Blackwell Family Henry B. Blackwell Anthony, Susan B.Office of The Woman's Journal, No 3 Park Street. Boston, Apr 10 1892 Dear Miss Anthony Your letter asking me to suggest "points" relative to getting planks in national conventions of parties is a reminder of 1872, where I succeeded in getting a resolution into the Rep. platform of state & nation. I wish I could have a talk with you on the subject. In my judgment the moral effect of a resolution naming women Kindly is very great, even if the suffrage is not endorsed in terms. On the other hand the refusal or neglect of parties to recognize women, when asked to do so, is a loss & a hindrance. Now a resolution directly endorsing woman suffrage cannot be had because the men who form these conventions are mostly opposed, or represent constituents2 mostly opposed. In 1872 Rutherford B. Hayes, an old personal friend and the Ohio member of the Com on Resolutions said to me: "Personally I am in favor of woman suffrage, but the men who sent me here are not. It would not be right for me as their representative to urge a plank committing them to what they do not approve. If you will let me pare down your resolution I will try to get it in." I said to him: "Half a loaf is better than no bread. Here is my resolution. Do the best you can for us. The result was this: The National Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of Freedom; their admission to wider spheres of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction, and the honest demands of any class of citizens for additional rights is entitled to respectful consideration." On the strength of having got this, I succeeded a few weeks later in getting from our Republican State Convention the resolution which Mrs. H. H. Robinson is accustomed to style "Old Hail the Day" as follows: "Resolved: That we heartily approve of the recognition of the rights of women contained in the National republican platform; that the Republican party of Massachusetts, as the representative of liberty & progress, is in favor of extending suffrage on equal terms to all American citizens irrespective of sex and will hail the day when the educated intellect and enlightened conscience of Woman will find direct expression at the ballot box." 3 Office of The Woman's Journal, No. 3 Park Street. Boston Apl. 10, 1892 Now I thought that in getting my resolution reported and incorporated in the State Republican platform I had done a great thing. {But] We went into the campaign and held the three largest Republican meetings held in Massachusetts at Boston, Worcester & Springfield for "Grant, Wilson, and Woman Suffrage." But when the legislature elected on that platform met, one half of the Republican members (and all the Democrats) voted against our bill for municipal woman suffrage. And the adoption of that plank followed by that defeat in the Legislature made it forever impossible to get another one like it from any subsequent Rep. Convention in Mass. In 1882, I succeeded in getting from the Massachusetts Democratic Convention which nominated Butler a flat footed suffrage resolution, but with similar result: The Democratic Members of Legislature elected on a woman suffrage platform a large majority of them voted against our bill, & many of the Republicans, who would otherwise have voted for us voted the other way to show their spite against the Democratic platform. I state these facts to show you that it really does us no good to try to commit4 parties by planks in platforms, to anything tangible. In 1876 I went to Cincinnati hoping & expecting to secure another general expression for women like that of 1872. But I found there Mrs Spencer of Washington & Mrs Harbert of Ills both bent on getting a specific out & out woman suffrage plank. They got a hearing before the Resolutions committee & Senator Hoar got Mrs Spencer a five minutes hearing (she wasnt heard for want of voice) before the Convention. And that was all we got - simply because we asked for too much. I thought it a mistake then & I think so now. I enclose two planks which are as definite and go as far as we can hope to secure. In my judgement there might be secured if they are judiciously pushed. But they ought to be proposed and urged by women of the party. You ought to go to the Republicans, because you are in sympathy with the Republicans. Some Democratic woman (a Southern woman if possible) should go to the Democrats. In my judgement if you go to both, you will not succeed with either & as you are known to be Republican you will fail to enlist the Democrats & stand in the attitude of offering the Suffragists for sale for a plank, which after all commits nobody & secures nothing. I know how foolish and unjust a charge this 5 The Woman's Journal, No. 3 Park Street Boston, 189_ is. But it will be made even by some of our own friends and be believed by our opponents, and do the cause harm. This leads me to ask you to consider seriously with me the relation suffragists should take towards the parties. I think we have made our great mistake in taking the "Mugwump" or "independent" position. The logical result is to put us where the WC. T. U stands today viz: an ally of the Prohibition party & a rejected suitor of the People's party. To say "We will support the party that endorses our principle" sounds well, but results in side-tracking the Suffrage movement politically. Now in England the Suffragists have acted with greater political wisdom. There the women have gone on what I call the "help meet" theory instead of the impracticable mugwump "come - outer" theory. They have not nagged the parties for suffrage resolutions. They have gone into politics not as suffragists, but as Conservatives for the conservatives and for the Liberals as Liberals. The result has been that women have become a power in both parties. The 6 Primrose League composed of Tory women who cared nothing for suffrage for themselves has made itself indispensable to the Conservatives, has converted a large proportion of conservative men and still better has converted themselves. The Liberal Women's Federation has kept itself in touch with the liberals and in spite of Gladstone's ingrained aversion to woman suffrage and the more positive aversion of his wife & daughter, the Liberal women have more than held their own with the men of the same stripe. The result is that both parties are steadily tending towards parliamentary suffrage for women. Yesterday I asked Lady Somerset whether she thought that this siding of women with their respective parties in England had promoted woman suffrage? She said there was no doubt of that. She attributes the changed attitude of both parties largely to the respect they both feel for their own woman allies. Now in America, so far, almost the whole of this political work has been done by our suffrage women for the impracticable, fanatical, one-idead, powerless factions of extremists. This has cost us Utah and Washington and the whole North West. Is it not time for us to urge the women who are not extremists, who are in sympathy with the parties to which their male friends belong - to organize as Republicans and as Democrats, leaving their own rights to be promoted by their political men. Women can only become interested in politics by becoming interested in parties & men can only be interested in woman suffrage by a consciousness that women are able & willing to do effective [*political work. If you do not feel able thus to subordinate our question - would you not find the right woman who will - you being the power behind the throne?*] Chicago Ills (Box 1503) June 8/59 Dear Miss Anthony Yours of 4 to Lucy reached us yesterday. We are very sorry to hear of the hailstorm which destroyed so many of your raspberries. I hope however that the yield will not be so much diminished as you fear. It is evident that the "powers of the air" (which have always been considered demoniacal) are not partial to Woman's Rights! In regard to the tracts, the women who propose to sell them are poor, & unable to advance the money. If you choose to forward the 300 Woman's Rights Tracts (bound) to me6 Primrose League composed of Tory women who cared nothing for suffrage for themselves has made itself indispensable to the Conservatives, has converted a large proportion of conservative men and still better has converted themselves. The Liberal Women's Federation has kept itself in touch with the Liberals and in spite of Gladstone's ingrained aversion to woman suffrage and the more positive aversion of his wife & daughter, the Liberal women have more than held their own with the men of the same stripe. The result is that both parties are steadily tending towards parliamentary suffrage for women. Yesterday I asked Lady Somerset whether she thought that this siding of women with their respective parties in England had promoted woman suffrage? She said there was no doubt of that. She attributes the changed attitude of both parties largely to the respect they both feel for their own woman allies. Now in America, so far almost the whole of this political work has been done by our suffrage women for the impracticable, fanatical, one idea, powerless factions of extremists This has cost us, Utah and Washington and the whole North West. Is it not time for us to urge the women who are not extremists, who are in sympathy with the parties to which their male friends belong - to organize as Republicans and as Democrats, leaving their own rights to be promoted by their political men. Women can only become interested in politics by becoming interested in parties & men can only be interested in woman suffrage by a consciousness that women are able & willing to do effective political work. If you do not feel able thus to subordinate our questions - would you not find the right women who will - you being the power behind the throne?at Chicago, I will be responsible for the pay as soon as they have time to sell them - say within 90 days. I would send you the money for them now, but would prefer that they should make the money out of them. Please send them to me by the Great Western Despatch Co. if they have an office in Rochester - if not by the Merchant's Despatch Co. Address the pkge H.B. Blackwell No 124 Lake St. (upstairs) Chicago. These Despatch Cos are the freight department of the Express Cos' & carry much cheaper. Lucy advises against printing a new edition of the Tracts until we see how these sell. The other ones spoken of, she cannot use at present. We are glad Mrs Stanton is writing. You are wrong we think in contrasting maternal cares & duties with intellectual labor. They may be & ought to be the highest form of it. If not so generally, the fault is in the women, not the duties. Yours very truly HB BlackwellH. B. Blackwell June 8/59 Boston, March 6, 1899 Dear Miss Anthony, Next week's Woman's Journal will contain my review of Mrs. Harper's memoir of yourself and your work for the Woman Suffrage cause. In making it, I have felt it due to the truth of history to state briefly, but distinctly, the causes of the division between the National and Amer- ican societies. I have tried to do so in a spirit of candor and with avoidance of per- sonalities. As the facts must sooner or later be stated, I have thought it fairer to all concerned, that it should be done now during the lifetime of many of the principal participants, rather than later when we all have passed away. I need not add that if any corrections or explanations or counter-statements are desired by yourself or Mrs. Stanton, the column of the Woman's Journal are as free to yourselves as to me. If mistakes have been made in the past, they will serve as guides to the future action of those who are to take up the work when we lay it down, for we can hardly hope or expect to see its consummation. Hoping you will feel that my statement is made with a cordial appre- ciation of the great work you have done for women, I am, Yours truly, Henry B. BlackwellAug. 26, 1891. Dear Miss Anthony, Your letter of 24th to Alice is received. She is camping on Lake [ ] with Rev. S.J. Barrons and family. My own opinion has always been, and still is, that no good can great harm may come from this suit. At this late day it is unwise to stir up the matter. It is inconceivable that the U.S. Supreme Court will set aside an accomplished fact and remand the sovereign State of Washington into a Territory by declaring its present Con- stitution invalid. But nothing short of this would enable the Court to give the women restitution. For more likely is that body of old-fogy, conservative lawyers to get out of the dilemma by sustaining the Territorial decision, and that may give rise to grave doubt whether Wyoming has a valid Con- stitution since the women helped elect the Constitutional Convention first and helped ratify it afterwards. If any decision or opinion is obtained from the U.S. Supreme Court adverse to the legality of Territorial Legislation conferring suffrage on women this will effectually and permanently block our efforts to carry such legislation in the terri- tories not yet admitted - Oklahoma, Arizona, New Mexico, Indian Territory, and Alaska. In Utah we are already blocked. Nevertheless, in view of the fact that the Bloomer case is on the calendar to be reached in October, I agree with you that we ought not to let it go by default, or be disgraced by the ap- pearance of incompetent counsel, - that we should engage good counsel to watch it, and if it is recognized to argue the case. Your suggestion of Mr. Riddle is a good one, because he is on the spot. If we go outside, I would advise that we try to get Senator Geo. F. Hoar because his character and political position and official station would all add great weight, which in the case of General Butler wouldbe lacking. Besides, if Senator Hoar undertook it, his charge would be very moderate, if any. Hon. William Dudley Foulke (now president of Swarthmore College) would be my second choice, if Hoar cannot be had. He too is exceedingly generous and would make little or no charge for his services, I think. As president of the American W.S.A. he was always a liberal donor, and never allowed the Association to pay his travelling or other expenses. If the executive committee approve, I will see Mr. Hoar or write Mr. Foulke about this. [I sent Mrs. Spofford the slip from San Francisco paper, about] Yours truly Henry B. Blackwell Dorchester, Sep. 5, 1891 Dear Miss Anthony ....I enclose a letter from our friend Mr. Riddle to whom I wrote as soon as I heard of the unwelcome impending apparition of Mr. Austin before the U.S. Supreme Court. I asked him, among other things, what would be the probable cost of helping defend the suit, but to this he made no reply. On reflection, it suggests itself to me, whether Eastern suffragists can intervene without creating ill-will on the part of Oregon and Washington suffragists who have sent Mr. Austin to represent them. They seemed unable to unite on anything when I was out there two years ago and tried to get the question referred to the State Legislature. So far as I can learn not a woman offered to vote either for members of Constitutional Convention, or upon the acceptance of the State Constitution, To imagine that now a body of conservative lawyers like the U.S. Supreme Court will set asidea State constitution in order to reinstate the women voters who so tamely succumbed without any general protest is little short of lunacy. Far more likely is the Court to wipe us out in Oklahoma and the remaining territories by affirming the Territorial Court decision, in which case even Wyoming woman suffrage might become of doubtful legality. The best thing that can possibly happen is that the U.S. Supreme Court may decline to entertain the appeal. Why then employ counsel to help get the question considered? In regard to Southern meetings I believe that they would do little good, unless we are prepared to advocate limited suffrage upon a mixed property and educational qualification in those States. I had a very interesting talk at Chicago with Mrs. Gov. Eagle of Arkansas, and with Mrs. W. H. Felton of Georgia, and other Southern ladies. They say that the negro women and men are learning to read and write more generally than the poor whites, because in the cotton plantations they are sufficiently numerous to have free schools, while the whites are few and scattered and inert. They say also that mere learning to read and write does not create thrift or personal sense of financial responsibility, and that a small property qualification would encourage the women to save and the men to put money into their hands in order to attain the dignity of voting; so that money now wasted on finery and gewgaws would be invested in a little homestead in the wife's name. I am more and more convinced that we never shall make progress East or South, or in states in the West with large cities, until we accept historical analogy and try to get in first such women as all will admit are educated, responsible persons whose votes will be an elevating and not an ignorant and deteriorating addition. So long as suffragists ask for universal woman suffrage, we shall ask in vain, except under simple social conditions like those of Wyoming and Oklahoma. Let us get the camel's nose underneath the tent first, and we shall get in the entire animal by degrees. The weather in Chicago is not quite what we would have liked. We tried to get a committee on suffrage, not woman suffrage alone, but popular suffrage, as you suggest. But Mr. Bonney, who is friendly and means well, had already decided not to do this. Instead he has planned a committee of the World's Congress "On Political, Social and Economic Science, including Political Economy, Statistics, Suffrage, Taxation, Government, etc" This is the exact designation, and it is Mr. Bonney's intention to appoint on this a man's committee and a woman's committee, with the chairman and vice-chairman, and a local committee of each resident in or near Chicago composed of men and women who are not only friendly to woman suffrage but to other reforms and who are of social and political eminence. He hopes that President of the Exposition or Senator Palmer of Michigan may be induced to take the chairmanship on the part of the men. It is Mr. Bonney's plan to have also a large corresponding membership of men and women from all parts of the country and all countries. Our only objection to the committee as above stated is that it covers so much ground, that suffrage may play only a small part unless it is kept prominent by a committee largely interested in Suffrage and this is Mr. Bonney's intention. The importance of presenting woman suffrage at State Fairs &c cannot be overstated. At Rockford the second day was "Woman's Day." 2000 people listened to Lucy's and my addresses, and then I took a vote and got a hearty andunanimous, rising vote for woman suffrage without a single person rising against it. I have probably gone over the same ground as Lucy in this letter. Hoping that you have recovered from the strain of the South Dakota campaign, and that you will not be involved in a new and equally hopeless one in Kansas, I am, Your friend H.B. Blackwell1) Dorchester Sept 5. 1891 Dear Miss Anthony It was Lucy's full intention, in passing through Rochester on our return from Rockford and Chicago, to accept your kind invitation to visit you in your newly furnished house and confer with you on suffrage matters. But her sudden (tho temporary) illness, prevented, to our mutual regret. I enclose a letter from our friend Mr Riddle to whom I wrote as soon as I heard of the unwelcome impending apparition of Mr Austin before the U S Supreme Court. I asked him, among other things, what would be about the probable cost of helping defend the suit - but to this he makes no reply. On reflection it suggests itself to me 1. whether Eastern Suffragists can intervene without creating ill-will on the part of the Oregon & Washington suffragists who have sent Mr Austin to represent them. They seemed unable to unite on anything when I was out there two years ago & tried to get the question referred to the State Legislature. So far as I can learn not a woman offered to vote either for members of Constl Convention 2) or upon the acceptance of the State Constitution. To imagine that now, a body of conservative lawyers like the US Supreme Court will set aside a state constitution in order to reinstate the women voters who so tamely succumbed without any general protest is little short of lunacy. Far more likely is the Court to wipe us out in Oklahoma & the remaining territories by affirming the Territorial Court decision -- in which case even Wyoming woman suffrage might become of doubtful legality. The best thing that can possibly happen is that the U S Supreme Court may decline to entertain the appeal (2) Why then employ consul to help get the question considered? In regard to the Southern meetings I believe that hey would do little good, unless we are prepared to advocate limited woman suffrage upon a mixed property & educational qualification in those States. I had a very interesting talk at Chicago with Mrs Gov. Eagle of Arkansas & with Mrs W H Felton of Ga. & other Southern ladies. They say that the negro women and men are learning to read & write more generally than the poor whites, because in the cotton plantations they are sufficiently numerous to have3) free schools, while the whites are few and scattered and inert. They say also that mere learning to read & write does not create thrift or personal sense of financial responsibility - & that a small property qualification would encourage the women to save & the men to put money into their hands in order to attain the dignity of voting =- so that money now wasted on finery and gewgaws would be invested in a little homestead in the wife's name -- I am more and more convinced that we never shall make progress East or South [where] or in States in the West with large cities, until we accept historical analogy & try to get in first such women as all will admit are educated, responsible persons whose votes will be an elevating and not an ignorant and deteriorating addition -- So long as Suffragists are for universal woman suffrage, we shall ask in vain, except under simple social conditions like those of Wyoming & Oklahoma -- Let us get the camel's1) Office Woman's Journal 3 Park St Boston Aug 26/91 Dear Miss Anthony Your letter of 24th to Alice is rec'd in her absence, as she is "camping" in Lake Memphremagog with Rev S J Barrows & family. We expect her back next Saturday. My own opinion has always been, & still is that no good and great harm may come from this suit. At this late day it is unwise to stir up the matter. It is inconceivable that the U S Supreme Court will set aside an accomplished fact and remand the sovereign state of Washington into a Territory by declaring its present constitution invalid. But nothing short of this would enable the Court to give the women restitution. Far more likely is that body of old-fogy conservative lawyers to get out of the dilemma by sustaining the Territorial decision, & that may give rise to grave doubt whether Wyoming has a validH.B. Blackwell Aug 26/9 About Wash. case [?]2 constitution, since these the women helped elect the Constitutional Convention first and helped ratify it afterwards. If any decision or opinion is obtained from the U S Supreme Court adverse to the legality of Territorial Legislation conferring suffrage on women, this will effectually & permanently block our efforts to carry such legislation in the territories not yet admitted Oklahoma, Arizona, New Mexico, Indian Territory, & Alaska. In Utah we are already blocked. Nevertheless, in view of the fact that the Bloomer case is on the calendar to be reached in October, I agree with you that we ought not to let it go by default, or be disgraced by the appearance of incompetent counsel - that we should engage good counsel to watch it, & if it is recognized to argue the case. Your suggestion of Mr Riddle is a good one, because he is on the spot. If we go outside, I would advise that we try to get Senator Geo. F. Hoar, 3 because his character and political position & official station would all add great weight, which in the case of Gen Butler would be lacking. Besides, if Senator Hoar undertook it, his charge would be very moderate if any. [W]Hon Wm Dudley Foulke (now president of Swarthmore College) would be my second choice if Hoar cannot be had. He too is exceedingly generous & would make little or no charge for his services I think. As president of the American WSA he was always a liberal donor, and never allowed the [AS?] to pay his travelling or other expenses. If the executive committee approve I will see Mr Hoar or write Mr Foulke about this. [I will gladly do so] I sent Mrs Spofford the slip from the San Francisco paper about Austin for fear that subscriptions might have been sent to her or him. Yours truly Henry B Blackwell 4) nose underneath the tent first, and we shall get in the entire animal by degrees. The matter in Chicago is not quite what we would have liked. We tried to get a committee on Suffrage not woman suffrage alone but popular suffrage, as you suggest But Mr Bonney, who is friendly and means well, had already decided not to do this. Instead he has planned a committee of the World's Congress "On Political, Social, and Economic Science, including Political Economy, Statistics, Suffrage, Taxation, Government, &c". This is the exact designation, and it is Mr Bonney's intention to appoint on this a man's committee and a woman's committee, with the chairman and vice-chairman And a local committee of each resident in or near Chicago composed of men and women who are not only friendly to woman suffrage but to other reforms and who are of social and political eminence. He hopes that President of the Exposition - Senator Palmer of5 Michigan may be induced to take the chairmanship on the part of the men. It is Mr Bonney's plan to have also a large corresponding membership of men & women from all parts of the country and all countries. Our only objection to the committee as above stated is that it covers so much ground -- that Suffrage may play only a small part unless it is kept prominent by a committee largely interested in Suffrage, and this is Mr Bonney's intention. The importance of presenting W. Suff at State Fairs &c cannot be overstated. At Rockford, the second day was "Woman's Day"-- 2000 people listened to Lucy's & my addresses & then I took a vote & got a hearty and unanimous [rising?] vote for woman suffrage without a single person rising against it. I have probably gone over the same ground as Lucy in this letter. I hoping that you have recovered from the strain of the So Dak campaign now that you will not be involved in a new & equally hopeless one in Kansas, I am, your friend H.B. Blackwell [*H. B. Blackwell Jun 10/72*] Office of The Woman's Journal, No. 3 Tremont Place. Boston, June 10 1872 [Dear Miss Anthony] I have written to Mrs Stanton giving her my views as to the wisdom of concentrating the Woman Suffragists in Support of the republican candidates & platform. I think if this is done earnestly heartily and unselfishly, upon the ground of anti slavery principle and of progressive tendencies, a strong and general reaction will set in & that, instead of "recognition" as in 1872, we shall have endorsement and victory in 1876. [Since Mrs Woodhull & the disreputable, crochetty people who go with her have drawn off, do not let her attach herself to you again. I believe you love the cause better than yourself -- she does not. [Hoping] I hope that you will see the wisdom of accepting the resolution in the friendly generous spirit of the Convention & by accepting it, [of &] making it mean what we desire it should, which we can do if we will. [I remain Yours truly Henry B. Blackwell P.S. I sent out 10 invites for Mrs Levermon to come to address the ratification meeting, but heard nothing in reply. [*H.B. Blackwell June 10/72*] HBB to Susan B. Anthony Boston, Apr. 10, 1892 Dear Miss Anthony: Your letter asking me to suggest "points" relative to getting planks in the National Conventions of parties, is a reminder of 1872 when I succeeded in getting a resolution into the Republican platform of State and Nation. I wish I could have a talk with you on the subject. In my judgment the moral effect of a resolution naming women kindly is very great even if the suffrage is not endorsed in terms. On the other hand the refusal or neglect of parties to recognize women, when asked to do so, is a loss and a hindrance. Now a resolution directly endorsing women suffrage cannot be secured, because the men who form these conventions are mostly opposed, or represent constituents mostly opposed. In 1872 Rutherford B. Hayes, and old, personal friend and the Ohio member of the Committee on Resolutions said to me, "Personally, I am in favor of woman suffrage, but the men who sent me here as their representative are not. It would not be right for me as their representative, to urge a plank committing them to what they do not approve. If you will let me pare down your resolution I will try to get it in." I said to him. "Half a loaf is better then no bread. Here is my resolution. Do the best you can for us." The result was this: "The National Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom; their admission to wider spheres of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction, and the honest demands of any class of citizens for additional rights is entitled to respectful consideration." On the strength of having got this, I succeeded a few weeks later in getting from our Republican State Convention the resolution which Mrs. H.H. Robinson is accustomed to style "Old Hail the Day"--as follows: "Resolved: That we heartily approve ofthe recognition of the rights of women contained in the National Republican platform; that the Republican party of Massachusetts as the representative of liberty and progress, is in favor of extending suffrage on equal terms to all American citizens, irrespective of sex, and will hail the day when the educated intellect and enlightened conscience of woman will find direct expression at the ballot-box." Now I thought that in getting my Resolution reported and incorporated in the State Republican platform, I had done a great thing. We went into the campaign and held the three largest Republican meetings held in Massachusetts at Boston, Worcester, and Springfield for "Grant, Wilson and Woman Suffrage." But when the Legislature elected on that platform met, one-half of the Republican members (and all the Democrats) voted against our bill for municipal woman suffrage. And the adoption of that plank followed by that defeat in the Legislature made it forever impossible to get another one like it from any subsequent Republican convention in Massachusetts. In 1882 I succeeded in getting from the Massachusetts Democratic Convention which nominated Butler, a flat-footed suffrage resolution, but with similar result. The Democratic members of the Legislature elected on a woman suffrage platform, a large majority of them voted against our bill, and many of the Republicans, who would otherwise have voted for us, voted the other way to show their spite against the Democratic platform. I state these facts to show you that it really does us no good to try to commit parties by planks in platforms, to anything tangible. In 1876, I went to Cincinnati hoping and expecting to secure another general expression for women like that of 1872. But I found there Mrs. Spencer of Washington and Mrs. Harbert of Illinois, both bent on gettinga specific out and out woman suffrage plank. They got a hearing before the Resolution Committee and Senator Hoar got Mrs. Spencer a five minutes hearing (she wasn't heard for want of voice) before the Convention. And that was all we got, simply because we asked for too much. I thought it was a mistake then, and I think so now. I enclose two planks which are as definite and go as far as we can hope to secure. In my judgment these might be secured if they are judiciously pushed. But they ought to be proposed and urged by women of the party. You ought to go to the Republicans, because you are in sympathy with the Republicans. Some Democratic woman (a Southern woman if possible) should go to the Democrats. In my judgment if you go to both you will not succeed with either, and as you are known to be a Republican you will fail to enlist the Democrats, and stand in the attitude of offering the suffragists for sale a plank, which after all commits nobody and secures nothing. I know how foolish and unjust a charge this is. But it will be made even by some of our own friends, and believed by our opponents, and do the Cause harm. This leads me to ask you to consider seriously with me the relation suffragists should take toward the parties. I think we have made our great mistake in taking the "Mugwump" or independent position. The logical result is to put us where the W.C.T.U, stands to-day viz.: an ally of the Prohibition Party, and a rejected suitor of the People's Party. To say, "We will support the party that endorses our principle" sounds well, but results in side-tracking the suffrage movement politically. Now in England the suffragists have acted with greater political wisdom. There the women have gone on what I call the "helpmeet" theory instead of the impractical"Mugwump" come-outer theory. They have not nagged the parties for suffrage resolutions. They have gone into politics, not as suffragists, but as Conservatives for the Conservatists, and for the Liberals as Liberals. The result has been that women have become a power in both parties. The Primrose League, composed of Tory women who cared nothing for suffrage for themselves, has made itself indispensable to the Conservatives, has converted a large proportion of conservative men and women, and still better has converted themselves. The Liberal Women's Federation has kept itself in touch with the Liberals, and in spite of Gladstone's ingrained aversion to woman suffrage and the more positive aversion of his wife and daughter, the Liberal women have more than held their own with the men of the same stripe. The result is that both parties are steadily tending towards parliamentary suffrage for women. Yesterday I asked lady Somerset whether she thought that his siding of women with their respective parties in England had promoted woman suffrage? She said there was no doubt of that. She attributes the changed attitude of both parties largely to the respect they both feel for their own women allies. Now in America, so far, almost the whole of this political work has been done by our Suffrage women for the impracticable, fanatical, one-sided, powerless factions of extremists, who are in sympathy with the parties to which their male friends belong, to organize as Republicans and as Democrats, leaving their own rights to be promoted by their political men. Women can only become interested in politics by becoming interested in parties, and men can only be interested in woman suffrage by a consciousness that women are able and willing to do effective political work. If you do not feel able thus to subordinate our question, would you not find the right woman who will; you being the power behind the throne? H.B. BlackwellHenry B. Blackwell in June, [1922] 1892, wrote, but did not send, a letter to Susan B. Antony, saying in part: "Let us claim the Republican platform for Woman Suffrage ! How can we do otherwise? xx [I enclose a cop] I would not counsel any woman to work for the Republican party in this campaign (or for any other party) solely because it has give them a woman suffrage plank. But women who are for protection & reciprocity & an honest currency & the other principles of the Republican party ought to work for the Republicans. xx I enclose a copy of the resolution which, as corresponding secretary of the New England Woman Suffrage Association, I mailed to every member of the Com. on Platform, also to Messrs. Crapo, Frost, Candler, & Clarke of our Mass. delegation, also to the two lady delegates from Wyoming, to T.B. Reed & others."Boston, June 10, 1892 Dear Miss Anthony I have written to Mrs. Stauton giving her my news as to the wisdom of concentrating the Woman Suffragists in support of the Republican candidates and platform. I think, if this is done earnestly and heartily and unselfishly, upon the grounds of anti-slavery principle and of progressive tendencies, a strong and general reaction will set and that, instead of "recognition" as in 1842, we shall have endorsement and victory in 1846. ---- I hope that you will see the wisdom of accepting the resolution in the friendly, generous spirit of the Convention and, by accepting making it mean what we desire it should, which we can do if we will. I remain, yours truly Henry B. BlackwellCOPY (Letter of Henry B. Blackwell to Susan B. Anthony, Boston, August 25, 1894.) Dear Miss Anthony: You are to be congratulated on having made a splendid fight in New York. To have secured 625,000 petitioners is itself a victory! Now is it not best to urge our friends to try for something in the body of the new Constitution which, without expressly mentioning women by name, will enable the legislature to bring them in by statute? Say 1. - For a clause giving the Legislature power to extend suffrage to citizens, or classes of citizens, now excluded, or 2. - giving the Legislature power, in providing for municipal elections, or elections for officers not specially enumerated in the State Constitution, to prescribe the qualifications of electors? 3. If nothing is granted in the new Constitution, will it not be well for the suffragists to unite with any party that may be organized to defeat it? Or better still, why not make an example by making an effort to defeat the nomination to Choate for governor, or to defeat him at the polls, if nominated? His desertion seems to have been the cause of your defeat. I hope you will use your influence to prevent any conflict of women in Kansas. Such a conflict will surely defeat us. It can be avoided if every woman's right to side politically with her favorite party is recognized, if the State Association and Campaign Committee can be kept in a non-partisan attitude. COPY page. 2. Henry B.Blackwell to S.B.A. Aug. 25, 1894 I think the attempt of the Kansas State Journal, and Kansas City Star to stir up strife is admirably shown up in Mrs. Johns' cool, level-headed letter in this week's Woman's Journal, which also contains bright letters from Mrs. Stanton, Miss Howland and Mrs. Blake. It was a pity that we did not receive Mrs. Stanton's appeal to the N.Y. Convention in time to place it in the hands of the members before the vote was taken. Yours truly, Henry B. BlackwellBoston, July 13, 1894A Dear Miss Anthony: Your very frank and explicit letter in answer to mine as to political complications, is received. I have forwarded it to Alice, who is in camp on Lake Memphremagog. It has always been hitherto to me, a source of satisfaction that you have pursued a conservative course politically. Altho' I cannot hope to change your view or modify your intended action, I hope you will not in Kansas, identify yourself actively with the Populists. You are mistaken in supposing that they are, or are likely to become a dominant political party in any State, far less in the Nation. Their proposed measure are visionary, their spirit anarchical, and their affiliations destructive, not constructive. They are an insurrection against real and imaginary grievances, -- but more imaginary than real. The intelligence, property, and self-preservation of society are, and must be more and more arrayed against them. As between the two, you would do far better to ally yourself with the 3rd Party prohibitionists than with Waite, Llendlyn, Altgelt and Pennoyer. You are mistaken in thinking I am a Republican for the sake of party. I am a Republican first of all for the sake of equal suffrage. The elements that are tending our way are almost wholly in its ranks. It is inside that we can best work. Remember that on the 16th Amendment every Democratic U.S. Senator voted "No." and 2/3 of Republican Senators voted "yes." Last Spring in the Mass. Legislature the Republican House voted for W.S. 119 Reps. and 3 Dems; in the Senate 13 Reps. and no Dems. It is pretty much so everywhere. Now when we go to Washington year after next, if you identify W.S. with Populism you will be deserted by most of your former congressional and social allies. And for what? For a resolution passed by a bare majority, or an implied understanding of your support, against the wishes of the managers, and expressly robbed of its virility by a disclaimer of its having any bearing on party fealty. Every anti-suffrage Populist is notified in advance that he may work and vote freely, against the Amendment Under these circumstances I can only hope that you and Anna Shaw will find so much to do in New York that you will let Mrs. Lease and Mrs. Diggs back the Populists, and Mrs. Johns and Mrs. Thurston the Republicans. In the intense bitterness that prevails the only remaining hope of success in Kansas consists in keeping the balance even by having women working and speaking actively for both parties. For you will find that both parties next November will cast a divided vote in spite of everything, on the Amendment Yours truly H.B. Blackwell