CATT, Carrie Chapman SPEECH, ARTICLE, BOOK FILE Article: Untitled ca. 1927 Circa 1927 [PREAMBLE] Within the last twelve months certain doctrines as to American foreign policy have been put forth in this country [in a nation-wide campaign in newspapers and periodicals--] for the "intervention" of our government and, if necessary, the use of our armed forces "to protect American property" abroad. These doctrines have at no time been authorized or approved by the American people through their representatives in Congress. On the whole these doctrines and policies have been formulated by the President and Secretary of State with extraordinary frankness - [-] but their full import has been obscured by the fact that they have been accompanied by expressions of peaceful intention[s] usual in diplomacy and by denials that militaristic and imperialistic policies are contemplated. These doctrines have to do with the protection of property rights and interests of American individuals and corporations in foreign Countries. Mere declarations and pledges of a government that it is opposed to imperialism, war, and intervention, and does not seek a foot of territory are, therefore, not relevant. All modern governments are nominally opposed to war, intervention, and territorial aggrandizement. The great powers in the present period do not, as a rule, declare war on the weaker peoples against which they have a grievance, they send in armies and navies as police; they do not seize territory, they occupy ports and strategic points and demand indemnities fixed by themselves; they do not intervene-- except on the ground that they wish to protect the property rights and interests of their citizens. 2. The time has come for those millions of patriotic Americans who stand against these doctrines to make themselves heard. In more than one direction the menace of actual "armed intervention" has been imminent and the danger of further arousing the suspicions of other peoples against our Government is increasingly evident. The undersigned believe that the true American doctrine may be briefly stated somewhat as in the following propositions, and [that] so stated will be recognized as the true American doctrine by the overwhelming majority of the people of this country: 1. Constructive criticism of the foreign as well as the domestic policies of the government is not only a right but a duty of the people. Government information bearing on foreign relations should be open to the people; the secrecy sometimes temporarily needed during diplomatic negotiations does not, as a rule, justify secrecy as to the facts upon which such negotiations are based. 2. No nation has any right to claim in the territory of a weaker nation a special shere of influence or of "moral responsibility." The Monroe doctrine is regarded by the American people as a designed to protect South and Central American countries from any such claims. Our legitimate interest in and responsibility for the Panama Canal cannot justify intervention or interference with the soverignty of surrounding countries - unless under well-established principles of international law. 3. Our right to call upon other nations to protect American property is based either upon treaties or upon international law. We have no right to impose on other nations our law or our interpretations of international law or treaties. Moreover, our 3. Government has no right to demand that agreements signed by our Presidents be given the weight of treaties. 4. The United States does not recognize that the persons and property of aliens in this country are part of "the national domain" of their fatherlands and we can assert no such claim on be- half of our citizens abroad. The United States has no "national do- main" abroad except [the] our territorial possessions and ships flying the American flag upon the high seas. There is not other American proper- ty abroad --in the sense of property belonging to America. The prop- erty belonging to citizens of the United States in foreign countries, under international law, has the right to the same protection as the property of other aliens in those countries, that in, the right to equal protection under the law of the country in which it is lo- acted and in the courts of that country. If our government feels that there is a flagrant denial of justice by the executie or courts under this domestic law, the question should be settled by inter- national negotiations or arbitration. The United States has already proclaimed (on January 12th, 1927) a treaty with fourteen Caribbean, Central American and South American countries agreeing that "all controversies which for any cause whatsoever may arise...and which it has been impossible to settle through diplomatic channels, or to submit to arbitration in accordance with exiting treaties, shall be submitted for investi- nation and report to Commission" to be established in a manner provided by the treaty. The provisions of this treaty should be extended to all other countries. 5. The protection of the lives and the protection of the property rights and property interests of Americans abroad are two different questions. As to American lives, we not only have 4. the right to demand all reasonable diligence from foreign govern- ments, in their protection, but when disorder one unexpectedly reaches the stage where the protection afforded bya foreign government ceases to function we have a right to extend protection ourselves, though only to that minimum degree necessary to get out citizens out of the danger some. But our citizens have no right to enter a zone that has been officially recognized as dangerous or where orderly government has disappeared, unless at their own [ris k] risk. If they do so enter they have no right to call for protection by the armed forces of the United States. 6. The armed forces of the United States are maintained for national defense and not for "armed intervention" or the threat of armed intervention in other countries or to police every part of the glove where the property of our citizens is located. The use or threatened use of our arm forces abroad or without previous recourse to international arbitration to protect the property and property claims and interests of private American citizens or corporations is not "national defense", as has been alleged, but actual or threatened armed attack on the sovereignty of other people and a violation or threatened violation of their territory and national independence. 7. While the State Department may properly warn American investors, in exceptional cases, against foreign loans that are likely to make difficulties for our government, the practice established since the was of approval or disapproval of all foreign loans facilitates the imposition of political, military, and trade conditions on foreign governments without the authorization of treaties and tends to unjust and dangerous discrimination against nations with which this country is officially in peaceful and friendly relations. Transcribed and reviewed by volunteers participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.