General Correspondence Blake, Katherine D. June 10, 1944 Dear Mrs. Catt, Two things happened today to make me happy. The first, a friend telephoned to me that you were better. That was good news indeed! May that continue each day to be the news about you! Then came Mary Gray Peck's book, your biography! It is just wonderful for you to give me that. Thank you a thousand times for it. I shall value it most highly and read it with delight. I shall never forget the year I spent as your subordinate in that great campaign. You were the most wonderful administrator that I have ever known. Though many of us deserved it, never did we have a hard rebuke, which made us reproach ourselves more than you could have done. I shall never forget your kindness to us all. You made the work a joy to do. Thank you again for the look out, but most for what you have been to us who knew you! Most affectionately yours, Katherine Devereux Blake [*Daughter of Lillie Devereux Blake co-worker of Susan B. Anthony. K.D.B. wrote her mother's biography, published soon after CCC's.*] [*Answered, JUL 26,1913*] 101 West 85th Street, New York, July 12, 1913. Miss Agnes Ryan, Assistant Editor of The Woman's Journal, 585 Boylston Street, Boston, Mass. My dear Miss Ryan: Miss Caroline Reilly wrote me recently in reference to the playlet that I sent Miss Blackwell and told me to write to you, regarding any further suggestions in the matter. I am very much obliged to Miss Blackwell for calling my attention to the fact that she preceded Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton and I have re-written the last two pages, making them more correct. I did this work in great haste, in order to have it acted at my commencement exercises. I felt at the time, that it was in justice to the other two to let Susan do all the talking, although in a way, that was very true to life. I have now made each of the three pioneers, say a few words, and I think it is more satisfactory. I am delighted to hear that Miss Blackwell's operation has proven successful, and I hope that she is now rapidly convalescing. Will you give her my regards and best wishes when you see her. Yours sincerely, Katherine S. Blake [*Enclosed are the last two pages rewritten.*] 101 West 85th Street, New York, June 28th, 1913 Mr. Henry S. Stevens, The Woman's Journal, 585 Boylston Street, Boston, Mass. My dear Mr. Stevens: When I sent you the playlet, I realized that the Journal would be unable to pay, and I shall be very glad if you think it worth using. Those of us who are interested in the Cause, are happy when we can do anything for it, without a question of renumeration. Very sincerely yours, Katherine S. Blake [*It was acted at my commencement and received enthusiastically. A rabbi who talked for the antis last winter began his speech by saying "I am now heartily in favor of woman suffrage", and several of the parents came up and expressed their approval, two men saying that they were converted on the morning's performance. [*Katherine D. Blake Rec Oct 27/93 Resolutions*] Society of Political Study. President, Theresa Barcalow [Emily L. Wakeman,] 351 West 19th St. Secretary, Katherine D. Blake [Bertha Johnston,] 305 East 17th St. New York, October 25, 1893 Mr. Henry B. Blackwell, Dear Sir, At the regular meeting of the Society of Political Study, held at 36 Irving Place on Tuesday, October twenty-fourth, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted: Whereas, we have learned with deep regret of the passing away of that brave pioneer, noble reformer and true-hearted woman, Lucy Stone; therefore, Resolved, that we desire to record our appreciation of the debt of gratitude that we owe her for her life of unselfish devotion to the cause of woman's enfranchisement. Resolved, that we realize that the larger liberty of the women of to-day is due in great measure to her patient self -sacrifice and untiring efforts for the uplifting of her sex. Resolved, that we tender our heartfelt sympathy to her bereaved family in their hour of heavy affliction. Permit me to take this opportunity to express my own personal regret at the departure of one whom I have always venerated. Very respectfully yours, Katherine D. Blake Cor. Sec. Resolutions on ? death of LS Katherine Devereux Blake 353 West 57th Street New York City Columbus 5-6100 Jan. 27, 1936 Miss Alice Stone Blackwell My dear Miss Blackwell, To me has been assigned the happy duty of asking you to be one of our big committee of sponsors for the work of gathering together and putting in shape the story of the emancipation of women. I enclose a typed statement of our aims. Mrs. Mary Beard, the historian, is chairman of the committee. Already we are making progress and the committee bids fair to make a success of its undertaking. A number of people have already promised to give us their manuscripts and printed matter as soon as we have secured a permanent place for the material. Mrs. Catt has already pledged hers. You have been intimately associated with this great movement from your childhood on, just as I have been myself. We all want your name with those of the committee that have been already secured. I hope that all is going well with you. I wish that sometime I might have the pleasure of seeing you and talking with you. Yours sincerely, Katherine D. Blake [*K. Devereux Blake w enclosure*] The A W A CLUBHOUSE 5-29-35 [*Ans May 31*] 353 WEST 37 STREET NEW YORK CITY Dear Mrs. Brown, So nice to hear from you again. I am sending what I can to the Alice Stone Blackwell Fund. I wish it might be much more. We owe so much to her father and mother as well as to her. Will you kindly send me Miss Blackwell's address? Yours faithfully, Katherine D. Blake JOHN DEWEY Chairman JAMES H. MAURER Vice-Chairman PAUL H. DOUGLAS Vice-Chairman MRS. HANNAH CLOTHIER HULL Vice-Chairman OSWALD GARRISON VILLARD Treasurer LEAGUE FOR INDEPENDENT POLITICAL ACTION Room 401 52 Vanderbilt Avenue New York City, New York Telephone MUrray Hill 2-6795 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE KIRBY PAGE, Chairman DEVERE ALLEN WILLARD E. ATKINS KATHERINE DEVEREUX BLAKE PAUL BRISSENDEN LUCY P. CARNER JANE P. CLARK ELEANOR G. COIT JOHN DEWEY PAUL H. DOUGLAS SHERWOOD EDDY HELEN HAMLIN FINCKE NATHAN FINE FRANCIS A. HENSON JESSE H. HOLMES BEN HOWE HANNAH CLOTHIER HULL HARRY W. LAIDLER JOHN A. LAPP ROBERT MORSS LOVETT WILLIAM MAHONEY JAMES H. MAURER HENRY NEUMANN REINHOLD NIEBUHR AUGUSTUS PIGMAN MERCEDES M. RANDALL OSWALD GARRISON VILLARD B. C. VLADECK HOWARD Y. WILLIAMS Executive Secretary September 1, 1931. Dear Miss Blackwell, Are you tired of the great game of politics as played by the two old parties? If so, you will welcome the opportunity to join thousands of forward-looking men and women who are seeking to develop a powerful political organization committed to increased social planning and control of things necessary for our common life. Branches are now at work in many cities and states. Membership will entitle you to all the literature issued by the league, including our monthly bulletin and pamphlets edited frequently by research commissions on the outstanding governmental issues of the day, beginning with that of Professor Paul H. Douglas of the University of Chicago on "Why a Political Realignment?". As a member you may act as a representative of a national organization in promoting sentiment and stimulating a disciplined political movement in your community. Here is your opportunity to assist in a use of government that will eliminate depressions and the suffering of these days. Please let us have your membership card at once. The names of other men and women who might wish to join would be appreciated. A vital new party can be built. Are you with us in the labor? Sincerely yours, John Dewey Chairman, National Committee JD:S Enc. John Dewey New Party PAX WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE U.S. Section, Women's International League for Peace and Freedom 1403 H St., N. W., Washington, D.C. Telephone Franklin 8218 Cable Wilus INTERNATIONAL PRESIDENT JANE ADDAMS NATIONAL OFFICERS CHAIRMAN HANNAH CLOTHIER HULL 504 WALNUT LANE SWARTHMORE, PA. VICE-CHAIRMAN EMILY GREEN BALCH 130 PRINCE STREET JAMAICA PLAIN BOSTON, MASS. TREASURER FLORENCE G. TAUSSIG 4506 MARYLAND AVENUE ST. LOUIS, MO. SECRETARY EDITH HILLES SWEETWATER FARM GLEN MILLS, PA. ACTING EXECUTIVE SECRETARY DOROTHY DETZER 1403 H STREET N. W. WASHINGTON, D. C. NATIONAL BOARD EMILY G. BALCH META S. BERGER KATHERINE D. BLAKE ELLA BOYNTON MADELEINE Z. DOTY EDITH HILLES KATHLEEN M. HENDRIE HANNAH CLOTHIER HULL LUCY BIDDLE LEWIS LOLA M. LLOYD IDA C. LOVETT ALICE HAMILTON ELIZABETH R. HAPGOOD JEANNETTE RANKIN MAUD RICHARDS FLORENCE G. TAUSSIG CARRIE N. WEYL [AMY WOODS] STATE CHAIRMEN MARTHA HELEN ELLIOTT, MASS. BESSIE KIND, PENNA. GERTRUDE SHOWELL, N. J. MAUD C. STOCKWELL, MINN. GRACE HOFFMAN WHITE, N. Y. December 20, 1927. Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, 3 Monadnock, Boston 25, Mass. My dear Miss Blackwell: Have you any knowledge of the joint resolution for the Amendment to the Constitution of the U.S., making war illegal, introduced by Senator Lynn J. Frazier last year and reintroduced by him this year, so that it is known as Joint Resolution No. 1? There was a hearing before the Senate Sub-Committee last winter that was a wonderfully fine hearing. So fine, that the Women's International League has been distributing copies of the hearing to those who desired it. I am asking Mrs. Caroline Lexow Babcock to send you a copy of the hearing. I should be very glad if you would give me your opinion on this amendment. Personally, I am willing to stand for anything that looks towards peace. I am enclosing a letter which I have just written to Miss Jane Addams. I would be grateful if you would send me your wise viewpoint on that also. Permit me again to express my delight at the beautiful speech that you made at the Luncheon of the National Council of Women. May you have a Happy Christmas and New Year, filled as your years always are, with work for that which is best in the life of today. Affectionately yours, Katherine D. Blake December 20th 1927. Miss Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago, Ill. My dear Miss Addams: In this era of good will which has been aroused by the appointment of Mr. Morrow to Mexico and by Lindbergh's visit there, would it not be timely to urge the making of an "arrangement" or "convention" with Mexico similar to the Rush-Bagot Convention with Canada of a century ago. It seems to me that it would be a wonderful thing for the W.I.L. to put forward. I hope that you will agree with me. If we have an unarmed border with Mexico, as we have with Canada, it will be much more difficult to become embroiled with our southern neighbor than it is when our soldiers, with guns on their shoulders, glare at each other across the border. I hope for your word of approval of this suggestion. May you have a very Happy Christmas and a New Year full of health and the good works that your years are always full of. Affectionately yours, Katherine D. Blake KD Blake MISS KATHERINE DEVEREUX BLAKE 252 WEST 97 STREET NEW YORK CITY November 17, 1938 Dear Miss Stone Blackwell, It is very late to thank you for your letter written long ago. I trust that it was answered promptly. It was about your being a sponsor for the Women's Archives. That organization is going on still hoping to raise money for a building and securing pledges of material for the building. You were kind enough in your letter to say that you would be glad to see me if I were ever in Boston. It is a long time since I was in Boston, and I do not know when I shall be there, but always you have a warm place in my heart, for I regard you with keen admiration. Yours cordially, Katherine S. Blake Katherine Devereux Blake 353 West 57th Street New York City January 9, 1942 Dear Miss Blackwell: Thank you for your Holiday greetings with their beautiful thoughts to comfort us in the dark days through which we are going. I like the editorial in "Common Sense" so much that I gave it a "Reader's Digest" treatment, and am sending it to my friends, with my New Year's wishes. I hope that you also will like it. Yours, with affection, Katherine D Blake Program for Victory SELECTIONS FROM AN EDITORIAL IN "COMMON SENSE" Let us make a beginning now at applying as the criteria of our democratic civilization: the free mind and the warm heart. FIRST, as to war itself. Let us never forget Sherman's simple aphorism that war is hell. As we take up this deadly enterprise let us not accept our enemies' premise that war is noble, or beautiful, or the highest expression of man's activity as a social animal. War is the deliberate infliction of pain, systematic destruction, organized hatred and death. The pacifists are right in branding it as utterly evil; they are wrong in treating it as a matter of the individual conscience rather than as a social disease. We cannot at this time settle the ancient philosophical argument of means and ends, and the lesser evil. But we can and must hate war more than we hate our enemies. We can and must keep in mind the suffering we are causing to millions of innocent victims, fellow members of the human family. We can and must remember that the two thousand year old teaching "love thy enemies" is still the highest ethic we know, however difficult. Moreover, that ethical precept has a special political importance today. It was associated with the injunction that we should be "members one of another" and that we should love our neighbors. Today all of us on this planet are neighbors. There is no place our weapons cannot reach. Only as we organize our neighborhood so that we become members of a single community will it be possible to lay down our arms for good when the war is over. There is no assurance that this will be a "war to end war." But we must seek to make it so, even though we failed the last time. There is no assurance that we can establish "the four freedoms— everywhere in the world," but unless we try, we have no dynamic to set over against the dynamic of our enemies' new order. There is no assurance that a new world federation will be set up after the war—indeed there is no assurance that we can even get as good a peace as that written into the treaty of Versailles with its League of Nations— but it should be the goal of our striving. It is a mistake to think that "winning the peace" is a future task, quite distinct from the present task of "winning the war." The very community loyalties, social cohesion and sense of individual participation in a common danger and a common effort, which already mark our war effort, can be a permanent gain in realizing democracy at home. And the procedures we develop for joint action with our allies around the world can be the surest foundation for a new international order. It is for that reason that war aims should be formulated now. Yet for the same reason they cannot be formulated in terms merely of some remote utopia to be set up after the war. We need to construct the new order as we fight for it. And the task of those who consciously seek to apply reasoned intelligence and the love of freedom, even to a world at war, may be summed up as follows: 1. To seek the truth of head and heart, and not give way to propagandas of intolerant hatred and intolerant nationalism. 2. To keep the goals of human decency and human brotherhood before us, as the only goals worth the sacrifices we shall all have to make. 3. To seek to bring good out of evil, a few world order of peace and plenty out of war, a truer democracy out of the resolution which has now unified us. GREETINGS and best wishes for The New Year. May it be brighter than we now expect! Katherine Devereux Blake MISS KATHERINE DEVEREUX BLAKE 353 WEST 57 STREET NEW YORK CITY April 1, 1940. Dear Miss Blackwell, Thank you for your lovely Easter greeting. I am always so glad to hear from you, and particularly so now. We all need courage so in these dark days that it is a joy to get a message of courage from you. I am still holding on to the hope that this war will continue to be, what the jokers, call a "phoney" war, and not break out into something too dreadful to contemplate. I cling to that hope because Hitler, like all Dictators, is at heart a coward and afraid himself to loose the bombs on London, knowing that if he does, aeroplanes will hunt him, and if they do not succeed, his people will rise against the maker of such frightful war. At present, it is a starvation war and that is quite bad enough. When we all have sense enough to realize each one for himself, or herself, the personal responsibility for war, we will end it. I have faith that that day is coming; and not so very far away. And now the spring is here at last, after this hard winter, and the sunshine will bring out the new green leaves and the blossoms. May you keep your courage and be happy as you feel the warmth of the sun upon you; for your courage gives courage to all the rest of us. Yours with affection, Katherine D. Blake P.S. I am sure that you are rejoiced as I am that an adequate life of Elizabeth Cady Stanton is at last published. It is very good. I am delighted with it! [* K.D. Blake *] Dear Miss Blackwell, My greetings for the New Year and my thanks for your lovely poems and greeting are late because of my illness which made letters and duties accumulate beyond my powers. I are now well again trying to let my friend know that they are not forgotten. I think of you often, and I wonder what you would advise us to do, as women to act in the post-war world. The men are trying to envision a new world a peaceful one, but they need the help of women to make it. I hope the women will get together before long to tell what they want. May this year bring peace and wisdom in the new world. Yours with affectionate admiration Katherine Devereux Blake New Year's Eve, 1942. Dear Friend: What a year we have gone through! Yet we all gladly say, "Happy New Year" to each other, for we believe that it will be a happier year than those that have gone before it. Pearl Harbor in December '41 unified us. Industry which in '41 was unwilling to change, started to work as no country had ever worked before, with the amazing result of ships built in a week, planes in 8 hours, hideous instruments of destruction at an enormous rate. How sad it is that the people should be so occupied! Yet it is happy that at the same time we are planning how to end the horror so that it may never come again. In our great republic each of us is responsible for what happens, for we choose our lawmakers and our executive head, who are all guided by public opinion. Public opinion is only the way most of us are talking, and we all talk. Love is the law of life; hate the law of death. Let us end all talk of hate; in justice urge that our enemies have a place at the peace table; willingly take less ourselves so that those so long hungry may be fed; help labor and capital to see that each can do nothing alone, so they must cooperate; on this planet there is but one human family, not separated by color, race, sex or religion, and all should have equal legal rights and equal courtesy. Let us all remember what Jan Masaryk of Czechoslovakia said: ----- "THE WORLD WE WANT MUST ALSO REST ON MORALITY." My best New Year's wishes are with you. Katherine D Blake 14 West Twelfth Street A hospitable, old-fashioned house in West Twelfth Street, off Fifth Avenue, has been leased as the new home to which the Civic Club will move in November. Here the members, men and women interested in civic affairs, may come to meet their friends at tea; to hold informal confer- ences; to attend the stated dinners with their timely discussion of the forward- looking affairs of the day; to claim their share of the stimulating companionship which the Club, even in its present straitened and conventional quarters, has provided as its distinctive feature. The new building - it is not really new, but deep-rooted in the old West Side - has a dining room seating two hundred persons; a small dining room in which groups or committees up to twenty members can lunch or dine; a modern kitchen; a reception room, lounge, game room, reading and writing room, committee rooms and roof garden. Far enough off the beaten track to insure quiet and promote leisure, it is yet unusually accessible. The Fifth Avenue bus line is only a step from its door. The Fourteenth Street stations of the old subway, the Sixth Avenue "L" and the new Broadway Subway are within five minutes walk; the new Seventh Avenue Subway ten minutes; the Fourteenth Street line, transferring to all surface cars, a scant two minutes. The objects of the Civil Club are, by its Constitution: "To offer opportunities for social intercourse to persons actively interested in civic affairs"; further defined in the Rules to mean "an interest in human welfare expressed by sustained effort for the improvement of society; "To facilitate the consideration of social problems and the formation of groups for civic activities." In its membership the club seeks to be inclusive. It welcomes those whose work and inclinations fall within the objects of the Club as given above. Men and women are admitted on equal terms, and those who wish to join may be proposed and seconded by any of the present members whose names follow: Dorothy Aidman Ralph Albertson Sadie American Jessie Ashley William Aughinbaugh Elizabeth Babcock Bertha Kunz Baker Emilie K. Baker Charles J. Ball, Jr. Lorne W. Barclay Charles B. Barnes George Gordon Battle Millicent Baum Augustus S. Beatman Carl Beck Frances Ecob Beck Conrad Berens Sophia Berger Edward L. Bernays Ely Bernays Eleanor Bertine Beatrice Bisno Katherine Devereux Blake Anita C. Block S. John Block Meyer Bloomfield Leonard Blumgart Edith Borg Anna Pavitt Boudin Louis B. Boudin Barclay W. Bradley Howard Bradstreet Zelma Brandt Raymond C. Branion Howard Braucher Edith C. Breithut Frederick Breithut Cranston Brenton David M. Bressler Leon Broches Edward F. Brown Lucius P. Brown Agnes S. Brundin Alice Bryant Elizabeth S. Bryant Edna Bryner Katherine Buell Agnes Burke Charlotte Howell Busck Frances Fisher Byers Margaret Byington Elinor Byrns Pauline Cahn Alice Carpenter Juliette Barnard Cassidy May Caughey Laura Charlton Richard S. Childs Sara C. Clapp Alice L. Clark Evans Clark Mary Vida Clark Marion S. Coan Helen Louise Cohen Nessa Cohen Joanna C. Colcard Hills Cole Mrs. Harlan Cole Sidney Colestock Elizabeth B. Collier John Collier Lucy Collier Alzada Comstock Elizabeth C. Cook Stoughton Cooley Royal S. Copeland Marion B. Cothren Elinor M. Cox Carrie H. Creighton Dorothea Cromwell Gladys Cromwell Robert A. Crosby Fanniebelle Curtis Elizabeth I. Dalton Samuel Danziger Isabel Davenport Alice Davis George S. Davis John W. Davis Henderson Deady Sarah Dean Carlo de Fornaro Herman Defrem A. Lyle de Jarnette Franc Delzell Mary Ware Dennett Albert de Silver Mrs. Albert de Silver Bernard S. Deutsch William J. Doherty Madeleine Z. Doty John Hampden Dougherty, Jr. Mary Dreier W. E. Burghardt DuBois Jeannette Eaton Henry J. Eckstein Sara H. Edlin Dorothy Ehrich J. W. Ehrich Mrs. J. W. Ehrich Mrs. William Ehrich Alice F. Einstein Mrs. William Einstein Abram I. Elkus Josephine J. Eschenbrenner Elizabeth E. Farrell Mrs. Joseph Fels Alice B. Fernandez John T Fetherston Irving Fisher John A. Fitch Henry Fleischman Alexander Fleisher Mrs. Alexander Fleisher Londa Stebbins Fletcher Mrs. Simeon Ford Christine S. Foster Hugh F. Fox Paul F. Frabbito Osmond K. Fraenkel Lee K. Frankel J. George Frederick Louis S. Friedland Lewis S. Gannett Mary Ross Gannett Mrs. Howard Gans John Palmer Gavit Mrs. John Palmer Gavit Clementine Gehlert Mrs. Charles Geigerman Abram Gideon Lucie Glanzer John M. Glenn Otto Glogau Pliny E. Goddard Mayer C. Goldman Arthur J. Goldsmith Elsie Borg Goldsmith Jonah J. Goldstein A. L. Goldwater E. P. Goodrich Willystine Goodsell Emily Goodwin Harry F. Grady Anne S. Grant Louise M. Grant Alice C. Gray Felix Grendon Mrs. Norman Stuart Griffin Louise Adams Grout Martha Gruening Luther Halsey Gulick Mrs. Luther Halsey Gulick Robert Haberman Mrs. Robert Haberman Louise Haessler Louis J. Halle Mrs. Louis J. Halle George E. Halpern Olga Spencer Halsey Lenora Austin Hamlin Learned Hand Mrs. J. Borden Harriman Lou H. Harris Sylvia T. Harris Shelby M. Harrison Lewis Hatch Winifred Hawkridge Arthur Garfield Hays Madge Headley Samuel Heckman Ralph Hedges Max Heidelberg Mrs. Max Heidelberg Mata Heineman A. A. Heller Louise Hemenway Mrs. James Henle Constance Mills Herreshoft Mrs. Paul M. Herzog Alcan Hirsch Simon Hirsdansky Harry Merrill Hitchcock Jessie M. Hixon Margarett A. Hobbs Edward Hochhauser Ethel Hoe W. J. Hoggson Calm Morrison Hoke Jacob Holman W. B. Holton, Jr. Rebecca Hourwich Frederic C. Howe Grace R. Howe Marie Jenney Howe Helen K. Hoy B. W. Huebsch Laura Hughes Mary E. Humphrey Jean Lee Hunt Emilie Hutchinson Woods Hutchinson Maude A. Huttmann Joseph C. Hyman Mrs. Axel O. Ihlseng Edward Ingraham Helene Ingram Gordon Ireland Inez Haynes Irwin Egbert Jacobson Paula Jakobi Edith Jardine Helen Hartley Jenkins Henry E. Jenkins Hester D. Jenkins James Jenkins, Jr. John H. Jewett, Jr. Mrs. John H. Jewett, Jr. Alvin S. Johnson Eleanor H. Johnson Grace Nail Johnson Helen Louise Johnson James Weldon Johnson David Milton Jones Herschel H. Jones Myrta L. Jones Patrick Jones Samuel Joseph Karl G. Karsten Lenore D. Kauffman Ned Kauffmann Mrs. Ned Kauffmann Arthur P. Kellogg Paul U. Kellogg Mrs. Edmond Kelly Edith Kempthorne Dorothy Kenyon Frederic Kernochan Edna Barrows Kerr John A. Kingsbury Freda Kirchwey George W. Kirchwey Philip Klein Eleanor Kneeland Louise W. Kneeland Edgar J. Kohler Mira Edson Kohler Mrs. Alexander Kohut Edna Kramer Charlotte K. Kruesi Walter E. Kruesi Fola La Follette Harry W. Laidler Mrs. Thomas Lamont George M. La Monte Mrs. George M. La Monte Mrs. I. N. Landauer Louis Lande Margaret Lane Winthrop D. Lane Lawrence Langner J. H. Larson Etta Lasker Lulu D. Lasker Florence L. Lattimore Henry Goddard Leach Mrs. Henry Goddard Leach Ellen P. Lee Abby Porter Leland Mary Lent Frederic C. Leubuscher Olivia Leventritt Lois C. Levison Arthur S. Levy Joseph M. Levy Read Lewis Alice Lewisohn Irene Lewisohn Sam A. Lewisohn H. M. Lewy Grace M. Lichten Julius Liebmann Mrs. Norvin Lindheim S. G. Lindholm Walter Lippmann Eleanor Little Sophie Irene Loeb Henrietta Baker Low Harriet B. Lowenstein Risa Lowie Robert Lowie Florence de L. Lowther Michael Lucey Emily H. Luth Charles S. MacFarland Arthur E. MacFarlane Percy MacKaye Mrs. Percy MacKaye Anne Bush MacLear Arthur MacMahon M. Elizabeth McCalmont Mrs. Medill Mccormick Mrs. Charles McDermott William McGuire James F. McManus Douglas C. McMurtrie Jessie H. McVean Charles H. Mann Kristine Mann Lajpat Rai George M. Thornton Frank A. Manny Ida Rauh Henry W. Thurston Mary S. Marot Charles Recht Catherine I. Tillman Benjamin C. Marsh Elmer Reizenstein Maximillian Toch Anna Marshall James Bronson Reynolds Henry W. Toll Evelyn Martin Stuart A. Rice Mrs. Calvin Tomkins Frederick Martin A.L. Ringer Edith Totten Harriet Martin Frederick H. Robinson A.L. Trachtenberg May Mathews Ruth Robinson Cornelia Trowbridge Lena Mayers William J. Robinson Ruth True O.J. Merkel Mrs. William J. Robinson Nellie Twyeffort Darwin J. Meserole Bayard Rodman Albert Ulmann Katherine Maltby Meserole Henrietta Rodman Ruth Underhill Sidney E. Mezes Gilbert Roe J. Edward Van Kirk Bertha Miller Albert R. Rogers Bernard Van Rensselaer Ogden L. Mills M.C. Rolland Harvey Vaughn Wesley C. Mitchell Julia Rosenberg J. De Lancey Verplanck Mrs. Wesley C. Mitchell David Rosenblum Mrs. Henry Villard Jean Earl Moehle Robert Rosenbluth Nell Vincent Derexa Whitcomb Morey Samuel Rosenzweig Susan H. Vollmer Anna Moscowitz E.G. Routzahn Richard H. Waldo Elisabeth Murlless Mary Swain Routzahn William English Walling Daniel M. Murphy I.M. Rubinow Kate M. Ward Cleo Murtland Mrs. George Rublee Wilhelmine Weber Frank Myers Mrs. Charles Cary Rumsey Inis Weed [Terese R. Nagel] Helen G. Russell [Mabel Foote Weeks] John E. Nail Isaac Russell Marion Weinstein Roy Nash I.M. Sackin Franklin C. Wells Mrs. Bernard Naumburg Thomas W. Salmon Helen B. Welsh Leila T. Newcomb Edward F. Sanderson Edith Westcott Alice Kay Newcomer Rebekah Scandrett August Weymann Evelyn Newman J. Salwyn Schapiro Loring Whiteside Hugo Newman Oswald Schlockow Mrs. Frederick Whitin Albert Jay Nock Helen Schloss Ira S. Wile Mrs. A. Gordon Norrie Theodore Schroeder Mrs. Ira S. Wile Mrs. George Notman Lester F. Scott Mabel A. Wiley Winifred Notman Margaret Scott Hilda Wilkie Howard W. Nudd Bertha Ashley Searle Mrs. William G. Willcox Grace Crawley Oakley Eustace Seligman Elizabeth Williams Alice Keats O'Connor Renee C. Seligman Lloyd T. Williams Mrs. Daniel O'Day Herbert J. Seligmann Alexander M. Wilson Ida H. Ogilvie Rebecca Shelly Emma Winslow Jane Olcott Bernard L. Shientag Mrs. Egerton Winthrop Miriam Olmstead Jacob J. Shufro William Wirt Marie S. Orenstein Miroslav Sichinsky Florence Wise Mary Moore Orr Marie Virginia Smith Caroline Wittpenn Abraham Oseroff Nellie M. Smith Arthur M. Wolfson Charles K. Ovington Nora C. Smitheman Mrs. Arthur M. Wolfson Mrs. Charles K. Ovington William Lyon Somerville Florence Woolston Mary White Ovington Arthur Spingarn Nancy E. Yost Stella E. Packard J.E. Spingarn Mrs. Cornelius Zabriskie Mrs. Mary E. Paddon Mabel Spinney Charles Zueblin Elsie Clews Parsons William Spinney Herbert Parsons Mrs. Theodore Sternfeld OFFICERS Leo Pasvolsky Bertha Stevens [Mildred Patterson] Mrs. Jean M. Stevens President Emelyn Peck Clara Gruening Stillman Ira S. Wile Margaret Peck Edward M. Stitt Helen B. Pendleton Mrs. Sylvan L. Stix Vice-President Mary Percival N.I. Stone Frederic C. Howe Marion Perkins Mrs. Willard Straight Scott H. Perky Mrs. Edgar Strakosch Secretary [Walter W. Pettit] [Montrose Strasburger] William Spinney Nathan Peyser Gustave Straubenmuller Elsie Cole Phillips Dorothy Straus Treasurer Amos Pinchot Florence L. Strauss Lee K. Frankel Mrs. Gifford Pinchot Caro Lloyd Strobell Executive Committee Robert Plaut Hyman Strunsky Katherine Devereux Blake Victor Polachek Mrs. Joseph R. Swan W.E. Burghardt DuBois Mrs. Bernard Pollak Marion Taber Marie Jenney Howe Mrs. H.F.J. Porter Mary B. Talmage Arthur P. Kellogg Louis S. Posner Florence L. Tanenbaum Winthrop D. Lane Mary V.N. Post Ida M. Tarbell Ogden L. Mills Charles F. Powlison Edward Thomas Howard W. Nudd George M. Price Mrs. Edward Thomas Mary White Ovington Willard Price Helen D. Thompson Henrietta Rodman Mrs. Willard Price M. Teresa Thompson Mary Swain Routzahn Mrs. J. Bishop Putnam William Ormonde Thompson Willaim Lyon Somerville Wanted: A New Political Alignment League for Independent Political Action 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York City Chairman, John Dewey Vice-Chairmen James H. Maurer Paul H. Douglas Hannah Clothier Hull Chairman Executive Committee: Kirby Page Treasurer Executive Committee Oswald Garrison Villard Executive Secretary Howard Y. Williams Executive Committee Devere Allen Willard E. Atkins Katherine Devereaux Blake Paul Brissenden Lucy P. Carner Jane P. Clark Eleanor G. Coit John Dewey Paul H. Douglas Sherwood Eddy Helen Hamlin Fincke Nathan Fine Francis A. Henson Jesse H. Holmes Ben Howe Hannah Clothier Hull Harry W. Laidler John A. Lapp Robert Morss Lovett William Mahoney James H. Maurer Henry Neumann Reinhold Niebuhr Kirby Page Augustus Pigman Mercedes M. Randall Oswald Garrison Villard B. C. Vladeck National Committee W. Lewis Abbott Mary C. Barker Paul Blanshard Le Roy Bowman John Brophy Stuart Chase George A. Coe McAlister Coleman George L. Collins Jerome Davis Dorothy Detzer Thomas Duncan Morris L. Ernst Mercer G. Evans Helen Everett Edwin Fairley William Floyd Walter Frank Zona Gale Carter Goodrich John C. Granbery John H. Gray Powers Hapgood William P. Hapgood Rolvix Harlan Alfred Hayes A. A. Heist Hubert Herring Lillian Herstein Frank Hoerle John Haynes Holmes John Ise Rabbi Edward L. Israel Bishop John Paul Jones Nicholas Kelley Caroline La Monte E. C. Lindeman Alexander Meiklejohn Fred Atkins Moore Elizabeth Norman Elizabeth L. Otey Bishop Edward L. Parsons John Nevin Sayre Vida D. Scudder Alva W. Taylor Carl C. Taylor H. G. Tiegen Constance Todd C. A. Warne Others to be added. Membership Dues Entitling you to League's literature and reports Active........ $2.00 Student...... $1.00 Contributing.......$10.00 Enclosed please find $............ for which you will enroll me as {active contributing student} member of the League. Name ............................... Address .............................. Wanted: A New Alignment In American Politics A political awakening is coming. In American factories, on farms, in professional life, millions of men and women labor in growing insecurity. Few today are immune from the terror of unemployment, either as a present reality or a future possibility, the threat of war, or the prospect of an impoverished old age. Few are blind to the unequal distribution of the national income, whereby a few have a surfeit while great numbers live below the standard that conservative research bureaus deem sufficient. Few are strong enough to withstand the spiritually deadening influence of a social system whose ruling motive is profit, whose highest law is each for himself. We have built magnificently in stone and steel but have failed to build correspondingly in the realm of man's relations to man. The old parties have not faced the challenges of the times. Progress comes only through the conflict of ideas; these parties are preoccupied with the conflict over political plums. No fundamental difference divides them. No matter which party gains office, the election has been won by the large business groups that contribute most of the campaign funds. Who pays the piper calls the tune. The Democratic party, once the party of Thomas Jefferson and human rights, is now the party of John J. Raskob, and the sanctity of property rights. It has no philosophy, no program, except to beat the Republicans at their own game of currying the favor of large corporations. When it cast overboard in 1928 its low tariff plank the last distinctive policy disappeared. Now it is merely a loose coalition of Northern bosses and Southern bourbons, united for the purpose of capturing the presidency. "The Irrepressible Issue" Relies of bygone contests, the old party lines ought to be wiped out to make room for others more in accord with the age of gasoline and electricity. In the confusion of present-day politics conservatives and progressives parade under the same banner. There is no clean cut division on the fundamental struggle of the day--the struggle between "rugged individualism" and a policy of intelligent and responsible control over the processes of our economic life. We, therefore propose to the American people a new political alignment whereby economic progressives will leave the old parties to the conservatives, and will together with those already outside the old parties. unite to build a new party based on the principle of increasing social planning and control. "Just as the Republican party was born in the irrepressible conflict against extension of chattel slavery," John Dewey has predicted, "so the next party will be born to liberate men, women and children from the enslavement of governmental agencies to selfish and predatory economic interests." Men and women all over the United States, led by Dr. John Dewey of Columbia University, are uniting through The League for Independent Political Action to help form a new political party in this country. The League does not intend itself to becoming then ew party but rather to act as a coordinating agency bringing together all those groups which ought to unite in the formation of such a party. A Co-operative Program For example, the Farmer-Labor party of Minnesota in six years has elected two United States Senators and three Congressmen, and has today the governor, lieutenant-governor and almost one half of the members of each house of the legislature affiliated with the party. It constitutes the party of vision in the state, and the Democrats have practically disappeared from the picture. Naturally, therefore, the Farmer-Labor party of Minnesota must be counted on to assist in forming a new national party. In other places like Milwaukee and Reading the Socialists have been in power, giving very effective administrations. It is hoped that the Socialists will unite with other groups to help form the new party. Progressive elements now working in the old parties will eventually join us. Such a party will be a mass organization of the hand and brain workers, the farmers' groups and all who can no longer be satisfied with old-party policies. Progressive elements of the labor movement, the agricultural bloc, the socialist movement, the professional group, the liberal newspaper field and the religious groups have met in a number of conferences to perfect the organization. Nationally-Known Leaders Professor Dewey, the philosopher and educator is Chairman of the National Committee. Vice-Chairmen are James H. Maurer, for many years president of the Pennsylvania State Federation of Labor and now a member of the city administration of Reading; Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois, the famous colored editor and author; Professor Paul H. Douglas of the University of Chicago, and Hannah Clothier Hull, leader of women's peace, and Quaker groups. Kirby Page, editor The World Tomorrow, is Chairman of the Executive Committee and Howard Y. Williams, who has been connected with the Farmer-Labor party of Minnesota, is executive secretary. Strategy of Attack The League will act as a clearing house for up-to-date information concerning all agencies seeking a political realignment, emphasize research work, publish frequently pamphlets with the results of such study on governmental problems, carry on an educational campaign through a speakers' bureau, the use of radio, magazine articles and conferences, and organize local political movements all over the United States. Previous progressive movements have been sporadic and ineffective in this country because so largely they began at the top. Our aim is to begin at the bottom and in strategic situations to cooperate with local groups in building up disciplined movements of the people centering first on municipal and congressional campaigns. The organization will send a battery of nationally known speakers to assist in the election of such candidates. The executive secretary will travel over the United States organizing, stimulating and cooperating with local political movements that will eventually unite to create a new national party. General Principles The new party will demand public ownership and operation of those great public utilities which under private management have failed to give effective service, even after years of attempts at federal or state regulation. This will mean eventually public control of the generation, transmission and distribution of electric power through a unified super-power system that will insure consumers and industry economies and comforts not obtainable through private monopoly. It also will mean organization of the coal industry under democratic management with a view to closing down surplus mines, transferring without hardships excess workers, integrating the coal mines with the development of power and giving the miners greater freedom in their working lives. Our transportation system would also be brought more adequately under social control. Taxation A basic problem is the more equitable distribution of the immense wealth which this country possesses. Our present system which permits some to have so much more than they need and often without working for it, means that others cannot have enough to provide the actual needs of life. A solution cannot be reached without legislation, to skim off through progressive taxes on unearned incomes, inheritances and the increase in land values those surplus gains which are not necessary to induce effective service and which are the result of monopoly. These sums should be used to help democratize industry and to provide for the workers that minimum of health and recreation which can never be secured through economic organization alone, nor by adherence to one of the major parties. The men who would be thus taxed control both the Republican and Democratic organizations and would sabotage such legislation. Only new political representation can produce for the workers those opportunities to be achieved through greater equalization of incomes. Protection of Workers Labor ought to be protected by social insurance from hazards of accident, ill health, unemployment and old age. Unemployment is one of the outstanding issues of the United States today. Time-saving devices and the stretch-out system which speeds up the machinery and compels the worker to keep up as well as oversee more machines, are throwing thousands out of work. This scheme produces more accidents and disease and now tends to scrap the worker at forty-five years of age. The employers are not going to protect against these evils in any adequate way. They must help pay the cost and will never do it, speaking generally, until forced to do so by legislation. The leaders of the old parties will not work for the enactment of these laws because the Republican and Democratic parties are merely the political expressions of the great business organizations. These latter do not intend to help pay the bills for social insurance and will fight to the death, through the political organizations which they control, every effort seeking such an accomplishment. If we want social insurance, we must help to build up a new party The workers also find themselves today under legal restrictions which, in the form of "yellow dog" contracts, injunctions, the use of militia and United States marshals virtually prohibit boycotting and effective peaceful picketing, rendering trade unionism ineffective. The barbarous use of coal and iron police by the mine operators during the coal strike, the securing of injunctions that forbade the miners even to gather in churches and sing hymns, or to appear upon the streets more than two together, the beating of peaceful pickets, and all the injustice inspired by mill policies in the Southern textile region, must go never to return. America needs a party in control of government that will not permit the use of gunmen to shoot the workers down, but will safeguard them in their right to collective bargaining. Justice to Farmers The farmers need a party to protect them from the tariff wolves. A new party would fight for a program of farm relief which by lowering the tariff on manufactured goods, would help to readjust the present disparity between the prices of agricultural and manufactured commodities through decreasing the prices of the goods the farmers buy; and which by building up a greater foreign market would increase the prices of what he sells. The provision of adequate farm credits and insurance against natural calamities would also be of practical assistance. Especially should the government foster both producers' and consumers' cooperative societies and cooperatively manage wheat and cotton pools. No effective farm relief is conceivable, however, until the farmer ceases to be the football of old-party politics. The new party will liberate the people from the burden of the tariff favoring special groups and will steadily approach the eventual goal of free trade, as an aid to the soundest prosperity and international good-will, and for the purpose of reducing special privilege, political corruption, and exploitation by favored interests. The restoration of political rights to Negroes and the freedom of foreign-born citizens from a semi-caste system in those sections where, either by law or by custom they are now disfranchised, will be another aim of such a party. So long as a million voters of the Northwest, for example, can send only twelve representatives to Congress while a million voters of the South can send nearly four times that number, the most elementary basis for democratic government is unattainable, as forward-looking citizens of the new South are increasingly aware. No More War Finally, a new party is the only insurance against another world war. Economic rivalry led to the last war and is fast breeding another war of appalling proportions. Political governments are but pawns in the hands of warring combines. Our marines in Nicaragua and the Caribbean fight their battles. The struggle for control of raw materials, foreign markets and foreign investments, goes on apace. At any moment the plain people may be called upon to die on foreign fields for Standard Oil or United States rubber. If the people are to be protected fully from the dangers of another world war then the people must control the political machinery that finally declares war. That means a new political party in this country that will not countenance war as a means for the settlement of disputes, that will make a sincere and determined effort to eliminate the economic, psychological and political causes of war; it means the substitution of conference, conciliation, arbitration and judicial processes for our policy of domination in Central America and the Caribbean; the fulfillment of our pledge of independence for the Philippines, drastic reduction of war debts, as sound financial and international policy; uncompromising resistance to all attempts at the militarization of American public opinion, such as compulsory military training of our youth and the propaganda for large military and naval preparedness; cooperation with other countries in creating an adequate structure of international organization, in making effective the outlawry of war and in securing disarmament on sea and land and in the air; and participation in all agencies helping to keep the peace and remove the occasions of war. In spite of recognized difficulties, persistent effort on the part of awakened workers, farmers and progressives can build an effective new party. There could be no more practical and creative force in American politics than such an achievement. The League for Independent Political Action invites all those who feel similarly, irrespective of sex, creed, color or previous political affiliation to join in this high endeavor. Publications of the League for Independent Political Action Why a Political Realignment? By Paul H. Douglas, 1930.................10c. The Tariff Scandal. By Oswald Garrison Villard, 1930............10c. Unemployment: A Practical Program. By Henry Raymond Mussey, 1930........... 10c. Sold in quantity, $.50 per dozen, $3.00 per hundred, postpaid from League for Independent Political Action 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York City 181 NEWS OF THE UNITED STATES SECTION Pax International-November, 1931 Edited by KATHERINE DEVEREUX BLAKE CHRISTMAS MESSAGE, 1931 MERRY CHRISTMAS Christmas comes again, so let us as pacifists look back over the year, count our gifts of gains since last December and rejoice, for they have been many. December. The Pope, in reply to his Christmas greetings, declared that no nation is "so monstrously homicidal and so almost certainly suicidal as to will another war." January saw the release of Gandhi. This was followed in March by the truce with Lord Irwin in the campaign of civil disobedience, and ratification of the truce by the All- Indian National Congress at Karachi, and this fall by his coming to London to the Conference on India. No matter what the ultimate result of that Conference is, the year's work is a wonderful proof of the power of non-violence. In February, England, France and Italy reached an accord in questions of naval limitation. March saw the lower house of the Danish Parliament adopt a bill providing for actual disarmament, converting the army into a small police force, with an annual expenditure for the police of only $4,000,000. The vote was 77 to 64. This measure was defeated in the upper house, but it will in all probability be carried after the next general election. April saw a most peaceful revolution in Spain with a republican form of government established under President Niceto Zamora. Salvador de Madariaga, long an ardent worker for peace, was appointed Ambassador to the United States. May saw our government take a long step ahead when Secretary Stimson announced in a radio address that hereafter the United States will not use the army or the navy to collect debts, and that by the fall of 1932 all marines will be withdrawn from Nicaragua. June gave hope to the European nations struggling under their heavy taxation, when President Hoover proposed a moratorium for one year of "intergovernmental debts, reparations and relief debts, both principal and interest." July and August saw Secretaries Stimson and Mellon visiting the leading statesmen of Europe in the effort to save the tottering financial institutions. So unable have the banks been to inspire confidence that in various places barter has taken the place of usual sales; wheat has been traded for coffee in Brazil, and for coal in Colorado. September brought Mexico into the League of Nations. Laval and Briand visited Berlin for a conference with the leaders there. In Paris 10,000 people saw them off shouting "Vive la Paix," and they were greeted in Berlin by another great crowd shouting the same thing in German. October almost welcomed us into the League, for Secretary Stimson cabled assurance of our hearty cooperation in the League's action with reference to China and Japan. Prime Minister Laval came to confer with President Hoover on world conditions, an intimate and friendly step looking toward the intelligent cooperation of the peoples of the world. November brought Foreign Minister Dino Grandi to place the Italian viewpoint before President Hoover. Our Ambassador, Charles G. Dawes, was instructed to go to Geneva to help in bringing peace between China and Japan. Though the war clouds at present darkly cover Manchuria, and on both sides men are dying in defense of their country and its rights, yet even there those clouds show a silver lining. The League is making a strong effort to bring peace, in which we for the first time cooperate; the whole world is watching and objecting to the war; Russia is remaining entirely peaceful, and Japan continues to protest that it is not a war, only a little intervention to protect the property of its citizens. Everywhere the people in this now almost literate world are strongly for world peace, and their feeling is impressing their governments. That this is true was shown in the enthusiasm with which our Caravan was welcomed in its 9,000 mile itinerary across the continent, and in President Hoover's words, "I am grateful for your effort to mobilize public opinion." So in spite of all that the World War, the machine age, and military preparedness have done, pacifists can go courageously forward knowing that the victory will be theirs-IF THEY WORK! MERRY CHRISTMAS! Christmas Greetings from Katherine Devereux Blake THE WAR IN MANCHURIA-By DOROTHY DETZER The war which is now being waged in' Manchuria is certainly the most critical and disturbing situation which the world has had to face for years. To those who wish to understand more clearly some of the questions involved, we would refer them to the article in the Sunday New York Times of November 15th by George E. Sokolsky, called "The Clash Behind the Clash in Manchuria." The situation is extremely involved [in?]volved. Manchuria is divided under two spheres of influence; one controlled by Japan, the other by Russia. The reasons for the immediate clash are still confused by the underlying causes of imperialism. Japan Tampers with the Peace of the World However, Manchuria may easily develop into a new Serajevo, the spark of a new World War. The effect of the Manchurian conflict on the coming Disarmament Conference at this time cannot yet be measured, but perhaps more critical than either of these is the safety of the treaties. The clash in Manchuria started on September 18th. Within those first three days, China stacked her arms and Japan marched in and occupied much territory outside of the so-called treaty zones, which she is permitted to occupy by certain existing treaties with China. On September 22nd, we wrote President Hoover urging that he invoke the treaties at once; we have continued to ask for this action. We cannot here go into the justice or fairness of the Manchurian conflict nor at the moment as to the rightness of either the Chinese or Japanese cause. Since the clash, the Chinese asked that the Japanese withdraw their troops and leave the question to an impartial investigation. The Japanese contend that they cannot withdraw unless protection to their own citizens is guaranteed, as they cannot trust the Chinese. In spite of all the complications, the justice and injustice, one thing is of first importance to United States citizens, namely, what action the United States takes in this crisis. We cannot hope, nor should we wish to control governments of other countries—our duty lies with our own government. The clash in Manchuria is critical; failure to use the treaties is even more critical. State Department Position The position of the State Department briefly is as follows: that Japan is being overwhelmed by her militarists and that by patience the United States and other powers can help to strengthen the needs of the civil government. From the beginning we have believed that this was not in the way of wisdom. Peace machinery exists to be used, not forgotten and neglected. A sharp, prompt note from the United States and all other powers invoking the Kellogg Treaty, we believe, would have sobered the militarist group much more quickly. We cannot believe that they would have felt that they had the power to stand out against the public opinion of some fifty nations and we believe that this fact is still the case. Treaties are made and agreed to in calm, cool wisdom to meet just such moments of war madness as have now come. Japan has broken both the Kellogg Treaty and the Nine-Power Pact, but she cannot destroy them. Laws and Treaties If a man commits murder, he breaks the law and he is isolated from society. However, his breaking the law does not destroy it. A law is best destroyed by being neglected and unused. We believe the same thing holds for treaties. Japan may break a treaty, she cannot destroy it. The United States and the other powers by refusing to act under the treaties do, by their very refusal to invoke them, tend to destroy them. We as citizens have no responsibility for the actions of the Japanese government. However, the United States has certain obligations under the treaties and we are concerned because neither the Nine-Power Pact nor the Kellogg Treaty, to which we are signatory, have as yet been formally and definitely invoked. Secret Diplomacy Recognizing as we do the complications involved in public comment during negotiations, nevertheless we contend that secret diplomacy is an abuse of power, and that it should be repudiated. If you agree with our position, we suggest that you write to the President at once, urging him to observe our treaty obligations by invoking one or both of the pacts to which we are signatory, and asking that the notes which have been exchanged between our government and China and Japan, be published so that American citizens may be given an opportunity to know what action their government has taken in this critical situation. Another important way at the moment to help in this situation is to see that no loans are granted to either of the warring governments for the purpose of buying munitions or supporting their war. We therefore suggest that in writing to the President, you further ask him to declare any loans to either China or Japan as contrary to public policy. Will you also write your Senators and Representatives, urging them to support measures in Congress to forbid the shipment of arms and munitions to China and Japan? Subscribe for Pax International! Just add fifty cents to your annual dues. Pax need you, and you need Pax. "The time for secret diplomacy in grave instances of this kind is past. Private conversations by ministers of foreign affairs with the diplomatic representatives of China and Japan do not adequately meet the situation. "Private conversations are apt to be misunderstood and misinterpreted. "No nation has a right to consider itself aggrieved by having its attention called to violations or threatened violations of treaties. War is no longer the private affair of belligerent nations. The nations of the world should publicly acknowledge their own obligations and demand that the obligations of other signatories should be fulfilled, if peace is to be maintained." Frank B. Kellogg, co-author of the Kellogg-Briand peace pact. The Truce in Armaments for one year asked by Foreign Minister Grandi was voted by the Assembly of the League of Nations in order to prepare the moral atmosphere for the Disarmament Conference. On November first it had been accepted by thirty-five nations including our own. Miss Amy Woods finished her tour across Indiana, Wisconsin and Minnesota and sailed to represent W.I.L. at the Conference in Paris called by Viscount Cecil to consider the question of Disarmament. GRANDI VOICES ITALY'S DESIRE FOR PEACE Foreign Minister Dino Grandi made a wonderful speech at the reception of the Foreign Policy Association on Thanksgiving Day. He stressed the fact that "disarmament is, after all, the central problem of the foreign international situation." He voiced the Italian policy as based on three points. First, that "the reduction of armaments has to be considered as a moral as well as a juridical obligation on all governments concerned." The second point was the question of security, and there he said that "disarmament must imply greater security" . . . "every step towards the reduction of armaments will bring to the world a greater security." Third, that "the world suffers today chiefly from a lack of confidence." There is a widespread "uncertainty as to the maintenance of peace." . . . "So that, in the end, the financial and economic problems are essentially problems of pacification." He closed with these words:—"Today the American people celebrate the Thanksgiving Day. Let us hope that next year we shall be able to thank God for having given the nations of the whole world peace, better understanding and a sounder and safer foundation." Forty-one national and international associations interested in the peace of the world including W.I.L. met on November 24th and sent the following resolution to President Hoover:— "Resolved, That we inform the President of our concern at the failure to make public the position of the United States in the Manchurian dispute and urge him to publish all of the correspondence with Japan and China relating thereto, and that we request the President to clarify the question of our co-operation with the League of Nations by instructing Ambassador Dawes to sit with the Council of the League in working out a peaceful solution of the present controversy, and further, that we request the President to ask the Congress to forbid the shipment of arms and munitions to Japan and China, and that he declare loans to Japan and China contrary to public policy so long as hostilities continue." We trust you will each write to the President saying the same things. Error in Army Budget A flurry has been created in military circles by the discovery that Secretary Stimson in sending to the League of Nations the figures of the Army budget for 1930 had made errors of $25,511,954. As soon as the mistake was found a special note was sent to the League making the necessary corrections. This was followed by inquiries from the military attaches of the French Embassy in Washington. The nations are deeply interested in the figures sent to the League because there is reason to believe that any agreement on disarmament in the coming Conference will be reached through budgetary limitation. Our government has thus far opposed this method on the ground that it is easier to trace guns than dollars. However, our naval and military experts are studying anew the possibilities of agreeing on budgetary limitation as the best method. The corrected figures for the army for 1930 are $324,945,363. H.G. WELLS SAILING CALL FOR WAR OPPOSITION "War resistance seems to be logically justified by the Kellogg pact. If it is assumed that the world can do without war, it must be assumed also that proper organizations can be set up to ease the political, economic, social and biological stresses of mankind. "In that case not only international warfare but the preparation for international warfare also become criminal activities and resistance to them a plain duty for the world citizen. "But the two things depend upon one another, and I think there is no justification for the war resister who is not prepared to work continually for the cosmopolitan organization of the common interests of men and who does not do everything in his or her power for the new education—the re-education of our race to meet its present needs and opportunities. "As long as we still have independent sovereign States, separate systems of currency, the need of passports to cross from one State to another, national economic systems—all things that make for irritation— just so long shall we have war," Mr. Wells asserted. "I once said civilization was a race between education and catastrophe. That is not so. Education has not yet started. There must be an education to break down nationalism, to destroy our present narrow conception of patriotism and to create a world organization that will transcend nationalism." Kirby Page writes,—"All of us here in the office are thrilled with the reports that are coming from all sections of the country. We have a record of more than 110 gatherings under our auspices, and the estimated attendance approximates 100,000. . . . From local committees and speakers alike we have had enthusiastic comments on the meetings in most cities. "My own impression is that the peace movement is gaining by leaps and bounds. During the past month I have been traveling almost continuously. . . . Everywhere I find keener interest in the whole problem of world peace. While the war clouds remain black and ominous, the masses of people everywhere abhor slaughter and long for permanent peace. The race is certainly on." O.D. Cheney says that the people of America buy an average of one book per person per year. Which of the following do you choose? We recommend all of them. The War-Method and the Peace-Method. By William I. Hull. Revell. 364 pages. $2.50. The International Note in Contemporary Drama. By Dr. Evelyn Newman. Kingsland Press. New York. $2.50. The Soviet Challenge to America. By George S. Counts. John Day Co. $4.00. Public Ownership Here and Abroad, by Harry Laidler. (Pamphlet.) League for Industrial Democracy. 15 cents. Remember W.I.L. in your WILL I hereby give and bequeath to the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, Inc., a membership corporation formed under the laws of the State of New York, the sum of..............................................Dollars. International Disarmament Petition The Nations Let us also have Renounce the Renounced War {PAX LOGO} Instruments of War --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE UNDERSIGNED MEN AND WOMEN IRRESPECTIVE OF PARTY, ARE CONVINCED THAT COMPETITION IN ARMAMENTS IS LEADING ALL COUNTRIES TO RUIN WITHOUT GIVING SECURITY; THAT THIS POLICY RENDERS FUTURE WARS INEVITABLE AND THAT THESE WILL BE WARS OF EXTERMINATION; THAT GOVERNMENTAL ASSURANCES OF PEACEFUL POLICY WILL BE VALUELESS AS LONG AS THOSE MEASURES OF DISARMAMENT ARE DELAYED THAT SHOULD BE THE FIRST RESULT OF THE PACT FOR THE RENUNCIATION OF WAR. THEY THEREFORE ASK FOR TOTAL AND UNIVERSAL DISARMAMENT AND REQUEST THEIR GOVERNMENT FORMALLY TO INSTRUCT ITS DELEGATES TO THE INTERNATIONAL DISARMAMENT CONFERENCE MEETING IN FEBRUARY, 1932, TO EXAMINE ALL PROPOSALS FOR DISARMAMENT THAT HAVE BEEN OR MAY BE MADE, AND TO TAKE THE NECESSARY STEPS TO ACHIEVE REAL DISARMAMENT ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- NAME ADDRESS 1.--------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------- 2.--------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------- 3.--------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------- 4.--------------------------------------------------- --------------------------------------------------------------------- 5.--------------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 6.--------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 7.--------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 8.--------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 9.--------------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 10.-------------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 11.-------------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 12.-------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 13.------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 14.------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 15.-------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 16. ------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 17.-------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 18.------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PLEASE FILL and Return to W. I. L. Office, 1805 H St., N.W., Washington, D.C. 6 An Anniversary for Women Suffrage-Amendment Introduced in the Senate Sixty Years Ago TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK TIMES: On Jan. 9 it will be just sixty years since the amendment to the Constitution enfranchising women was first introduced in the Senate of the United States. Surely it is a date to be remembered. That Winter of 1878 Susan B. Anthony had gone on a trip to the West with her brother and made no preparation for a Washington convention of the National Women Suffrage Association. Feeling that this was a mistake, my mother, Lillie Devereux Blake, and Isabella Beecher Hooker called a convention. Many responded and it was a great success. While in Washington for the convention Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was a guest in the home of Senator Sargent of California, and he listened to her brilliant speech in the convention on Jan. 8, in which she demanded an amendment to the Constitution giving the vote to women. The next day Senator Sargent introduced the joint resolution calling for the amendment exactly as Mrs. Stanton had written it. For forty-one years that brief amendment was heatedly discussed, but never was a word changed in it. The last necessary State having voted for it, the Secretary of State officially proclaimed it a part of the Constitution of the United States on Aug. 26, 1920, and so it stands today as it was introduced sixty years ago. On that date all women received the right to vote, but no training prepared them for it. During the later years of their struggle for freedom they had not asked for rights, lest that should hinder their enfranchisement. Then, as now in fascist countries, they were told that woman's place was in the home and that politics was too dirty a business for nice women to mix in. Hence the reproach sometimes heard "What have women done with their vote?" To this I answer: They have done exactly what such training would lead them to do; they have worked to protect the home and, so far as possible, their personal rights. Thus, after years of struggle they have won equal rights of citizenship though married to foreigners, the right to work though married, in some States the right to sit on juries, and, to quote the New Standard Encyclopedia, their "influence was felt in the increasing volume of welfare legislation throughout the States." As time has gone on women have looked beyond the personal home. The new generation has forgotten the struggle and look at the world much as do their brothers, and they are taking a deep interest in the good government of the whole world. No reform Mayor of New York was ever re-elected when men alone were the voters. Last November was the first time since their franchisement that a reform Mayor was offered for re-election, and his victory was triumphant. The votes of the women carried that victory. From 1848 till 1893, when she ceased to be president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, Elizabeth Cady Stanton was the progressive leader of that struggle for the vote. She called that famous first convention of 1848, she wrote the amendment giving women the right to vote, and it is well to remember her on this important anniversary. KATHERINE DEVEREUX BLAKE New York, Jan. 6, 1938. Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.