BLACKWELL FAMILY  Henry B. Blackwell SpeechesMar. 5, 1892
p. 76
The Massachusetts Hearing
Mr. H. B. Blackwell said:
  In regard to the two things
which we ask, presidential suffrage 
and municipal suffrage,
there are several reasons why
this is an especially important
year, in which they ought to be
more particularly considered.  In
the first place, a great change
has been made.  For the first
time in 200 years, the people
of this State have recognized the
right of suffrage as belonging
to the individual and not to 
the tax-payer.  An amendment 
to the constitution has

enabled men who do not pay
a tax to vote.  That puts the
whole question of suffrage upon
a different basis in this State.
You have manhood suffrage
for men who can read and write.
Therefore we ask for womanhood 
suffrage for women who can
read and write.  We ask it,
first, in presidential elections, 
because this is the presidential
year.  The question of presidential
suffrage was up once or twice
before in this Legislature many
years ago, and received a large
vote.  Its constitutionality is
beyond question.  There is no
reason why the two branches of
this Legislature, without theconsent of the governor, because
the consent of the governor is not
required for that particular purpose, 
should not give the women
of this State the right to vote next
November, and in all coming
presidential elections.  The U.S.
constitution says that "each
State shall appoint in such
manner as the Legislature there-of 
may direct," a certain
number of presidential electors.
There is no question about the
constitutional right.
  The only argument used
in the Legislature for years, that
amounts to anything, against
this measure, is that the women
do not want to vote, and it

is argued that, because we 
have never had more than 
22,000 women in any one year
making application to pay the
voluntary tax, then going to pay
the tax, and then going a 
third time in person to the 
registrars to be put on the
list, therefore the women do
not want to vote.  Now you
know that not half that
number of men would vote
for school committee under 
such circumstances.  That
is no fair test.  The only fair
test is to give women the right
to vote on some question of
general importance that will
appeal to women as itappeals to men.  In off Years, only 45 out of 100 men usually vote in Massachusetts, but in presidential years about eighty per cent of the men vote.  Now I predict that, if you will give women the right to vote in presidential elections, the result will answer forever the question whether women want to vote, if they have the opportunity of doing so on a great national question.  The only way in which that objection can be answered is by testing it.
     There we ask for municipal suffrage, because it has been a success wherever tried, because the cities need it, 

because it is the whole of what the women already have in part.  The women now vote for school committee, which is one branch of municipal suffrage.  No man living can frame an argument why a woman should vote for school committee and not for mayor and councilmen.
_____________________________________
Mar 5, 1892
p. 76
     The Massachusetts Hearing.
Mr. Blackwell said:
      I have long believed that woman suffrage can be carried only by party actionIt must have a party behind 
it. The future of the 
political parties of this country 
will depend very largely on the 
auspices under which woman 
suffrage is granted. ...... 
....... The party 
which espouses the cause of 
women will soon become, if 
it be not already, the nobler and 
the better party.  For it will be the 
party of the people.  It will represent 
the business experience and executive 
force of men and also the conscience 
and aspiration and refinement of 
women.  Above all, it will possess 
the elevating consciousness 
of having established justice. For 
justice is the immutable basis 
of our claim, "Political power in-
heres in our our people" - women are 
people.  "Taxation without representation 
is tyranny" - women are 
taxed.  "Governments derive their 
just powers from the consent of 
the governed" - women are governed.  
"All persons born or naturalized 
in the United States are 
citizens," - women are citizens.  
And the only form of political 
consent known in a republic 
is the ballot.
H.B.B.'s opening paragraphs of Chicago address at World's Congress, June, 1893.

     Viewed in the light of history, woman suffrage may be regarded as one phase of the evolution of representative government, or it may be regarded as one phase of the social evolution of woman.
     Representative government, in a crude and imperfect form, has always and everywhere existed, since government itself came into being.  For even despotisms exist by the force of public opinion, so far as there is any such opinion.  The individuals and the classes that are in contact with the government must, on the whole, be pacified.  Sidney Smith characterized this rudest and most elementary governmental conditions as "Despotism tempered by assassination".
     The earliest organized communities seem to have soon enlarged themselves into military despotisms effected by conquest and perpetuated by slavery of conquered tribes and races.  Obedience seems to be the first political lesson; the art 

of governing others the second; self-government the third and most difficult of attainment.
     Of course in the agees, not yet wholly outgrown, where the first and second lessons are not fully learned, slavery of women was a part of the general slavery of the masses.  The consent of the governed six was an universal and as instructive as the consent of the governed race or the governed classes.  The divine right of the father and the husband was only another form of the divine right of the priest, the noble and the king.  Therefore the general historical fact of the subordination of woman to man, is no more an argument for her permanent subjection than is the subordination of conquered races or plebian masses an argument for the permanent personal and political enslavement of the people.
     But while, in a rude and improper sense, the consent of the governed has always been given to their oppressors, representativegovernment in the modern sense of the term never did or could exist on a large scale until after the discovery of printing, and the invention of the newspaper and the free school. The tendency of civilization is to mass populations. But personal representation among illiterate men is only possible in small assemblies that can be swayed and unified by the voice. Such small self-governing assemblages however, have often been the founders of great empires. Alike in ancient Persia, Greece, and Rome, men trained in viva voce voting, accustomed to meet and settle public affairs by discussion with their equals, were the originators of empires. Small bodies of men trained in self-government became conquerors and governors of others, rulers over subject peoples, masters of slaves. But irresponsible power always corrupts its possessors. No man,  no class, no race thus lifted above their fellows can escape deterioration.

Despotism and aristocracy contain within themselves the seeds of eventual dissolution.

But let no one therefore imagine that mere external and formal political equality can precede or take the place of individual development and preliminary training in self government. A Republic cannot be improvised by the adoption of a written constitution. It is often a positive evil to place the forms of political liberty in the hands of a population unused to self-government. The Empire of Brazil was orderly, peaceful, and progressive; the republic of Brazil is a political chaos. Spanish America found it easy to achieve its independence of the mother country and to adopt republican forms of government modeled after our own. But, so far, it has found it impossible to have free political discussions, or peaceful elections. From the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, the so-called "Republics" of Latin America are military despotisms where power can only be won and maintained by bloodshed and proscription. "A free ballot and a fair count," difficult even in Anglo-Saxon communities, scarcely exists outside of Great Britain and the cognate states of America, South Africa and Australia. But the printing-press has made representative government on a large scale physically possible. It has given birth to the public-school, the library and the newspaper. The printed ballot is the result. And the printed ballot if it means anything, means suffrage on an educational qualification, since a man or a woman who cannot read the ballot is necessarily the tool of the demagogue who prepares it.
     While therefore the principle of the "consent of the governed, the foundation of a just government" is a truth as eternal in political morals as is the golden rule in personal morals. While it is true in the abstract, in Turkey, in Russia, in India and in China, as in the United States, 

yet it is idle to expect its attainment, even in our own country until individuals are prepared to submit to the will of the majority legally expressed. 
      Let us apply these principles to the question of woman suffrage. If women are forever to remain frivolous, ignorant, thoughtless and dependent; if they are to be butterflies or drudges; if they are to be odalisque, and the German hausfrau, and the French soubrette, or even the English subject of the barbarous "common law", - are to be permanent types of our womanhood, - then woman suffrage is indeed an iridescent dream. But, thank God! the noblest men and women of all races have outgrown such ideals. The common school, where boys and girls are trained by teachers of both sexes; the high schools for boys and girls alike; the co-educational colleges and universities already in successful operation in this country (a few belated survivals excepted) and from ocean to ocean, - the schools of law, medicine, and theologyopened and opening everywhere to women - the participation of women in industrial, artistic, scientific, and professional pursuits hitherto monopolized by men - these are at once the sources and the guarantees of new social and politicals.  Women are learning to govern themselves and thereby to take part in the government of State and nation. 
     I find two principles everywhere exemplified in history, both pointing to woman suffrage. 

1. Political progress, externally viewed is an extension of political power to classes previously disenfranchised. Beginning with the one man power, which is despotism, rising into class power, which is aristocracy; it will ultimate in universal suffrage, which is democracy. And no suffrage is universal which excludes one-half of all the citizens of the Republic on the ground of sex.

2. The progress of civilization is always measured by the mental and moral development of woman. Wherever, in any age women have 


enjoyed the greatest freedom and the largest opportunities, there has the standard of civilization been lifted highest. Its final test is always and everywhere the comparative freedom of women. In those almost forgotten ages when Egypt was the mother of human civilization, Egyptian law recognized women as the social and political equals of men. When women were dethroned by war and conquest, Egypt lapsed into barbarism. 
      It is a glorious privilege to live, as we are living, in an age of progress. The sun is already above the horizon, the tide is rising. We can look back over the dark ages. Everywhere there are relics of barbarism, deep shadows of degredation and shocking survivals of oppression and cruelty.
     The Twentieth Century will bring a womanhood redeemed, regenerated. It will bring the triumph of law over brute force, the Right over Might of nations.HBB
(Copy - From Boston Evening Transcript, March 8, 1900)
STATE HOUSE AFFAIRS
The Annual Hearing on Woman Suffrage.
Mr. Blackwell says only "New" women oppose.
OPPOSED ONLY BY "NEW" WOMEN.
So Says Henry B. Blackwell to the demand for woman 
suffrage. Mrs. Shaw quotes a Sharp Twit.
The annual hearing on the petition of the woman suffragists for 
an amendment to the Constitution striking out the word "male" from the 
provision there made for the qualifications of voters took place 
this morning before the Committee on Constitutional Amendments. There was a 
large attendance of women. 
Miss Alice Stone Blackwell opened the case for the petitioners and 
called as first speaker Mr. Henry B. Blackwell. Mr. Blackwell began his 
address by stating that for fifty years past the women had come to the 
Legislature to ask for their rights and they would come again for the next 
fifty years until the reform they advocated had been brought to pass. The 
speaker went on to refer to the progress which changed opinion had made on 
his subject in Massachusetts. He emphasized especially the experience of 
1894, when the friends of woman suffrage had a majority in both houses of 
the Legislature and when they would have won the coveted legislation had 
it not been for what the Boston Herald, but not the speaker, had attributed 
to bribery of Senators by the liquor interests. The speaker next alluded 
to the referendum of 1895 when the men voted two to one against suffrage. 
This referendum, he held, was unfair and yet it had enabled the opponents 
to get there, not to advance arguments but to urge that women ought not to 
have woman suffrage simply because the men had voted against it. But what 
of the vote of women? The women outspokenly and actively in favor of woman 
suffrage outnumbered the women opposed to it more than 25 -1. The women 
opposed to it are very small in number and these women who came here to 


Hearing March 8, 1900 - page 2.
oppose are new women. Mr. Blackwell went on to state the general 
argument in favor of woman suffrage.
Mrs. Helen Adelaide Shaw twitted the Committee on the retarded 
character of American ideas regarding woman suffrage by citing from the 
proceedings of an International Convention in London, a speech ending
with the remark - "They are still talking like that in the States".
Maud Wood Park next said - "We don't merely want to have the privilege 
of putting our papers in the ballot boxes every year. We come here because 
we are independent human beings who wish to have a share in the government 
under which we live." The speaker made merry over the mastodonic 
argument she once heard to the effect that the women suffragists were a 
band of short-haired women led by a long-haired man. 
Miss Blackwell also addressed the committee on behalf of the 
petitions.
(End of copy) . . . . . . . . . . 
Speakers for the Remonstrants included Mrs. J. Elliot Cabot, Mrs. Lincoln 
R. Stone of Newton; "Miss H. E. Hersey opposed it as a college woman"; 
Miss Elizabeth Houghton. "Mrs. A. J. George of Brookline said there are 
8000 members of the Massachusetts Association against Woman Suffrage. 
Thomas Russell, Counsel for the remonstrants, discussed the figures of Mr. 
Blackwell relative to the experience of Wyoming and Colorado, and Miss 
Blackwell replied for the proponents. The Hearing was closed. On a room 
vote, 69 favored the petition and 14 opposed. Mr. Blackwell remarked that 
that was about the proportion over the State."[?]
70th Birthday Party
Address of Mr. Blackwell
Mr. Chairman: I should
[*W. J.
? 11
p
148 1895*]

be more or less than human 
if I did not feel deeply touched 
and grateful for this unsolicited 
and unexpected expression of 
personal regard. I know full 
well that it is not so much for 
myself as for the cause with 
which I have been associated, 
and for the woman who has been 
and is my wife; but I suppose 
that on an occasion like this, 
perhaps, without egotism, since 
you have come together to greet 
me as personal friends, I may 
be well to refer briefly to the 
wonderful changes which I 
have seen in the world, and 
especially in America, within 
my comparatively short periodof life.
I was born in 1825, in
the old city of Bristol in
England. My father was an
eminent sugar-refiner of
that city; and owing to business
disappointments, and owing
also to that idealization of America
which English liberals at that 
time felt, he came to this country
in 1832, when I was only seven 
years of age, bringing with him
his wife and eight children, and
the modern art of sugar-refining,
the only man who then understood
what the words "vacuum-pan"
and "bone-black filter" meant.
Those seven years compose one
chapter of my live, and I have

a series of memories running
back of my seventh birthday of the
most interesting and varied character.
It has always been to me 
a matter of belief that men's and
women's characters and actions
are derived almost wholly from
two sources, heredity and environment;
and in order to explain
to you the heredity on one
side of the house from which I
came, I might tell one little incident
which shows the social
condition of those days.
My father had a favorite 
sister, a woman beautiful 
in character, smart and lovely,
who formed an attachment
to a man who returned heraffection. They lived and died 
single. And why? Because
they could not agree on the 
question of baptism. My aunt 
believed in sprinkling he in immersion;
and while they loved 
each other devotedly, they felt 
that it would be a sin to marry 
because of that text “Be ye not 
unequally yoked together with 
unbelievers.” That expressed
their rigidity. I recollect our
strict domestic discipline. We 
children were put in the nursery, 
we were taken act to walk with 
our governess. We were put 
under such limitations as 
no American children can 
even imagine, and yet our 


father and mother were affectionate
and devoted parents. 
But passing from that English 
life, with its memories of 
beautiful sea-coast, and of the 
lovely Rose Collage at Olveston
where two charming summers 
of my life were spent, of the 
pageant of William Fourth's
coronation and of the illumination 
and rejoicing over the 
passage of the Reformed Bill,
etc, we crossed the ocean. Think 
what it meant then to cross the ocean!
The good ship, Cosmo, was nearly 
eight weeks in making the passage 
from Bristol to New York, and 
another vessel that sailed 
the same week came in amonth later, having been twelve
weeks on the passage. When we
came to New York we found a 
little city not one-third the
size of the present Boston, and
we saw what no man living
will ever see again.  We landed
just after the cholera had left
New York. We sailed from Bristol
just as the cholera reached it
and we escaped the cholera
in a measure, though we lost
a few passengers by the disease
while we were crossing the 
ocean.  And, partly, I suppose
as a result of that epidemic,
I saw grass growing in Broadway, 
growing profusely between
the paving-stones, somewhere


near the site of City Hall Park.
There was then no Brooklyn,
except a handful of houses,
no Williamsburg, no Jersey
City. What is now Jersey City
was reached from the city by
a horse ferry boat, and the
only communication with the
West was by the Erie Canal, which
had been completed a few years
before. No one anticipated the 
growth that has been made since.
Nevertheless, New York was an
active, bright place, and my
father at once assumed a very
good position from his knowledge
of sugar-refining, and he had
the honor, as connected with the
 firm of Gower, Guppy, & Les., ofLondon, in 1835, of putting up the
the first vacuum pans ever used
in this country. They did a prosperous
business for a year. Then
came the panic of 1837, which
swept away everybody that
owed a debt. A fire burned
the refinery and my father was
persuaded to go to Ohio, with
a view to establishing the beet
sugar industry. He was a 
Clarkson abolitionist in 
England. When he came to
New York he found the commercial
and political 
atmosphere poisoned by complicity 
with slavery. He was 
frankly told by planters of
whom he bought sugar from


Cuba and Brazil, that they
were in the habit of "working
out" their negroes once in seven 
years. They said it was cheaper 
to import more negroes than it 
was to keep them alive. No wonder
he desired to see some
substitute for a producer created
under such circumstances of
barbarity!
The next eighteen years
of my life were spent in the
West. A month after we reached
Cincinnati my father died,
from the malaria then prevalent,
leaving nine children
among strangers. And now,
if you wonder that I am an
advocate of woman suffrage, let
me tell you that all I am in
the world that is worthy of esteem
is due to my mother, my sisters
and my wife. (applause) My
father dying when I was fourteen,
a wild boy, I went to work at
$2 a week in a banking office.
But very soon my sisters and
my mother, who had established
a school, sent me to St. Louis
to college. I was there for a year,
during the celebrated campaign
of "Tippecanoe and Tyler too", and
I remember, as though it were 
yesterday, that great uprising
which brought the Whig party
into power. In the West I


remained ten years without
seeing salt-water, without visiting
the East, engaged in various
business occupations, working
my way up, a poor boy. Then for
seven years I was travelling
partner in a hardware firm,
and in the habit for six months
in the year of visiting my customers
and creating new 
ones, going all through the
then new States of Ohio, Indiana,
and Illinois, sleeping 
at night in a log cabin, or
wherever I happened to be,
meeting the plain people
of the West in a way that
was worth more to me thana liberal education, I have always
felt since that I am a Western 
man, although now I feel that I
am a Massachusetts man also.
In 1851, 1852, and 1853 I
came to Boston to attend the 
conventions of the American
Anti-Slavery Society. My father, in New
York, early took a position as our
anti-slavery man. In 1834 an
anti-slavery fair was held in Niblo's
Garden in which my mother and
sisters participated. Our daily
reading was the Emancipator, the
Liberator, and afterwards the 
Anti-Slavery Standard. I had the
pleasure of meeting those early
New York abolitionists, the Tappaus.
Anson Phelps, Beriah Green, Joshua


Leavitt, Oliver Johnson, Garritt Smith,
and others.  I heard George Thompson
when he first came to this country, in
the old chapel on Thompson Street,
where he was driven out by the mob
amid the clash of glass and falling
stones. He had the pleasure of entertaining
on Long Island, at our country
house, Dr. Abram L. Cox, a leading
physician of the city, and Rev. Samuel
H. Cox, the father of Bishop Cox of 
New York, their houses having been
sacked, their furniture burned,
and they driven from the city.
They took refuge in our home,
and were there in hiding for
a week. Later, just before
going West, we had the pleasure
of entertaining William LloydGarrison in our home in Jersey 
City, and I recollect him as a 
young, vigorous man. He made 
the impression upon me of a leader 
of men. At Cincinnati we were 
in a circle of anti-slavery people, 
their social centre being Mr. A. 
H. Ernst and Sarah Otis Ernst, 
the parents of Hon. George A. O. Ernst, 
by whose invitation in part I am 
here to-night. There we had lively 
experiences. Dr. Gamaliel Bailey, 
the editor of The Philanthropist, 
had his presses broken up and 
thrown into the Ohio River three 
times, and still the agitation 
went on, the anti-slavery movement 
growing stronger by every 
defeat and every persecution. 
So you see I was born into 

the anti-slavery movement, and to 
me that movement and the woman 
suffrage movement are one and the 
same, the one the successor of the 
other, the underlying principle of 
both the same, and the object the 
same - human liberty - a true 
republic upon the soil of free 
America; and we shall have it!
One day, about the year 
1850, a young lady called at my 
hardware store to collect a little 
draft drawn by the treasurer of the 
anti-slavery society. She was 
thin and pale, but with something 
beautiful in her expression and 
wonderfully eloquent in her 
voice and manner. She had 
been visiting her brother Luther 
in the Wabash Valley. He diedsuddenly of cholera. She settled his 
estate, and on her return through 
Indiana was prostrated with typhoid 
fever. I postponed paying the 
draft until next day, and sent my 
brother around to pay it at a friend's 
house where she was staying, suggesting 
to him that I thought he 
had better make the acquaintance 
of Miss Lucy Stone. Soon afterwards 
two of my sisters attended the convention 
of 1851 at Worcester, Mass., 
the great convention which led to 
the establishment of the woman suffrage 
movement in England, at 
which Mr. Phillips made his grand 
speech. There they also met Lucy 
Stone, and were equally pleased. 
When I came on in 1853 I went 

to the State House, and in the old 
Representatives' Hall I heard Lucy 
Stone and Wm. Lloyd Garrison and 
Wendell Phillips address a legislative 
committee in favor of a constitutional 
amendment for woman suffrage. I 
had heard her the week previous in 
New York in an anti-slavery convention, 
when she described a slave mother 
fleeing with her baby on her shoulder, 
and the bullet from her pursuers 
striking the baby's head and scattering 
its brains upon the poor mother as 
she ran, and I had seen the audience 
melted to tears by the pathos 
of that story.
To make a long story short, I 
made up my mind that, unworthy 
as I was, I must try to get thatwoman for my wife. I spoke to Mr. 
Garrison. He thought there was very 
little hope; he knew that she had made 
up her mind not to marry; that she 
was devoted to the woman's rights 
movement, and would not for any 
personal consideration sacrifice the 
devotion of her life to that cause. I 
went up to her home in Worcester 
County. My wife's niece is here to-night, 
and she well remembers our 
first meeting at the old farmhouse. 
I tried to make Lucy Stone believe 
that if she married me, together we 
might do as much or more for the 
cause than she could do alone; 
and had she not believed it 
might be so, she never would have 
married. Therefore, am I not 

under honorable obligation to devote 
every energy of mind and body to 
make that promise good? Knowing 
as I do, that all I can do in 
a lifetime will not do as much 
as she did in the first three
 years after I knew her, when she 
went throughout the country, the 
evangelist of this great gospel of 
the equality of women. 
I want to say to you to-night, 
for I must not prolong 
this wandering discourse, that there 
are two or three things that I have 
desired to do, and the principal 
one was to advance this great cause. 
After our marriage we came 
East. I was poor. My wife devoted 
herself to aiding me. Weworked up gradually, so that after 
fifteen years in the neighborhood 
of New York, first in book publishing, 
then in real estate, and afterwards 
in sugar-refining, I 
accumulated a competence. In 
1869 we came to Boston with the 
purpose of keeping out of business, 
and I never have been so 
busy as here. We were fortunate 
in buying the beautiful estate 
which has been our home for 
twenty-five years; we have lived 
here and worked here ever since; 
and you know during those twenty-five 
years pretty well what we 
have done. Mrs. Livermore, Mrs. 
Howe and Lucy Stone are the 
three women who are to be 

credited with the organization of the 
American Woman Suffrage Association. 
(Applause.) Mrs. Stone came 
from New Jersey, Mrs. Livermore came 
from Chicago, and together we 
established the Woman's Journal. 
For two years Mrs. Livermore, with 
the assistance of Mr. Livermore, 
was its editor; the paper has been 
published every week since, and 
I trust it will continue to be 
published until the women of 
America are free, as men are 
free.
Another of the things I have
desired to do was to try the experiment 
of making beet-sugar 
in this country. We have here 
to-night my dear friends, Mr.and Mrs. George S. Hunt of Portland. 
Mr. Hunt and Mr. Fred L. Ames, 
believing also that the experiment 
should be tried, put in their 
capital and their energy, and 
we gave it a full and fair 
trial. It did not succeed, 
for want of a sufficient supply 
of beets, though we made several 
hundred thousand dollars worth 
of sugar. But we proved that 
it could be made profitably in 
the West, and it is being made 
there to-day. 
One of the most agreeable 
and profitable associations of 
my life has been with the 
Cincinnati Literary Club, a 
club of young men, merchants 

and lawyers, formed fifty years 
ago in Cincinnati, which still 
holds weekly meetings, of which Hon.
S. P. Chase, afterwards governor 
of Ohio and chief justice of the 
United States was a member. 
Mr. A. R. Spofford, one of its 
members, became my life-long 
friend. Together we had the 
pleasure of bringing to Cincinnati 
as lecturers, Ralph Waldo Emerson, 
and Theodore Parker, and Bronson 
Alcott, and of securing for them 
a hearing among the people of 
the West. Before I took my leave 
of the Club to come East in 1855, 
I wrote a poem. And because 
it was written on an occasion 
something like this, if I canrecall them after forty years, I will recite a few stanzas:
"We meet, as brothers meet, to-night;
Few will these meetings be; 
Join hand in hand, true friendship plight, 
Then part eternally.
Soon will these interviews be o'er.
We drift each moment from the shore, 
We hear each moment louder roar
The cataract ahead.
The dearest friends must pass from sight, 
The longest day must end in night;
Silence succeeds the stormiest fight;
Oblivion drinks the dead.
Yet let that knowledge cast no shade. 
What though we soon must part?
Let no base fear of death invade
The fortress of the heart.


The child may weep what needs must be,
But men who would be nobly free,
Must acquiesce in the decree,
And will, themselves, the law. 
Must fearless though their flesh may creep,
Look down the gulf, terrific, deep,
Must calmly look and calmly leap,
And cry "Excelsior."
From ocean caverns dark and dim
We lately did emerge,
Then brothers why this fear to swim
Upon creation's surge?
Pass, pass the cup, and let us drink,
Like Greeks of old on battle's brink,
Health to that grave whence others shrink
Health to our common bond;
Honor to God, enthroned above,
Health to His universe and love,
Health to the life beyond!We have a noble fight 
to fight; we have a glorious cause. 
Such women and such men
as I see before me will redeem 
Massachusetts politics and Massachusetts 
society at no distant 
day. Let me remind you, each 
and all, women and men of 
New England, that we never shall 
have a government worthy of our 
principles, of our ancestry and of 
our future, until the women and 
men of New England together go to 
the polls, elect the best men and 
women to office, and establish 
a true republic upon the soil of 
this country. We have come here 
together because we believe in it. 
Let us work for it. Well sang our 

dear friend Whittier, a woman suffragist 
all his life:
"Our fathers to their graves have gone, 
Their fight is fought, their battle won.
But sterner trials wait the race
That rises in their honored place,
A moral warfare with the crime
And folly of an evil time.
So let it be. In God's own might
We gird us for the coming fight;
And strong in Him whose cause is ours,
In conflict with unholy powers,
We grasp the weapons He has given,
The light of truth and love of heaven."Slav or Saxon
Hon. William Dudley Foulke has just
republished [?] a revised edition
of his remarkable pamphlet ["] entitled
""Slav or Saxon", which appears as No 43 in G.P.
Putnam's & Sons Questions of the Day.
It calls attention to the steady march of
Russia towards continental [domination]
empire in Europe and Asia. The two great
facts of modern history are the development
of the great Northern power representing the
principle of autocracy and that of the
sharply contrasted Anglo-saxon civilization
representing [personal liberty] that of Democracy
and personal liberty. A deep-rooted jealousy
and ill-will necessarily grow out of their
opposite characters, customs, political life, and
minds of thought. Sooner or later these two
great colonizers and conquerors must come
into collision, and the struggle will determine
whatever civilization of the Slavs or the Saxons,
Despotism or Democracy, will become the
civilization of the world.
Although "the survival of the fittest"
prevails in social as well as organic life
this does not always mean the survival
of the highest type. Indeed the contrary has
seemed to be the rule. Many intellectual races
have fallen a prey to barbarians. No one
would have believed [that] in the Rome of the
Antonines that her universal empire would
have been invaded and destroyed, her armed
legions overthrown, and her civilization all but
extinguished by the half-naked and undisciplined
hordes of Germany and Scythia--that same Scythia
which is now creeping stealthily but continuously
into the Balkan peninsula, China and Central Asia
No one would then have dreamed that the wealth

and refinement of mediaeval India
would have become a prey to the wild tribes
of Tartary--that same Tartary which Russia
today is steadily urging on towards another
and more lasting conquest of British
India. Who would have believed that
Asia Minor and Greece, the cradles of
ancient civilization would [be today] have [?]
crushed out and swept away by the brutal
and barbarous Turk?
The three great progressive peoples that remain
are the Americans, the English, and the Russians.
They alone have unlimited facilities for growth.
They have also a common capacity for colonizing.
In the Western continent America will have
an open field. [But in] In Australia and
Southern Africa, England is planting her
race [and] and language. But the Eastern
continent possesses twice the area of and
ten times the population of America. It is
there that the supremacy of the world will be
attained, [and] as its result the future will be either
Slav or Saxon, despotism or democracy.
Napoleon well said that
Already the Czar possesses [the greatest] a greater body
of contiguous territory than our own. Its
population is more than 125 million, and
growing with unprecedented rapidity. [The army] It
is almost wholly agricultural. Its army
is the largest in the world and numbers more
than three million fighting men. For the
moment [it suits the] colonizing and
railroad-building absorb its resources
and the Czar talks disarmament. But
even as he talks, his armies are pushing
steadily into Siberia and Northern China
Prof. Gardner's Speech.

Professor George E. Gardner, of the Boston University Law 
School, said: - 
"No satisfactory reason against woman suffrage has as yet
been advanced. It is said that since women cannot fight, they 
should not vote. Though women should not render active service 
in the field, they are equally serviceable in the camp and in the 
hospital. Women are as much concerned in matters of war as men, 
and should have an equal voice in their determination.
"It is said that women do not wish to vote. The most representative 
women say they do.
"It is said that to give women the ballot would be to impose 
too great a burden upon one already sufficiently burdened. But 
the right to vote is actually no burden at all to the average man,
 and it would be no more so to the average woman. 
"It is said that the function of the ballot is unfeminine, 
but under the Australian ballot system no more genuinely lady-like 
act can be conceived of.
"It is said that suffrage is a privilege and not a right. 
In a sense this is true, but we have a right to claim that the 
test of suffrage shall be an intrinsically reasonable one. The 
basis of sex in this matter is essentially unreasonable, not to 
say absurd."
Frank Foster's Speech.
Mr. Frank K. Foster, representing the labor unions, said: --
The American labor movement has been for many years committed 
to the principle of equal suffrage for women.
The following resolution, unanimously adopted by the 24th 
annual convention of the American Federation of Labor, held in 
San Francisco concisely embodies the reasons which have led to 
this endorsement:
"RESOLVED: That the best interests of labor require the admission 
of women to full citizenship, as a matter of justice to 
them as a necessary step towards insuring and raising the 
scale of wages for all."
When Harriet Martineau visited this country in 1840, she reported 
but seven occupations as open to women. The last United 
States census divided the industries of the country into 369 groups, 
and, according to Col. Carrol D. Wright, in only nine of those were 
no women employed.
The archaic opponents of equal suffrage dwell with marvellous 
persistence upon the boundaries of a nebulous territory which they 
commonly designate as "The sphere of woman's influence," and profess 
a deep concern lest, by giving women the ballot, this territory 
shall be invaded.
The bruising struggle for existence which has forced woman so 
largely into the industrial arena does not reckon with any such 
shadowy thing as a "sphere of influence." Its objective point is 
cheap labor. Where the worker, man or woman, has not the ballot 


(Mr. Frank K. Foster's speech, continued)
one potent weapon against the bearing down pressure on wages and 
the standards of life is absent. If woman is good enough to do 
so much of the hard work of the world, our contention is that she 
should have all the weapons of defense possessed by men against 
unjust industrial conditions. We esteem it the part of cowardice 
to refuse the ballot to women, while she is more and more being 
called upon to bear the burdens of the industrial world in the
interest of cheapened production.

Henry B. Blackwell's Speech.
Equal suffrage for women is no longer a question of mere 
abstract political principle. "Governments derive their just 
powers from the consent of the governed," and the only form of 
consent known in our republic is the ballot.
But this demand of justice is reinforced by nearly half a 
century of successful, practical experience. Mr. Saunders appears 
here year after year as the attorney of a few estimable 
ladies, and predicts evils that have long since been refuted by 
accomplished facts. In Wyoming, since 1869; in Colorado, since 
1893; in Utah and Idaho, since 1895. One million American citizens 
in four contiguous states, are living under full woman suffrage 
with almost universal public approval and improved legislation 
both for women and men. 300,000 square miles send 8 U.S. 
Senators and 9 Representatives to Washington elected in part by 
the votes of women. The statements repeatedly made against 
equal suffrage have been contradicted every year by leading citizens 
of these states; by governors, ex-governors, U.S. Senators, 
Congressmen, judges of the Supreme and Superior Courts, mayors, 
editors, lawyers, ministers, physicians, presidents of State universities, 
leading men and women in every walk of life. As a 
result, those four states enjoy such a full and fair expression of 
public opinion as does not exist in any state where women are 
disfranchised. In Massachusetts, on an average, 65 per cent. of 
our men vote; in Wyoming, 80 per cent. of the men and 90 per cent. 
of all the women, women voting more generally than the men and men 
voting more generally than ever before. 
You will probably be told that woman suffrage in Colorado has 
produced increased political corruption. Such a statement is totally,
[unjustifiedly and meanly false] untrue. Congressman Stafroth, 
who nobly resigned his seat because frauds had been committed in
his district, says that not one in ten of the persons implicated 
was a woman. Why not disfranchise the nine men? Gentlemen, 
you cannot rely on these statements of the remonstrants. Write 
yourselves to the governor of each of the four free States. Write 
to the judges of their Supreme Courts, to their U.S. Senators and 
Congressmen. Suppose similar testimony should come from Massachusetts: 
Are our Western fellow-countrymen less honest than we?
100,000 citizens of Massachusetts, eleven years ago, voted 
that municipal suffrage should be extended to women. 22,204 
women voted "Yes;" only 864 women voted "No." The men who voted 
"No" were less than one-third of the qualified voters of the 
State. More than two-thirds of our voters either voted "Yes" or 
did not declare themselves opposed. 
One million women vote in the elections of Federated Australia. 
Women vote on the same terms as men in New Zealand, and in Great 
Britain for all elected officers except members of Parliament.(Henry B. Blackwell's Speech, continued)
Are American women alone unfit for political responsibilities?
     It is said that "To give women suffrage would only double the vote." Not so; women differ from men more widely than any class of men differs from any other. Therefore, mere masculine suffrage is class legislation - always unwise and unfair.
     It is said that "We have too many voters already." Not so; we need to enlarge the vote in order to check the increasing use of money in elections. A limited suffrage is always a corrupt and corruptible suffrage, just in proportion to its limitation. 
     Gentlemen, some day ere long one of our political parties will espouse the cause of women, and will deserve the gratitude of one-half of our citizens now taxed without representation and governed without consent. 

Letter from Judge Lindsey.
      Meyer Bloomfield read a letter from Judge Lindsey, of Denver Juvenile Court, who wrote: -
     "In Colorado the ballot has never made women any the less womanly or the less motherly. It odes not take any mother from her home duties to spend ten minutes in going to the polling place, casting her vote and returning. But in that ten minutes she wields a power that is doing more to protect that home now, and will do more to protect it in the future, and more to protect all other homes, than any power or influence in Colorado."

Letter from Mrs. F. N. Shiek.

Mrs. Otto B Cole read a letter from Mrs. F. N. Shiek, President of the Wyoming State Federation of Women's Clubs, who wrote: - 

"Your question, 'What effect has suffrage on the work of women's organizations?' could be briefly answered in these words: It makes their work easier. I do not believe that woman suffrage is the cure-all for all evils. But so far as their work in clubs and other organizations for legislative or other improvements is concerned that work is easier and more effective because the politicians know that votes as well as influence are behind the requests.

"The right of suffrage puts a woman upon a different footing. She can work for a measure in a quiet way, and yet the votes are there when the time comes.

"The polls are as orderly and as fit a place for woman as can be - in fact, just as much so as a hall where a lecture is to be given. That objection can never be made by one who knows what he is talking about."


Letter from Mrs. Howe.

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe wrote: - 
        "If manhood suffrage is unsatisfactory it does not at all show that woman suffrage would be. On the contrary, we might make it much better by bringing to it the feminine mind, which, in a way, complements the masculine, and so completes the mind of humanity. We are half of humanity, and I do frankly believe that we have half the intelligence and good sense of humanity, and that it is quite time that we should express not only our sentiments, but our determined will to set our faces as a flint toward justice and right, and to follow these, through the difficult path; to follow it straight, not to the 'bitter end' - for it will not be a bitter end, but a very sweet end, and I hope it will come before my end comes."

Mrs. Mead's Speech.
      Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead said that while all the governments use force, no government rests upon force, but upon the consent of the people. Replying to the argument that women have more influence without a vote , she said: "All influence, whether man's or woman's, depends upon personality or opportunity. President Eliot's influence is many thousand times as important as his vote; the scavenger's vote and the President's count the same. If I had to choose between my influence or my vote, I should choose to have my influence. But there is no such alternative. Every man's and every woman's influence is somewhat enhanced by the addition of the vote. If a man of equal influence with President Eliot, for instance an unnaturalized Englishman like John Morley, should present to your committee one side of an argument and President Eliot the other, President Eliot's would have a little more weight with you because he has a vote. Even Anti-Suffragists recognize that in getting up petitions to legislatures, men's signatures are of far more significance because they have votes.
       "The argument presented by Professor Sedgwick that women are known to be more disinterested because they do not have the ballot, if it proves anything, would prove that a man of his importance ought to decline to use the ballot in order that he might be known to be absolutely disinterested. Disinterestedness depends upon character solely. Men and women are disinterested or not, absolutely irrespective of whether or not they have the ballot. I should resent the assumption that my husband is not supposed to be as interested as I. Many women are by no means disinterested. Various women without the ballot have used back-stairs influence and unworthy methods to obtain pensions or positions for themselves or friends. Whether one is disinterested or not is irrespective of sex or the suffrage.
       "The most eminent women in reform work in this country are either suffragists or at least not Anti-Suffragist. I need only mention such women as Mrs. Josephine Shaw Lowell, Miss Jane Addams, Miss Haley, who has helped to free thousands of children from the thraldom of factory labor; nearly all the women who have taken such conspicuous part in the civic reform work in Philadelphia; Mrs. Florence Kelley, Mrs. Quincy A. Shaw, and Mrs. Hemenway. All these but one were positive suffragists, and that one refused to be counted with the opponents. 
      "Despite the distorted representation made by opponents, the movement is growing everywhere. MOre women are asking for the new responsibility than are protesting against it. The question to be considered by all legislatures is not whether the majority have(Mrs. Mead's speech, continued)

asked for a measure, but whether it is just and timely that that 
measure should pass.  Responsibility has been good for men, it 
will be equally good for women.  No patriot should wish to shirk 
civic responsibility."

Mrs. Lamb's Address.

      Mrs. Louis Lamb, of Attleboro, said in part: - 

      "The home is the foundation of the State.  Upon its quality 
depends in no small degree the quality of our citizenship. Upon 
woman is laid the responsibility of caring for and developing the 
home.  Within it are to be born and reared the future citizens of 
the State. 

       "Is there any grander enterprise, any one more vitally concerned 
in the weal or woe of our State, any one that requires 
greater sacrifice, greater wisdom, than the bearing and rearing of children?  Cannot these mothers who train the future voter 
through the formative years of youth be trusted to use the ballot 
wisely?  Ought not every assistance in the gift of the State be 
placed at the command of these home-makers to aid them in that 
great work?

     "Every other business, great or small seeks the protecting 
power of the ballot.  Why not this greatest of all industries?"RECIPROCITY
A Republican Issue

Reciprocity With Canada and Newfoundland.

1. Is It Desirable?
2. Is It Practicable?
3. Is It Timely?
4. Is It Republican?

ADDRESSES UPON THIS TOPIC BY
HENRY B. BLACKWELL
AND EUGENE N. FOSS
BEFORE THE MASSACHUSETTS 
CLUB, BOSTON, JUNE 11, 1904 : : :

ISSUED BY THE 
NEW ENGLAND RECIPROCITY LEAGUE
34 OLIVER STREET, BOSTON.From McKinley's Farewell Address

       Only a broad and enlightened policy will keep what we have.  
No other policy will get more.  In these times of marvelous 
business energy and gain we ought to be looking to the future, 
strengthening the weak places in our industrial and commercial 
systems, so that we may be ready for any storm or strain.

       By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our 
home production we shall extend the outlets for our increasing 
surplus.  A system which provides a mutual exchange of commodities 
is manifestly essential to the continued healthful 
growth of our export trade.  We must not repose in fancied 
security that we can forever sell everything and buy little or 
nothing.  If such a thing were possible it would not be best for 
us or for those with whom we deal.  We should take from our 
customers such of their products as we can use without harm to 
our industries and labor.

      Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial 
development under the domestic policy now firmly 
established.  What we produce beyond our domestic consumption 
must have a vent abroad.  The excess must be relieved through 
a foreign outlet and we should sell everything we can and buy 
wherever the buying will enlarge our sales and productions, and 
thereby make a greater demand for home labor.

     The period of exclusiveness is past.  The expansion of our 
trade and commerce is the pressing problem.  Commercial wars 
are unprofitable.  A policy of good will and friendly trade relations 
will prevent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties are in harmony 
with the spirit of the times; measures of retaliation are not.  If 
perchance some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue 
or to encourage and protect our industries at home, why should 
they not be employed to extend and promote our markets 
abroad?


HENRY B. BLACKWELL

If We Maintain Our Present Policy, We Should Not Blame the 
Canadians if They Should Double Their Present Tariff Against 
Us and Give England a Fifty Percent Preferential in Order to 
Exclude Us.

Mr. Chairman and Brother Republicans:
     Reciprocity with Canada and Newfoundland is one of the most 
important questions ever brought before the American people.  It 
is exceedingly desirable for the interests of both the United States 
and the British Provinces, and of vital importance to the future 
prosperity of Boston, of Massachusetts, and of New England.  It 
certainly is practicable, for it already exists to a limited extent.  
Nearly one half of the present imports and exports between the 
United States and Canada, amounting to some 209 million dollars 
annually, consists of articles already on the free list.  Its consideration 
is eminently timely, because the principal obstacle that 
has hitherto retarded its accomplishment has been removed by 
the settlement of the Boundary dispute.  It has received the endorsement 
and approval of leading Republican statesmen for 50 
years, from John A. Andrew to Theodore Roosevelt, both on record 
in its favor.

   Gentlemen, the Massachusetts club has a history of which we 
are justly proud.  It existed before the Republican party came into 
being.  Until 1873 it was known as the "Bird" club.  In 1848 its 
members started the Free Soil Party as a protest against the 
nomination of Zachary Taylor.  In 1854, one of its members, John 
A. Andrew, presided over the Worcester convention, which organized 
the Republican party of Massachusetts.  It would be eminently 
fitting that this historic club should again make itself felt in rescuing 
our party from unwise and disastrous leadership, and in 
bringing it back to the principles and policies of its founders.

     At the recent Republican State Convention, our fellow member, 
Eugene N. Foss, offered the following resolution: - 
     "It is the sense of this convention that the government of the 
United States should take immediate steps to secure closer and 
more advantageous trade relations with Canada, and that reciprocal 
relations beneficial to both countries, should preferably follow 
the general line of the removal by both countries of the duties on 
the natural products of each, with such mutual extensions of the 
free list, and reductions and changes of the duties on manufactured 
products of both, as will give to each as low a rate of duties as is 
given to any other country, believing that in so doing we shall be 
following such able exponents as James G. Blaine, Nelson Dingley, 
Jr., and William McKinley."

Reciprocity With a String to It.
     In the hope of preventing the introduction of that resolution 
by Mr. Foss, the Republican platform committee inserted an evasive 
plank with reciprocity in name and exclusion in fact - reciprocitywith a string to it. At a previous hearing before the Massachusetts committee on Federal Relations, and afterwards in the columns of the Boston Herald, our fellow-member, Albert Clarke, secretary of the Home Market club, has frankly stated that in his opinion reciprocity with Canada and Newfoundland is impracticable, because those countries have the same natural products as ours, which products therefore should not be admitted to our markets in competition with our own. Indeed Mr. Clarke went so far at the hearing as to quote from Webster against Hayne, and declared that reciprocity with Canada would result in secession and a dissolution of the Union. 

Senator Lodge who, as senator, has helped to turn down the reciprocity treaties negotiated during the past eight years by the administrations of McKinley and Roosevelt, and who has been especially hostile to a reciprocity treaty with Newfoundland, opposed Mr. Foss' resolution and said that if adopted it would be "a direct reflection upon the administration." On the contrary it would have been an endorsement of the administration. But it would have been a disapproval of the action of the Senate in refusing to confirm the reciprocity treaties negotiated by the administrations of McKinley and Roosevelt.

Was Andrew an "Assistant Democrat"?

Against the sophistry of the exclusionists, let me quote from our illustrious deceased member, John A. Andrew, our great war governor. In 1867, after the Civil War, addressing the annual meeting of the New England Agricultural Society, he said: - 

"The first thing that New England needs to do is to take the lead in free trade and unrestrained commerce all over the continent of America. We want the Canadas and we want Mexico as new hunting grounds for the active enterprise, ingenuity, and thrift of our New England mechanics." And in a letter to his friend, Francis P. Blair, in 1866, Andrew said: 

"Much to my surprise Massachusetts has not favored in Congress the continuance of reciprocity between the United States and the British Provinces. Our men are divided on the subject. I am a warm and confident believer in it." According to our junior Senator, Gov. John A. Andrew was an "assistant Democrat," and according to our friend Mr. Clarke he was a counselor of secession and disunion. Wonderful discovery!

Advocates of Reciprocity with Canada and Newfoundland are consistent Republicans of the school of Andrew, Bird, Robinson, Monroe, Samuel G. Howe, Henry Wilson, and the first Charles Francis Adams (all members of the club) of Lincoln, Chase, Blaine and McKinley, of Roosevelt and Hay, of Cummins of Iowa, La Follette of Wisconsin, Miller of Minnesota, and McCall of Massachusetts.

Have We Gone Tariff Mad?

There were very few high-tariff men in the early Republican party. Its principle was a tariff for revenue with incidental protection, not, as now, a tariff for exclusion with incidental revenue; a very different thing. And today the masses of the Republican party are with us; but under the control of the Coal Barons of Pennsylvania, the Beef Trust of Chicago, the Standard Oil Company of Ohio, and other great corporations, the party, on economic questions, is only the old Whig party gone to seed.

The old Whigs favored temporary protection for infant industries; these exclusionists favor perpetual protection for gigantic monopolies that have built up and maintain for private profit this modern heresy of universal, indiscriminate, excessive protection - this tariff gone mad.

The old Whigs favored protection for the American people - these gentlemen advocate protection against the American consumer in favor of his European competitors. They sell European shipbuilders their materials 33 percent lower than to American shipbuilders and then propose "Subsidies" to cover the difference - thus doubly taxing the American consumer.

Having eliminated domestic competition, they guard themselves against foreign competition by an exorbitant tariff. American steel rails costing less than $16 per ton are sold to American railroads at $28 per ton, and to foreign railroads at $18 a ton, in order to pay dividends on Steel Trust stock watered from 350 million dollars to 1400 million dollars - dishonest dividends wrung from the hard earnings of the American people. We need no subsidies. Let Congress permit our merchants to buy ships for foreign trade in the world's market at prices they can afford to pay, and our flag will float on every sea.

Imperatively needed by Boston. 

Reciprocity with Canada and Newfoundland is imperatively needed by this city. Nature designed Boston to be the "Ice-free port" and winter harbor of the vast region lying east and north and northwest of us. This region includes New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland, the valley of the St. Lawrence, Ontario, the fertile plains of Manitoba, and Alberta, and the primeval forests of British Columbia. Almost unlimited in extent and natural resources, it possesses ample stores of coal, iron ore, lumber, fish, grain, and dairy products - which we need and can pay for in manufactured articles. It has a seacoast of more than 2000 miles, Newfoundland included. It is peopled by English-speaking men and women of our own lineage. It is, naturally, as tributary to Boston as are Pennsylvania and the Middle West tributary to New York. Only artificial tariff barriers prevent.

Before the Revolution, Boston was the wealthiest and most populous American city. She was foremost in manufactures and commerce, and the seat of the East India trade. If she become, as a result of reciprocity, the winter terminus of the Canadian Pacific railroad system, nearer by hundreds of miles to Japan and China, she may regain that trade and become the entrepot between Europe and the Orient.

Today Boston is "bottled up." Westward its market extends only to the Connecticut River; all beyond centres in New York. Its foreign trade is declining; its domestic trade is at a standstill. Its population is increasing, but not their means of support. Our city is not prosperous, and New England capital is seeking investment on western and southern soil in enterprises that give little or no employment to our resident population. Water communication by the Hudson River and Erie Canal and the Great Lakes has made New York the metropolis. It costs much more to transport freight by rail than by water. We have the water facilities, but are forbidden to use them freely. Even in railroad rates Massachusetts is handicapped, for, like Esau, for a mess of pottage, she has sold her railroads to outside parties. Had Andrew's law partner, our deceased fellow-member, Gen. Wm. L. Burt, lived two years longer, Boston would have had a line to Chicago and Minneapolis controlled in the interests of New England. Today Massachusetts has no railroad of her own.

Lumber and Coal.

New England has no coal; soon she will have no lumber. Nine-tenths of all we eat, drink and wear is produced outside. Our water-power, our only natural advantage, is now largely supplemented by steam, and steam consumes coal. But our coal has to be transported from the interior of Pennsylvania and Virginia to the seaboard at an absolute cost of $1.50 a ton. The Nova Scotia mines are on the seashore. There coal is being mined under the very bed of the ocean, and can be put on board of vessels at a saving of that $1.50 a ton. By an illegal combination of coal operators and railroads another one dollar per ton is charged to the New England consumer. Thus, as a consequence of the duty on Canadian coal, we pay $2.50 a ton too much for our bituminous coal, and the anthracite trust is enabled to set its price accordingly. Yet even in coal, notwithstanding the tariff, the United States sells Western Canada, which lacks coal, more American coal than we buy from Nova Scotia.

Take lumber: Newfoundland is stripping its forests and sending its lumber to Europe, while we, here in Boston suburbs, cannot build houses on account of the exorbitant price of building materials.

For want of Canadian iron and coal our foundries and rolling-mills have disappeared. All we can now do is to bring iron and steel from Pittsburgh and work it up into the finished product - paying two freights, each several hundred miles - one on the raw material, another on the finished product. Under such conditions even this industry cannot long continue.  

Industry Leaving New England.

Our cotton mills are going south. In the 20 years between 1880 and 1900 southern mills, largely built by New England capital and managed by New England men, increased their annual product of cotton goods from eighty-four and a half million pounds to 707 million pounds, and their number of factories from 161 to 401. Since 1900 the number of mills and amount of product have increased in a much greater ratio, and both are said to have doubled during the past three years. Excessive taxation, the result of profligate national expenditure, is crushing out the life of our people. The cost of living has increased one-third within the past five years, without any corresponding increase of wages. We need the cheaper food and fuel, which Canada alone can supply, to enable our operatives, in a working day of ten hours, to compete with child labor for 12 or 14 hours; white slavery in the Carolinas, with cheaper food and fuel, in a more genial clime.

Formerly we made boots and shoes for the whole country, but the west is fast making its own, and Congress has handicapped us with a tariff on hides with the acquiescence and votes of our New England congressmen. 

Formerly we manufactured furniture; now it is made in Michigan.

Evidently, to escape decadence and decay, New England must have free access to raw materials, food, and fuel, and we can escape from our present enslavement to the industrial trusts only by availing ourselves of Canadian commerce.

Our Farmers and Fishermen.

It is said that the agricultural and fishing interests of New England and the United States must be protected. We maintain, with Gov. Andrew, that these interests would be immensely benefitted by Candian reciprocity. With a removal of the duties on fish Boston and Gloucester would become the centres of the fishing industries of the world. What our farmers produce is mostly milk and cream, poultry, fruit and vegetables. To these perishable commodities proximity is all-important. No one imagines, I suppose, that we, here in New England, will import our mild and cream from Nova Scotia and Ontario. It is said that in her farm products New England and Canada are identical. That is not altogether true; not at all true so far as the whole country goes. In seaboard localities, like Boston, Canada may supply us with potatoes more cheaply, though last year she imported from us more potatoes than she sold us. But we must look at the matter more broadly. As a matter of fact Canada buys of us twice as much agricultural products as we buy of her. Suppose by reciprocity we increase this traffic ten fold. And suppose she increases her sale to us equally. That also will be for our advantage, since we shall thereby supply ourselves at lower prices than now with the food and fuel that our people need.

When I visited the Charleston Exposition, I met there truck farmers who are growing rich by raising early fruit and vegetables for northern markets. First Florida loads steamers with her products; then Savannah and Charleston follow; a few weeks later Norfolk, Va., then New Jersey. Why not extend this traffic to the seaport towns of the maritime provinces and to Quebec, Montreal, and to Toronto? Why not supply Canada, via Boston, with oranges, tobacco, pineapples, sweet potatoes - above all with our great American specialty, Indian corn and its manifold preparations?

Why Not Unshackle New England?

The prosperity of our manufacturers is due primarily not to protection, but to the superior thrift, industry, and intelligence of our people. These qualities have been developed by our magnificent system of domestic free trade from ocean to ocean and from Canada to the Gulf. Suppose there had been tariff barriers between Massachusetts and the great west, where would our manufacturers be, without their western and southern markets? But here is an empire, in area nearly equal to ours, at our very doors, mainly agricultural, needing our manufactures and agricultural pro-ducts in exchange for its own. This vast region in the future will support a population almost equal to ours. Why not double our future area of trade? Why not unshackle New England, and enable our people to buy and sell freely all over the North American continent? Why condemn New England to stagnation and decay?

Impracticable Reciprocity.

Our junior senator avows himself in favor of reciprocity with Canada and Newfoundland, and expresses his belief that he will be willing to favor any definite plan upon which the merchants of Boston can unite. But he adds: "There is a wide difference between the reciprocity of Blaine and McKinley, which, as they define it, was reciprocity in non-competitive products, and the reciprocity which I hear advocated by members of the Democratic party."

It is a perversion of fact to state that the reciprocity proposed by Blaine and McKinley did not include "competitive" products. Mr. Blaine's proposed treaty with Argentina conceded twenty percent reduction of duties on wool; his treaty with Newfoundland adopted and renewed in the main by Hay and Roosevelt, was based upon a removal of the duties on fish except "green" codfish. Without concessions on the exchange of natural products, there can be no reciprocity with Canada or Newfoundland. Col. Clarke is candid and correct in calling the attempt "impracticable."

Let us have no misunderstanding as to the issue. It is not free trade, but fair trade that we advocate. Either we must have real reciprocity on the lines proposed by Blaine and McKinley, which include competitive products, or we must maintain our present policy of seclusion. Which shall it be?

Present Relations Are One-Sided.

But we are told that Canada does not want reciprocity, because, in despair of reciprocity, after 40 years of exclusion, she has given free trade England differential reduced duties of 32 percent. Why has she done so? Because her repeated overtures for reciprocity have been rejected. Our present tariff against Canada averages twice as high as that of Canada against us. Yet, notwithstanding, she buys of us twice as much as we of her, and our exclusionists point to this "balance of trade" as a good thing. It is a very bad thing. It shows how one-sided are our present relations with her. If we maintain our present policy, we should not blame the Canadians if they should double their present tariff against us, and give England a 50 percent preferential, or even more, in order to exclude us. 

It is said we must specify details in advance. That is impossible. These must be left to conference and be made conditional. Leave these details to President Roosevelt and John Hay, unhampered by a hostile senate. Let us have the nearest possible approximation to Continental free interchange - a commercial Pan America - an industrial embodiment of the Monroe Doctrine - America for Americans - a practical application of the old Revolutionary stanza:

"No pent-up Utica contracts our powers,
But the whole boundless continent is ours."

EUGENE N. FOSS

If Intimate Trade Relations Between the Eastern, Western, and Southern States of the United States Are Desirable, Reciprocity With Canada and Newfoundland Is Desirable - Was Dingley a Renegade Protectionist? - Was Not McKinley a Good Republican?

Mr. President and Members:

If intimate trade relations between the eastern, western and southern states of the United States are desirable, reciprocity with Canada and Newfoundland is desirable. The commercial disassociation of these countries is unnatural and was forced upon them by the results of the War of the Revolution. Canada, Newfoundland and the United States always have been natural traders one with the other. Since the Revolution it has been a political not an economic reason why trade between the United States and Canada should not be as free, relatively speaking, as between our eastern and western states.

I need not say that free trade between these countries is impossible, if for no other reason than revenue reasons, and no one contemplates it. 

I regard the situation of the United States with respect to Canada and Newfoundland as peculiar. The advanced element in the old English Whig party, in the period following the Revolution, instinctively recognized the natural affinity of the two sections and would have accomplished continental unity by relinquishing to the United States the British possessions in North America. 

Such a consummation was politically impracticable, but it indicated a correct view of the real situation. These old English Whigs saw plainly in perspective what we have been unable to see from our near shores. 

Even our opponents recognize that close trade relations are desirable, for they point now to the immense volume of business being done with Canada and say that such a traffic is eminently satisfactory. All they ask is that the tariff conditions surrounding it be let alone.

Our Trade With Canada.

I wish to emphasize before you today a few phases of the Canadian situation to which our friends of the opposition are not accustomed to refer. I will first quote to you briefly a few figures showing the interchange of domestic merchandise between the United States and Canada for a series of years:

1873
United States Exports $28,350,000
United States Imports $37,175,000

1883
United States Exports $40,700,000
United States Imports $44,290,000

1893
United States Exports $43,000,000
United States Imports $37,775,000

1903
United States Exports $114,480,000
United States Imports $54,780,000

These figures for 1873, you will notice, are for a year seven years after the abrogation of the Elgin treaty of 1854-66. The opposition are fond of pointing out that in the last year or two of
the old treaty the balance of trade shifted to favor Canada, as well as some other countries. They fail to tell you, however, that for six or seven years after the abrogation of the treaty the adverse balance continued. It is the opinion of some statisticians that the old treaty had comparatively little effect on the trade between the two countries. Whether it had or not, the restoration of high duties by the United States manifestly failed to check the traffic which had grown up between the two countries; undoubtedly to the profit and convenience of both.

The Truth About the Elgin Treaty.

To digress for a moment, in analyzing the operation of the old treaty our opponents fail to state a number of other facts of consequence. They omit any mention, for example, of the fact that during the treaty period the United States passed through four years of Civil War. Conditions in this country during the treaty period were abnormal, and this truth should be recognized by fair antagonists. The phenomenal balance against the United States in 1866 was due primarily to the fact that millions of dollars' worth of goods were rushed across the line by American importers in anticipation of the termination of the treaty.

You will please understand that for two-thirds of the period of the operation of the treaty the charge against it of creating an adverse balance had no statistical basis whatsoever. Until we were well into the Civil War, not only did the trade of both countries increase, but the trade balance continued steadily in favor of the United States. It is not fair or proper to include the period of the Civil War in analyzing the operation of the old treaty. If any reference can properly be made to the war period, for statistical purposes, it is to the fact that the northern states, their commerce circumscribed and much of their agriculture lacking development, drew heavily upon Canada for military supplies. In this respect the treaty certainly served a beneficent purpose.

I am not here to defend the old treaty at all points, but certain statements concerning it have been used very freely in this state to prejudice the people against Canadian reciprocity. Nothing is more dangerous than a half truth and I propose that the people shall know the whole truth. 

This treaty was not approved by the United States government primarily on its commercial merits. It was desired by Canada to afford an outlet for her products and by the United States to gain for her fishermen, chiefly of New England, certain valuable privileges. Without these not only was the fishing industry carried on at a great disadvantage but vexatious disputes were continually arising which even threatened the peace of the two countries. If any sacrifice were made by us under the old treaty, it was of American agricultural interests to those of the New England fisherman.

Neither was the treaty abrogated because of any general dissatisfaction with its operation. Two chief causes influenced the United States government in its desire that the treaty be terminated. One was the necessity for revenue caused by the expenses of the Civil War. The other was the sentimental reason or belief that the Canadian government had sympathized with the cause of the Southern Confederacy. The abrogation of the treaty was the culminating stroke which brought about the Canadian confederation and prevented, probably for all time, the complete union of the two countries which many on both sides of the line at that time regarded as desirable. 

The treaty was defective in point of failing to provide against any increase of duty on manufacturers. Canada, because of her absolute necessities, gradually increased her duties upon manufactured goods; and as a result of this policy it may be noted that our exports of manufactures were reduced between 1858 and 1863 from more than $4,000,000 to $1,500,000. The same result, entailing much more disastrous consequences to American trade, is easily possible today. 

Not Due to the Dingley Bill.

To return to the table I have quoted, American exports to Canada, starting at $28,000,000 in 1873, did not reach the $50,000,000 point until 1894. They had increased to $58,000,000 in 1897, the year of the enactment of the Dingley bill; and they then leaped by quick stages to $114,00,000 in 1903. In six years, therefore, they about doubled.

Some of our friends are fond of attributing this enormous increase to the operation of the Dingley act. I do not agree with them. In fact, the Dingley Act could have furnished no important reason for so phenomenal a growth. The fact is, that in the six or seven years since the operation of the Dingley Act the total commerce of Canada actually doubled in size, thus doubling the purchase power of our Canadian customers. 

Not only this, but in the past years American capital has gone into Canada by the tens if not hundreds of millions to develop her natural resources, and the largest item of our exports to Canada has been the manufactures of iron and steel which followed this influx. 

To examine the imports of the United States from Canada, in 1873 they amounted to $37,000,000. In 1883 they were $44,000,000 and in 1893 they had dropped back to $37,000,000. In 1903 they were only $54,000,000.

In each of the two years following the enactment of the Dingley bill our imports from Canada were only $31,000,000 or $6,000,000 less than they were in 1873, the last year of the adverse balance of trade against us. 

Practically, therefore, our exports to Canada have increased four-fold in the past 30 years, while our imports have remained almost stationary. This is one important fact of which account must be taken in considering the question of reciprocity with Canada.

Our Duties Double Canada's. 

A second fact is equally important. I desire to quote to you a short table showing the rates of duty levied upon imports respectively by the United States and Canada. This is for 1902, and the figures are practically the same for 1903.

Articles of food and animals,
U.S. 68.11
Canada 26.47

Articles in a crude state,
U.S. 30.33 
Canada 26.16

Articles wholly or partly mf'd,
U.S. 27.02
Canada 19.60Mf'd articles for consumption, 
49.11
24.24
Luxuries,
57.21
54.40
Average rate, 
49.78
27.33

       We see, therefore, not only that our duties are heavier than Canada's in every class of imports but that on the general average they are almost twice those of the Dominion. Is there not some reason in the demand of Canada that if the United States desires to trade fairly with her best customer on this continent she shall make a beginning by bringing her duties somewhere near the Canadian level? Why do the American statesmen and politicians who are clamoring for "concessions" on the part of Canada and scolding the Canadians for their hesitancy to grant them - why do they so persistently ignore the fact that here is an existing "concession" which is granted to us by no other country in the world save Great Britain? There is, I believe, very much practical sense in the suggestion of Senator Hoar that reciprocity can best be accomplished by means of direct tariff revision.

An Important Point to Understand.
       The facts and figures I have quoted explain why Canada, despairing of what she regards as fair treatment by the United States, has turned her attention abroad; with results so gratifying that she has doubled her total foreign trade in the past few years and no longer sues for the American reciprocity she sought for so many years. 
      It should be a matter of the keenest anxiety on our part to keep the Canadian market open to our products under the present moderate, not to say generous, conditions. Canada has not yet adopted the policy of exclusion. She will not do so unless forced to by the apparent greed of her foreign customers. 
      Our own enormous export trade to Canada, now amounting to $115,000,000 a year, has been built up largely by the tolerance of Canada. It can be protected by a conciliatory and moderate policy on our part, but it can be destroyed by a failure to appreciate industrial and political conditions in the Dominion. The business men of both countries can settle these business questions among themselves if they kept free of political complications. The necessary thing now is to "get together."
       As I said, we should make every legitimate effort to encourage trade with Canada; not only to protect our valuable export trade but to help supply our Canadian customers to the means with which to pay for their purchases from us. This will be difficult if not impossible, if "stand pat" is to be our future policy. Such a course will prove the costliest of mistakes, as far as Canada is concerned. We overlook her present liberal attitude when we demand too much in the way of future concessions from the Dominion. When our people grasp the point that they will do very well if they succeed in keeping trade conditions where they are, they will have taken a long step toward a fair and just understanding of the Canadian question.

A Hint as to Canada's Plans.
       It has been pointed out that Canada no longer is solicitous for reciprocity; that she is committed to the policy of imperial federation, of which the preferential tariff is an essential part. 


      These statements are substantially true. Canada has been forced into this attitude by the indifference of the United States to her claims. With no desire to be personal, I may say that the type of argument put forth by the secretary of the Home Market club and its reflection at Washington have constituted sufficient reason why Canada should turn from the United States to the mother country.

      It is not true that Canada is committed to any tariff policy except such as she believes will conserve her own interests.
      In his Budget speech a year ago, Minister of Finance Fielding gave a hint of the tariff plans of the government when he said: 
     "There may be a necessity at some early date to make further tariff changes than those which I now propose, but if so, the extent to which these changes should be made and the character of the changes may be in a considerable degree dependent upon the attitude of certain other countries toward Canada."
       There is no mistaking this language. Germany found that out when Canada imposed a surtax of 33 1-3 percent upon her exports. This killed her sugar trade and seriously injured her sales of silks, woolens and steel; "and," says Mr. Fielding in his Budget speech this week, "on the whole the surtax has been a good thing for Canada and for the British Empire generally."
      Minister Fielding reaffirms the purpose of the Liberal government, if it is not overthrown by the high tariff Conservatives, to continue upon a moderate tariff policy which includes incidental protection. He announces, however, the purpose of the government to adopt a maximum and minimum tariff system.
       "The maximum tariff," he says, "would apply only to those countries which pursue in the carrying out of their own affairs, a trade policy which discourages trade with us. In that case they cannot complain if we have a maximum tariff; and though we should guard against having an extreme tariff, we would be justified in saying that the tariff rates with them would be materially higher than what we are prepared to extend to other countries who are willing to make trade with us on fair and reasonable terms."

Maximum and Minimum Tariff.  
      Now, Mr. President, I never have contended for any special method of securing reciprocity with Canada. This can be accomplished in three ways: By direct tariff revision, by treaty or by means of the maximum and minimum tariff system. Let me ask the gentlemen of the opposition what their attitude toward a maximum and minimum tariff system would be? Would they permit the sacrifice of American trade merely through party or personal pride, or would they join hands with us in an attempt to secure the benefits of a minimum tariff? Would they assist or would they discourage? Would they continue a stubborn campaign against any tariff changes, as in the past, or would they help to save our export trade from slaughter?
      Reciprocity with Canada is practicable only in the hands of men in whose friendliness of purpose, liberality of thought and business capacity the people of both countries have confidence. It is impossible with men who place politics above business prosperity, partisanship above patriotism.       Is it not timely to give consideration to the situation which is shaping in the Dominion of Canada?

Confidence in Blaine and Hay.
       I have said little of Newfoundland. There is no doubt of the Newfoundland desire for reciprocity with the United States. Mr. Gardner has discussed the Newfoundland treaty and criticised it sharply, but I have not yet heard any suggestion from him as to how it can be improved. I hope he will tell us today. It was negotiated originally by James G. Blaine and reaffirmed by Secretary Hay. In the judgment of both these gentlemen I have much confidence. Mr. Blaine's purpose in the original negotiations was military and political rather than commercial. He believed the situation presented to the United States advantages which, if rightly handled, would prove of incalculable value. Mr. Hay appears to have been actuated by something of the same thought.
     I have made some study of the fisheries in question and I have yet to be convinced that the privileges conferred by a reciprocal fish treaty are not worth to our fishermen any reasonable price. The fishing industry is conspicuous by its lack of development. Under free and natural conditions I believe the American fisherman not only would hold his own, but would control the whole situation in the North Atlantic; not only to his own profit, but to that of our British neighbors. I have spoken at length upon this topic elsewhere and I will not dwell upon it now.

It Is Republican to Progress.
      It is always in accordance with Republican principles to progress. The Republican party is the party of action. It never has hesitated to take advantage of changed conditions to promote the welfare of the country. It is protectionism run mad that menaces the safety of the Republican party.
       Our presidents and great leaders like Garfield, Arthur, Harrison, McKinley, Blaine and Dingley always have been in advance of their party upon the tariff question. All have been compelled to contend with the representatives in Congress of over-protected interests. These men, whether Republicans or Democrats, have had the power to hold up tariff legislation and they have used it. They have cared nothing for the popular opinion unless it threatened to disturb their own chances of re-election. They fought the comparatively non-competitive reciprocity of President Arthur as doggedly as they have resisted the ratification of the McKinley treaties, negotiated under the provisions of the Dingley Act. 
        McKinley went a step beyond Garfield and Harrison, and Roosevelt went a step beyond McKinley. If any man would challenge this statement let him tell me what President Roosevelt meant when he said, in his message to Congress in December, 1902:
       "If it proves impossible to ratify the pending treaties (i.e., those negotiated by President McKinley's commissioner, Hon. John A. Kasson), and if there seem to be no warrant for the endeavor to execute others, or to amend the pending treaties so that they can be ratified, then the same end - to secure reciprocity - should be met by direct legislation."

Again, what did President Roosevelt mean when, in the same 


message, in urging revision of the tariff by means of reciprocity rather than revision, he said:
      "One way in which the readjustment sought can be reached is by reciprocity treaties. It is greatly to be desired that such treaties may be adopted. They can be used to widen our markets, to give a greater field for the activies of our producers on the one hand, and on the other hand to secure in practical shape the lowering of duties when they are no longer needed for protection among our own people, (and I will ask you particularly to note this phrase) or when the minimum of damage done may be disregarded for the sake of the maximum of good accomplished."
      Does this last phrase point to non-competitive reciprocity? For my part I ask no higher or better authority for the doctrine of genuine reciprocity than that. Roosevelt said what McKinley left unsaid. 
      In view of this outspoken endorsement of reciprocity by our Republican president, is it an "insult" to Roosevelt to introduce a reciprocity resolution in a Republican convention? The man who suggests such a thought insults the intelligence of his hearers. 
      In a recent article in a textile journal Col. Clarke strove to prove that no inference favoring reciprocity in competitive products could be drawn from the Buffalo speech of McKinley. The action of McKinley has more weight with me than the inference of Col. Clarke that the president did not mean what he said. President McKinley appointed a special commissioner to negotiate reciprocity treaties with foreign countries by authority of the reciprocity clause of the Dingley Act. The men whose attitude toward the tariff the secretary of the Home Market club would have us endorse have allowed every one of those treaties to die of suffocation in the pigeon-holes of the senate.

Was McKinley Un-Republican?
       Which better represents McKinley, Commissioner Kasson or the senate committee on Federal Relations? Was McKinley un-Republican?
      I think we can trust Mr. Kasson as a sane Republican, and perhaps a few words from the man who embodied the McKinley idea of reciprocity in a set of tangible treaties which McKinley sent to the sent may not come amiss:
        "Protectionists," said Mr. Kasson, "are divided into two classes, the reasonable and the unreasonable. The former recognize the plain fact that protection abroad for our exports has become equally important with protection at home, and in many cases has become more important.
        "The unreasonable confuse protection with prohibition, and really want monopoly. They will recognize no new conditions, no advance in the cheapness and quality of our production as shown by our competition with the world; and will not admit that under present conditions a duty of 33 percent is in numerous instances today as effective as a duty of 50 percent or 60 percent was a few years ago."

What McKinley's Commissioner Says.
       These words were written two or three years ago. That Mr. Kasson meantime has not changed in opinion we may glean fromhis recent criticism of the Iowa Republican platform adopted this spring. He says:
      "Not one politician in a thousand studies the actual conditions of our exports to foreign countries or of our imports from them, and the relations of each to our home industries. They do not understand that in those articles - particularly of agriculture - whereof we produce a large surplus for export, if the foreign market were lost to us the effect upon the home industries concerned would be just as disastrous to our industries as if an equal amount of foreign product were imported. 
      "Again," says Mr. Kasson, "the Iowa platform favors 'reciprocity in non-competitve products only.'  Will the author of that plank try his hand at making a treaty with any nation of Europe on that basis? I wish he would. He would not find enough business covered by his treaty to maintain a store at a Kentucky crossroads village. 
         "Reciprocity does not mean free trade. As interpreted by the treaties made under the Dingley tariff act and by direction of President McKinley, it means a concession on our side of a percentage of duties of our tariffs not needed for the adequate protection of our industries, in exchange for the reduction of duties on the other side which is of more importance to our production for the export trade. It was so interpreted by Dingley himself in the offers he made to the Canadians in the British-American commission when a reciprocity convention was under consideration. On some things he offered a larger or smaller reduction of duty, in some cases entire freedom from duty, in exchange for satisfactory concession on the other side. This platform endorses the Dinley Act and in the next sentence repudiates the reciprocity for which it provided."
        You can hardly deny that Mr. Kasson speaks with some authority on the subject of reciprocity; and you will notice that he points out most specifically that Mr. Dingley tried to negotiate a reciprocity in competitive products. Are we to understand that Mr. Dingley was not a good Republican, that he was a renegade protectionist?
       Is a man to be read out of the Republican party because he advocates the policy for which McKinley and Dingley stood?

Where Does the Party Stand?
       Now, gentlemen, if it is true that the Republic party does not stand for reciprocity, as it has professed to stand, this is a good time to find it out. Many men claiming to be Republicans do not stand by that policy, but I do not regard them as Republicans of the highest type. They do not stand for progress, they stand for stagnation and exclusion. If the politician tells you he can develop and retain a foreign trade by means of a policy of prohibition, I, as a manufacturer, tell you he cannot. Occasionally we can unload our surplus on foreign countries, sometimes at a loss, as we have been doing the past few years, but this performance does not represent stable commerce. 
        With the business of the  country reduced already some 25 percent in volume, how much longer do you think the people will permit a few men to play politics with their industrial interests?


Lyceum Circular.
SEASON OF 1872.] BOSTON LYCEUM BUREAU. [REDPATH'S & FALL.

"SANTO DOMINGO."

MR. HENRY B. BLACKWELL, one of the editor's of the WOMAN'S JOURNAL, of this city, has prepared a very interesting and instructive lecture, entitled

"TWO MONTHS IN SANTO DOMINGO."

Mr. Blackwell visited the island with the American commissioners, at his own expense and on his own responsibility. He availed himself of the unusual facilities thus afforded to penetrate the interior of the island. The following is a brief abstract of his recent lecture in Boston: - 

From the Boston Journal. 
TWO MONTHS IN SAN DOMINGO.
LECTURE BY MR. HENRY B. BLACKWELL. 

"An extra lecture, under the auspices of the Boston Lyceum, was given last even at Tremont Temple, by Mr. Henry B. Blackwell, upon the island and people of San Domingo as he saw them during his two-months' stay as a correspondent with the United States Commission. The audience was large; and among those upon the platform were Mrs. Julia Ward Howe and Rev. Dr. Bartol.
       "Dr. Samuel G. Howe presided, and prefaced his introduction of Mr. Blackwell with a short speech, in which he alluded to the fact, that when the President of the United States, with the simple frankness of a soldier, recommended to Congress the granting of the prayer of a feeble, ignorant people for admission to our republic, and a violent opposition was raised, he recommended it to the sober second-thought of the people. After Congress decided to accede to the request of the president for the appointment of a commission, it was decided that it should be public, and that scientific men, and members of the press, should accompany it. This he considered another mark of that frankness which had characterized the whole matter. He then stated the composition of the party, and the way in which they were divided up for investigation; and that all were provided with a set of questions to propound to the people, and especially relative to the feelings of the people regarding annexation. They saw all classes of people; and, almost to a man, they declared that annexation would be a blessed thing for the island, and they exhibited a degree of intelligence that astonished him. Nearly all came back confirming the report of the committee favoring annexation. He then introduced the lecturer as one of the most observing and intelligent men who accompanied the expedition. 
      "Mr. Blackwell commenced by alluding to the voyage, and the difficulty of describing the transitions of the climate from the rigors of a Northern winter to a land of flowers and the splendid sunshine of the tropics. He then alluded to the location of the island, the centre of which was about 1,400 miles due south of Boston. The city of San Domingo was about due south of the city of Portland, or in the longitude of seventy degrees. The whole passage from Boston was an open sea. It was the centre of the West Indies, and finest of them all. According to the testimony of a Cuban gentleman, the average quality of the land was better than that of Cuba. It contained about 32,000 square miles, or 20,000,000 acres. The eastern end of the island, in which we were particularly interested, comprised about two-thirds of the whole, or 13,000,000 of acres. The coast as seen from the sea was one of the most beautiful in the world, with the blue outlines of the mountains in the distance, some of which were 3,000 feet in height. The vessel in which he took passage first anchored in the beautiful semi-circular harbor of Puerto Plata. Here there were about 2,500 persons, who lived in low wooden houses, or shanties. There was no glass in the windows, and the doors were always open. The people appeared to have unlimited leisure, and were dignified and polite. Every face seemed to wear a smile; and the Americans were everywhere welcome. The only dislike of annexation existed among the foreign merchants, who levied the most unmerciful exactions of the industries of the island. There were no roads on the island, and no wheeled vehicles were used; and everything had to be carried on the backs of mules and ponies. Quite a proportion of the inhabitants were Americans, and most of these were Methodists. The native Dominicans are either entirely white or slightly colored, and speak the Spanish language. He wanted the audience to be sure and not confound these people with the people of Hayti, who were French negroes, and were opposed to annexation. The ignorant class of the Haytiens believed it was our intention to enslave them. The people of Dominica were earnest of annexation, because they wanted a settled government and the opportunity of making money. The climate of the island was peculiar, owing to its being surrounded by an ocean of warm water. They had east or trade winds every day in the year; and, as the mountain-chains ran east and west, the valleys were left open to their action. The2
Lyceum Circular.

advantages of these winds were, that they carried off the malaria, and brought in an abundant supply of moisture. Much of this moisture was condensed by the cold atmosphere of the mountains, and came down in streams of clear cold water, that carried beauty and fertility with them. On the eastern end of the central valley of La Vega, the rain falls almost every day in the year; while in the west rain often does not fall for many months. From Santiago, a day's ride in either direction would carry one to the extreme of the climate. The excursion around the island was one of the most beautiful steamboat excursions in the world. The next stop which Mr. Blackwell made was at Samana Bay, the finest harbor in the West Indies, and destined at some future day to be the site of a great city. But to-day the Dominican Republic is a wilderness, containing very few inhabitants, - say 100,000 in all, - and are a compound of the Spaniard, the Indian, and the Negro. They were an honest, simple-hearted people, dignified, polite, and hospitable. They live in little groups of palm-huts, and desired annexation for the purpose of securing tranquility, peace, and order. The city of Santo Domingo, which he next visited, was enclosed by a wall eight feet thick, and three and a half miles in circumference. Here was the ruin of the stone palace formerly occupied by Diego Columbus (a son of Christopher), and now overgrown with weeds. There was also the ruin of a Franciscan monastery, which covered several acres, and which was now filled with bees; and there was an immense cathedral, which covered a whole block. One peculiarity of the people was, that the ladies were not seen in the street after five o'clock in the morning, when they returned from mass. Religion seemed to be confined to the women. There were a great many interesting relics of Columbus at this place. The speaker alluded to the cock-fights as another characteristic, but one not calculated to give the best idea of the moral condition of the people. He did not believe the men were cruel, but simply blunted by the force of habit. The market-place was another strange spectacle, as there were something more than forty varieties of fruits grown on the island without culture; many of them the most delicious.

"There was no swamp-land or sands in San Domingo. The shore was mostly of a calcareous formation. The climate was one of perpetual spring on the mountains, of perpetual summer on the seashore. Its elevated and undulating surface made it, especially in the mountains, one of the most healthy countries in the world. During his ten-days' stay in the city of San Domingo, the thermometer stood at sixty-five degrees at sunrise, not varying over a half-degree in the whole time. At the sea-coast, the thermometer never went below sixty degrees night or day; but in the mountains it sometimes went down nearly to the freezing-point. The mountains were not barren, but fertile; and pine-apples and peaches, ginger and strawberries, grow side by side at an elevation of 4,000 feet. Some of the finest coffee-plantations were from 2,500 to 4,000 feet above the sea. Two-thirds of the island was this kind of country. One of the most delightful things was the sea-bathing; the temperature of the surf being about eighty degrees, while the water of the rivers was so cold, that it was a popular idea among the natives that they were deadly. In alluding to the wealth of lumber with which the country teemed, the speaker mentioned a Catholic church which he saw, that was built of solid mahogany, and thatched with palm-leaves; and the natives had, as they thought, added to its dignity by obscuring the common wood with a coat of whitewash.

"The people of Hayti, about five times as numerous as those of Dominica, had been striving for seventy-five years to subjugate them, and still kept up a sort of border warfare. The Baez Government had been the only government in Dominica for the past three years; it was an independent government, and, with the approval of the people, it had offered the island to the United States, if they would assume its debts. After alluding to the manner in which the commissioners were welcomed with triumphal processions and like demonstrations, Mr. Blackwell concluded his lecture by stating his reasons for favoring annexation. IN the first place, there were 100,000 people menaced by five or six times their number; and their proposition for annexation had secured them the bitter ill-will of the Haytiens. There was no spirit of caste among them, and their tendency was to refinement and culture. They desired annexation to open for them a higher future and for the restoration of order, so that the people could devote themselves to the development of the resources of the country. These people were shrewd at a bargain, and anxious to work. They needed government, roads, capital to develop the country, and agricultural machinery. They had no saw-mills, no steam-engines, no ploughs, not even a pane of glass; in fact, the island was a paradox; and the people were fewer and poorer than they were four hundred years ago, when discovered by Columbus. On the other hand, the United States needs tropical territory; and San Domingo was as much a part of the American nationality of the future as the isles of Greece were a part of the mainland of Attica. Upon the Spanish end of the island, which it was proposed to annex, there were eight millions of acres of the best coffee and cocoa growing land, and four millions of acres capable of producing an excellent crop of sugar. And from this land the speaker believed that these luxuries could be delivered in Boston harbor at a mere moiety of the present cost, and pay for them in our products. The speaker considered it a matter of philanthropy to reduce the price of the necessaries of life. Our capital and energy would draw the best class of labor from the adjacent islands, and make Dominica beautiful and productive. 

"The speaker was frequently applauded, and the whole audience listened with a deep interest. A fine map of the island in the rear of the speaker was of much service to the audience in locating the places mentioned."

The subject is one of great interest and of national importance. If you have any vacancy in your course, or if you are making up a supplementary course, or if you see fit to make special arrangements for this lecture as an extra lecture in your course, please address

REDPATH & FALL, 
BOSTON LYCEUM BUREAU,
36 Bromfield Street,
BOSTON, MASS.1905

Address of Henry B. Blackwell

We elderly people are asked for reminiscences as "Pioneer Workers for Woman Suffrage." No one living is a "pioneer". Two hundred and fifty years ago, Margaret Brent of Maryland, petitioned the Legislature for right to vote. She was the pioneer. In 1776, "all inhabitants worth £50" were made voters in New Jersey, and women voted for 31 years in that State.
        In the election law of 1790 we find the words "he or she" and "his or her ballot," defining the qualifications of voters. Only when the property qualification was abolished, in 1807, was the right to vote restricted to white male citizens. 
       But it has been my good fortune to be associated early in life with women obliged to rely upon their own efforts. Within a month of moving to the West in 1838 my father died, leaving his wife and nine children unprovided for, among strangers. My mother and sisters organized a school and sent me to college. In 1842 my sister Elizabeth resolved to study medicine. 


After four years strenuous effort she obtained a diploma in 1846, and opened the medical profession to women. My sister Emily followed her example. In 1847 Miss Lucy Stone graduated from Oberlin College and began a series of addresses on the social, industrial, legal, political, and religious disabilities of women. These lectures drew crowded audiences, and more thousands of converts from Maine to Missouri. About the same time Miss Antoinette L. Brown, a classmate of Lucy Stone at Oberlin, studied theology and was ordained as pastor of an orthodox Congregational Society in South Butler, New York.
        In 1850 my sisters Marian and Ellen were members of the first National Woman's Rights Convention, at Worcester, Mass., which reported by Mrs. John Stuart Mill in the Edinburgh Review, started the agitation for Woman Suffrage in Great Britain. In 1853 I attended and made my maiden speech at a Convention in Cleveland, Ohio, which resulted in theformation of the Ohio Woman Suffrage Association. Here I met Lucy Stone, Mrs. Tracy Cutter, Frances D. Gage, William Lloyd Garrison, Abby Kelley, Stephen Foster, Parker Pillsbury and other reformers. The meeting was called by Mrs. Caroline M. Severance. In 185 [strikeout]6 (5) I had the good fortune to become the husband of Lucy Stone, and in 1857 my brother married Rev. Antoinette L. Brown, the first ordained woman minister. So, for more than 50 years I have been intimately connected with this movement which has given dignity and charm to my active business life.
           In 1865 we were working members of the National Equal Rights Association and sought vainly to secure suffrage for women in the reconstruction of the Union. In 1867 my wife addressed the Legislature of New Jersey, and in 1867 we went together to Kansas and there, with Governor Charles Robinson, and Samuel Wood, and others, formed the Kansas Woman Suffrage Association and 


held a series of meetings in every organized county of the State. 
    In 1869 the territories of Wyoming and Utah conferred full suffrage on women, and the British Parliament extended municipal suffrage to women. In that year, after extensive correspondence throughout the country, was organized at Cleveland the American Woman Suffrage Association, composed of delegates from State Societies, which has held its annual meetings in an unbroken series to the present time. 
      In 1870 the Woman's Journal was established in Boston and has appeared every Saturday for 33 years.
     In 1876, Colorado adopted a State Constitution providing for the submission of woman suffrage at any time by the Legislature, which resulted in its adoption in 1893. Wyoming, after 25 years' trial as a territory incorporated woman suffrage in its State Constitution. Utah and Idaho did the same in 1897.
     To-day women have school suffrage in 24 States, municipal suffrage in Kansas,taxpayers' suffrage in Montana, New York, and Louisiana. More than a million American citizens in four states with an area of 300.000 square miles, are living under full woman suffrage, with either U.S. Senators and nine Representatives in the National House, who number women among their constituents.
       But these wonderful successes are but a part of the far more fundamental work achieved during the past fifty years. We have revolutionized the social status of women. We have won for them the priceless privilege of free speech: we have secured for married women, in almost every State, the control of their persons, property and earnings. In nine States we have secured for mothers an equal custody an control of their minor children; have opened to women hundreds of industrial avocations; have gained them entrance to colleges and universities and professional schools; have secured for them admission to the professions of law, 


medicine, theology, journalism. Women are already organized into Federations of Clubs, National Councils of Women, National Women's Christian Temperance Unions, and innumerable forms of beneficent public activity. 
        Nor is this movement confined to our own country. In Canada, Australia, New Zealand, England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, in Norway and France, women are voting. The example of New Jersey in 1776 is spreading throughout the world. Woman's equality is fast becoming the watchword of Civilization.8
THE DORCHESTER BEACON, SATURDAY, JULY 12, 1890. 

THE DORCHESTER BEACON.
The Home Weekly of Dorchester.

THE BEACON is the only paper published in Dorchester, and has a large and steadily increasing circulation. It also has a considerable circulation in Milton, Roxbury, Atlantic, Hyde Park, West Roxbury, South Boston and Boston.

It contains all the home happenings of the places named published in condensed form, together with Political and Religious News, Entertaining Stories, Humorous Sketches, Choice Poetry, Science and Progress, Fashion and Juvenile Departmen, Society Gossip, and carefully selected extracts from the leading magazines and periodicals of America.

It is a choice family paper, such as every family in Dorchester can take pleasure in reading. The subscription price is but $2.00 per year. This is a good time to subscribe. Single copies 5 cents. to be obtained at all news stands and at railroad station. 

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PORTRAIT OF A CHILD.

How can I paint in words to you, 
Dear-loved and absent one,
The portrait that you ask of me?
Where find beneath the sun
The colors rich and delicate
With which it should be done?

How demonstrate in measured verse
Her graceful airs and ways?
For she is full of subtleties
Like changing summer days,
No words are there that I can find
To fitly speak her praise,

A little maid just five years old,
My heart's own heaven sent child - 
With childhood's purity revealed,
Gracious and undefiled,
In her divine unconsciousness
And in her accents mild,

The tendrils of soft hair that curl 
Round her head halo-wise,
Are brighter in their golden lights
Than gold that misers prize;
Nor is there flower, or sea, or sky
As blue as her blue eyes.

Fair as the flower that stands alone
Is that sweet face of hers;
She has a rapt and serious air
That seems beyond her years,
And when you hear her voice, it is
Like one from angel spheres.

A happy nature, grave and gay,
With courteous gracious mien,
Honest as only children are
In ignorance serene;
Her life is sunshine, where as yet
The shadows are unseen.

What say you to my picture, dear?
Though crude and incomplete,
Meseems a semblance yet is there
To her of whom I speak,
Although my every word is faint
To tell how she is sweet!
- From Belgravia

__________________________________

Address of Henry B. Blackwell at Harvard Street, July 4th, 1890.
Ladies and Gentlemen, Friends and Fellow Citizens:
     - On this 114th anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence, we think with admiration of the rapid growth of this great sisterhood of republics. Much is said of our national progress, but no man can fully realize its magnitude. To those of us who can look back half a century, (short seems the retrospect,) how amazing the change within our brief lives! Sixty years ago we were a nation of twelve millions; now of sixty-four millions. Sixty years ago - not a railroad, nor a telegraph - our frontier, Michigan and Ohio; our backwoods, Kentucky and Indiana - all the vast expanse westward from the Missouri river to the Pacific Ocean, an unexplored continent of prairies, mountains and deserts. 
     In 1832, I remember New York city half the present size of Boston, accessible only by stage-coaches, sailing vessels, and barges. Brooklyn, Williamsburg, and Jersey City were only a few scattered houses; Hoboken only a pleasure-garden. The Erie Canal was lately opened. Steamers were beginning to ply upon our rivers, but no ocean steamer then, or for years afterwards, crossed

of their farms out of home-made flax and wool. They raised their own food, spun and wove their own clothing, fermented and distilled their own liquors (for until 1828 there was no temperance society,) and traffic was incredibly limited by the cost of transportation.
     I have in my possession a Boston Directory of 1830. It contains only 12000 names, and scarcely a foreign name among them. Boston was a thriving town; she has been a city only sixty-eight years. The mills and factories of New England - Lowell, Lawrence, Haverhill, New Bedford, Fall River, Holyoke, Lewiston, Saco, Biddeford and Manchester - all these have been created during the life-time of men still living. Lowell was incorporated in 1826; Lawrence in 1853. I, myself, was born in 1825, and there are men before me, fifteen years my senior. Is it any wonder that, in such sudden aggregations of population, mostly immigrants, in our cities and manufacturing towns, there is poverty and ignorance and corruption? Ought we not rather to feel surprise at the thrift, intelligence, and comfort of communities so hastily improvised out of such various elements and nationalities?
     But our intellectual progress within sixty years has been equally amazing. Sidney Smith enquired, less than a hundred years ago, "Who ever reads an American book?" The illustrious galaxy of American authors, beginning with Washington Irving and Bryant, is the creation of the present century.
     The moral growth of our country is no less wonderful. Let us not be discouraged at the sordid views of life and of duty that prevail, at the low aims, the disregard of principle, the coarse displays of vice and folly. These are not the product of free institutions - they are relics rather of monarchical and aristocratic institutions, - tendencies not yet wholly outgrown. Remember that Virginia was originally a convict colony, and that Massachusetts was settled by narrow sectarians who hung witches, expelled Baptists, and persecuted Quakers. Remember that slavery existed in everyone one of the original thirteen states, that within thirty years human beings have been publicly bought and sold in this country, - woman auctioned off for the vilest purposes, New England a hunting-ground for fugitives, and the Bible invoked to justify the system.
     But of all the inspiring monuments of progress, our political advancement is the most suggestive. Let me recount briefly the successive extensions of popular suffrage since this government was founded in 1783; at the steady approximations we have made towards a truly rep-

sembled, who took their lives in their hands and pledged to the establishment of these principles their fortunes and their sacred honor. Did they attain their ideal? Only in part. They, like ourselves, were the creatures of habit. When, after the seven years battle, independence was achieved and each colony organized its State constitution, our fathers reproduced the same feudal restrictions with which they were familiar. There was not then, and never had been in the world, a true republic. Even in Greece and Rome, so called republics, a majority of the men and women were slaves. In every State constitution our ancestors limited suffrage by a property qualification. So that, after American independence was achieved, in every state, a majority of the men by whose blood and sacrifices that independence had been attained, found themselves still excluded from self-government. 
     But scarcely had the guns of the Revolution ceased to sound, when the old Democratic party, under the lead of Thomas Jefferson, denounced the property qualification for voting as unjust and contrary to the principles of the Declaration. 
     They said "A man may be poor, but honest, intelligent and patriotic. He needs the ballot for his protection." The Federal party, which had carried the country though the war for independence, was composed of land owners, merchants and lawyers. It said, "No! Government is for men of property; - the hard handed sons of toil have no right to the ballot." And so the battle raged. In 1790 the watchword of the democracy was "a white man, government" in opposition to a government of rich men. 
     In that battle the Democracy triumphed. State after state swept away the property qualification, so that in 1861, when the slaveholders rose in rebellion, only two states retained those restrictions - South Carolina and Rhode Island - and within two years the last vestige has been wiped out in Rhode Island. What was the result? To the Democratic party, the control of the national government with brief ex- exceptions from 1800 to 1860. To the country, a prosperity and growth unparalleled in history. No sooner was it known in Europe that in America a poor man had the same political rights and social privileges as a rich man - than that great emigration set in, which within a century has transformed a few scattered agricultural colonies on the Atlantic seaboard into a great continental nation with its railroads and telegraphs extending from ocean to ocean, 60 millions of free men and half free women living under the 

Probably no community in the world has ever made such rapid progress as the South has done since the passage of the 14th and 15th Amendments. 
     Thus we have gone through three great political revolutions within 125 years. First we were a monarchy governed by King George and the British parliament. Then we became an aristocracy of wealth under the Federal party. Then we became an aristocracy of race under the old Democratic party. Then we became an aristocracy of sex under the Republican party. But we have not yet reached a political millennium. Our principle has not yet been fully applied. One half of our citizens are still excluded from suffrage. If the Declaration is true, then all citizens have a moral right to the ballot, and our government is not just in denying suffrage to women. I appeal to every honest man to help give women their right to vote. I appeal to every high-minded woman to demand her right of suffrage. It is an appeal to patriotism. Here is our country ruled by giant monopolies, woman's labor crushed by cruel competition, women and men enslaved by degrading vices. We have battles to fight with foes as dangerous as British aristocrats or southern slave owners in the past. Our free institutions are menaced by drunkenness, ignorance, superstition, and avarice. Women are needed to represent by their ballots a free school in a free state; to represent their homes and firesides against organized brutality and lust and vice and crime. Well may we appeal to the descendants of the men of 1776, to the sons and daughters of the men of 1861, as Byron appealed to the modern Greeks:

You have the Pyrrhic dance as yet,
Where is the Pyrrhic phalanx gone?
Of two such lessons, why forget
The nobler and the manlier one?
You have the letters Cadmus gave,
Think you he meant them for a slave?

The answer comes from the new State of Wyoming - the first true republic in the world, where all men and women are on an equality. It comes from Kansas, where all men and women share the full municipal suffrage. These are the precursors of a world-wide victory of an immortal principle, under the flag which is destined to make all nations free. God bless that flag!

When Freedom from her mountain height
Unfurled her standard to the air,
She tore the azure robe of night,
And set the stars of glory there;
She mingled with its gorgeous dyes
The milky baldric of the skies,
And striped its pure, celestial white
With streakings of the dawning light.

Flag of the freeheart's hope and home,
To angel hands by valor given,
Thy stars have lit the walkin dome,
And all thy hues were born in heaven,
Forever float that standard sheet;
Where breathss the foe but falls before us,
With Freedom's soil beneath our feet,
And Freedom's banner streaming o'er us.
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F. W. Johnson, Mattapan square.
F. H. Talcott, 343 Washington street.
George D. Brown, Harvard street station.
W. R. Greene, Mt. Bowdoin.
P. R. Harrington, Hancock street.
H. A. Pope, Milton.
George L. Hender, Milton.
A. G. Pike, 479 Dudley street.
J. H. Backup, 117 Dudley street.
L. W. Sibley, 146 Dudley street.
Ralph L. Roberts, 351 Warren street.
A. D. Mowry, 365 Warren street.
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W. H. Thayer, Grove Hall.
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____________________________________

Address of Henry B. Blackwell at Harvard Street, July 4th, 1890.

Ladies and Gentlemen, Friends and Fellow Citizens:
- On this 114th anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence, we think with admiration of the rapid growth of this great sisterhood of republics. Much is said of our national progress, but no man can fully realize its magnitude. To those of us who can look back half a century, (short seems the retrospect,) how amazing the change within our own brief lives! Sixty years ago we were a nation of twelve millions; now of sixty-four millions. Sixty years ago - not a railroad, nor a telegraph - our frontier, Michigan and Ohio; our backwoods, Kentucky and Indiana - all the vast expanse westward from the Missouri river to the Pacific Ocean, an unexplored continent of prairies, mountains and deserts. 

In 1832, I remember New York city half the present size of Boston, accessible only by stage-coaches, sailing vessels, and barges. Brooklyn, Williamsburg, and Jersey City were only a few scattered houses; Hoboken only a pleasure-garden. The Erie Canal was lately opened. Steamers were beginning to ply upon our rivers, but no ocean steamer then, or for years afterwards, crossed the Atlantic. I think that the only man in America then considered a millionaire, was old John Jacob Astor; Vanderbilt had not yet become conspicuous. I have seen Alexander Stuart, afterwards a merchant prince, measuring off ladies' dress goods behind his counter. As a school boy I often bought a few cents worth of "broken candy" from the parents of the brothers Stuart, at the store on Greenwich street, (afterwards the site of a great sugar refinery, covering an entire block,) before the modern art of sugar refining had been introduced into this country.

In 1838 I was eleven days in going from New York to Cincinnati. The Ohio river flowed for 1000 miles through an almost unbroken forest. There I found a bright aspiring little town, without coal smoke or grime, calling itself the "Queen of the West," with firewood at $2 a cord, eggs, four cents a dozen; dressed chickens, three for 25 cents; oats, 12 cents a bushel; and flour, $2 a barrel. But our paper currency was so scarce, and in value so fluctuating, that it was harder to pay those small prices than it is to pay the higher prices of the present day. 

In 1840 I attended school in St. Louis. I was a week in reaching it from Cincinnati. In that little frontier town, still largely French, the fur traders fitted out their annual expeditions to the Rocky Mountains. They were absent from twelve to fifteen months. It was the darling aspiration of my boyish heart to accompany those hardy explorers. That was the year when William Henry Harrison ran for President - "Tippecanoe and Tyler too," was the burden of our song. To-day, his grandson sits in the White House. But how changed are all the conditions! Then, as now, we were discussing tariff and free trade. But there is more free trade now in a single week between the states of this union, than was transacted in a year in 1840. Until far into the present century, the great body of our people lived upon the products  

authors, beginning with Washington Irving and Bryant, is the creation of the present century.

The moral growth of our country is no less wonderful. Let us not be discouraged at the sordid views of life and of duty that prevail, at the low aims, the disregard of principle, the coarse displays of vice and folly. These are not the product of free institutions - they are relics rather of monarchical and aristocratic institutions, - tendencies not yet wholly outgrown. Remember that Virginia was originally a convict colony, and that Massachusetts was settled by narrow sectarians who hung witches, expelled Baptists, and persecuted Quakers. Remember that slavery existed in every one of the original thirteen states, that within thirty years human beings have been publicly bought and sold in this country, - woman auctioned off for the vilest purposes, New England a hunting-ground for fugitives, and the Bible invoked to justify the system.

But of all the inspiring monuments of progress, our political advancement is the most suggestive. Let me recount briefly the successive extensions of popular suffrage since this government was founded in 1783; at the steady approximations we have made towards a truly representative government. The ideal towards which we are tending is laid down in the opening sentences of the immortal Declaration. It is no easy matter to attain that ideal. That is a process of evolution, which will require centuries to accomplish. When this continent was discovered, 400 years ago, it was parcelled off by the monarchs of Spain and France and England among their nobles, just as England, Germany, Italy and Portugal are today parcelling out the "dark continent" of Africa. It was intended to perpetuate in this new world the feudal system, and to people America with the tenants and retainers of those titled aristocrats. Primogeniture and entail were instituted to perpetuate land-monopoly. But, fortunately for mankind, navigation was so slow and dangerous that these European absentee landlords could not make the land profitable. Gradually it became subdivided into one, passed into the hands of independent farmers, who tilled their own estates and called no landlord master. And so, for the first time in history, there grew up in America a great body of working landowners. And when England attempted to stifle trade, to prohibit manufactures, and to govern these colonies for the benefit of the mother country, our ancestors rebelled and set up the standard of American nationality. In order to enlist the sympathy of mankind in that difficult and dangerous struggle, they issued that immortal declaration of principles which we are about to read. They said, "We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that to secure these rights, (the rights equally of men and of women) governments are instituted - deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."

That was no flourish of rhetoric; no glittering generality. It was the deliberate utterance of the delegates of the 13 colonies in convention as-

yers. It said, "No! Government is for gentlemen, for college graduates, for men of property; - the hard handed sons of toil have no right to the ballot." And so the battle raged. In 1790 the watchword of the democracy was "a white man, government" in opposition to a government of rich men.

In that battle the Democracy triumphed. State after state swept away the property qualification, so that in 1861, when the slaveholders rose in rebellion, only two states retained these restrictions - South Carolina and Rhode Island - and within two years the last vestige has been wiped out in Rhode Island. What was the result? To the Democratic party, the control of the national government with brief exceptions from 1800 to 1860. To the country, a prosperity and growth unparalleled in history. No sooner was it known in Europe that in America a poor man had the same political rights and social privileges as a rich man - than that great emigration set in, which within a century has transformed a few scattered agricultural colonies on the Atlantic seaboard into a great continental nation with its railroads and telegraphs extending from ocean to ocean, 60 millions of free men and half free women living under the stars and stripes of the republic - the result of the wisdom and justice of the old Democratic party in extending suffrage to the working men of America.

But they said, "A white man's government." Why? Because in every State negroes were held as slaves. And it is impossible that a slave should be a voter, because he is in law the property of his master. But scarcely had the suffrage been extended to poor white men, when good men North and South began to agitate for the abolition of slavery, as contrary to the principles of the Declaration. Then the slave owners, taking alarm at what they considered an unconstitutional invasion of their right of property, undertook to break up the Union and to establish on southern soil a confederacy of republic, like those of Greece and Rome with human slavery as the cornerstone. Then the great Republican party came forward. The Democrats, grown conservative by power, sided with the South. 

The Republicans put down the rebellion, emancipated the slaves, and reconstructed the southern States upon the basis of "manhood suffrage" - They put the ballot into the hands of 800,000 freedmen, not one in a hundred of whom could spell the word "vote." They put the control of entire states into the hands of majorities of men without education or training in self-government, without surnames, without legal families, men who had been driven to the cane-fields and the cotton-fields, by the lash - semi-barbarous, but loyal. Is it any wonder that there have been errors and abuses and race jealousies? The wonder is that civilization itself has been maintained. Yet even negro suffrage, established under these strange and hard conditions, has been substantially a success. Compare the South to-day, progressive, loyal, industrious, aspiring, with the South of 1865. More cotton, more corn, more material wealth, above all, more schools for the whites than ever before and schools for the negroes, formerly forbidden to learn. 

school in a free state; to represent their homes and firesides against organized brutality and lust and vice and crime. Well may we appeal to the descendants of the men of 1776, to the sons and daughters of the men of 1861, as Byron appealed to the modern Greeks:

You have the Pyrrhic dance as yet,
Where is the Pyrrhic phalanx gone?
Of two such lessons, why forget
The nobler and manlier one?
You have the letters Cadmus gave,
Think you he meant them for a slave?

The answer comes from the new State of Wyoming - the first true republic of the world, where all men and women are on an equality. It comes from Kansas, where all men and women share the full municipal suffrage. These are the precursors of a world-wide victory of an immortal principle, under the flag which is destined to make all nations free. God bless that flag!

When Freedom from her mountain height
Unfurled her standard to the air,
She tore the azure robe of night,
And set the stars of glory there; 
She mingled with its gorgeous dyes
The milky baldric of the skies,
And striped its pure, celestial white
With streakings of the dawning light.

Flag of the freeheart's hope and home,
To angel hands by valor given,
They stars have lit the walking dome,
And all they hues were born in heaven,
Forever float that standard sheet;
Where breathss the foe but falls before us,
With Freedom's soil beneath our feet,
And Freedom's banner streaming o'er us.
____________________________________
THE MASCULINE GIRL.

The woman of to-day is unique. Such a type was never known before. Now that she has decided to ride horseback man-fashion, she aroused so much alarm that a society has been formed in England for the purpose of checking her headlong career toward masculinity. The world can stand the modern girl when she wears masculine shirts, collars, cuffs, cravats, gloves, boots, jackets, ulsters, hats, rings, umbrellas, waistcoats, and even a single glass, but when she proposes to straddle a horse there is a sudden jerk backward, writes Blakeley Hall to the Illustrated American. The British girl has the fad. For some inscrutable reason she has a rabid desire to lay hold of her beauty and compress it into the semblance of a brick. The purpose of her life is the abolition of the curve. The soft, graceful and symmetrical lines of the symbol of absolute beauty - the untrammelled figure of a beautiful woman - are squeezed and forced into the rigid and wooden form of men's attire. With the masculine clothes has come a grenadier-like carriage and manner that is everything but feminine. 

In England the desire of women to ride man-fashion is not a half-hearted one at all. They claim that they are handicapped by the side saddle in cross-country riding. They are lighter in weight and often more daring and skilful than men, but owing to the difficulty of riding a fractious or ugly horse with a pummel saddle, they are nearly always behind in the dangerous runs across country which the fox hunters take. 

Women forget the advantage of the opposite sex in greater length of limb. Yet it is an advantage. I have seen plucky women in the hunting countries of England, and more notably in Ireland, who rode fiery and powerful 16-hand hunters over the stiffest country with perfect ease. They were often small women, and they could not have clung on their horses' backs ten minutes without a pummel to grip in the jumps. 
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NEW NAME, NEW MANAGEMENT,
Franklin Park House
(FORMERLY OAKLAND HOUSE.)
600 BLUE HILL AVENUE, BOSTON, MASS.
On the European Plan. Public and Private Dining Rooms. 
Fish Dinners a Specialty.
As this house is near the main entrance to Oakland Garden, horses will be cared for during the coming summer entertainments by experienced men at reasonable prices. 
H. V. HAYWARD, PROPRIETOR.
____________________________________
THE SINGLE TAX!
Men have got to wait to settle that question. Nobody has to wait to see that all kinds of Groceries are sold at lower prices at 
Yerxa's Boston Branch,
than any other store in Dorchester.
DAIRY AND CREAMERY BUTTER,
better than you can get on the farm.
Coffees and Teas,
that are used at all the first-class hotels. Best Mocha and Java coffee
35 cents per pound. All to be found at 
Yerxa's Boston Branch, Field's Corner.
____________________________________
TO THE PUBLIC. 

Are you satisfied with your home paper? Are you assisting by your moral and financial support to make it better? In short, are you a subscriber?

THE DORCHESTER BEACON aims to be a strictly local paper, to give all attainable local news, with a large variety of interesting miscellany, including a weekly sermon. 

Local politics will be discussed in an impartial and independent manner, credit will be given to representatives of either party wherever credit is due, and corruption or malfeasance in office as strongly condemned in one party as in the other. 

Schools and churches will be aided and protected so far as it lies in the power of THE BEACON to do so.

Realizing how far short we fall of our ideal, but with kind words and an increasing circulation spurring us on to new effort, we ask your co-operation. Will you not, by the moral support of your name and the material aid of your money, help us to make a paper of which Dorchester may be proud?

We believe that the only local paper published among a population of 40,000 people is a valuable medium through which to advertise, and that every dollar thus invested will bring large returns. Such a paper is THE DORCHESTER BEACON. 

Will you not send us your name? If so, we will send you THE BEACON two months gratis. This will give you time to judge of the standard of the paper to which we shall ask you to subscribe.

THE DORCHESTER BEACON has also a well equipped job office, capable of producing anything from a birth-day card to a newspaper. Our prices are reasonable and delivery prompt. A postal sent to this office will bring a representative to your door.

Address: THE DORCHESTER BEACON,
Field's Corn [?]
Dorchester, Mass.
____________________________________
No Better Shoe Made Than The Crawford.
SOLD IN BOSTON ONLY AT OUR SIX CRAWFORD SHOE STORES: 
No. 611 Washington Street; Under United States Hotel; No. 38 Park Square; No. 45 Green Street; 
No. 56 Main Street (Charlestown District); No. 2164 Washington Street (Roxbury District).THE DORCHESTER BEACON, SATURDAY, JULY 12, 1890.

C. L. HINDS, 
Hack, Livery and Boarding STABLE,
Washington Street, near Norfolk. 
Residence, 1071 Washington st., Ward 24, Boston. 
__________________________________________________
Northern, Easter, and Canadian
HORSES.
FOR SALE OR EXCHANGE.
Constantly on hand for driving, express, teaming, and all general purposes. Parties desiring to purchase will do well to call before making selections.
Hartshorn's Stable,
NEPONSET, MASS.
__________________________________________________
D. McCurdy, 
Wheelwright and Carriage Builder. Fine carriage and general repairing. Business promptly attended to. 
Adams st., cor Park Dorchester.
__________________________________________________
Thomas Kinsley,
BOOTS AND SHOES.
A complete line of fashionable boots and shoes for gents', ladies', misses', [?] and children's wear. A full line of lawn tennis, Oxford ties, canvas bals, bicycle bals, and Oxfords for spring and summer.
THOMAS KINSLEY,
29 Kneeland Street, Boston.
Between Washington Street and Harrison Avenue.
__________________________________________________
D. J. CUTTER,
Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Co.'s
COAL
__________________________________________________
Hard and Free Burning White Ash. 
Lehigh, Lyken's Valley and Burnside.
WOOD
Nova Scotia Wood, 
Oak and Pine Wood,
Pine Slab Wood,
Whole or prepared for for kindlings.
TELEPHONE 45-3.
__________________________________________________
OFFICE ESTABLISHED 1844.
JOHN H. RICE,
Successor to L. Briggs & Co., 
Architects, Engineers and Surveyors,
79 Milk Street, Room 27,
Opposite Post-office, Boston.
Take elevator at 10 Federal St. 
House planning, and the laying out and improvement of suburban real estate, specialties. Particular familiarity with property lines and titles in Dorchester district. L. BRIGGS, consulting at home evenings at Neponset.
__________________________________________________
POPE & TURNER,
Pure New Hampshire
ICE
at city prices,
delivered throughout Miiton, Mattapan, and Dorchester.
Address, Mattapan, Mass.
__________________________________________________
B. H. PHILLIPPS, 
122 Eliot Street, Boston,
Manufacturer of
Fine Grade Upright Pianos
Pedals applied to any make for organ practice without removal of instrument. Orders for tuning, regulating and polishing promptly attended to.
DIFFICULT WORK A SPECIALTY. 
__________________________________________________
F. SCHLOTTERBECK
38 PARKMAN STREET,
All kinds of 
UPHOLSTERY WORK
Furniture Repaired and Upholstered.
Mattressess to Order. Mattresses Made Over.
Carpets and Curtain Work. All kinds of Curtain Fixtures. Upholstery tacks and gimp for sale. 
ALL WORK DONE NEATLY AND WARRANTED.
__________________________________________________
AMONG THE THEOLOGIES,
BY HIRAM ORCUTT, LL.D
W. B. CLARKE & CO., 
340 Washington St., Boston.
MAILED POST-PAID ON RECEIPT OF 75 CENTS.
It is not always pleasant to take a trip into and through the theologies. The guide needs special wisdom and skill else the party will get lost, especially when the old footpaths are forsaken. But Dr. Orcutt finds his way along very well, and his comments, as he goes, are interesting, if not always convincing. The atmosphere on the journey is not as stifling as it used to be. There is much sunshine, and the sound of cheerful voices is heard. -[ Christian Union.
__________________________________________________
JABEZ B. COLE,
(Formerly with the late J. T. Cole.)
Funeral and Furnishing Undertaker
__________________________________________________
MATTAPAN.
- Master Ollie Bowman of Norfolk street, Mattapan, has gone to Wayland to spend his vacation.
- The Tileston & Hollingsworth carpenter shop in the rear of the mill was burnt on the evening of the Fourth, and the machine shop completely gutted. Both are now being repaired, and will be ready for work in a few days. 
- It has always been the custom for the firemen of this district to wet down the lumber yard and work shops of the Messrs. Burt the evening before the Fourth. While so engaged on Thursday evening last, an alarm was sounded for a fire on the premises opposite belonging to Mr. John Goward, the barn attached to his block being in flames. The hose was quickly turned on and the fire extinguished before it had made much headway. The timely presence of the firemen saved the whole block from destruction. It is surmised that the fire was the work of an incendary. 
- The band concert on the night of the Fourth on the Mattapan Square was enjoyed by an immense crowd of enthusiastic listeners. The music, which was a medley of simple national and other airs, was fairly well rendered by the musicians, and probably pleased the majority of those present beter than a collection of classical music would have done. During the intervals, Mr. Ahern the druggist, illuminated the square with colored fires which were very much admired. To Messr. J. Brown and P. W. Johnson is due the credit of the entertainment, as they collected the necessary funds. Mr. Brown is especially deserving of credit, as he with one or two helpers - Mr. John Bartlett among the number - erected the band stand, working in the broiling sun on the afternoon of the Fourth. The lumber for the stand was kindly loaned for the occasion by the Messrs. Burt.
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UPHAM'S CORNER.

- City Messenger A. H. Peters and family are spending the summer at Cottage City, Mass.
- J. H. Upham's store contributes two this week to the army which is seeking rest and recreation in the country.
- Rev. J. H. Gunning, ex-pastor of Harvard Street Baptist Church, is among the Knights at Milwaukee this week.
- "Nervo," a nerve tonic and delicious drink, 5 cents a glass; 20 cents a bottle; at T. H. Bird's, 775 Dudley street.
- Children's day was observed by the Stoughton Street Baptist Church,

NORFOLK STREET.

- The family of Mr. Chas. Prince, of the firm of Prince & Barney, have gone to New Hampshire for the summer vacation. 
- Rev. Caleb D. Bradlee and family, with their friend, Dr. Sarah F. Morris, are at the Water Gap house, Deleware Water Gap, Penn.
- A young daughter of Mr. Sea born of 400 Norfolk street, fell from a cherry tree Saturday, sustaining a compound fracture of the hip. She was attended by Dr. Rogers, who ordered her removal to the city hospital.
- Fraternity Tent of the Order of the Helping Hand gave an entertainment at Temple Hall, Norfolk street, Monday night. Readings were given by Mr. Bradlee and Miss Ina Cook, and speeches by Mr. E. D. Blaine of Lynn, and Elmer F. Robinson of Lynn, Grand Central Recorder of the order. Ice-cream and cake and a social good time were enjoyed later in the evening. Mr. W. H. Haddock presided.
__________________________________________________
MEETING HOUSE HILL.

- Mrs. F. T. Davis, 34 Adams St. has gone on a visit to Waltham for a few days.
- Miss Lallie Baxter, daughter of E. B. Baxter expects to spend some weeks with her sister Minnie at Fall River. From there she will go to her brother Charles in New York for a few months. 
- Mr. Louis R. Lincoln of Mt. Everett street, has returned from a two weeks outing at Walpole, N. H. 
- Miss Alice Bird held a reception at her home Downer Court, in honor of her 21st birthday, last Thursday evening. Among those present were Mr. and Mrs. Fred Cobb of Bangor, Miss Ruth Cobb, Mr. George Knowlton of Minneapolis, Mr. Frank Knowlton of St Louis, Miss Mabel Arnold, Miss Ida Jones of Cambridge, Mr. James Bird of Boston, and many others. She was presented with many beautiful love-gifts. A supper was served in the evening by Hendrie the caterer.
__________________________________________________
HARVARD STREET.

- Mr. E. N. Sullivan of Harvard street has been at the convention in Saratoga the past week.
- Mrs. Mary J. Hall and Miss May Hall of Harvard street, go to New Hampshire next week.
- Rev. D. T. Torrey and wife are stopping at New Bedford. Sunday he will exchange with Rev. Mr. Cole at Taunton. Mr. Cole is well known, and stands high in the estimation of Harvard Church congregations, and all will be glad to listen 
__________________________________________________
Mutual One Year Benefit Order.

- Mr. Wm. McWhirk is working hard, moulding things into shape and hopes to be ready to organize the new lodge next week. The new regulation making it optional with member as to taking the doctors certificate will, reduce the admission fee to $5. 
__________________________________________________
MOUNT PLEASANT.

- Dr. F. M. Hemenway and family are spending the summer at Auburndale. The college in which he has been demonstrating has been closed until September. See his advertisement for change in office hours.
__________________________________________________
PHYSIOLOGY AND HYGIENE.

An Important Face About the Influence of Vaccinations on the Blood.

The Paris correspondent of Popular Science News, writing of an interesting experiment concerning microbes recently conducted by M. Charrin, says:

This distinguished young bacteriologist has shown that if blood serum of a normal animal and of a vaccinated animal be used for the purpose of cultivating the bacillus of disease (pyocyanic disease in M. Charrin's experiments) a very marked difference is noticed in the behavior of the two cultures. In the serum of the vaccinated animal the development of the bacillus is much more difficult and slow than in the serum of the non-vaccinated animal. It therefore seems that vaccination exerts some direct influence on the blood and renders it unfavorable to the life and growth of the bacillus. This fact is a very important one, and one may expect that the chemical study of the serum may furnish some facts which will help to account for the mechanism of immunity. 
__________________________________________________
Eyeglasses or Spectacles?

As to the choice between eyeglasses and spectacles, says Dr. A. B. Norton in Medical Classics, the patient's own preference may be entirely wrong. In the large majority of cases fitted by the optician it may make no serious difference which the patient selects, yet in very many instances it is of the greatest importance; as, for example, a near sighted person selects too strong a glass, and, by buying that glass in spectacle frames, he is very apt to wear them longer than he would if he had an eyeglass, because they would certainly tire the eye, and the eyeglass being easier to remove would be more frequently taken off and the eye rested.

By wearing too strong near sighted glasses continuously the near sightedness may be very greatly increased and a diseased condition of the interior of the eye caused which may lead to very great loss of sight and even total blindness. Then, in other cases, wearing an eyeglass may do very much harm, because we frequently notice people with their eyeglasses tipped at various angles. In these cases that glass is acting as a prism, and is not doing the work it should, but is causing a strain upon the accommodation which may be the starting point of a long series of nervous disorders. Again, the wearing of either eyeglasses or spectacles without rims may in some cases cause very annoying and injurious symptoms from the colors due to the prismatic action of the edge of the glass.
__________________________________________________
Antipyrine Checks Bleeding.

The Ohio Dental Journal tells of a case related by a physician, in which a boy of 14 suffered from persistent bleeding after the extraction of a molar tooth. Perchloride of iron was without effect, and so much blood was lost that syncope was induced. On re-
__________________________________________________
A Colored Girl's Large Inheritance.

A little colored girl, accompanied by a tall, gaunt, white man, attracted considerable attention at the Union station. The girl was clad in a plain, dotted calico gown and wore a straw hat. The man had on a suit of rusty jeans, and was constantly smoking a short cob pipe. While waiting for the western passenger train the man engaged in conversation with an employe, and after a brief chat told a remarkable story, to prove which he produced evidence in the way of letters and newspaper clippings. He said that his name was Leslie Carter, and that the father of the negro child he had with him was called Jack Carter, and was a former slave of his. The child is now 12 years of age. Ten years ago the father of the child left Mr. Carter's place, a small garden farm near New Orleans, and went west. Before leaving he entrusted his child to Mr. Carter's care.

Mr. Carter took the child out of kindness to the former slave. Jack Carter then left the south. After knocking about the west for a number of years he settled in Denver and opened a barber shop. He prospered in business and began to speculate in real estate. He got hold of a valuable piece of property while prices were low, and when he died a short time ago he was worth something over $35,000. He had not written to Louisiana during the ten years of his absence, and when he attorney wrote to Mr. Carter announcing the death and the value of the property which the little negro child was to inherit it was a great surprise. 

By his will Jack Carter appoints his former master administrator and leaves his entire property to his little daughter. The child cannot understand the great change that has taken place in her circumstances. Mr. Carter intends to take her to Denver, and after the usual formalities have been gone through will sell the property and return to Louisiana, where he will educate the girl in the best manner. - St. Louis Globe-Democrat
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A Powder Magazine for a Neighbor.

The good people in the vicinity of Rose Glen, in Montgomery county have put on their war paint. They have made preparations to give battle to a dangerous enemy located in their midst. This monster which has raised the wrath of the inhabitants and has played a conspicuous part in the Montgomery county courts is a powder magazine, where nearly forty tons of gunpowder are kept constantly stored. When morning dawns the first move of the residents is to make a hasty examination of their anatomy. They are fearful lest some member may be missing. For any moment, they claim, the magazine may shoot heavenward, carrying the citizens of Rose Glen into eternity. 

Early in the summer months of 1875 rumor was current in the vicinity of Rose Glen that a new industry was to spring up in its midst. It was given out that the new establishment would be a distillery. Time passed on, and as the rumor grew the foundation for a structure entirely of stone, 20x15 feet in diameter, was laid.

The "distillery" was at last completed, but when the thirsty villagers called at the new shop with whetted appetites they were terror stricken to find a powder magazine.
-Philadelphia Record. 
__________________________________________________
A Young English Author. 

It is, perhaps, not generally known that Oxford is the home of "Lewis Carroll," the author of "Alice in Wonderland," the queen of nonsense books. He is a senior student of Christ church, and was for many years mathematical lecturer to the college, but retired from this latter post some few years ago in order to devote himself more unreservedly to literary work. As might be gathered from his books, he is a genuine lover of children, and his beautiful suite of rooms in the northwest corner of Wolsey's great quadrangle looking over
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ON BOARD A SLAVE SHIP.

The Way a Big Cargo of the Poor Wretches Are Stowed and Fed.

During the embarkation I was engaged separating those negroes who did not appear robust, or who had received some trifling injury in getting on deck, and sending them to an improvised hospital made by bulkheading a space in the rear of the forecastle. The others, as they arrived, were stowed away by the Spanish mate, so that when all were aboard there was just room for each to lie upon one side. As no one knew what proportion the men were all were herded together. The next morning the separation took place. The women and girls were all sent on deck, and numbered about four hundred. 

Then a close bulkhead was built across the ship and other bunks constructed. The women were then sent below, and enough men sent up to enable the carpenter to have room to construct additional bunks. A more docile and easily managed lot of creatures cannot be imagined. No violence of any kind was necessary; it was sometimes difficult to make them understand what was wanted; but as soon as they comprehended immediate compliance followed. 

The negroes were now sent on deck in groups of eight, and squatted around a large wooden platter, heaping full of cooked rice, beans and pork cut into small cubes. The platters were made by cutting off the head of flour or other barrels, leaving about four inches of the staves. Each negro was given a wooden spoon, which all on board has amused themselves making during our forty day [?] staves were sawed into lengths of [?] inches, split into other pieces one and a half inch wide, and then shaped into a spoon with our pocketknives. 

It was surprising what good spoons could be made in that manner. A piece of rope yarn tied to a spoon and hung around the neck was the way in which every individual retained his property. There not being room on deck for the entire cargo to feed at one time, platters were sent between decks, so that all ate at one hour, three times daily. Casks of water were placed in convenient places, and an abundant supply furnished day and night. -
George Howe, M. D., in Scribner's. 
__________________________________________________
The Shah of Persia at Dinner.

The shah, accustomed to having his own way at home, conducted himself in a scandalously free and easy manner at foreign courts. He was entertained at a magnificent banquet in Berlin, the old Emperor William presiding. While the festivities were at their height, the shah, hampered by the boots a false sense of etiquette compelled him to wear, calmly drew off those offending articles of apparel and sat without them the rest of the evening. Shocking to relate, the shah wore no hosiery at all, and the spectacle of his tawny bare feet was neither amusing nor appetizing. It was on this occasion that the shah cooly remarked to the old Empress Augusta (one of the most austere females in Christendom): "You are so old and so thin that I should like you better with your dress made to cover your shoulders." - Eugene Field in Chicago News.
__________________________________________________
The Sparrow and Its Diet.

"The sparrow," wrote Luther, "is called in the the Hebrew tschirp, and should be killed wherever found." Three centuries and a half have left it an undecided point whether or no we should agree with the reformer. The sparrow himself, it has been pointed out, agrees with him so far as the diet of worms, but the question left over, says The Mail and Express, is, "What does the sparrow eat besides what the farmer wishes?" Mr. Phil Robinson seems to think that the caterpillar and the maggot are the deadliest enemies after all, and we have no more competent observer. Arison Avenue.
________________________________________________________
D. J. CUTTER,
Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Co.'s
COAL
Hard and Free Burning White Ash.
Lehigh, Lyken's Valley and Burnside.
WOOD
Nova Scotia Wood, Oak and Pine Wood, Pine Slab Wood, 
Whole or prepared for for kindlings,
TELEPHONE 45-3.
Cutter's Wharf, Commercial Point,
DORCHESTER.
________________________________________________________
The Hydro Carbon Street Light 
THE COST IS ONLY TWO CENTS PER NIGHT FOR MATERIAL.
ILLUMINATING POWER IS GREATER THAN THAT OF FOUR KEROSENE LAMPS.
This lamp makes its own gas, requires no pipes or gas-holders; it is a death-blow to all gasoline and kerosene street lights, giving far more brilliant light even than gas. The city of Boston has contracted for one thousand lights. This light will supercede all kerosene and gasoline lamps for lighting suburban districts in all cities and towns throughout the United States. Money invested in this enterprise will yield as profitably undoubtedly as did the Bell telephone, demonstration of which can be seen on investigation. 
D. S. BURNHAM, President.
P. J. FITZGERALD, Treasurer.
Hydro Carbon Gas Light Company,
21 Devonshire St., Boston.
________________________________________________________
JOB PRINTING
of every description done promptly and in a first-class manner at the 
Dorchester Beacon Office.
________________________________________________________
BAND INSTRUMENTS & MUSIC
SEND FOR ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE FREE
VIOLINS & GUITARS A SPECIALTY
J. CHAYNES & CO. BOSTON.
________________________________________________________
F. SCHLOTTERBECK
38 PARKMAN STREET,
All kinds of 
UPHOLSTERY WORK
Furniture Repaired and Upholstered.
Mattressess to Order. Mattresses Made Over.
Carpets and Curtain Work. All kinds of Curtain
Fixtures. Upholstery tacks and
gimp for sale. 
ALL WORK DONE NEATLY AND WARRANTED.
________________________________________________________
AMONG THE THEOLOGIES, 
BY HIRAM ORCUTT, LL.D
W. B. CLARKE & CO., 
340 Washington St., Boston. 
MAILED POST-PAID ON RECEIPT OF 75 CENTS.
It is not always pleasant to take a trip into and through the theologies. The guide needs special wisdom and skill else the party will get lost, especially when the old footpaths are forsaken. But Dr. Orcutt finds his way along very well, and his comments, as he goes, are interesting, if not always convincing. The atmosphere on the journey is not as stifling as it used to be. There is much sunshine, and the sound of cheerful voices is heard. -[Christian Union.
________________________________________________________
JABEZ B. COLE, 
(Formerly with the late J. T. Cole.)
Funeral AND Furnishing Undertaker.
WAREROOMS:
110 Dorchester Street, South Boston. (Near Broadway.)
9 Hancock Street, Dorchester. 
Choice Flowers furnished. Night calls promptly answered. Every detail and requirement mply provided for. Telephone connection.
________________________________________________________
Subscribe for the Beacon, only $2.00 per year.
________________________________________________________
Otis Eddy,
DEALER IN 
Eastern and Western
LUMBER.
Spruce Frames Sawed to Order.
272 Commercial St. Dorchester Dist.
BOSTON OFFICE:
164 Devonshire Street, Boston.
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Who has not had Poor Hose?
Good Rubber Hose could be bought ten years ago. Why? Because there was rubber in it. The hose sold by dealers today contains little or no pure rubber. Our BLUE BRAND HOSE is the old-fashioned kind and is made of rubber. With good care it should last five or six years. It is cheap at the price. As a guarantee that you are getting what you pay for, and are not paying a high price for a poor article, we place this brand on every length:
BOSTON WOVEN HOSE CO.
16 CENT
BLUE BRAND
If you cannot get it of your dealer, we will send it, express paid, on receipt of money.
Sample free if you mention this paper.
BOSTON WOVEN HOSE CO.,
Manufacturers of Rubber Belting and Packing
226 Devonshire St., Boston, 
222 Lake St., Chicago. 8 Bush St., San Francisco
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very much admired. To Messrs. J. Brown and P. W. Johnson is due the credit of the entertainment, as they collected the necessary funds. Mr. Brown is especially deserving of credit, as he with one or two helpers - Mr. John Bartlett among the number - erected the band stand, working in the broiling sun on the afternoon of the Fourth. The lumber for the stand was kindly loaned for the occasion by the Messrs. Burt.
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UPHAM'S CORNER
- City Messenger A. H. Peters and family are spending the summer at Cottage City, Mass.
- J. H. Upham's store contributes two this week to the army which is seeking rest and recreation in the country.
- Rev. J. H. Gunning, ex-pastor of Harvard Street Baptist Church, is among the Knights at Milwaukee this week.
- "Nervo", a nerve tonic and delicious drink, 5 cents a glass; 20 cents a bottle; at T. H. Bird's, 775 Dudley street.
- Children's day was observed by the Stoughton Street Baptist Church, Sunday, June 29th. Dr. R. J. Adams preached a sermon to the children in the morning which was appreciated by the large audience, both young and older people. In the evening a concert was given by the Sunday school to a full house. The decorations were floral, beautiful and elaborate the principal feature being a flowing fountain in the midst of a bank of flowers, ferns and potted plants. The superintendent L. J. Fosdick announced that the school is in a very prosperous condition with eight large Bible classes, thirty intermediate classes, and thirteen classes in the primary department for little children. The Sunday school will be kept open during the summer months, and any who are not attending school elsewhere, will be given a cordial invitation to join the school. 
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HARRISON SQUARE.
- The meeting of the Epworth League was postponed until next month, on account of the picnic.
- Mrs. John Preston and the Misses Preston of No. 1 Ashland street, will spend the month of August at the Hotel Look-Off, Sugar Hill, N. H.
- Several of the Parkman Street church people are preparing to spend a few weeks at Asbury Grove, Hamilton. The tent is to have a new floor and to be improved in several ways. It is expected that a large company will be present during the camp meeting which will be held from the 19th to the 26th of August. 
- Miss Belle Grant Armstrong was among the party of writers who took the well earned outing at Kennebunkport last week. The trip consisted of a ride to Kennebunkport, a buckboard ride around town, and visits to the club house of the Kennebunk River Boat Club, to Ocean Bluffs, Arundel Hall and the Casino. St. Ann's Church was inspected and a call made on Mr. and Mrs. Bancroft. After dinner at the Parker House, a drive to the beautiful stone house of Rev. Edwin G. Clarke was enjoyed, and the magnificent view witnessed from the top of his Norman tower. A drive on the beach by moonlight closed a delightful and refreshing day.
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Everett street, has returned from a two weeks outing at Walpole, N. H.
- Miss Alice Bird held a reception at her home Downer Court, in honor of her 21st birthday, last Thursday evening. Among those present were Mr. and Mrs. Fred Cobb of Bangor, Miss Ruth Cobb, Mr. George Knowlton of Minneapolis, Mr. Frank Knowlton of St. Louis, Miss Mabel Arnold, Miss Ida Jones of Cambridge, Mr. James Bird of Boston, and many others. She was presented with beautiful love-gifts. A supper was served in the evening by Hendrie the caterer.
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HARVARD STREET.
- Mr. E. N. Sullivan of Harvard street has been at the convention in Saratoga the past week.
- Mrs. Mary J. Hall and Miss May Hall of Harvard street, go to New Hampshire next week.
- Rev. D. T. Torrey and wife are stopping at New Bedford. Sunday he will exchange with Rev. Mr. Cole at Taunton. Mr. Cole is well known, and stands high in the estimation of Harvard Church congregations, and all will be glad to listen to him again. 
- Mr. and Mrs. Bicknell, who started last Saturday for the convention at Saratoga, spent the Sabbath with Mr. Cutter - a co-legislator of Mr. Bicknell's - at Greenfield.

A delightful drive was taken in the afternoon to Northfield, where among a large gathering seated in groups at Round Top, they listened to a stirring address by Dwight L. Moody.
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GROVE HALL.
- Mr. J. A. Coburn and family of No. 134 Washington street, Dorchester, will close their house and go to the Iron Mountain House at Jackson for the season on July 15. 
- Mr. William O. Morse of No. 120 Washington street, Dorchester, spent last Sunday with his brother at Grafton, Mass. Mr. Morse leaves on his vacation July 19, and will pass two weeks at Centre Harbor, N. H.
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BOWDOIN STREET
- Ground has been broken for a new four tenement house on Westville street.
- Mr. D. Ernest Tyler and family spent the 4th of July vacation with their parents at Natick and South Framingham.
- Mr. A. Spence, Jr., has invitations out for a lawn party at this residence on Westville street, Tuesday evening, July 15.
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FIELD'S CORNER.
- Mr. William T. Adams is on his way to, or already arrived in Europe.
- Do not forget the sale of the sixth series at the Dorchester Branch of the Wells Memorial Workingmens Institute next Monday evening,
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CEDAR GROVE.
- Mr. Monroe of New Minot street, surprised the people of that quiet neighborhood by a display of fireworks on the evening of July 3d, which were appreciated by all.
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FRANKLIN PARK.
- The Germania band gave a fine concert at Franklin Park Saturday afternoon. 
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Eyeglasses or Spectacles? 

As to the choice between eyeglasses and spectacles, says Dr. A. B. Norton in Medical Classics, the patient's own preference may be entirely wrong. In the large majority of cases fitted by the optician it may make no serious difference which the patient selects, yet in very many instances it is of the greatest importance; as, for example a near sighted person selects too strong a glass, and, by buying that glass in spectacle frames, he is very apt to wear them longer than he would if he had an eyeglass, because they would certainly tire the eye, and the eyeglass being easier to remove would be more frequently taken off and the eye rested.

By wearing too strong near sighted glasses continuously the near sightedness may be very greatly increased and a diseased condition of the interior of the eye caused which may lead to very great loss of sight and even total blindness. Then, in other cases, wearing an eyeglass may do very much harm, because we frequently notice people with their eyeglasses tipped at various angles. In these cases that glass is acting as a prism, and is not doing the work it should, but is causing strain upon the accommodation which may be the starting point of a long series of nervous disorders. Again, the wearing of either eyeglasses or spectacles without rims may in some cases cause very annoying and injurious symptoms from the colors due to the prismatic action of the edge of the glass.
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Antipyrine Checks Bleeding.

The Ohio Dental Journal tells of a case related by a physician, in which a boy of 14 suffered from persistent bleeding after the extraction of a molar tooth. Perchloride of iron was without effect, and so much blood was lost that syncope was induced. On recovery the hemorrhage again broke out, and perchloride of iron was once more tried, but vainly. The cavity was then plugged with two or three pledgets of lint steeped in solution of antipyrine. The bleeding at once permanently ceased. It was noticed that while the perchloride caused severe pain, the antipyrine was not objected to. It is suggested, not improbably, that the antipyretic action of this and similar drugs may possibly be due to the fact that they diminish the blood supply by their astringent effect on the blood vessels.
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Antidote for Chloroform.

Dr. G. H. Powers, of San Francisco, is credited with the following statement: In reading an article on "Death from Chloroform," I notice the absence of the one antidote on which I most rely, namely, nitrite of amyl. I always keep it ready for use in my office, and carry it with me when I use chloroform elsewhere, and find it of great value, in cases where chloroform does not act kindly, in restoring the heart's functions. In the exceptional cases when cocaine causes faintness and collapse, a few inhalations of nitrite of amyl quickly restore a normal condition.
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Sulphonal.

Dr. Boethrick recommends sulphonal for night sweats. In the majority of cases sweating ceases after the administration of seven and a half grains. Its action is so lasting that during the second night (without sulphonal) perspiration was less profuse than before the institution of the treatment.
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At a dinner party given in New York a night or two ago a set of wonderful doilies that attracted much admiring notice were used. "They are the work of Thomas Nast's daughter, who has inherited much of her father's wonderful ability," said the hostess. The foundation of the doily was of sheer bolting cloth mounted on silk and decorated with exquisite figures in water colors, the design on each square being wholly unlike that on any other.

At the recent snow blockade on the Union Pacific an engineer was hurrying several physicians to the scene of an accident. A trestle at one point appeared shaky. He made his passengers get off and walk around it. He backed his engine half a mile, opened his throttle and "let her drive." She went like lightning over the spot of danger, cleared it and brought the physicians to the bedside of the dying and wounded in time to render valuable service.

Outside of the Porta Stabiana at Pompeii, in a stratum of cinders, have just been found the impression of three bodies and a tree. Casts taken of them show the bodies to have been those of two men and a woman. One of the men was in a kneeling position, and the other stretched flat on this back. The woman lay face downward, with her arms stretched out. The tree, of which cast of foliage and fruit, as well as of the trunk, were obtained, was of the species Laurus Nobilis, known to have produced a round shaped fruit that ripened toward the end of autumn, and, from the form and size of the fruit, it was evidently ripe when the tree was buried, which goes to confirm the theory that the great catastrophe took place in November of the year 79 A.D., and not in August, as has been supposed.
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their war paint. They have made preparations to give battle to a dangerous enemy located in their midst. This monster which has raised the wrath of the inhabitants and has played a conspicuous part in the Montgomery county courts is a powder magazine, where nearly forty tons of gunpowder are kept constantly stored. When morning dawns the first move of the residents is to make a hasty examination of their anatomy. They are fearful lest some member may be missing. For any moment, they claim, the magazine may shoot heavenward, carrying the citizens of Rose Glen into eternity. 

Early in the summer months of 1875 rumor was current in the vicinity of Rose Glen that a new industry was to spring up in its midst. It was given out that the new establishment would be a distillery. Time passed on, and as the rumor grew the foundation for a structure entirely of stone, 20x15 feet in diameter was laid. 

The "distillery" was at last completed, but when the thirsty villagers called at the new shop with whetted appetites they were terror stricken to find a powder magazine.
- Philadelphia Record.
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A Young English Author.

It is, perhaps, not generally known that Oxford is the home of "Lewis Carroll", the author of "Alice in Wonderland," the queen of nonsense books. He is a senior student of Christ church, and was for many years mathematical lecturer to the college, but retired from this latter post some few years ago in order to devote himself more unreservedly to literary work. As might be gathered from his books, he is a genuine lover of children, and his beautiful suite of rooms in the northwest corner of Wolsey's great quadrangle, looking over St. Aldgate's were at one time a veritable children's paradise. Never did rooms contain so many cupboards, and never did cupboards contain such endless stores of fascinating things. Musical boxes, mechanical performing bears, picture books innumerable, toys of every description came forth in bewildering abundance before the child's astonished eyes. - Harper's. 
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Succi's Forty Days' Fast.

Signor Succi, the famous London faster, who was carefully studied from a physiological standpoint during his fast, and is credited by the London papers with a genuine performance, lost during the last days of his fast about half a pound a day; his temperature remained normal, but his pulse was more than ordinarily rapid. The lesson of Signor Succi's experiment, says The Medical Record, is one that has often been taught before, and it is that people eat too much, and in this country at least drink too little. More diseases come from excessive and intemperate feeding than from alcohol, for wrong feeding is the basis of gouty, rheumatic, diabetic and obese diatheses, as well as of an infinite number of gastro-intestinal ills.
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Working the Racket.

A crying newsboy attracted the attention of a tender hearted young woman near the elevated railroad station at Sixth avenue and Fourteenth street the other night. In response to her solicitous inquiry the lad told her the moss covered story about being "stuck" with a lot of evening papers and afraid to go home. In an instant the lady's pocketbook was opened and the price of the papers was laid in the boy's dirty palm. "Now, my poor boy, you can go right home and get some supper," said the benefactress. "Naw, I can't," answered the little rascal with reckless candor; "I've got ter wait fer me brudder. He's workin' de same racket." - New York Times. 
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A Word About Lichens.

Lichens are numerous and may be found upon the bark of trees in dry forms of gray and yellow growth and on walls and old stones in our graveyards. On the hills we find them growing upon the granite, and it would appear that they prefer stone to any other holding ground. The Arctic lichens form the principal food of the reindeer, and Iceland moss is wholesome for man. Lichen is derived from the Greek term for "wart". 
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Electrical Music.

The American Analyst tells that a Washington genius has invented an electric musical machine. The keyboard is similar to that of an ordinary typewriter, and its keys are connected electrically with a number of electric bells arranged beneath the table. Pressure on each key closes the circuit of an electric bell, and when the keys are operated by an expert any tune may be played on the machine.
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Hit Hard.
Murray Hill Girl - What is your new minister's creed?
Madison Avenue Girl - To do good.
Murray Hill Girl (pointedly) - Well, I should think he would marry one of the old maids in his congregation then as soon as possible. - Munsey's.
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The Shah of Persia at Dinner.

The shah, accustomed to having his own way at home, conducted himself in a scandalously free and easy manner at foreign courts. He was entertained at a magnificent banquet in Berlin, the old Emperor William presiding. While the festivities were at their height, the shah, hampered by the boots a false sense of etiquette compelled him to wear, calmly drew off those offending articles of apparel and sat without them the rest of the evening. Shocking to relate, the shah wore no hosiery at all, and the spectacle of his tawny bare feet was neither amusing nor appetizing. It was on this occasion that the shah cooly remarked to the old Empress Augusta (one of the most austere females in Christendom): "You are so old and so thin that I should like you better with your dress made to cover your shoulders." - Eugene Field in Chicago News.
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The Sparrow and Its Diet.

"The sparrow," wrote Luther, "is called in the Hebrew tschirp, and should be killed wherever found." Three centuries and a half have left at an undecided point whether or no we should agree with the reformer. The sparrow himself, it has been pointed out, agrees with him so far as the diet of worms, but the question left over, says The Mail and Express, is, "What does the sparrow eat besides what the farmer wishes?" Mr. Phil Robinson seems to think that the caterpillar and the maggot are the deadliest enemies after all, and we have no more competent observer. A mean may be golden here as elsewhere, and it may be wise to prevent sparrows becoming very numerous; equally wise not to extirpate them altogether.
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A Practical Hibernicism. 

Mrs. L-, of Brooklyn, on going into the country for the summer, left the key of her house in charge of faithful Patrick O'F-. Returning in September she learned that the man had gone out of town for a few days, and had failed to leave any word about her key. She devoted hours to going from one end of the city to the other, trying to obtain some tidings of Patrick or her key, and did not succeed till night. What should first greet her eyes after unlocking and entering her house but this inscription, carefully chalked on the kitchen wall by the conscientious custodian: "Notis Mrs. L- will foind her Key at No.- Bidferd avnoo." - Harper's Magazine.
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Formalities Over a Cent.

"It is remarkable," said Postmaster Riley yesterday, "the perfection to which the postal system has been brought. Not even a cent is overlooked." Illustrating his words, Col. Riley handed the reporter a check for "one cent," drawn by Third Assistant Postmaster General Hazen. It was as formal as if it represented a million dollars. It was in favor of E. S. Twing, postmaster at Chester Cross Roads, Geauga county. Twing was settling his accounts with the government, and a balance of one cent was found in his favor. - Cincinnati Enquirer.
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Development of the Paper Trade. 

In the manufacture of paper this country has been making tremendous strides during the last few years. The industry has been brought to such a high state of development, and the production reduced so much in cost by improved machinery and the successful use of wood pulp under a special process, that a large export trade has been established, particularly with England. A market has also been found in Australia and elsewhere. - New York Commercial Advertiser.
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Nautical Junk Shops.

South street nautical junk shops are astonishingly interesting places. They buy and sell anything from an officer's sword to a binnacle box. Like all dealers in second hand articles, they have an un[?] faith that anything will sell if it is only kept long enough. One of these junk dealers has a Confederate flag for sale, and it is not long since one was selling thousands of old carbines made for the Confederate services. - New York Letter.
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A New Toy.

Clerk (in toy store) - This last invoice of rubber Dutchmen is defective. The weight in the bottoms is too light, and when they fall over they don't bound up again.

Dealer (thoughtfully) - Maybe dot vas some new styles of Dutchmen toy. Maybe dose means Shermany midout Bismarck. 
- New York Weekly.
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Same Thing.

De Smith (at church fair, where raffling is in progress) - This reminds me of a little incident that happened to me out west. 
Esmeralda Longcoffin - What was it?
De Smith - I was in a train when it was robbed.
- Texas Siftings.N.Y NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY STANDARD - SAT JUNE 11, 1853
N.E. Anti-Slavery Convention, BOSTON May 15, 1853
11 BB

Mr. HENRY B. BLACKWELL, of Cincinnati, Ohio, was next introduced to the audience. He said that he could not endorse the position taken by the previous speaker (S. S. Foster), that they should first acknowledge the Constitution to be pro-slavery, before they were permitted, as Free Soil men, to justify their positions. He maintained that the Constitution was an Anti-Slavery document; and if Free Soilers could prove that in so far as the General Government had jurisdiction, it was Anti Slavery; if they could prove that they surrendered nothing in principle or policy by subscribing to it, then he thought they might act under it without rendering themselves liable to the charge of inconsistency. 

The Constitution had been abused, and it was the duty and privilege of Free Soilers to labour to secure for it such an interpretation as justice and reason demanded; and when it was so interpreted, he believed that the action of the General Government would meet their approbation.

In the first place, he would call their attention to the fact, that there were express powers delegated by the people of the States to the General Government, and an express reservation of all these powers which were not expressly granted therein to the States and the people. There was no one of these powers that refers, directly or indirectly, to Slavery. Gentlemen had said there that the Constitution had been expounded by the Supreme Court, and that they were bound to adopt that statement of the Supreme Court as the final interpretation of the Constitution. He found no such privilege over our consciences granted in the Constitution. He believed that the true position was, that the decision of the Supreme Court was to be the present rule of conduct for the officers of the Government, but never for the consciences of the individual voters. It was in the power of the Supreme Court to reverse its previous decision, as Chief justice Mansfield reversed the decisions of the English courts, in favour of liberty on English soil. Even if it were true that they could not carry out all its provisions in favour of Liberty and against Slavery, they maintained that they had a right to use it, and, having ascertained the general scope and spirit of the instrument, interpret it in accordance with that general spirit. Now, what did the proviso to the Constitution say? Not that the Government was organized to establish Slavery, but to "establish freedom, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." We were bound to suppose, in the absence of positive proof to the contrary, that this was the meaning of what follows in the instrument. The word "slave" is nowhere to be found in the Constitution, and was stricken out from the original draft, because our fathers would not recognise the principle that man might hold property in man. 

Some gentleman had said that the Constitution must be pro-slavery, since Southern men voted for it. The same might be said of the Declaration of Independence, which was adopted unanimously by the slaveholding States; and yet, would any one pretend to say that there was anything in the Declaration of Independence which could be construed to justify Slavery? Could the most ultra Abolitionist find any thing in that glorious Declaration, directly or indirectly, sanctioning Slavery? No! The truth was, that the people of the United States were then smarting under tyranny; had known what it was to be enslaved by a foreign monarch, and, on adopting a form of Government, they refused to admit the idea of human Slavery. The Constitution gave them great power of legislation on the subject of Slavery, but never required one sacrifice of principle. Besides, he would have the audience remember, that according to the opinion which had been expressed on that platform, it was not the Constitution which upheld Slavery, but the public sentiment of the country. Would gentlemen deny that, were a Constitution to be drawn up by the most rigid and consistent Abolitionist, and subjected to the scrutiny of a pro-slavery Congress - would they deny that the letter of such an Abolition document would be construed to mean just what the people wanted it to mean? It was necessary that they should rectify public sentiment, and not waste their time and strength in efforts which, he must be excused for saying, were opposed to the dictates of common, practical, every-day sense.

He did not agree in the position taken by a previous speaker (Mr. Burleigh), that government was an artificial thing. It was as natural to man as society itself. Among the rudest men, we found some form of Government, and we found, also, that the perfection of Government increased as the nation increased in manhood. They could not stand outside of the Government, and refuse to act under it. As well might a captain of a ship, amid the howling of the tempest, refuse to take the helm, and keep the vessel from the breakers, because there was a weak spot in her timbers.

Mr. Blackwell said he wished now to call their attention to some of the good results which had flowed from the adoption of the Constitution. The African slave trade had been abolished. So important was this trade considered by the South, that they made an express stipulation that it should not be abolished for twenty years; but at the end of that time, it was abolished. Had it not been for the adoption of that instrument, we should now have had thirty million slaves on this continent, instead of three and a half millions.

In the next place, they had unlimited power of the District of Columbia, and full control over the territories, and, as soon as they should so choose, they could abolish Slavery in the District, and say to the foul spirit, 'Thus far, but no farther - not another square mile of territory shall you blast with your odious presence.' He was not willing to give up these glorious privileges, and surrender the broad and fertile territories of the West to become a den of licentiousness -  a den of thieves. By the grace of God, the Free Soilers meant to stay the march of this gigantic wrong. 

Some questions had been asked there in respect to the position of some of the Free Soil members of Congress. But where was the Free Soil man who was not in favour of the immediate extension of the Wilmot Proviso, to exclude Slavery from all the territories? Where was the Free Soil man who was not in favour of the immediate abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia? Where was the Free Soil man who was not in favour of the immediate and unconditional repeal of the accursed Fugitive Slave Law? Where was the member of the Free Soil party who did not recognise and support the 'higher law' of God against the lower law of man? (Applause.) Where was the Free Soil man who would not pledge himself to rescue a fugitive from the clutches of his pursuer, even in the face of fines and imprisonment? He knew many a good Free Soiler in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, who would tell them that he believed the Constitution to be an Anti-Slavery document - that every word in it was imbued with the spirit of freedom and right; and who would tear his heart out of his bosom before he would act under it if he believed it to be the accursed thing it had been there described. 

Now, as to the question of representation, upon which so much stress had been laid, it was true that our fathers, for the sake of securing a government, did consent that, in apportioning the representation, five slaves should be counted as three freemen. But did they thus give their sanction to the slave system? He thought not. If he were to take a carriage and ride out with a slaveholder to view the beautiful environs of Boston, would he thereby sanction his slaveholding? If the powers conferred upon the general government are now pro-slavery, the mere fact of slaves being counted as a basis of representation, however impolitic, involved no guarantee of Slavery itself. 

But where was the proof, in the Constitution, that this three-fifths representation was a representation of slaves? There was no evidence of this to be derived from the words of the instrument; the only evidence lay in an indirect implication. It was just so in regard to what was called the Fugitive Slave Clause. Notwithstanding that he might be willing to admit that slaves were intended to be implied in the phrase 'other persons,' still, if the objects of the confederacy were strictly defined, and no sanction was given to Slavery, then they would certainly grant that it was no sacrifice of principle to accept it. Such was the fact.

The Fugitive Slave Clause was not a power conferred upon the General Government. As all the leading Free Soilers had expressly contended, it was a compact between the people of the States who entered into the Union. If there was any obligation to give up fugitives, it rested solely with the States themselves. The courts had made their decisions upon it, but we were not bound to execute any decision which conflicted with the higher law of God. If there were any clauses in the Constitution which conflicted with the straight-forward principles of right, we were bound to set them aside, and regard them as the idle wind. In the vigorous language of a noble New England poet (J. R. LOWELL), whose words were familiar to thousands who live on the broad praires and along the mighty river of the West - 

'Though we break our fathers' promise, we have nobler duties first,
The traitor to Humanity is the traitor most accursed; 
Man is more than Constitutions; better rot beneath the sod,
Than be true to Church and State, while we are doubly false to God'

In saying this, he believed he spoke the sentiments of Free Soilers generally. When they had succeeded in repealing the Fugitive State Law, and secured the right interpretation, he did not believe that it would be possible to prove, to the satisfaction of twelve Northern men, that any slave claimant had a right to his so-called property. It was because the South knew this, that they were so unwilling to yield the usurped power they had conferred upon the Federal Government.

In relation to the bugbear of the power of the Union being pledged to put down slave insurrections, he had only to quote the opinion of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, that the carrying out of the clause in reference to this subject would result in the emancipation of the slaves, since the local law would in such case be superseded by martial law, and the master could give no evidence to prove his claim to hold property in his fellow-being. Now, he would ask them candidly to consider the results of giving up their jurisdiction in this matter. They tied themselves hand and foot, and gave themselves over to the enemy. It had been justly said, that Mr. GARRISON was not so much feared at the South as some Free Soil men. If he could sit down with a dozen Georgia slaveholders, or any other Southern men, and explain to them that these Abolitionists would not raise up their hands to strike out the law which provides for returning fugitive slaves, they would not give five dimes for Mr. GARRISON's head. For his part, he felt like exercising all of his rights against the atrocious system. He had been to the South; he had friends there; and the more he saw of the infernal system, the more fully was he convinced that it was worse than the worst representations that had ever been made upon the Anti-Slavery platform.

Then there were other provisions in the Constitution. They had personal guarantees of the most express and liberal kind. Gentlemen had claimed, and he granted, that the word 'persons' belong to slaves also. The people were guarantied the right to bear arms, and, of course, by implication, to use them; they were guarantied the right to assemble peaceably; the right of free discussion; the right to hold property. There was no law in the Southern States which legalized Slavery, and the right interpretation of the Constitution would break the fetters from every black man's limbs in the Southern States.

Every word in the Constitution was right - was in favour of liberty. He had studied it carefully. For four years after he became of age, he had declined to vote, because he supposed, from the representation of friends, that the Constitution was pro-slavery. Finally, he concluded to examine it for himself, and the scales fell from his eyes. He called upon them to examine the Constitution for themselves. He called upon them to remember that Government was a necessity; that they could not escape from it; that their property would be taken from them, in the shape of taxes, and used to uphold Slavery

over
whether they would or no. For his part, if his money was to be taken from him, he was determined to say, so far as his vote went, 'You shall not use it to uphold this accursed system!' (Loud cheers.)

He had come to that Convention as a listener and a learner. The West looked to New England for instruction and example. He had been surprised to find, in the city of Boston, merchants of high standing, whose sole protection was in the acknowledged sanctity of property, advocate the propriety of taking a man from himself. There was work yet to be done in Boston, and he came there to listen while they tried to do that work. If they could show him that, in voting under the Constitution, he necessarily endorsed Slavery, they should never hear him advocate Free Soil doctrines again. But he thought they were a people of political instincts. They were the children of men who had fought for the right of suffrage on many a hard-won field of glorious strife. He had recently visited the battle-field of Concord, and he did not feel that the men who fought there were pro-slavery men; that the result of that contest was a pro-slavery triumph. He did not despair of the Government of their common country. The noble people of the West would come here to look upon the glorious battle-fields of New England, and inhale the inspiration of freedom with the pure air, and that would nerve their hearts and strengthen their hands, and they would work with their tongues and pens, in their caucuses and political meetings, and in every other way. They would give those pro-slavery men no jot or tittle the advantage. They should not take their votes from them, but they would make them tremble before the zeal and enthusiasm of their labours. They had organized to make them return fugitive slaves; the friends of freedom would organize, not only to keep their fugitives, when they had got them, but to create such a moral sentiment as should crush the foul system of Slavery beneath its weight. They would not cut off any arm of their power; they would surrender no right which could be used in the slave's behalf; but they would struggle for freedom in every way, and would struggle for freedom for ever (loud applause)