inst. "no one can doubt that a struggle is now going on, not merely between the two great parties in the State, but also inside the Liberal party itself." This dictum condemns us to nothingness; for we certainly doubt that there is any reason to believe in the existence of sch a struggle within the Liberal ranks as the Times declares to be indubitable. On the contrary, that which seems to us to most sinister significance is the utter lack of anything like the assertion of Liberal principles - in the face of the apostacy of the Government- except on the part of two or three members of the House of Commons. If the Liberal party in Parliament and in the Ministry is divided as the Times asserts - if Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Winston 43 THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST 1909 Churchill are battling against Mr. Asquith, and "there is much reason to believe" that they "have other aims than those of the Liberal party proper," that party is taking this treachery very meekly and submissively. We cannot share in this delusion. Mr. Asquith, Sir Edward Grey, Lord Crewe, Lord Carrington, Mr. Haldane, and the other members of the Cabinet whose aims are supposed to be "those of the Liberal party proper" cannot absolve themselves from responsibility for the Budget and the principles by which it is supported. Indeed, as our readers already know, we regard Mr.Asquith's distinction between "earned" and "unearned" incomes, and his taxation of the latter at a higher rate, as more Socialistic than anything to be found in the present Finance Bill. And of the worst part of that Bill he has formulated a defense as bad as anything in the Robin Hood finance to which the Chancellor of the Exchequer treated his Limehouse audience. In his speech at the Cannon Street Hotel on the 23rd of July, Mr. Asquith said: - "As regards the new taxes - those which are commonly, but as I have already pointed out, rather inaccurately, described as taxes on land- they are not taxes upon land, but they are tolls which the State proposes to levy upon accretions of value to certain classes of land which arise from social causes and not from individual enterprise." It would be difficult to exaggerate the importance of these words from the lips of the Premier of the United Kingdom. These new so-called taxes or tolls are not upon land qua land. The are upon "accretions of value. . . which arise from social causes." Neither are they taxes imposed in accordance with a general scheme, with a view to equitably disturbing among individuals the expenses incurred by the State in the exercise of its legitimate functions, or even in the exercise of such functions, or even in the exercise of such functions as it has taken upon itself. They aim at an inquisition into the property of individuals, a determination of what part of the value of this property has been socially caused, and a claim that such socially caused value shall be transferred to the State. At present the claim is for a portion only of such value; but, given the principle implied in Mr. Asquith's dictum, the limitation of the levy to only a portion of this value, and to land value, is evidently halting and absurd. If a part of this alleged socially caused value may rightly be sequestrated by the State, because it is so caused, why not the whole? If we accept Mr. Asquith's dictum, how shall we justify the retention by individuals of the remaining bulk of this value? This cannot be rationally done; and Mr. Lloyd George, and the Socialists who are acting with him, see that it cannot be done. That is why they do not much mind giving up for the time any modicum of these so-called land taxes, and creating a large and expensive bureaucratic department of land valuation. So long as they get the affirmation of the principle on which they are taken- the principle enunciated by the Prime Minister himself - and the machinery of valuation by which it is to be carried into operation, they will have attained the fiscal revolution on which they have embarked. This juggle over socially caused value is only one more convincing instance of the importance of sound economic theory and the maleficent effect of a mistaken one, even if it seem to be quite remote from the practical affairs of mankind. We ave long held that the commonly accepted notion that economics is a social science is an error. All the fundamental economic relations, including those of exchange, are independent of social relations, and - as we showed many years ago - would be exemplified in the life of such a recluse as Robinson Crusoe. The statement that the fundamentals of exchange would be found in Crusoe's life looks like a paradox. But so does the Law of Comparative Cost, one of the most important and clearly demonstrated of economic truths. An economic principle often ceases to be a paradox only to become a truism. Crusoe's boots and other of his possessions had value, whether we take the static theory or the dynamic theory- marginal utility or cost of production-as its test. And they differed in value among themselves, and differed in value at different times, as a very little thought will show. If Crusoe found his best land insufficient and used worser quality also, rent would emerge; and a particular kind of land might increase in value and rent either because of his extra demands on it or because of the encroachment of the sea. The notion that a social market is needed in order to set up exchange value is ill-founded. In the Westminster Gazette of the 10th inst. Lord Hugh Cecil states that "all value is determined by social causes;" and the Times of the following days says that "where there are no people to compete for a thing it has no value in exchange, and where there are none to employ labor there are no wages." But they are mistaken. The fundamental exchange is that of labor and waiting for products; and this is not necessarily a social phenomenon, though it may be one. It is not sufficient that some or many of the group of phenomena which form the subject of a special science are social to constitute it a social science; or pathology, for instance, would be one. We are quite aware that we shall be told that it is too late now, when the Socialistic deluge is upon us, to consider these matters of fundamental theory. But this is not our fault. What is to be done with a people and a generation which considers all appeals to reason and justice either premature or too late, and thinks it is going to lead and rule the world by following the rule of thumb and muddling through? Economics used to be par excellence the British science. What is it now? What have we to show since Cairnes wrote his last book amid the agonies of chronic arthritis? Let us take a single section of a single clause of the Finance Bill. The first section of the tenth clause declares that "there shall be charged, levied, and paid for every financial year in respect of the site value of undeveloped land a duty . . .at the rate of one half-penny for every twenty shillings of that 44 THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST, 1909 site value." The widespread notion is that this 1/2d. tax is similar in nature to a 1/2d. rate, and that it will be collected annually. Does the section not say that? It does. But this is no evidence of what will be the actual incidence of this impost. A permanent tax of this kind does not act as a yearly impost on the person who, at each year's end, owns the land. The capitalized value of the tax is paid by the person who owns the land at the time the so-called tax is first imposed; and, for all future time, no one pays a farthing towards it. When the normal rate of interest is a 3 per cent, the levy of 1/2d. per annum on every L.of capital value is equal to rather more than (?) 4 1/2 d. per annum on the rental value, which is more than a fifteenth. The net annual income from the land being thus diminished by a fifteenth, its capital value is diminished in like proportion. Land, which, before the imposition of this levy was worth L300, would be worth only L280 the day after its imposition. The owner would have been mulcted in L20, the capitalized value of the impost of 12s. per annum. And the person who bought the land for L280 would not pay this 12s as a tax. He bought the land for L20 less than it would otherwise be worth because of this so-called tax. He bought an annuity, not of L9, but of L8 8s, od,; and the 12s paid by him annually ought not to be reckoned as a part of his taxation. This brief analysis on the assumption of permanency shows that the real incidence would be on the persons who happened to own the land at the time the tax was imposed. In reality, under the Finance Bill. this tax would cease on the land being developed for building or other business purposes; but the owner would then be mulcted of a fifth of its increased value, under the first clause of the Bill. And he would thus have a portion of his property sequestered, not because this is part of his proportionate share of the expenses of Government, not because it is part of the value of economic land; but because, as Mr. Asquith alleges, it has been socially caused. How much of the L72,000 paid for the Holbein picture would have been taken had our Prime Minister's theory of property been followed? But, it may well be asked, where shall we look for salvation? If the Liberals have thus betrayed their trust, and have surrendered to the Socialists , does safety lie with the Opposition? It certainly does not. Indeed the tension which has resulted in this change of principle by the Liberals has been deliberately applied by the Conservatives, almost from the time of the first Reform Bill. It is they who, by pressure exerted for three-quarters of a century, have succeeded in breaking down Liberalism and forcing the party in a Socialistic direction. They judged (rightly no doubt) that privilege could be maintained, against the Individualism which would have destroyed it, only by playing of a pseudo-generosity against justice - by "ransom," to use Mr. Chamberlain's historic word. And they reckoned, and still reckon, on paying this ransom to a large extent out of the pockets into which it is supposed to go. Tariff Reform, their latest trump card, means the exploitation of ignorance and national prejudice. They are willing to give the Socialistic sops which are now called "Social Reform'" but they want to pay for them by import duties which would enhance the prices of commodities consumed by the masses, and would raise agricultural rents by raising the prices of agricultural produce. Mr. Lloyd George's budget was a veritable bombshell thrown into the centre of this position; and the defense of this by Lord Rothschild and the dukes has only made matters much worse for the Unionists. For these were the very worst champions who could possibly have been put up. Even the Daily Mail has said that "the rank and file of Liberals report that their supporters have been immensely pleased by the idea that the new taxation is to fall on landlords and on rich men. The more the dukes, the bankers, and the millionaires cry out, the more the working men are convinced that the rich will pay and the poor escape. This idea will be encouraged . . . It must be confessed that the reports which reach me from Unionist quarters to some extent confirm the view that the agitation against the Budget has fallen flat, except in the City of London. The working classes are not concerned to save the dukes or urban landlords; they do not object to the super-tax; and the brewers have penalized them so heavily that their resentment is directed more against the brewers than the Budget. Unless a great change comes over the political situation very rapidly, and unless the Unionist leaders can devise a new and more effective plan of campaign, the defeat of the Budget will soon be past praying for." But what can the Unionist leaders do? The Daily Mail advocates the full adoption of the Ministerial "social reforms," and the suggestion that these should be paid for by the foreigner through the agency of a tariff? But though the electorate are foolish, it is very doubtful whether they are such fools as this policy supposes; and we do not believe that Mr. Balfour would risk it. The truth is the Conservatives have two sources of embarrassment either of which would be sufficient to paralyze their efforts to defeat the Budget. They have accepted the need for the increased taxation and would indeed still further augment the military and naval part of it. How can they act as a check on a line of policy which they have constantly advocated as the alternative to the Individualistic one of true Liberalism? This is embarrassment No. 1. But Tariff Reform is a still worse one. While it stood alone it made great headway. But Mr. Lloyd George has at least done this - he has shown an alternative to Mr. Chamberlain's panacea; and this alternative has been so placed before the masses as to reveal to them for the first time that their interests do not lie in the direction of Neo-Protectionism. If Mr. Lloyd George's Limehouse speech was, as we have said, an enunciation of Robin Hood finance - the fleecing of the rich for the benefit of the poor, Neo-Protectionism means the fleecing of the poor for the benefit of the rich, and the land policy of the Conservatives means the same thing. THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST, 1909. 45 Our hope, then, is in neither of the great historic political parties. It is time that sane and honest men cut themselves adrift from both of them. It may be that the seceders would attain but little at first; but however small might be the results of their efforts; these could scarcely be so bad as a choice between importantly following in the wake of one or the other two multitudes almost equally intent on evil. THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONSTITUTION AND THE NATIVE RACES. The following Memorial has been sent to the Colonial Secretary and a Petition to the same effect has been presented to the House of Commons: - To the Right Honourable the Earl of Crewe, K.G., Secretary of State for the Colonies. The Memorial of the Committee of the Personal Rights Association, 11, Abbeville Road, S.W. Respectfully sheweth (1) That the Association which your memorialists have the honor to direct has for one of its fundamental principles the maintenance of "the equality of all citizens before the law, without regard to wealth, birth, sex, culture, race, religious belief, or any circumstance whatever save the responsibilities which are implied in respect for the rights of others." (2) That a serious contingency has arisen with respect to the Act of Union in South Africa, by which the equal rights to representation of citizens of non-European race are, or may be, withdrawn. (3) That the erection of such a rare barrier would be productive of evil results, not only in South Africa, but wherever the British flag flies over countries the inhabitants of which are mainly or partly of non-European race; and would mean the abrogation of a moral principle more permanently powerful for the maintenance of the British Empire, because more justificatory of British rule, than any support to be obtained by military or naval force. Wherefore your memorialists pray that your lordship, and His Majesty's Government generally, may tender such counsel to His Majesty the King as may result in the withdrawal of such provisions of the Draft Act for the Constitutional Union of the Southern African Colonies as would lessen the guarantees of personal and political freedom to those of His Majesty's sub- jects who differ in race and complexion from those of European origin. For the Committee of the Personal Rights Association, 23rd July, 1909. J.H. LEVY, Hon. Sec. To the covering letter accompanying this Memorial the following reply has been received:- Downing St., 4th August, 1909. Sir,- I am directed by the Earl of Crewe to acknowlege the receipt of your letter of the 23rd July, enclosing a memorial from the Personal Rights Association regarding the political rights of natives under the South African Act of Union, and I am to refer you to the statement made by his Lordship in the House of Lords on the occasion of the second reading of the Bill on the 27th of July. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant. H. W. Just The Honorary Secretary, The Personal Rights Association. The matter is so important that we quote the Colonial Secretary's words, to which the Hon. Sec. of the Personal Rights Association was referred, in full:-"When we come to the qualification for sitting in either House we approach a point which has been the subject of much discussion, and as to which many protests have been made. Those who sit in either House of Parliament have to be of European descent. In the Cape Colony no such restrictions has hitherto existed. On the other hand, no one not of European descent has ever sat in the Cape House of Assembly. I say it frankly that there seems to be a strong case against the insertion of such a provision in this Act or in any Act. There are men not European descent who are of high standing, of high character, and of high ability They regard this provision as a slight, and we regret that any loyal subjects of the King should consider themselves slighted. On the other hand, the difficulties which have confronted those who have prepared this Bill were no doubt considerable. In the first place, it is only in the Cape that a native has a vote; and therefore it would seem to be anomalous to allow a man to sit in an Assembly for which the class to which he belongs have not a vote in the greater part of the Union. I also point out that in the Australian Commonwealth a similar restriction exists, and, therefore, this cannot be said to be without precedent. It is also true that the grievance is probably not a practical one, because if it was the case that no coloured member was elected in the Cape Assembly in the past, it is extremely improbable, at any rate for a long time to come, that it would affect the Union Parliament. The fact which has decided us is not attempting to press this matter against the wishes of the South African delegates has been that this is undoubtedly one of those matters which represents a delicately balanced compromise between themselves.* As a Government, we cannot take - and *This consideration tells exactly in the opposite direction to that in which it is advanced. If opinions for and against this obnoxious proviso were so delicately balanced, surely it would have been very easy for the Home Government to have turned the scale. - EDITOR. 42 THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST, 1909 personally I am not prepared to take--the responsibility of a possible wrecking of this Union measure altogether by a provision of this kind; and I am assured that such would be the result of any attempt to insert such a provision in the Bill. The cause of those who desire this change to be made has been pressed with deep feeling and much eloquence by some of the natives themselves, and by those who specially represent their cause. But I do feel that, if this change is to be made, it must be made in South Africa by South Africans themselves, and that it is not possible for us, unfamiliar with the special merits of the case, to attempt to force it on the great representative body which absolutely with unanimity would no doubt reject it. "The question of the franchise raises a consideration of some difficulty. At present in the Cape Colony any man, whatever his colour, who possesses L75 worth of property or L50 a year, and who can write his name and address, can get a vote. In Natal the provisions for obtaining a vote are somewhat similar; but as a matter of fact the native has to obtain what is called a letter of exemption, with the result that very few natives indeed are on the list. In the Transvaal and Orange River Colony there is manhood suffrage and no native vote at all.+ It is obvious from that description how difficult the problem was if there was to be any question of instituting a uniform franchise all over the Union. Thus Parliament was to prescribe a form of franchise, it being, however, provided that the Cape vote should be saved to the native unless it was decided by a two-thirds majority of both Houses sitting together to abolish the native franchise there. It is said by those who desire to see the interests of the native everywhere protected that it would involve some serious risk that the Cape franchise itself might be done away with. I think we may assume that as far as the rest of the Union is concerned it will be future a white franchise. It is assumed that it would require 106 members of both Houses sitting together to abolish the franchise in the Cape. I think it may be assumed that it would require more than this, because it is not likely that the nominated Senators would join in a venture of that kind. Therefore, from that point of view, as far as South Africa is concerned, there does not seem to be much risk.I It has also to be remembered that this is a matter on which we could not say that the power of disallowance which belongs to the Crown would not be exercised. Certainly it is not too much to say that the disfranchisement of a class who had held this power of voting so long would be viewed here with very deep disappointment. Disfranchisement is always an odious thing in itself, and if it were to be applied in this particular manner I am bound to say that it would assume a somewhat special and odious form. Consequently I refuse to believe that this particular provision will be carried into effect. Looking at it as a purely abstract question, we could wish that the safeguard might be even stronger, but such as it is I am pre- +That is, the natives are not men! - EDITOR pared to consider it strong enough. I may remind your lordships also that there is a provision for the reservation of all constitutional Bills, and for a reservation subject to instructions received from the Crown." It will thus be seen that, as regards the right to sit, if elected, in the Cape Parliament, a race disability is to be set up by this Act; and, as regards the Parliamentary Franchise, power is taken in the Act to abolish the right of natives to vote. It is evident that the Government does not like either of these provisions, and would disallow them if this would not result in wrecking the measure. But, though we are glad to note the Earl of Crewe's concluding words, we cannot regard them as an adequate discharge of the duty of the Government of the United Kingdom in maintaining the rights of the feebler part of the population of the British Empire. A race disability will be established by the Act, and a further extension of this is threatened; and it would surely have been easy for the Ministry to have intimated, before this Act of Union was passed, that no such disfranchising measure would be recommended by the British Government for approval by a British Parliament. Is it too much to hope that a House of Commons which boasts of an overwhelming Liberal majority will overwhelm this most illiberal and most mischievous feature of the South African Act? VIVISECTIONISTS BY COMPULSION. The Westminster Gazette, of June 18, contained an account of the opening of the London University's new Institute of Physiology by Mr. Haldane. On the second floor of the building - which was, we believe, provided by public funds - "the west wing is taken up by a large class-room for histology and experimental physiology, and the rest of the floor contains a demonstration theatre, rooms for the study of the nervous system, and sterilization and operating rooms in the asceptic section, besides an animal hospital, which is provided with four kennels for dogs, and ample cage space for other animals." The Metropolitan Asylums Board, which is of course supported by funds which Londoners are forced to pay, has spent nearly L12,000 on building the Belmont Laboratories and Stables, the salaries of the staff amount to more than L2,000 per annum, and other expenses to nearly L5,000. These two instances are sufficient to show that the vivisection question is entering on a new phase, that we all being made vivisectionists whether we will or not, and that those who do not take active part against vivisection are allowing themselves to be made parties to it. There is nothing very much to be surprised at in this development. An evil cause never stands still. If it be not combated, it grows. There is no room on the field of morals for neutrals. To stand aside while wrong is done is to take part in that wrong. The gage of battle has now been fairly thrown down by the animal torturers; and we can promise them that there will be no hesitation on our part in picking it up. [next page] THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST, 1909. THE LABOUR EXCHANGES BILL. The following Petition has been presented to the House of Commons: - To the Honorable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament Assembled. The Humble Petition of the Committee of the Personal Rights Association, 11, Abbeville Road, London, S.W. Respectfully sheweth (1) That a Bill is now before your Honourable House entitled the Labour Exchanges Bill, which would confer on a Government Department the right and duty of establishing and maintaining labour exchanges, of appointing officers and servants for that purpose of paying all expenses including the salaries of these officers and servants out of moneys which are to be provided by Parliament, of authorizing loans to workpeople travelling for the purposes of this Act, and of making laws entitled "general regulations" with respect to the exercise of its own powers under this Act. (2) That your petitioners hold that it is in the highest degree inexpedient that any such powers be conferred on a Government Department; that all the objects sought by this Bill could be much better attained by the co-operation of the Trades Unions Chamber of Commerce, and other voluntary agencies; that the conferring of the power of making these so-called "general regulations" on a Government Department would involve the abdication by Parliament of the work of legislation,and its transference to a bureaucracy; and that the statutory duty of such a bureaucracy to find employment for the workpeople must inevitably lead to the assertion of a correlative right over these workpeople, which could mean their practical enslavement. Wherefore your petitioners pray that your Honourable House will not pass the said Labour Exchanges Bill (No. 207) or any other measure which would confer like powers on any Government Department. REVIEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS. Malta Fever and Goats' Milk. By Walter R. Hadwen, M.D. (Contemporary Review, August, 1909.) We shall be much surprised if this essay do not prove an epoch-making one in the vivisection controversy. The whole case for vivisection is based on the supposed advance in therapeutic knowledge, and the consequent increase of the means to combat disease, which comes from the sacrifice of the lower animals on what we are told is the altar of science. If this can be shown to be erroneos, cadit quoestio; for it is this profit which is put forward by the advocates of what is euphemistically termed "research" as its object and its justification. We do not mean by this that those who oppose vivisection need accept the burden of proving that no such therapeutic gain is ever attained. A poisoner might make such a discovery in the course of committing murder. The Inquisitors might have lighted on some valuable piece of knowledge in the torture chamber or at the stake. This would not justify poisoning or religious persecution; and if a vivisector chanced on some useful truth we could not accept this as the price of his wrong doing. In the course of our long struggle against the Contagious Diseases Acts, the champions of those laws pleaded lessened disease as their justification; and, had this plea been true, we could not have accepted their conclusion. The onus of proving that the diseases in question were not diminished was not logically incumbent on us. Still we were able to prove this: and this demonstration was a powerful aid to us in getting rid of the Acts. In a similar spirit Dr. Hadwen puts forward his criticism of the vivisectionist allegations with regard to "Malta Fever." Even if true they would not prove their case; but they are untrue or baseless, and as they are typical of their pretensions generally, it was important to show their worthless character. This Dr. Hadwen has done in the essay before us; and we can only regret that the exigencies of writing for a popular magazine has evidently led to much compression. We hope that this article will be followed by a small volume in which the subject is exhaustively treated. This so-called "Malta Fever" is common, as Dr. Hadwen says, "all over the world wherever a tropical climate combines with insanitary conditions to create s pestiferous atmosphere." "In 1904 Mr. Lyttelton, as Colonial Secretary, obtained a Commission representing the War Office and Admiralty and the Civil Government of Malta, to investigate it. The Royal Society also appointed an Advisory Board to supervise the work of the Commission, under the chairmanship of Colonel Sir David Bruce, who. as is well known, was knighted for his supposed discovery of the Malta fever germ. The Commission set to work in a sensible way by sending out an expert to examine at Malta the statistics of the fever; to see if any light could be thrown on its by testing the liability to the disease of men who drank water, beer, milk, etc. Other investigations followed on the same line; but no difference in the cases of disease could be observed. The conclusion was that milk was not, statistically, the true cause. Col. Bruce, however, set to work in another way. He tried to discover a microbe, announced that he had found it in goats' milk, and procured an order that goats' milk should no longer be used by the Malta troops. The milk was stopped o n the 1st of July, 1906. There is no doubt that the decline of fever in that and the subsequent years has been very marked, the fall from 1905 to 1906 having been from 643 to 161 cases, according to the medical statistics. But the conclusion that the goats' milk was the causa causans of the fever is a very rash one; and still more rash is it to say that the animal experiments contributed in any serious way to its discovery." How this is proved in the essay before us we cannot 48 THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST, 1909 attempt to show. The statistical evidence is, on the face of it, very much condensed; and we must not venture on condensing it still further. There is, however, one of the author's statistical tables which is so amusing that we have the liberty to transcribe it together with Dr. Hadwen's remarks on it: - Cases OF "MALTA FEVER' AND "SIMPLE CONTINUED FEVER" AMONG BRITISH TROOPS IN MALTA, 1897-1908 INCLUSIVE. Malta Fever Simple Continued Fever. Percentage of Total Cases Year Strength Cases Ratio per 1,000 Cases Ratio per 1,000 Malta Fever Sim. Con. Fever 1897 8,023 279 34'7 1,275 158'9 18'0 82'0 1898 7,390 200 27'0 1,509 204'1 11'7 88'3 1899 7,425 275 37'0 1,107 149'0 20'0 80'0 1900 8,140 158 19'4 1,158 142'2 12'0 80'0 1901 8.136 253 31'0 1,205 148'1 17'4 82'6 1902 8,758 155 17'7 981 112'0 13'6 86'4 1903 8.903 404 45'4 781 87'7 34'0 66'0 1904 9,120 320 35'1 1,350 148'0 19'0 81'0 1905 8,294 643 77'5 1,199 144'5 35'0 65'0 1906 6,661 161 24'2 508 76'2 24'0 76'0 1907 5,700 11 1'9 323 56'6 3'3 96'7 1908 6,030 5 '8 303 50'2 1'6 98'4 "It will be noticed that, except in the years 1903 and 1905, the relative proportions of Malta fever to simple continued fever remain very much the same until the year 1907. In the latter year there is a sudden drop in Malta fever from 24'0 to 3'3 cases per 1,000, but in these same two years there is a corresponding rise in the proportion of simple continued fever. The ratio during the full year of the sitting of the Commission, when "Malta fever' was 'in the air,' was only 65 per cent; but in 1908 the proportion rose to 98'4 per cent - that is, an increase of 51 per cent. This peculiarity can only be accounted for by differences in nomenclature and not in disease. 'Malta fever' practically disappeared from the military medical vocabulary when the order for the stoppage of goats' milk went forth, and the term 'simple continued fever' took its place." Dr. Hadwen winds up this part of his case by the remarks that "whilst the Official Report for the civil population for 1908 states that there were 501 cases of 'Mediterranean' ( or 'Malta') fever, only five cases of 'simple continued fever, the Military Report states that they had only five cases of 'Malta fever' and 303 of 'simple continued fever.' Thus it would seem that if you drink goats' milk you now suffer from 'Malta fever.' but if you do not drink goats' milk you contract 'simple continued fever.'" The Policy of Land Taxation. By A.C. Pigou, M.A. (Longmans). Pp 32. Price is net. The sort of reasoning which satisfies Professor Marshall's successor in the chair of economics at Cambridge is shown by the way in which, in this brief pamphlet, it is demonstrated that "there is nothing else in respect of which the assessment of local rates is practicable "save" the land itself and . . . the improvements, including buildings, that have been effected upon it." Income tax, e.g.,is ruled out because "anything in the nature of a local income tax is rendered impracticable by evasion as well as by other difficulties." Really, if "other difficulties" can be brought in to decide an economic or fiscal question in this vague and airy way, Cambridge economics must be a wonderfully easy study. And why does evasion render a local income tax impracticable, when all the data for it are already in the hands of the Imperial authorities? We are not arguing the question for or against a local income tax, but pointing out that professor Pigou's assault on it is not quite fatal. L'Erreur Syndicaliste. By Fernand Jacq. (Georges Roustan, Paris). Pp. 64. Those Englishmen who are puzzled as to what Syndicalism means, why there is such an outcry against it to proposed by them, might do worse than read this little pamphlet, written by a thoroughly competent member of the Parisian bar. We are asked to announce that the leaflets of the German Society for Combating Sexual Diseases have been republished after having undergone a complete revision, and may now be obtained gratis by medical men and associations on application at the office of the Society, 13a, Inselstrasse, Berlin. A series of articles by Mr. J.H. Levy in criticism of Professor Charles Richet's book, "Pros and Cons of Vivisection," have been appearing in the Animals' Guardian, and are completed in the current number of that journal. ANTI-TOXIN AND DIPHTHERIA. Mr. J.T. Biggs, J.P. of Leicesterm whose services in the exposure of vaccination have been so great, has been writing a short essay on the anti-toxin treatment of diphtheria, from which we cull the following: - "The treatment of this disease with anti-toxin serum rests its claim upon Loffler's hitherto unproved theory, that a certain bacillus is the active origin of diphtheria. But as this bacillus has been found in the throats of numerous perfectly healthy persons; and, on the other hand, has been absent in a large percentage of diphtheritic cases; the evidence upon which the treatment is based, is not only inconclusive, but contradictory. Whether the theory be based upon truly scientific principles or not, may be disregarded for the present while we examine the actual results. "The anti-toxin treatment of diphtheria became general in 1895 and has continued practically without abatement. Overwhelming evidences of its failure may be adduced, but I purpose citing a few instances only. Just as the decline in small-pox preceded the introduction of vaccination (see Farr on London "Vital Statistics") so the decline in the fatality of diphtheria had set in years before the use of anti-toxin. Leaving, however, this phase of the subject, and coming to 1895, Dr. Dr Maurans tells us in that year in Paris the diphtheritic fatality was only 9'42 per cent. Six years later, when the anti-toxin treatment was in full swing, the fatality had rise to 14'49 per cent. The next year, 1896, the fatality fell to 12'3 per cent. This decrease was forthwith hailed as a great triumph for anti-toxin. But alas for human credulity! Notwithstanding the use of the serum, the fatality rate rose in regular progression until, in 1900, it had reached 17'2 per cent. It is, therefore, well worth consideration, as to whether this increased fatality rate was or was not due to the use of anti-toxin? "The Metropolitan Asylums Board of London exercises its functions over probably the largest area and population in the world. The authoritative official reports of this board carry great weight, and may be regarded as conclusive. Especially is this the case when the evidence they afford is contrary to that which the compilers would have wished to present. The following figures are abstracted and copied from the tables contained in the annual reports of the above board from 1895 to 1907. "The most striking and dominant feature of the table is the high fatality rate of those inoculated with anti-toxin, when compared with the untreated cases. The highest fatality rate of the injected patients is 28'1, and the lowest 9 per cent. Whereas the highest fatality of the untreated ones was but 13'4 and the lowest only 1'5 per cent, showing a difference enormously against the use of anti-toxin. METROPOLITAN ASYLUMS BOARD ANNUAL REPORTS. Summaries of Anti-toxin Treatment of Diphtheria from Medical Supplements. [Cases treated with Anti-toxin.] [Cases not so treated] Year Cases Deaths. Mortality per cent. Cases Deaths Mortality per cent. 1895 2,182 615 28'1 1,347 181 13'4 1896 2,764 717 25'9 1,411 154 10'9 1897 4,,381 896 20'4 1,078 62 5'7 1898 5,186 906 17'5 1,186 84 7'0 1899 7.038 1,082 15'38 979 44 4'4 1900 7,271 936 12'88 954 51 5'3 1901 6,499 817 12'57 1,013 32 3'2 1902 6.015 714 11'8 824 27 3'2 1903 4,839 493 10'18 583 11 1'88 1904 4.070 444 10'91 569 20 3'51 1905 3,734 335 9'0 490 11 2'2 1906 4,149 432 10'4 788 12 1'5 1907 5,121 530 10'37 494 14 2'84 _______ _______ _________ ________ ________ _________ Totals 63,249 8,917 14'09 11,716 703 6'0 and Averages "It will be seen from the foregoing table that 63,249 cases of diphtheria were treated wit anti-toxin, with an average fatality rate of 14'09 per cent; and that the 11,716 cases not so treated yielded an average fatality rate of 6 per cent only. Also that the decline in the fatality rate of those treated was from 28'1 to 10'37 per cent, while the decline in the fatality rate of cases not treated was from 13'4 to 2'84 per cent, a difference enormously in favour of the latter, and hence damaging to the claims made by the advocates of anti-toxin. "But this is not all. From footnotes to the tables in the reports, we find that of the 703 deaths in cases not treated, no fewer than 55 were moribund (that is dying) and recovery hopeless on their admission to the hospitals, while there were at least 12 deaths from diseases other than diphtheria. This proves that low as was the average fatality rate of the cases not treated with anti-toxin, yet it is unfairly saddled with all the worst and absolutely hopeless cases. In addition, a number of deaths which ought in common fairness to have been excluded are included, the elimination of which would have led to a futher reduction of the non-treated fatality rate. "An attempt was made by the medical superintendents to explain away the condemnatory character of these facts. In their report for 1896, they say 'that to compare the mortality of those treated with anti-toxin, with that of those which during the same period were not so treated would be to institute a comparison between two groups. one of which contained a very large and the other a very small proportion of severe cases. . . And we are consequently led to express our deliberate opinion that to compare the mortality of the anti-toxin treated cases with that of those which during the same period were not so treated, as has been suggested, would not only be misleading, but also unfair.' "Now it is perfectly well-known and established, that the very essence of the treatment of diphtheria by anti-toxin is to secure the patients at the earliest moment on the first day of infection if possible. It is argued that in the early stages of the disease, the diphtheritic poison is more amenable to the antidotal treatment by serum. Elaborate figures have been compiled by Dr. MacCombie (Medical Superintendent of the M.A.B. Brook Hospital) to show that in those injected with anti-toxin on the first day of infection, the fatality was nil; on the second day it was 4'5 per cent; on the third day 11'9 per cent; on the fourth day 17'5 per cent; and on the fifth day and after it was 18'9 per cent. Other figures are given,but these suffice for our purpose. 'On face of these facts it is futile to contend that the group of cases treated with anti-toxin contained a larger proportion of severe cases. The tables proe the opposite. "I commend the foregoing facts to the thoughtful and intelligent consideration of all who desire to see the human race healthy, vigorous and strong, both mentally and physically. The evils of zymotic maladies will never be successfully combated by adding disease to disease. In fresh air, sunlight, and hygenic conditions must preferably be sought the remedy, which so-called scientific research fails to provide. While the devotees of serotherapy cling so tenaciously to the ignis fatuus of these artificial, but dangerous cultures, from the Bacteriological Laboratories, no benefit therefrom is destined to accrue to the human race. Scientific truth must be sought elsewhere." 50 THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST, 1909. SCOTTISH CRIMINAL APPEAL. THE SLATER CASE. An anomalous situation has been created by the commutation, on 25th May last, of the death sentence upon Oscar Slater to one of penal servitude for life. The exact words of Lord Pentland's official decision are that the "execution of the sentence be respited with a view to its commutation," etc. The portion I have italicized may, in some quarters, bear the interpretation that is sufficient pressure is applied to the Scottish Office, Slater might shortly be released, without attaching undue discredit to the prosecuting authority. I am afraid, however, that past instances, notably that of Mrs. Maybrick, do not warrant us in concluding that the Department will, of its own initiative, proceed further on clearly defined lines of evidence, and equity, as would naturally he expected of a properly constituted Court of Criminal Appeal, of which, unfortunately, Scotland stands in great need. It is to bring this serious matter home to your readers, and through them to all who are interested in justice, that I now give a brief review of the Slater case. On the evening of the 21st December,1908, at ten minutes past seven, the only servant (aged 21) of Miss Marion Gilchrist (aged 82) returned to her mistress's house in West Princes Street, Glasgow, after an errand of about ten minutes duration, according to her own statement. At the door she found a neighbour, Mr. Adams, who had rung the bell without receiving any response, having been attracted from his apartment beneath by a knocking on the floor above, which seems to have been a pre-arranged signal between him and the old lady. The servant girl opened the door with her keys, and a man coming outwards through the hall, passed her and Adams, neither of whom made any attempt to bar his passage, to ask how he came there, or even to invite his assistance - as they were afraid something serious had happened. It must be pointed our here that there was no evidence as to how Miss Gilchrist's flat, which is on the first story, could have been entered' and there is the bare statement of the servant girl, Lambie, to vouch for her mistress having been left alone in the house ten minutes before. The girl, in leading the way, arrived last at the dining room in which Miss Gilchrist is understood to have been sitting, and in which was discovered the dead body of the unfortunate lady, who had evidently been murdered. According to Lambie, there was missing (out of a large quantity of valuable jewelry) a gold crescent brooch, set in diamonds, and this seems to have diverted the police from every other possible clue in order to follow up Oscar Slater, who had been trying to sell a pawn ticket for a diamond brooch to a fellow-member of a Glasgow club. It was clearly proved that the pawned brooch never belonged to the deceased lady, and had, moreover, been pawned a considerable time prior to the murder. On the 23rd December, an errand girl (Barrowman) aged 15, also told the police that she saw a man running out of the entrance leading to Miss Gilchrist's flat, and gave a general description of him. Oscar Slater (aged 37) a German, of Jewish parentage, who left Glasgow on 25th December and sailed from Liverpool on the Lusitania the following day, was detained and searched on his arrival at New York. Nothing incriminating was discovered about him or in his boxes, nor as was afterwards found out by the special correspondent of the Glasgow Herald, who visited Slater's birthplace -did the detectives discover any suspicious circumstances during their surprise investigation at his parent's home. The extradition proceedings broke down, Adams not being certain as to identity, and Lambie and Barrowman proving to be unreliable in their evidence. besides which the latter had been shown a likeness of Slater before the identification. Slater then agreed, of his own consent, not to oppose extradition, but to stand his trial. In the meantime, a press campaign, almost unexampled in virulence was waged against him, prompted partly by the fact that several murders had been committed within recent years, without the police being able to discover the criminals. At the trial in Edinburgh, in spite of the large number of Crown witnesses, several of whom, though present, were specially kept out of the witness box by the prosecution on account or their vital disagreement with the other identification evidence, the only points that really touched the case were those arising out of the errand girl's observation on a dark December night, Adam's hesitant opinion, and Lambie's contradictory statements. In addition to this, a large amount of irrelevant and inconclusive evidence was given, and dwelt upon by the Lord Advocate, as to Slater's moral character, which was not an issue before the jury, but which some of them could not dismiss from their minds, notwithstanding Lord Guthrie's technical ruling on the subject. Even some of the Crown witnesses proved that Slater could not, on the 21st December, have had time to commit the murder, irrespective of the evidence for the defense that he was in his own house during the evening in question, certainly during the time when the murder must have been committed. The verdict (which does not require to be unanimous, as in England) was based on a vote of nine for guilty, five for not proven, and one for not guilty. There was not even a two-thirds majority, while if only two out of the nine convicting jurors had fully realized the gravamen of the evidence, Slater would have been acquitted. A petition for reprieve, signed by more than 20,000 persons was forwarded to the Secretary for Scotland, as well as a memorial prepared by Slater's solicitor, Mr. Ewing Speirs, with the concurrence of his Counsel, both of whom are firmly convinced of his innocence of the crime charged against him. To that petition and memorial Lord Pentland replied by commuting the capital sentence to penal servitude for life. No reasons were given; there were no "extenuating circumstances," and the only legitimate explanation of the decision is that the Secretary for Scotland finds that the evidence did not warrant the original verdict, while he THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST, 1909. 51 has attempted to sophisticate the public conscience by an unjudicial, secret trial, supported by the names of the Lord Chancellor, Mr. Haldane, and the presiding Judge, Lord Guthrie, in order to relieve the Scottish Office of its full responsibility. There can be no half measures. If Slater is legally not guilty, as the evidence clearly testifies, then the Crown authorities have not even the shadow of a right to detain him with respect to the crime. This is a matter of principle which affects all individuals whether they are or are not conscious of personal rights. Many people, who previously never gave the question a thought, must now feel that a properly constituted Court of Criminal Appeal is urgently needed for Scotland, so as to do away with these pseudo-judgments of officialdom, and to safeguard the rights of each individual—rights which at present are in constant danger of infringement. If the Slater case, as a type of past and possible miscarriages of justice, shall at least awake Scotsmen to a sense of the danger of scratch majority verdicts, based frequently on issues outside the line of relevant evidence, and shall lead to an immediate inquiry—which is clamantly called for - and to the early institution of a responsible Court of Criminal Appeal, the defending Counsel and solicitor, as well as those who signed the public petition for reprieve may afterwards feel some satisfaction with the ultimate result of their agitation. C. B. MABON. CORRESPONDENCE. (Correspondents are allowed very wide liberty of expression, and must not be taken either to represent or necessarily to differ from the editorial policy of "THE INDIVIDUALIST." Letters should be as concise as possible. For signed articles the writers are primarily responsible. The Editor merely takes responsibility for their general usefulness, from the point of view of this paper. Unsigned articles alone are editorial.) CORONERS, THE RIGHT OF INQUEST, AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION. SIR,—In June, 1908, I was on the banks of the lake of Como, and, taking up the Milan paper, the Corrire della Sera, I found, to my surprise and intense interest, a long account of an inquest which had been held in London. An operation performed in a London hospital had ended fatally, and Mr. Coroner Troutbeck, of Westminster, had considered it his duty to investigate the matter, to ascertain if everything had been done judiciously. He decided that such had been the case. The patient could not have lived many months in any case; and the operation was designed, and by her accepted, with the idea that it would render her sufferings less severe, should she survive it, during those few months. One would have thought that this decision would have been received with universal satisfaction; but by no means was this the case. The operator and the profession, as represented by the medical papers, were furious at the Coroner having dared to enquire into the matter. At the inquest, Sir Victor Horsley, who was called as a witness, said the case was such an ordinary one that he could not conceive why an inquest was held. To this the Coroner replied that, owing to the advance of surgery, operations were much more frequent than they used to be. Clearly they were to some extent a cause of the deaths that resulted; and they came within the Coroners' Act of 1887, which makes inquests imperative when deaths are suspected of being violent, or from unnatural causes. Sir Victor Horsley rejoined that if this view were correct there would have to be in England every year 10,000 inquests, this being, in his opinion, a clincher against the Coroner. To me it seemed the strongest evidence in favour of the Coroner that could possibly have been given. Ten thousand deaths annually after operations in England is something appalling to contemplate. The Corriere della Sera, in reporting this matter, remarked how happy were we in England to have some defense for patients, a defense lacking in Italy, where the office of coroner does not exist, and where, therefore, the patients (it held) are at the mercy of the operator. So far the Italian paper. Later I found the sequel in the medical papers, the Lancet and British Medical Journal. Both papers attacked the Coroner. Fierce letters appeared in the press from Mr. Donald Shearer and Sir Victor Horsely, the latter in the Times. To this Mr. Troutbeck replied, that "so long as registrars are instructed to register deaths due to operation as natural so long will those deaths remain without enquiry. The objection to publicity is significant; why should it exist? Is it because some operations would never be undertaken at all if there was a possibility of the surgeon having to publicly explain why he operated ad why his patient died?" "The power of dealing with other people's lives by means of surgical operations should not be allowed to continue uncontrolled, and without some provision being made in the interests of the public. The people have a right to know the full cause of death in those cases where their relations have had the misfortune to die after an operation." Very proper and correct words are these one would think; but the British Medical Journal, in reporting them, added the following:—"A man exercising judicial functions who allows himself to speak in this Price 1d., or 8d. per dozen (postage extra). . SYPHILITIC . VACCINATION. By J. H. LEVY. LONDON: The Personal Rights Association, 11, Abbeville Road, S.W.52 THE INDIVIDUALIST, JULY-AUGUST, 1909. way would seem to any man of common sense unfit for the position he holds. But 'the law allows it.' . . ." The Journal continued: "Another point affecting the public interest is, that no surgeon will perform an operation which may offer the sufferer the only chance of life if failure makes him liable to have judgment passed on his skill by an absolutely incompetent tribunal." " The thing has become a scandal, and we must once more call the attention of the Lord Chancellor to the manner in which a petty official exceeds his province and abuses his position to insult and paralyse the efforts of a profession which exists for the public good, and whose self-sacrificing labours have already done so much to prolong life and relieve suffering." Now, sir, I would ask your readers to recall a certain hospital scandal of some fifteen years ago, when Dr. Louis Parkes, Medical Officer of Health for Chelsea, found that, in certain maladies, operations were carried on with a mortality of 85 per cent. His investigations were followed by an enquiry; and I rejoice to say that the hospital was put on a better footing, and this sad state of things ceased. What did the medical press say? Did it praise Dr. Louis Parkes for his vigilance? Not so. The British Medical Journal was most unsympathetic, rebuking the suggestion that inquests should be held when death follows operation, and stigmatizing it as "ridiculous," while the Medical Times wrote as follows: -- "What right have Medical Officers of Health to interfere with the work of hospitals? If Dr. Parkes' lead is to be followed throughout the metropolis, hospital work on its present lines will become very difficult. Who would dare to perform and exploratory operation on a man or woman if, after the patient dies, the Medical Officer of Health is to be allowed to turn his bull's-eye lamp on the proceeding? If Medical Officers become inquisitive, it seems not improbable that medical staffs may think it necessary to suppress all reference to operations when filling in the death certificates." A curious fact is that the Medical Times, which existed in 1846, was the one member of the press which roundly abused Thomas Wakley, founder of the Lancet, and Coroner of West Middlesex, when, by means of an inquest, he laid bare to the public eyes the horrors of the flogging system in the Army, thereby giving it a blow from which it never recovered. The Medical Times had no sympathy with him, and said he was simply actuated by electioneering purposes. So history repeats itself. My story, however, is not quite ended. Shortly after the inquest of June, 1908, Sir Victor Horsley and other members of the British Medical Association decided to make a regular attack on the rights and duties of the Coroner, as laid down by Mr. Coroner Troutbeck, and arranged to appeal to the Lord Chancellor to curtail the power of holding inquests. Exactly as Thomas Wakley, when he insisted on these rights and duties, was abused by a certain caste of the medical world as guilty of a "deliberate insult to the profession," so do the present day descendants of that caste regard it as an insult that operators should be liable to have their wisdom questioned in cases virtually of life and death. This appeal to the Lord Chancellor is, however, in abeyance for the moment, owing to the House Office having appointed a Departmental Committee to enquire into the law regarding coroners. If this Committee's report and the action of the Home Office do not meet the views of the aggrieved section of the medical profession, then the appeal will be proceeded with. The question will resolve itself into this: Is the safety of patients to be put second to the amour propre of a section of the community; or are the Coroners to continue to possess those rights and duties won for society at large, in the teeth of opposition, by Thomas Wakley when Coroner for West Middlesex just seventy years ago? Your obedient servant, A. Goff. THE PERSONAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION. FOUNDED 14th MARCH 1871. OFFICES: 11, ABBEVILLE ROAD, LONDON, S. W. What the Personal Rights Association is, and why you should join it. 1.—BECAUSE it has, throughout its existence of over thirty-seven years, consistently maintained the principle of the equality of all citizens before the law, without regard to wealth, birth, sex, culture, race, religious belief, or any other circumstances whatever save the responsibilities which are implied in respect for the rights of others. 2.—BECAUSE it would maintain Government just so far as, but no farther than, is necessary for the maintenance of the largest freedom; and in applying this, would have equal regard to the liberty of all citizens. 3.—BECAUSE, therefore, it is equally opposed to the tyranny of the Few over the Many and the tyranny of the Many over the Few—to the use of all the force in our intercourse with our fellows, men and women, save that minimum which is required in order to maintain freedom at the maximum. 4.—BECAUSE it disregards the empty catchwords of party, and desires to unite justice-loving women and men in opposition to encroachments on domain of individual rights, from whatever quarter these encroachments may come. SUBSCRIPTIONS and DONATIONS are earnestly requested, and should be made payable to the Treasurer, Cheques and Postal Orders should be crossed "Parr's Bank (Charing Cross Branch), a/c of Personal Rights Association. N. B.—"THE INDIVIDUALIST," the organ of the Association, may be obtained at the offices of the Association, Price 2d. per single copy, or 1s. od. per annum, posted to any address within the Postal Union. It is sent free to all Members of the Association. LONDON.—Printed and Published by the PERSONAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION, 11, Abbeville Road, S. W. All communications for the Editor should be sent to the Editor of "THE INDIVIDUALIST," 11, Abbeville Road, S. W. —July-August, 1909. Wholesale and retail agents for the sale of the INDIVIDUALIST, Messrs. P. S. Kind and Son, Orchard House, 2 & 4, Great Smith Street, Westminster, S. W. SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE Female Medical College OF PENNSYLVANIA 1866-67SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE FEMALE MEDICAL COLLEGE OF PENNSYLVANIA, North College Avenue and 22nd St., PHILADELPHIA FOR THE SESSION OF 1866-67. PHILADELPHIA: JAS. B. RODGERS, PRINTER, 52 AND 54 NORTH SIXTH STREET. 1866. CORPORATORS. President, T. MORRIS PEROT. Secretary and Treasurer, REDWOOD F. WARNER, 718 Chestnut St., ISAAC BARTON, THOMAS BRAINERD, D.D., CHARLES D. CLEVELAND, MORRIS L. HALLOWELL, MARMADUKE MOORE, JAMES MOTT, JOSEPH JEANES, WILLIAM J. MULLEN, WILLIAM S. PIERCE, Esq. THOMAS L. KANE, Esq. DILLWYN PARRISH. FACULTY. ANN PRESTON, M.D., Professor of Physiology and Hygiene. ____________ ______________ Professor of the Principles and Practice of Medicine.* EMELINE H. CLEVELAND, M.D., Professor of Obstetrics and Diseases of Women and Children. REYNELL COATES, M.D., Professor of the Principles and Practice of Surgery. MARK G. KERR, M.D., Professor of Materia Medica and General Therapeutics. MARY J. SCARLETT, M.D., Professor of Anatomy and Histology. RACHEL L. BODLEY, M.L.A., Professor of Chemistry and Toxicology. N. M. LEAVELL, M.D., Demonstrator of Anatomy. H. RYLAND WARRINER, ESQ., Lecturer on Medical Jurisprudence. A. PRESTON, M.D., Dean, E. H. CLEVELAND, M.D., Secretary, 148 N. Eleventh Street. Woman's Hospital. * This chair, now vacated, will be filled before the opening of next session.STUDENTS. - TERM OF 1865-6. NAMES. RESIDENCE. Lucy M. Arnold........................Michigan. Mary A. Bassett.......................New York. Eliza J. Chapin..........................New York. Mary Conyngham..................Pennsylvania. Rebecca J. Cole........................Pennsylvania. Rachel A. Dickey......................Pennsylvania. Emma C. Ewing........................Maryland. Mary E. Fonerden....................Maryland. Sarah E. Furnas.........................Ohio. Ruth A. French..........................Pennsylvania. Mary Hoover..............................Indiana. Delila S. Irish..............................Wisconsin. Jennie M. Kirkpastrick.............Illinois. *Mary E. Mann...........................Pennsylvania. Emeline Moses..........................Connecticut. Mary B. Moody..........................New York. Euthanasia S. Mead.................California. Hattie E. Preston.......................New York. Etta Payne....................................Massachusetts. Frances A. Rutherford.............New York. *Sarah T. Rogers........................Pennsylvania. *E. H. Stroud...............................Pennsylvania. Lettie A. Smith...........................Pennsylvania. Esther Smith...............................Pennsylvania. Nancy C. Smith..........................Pennsylvania. Anne M. Smith...........................Pennsylvania. Lizzie A. Sanders.......................Pennsylvania. Ella T. Stevens............................New York. Sarah Taylor................................New Jersey. Harriet A. Wylie.........................Wisconsin. Charlotte T. Woodruff.............New York. Elizabeth C. Warrington..........New Jersey. * Taking a partial course. ANNOUNCEMENT. THE Seventeenth Annual Session of the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania, will open on Monday, the Fifteenth of October, 1866, and continue five months. In issuing this announcement, the Corporators and Faculty deem it proper to give a brief history of the progress of the College and the cause it represents. The Charter of Incorporation of the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania, was granted by the Legislature of the State, March 11th, 1850. The idea, at the time, was a novel one. One courageous woman had but recently received a diploma from the Medical College, of Geneva, New York, and this innovation upon time-honored usage, discussed throughout the country, was received by many thoughtful persons as the initiation of an extensive social movement. Nearly two months after the incorporation of this College, a "Female Medical Education Society," which had been previously formed in Boston, received a Charter from the Legislature of Massachusetts, for the purpose of providing for the education of "Midwives, Nurses, and Female Physicians."* Our College, the first in the world regularly organized * The New England "Female Medical Education Society," commenced its school with two Professors, but in 1852, it increased the number, and in 1856, it received a full College Charter, under the title of the New England Female Medical College. 6 for the instruction of women in the various departments of learning taught in the best medical schools, opened its first session October 12th, 1850, with a Faculty of six Professors - regular practitioners, and graduates of regular schools. During the early years of its existence, the College struggled with many difficulties. The opposition of medical men, the unavoidable imperfections of a new organization, the lack of pecuniary means, and the necessity of long years of toil caused some of the early friends of the Institution, who had not counted the cost, to grow weary in the labor. Changes occurred in the Faculty, and the College sustained an irreparable loss in the death of one of the most capable and devoted of its Professors, Dr. David J. Johnson. The harmony of the movement was early interrupted; and an institution called the Penn Medical College of Philadelphia, at which both men and women attended, sprang up and continued its sessions a number of years.* But amid all difficulties, sustained by the profound conviction that the cause is right and must succeed - that the study and practice of medicine are adapted to woman's nature, that the profession and the world need her, and that her entrance into this fitting and enlarged sphere of virtuous activity, is the harbinger of increased happiness and health for her and for the race, the Corporators and Faculty have patiently continued their work. The session which has just closed, has been attended by a larger class of regular students than any former one, and the Seventeenth Annual Announcement is issued under circumstances more hopeful and encouraging than have before existed. * The Penn Medical College was discontinued in 1864. 7 In giving this brief history, we would not conceal the fact that it has been impossible in this early stage of the movement to secure to ladies all the educational advantages which are accessible to men. But many obstacles have already been removed, and clinical facilities have increased from year to year. Notwithstanding many noble exceptions among medical men in this city, professional opposition, taking at last an organized form, has hitherto prevented the general hospitals and dispensaries of Philadelphia, from being available, to any considerable extent, to our students and graduates. Some of these, proceeding slowly and cautiously, but perseveringly, aided by personal friends among physicians, gradually qualified themselves for extended practice; and after the establishment of the New York Infirmary,* some of our students, from year to year, availed themselves of the advantages of that institution - entering it as resident students and medical assistants, or attending its clinics, as well as several large dispensaries and hospitals, which, in that city, had been opened to their visits. But the demands of the cause in this city, induced the founding of the Woman's Hospital of Philadelphia. This institution, organized in connection with the College, and supported by the generous contributions of a few devoted friends of the cause and of humanity, went into operation October, 1861; the resident physician being a graduate of this School, who, to her available clinical advantages at home, had added the experience of a year's residence in La Maternite, Paris. * The New York Infirmary for Women and Children, under the supervision of Doctors Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell, was organized as a Dispensary in 1854. Three years later the in-door department was opened. The distinguished and lamented Dr. Valentine Mott was one of the consulting physicians. 8 The Woman's Hospital of Philadelphia, with more than two thousand patients treated annually in its several departments, gives invaluable advantages in practical medicine to the Students of this College. Two or three of these reside in it during each year: its Dispensary is open to all the members of the class, and quite a number of them have boarded in the Hospital during the college sessions. The New England Hospital for Women and Children,* in Boston, has also added to the advantages of our students and graduates, several of whom, in the capacity of medical assistants, have resided in it during the past two years. The New York College of Pharmacy has also admitted our students to all its privileges. In referring to the condition of the cause, we frankly admit that women as well as men have assumed the office of physician, who have not been qualified either by nature or education for its duties. It is only an occasional woman, as it surely is an exceptional man, who is especially appointed by nature for the vocation of medicine. The aim of this College, however, is to elevate, not lower, the standard of medical education and of the profession. The effort is, not to send out many graduates, but to render those who go forth, well qualified to sustain themselves and the cause, and the Faculty have found it necessary to increase the stringency of their regulations, and to exact a fuller preparation from candidates for graduation. Seventy-one students have received the diploma of the Institution since its inception, and about four times that number have matriculated and attended its lectures. * The New England Hospital for Women and Children was organized in 1862. Its resident physician is Dr. Lucy E. Sewall: Dr. Marie E. Zakrzewska and Dr. Horatio R. Storer, are respectively, the attending physician and surgeon. 9 Three of the chairs of the College are filled by its graduates; and many more now occupy honored and profitable positions in their respective localities, as successful practitioners of medicine. The general testimony of these is that the best physicians meet them freely and kindly in consultation, and that they find abounding interest and enjoyment in their professional labors. Instead of the strain and unrest of a false position, they realize the deep satisfaction of a congenial and ennobling occupation. Quite a large percentage have been the daughters, sisters, or wives pf physicians, and this have not only possessed facilities for study, but have been able to commence practice at home, receiving aid from those interested in their welfare, and giving it in return. A few have made their practice largely a consulting or office practice. Still others in their professional capacity have entered seminaries of learning, hospitals, or other establishments, where they receive good remuneration: and the demand there is for the services of medical women as teachers and lecturers upon sanitary subjects, evinces that the possession of a sound medical education is already appreciated in the community as an instrument of power and a means of extended usefulness, Indeed, the whole evidence shows that, if to thorough medical knowledge, a woman unites high moral qualities and practical good sense, and success is already assured. A portion of our graduates, who have not attempted to become practitioners, bear witness, that amid household duties, surrounded by those they love, they regard the time and labor given to medical studies, as among the best investments of their lives. A few ladies of superior culture, not attempting to go 10 through the regular course of medical study, have, from time to time, attended the lectures on one or ore of the branches taught in this College, as a part of their general education, and a means of fitting themselves more fully for domestic and social usefulness; and in the widening field of activity and duty opening to American women, we believe that an increasing number will avail themselves of such opportunities for acquiring a knowledge alike interesting, important, and practically available. While the work has been developing in our own country, the needs of society have been forcing it into notice across the waters. In London, the public papers inform us that "Miss Garrett has lately been admitted to practice as a druggist.* She went through the usual course, five years' apprenticeship, a preliminary examination in Arts, and two professional examinations, each comprising five subjects. It is said of Miss Garrett that her examination was particularly brilliant, and that the Chairman of the Apothecaries complimented her upon her attainments, expressing a wish that all men were as well prepared." The Ladies' Sanitary Association of England has for years been scattering its penny tracts broad-cast over the kingdom, instituting lectures upon hygiene subjects, and sending capable women into the dwellings of the poor, to teach them how to cook, ventilate and make homes healthful and attractive. Following upon the extensive labors of this association, we find that a "Ladies ' Medical College" was opened in London, Oct. 3d, 1864, under the auspices of a Female Medical Society, which had been formed previously for the avowed object of "promoting the proper education and employment of superior women in the practice of Midwifery, and the diseases of women and children." The * Apothecaries in England are licensed to practice medicine. 11 College commenced with two lecturers - one on midwifery and the diseases of women, the other on general medical science. That this is the blade before the ear, - the initiation of a movement which in its development will secure to English women a full education in all the mutually dependent and related branches of medicine, we cannot doubt. In France, where Madame Boivin and Madame Lachapelle so ably illustrated some branches of the science, that they have been quoted as authorities by the profession ever since, the education of women for certain departments of practice has long been a governmental arrangement; and more than one student of our College has entered that great Hospital in Paris, where young women from the different departments of France, under the supervision of Madame Alliot, a successor of Madame Lachapelle, are trained for the practice of midwifery in their respective localities. By a letter from Paris we are informed that "a French women, having passed the Baccalaureate, has recently requested permission to study medicine as a whole, in France. This, the faculty at Montpelier refused. She then sent her request to the Ministre de l'Interieur at Paris. He accedes, but on the condition that she will only practice in Algeria, whence she comes." The tidal waves of this movement, rolling eastward, have also reached Russia. Within a few months a medical officer in the Russian service, visited the New York Infirmary for Women and Children, to obtain information in reference to the medical education of women in America. He had been requested by the Emperor to institute the inquiry in consequence of the application of a dozen or more respectable Russian ladies for admission into the Medical College at St. Petersburg. Through another channel we learn "that at this present 12 moment there are two Russian ladies regularly admitted at the Medical University in Zurich, Switzerland- one of the best Universities in Europe." Thus we perceive that this movement is almost co-extensive with civilization. It has evidently occurred in the ripeness of time as a result of the growth of society: it is clearly a necessity of the age, that cannot be stopped or put aside. What modifications it may yet induce in the state of medical practice, we cannot tell. But, as in all social movements where man and women co-operate, the general standard has been refined, ennobled and enlarged, so we fully believe that the science and art of medicine will be made more complete and beneficent through the insight and knowledge of woman. REGULATIONS FOR GRADUATION. The candidate must be not less than twenty-one years of age, and must possess respectable literary attainments. She must have been engaged in the study of Medicine three years, one of which must have been passed in some hospital, or two of which must have been spent under the supervision of some respectable practitioner of Medicine. She must have attended two courses of lectures on each of the following subjects: Chemistry and Toxicology, Anatomy and Histology, Materia Medica and General Therapeutics, Physiology and Hygiene, Principles and Practice of Medicine, Principles and Practice of Surgery, Obstetrics and Diseases of Women and Children, and must also have taken two courses of instruction in Practical Anatomy. The two courses of Lectures must have been attended in different years, and one at least in this College. The application for the degree must be made six weeks before the close of the session. 13 The candidate at the time of application must exhibit to the Dean evidence of having complied with the above requisitions. She must also present the graduation fee and a thesis on some medical subject of her own composition and penmanship. In addition to the above requirements, the Faculty claim the right to refuse examination to a candidate on the ground of what they deem to be moral or mental unfitness for the profession. TERMS. THE FEES ARE AS FOLLOWS. First Year. Second Year. Professors' Tickets, each $12 00...............$84 00 $84 00 Practical Anatomy.......................................... 5 00 5 00 Graduation Fee............................................... 30 00 No fees for lectures after the Second Session. Whole cost for two or more course of Lectures and Graduation.......................................................................... $208 00 For the encouragement of capable and well-educated women whose means will not allow of the usual expenditure, six students will be admitted annually, on the payment of twenty dollars for the session - exclusive of the demonstrator's and graduation fees. Such arrangements will be strictly confidential, and no distinction in point of courtesy and attention will be made between the beneficiary and other students. Ladies wishing to be received on this basis, must forward to the Dean, at least thirty days before the opening of the Session, applications in their own hand-writing, accompanied by satisfactory testimonials as to character, age, qualifications, and want of means. The applicant must be not less than twenty, nor more than thirty-five years of age. The successful candidate will be duly notified. 14 Board can be obtained either at the Hospital, or in some other place convenient to the College. Communications should be addressed to MRS. E. H. CLEVELAND, M. D., Woman's Hospital, North College Avenue, Philadelphia. COMMENCEMENT. The Fourteenth Annual Commencement was held at the College on Saturday, March 17th, 1866, when the Degree of Doctor of Medicine was conferred by the President, T. Morris Perot, Esq., upon the following named ladies;— NAME. STATE. SUBJECT OF THESIS. Eliza J. Chapin, New York, Chloroform. Elizabeth C. Warrington, New Jersey, Hemorrhoids. Harriet A. Wylie, Wisconsin, The Human Face. Charlotte T. Woodruff, New York, Tuberculosis. The VALEDICTORY ADDRESS was delivered by MARK G. KERR, M.D., Professor of MATERIA MEDICA and GENERAL THERAPEUTICS. TEXT BOOKS. The following Text Books are recommended by the Faculty: Practice of Medicine.—Watson's Lectures, Wood's Practice, Williams' Principles of Medicine. Chemistry.—Fowne, Booth, Silliman. Physiology.—Carpenter, Dalton, Draper, Todd and Bowman. Anatomy.—Sharpey & Quain, Grey, Leidy. Obstetrics.—Cazeaux, Bedford, Smith, Meigs, Hodge. Surgery.—Miller's Principles and Practice, Smith's Surgery. Materia Medica and Therapeutics.—United states Dispensatory, Pereira's, or Dunglison's Materia Medica. CATALOGUE OF THE GRADUATES OF THE FEMALE MEDICAL COLLEGE, of Pennsylvania. NAME. RESIDENCE, SUBJECT OF THESIS. Charlotte G. Adams, Massachusetts, Lactation. Anna N.S. Anderson, Pennsylvania, General Physiology. Harriet Adams, New York, Digestion. Lucy M. Abbott, Maine, Pregnancy. Julia A. Beverly, Rhode Island, Ferrum. Elizabeth H. Bates, New York, Best means of preserving Health. Lucinda R. Brown, Texas, Digestion. Elizabeth P. Baugh, Pennsylvania, Phthisis Pulmonalis. C. Annette Buckel, New York, Insanity. * Mary M. Bailey, Pennsylvania, The Blood—cause of its circulation. Hannah W. Brinton, Pennsylvania Rheumatism. Emeline Horton Cleveland, New York, Carbon. Elizabeth Collins, Pennsylvania, Oxygen. Frances Amelia Cook, California, Phthisis Pulmonalis. Eliza J. Chapin, New York, Chloroform. Frances V. Davies, New York, Pneumonia. Elizabeth Dyson, Wisconsin, Uterine Hemorrhage. Susanna H. Ellis, Pennsylvania, Influence of the Nervous System on Respiration. *Hannah W. Ellis, Pennsylvania, Parturition. Minna Elliger, Pennsylvania, History of Chemistry. Almira L. Fowler, New York, Relations of Body and Mind. Rebecca L. Fussell, Pennsylvania, Anesthetics. Ruth A. Gerry, Michigan, Malaria. Angenette A. Hunt, New York, The True Physicians. * Debbie A. Hughes, Pennsylvania, Carcinoma. Susanna Hayhurst, Pennsylvania, Poisons. Henriettta W. Johnson, New York, Functions of the Skin. Marie W. Jones, Pennsylvania, Sleep. Sarah E. Kleckner, Pennsylvania, Apoplexy. *Decreased.16 Hannah E. Longshore, Pennsylvania, Neuralgia. Anna M. Longshore, Pennsylvania, Electricity. N. M. Leavell, Ohio, Typhoid Fever. Frances G. Mitchell, England, Chlorosis. Maria Minnis, New York, Medical Jurisprudence. Augusta R. Montgomery, New York, Medical Education of Women. Orie R. Moon, Virginia, Mutual relation between Cardiac and Pulmonary Disease. Elizabeth S. Mellen, Pennsylvania, Eutrophics. Sarah J. McCarn, New York, Infancy. Jerusha M. McCray, Indiana, Nervous System. Samantha S. Nivison, New York, The Physician, Nature's Priest and Interpreter. Ann Preston, Pennsylvania, Medical Diagnosis. Lucy M. Petersilia, North Carolina, Asphyxia. Susan Parry, Pennsylvania, Uterine Displacements. Jane Payne, Ohio, Women as Physicians. Sarah E. Paul, New Jersey, Treatment of Infants. Eliza F. Pettingill, Pennsylvania, The Ovaries. Mary C. Putnam, New York, Theorae ad Lienis Officium. Margaret Richardson, Pennsylvania, Phthisis Pulmonalis. Laura J. Ross, Maine, Phthisis Pulmonalis. Mary J. Reynolds, Wisconsin, Duties and Responsibilities of the Physician. Aurelia F. D. Raymond, Massachusetts, The Human Brain * Martha A. Sawin, Massachusetts, Anaemia. * Elizabeth G. Shattuck, Pennsylvania, Iodine. Mary E. Smith, New York, Insanity. Jane L. Starr, New York, Scarlatina. Mary J. Scarlett, Pennsylvania, Duties of the Physician. M. Almira Stratton, Pennsylvania, Hydrogen. Rachel T. Speakman, Pennsylvania, Physiology. Dora A. Sweezey, Michigan, Ulceration of Cervix Uteri. * Eliza L. S. Thomas, Ohio, Propriety of Anaesthetics in Surgical Operations. Amelia Tompkins, New York, MErcury. Anita E. Tyng, Massachusetts, Ulceration and Ulcers. Catherine J. Underwood, New York, Water. Emily A. Varney, Vermont, Secretory Glands. Phebe M. Way, Pennsylvania, Wounds. Phila O. Wilmarth, Massachusetts, Inflammation. Phebe Wilson, Pennsylvania, Parturition. Elizabeth C. Warrington, New Jersey, Hemorrhoids. Charlotte T. Woodruff, New York, Tuberculosis. Harriet A. Wylie, Wisconsin, The Human Face. * Deceased/This has to be returned to Miss R. 1888 A Short Account of what has been done in other places for the Protection of Women and Children Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press. 1888.A Short Account of what has been done in other places for the Protection of Women and Children. SHANGHAI: AMERICAN PRESBYTERIAN MISSION PRESS. 1888. DEDICATION. TheSe few pages are dedicated very respectfully to the Ratepayers of Shanghai; with the hope that they may not shrink from the necessary trouble to remove all official encouragement of vice, nor even to go one step further, and try if it not be possible, by Municipal Regulation, to protect the little children of the very poor.A Short Account of what has been done in other places for the Protection of Women and Children. IT is rather hard for people who have lived long abroad to realise how great has been the growth of the Social Purity movement in England. The young men, members of the White Cross Army, are to be counted by thousands there now, and already a similar Society has been formed in America under the encouraging sanction of over forty American Bishops. As good so often comes out of evil, all this movement may be said to have taken its rise from the laws passed in England in '66 and '69 about women, and the opposition immediately roused against them. People often say these laws must have been passed with a good intention, but what concerns us about a law is not what was its intention, but what is its nature. These laws were modelled on a police system introduced into France when the first Napoleon, ever crying for men, more men to effect his conquests, found himself constantly impeded by the number of his soldiers invalided by sicknesses consequent upon vice. Two French doctors of bad repute then devised the system adopted in France, and afterwards copied with various alterations by the different nations of Europe. It had been for a long time intended to introduce something of the kind into England, and curiously enough the earliest writings extant of the great Pitt are two essays written when he was a schoolboy of about fifteen, commenting on 2 PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. this very strange scheme for dealing with women of vicious life to be copied from France. When the Queen ascended the throne, it was immediately pronounced impossible to lay such a matter before a young and unmarried women and, even as the years passed, probably no other Prime Minister than Mr. Gladstone could ever have submitted such a law to a woman for her signature. It is always difficult to know what the Queen thinks about any matter connected with politics, but one of her most intimate friends, a lady about the Court, when I called upon her about raising the age of protection of young girls, said immediately, "I shall always remember how unhappy the Queen was about those laws poor dear Dr. Guthrie was so unhappy about." Princess Alice of Hesse took a very decided part against them, the Crown Princess of Germany has also expressed her disapproval of them. The Empress of Germany even went do far as to send her own Court Chaplain to the first great international congress held against them at Geneva, with the message that though she could not herself be there, her heart was at the meeting. The laws had hardly been passed before a few men, who knew what they were, met together to consider what could be done. Among these in especial should be named Dr. Bell Taylor, a distinguished oculist, who having pursued his medical studies in Paris was well aware what the system enforced there really was. In the first instance these men did just what any one would probably think wisest. They wrote letters marked private to all the Bishops, and in all to about one hundred of the men who from their position or repute seemed best fitted to deal with a question of public morals. They received warm expressions of sympathy PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 8 in return. "May God help you in the noble work you have undertaken!" "Go forward and prosper!" and the like, but one and all the writers excused themselves from actively assisting in the work, one because he had a wife, the other a daughter, who if he took part in the movement must hear of it, and whom the writer could not bear to expose to so much pain, etc. Under the circumstances it was Dr. Bell Taylor, I think, who said: "We must apply to the women themselves, then. If no woman will come forward and help us, we can do nothing, for each man shields himself behind a woman." The first woman written to thought some dreadful insult was intended to her that any man should write to her about such a matter, and tearing the letter without reading it, threw it into her waste paper basket. But some of the opening expressions recurring to her mind as mist unlike those a man would use to a woman in insulting her, she took out the pieces of the letter, and seeing it referred to one particular law sent to Hansard for a copy, and having got it at once showed it in horror to her husband, a member of Parliament. Thus by degrees men and women were roused to consider the laws that had been recently passed, and, so doing, to consider the whole matter of Social Purity. The Ladies' National Association was very soon formed; the National Society of men and women, and in very early days also a Society of Medical Men, who bore the brunt of the most repugnant part of the question, and brought out a very valuable Journal, monthly, dealing with Statistics and the Medical side of the question. This Society very soon numbered 1,500 medical men, many of them eminent in their 4 PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. profession, with claims already upon every moment of their time, many of them struggling professional me with small incomes. They were none of them paid for their work, but they kept their Society going as long as there was any need for it, some of them always ready to leave their practices and travel even long distances to address meetings upon the medical fallacy underlying the system, and to uphold the principle of their Association that the Law of Purity is equally binding upon men and women. Very soon those who had banded themselves into fresh associations to advance purity of life, into Vigilance Societies and the like. Here it may be as well to note that Mr. Herbert Spencer, the highest authority in England concerning the laws that regulate society, was Vice-President of the National Society for the repeal of the laws of '66 and '69, and some of the finest passages in his popular work, "The Study of Sociology," were written to show how these new laws were a mistake on sociological grounds. John Stuart Mill, than whom no greater authority has yet arisen on Political Economy, gave evidence against them before a Royal Commission, showing how by all laws of Political Economy they must increase the number of women making a livelihood by vice. Prof. Huxley, by many reputed the greatest Physiologist of the day, gave evidence against them as physiologically a mistake. Mr. Shaw Lefevre, President of the Statistical Society, in his inaugural address on the use and abuse of Statistics, named as one of the grossest instances of the abuse of statistics with which he was acquainted, the way in which statistics had been handled to make out that these laws were a success as far as the health of soldiers and PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 5 sailors went! Statistics, properly handled, according to Mr. Shaw Lefevre, never having shewn anything of the kind. People who have no better argument to use, sometimes say it is sentiment that is opposed to these laws, and mention this, that, or the other doctor, or scientific man, who says they are useful. Therefore it is well to cite these names of foremost men as witnesses against them. Mr. Herbert Spencer, Professor, Huxley, and Mr. Shaw Lefevre are certainly not popularly believed to be too much influenced by sentiment, even if John Stuart Mill might be suspected of undue bias. As the agitation advanced it became obvious that there was another great wrong in England of older date, that little girls, the children of poor parents, were considered fit to dispose of their persons at the early age of 13, whilst the children of well-to-do parents had a certain amount of protection afforded them by law till a much later age. Also, that is a child were stolen away into a houses of infamy to be brought up to a life of degradation, no search-warrant could be issued by a magistrate to enable either father or mother to go in and save the child. This was very strikingly illustrated in the case of a London actress. She had good reason to believe her little girl had been decoyed into such a house. But no policeman, no magistrate, could entitle her to enter; she was reminded of the old saying, "An Englishman's house is his castle." We were always met with that saying in those days. In her grief and despair she stood before the house in the public street. A man passing by asked what was the matter. On hearing he said promptly he would recover her child for her. He was a solicitor's clerk and knew the state of the law. He went at once before a magistrate 6 PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. magistrate, and swore a false oath -I think God forgave him for it - that some shirts of his had been stolen, and he had good causes to believe they were in that house. A search warrant was granted at once. No shirts were found, but the child was. And the mother recovered her child as she alone could under the old state of the law - by that stranger's perjury. Very soon a separate society was formed for raising the age of protection of young girls, just as now people seem forming a separate society for that purpose here in Shanghai. But the parent Societies advocated the two-fold object as before, just as the White Shield Union does here, the protection by law of young girls, and the protection of elder women against the law putting additional barriers between them and a return to better things, as registration, compulsory medical examination, and the like. In England, women have never received official licenses for money. It seems strange now to remember the horror with which men in England spoke of any such thing. "You must not call it licensing vice what is done in England," they would say again and again, "it is regulation; now if you would only confine yourselves to opposing what is done in India, what is done in Hongkong. No! I have not a word to say in support of that, I quite go with you there. To license vice is abominable, but here in England we only regulate it." What is done in India is, that when a regiment is sent there, there is an official paper with many columns, one headed horses, one headed provender, one headed prostitutes, and this last is filled up by a doctor (not, I have understood, always the doctor of the regiment), in proportion to PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 7 the number of men in the regiment, and their reputation or not for want of chastity. Each time the regiment moves this column is filled up, and sometimes the doctor demands more women. These women, it will be remembered, are for British soldiers alone to sin with; the Indian regiments consist exclusively of married men, and their wives go with them. "What would you have us do," said an army surgeon once, "with our men brought up as you know they are, when we have to march through hill, districts in India where such a thing as an unchaste woman has never even been heard of?" If the hill districts in India have attained to such a standard it seems as if we might all work together till our soldiers, aye! and civilians, had attained a standard that would make such a state of things possible in England also. In Hongkong they have for some time past had married policemen of good character sent out from England. These men have been supplied with marked money, that, having paid women to sin with them, this marked money might be used as evidence against the women to force them on to the register of shame. Worse things than this are recorded in the Hongkong Blue Book. But in China, away from English public opinion, which always made any such thing impossible in England, quite good people seem to see nothing shocking in licensing a woman for a life of sin, nor even in selling that license to her, though no hygiene advantage derivable from the system can be even alleged here, as it was alleged in England; where at least, when women leading a life of sin were sick they had hospital accommodation offered them, so that they could both be cured, and whilst sick relieved from any necessity of daily sinning so as to find the wherewithal 8 PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. with which to provide themselves with board and lodging. In Shanghai, even were things otherwise as well ordered as we could hope, there would seem great need for such a Hospital attached to some Mission Home, where women who are sufferers as well as sinners, might be ministered to, and, if it were possible, provided with an honest means of earning a livelihood against their restoration to health. Men hardly realise how few women would persevere in a life of sin and shame were it not that having entered upon in all other ways of life are so hard, so very hard, if indeed in the majority of cases they may not be pronounced impossible. Here in China it is obvious that any attempt to help a poor girl to better things would be met at once by the fact that she is a slave - the property of some man or woman who bought her in order to make money out of her degradation. It is evident also no Mission Home could dare start such a Hospital, till the present licensing system be done away with, lest the Hospital should be used as an additional means of forcing wretched women to remain in the deplorable way of life into which they have fallen, instead of being a stepping stone to better things, as it has again and again been found in England, where the workers in the various movements before indicated have in several places started small voluntary Hospitals. It is remarkable that with all their outcry that it was out of regard for the national health that they supported the Acts of '66 and '69, it is not the supporters of those Acts, but their opponents, who have started their Hospitals, and paid for them, as it is probably the White Shield Union that will eventually found such a Hospital in Shanghai. PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 9 As the work advanced in England men became impatient, and then occurred what must ever be a great stumbling- block of offence to many, the so-called revelations in the Pall Mall Gazette, close upon which the Criminal Law Amendment Act was passed. Many people say Mr. Stead should not have written what he did, should not have circulated it, etc. They incline to the view that communications discreetly worded and marked private should have been addressed to the Bishops and others. They must remember, however, this had been done for years past without intermission. Some of us felt very weary of writing to the Bishops and others in communications discreetly worded and carefully marked private. One Bishop answered once, "I do not think what you say about India can be correct, for I have asked the Bishop of Calcutta, than whom there could not be a holier man, and he says he knows nothing about it." The Pall Mall Revelations certainly forced Bishops of Calcutta and others to know about many matters they had ignored before, And not long after the Criminal Law Amendment Act was passed - raising the age of Protection of Young girls from 13 to 16, giving the right of searching houses of infamy for lost children as for lost shirts, together with one or two other most valuable provisions - the laws of '66 and '69, which by God's blessing had been the means of drawing public attention tot he whole matter, were in their turn repealed by a large majority of the House of Commons. There were thanksgiving meetings, when each person present wore a bunch of white hot-house flowers, the kind offering of a rich lady, unable otherwise to work as she would in the cause, but giving gladly what she could give - 10 PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. her money. And it would astonish those who have been long out of England, probably to see what crowded meetings, and how heart, assembled together in England, not only in London but throughout the country. Meanwhile the societies have reformed themselves. They are concentrating all their energies upon India for the present. When that strong-hold is won, if the system has not been already done away with in our colonies, all the English workers will be free to help their fellow-workers there also. Already GBP1,000 have been raised to enable Mr. and Mrs. Dyer to come to India and China. Mr. Dyer, it may be remembered, is the publisher who in concert with Mr. Gillett, the banker, risked his life going over the Belgium to save English girls detained forcibly in houses of infamy there, into which they had been decoyed against their will, thus leading to the exposure of the Belgian Slave Traffic, which, alas! however, still continues checked but not destroyed. Something of the king must of necessity continue as long as the Belgian government licenses houses of infamy, thus making unwilling girls valuable articles of merchandise to anyone who can succeed in delivering them within the barred and guarded portals of those houses protected by the State. Switzerland has done away with the Regulation system already in nearly all its cantons; Holland, which never would admit it into Amsterdam, has also abolished it in several of its towns. Every attempt to introduce anything of the kind into America has been defeated - but, alas! in America in 18 States and 5 Territories the age of consent is as low as ten. A child of ten is considered fit match for the wiles of the wickedest and lowest of men. PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 11 The great principle underlying all the opposition to the Regulation system is that no government is justified, because a woman has degraded herself, in forcing her into further degradation; nor, because a man is tempted of his own nature, is any government justified in "making provision for the flesh to fulfil the lusts thereof." But those who honestly believe the quantity of vice in the world to be absolutely invariable, and that it is absolutely impossible to raise or lower the average moral standard of men and women will always, after each fresh demonstration of failure, be again and again tempted to try some new adaptation of the old licensing system. It is clearly evident that in each country some change must be made; for in Copenhagen, for instance, according to the official reports, whilst the increase of population during the last ten years has been at the rate of 38.1 per cent, illnesses consequent upon vice have increased 64.1 per cent, and the gravest form of sickness consequent upon vice has increased at the enormous rate of 172.3 per cent. Again, in India, according to government Statistics, the average increase of sickness consequent vice in the British army during the ten years from 1875-'85 is 58 per cent, and at the cantonment of Wellington in the Neilgherry Hills, where the Regulation System has been carried out with military severity during the whole time, the increase has actually reached the figure of 330 per cent. But it requires careful study to see why the additional impetus given to vice by the best administered Regulation System always must outstrip the remedial measures applied by it - not in Shanghai, but - in places where there are expensive Hospitals, etc. That is for those who have not realised the 12 PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. unity of law, that the laws of Hygiene can never be even in the least tittle opposed to the laws of morals; that the laws of Political Economy are in full accord with the laws of Justice and Decency. Those who believe most earnestly that God created all the world, men and women and all things, do not always realise that this entails the absolute harmony of all science, the absolute accord of all law. If we believe this, and believe also that the amount of vice in the world is variable, and may be God's blessing - man helping manfully - be diminished; also, alas! only too easily augmented, we ought resolutely to combat vice, trying always to drive it back here, and there, and wherever it breaks out; remembering that what was vice, if restrained within its proper channels, becomes God-given impulse, and looking upon vice always as a torrent, which if it be but allowed in any direction to overflow its banks almost at once overflows the whole country, as we know has been the case with some nations whose places know them no more. Nation after nation has decayed through its vices. If we have any love for our country, any wish to set an example of a higher life to that foreign nation we live amongst, any humble hope to be deemed worthy to uphold the pure standard of Christianity, let us resolve to make henceforward no compromise with vice. Let us lavish all our charity, not upon sin, but upon the sinner, be the sinner man or woman, remembering always that ignoring the sin, condoning the sin, is no true charity, does but lead the man or woman already fallen to lower depths of sin and sorrow and suffeirng. If any man reading these pages think the condition of PROTECTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 13 things in Shanghai perfect as it is, he will do well to be angry with those who have asked for these few pages. But if there be yet something that required setting right, let us at least patiently bear with one another's earnest efforts, even where we may differ in opinion as to the wisest course to pursue. To those who think that the existing state of things is necessarily permanent, it may seem as improbably that a higher phase of universal morality may be reached, as to our ancestors two hundred years ago, who travelled in pack-horses in eight days from London to the North it would have appeared that we should travel the same distance in as many hours. Looking back on the inconceivable material and intellectual progress that the Western world has made during the last two centuries, a progress gradual and halting in its beginnings, but latterly advancing in geometrical ratio, I see no reason why in the progress of time, if not in the near future, a correspondingly higher moral plane should not be reached. And then may be our posterity will regard the practical ethics of the 19th century as the attributes of a race not yet thoroughly emerged from the barbarism of the dark ages. Once let our soldiers and sailors and our young men generally be convinced, not that vice is a necessity which Municipal Governments must make provision for, but that purity is a necessity, physical as well as moral, and the change will not be long in coming. Then although there will still be sin and sorrow, yet no young man need say as Byron did: "And thus untaught in youth my heart to tame, My springs of life were poisoned." appendix? The New York Infirmary FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 1868FELLOWSHIP OF THE WOMAN'S MEDICAL COLLEGE, NEW YORK INFIRMARY, No. 126 SECOND AVENUE. The following physicians have been elected Fellows of this College. They will form an advisory and corresponding body, visiting the College when convenient to them, giving information and advice to students, and co-operating with the Trustees and Faculty in the endeavor to form a scientific and progressive School of Medicine for women in New York: · Dr. ALIDA C. AVERY, · · · · · Vassar College. · " MARY E. BREED, · · · · · · Lynn, Mass. · " ANNETTE L. BUCKEL, · · · · Boston, " " ELIZA J. CHAPIN, · · · · · · New York. " E. H. CLEVELAND, · · · · · Philadelphia. " F. AMELIA COOK, · · · · · · San Francisco. " S. R. A. DOLLEY, · · · · · · Rochester, N. Y. " HELEN MORTON · · · · · · Boston. " ANN PRESTON, · · · · · · Philadelphia. " MARY C. PUTNAM, · · · · · New York. " MARY J. SCARLETT, · · · · Philadelphia " MARY H. THOMPSON, (Woman's Hospital,) Chicago. " A. E. TYNG, · · · · · · · · Providence, R. I. " HELEN WEBSTER, · · · · · New Bedford, Mass. " M. E. ZACKRZEWSKA, · · · · Boston. New York, 1868.1868 THE WOMAN'S MEDICAL COLLEGE OF THE NEW YORK INFIRMARY No. 126 SECOND AVENUE. FACULTY OF MEDICINE DR. GODFREY AIGNER. Professor of the Principles and Practice of Medicine. DR. ROBERT F. WEIR. Professor of the Principles and Practice of Surgery. DR. EMILY BLACKWELL. Professor of Obstetrics and Diseases of Women. DR. SAMUEL B. WARD. Professor of Anatomy. DR. G. H. WYNKOOP. Professor of Physiology DR. A B. BALL Professor of Materia Medica and Theraputics. PROF. ARTHUR MEAD EDWARDS. Professor of Theoretical and Practical Chemistry. DR. ELIZABETH BLACKWELL. Professor of Hygeine. DR. ALBERT STRANG. Demonstrator. DR. LUCY M. ABBOTT. Assistant to the Chair of Obstetrics, and Teacher of Clinical Midwifery.BOARD OF EXAMINERS: DR. WILLARD PARKER .........................................................................Surgery. DR.ISAAC TAYLOR ................................................................................. Obstetrics. DR. AUSTIN FLINT ..........................................Principles and Practice of Medicine. DR. STEPHEN SMITH .............................................................................Anatomy. DR. B.W. McCREADY ........................................................................... Materia Medica. DR. A.L. LOOMIS................................................................................... Physiology. DR. SAMUEL ST. JOHN........................................................................ Chemistry. DR. C.R.AGNEW...................................................................................... Hygiene. Occasional Lectures on important specialities will be delivered by the following gentlemen: DR.AUSTIN FLINT , DR. A L. LOOMIS, DR.JAMES R. LEAMING, DR. HENRY D. NOYES, DR.GOUVERNEUR M. SMITH, DR. HELEN MORTON, DR. M.E. ZAKRZEWSKA. THE SESSION OF 1868.9 Will open November 2d, 1868, and continue Five Months. The plan of instruction adopted in this Institution is progressive in character, requiring attendance at College during three sessions. Students in their first year will be occupied chiefly with fundamental branches; working in the Anatomical Rooms, the Laboratory, and the Pharmacy; they will receive an outline of the other branches. In their second year they will continue the same branches , in their higher departments, and receive full instructions in Medicine, Surgery, Obstetrics. In their third year the instruction in these three subjects will continues, and they will enter into Practical Medical Work, under the supervision of their Professors, and will review the fundamental branches. Hygiene will be continued through the three years, and will be taught practically as well as theoretically. Examinations will be held at the close of each term, on the subject therein taught ; and a general examination will take place at the end of the third year. It will be the aim of the College to make its students accurate observers, careful Practitioners, and thorough Hygienists. The liberal sentiment of New York has opened to women the great City Hospitals and Dispensaries, with their admirable Clinical Lectures. Among these may be mentioned Bellevue Hospital, which receives annually from ten to twelve thousand patients, over five hundred being obstetrical cases; the Charity Hospital, which contains usually about one thousand patients, the large proportion being affected with chronic diseases ; the Fever and Small- Pox Hospitals ; the Hospital for Epileptics and Paralytics ; the Nursery Hospital ; the Insane Asylum ; the New York Eye and Ear Infirmary ; and the Demilt and other city Dispensaries THE NEW YORK INFIRMARY, also, with its long-established practice, will place annually between six and seven thousand patients under the constant observation and care of its students, thus affording unequaled opportunities for Practical Medical Study. FEES FOR THE WINTER COURSE. Full Course of Lectures ( each ticket $15) ........................... $105 00 Matriculation Ticket .................................................................... 5 00 Demonstrator's Fee...................................................................... 10 00 Graduation Fee ......................................................... $30 00 College fees must be paid in advance. For intelligent students, whose means are very small, every effort will be made to render the expense as light as possible. Communications from such students to the Secretary of the Faculty will be considered confidential, and meet with kind consideration. Board may be obtained from $3.50 a week upward. TEXT BOOKS. The following text books are recommended to students: PRACTICE OF MEDICINE ............................................ FLINT. SURGERY......ERICHESEN'S SURGERY AND PAGET'S SURGICAL PATHOLOGY. OBSTETRICS................................................................ CAZEAUX. ANATOMY...........GRAY'S ANATOMY AND HOLDEN'S DISSECTION. PHYSIOLOGY...................................................................DALTON. MATERIA MEDICA......................................................... BIDDLE. CHEMISTRY....................................................................FOWNE. Every student, upon matriculating, will be required to deposit with the Secretary a certificate of good moral character, from a physician of good standing, clergyman, or other responsible person. A full term of lectures at any regular Medical School will be accepted as one of the sessions of this College. For further particulars, apply to DR. EMILY BLACKWELL, Secretary of the Faculty, No. 126 Second avenue, New York.THE NEW YORK INFIRMARY FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 126 Second Avenue. THIS institution was organized in December, 1853, under the general Incorporation Act, for the following purposes:- I. To afford poor women the opportunity of consulting physicians of their own sex. II. To assist educated women in the practical study of medicine. III. To form a school for instruction in nursing and the laws of health. The medical service of the institution, which is conducted entirely by female physicians, is given in three ways:- 1. By a Free Dispensary. This is open every morning to all women and children who apply during the regular hours; they are furnished with advice and medicine without charge. This Dispensary is under the daily charge of the attendant physicians. 2. By visiting the sick at their own houses. This department is under the charge of the assistant physician and students, who report to the Attending Physician any case of serious disease. 1 2 THE NEW YORK INFIRMARY 3. By receiving patients into the house. The entire second floor of the house has been thrown into one large ward, with bath-room and nurses' bedroom attached to it. This ward hold comfortably fourteen beds, the greater part of which have always been given free to sick women and children, as far as the means of the establishment would allow. Patients have been received, not only from all parts of the city, but from adjoining States. In many cases they have sought relief here, after suffering for years without being willing to apply to any other charity. Since 1856, over 40,000 patients have been relieved by it. Thirty-one students have been received, who have resided usually from one to two years in the house, and nineteen nurses have been trained and established in the city. This institution is interesting as being the first medical charity established by female physicians, and as the first hospital organized for the instruction of women in practical medicine. At the beginning of this new movement, Drs. Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell, and two or three of their immediate successors in the profession, were educated in the ordinary medical schools; but as applications from women became more numerous, these institutions, not being prepared to extend these exceptional admissions indefinitely, declined to continue to admit them. As a consequence, separate schools for women immediately sprang up; but these FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 3 beginning with small means and small classes, confined their teaching almost exclusively to simple courses of lectures, and gave no opportunity for practical observation and study, while all existing hospitals and dispensaries were rigidly closed to women both as physicians and students. Under these circumstances, Drs. Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell, supported by a few warm friends of this new effort, determined to found an institution in New York, which should supply what was then the most pressing need of female students. the opportunity to see and take part in actual practice. Other considerations also led to the giving to the new institution the form of a hospital rather than that of a college. It was necessary to prove that ordinary medical practice could be successfully conducted by women, and this could most effectually be done by public practice among the poor, where the results were open to the observation of all. Moreover, the practical work of the dispensary or hospital, however small, afforded valuable opportunities for forming connections with the profession, and obtaining openings into other city charities for the students of the Infirmary, since the public charitable practice of such institutions is a common meeting ground for the whole profession, free from the restrictions which individual interests necessarily raise about private practice, schools, and classes. This point was the more important, as it was the desire of the little group who began what it was hoped might prove a 4 THE NEW YORK INFIRMARY valuable educational institution for women, not only to give a more practical form to their medical studies, but also to bring them more in connection with the organized system of public instruction for men, and thus to diminish the isolation in which these new female institutions found themselves. Finally there was the practical fact that the first female physician settled in New York received many applications for medical advice from poor women, and it was only by such a charity that these services could be effectually rendered. The Infirmary began as a small dispensary in a single room near Tompkins Square, with a capital of fifty dollars, attended three times a week by a single physician, with the following organization :- Trustees: STACY B. COLLINS, HENRY J. RAYMOND, CHARLES BUTLER, CHARLES A. DANA, ROBERT HAYDOCK, RICHARD H. MANNING, THEODORE SEDGWICK, RICHARD H. BOWNE CYRUS W. FIELD, ROBERT WHITE, SIMEON DRAPER, EDWARD C. WEST, HORACE GREELEY, BENJAMIN FLANDERS, DENNIS HARRIS, MARCUS SPRING, CHARLES W. FOSTER, ELIZABETH BLACKWELL. Attending Physician. Dr. ELIZABETH BLACKWELL. Consulting Physicians.[1] Dr. WILLARD PARKER, Dr. ISAAC E. TAYLOR, Dr. R. S. KISSAM, Dr. GEO. P. CAMMANN. [1] The late Dr. Valentine Mott and Dr. John Watson were also consulting surgeons and kind friends of the New York Infirmary. [*Zakrzewska*] FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 5 When three years later, the medical staff of the institution was increased by the return of Dr. Emily Blackwell from Europe, and the arrival in the city of Dr. Marie E. Zakrzewska, now resident in Boston, who proved a valuable co-worker in the early years of the Infirmary, a house was taken, and the hospital department was added. To this step a host of objections was raised by those whom the early friends of the institution attempted to interest in their effort. They were told that no one would let a house for the purpose, that female doctors would be looked on with so much suspicion that the police would interfere; that if deaths occurred, their death certificates would not be recognized; that they would be resorted to by classes and persons whom it would be an insult to be called on to deal with; that without men as resident physicians, they would not be able to control the patients; that if any accident occurred, not only the medical profession but the public would blame the Trustees for supporting such an undertaking, and finally, that they would never be able to collect money for so unpopular an effort. Through a cloud of discouragement and distrust, the little institution steadily worked its way, its few friends holding to it the more firmly for the difficulties it experienced. The practice was conducted entirely by women; but from the first a board of consulting physicians, men of high standing in the profession, gave it the support and sanction of their names. 6 THE NEW YORK INFIRMARY In its fourth year, the Infirmary was placed by both the State and the City on the list of institutions receiving assistance from public donations, on the ground of its being the only woman's charity; a step, valuable not only from the pecuniary aid thus given, but from the sort of official recognition it implied, which greatly assisted the Infirmary in many of its early dealings. From the beginning the Infirmary was received into favor by the poor. Its practice has only been limited by its means, and the smallness of its staff. Women and children, suffering from non-infectious diseases, midwifery patients, and cases of female disease, were received so far as beds could be furnished. While the practice of the Infirmary has never been of a general surgical character, the rule was early adopted that all operations necessitated by its practice should be performed by its attending female physicians. The following anecdote may illustrate how real was the isolation in which the first women found themselves in practice, and how much weight there was in some of the doubts entertained by their early friends. When for the first time an operation became necessary for a patient of the Infirmary, one of the board of consulting physicians, since deceased, was asked to be present. The little group of doctors and assistants waited for more than an hour for his appearance, FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 7 a delay which was caused by his thinking it necessary, on finding that the operation was to be performed by a woman, to consult one of his most eminent medical friends as to the propriety and wisdom of sanctioning so novel a proceeding by his presence. All the early friends of the institution can testify, however, as to how invaluable was his steady and generous support, after he had once taken his stand, in the early difficulties which beset the first efforts of these comparatively young and inexperienced workers. In 186[2] [*1861*], after the public lectures given by Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell, on her return from Europe, a subscription was raised which enabled the Trustees to purchase the house now occupied by the Infirmary. In the early part of the War, a meeting of the Lady Managers was called at the Infirmary to consider if the Infirmary could do anything toward supplying the want of trained nurses, so widely felt after the first battles.) A notice of the meeting to be held having accidentally found its way into the "Times" newspaper, the parlors of the Infirmary, to the surprise of the little group of managers as they arrived, were found to be crowded with ladies; (an impromptu meeting was held, at which Dr. Bellows and Dr. Elisha Harris were present,) and it was recognized that the whole movement was far too wide to be confined to the efforts of so small an institution, therefore (a committee of ladies was appointed to obtain signatures to a call, written at the time, for the 8 THE NEW YORK INFIRMARY public meeting of ladies at Cooper Institute, in which originated the Ladies' Central Aid Society; and in the early period of that society, some of the ladies and physicians of the Infirmary were among the active workers. Among the first nurses sent to Washington were some of the students of the Infirmary, one of whom died in the service of the hospital to which she was attached. [*Quote in biography*] In 1865, the Trustees, feeling that the institution was now firmly established in public favor, applied to the Legislature for a charter, conferring college powers upon the institution. They took this step by the advice of some of the leading physicians of the city. Their own feeling had always been adverse to the formation of an entirely separate school for women. The first female physicians connected with the Infirmary having all been educated in medical schools for men, felt very strongly the advantage of admission to the large organized system of public instruction already existing for men, and also the benefits of the association with men as instructors and companions in the early years of medical study. It was strongly their wish to have made arrangements with some good recognized city school to admit, under suitable arrangements, a class of students chosen by the Infirmary, rather than to add another to the list of female colleges already existing. FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 9 Finding, however, by consultation with the different city schools that such arrangements could not at present be made, they, by the advice of their consulting board, obtained a college charter, and opened a subscription for a college fund. Two old and generous friends gave $5,000 each to begin an educational fund of $100,000, to be used in providing the best possible instruction under their charter, either in the Infirmary, or in any other institution, as might be found most practicable. $25,000 have been subscribed and paid in upon this fund. Some courses of preliminary instruction have already been given, and the Trustees hope eventually to see a complete and thorough course of education opened to women in connection with the Infirmary. During the last year, the institution having been aided by a generous donation fro Mr. Rose, an assistant has been engaged especially for sanitary work among the poor, her duties being to distribute tracts on hygiene, to explain and impress rational ideas with regard to hygiene and the care of children, etc., etc. The need of such work has always been felt by the Infirmary, and to assist in spreading such knowledge the institution has reprinted at its own expense some of the tracts published by the Ladies' Sanitary Association of London. [2] 10 THE NEW YORK INFIRMARY FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN Trustees Of The New York Infirmary And Woman's Medical College 1867 WILLIAM T. BLODGETT, MRS. HENRY BAYLIS, RICHARD H. BOWNE, MRS. GEO. CURTIS, ROBERT CAMPBELL, MRS. H. K. CORNING, HULL CLARK, MRS. AMOS R. ENO, STACY B. COLLINS, MRS. JANE U. FERRIS, CHAS. C. DODGE, MRS. C.K. GRIFFIN, SMITH ELY, JR., MRS. J. T. KIRBY, CYRUS W. FIELD, MRS. JAS. MCKAYE, WM. H. FOGG, MRS. R. G. MITCHELL, ROBT. HAYDOCK, MRS. CLAYTON NEWBOLD, CHAS. P. KIRKLAND, MRS. JOHN PAYNE, ROBT. B. MINTURN, MRS. C. R. ROBERT, EDWIN D. MORGAN, MRS. MARSHALL O. ROBERTS, ALFRED PELL JR., MRS. ISAAC RUSSELL, HENRY J. RAYMOND, MRS. PETER TOWNSEND, MAHLON DAY SANDS, MRS. E. W. TUCKERMAN, CHAS. B. TATHAM, MRS. VAN DEN HEUVAL, CHAS. TRACY, MRS. JAS. R. WOOD, MERRITT TRIMBLE, MRS. JAS B. WRIGHT, LUCIUS TUCKERMAN, MISS ELIZABETH BLACKWELL, SAMUEL WILLETS, MISS EMILY BLACKWELL, JOHN E. WILLIAMS MISS MARY COLLINS MISS MARY GELSTON Attending Physicians. Dr. ELIZABETH BLACKWELL, Dr. EMILY BLACKWELL. Assistant Physicians. Dr. LUCY M. ABBOTT, Dr. ELIZA J. CHAPIN. 11 Consulting Physicians and Surgeons. WILLARD PARKER, M. D., ISAAC E. TAYLOR, M. D., JAMES R. WOOD, M. D., GUSTAVUS A. SABINE, M. D., WM. H. VAN BUREN, M. D., AUSTIN FLINT, M. D., THOS. A. EMMET, M. D., THOS. F. COCK, M. D. New York Infirmary For Women and Children in Account with ROBERT HAYDOCK, TREASURER DR. CR. To Cash paid sundry drafts By Balance on hand; Janu- ex-committee for House ary 5th, 1867. . $138 48 Expenses, 1867 . . . $4,156 10 By Cash received for Sub- To Cash for Gas . . . . 132 07 scriptions . . . 557 00 " Croton Water . 17 00 " for Donations . . 875 00 " Coal . . . . 165 10 " from State . . . 500 45 " Fire Insurance . 42 50 " " Chauncey W. " Painting . . . 86 50 Rose, Esq. . 5,000 00 " Printing . . . 61 00 " " Peter Lorillard, " One Year's Inter- Esq. . . . 1,000 00 est on Mortgage, " " 3,00 7.30 . . 3,177 50 January 12th . . 420 00 " " Interest on " Interest on Mort- same . . . 155 40 gage to Novem- " " Pay Patients . 429 00 ber 15th . . . 348 83 " on account of Prin- cipal of Mortgage . 5,000 00 To Balance . . . . . . 1,403 73 ___________________ ______________ $11,832 83 $11,832 83 By Balance, January 3d, 1868 $1,403 73 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ FORM OF A BEQUEST. I give and bequeath to the managers of the NEW YORK INFIRMARY FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN, the sum of dollars, to be paid by my Executors out of my real or personal 12 THE NEW YORK INFIRMARY, ETC. estate, as soon as the settlement of my affairs will permit, to the Treasurer of said institution for the time being, in trust, to be applied by the said managers to the humane purposes of said institution.N Y Infirmary by [185[6]3] Dec 1853[?]