NAWSA GENERAL CORRESPONDENCE Child, Lydia MariA 10 From List 109, Gilman's Old Books, Inc., 61 - 4th Avenue, N. Y. C. (ADAMS) 141 Chamberlain, Mellen. John Adams ... of ... Revolution. 9x6, Bost., 1884. 2.50 (THE MISSISSIPPI) 142 Chambers, Julius. The Mississippi River and Its Wonderful Valley ... With 80 plates, thick 10x7, N. Y., 1910. 5.00 (BY AN ENGLISHMAN) 143 Chambers, Wm. Things as they are in America. Thin 10x7, N. Y., 1854. "From Chambers Edinburgh Journal." 3.50 (A PLAY) 144 Chapman, J. J. Treason and Death of Benedict Arnold. 8x6, N. Y., 1910. 1.50 (FICTION: 1854) 145 Chase, L. B. English Serfdom and American Slavery ... 8x6, N. Y. (1854) 2.50 (SUPREME COURT) 146 Chase, Samuel. The Answers and Pleas of S. C. one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court ... to the Articles of Impeachment ... 9x6, Salem 1805. 5.00 (NEW ENGLAND IN 1620) 147 Cheever, G. B. Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth ... in 1620. Reprinted from the original volume ... 8x6 N. Y., 1848. "With Historical and Local Illustrations. ..." 2.50 (SLAVERY) 148 Child, L. M. The Patriarchal Institution ... described by Members of its own Family. Thin 7x4, N. Y., 1860. 2.50 (PRINTERS) 149 (Childs, G. W.) The Printers and Mr. Childs. Thin 6x4, (Phila., 1888) "Originally appeared in the Printers Circular." 2.00 (JOURNALIST, 1937) 150 Childs, M. W. Washington Calling. 8x6, N. Y., 1937. 2.00 (OLD NOVEL) 151 Chintz, Charley The Gems of the Mines or the Conjuror of Iron Cave. Thin. 9x6, Springfield. 5.00 (FREE INSTITUTIONS) 152 Chipman, Nathaniel. Principles of Government ... on Free Institutions ... 9x6, Burlington, 1833. 2.50 (THE ST.LAWRENCE) 153 Chisholm's All Round Route and Panoramic Guide to the St. Lawrence. Maps and Illus., 6x5, Montreal, 1870-4. "With many pages of Advertisements: some Pictorial. 2.50 (HERALDRY : GENEALOGY) 154 The Chronotype. An American Memorial of Persons and Events. Vol. 1, nos. 1 to 5, 7 & 8, (7 issues) N. Y., 1873. "Pub. by the Amer. College of Heraldry and Genealogical Registry." 3.50 (THE FIRST NUMBER) 155 Cincinnati Society of Naturay History., Journal of. Vol. 1, no. 1 April, 1878. 2.50 (POLITICAL) 157 Clarke, C. C. P. True Method of Representation in Large Constituencies ... Thin 6x9, N. Y., 1873. 2.00 (CARTOONS) 158 The Clover Club in Cartoona. 24th Anniversary ... With 62 cartoons of its members, 10x6, Phila., 1906. 3.50 If It is Out Of Print Write Us About It. From List 109, Gilman's Old Books, Inc., 61 - 4th Avenue, N. Y. C. 9 (CIVIL WAR) 125 Butler, Maj. Gen. B. G. Character and Results of the War ... Thin 9x6, N. Y., 1863. "Caption Title." 3.50 (CATHOLIC) 126 Butler, C. M. The Road to Rome. A sermon ... Very thin 9x6, Virginia, 1860. (with) The Road to Rome. A letter ... to C. M. Butler. By Wm. Pinckney. Very thin 9x6, Wash., 1861. 3.50 (LAWYER, AUTHOR: POLITICS) 127 Butler, William Allen. A Retrospect of Forty Years. Illus., 9x7, N. Y., 1911. "1825 to 1865.) 2.50 (HICKSITE QUAKERS) 128 The Cabinet or Works of Darkness Brought to Light ... 9x6, Phila., 1824. 3.50 (PIONEER FARMERS) 129 Caird, James, Prairie Farming in America ... 8x6, N. Y., 1859 5.00 (TERRITORIAL EXPANSION) 130 Carppenter, E. J. The American Advance. Map, 9x6, N. Y., 1903. "By a Newspaper Man" 2.50 (PEMAQUID) 131 Cartland, J. H. Ten Years at Pemaquid ... Illus., 9x6, Pemaquid, Maine, 1899. 5.00 (ECONOMIC CHANGES 132 Carver, T. N. Present Economic Revolution in the U. S. 9x6, Bost., 1926. 2.00 (LEGAL: 1809) 133 Cases and Queries submitted to every Citizen of the U. S. and especially the Members of the Administration ... Thin 9x6, N. Y., 1809. Signed "Impartial." 3.50 (ART) 134 Catalog of the National Portraits in Independence Hall. Thin 9x6, Phila., 1855. "With a fine steel engraving of the State House in Philadelphia in 1778." 3.50 (AUTHOR OF N. A. INDIANS) 135 Catlin, Geo. The Breath of Life of Mal Respiration ... 9x6, Illus., N. Y. 2.50 (FROM THE 16th CENTURY) 136 Ceba, Ansaldo. The Citizen of a Republic. What are His Rights ... etc. 8x6, N. Y., 1845. (copyright date, 1845) Transladed and edited by C. E. Lester. 2.50 (NEW JERSEY) 137 Central N. J. Land Improvement Co., 1st Annual Report of ... Very thin 9x6, N. Y., 1873. (AUTHORS: ARTIST) 138 Century Association., Twelfth Night Festival of the. Many plates, 10x6, N. Y. , 1900. "One of 350 copies privately printed." A club for Artists and Authors. 5.00 (ROBERT E. LEE) 139 Ceremonies connected with ... the Unveiling of the ... Figure of General Robert E .Lee ... 9x6, Lynchburg, Va., 1883. 2.50 (SANTO DOMINGO) 140 Cestero, T. M. Por El Ciboa. 6x4, S. Domingo, 1901. 2.50 If It Is Out Of Print Write Us About It. LYDIA MARIA CHILD Liberator, Nov. 14, 1862 announces "very valuable and still timely tract, by Mrs. Lydia Maria Child, entitled "The Right Way the Safe Way, proved by Emancipation in the British West Indies, and elsewhere", 108 pp. will be sent to any person requesting it, and enclosing six cents in undefaced postage stamps. AddressSamuel May, Jr. 221 Washington St. [V] Boston. ----------- C. C. Catt note about Mrs. Child Boston, in 1826, had opened a high school for girls, but, without reason, closed it in 1828 and nowhere in the world was there a public high school for girls. Yet, helpful things happened. In 1832, Lydia Maria Child published her HISTORY OF WOMEN. ------- 1960 - Radcliffe College Women's Archives bought the Ellis Gray Loring family papers containing 165 letters of Mrs. Lydia Maria Child's. ------- Atlantic Monthly articles by L.M.C. -Vol. 2, page 32; Volume 9, p. 578; vol. 11, p. 324; vol. 17, page 352. ------- 1864, Nov. 18, p. 181, The Liberator Lydia Maria Child, to Editor of the National Anti Slavery Standard. NOTMAN & CAMPBELL, 4 PARK ST., BOSTON [*Mrs Child*] THE NOTMAN PHOTOGRAPHIC C0. LIMITED 55 North Pearl St., ALBANY, N.Y. ALSO AT 4 Park Street, BOSTON, MASS. Saratoga, N. Y. Newport, R. I. [*Aug 29, 1862*] [*The National Republican, Washington, D. C.*] THE LIB MRS. L. MARIA CHILD TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. It may seem a violation of propriety for a woman to address the Chief Magistrate of the nation at a crisis so momentous as this. But if the Romans, ages ago, accorded to Hortensia the right of addressing the Senate on the subject of a tax unjustly levied on the wealthy ladies of Rome, surely an American woman of the 19th century need not apologize for pleading with the rulers of her country in behalf of the poor, the wronged, the cruelly oppressed. Surely the women of America have a right to inquire, nay, demand whether their husbands, sons and brothers are to be buried by thousands in Southern swaps, without obtaining thereby "indemnity for the past and security for the future." In your Appeal to the Border States, you have declared slavery to be that, "without which the war could never have been," and you speak of emancipation as " the step which at once shortens the war." I would respectfully ask how much longer the nation is to wait for the decision of the Border States, paying, meanwhile, $2,000,000 a day, and sending thousands of its best and bravest to be stabbed, shot, and hung by the rebels, whose property they are employed to guard. How much longer will pro-slavery officers be permitted to refuse obedience to the laws of Congress, saying, "We shall continue to send back fugitives to their masters until we receive orders from the President to the contrary." What fatal spell is cast over your honest mind, that you hesitate so long to give such orders? Be not deceived ; God is not mocked. Neither nations nor individuals sin against His laws with impunity. Hear the old Hebrew Prophet whose words seem as if spoken for us : "Thou should'st not have stood in the crossway to cut off those that did escape ; neither should'st thou have delivered up those that did remain in the day of distress. For thy violence against thy brother, shame shall cover thee, and thou shalt be cut off forever. The pride of thine heart hath deceived thee, saying, who shall bring me down to the ground? Though thou should'st exalt thyself as the eagle, and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will I bring thee down, saith the Lord." The American people have manifested almost miraculous patience, forbearance, and confidence in their rulers. They have given incontrovertible proof that their intelligence, their love of country, may be trusted to any extent. They are willing to sacrifice their fortunes and their lives, but they very reasonably wish to know what they are sacrificing them for. Men, even the bravest, do not go resolutely and cheerfully to death in the name of diplomacy and strategy. The human soul, under such circumstances, needs to be lifted up and sustained by great ideas of Justice and Freedom. President Lincoln, it is an awful responsibility before God to quench the moral enthusiasm of a generous people. It wastes thousands of precious lives, causes an unutterable amount of slow consuming agony , and tarnishes our record on the pages of history. Again I respectfully ask, how much longer we are to wait for the Border States, at such tremendous cost and at such a fearful risk ? When a criminal is on trial, it is not deemed prudent to try by a Jury who are interested in the crime. Slavery is on trial, and the verdict is left to slaveholders in the Border States. The report of their majority shows them to be slaveholders in heart and spirit. The process of reasoning and entreaty has been very properly tried with them, and the people of the Free States have waited long and patiently for some obvious good result. They are getting restive ; very restive. Everywhere I hear men saying : "Our President is an honest, able man, but he appears to have no firmness of purpose. He is letting the country drift to ruin for want of earnest action and a consistent policy." This is not the utterance of any one class or party. It may be heard everywhere ; by the wayside, in the cars, and at the depots. Nor can I deny that some speak with less moderation. Shall I tell you what I said when cold water was thrown on the spark of enthusiasm kindled by the brave, large-hearted Gen. Hunter ? I exclaimed, with a groan, "Oh, what a misfortune it is to have an extinguisher instead of a Drummond Light in our watchtower, when the Ship of State is reeling under such a violent storm, in the midst of sunken rocks, with swarms of unprincipled wreckers everywhere calculating on the profit they may derive from her destruction" ! The crew are working at the pumps with manly vigor and almost superhuman endurance. They look out upon a prospect veiled by dense fog, and their cry is, "Oh ! God, let us know whither we driving! Give us a clear, steady light to guide us through the darkness of the storm !" I trust you will not deem me wanting in respect for yourself or your high position, if I say frankly , that you seem to trust too much to diplomatic and selfish politicians, and far too little to the heart of the people. You do them wrong, irreparable wrong, by stifling their generous instincts, and putting an extinguisher on every scintillation of moral enthusiasm. Are you not aware that moral enthusiasm is the mightiest of all forces ? It is the fire which produces the steam of energy and courage, and the motion of all the long train of crowded cars depends on its expansive power. In the name of our suffering country, for the sake of a world that needs enfranchisement, I beseech you not to check the popular enthusiasm for freedom ! Would that you could realize what a mighty power there is in the heart of a free people ! No proclamations, no speeches, have stirred it to its depths as did a kind that will stand much wear and tear. The course that some of them have pursued recalls to my mind the words of the same old Hebrew prophet: "The men of the Confederacy have brought thee even to the border. The men that were at peace with thee have deceived thee. They that eat thy bread have laid a wound under thee." Much has been said concerning the inhumanity of arming the blacks. All war is necessarily inhuman ; but I cannot perceive why there is more inhumanity in a black man fighting for his freedom than in a white man fighting for the same cause. Doubtless, long years of oppression have brutalized many of the slaves, and darkened their moral sense almost much as it has that of the slaveholders. If, wearied out with their long waiting in vain for help, and goaded by the increase of their sufferings, they should resort to insurrection, indiscriminate cruelty might be the result. But this danger would be averted by organizing them under the instruction and guidance of officers who would secure their confidence by just treatment. They are by nature docile, and have been trained to habits of obedience. There seems no reason to apprehend that their passage through any district would be accompanied with more devastation than that of other troops. As for bravery, they would be stimulated to it by the most powerful motives that can act on human nature----the prospect of freedom on the one hand, and the fear of failing into their masters' power on the other. I need not speak of emancipation as a measure of policy. Enough has been said and written to prove that enlightened self-interest requires it at our hands. But there is one aspect of the question which seems to me very important, though generally overlooked. I mean the importance of securing the confidence of the slaves, to make them feel secure of their freedom, if they serve the United States. One of the "contrabands" at Fortress Monroe said, "We want to work for the United States ; but we can't work with heart, because we feel anxious about what the United States means to do with us when the war is over." I often see suggestions about impressing the negroes, and compelling them to work for us. Last night's paper states that orders have been given to employ them in some of the camps, and to pay wages to those of them who are free. In the name of justice, what right have we to force slaves to work without wages? What right have we to recognize slaves in persons working for the United States ? Have we gone so far in this struggle without learning yet that heart-labor is of infinitely more value than compulsory labor ? It is our duty, as well as our best policy, to deal justly and kindly by the poor fugitives who toil for us, and to stimulate their energies by making them feel secure of their freedom. Your word, officially spoken, can alone do this. So long as you delay to utter it, one officer will scourge them and send them to their masters to be again scourged, while another will protect them. The poor creatures, whose minds are darkened by ignorance, and perplexed by their masters' falsehoods about the Yankees, become completely bewildered and know not whom to trust. Their simple declaration, "We want to work for the United States, but we can't work with heart," seemed to me very significant and pathetic. Is not the heart-service of these loyal thousands too valuable to be thrown away ? If their masters, in desperation should promise them freedom as the reward for fighting against us, they would doubtless accept the offer as the best bargain they could make ; because , alas ! they have been unable to find out what the United States means to do with them. What candid person could blame them for such a course? Should we not do the same under similar circumstances ? Oh, President Lincoln, God has placed you as a father over these poor oppressed millions. Remember their forlorn condition ! Think how they have been for generations deprived of the light of knowledge and the hope of freedom ! Think of the cruel lashes inflicted on them for trying to learn to read the Word of God ! Think of their wives polluted, and their children sold, without any means of redress for such foul and cruel wrongs! Imagine them stealing through midnight swaps, infested with snakes and alligators, guided toward freedom by the North Star, and then hurled back into bondage by Northern bloodhounds in the employ of the United States ! Think how long their groans and prayers for deliverance have gone up before God, from the hidden recesses of Southern forests! Listen to the refrain of their plaintive hymn, "Let my people go!" Above all, think of their present woeful uncertainty, scourged and driven from one to another, not knowing whom to trust ! We are told that uncounted prayers go up from their bruised hearts, in the secrecy of their rude little cabins, that "God would bress Massa Lincoln." Is there nothing that touches your heart in the simple trust of these poor, benighted, suffering souls ? In view of it, can you still allow the officers of the United States to lash them at their pleasure, and send them back to their masters, on the plea that the President has given no orders on the subject ? Shall such officers go unrebuked, while Gen. Hunter is checked in his wise and humane policy, and when the great, honest soul of Gen. Phelps is driven to the alternative of disobeying the convictions of his own conscience, or quitting the service of his country ? If you can thus stifle the moral enthusiasm of noble souls ; if you can thus disappoint the hopes of poor, helpless wretches, who trust in you as the appointed agent of their deliverance, may God forgive you! It will require infinite mercy to do it. ed to any extent. They are willing to sacrifice their fortunes and their lives, but they very reasonably wish to know what they are sacrificing them for. Men, even the bravest, do not go resolutely and cheerfully to death in the name of diplomacy and strategy. The human soul, under such circumstances, needs to be lifted up and sustained by great ideas of Justice and Freedom. President Lincoln, it is an awful responsibility before God to quench the moral enthusiasm of a generous people. It wastes thousands of precious lives, causes an unutterable amount of slow consuming agony, and tarnishes our record on the pages of history. Again I respectfully ask, how much longer we are to wait for the Border States, at such tremendous cost and at such a fearful risk? When a criminal is on trial, it is not deemed prudent to try by a Jury who are interested in the crime. Slavery is on trial, and the verdict is left to slaveholders in the Border States. The report of their majority shows them to be slaveholders in heart and spirit. The process of reasoning and entreaty has been very properly tried with them, and the people of the Free States have waited long and patiently for some obvious good result. They are getting restive; very restive. Everywhere I hear men saying: "Our President is an honest, able man, but he appears to have no firmness of purpose. He is letting the country drift to ruin for want of earnest action and a consistent policy." This is not the utterance of any one class or party. It may be heard everywhere; by the wayside, in the cars, and at the depots. Nor can I deny that some speak with less moderation. Shall I tell you what I said when cold water was thrown on the spark of enthusiasm kindled by the brave, large-hearted Gen. Hunter? I exclaimed, with a groan "Oh, what a misfortune it is to have an extinguisher instead of a Drummond Light in our watchtower, when the Ship of State is reeling under such a violent storm, in the midst of sunken rocks, with swarms of unprincipled wreckers everywhere calculating on the profit they may derive from her destruction." The crew are working at the pumps with manly vigor and almost superhuman endurance. They look out upon a prospect veiled by dense fog, and their cry is, "Oh! God, let us know whither we driving! Give us a clear, steady light to guide us through the darkness of the storm!" I trust you will not deem me wanting in respect for yourself or your high position, if I say frankly , that you seem to trust too much to diplomatic and selfish politicians, and far too little to the heart of the people. You do them wrong, irreparable wrong, by stifling their generous instincts, and putting an extinguisher on every scintillation of moral enthusiasm. Are you not aware that moral enthusiasm is the mightiest of all forces ? It is the fire which produces the steam of energy and courage, and the motion of all the long train of crowded cars depends on its expansive power. In the name of our suffering country, for the sake of a world that needs enfranchisement, I beseech you not to check the popular enthusiasm for freedom ! Would that you could realize what a mighty power there is in the heart of a free people ! No proclamations, no speeches, have stirred it to its depths as did the heroic and kindly Gen. Banks, when he gave the weary little slave girl a ride upon his cannon. I hail the omen of that suffering little one, riding to freedom on the cannon of the United States. It is impossible to estimate the benign, far-reaching influences of such an action. They cannot be arranged in statistics, and will therefore be neglected by political economists. They cannot be bought up for electioneering purposes, and therefore men called statesmen attach no importance to them. But they will run through all the patterns of our future, though history will be unable to trace to their origin in the web those golden threads that here glow in the heart of a flower, and there light up the eye of a bird. Gen. Banks was not aware of the magnetism in that simple act of humanity. It owed its magnetic power to the fact that "What within is good and true, He saw it with his heart." And so awakened a responsive thrill in other kindly, generous hearts, who all remembered the words, "Inasmuch as ye did it unto the least of these, ye did it unto me." Such potency was there in it, that it proved an Ithuriel's spear to disguised forms of selfishness and treason. When it touched the toads, they started up devils. In thus entreating you to trust to the impulses of the people, I by no means overlook the extreme difficulties of your position. I know that the pro-slavery spirit of the land is a mighty giant, characterized by unscrupulous selfishness and exceeding obstinacy. But I also know that all the enthusiasm is on the side of freedom. Despotism has its ugly Caliban of obstinate pride always at work for mischief. But enthusiasm is the swift and radiant Ariel, always prompt in the service of freedom. These two agents are in active competition. Choose which of them you will trust. That you sincerely wish to save the Republic, the people do not doubt for a moment; and your scruples about constitutional obligations have commanded their respect. But events have educated them rapidly, and they now deny that any constitutional obligation exists toward rebels who have thrown off the Constitution, spit upon it, and trampled it under their feet. If you entered into partnership with a man who robbed you of your funds, set your house on fire, and seized you by the throat with intent to strangle you, should you consider yourself still legally bound by the articles of partnership? I trow not. But it is urged that some slaveholders are loyal. I apprehend that their name is not legion, nor their loyalty always of gone so far in this struggle without learning yet that heart-labor is of infinitely more value than compulsory labor ? It is our duty, as well as our best policy, to deal justly and kindly by the poor fugitives who toil for us, and to stimulate their energies by making them feel secure of their freedom. Your word, officially spoken, can alone do this. So long as you delay to utter it, one officer will scourge them and send them to their masters to be again scourged, while another will protect them. The poor creatures, whose minds are darkened by ignorance, and perplexed by their masters' falsehoods about the Yankees, become completely bewildered and know not whom to trust. Their simple declaration, "We want to work for the United States, but we can't work with heart," seemed to me very significant and pathetic. Is not the heart-service of these loyal thousands too valuable to be thrown away ? If their masters, in desperation, should promise them freedom as the reward for fighting against us, they would doubtless accept the offer as the best bargain they could make ; because , alas ! they have been unable to find out what the United States means to do with them. What candid person could blame them for such a course? Should we not do the same under similar circumstances ? Oh, President Lincoln, God has placed you as a father over these poor oppressed millions. Remember their forlorn condition ! Think how they have been for generations deprived of the light of knowledge and the hope of freedom ! Think of the cruel lashes inflicted on them for trying to learn to read the Word of God ! Think of their wives polluted, and their children sold, without any means of redress for such foul and cruel wrongs! Imagine them stealing through midnight swamps, infested with snakes and alligators, guided toward freedom by the North Star, and then hurled back into bondage by Northern bloodhounds in the employ of the United States ! Think how long their groans and prayers for deliverance have gone up before God, from the hidden recesses of Southern forests! Listen to the refrain of their plaintive hymn, "Let my people go!" Above all, think of their present woeful uncertainty, scourged and driven from one to another, not knowing whom to trust ! We are told that uncounted prayers go up from their bruised hearts, in the secrecy of their rude little cabins, that "God would bress Massa Lincoln." Is there nothing that touches your heart in the simple trust of these poor, benighted, suffering souls ? In view of it, can you still allow the officers of the United States to lash them at their pleasure, and send them back to their masters, on the plea that the President has given no orders on the subject ? Shall such officers go unrebuked, while Gen. Hunter is checked in his wise and humane policy, and when the great, honest soul of Gen. Phelps is driven to the alternative of disobeying the convictions of his own conscience, or quitting the service of his country ? If you can thus stifle the moral enthusiasm of noble souls ; if you can thus disappoint the hopes of poor, helpless wretches, who trust in you as the appointed agent of their deliverance, may God forgive you! It will require infinite mercy to do it. I can imagine, in some degree, the embarrassments of your position, and I compassionate you for the heavy weight of responsibility that rests upon your shoulders. I know that you are surrounded by devils that have squeezed themselves into the disguise of toads. I pray you to lose no more time in counting these toads, and calculating how big a devil each may contain. Look upward instead of downward. Place your reliance on principles rather than on men. God has placed you at the head of great nation at a crisis when its free institutions are in extreme peril from enemies within and without. Lay your right arm on the buckler of the Almighty, and march fearlessly forward to universal freedom in the name of the Lord! Pardon me if, in my earnestness, I have said aught that seems disrespectful. I have not so intended. I have been impelled to write this because, night and day, the plaintive song of the bondmen resounds in my ears-- "Go down, Moses, go down to Egypt's land, And say to Pharaoh: 'Let my people go!' " That you may be guided by Him who has said: "First righteousness, and then peace," is the earnest prayer of Yours, respectfully, L. MARIA CHILD. Wayland, Dec. 6th, 1873. Dear Lucy, We thank you cordially for your kind invitation, though we must decline to accept it. Mr. Child's health almost invariably suffers by going abroad. I could not leave him alone, even if I wished to; and, to confess the truth, I have a very strong disinclination to attend parties, or large assemblies of any sort. I have so long been accustomed to a solitary life, that I feel like "a cat in a strange garret", when I find myself in the midst of people. And as for going abroad in the winter season, "I don't think anything was ever said or sung on this planet, that would tempt me to do it. My presence or absence will make but little difference to your Tea Party, which will doubtless abound with intelligence and wit, as your gatherings usually do. It is peculiarly appropriate that women should commemorate resistance to "taxation without representation"; and I hope you will make the most of it. Wishing that it may prove a season of great refreshment to yourselves, and of profit to posterity. I am very cordially your friend, L. Maria Child. L. Maria Child Dec. 6, ‘73 L. Maria Child Wayland, Mass. Wayland, July 17’th, 1875. To the Editor of The Woman’s Journal. I herewith send you a story, translated from German, which may serve to fill a page, when you are short of copy. I trust, if you print it, it will be correctly printed. I am a real fidget about errors of the press. Yrs respectfully, L. Maria Child. To the Editor of The Woman's Journal. Wayland, July 27th, 1876 Dear Lucy, I thank you truly for your kind invitation, but you must allow me to decline it. I am very averse to going abroad, and never make visits, except once in a long while to two or three old friends with whom I used to be intimate in former years. Moreover, I will confess what may lower me in your opinion. I am ranked among reformers, but I never liked reforms. Conscience whipped me into the Anti-Slavery battle, but I was out of my element there. And now that the fighting is done, I am glad to forget it all, as I do last years storms. I never want to talk about it. I thank you for impressing the idea of distance upon [???]'s mind; and I shall feel grateful to you if you will always do me the same service with strangers who inquire for me. This modern epidemic of lion-hunting is a frightful disease. I think if all other modes of avoiding being lionized should fail me, I would go and live underground with the Esquimaux. Yours cordially, L. Maria Child. Mrs. Child July 27 - 1876 Wants no Lion Hunters after her. Wayland, July 23, 1876 Dear Lucy, I send you a short article for the Woman's Journal, and I am going to ask to be paid for it. The pay I wish for is this: I want you to publish (in your usual type for poetry) the little piece entitled "Goldenhair," and send me an extra copy, on a slip of paper. I don't know who wrote it, but I took a great fancy to it, a few years ago; and I want a printed copy, on a slip of paper, very much. Whether you publish the pretty little piece of poetry, or not, please send me a printed slip, by mail. I enclose a stamp for that purpose. Don’t disappoint me. I wish you would direct the Journal to L. Maria Child. Everybody knows me by the name of Maria; and there is another Lydia Child. What a comfort it is to have a little abatement of heat, for the last two days! I do not remember ever having been so completely wilted by sunshine as I have been this summer. Yours cordially, L. Maria Child Miss Lucy Stone or Editors of Woman’s Journal Wayland, July 1st, 1876 Dear Lucy My brains are so stewed by the heat, that I didn’t feel as if I could possibly write a word. But I have scribbled something, which you can use or not, as you please. If you knew how I hate the very sight of a pen, you would appreciate my wish to oblige you, I had rather bake, brew, knit, sew, wash, scour, than to write. Yrs truly, L. Maria Child Lucy Stone [*Miss Child*] $5 Wayland, May 27th, 1874. Dear Lucy, Last evening, I received $5 for the Woman Suffrage Festival, from Mrs. Mary H. Crowell, of Dennis, Mass. to which I herein enclose. Please acknowledge it in your paper, that she may know it reached you safely. Yours cordially, L. Maria Child Child Lydia Maria Child [Liberator Nov 20, 1857] From the Boston Daily Advertiser. MISS HARRIET HOSMER. The interest I take in works of art, and the still greater interest I feel in the free and full development of women's faculties, have always drawn me powerfully toward Harriet Hosmer, and the productions of her chisel. The energy, vivaciousness and directness of this young lady's character attracted attention even in childhood. Society, as it is called,--that is, the mass of humans, who are never alive in real earnest, but congratulate themselves, and each other, upon being mere stereotyped formulas of gentility or propriety, --looked doubtingly upon her, and said, 'She is so peculiar!' 'She is so eccentric!' Occasionally, I heard such remarks; and being thankful to God whenever a woman dares to be individual, I also observed her. I was curious to ascertain what was the nature of the peculiarities that made women suspect Achilles was among them, betraying his disguise by unskilful use of his skirts; and I soon became convinced that the imputed eccentricity was merely the natural expression of a should very much alive and earnest in its work. 'She could not hide The quickening inner life from those at watch. They saw a light at the window, now and theu, They had not set there. Who had set it there? * * * They could not say She had no business with a sort of soul, Bnt plainly they objected and demurred.' This aroused in me a most earnest hope that the fire in her young soul might not expend itself in fitful flashes, but prove its divinity by burning brightly and steadily. Here was a woman who, at the very outset of her life, refused to have her feet cramped by the little Chinese shoes, which society places on us all, and then misnames our feeble tottering feminine grace. If she walked forward with vigorous freedom, and kept her balance in slippery places, she would do much toward putting those crippling little shoes out of fashion. Therefore, I fervently bade her God-speed. But, feeling that the cause of womankind had so much at stake in her progress, I confess that I observed her anxiously. The art she had chosen peculiarly required masculine strength of mind and muscle. Was such strength in her? I saw that she began wisely. She did not try her 'prentice hand on pretty cameos for breast pins, or upon ivory heads for parasols and canes. Evidently, sculpture was with her a passion of the soul, an earnest study, not a mere accomplishment, destined to be the transient wonder of drawing-rooms. She made herself thoroughly acquainted with anatomy, not merely by the aid of books, and the instructions of her father, but by her own presence in the dissection rooms. She took solid blocks of marble to her little studio in the garden, and alone there in the early morning hours, her strong young arms chiselled out those forms of beauty which her clairvoyant soul saw hidden in the shapeless mass. She tried her hand on a bust of the first Napoleon, intended as a present for her father. This proved that she could work well in marble, and copy likenesses correctly. Her next production was a bust of Hesper, the Evening Star; in which poetical conception of the subject was added to mechanical skill. Soon after the completion of it, she went to Rome, to pursue her studies with the celebrated and venerable English sculptor, Mr. Gibson. From the land of marbles, she sent us Medusa and Daphne, Æone, and Puck. These were beautifully wrought, and gave indications of a poetic mind- They proved an uncommon degree of talent; of that there could be no doubt. But did they establish Miss Hosmer's claim to genius? In my own mind, this query remained unanswered. I rejoice that a woman had achieved so much in the most manly of the arts. I said to myself-- 'It was in you--yes, I felt 'twas in you. Yet I doubted half If that od-force of German Reichenbach, Which still from female finger-tips burns blue, Could strike out like the masculine white-heats, To quicken men.' When I heard that she was modelling a statue of Beatrice Cenci, in the last slumber on earth, before the tidings of approaching execution was brought to her miserable cell, I felt that the subject was admirably chosen, but difficult to execute. I hastened to look at the statue, as soon as it arrived in Boston. The query in my soul was answered. At the first glance, I felt the presence of genius; and the more I examined, the more strongly was this first impression confirmed. The beauty of the workmanship, the exquisite finish of details, the skilful arrangement of drapery, to preserve the lines of beauty every where continuous, were subordinate attractions. The expression of the statue at once riveted my attention. The whole figure was so soundly asleep, even to its fingers' ends; yet obviously it was not healthy, natural repose. It was the sleep of a body worn out by the wretchedness of the soul. On that innocent face, suffering had left its traces. The arm that had been tossed in the grief-tempest had fallen heavily, too weary to change itself into a more easy posture. Those large eyes, now so closely veiled by their swollen lids, had evidently wept till the fountain of tears was dry. That lovely mouth was still the open portal of a sigh, which the mastery of sleep had left no time to close. Critics may prove their superiority of culture by finding defects in this admirable work, or imagining that they find them: but I think genuine lovers of the beautiful will henceforth never doubt that Miss Hosmer has a genius for sculpture. I rejoice that such a gem has been added to the arts. Especially do I rejoice that such a poetical conception of the subject came from a woman's soul, and that such finished workmanship was done by a woman's hand. 'Man doubts whether we can do the thing With decent grace, we've not yet done at all. Now do it! Bring your statue! You have room, He'll see it even by the starlight here. * * * * There is no need to speak. The universe shall henceforth speak for you, And witness, She who did this thing was born To do it--claims her license in her work.' L. MARIA CHILD [Feb 28, 1962, p.35] [The Liberator] [p.35] A PLEASANT NARRATION. [Feb 28/62] I will tell you "a merry toy," as old Jeremy Taylor was wont to say. I was lately introduced to a Mr. Bird, who lives in the vicinity of Boston. My heart warmed towards the stranger at the first glance; for he looked like a mountain of good nature, lighted up with sunny streams of fun. The volume of his voice was in proportion to his bulk. It was worthy of old Stentor, of Homeric renown. Our conversation turned upon slavery, of course; for that is the hinge upon which all conversation turns now-a-days. Jeff. Davis has converted the entire Free States into a great Debating Society upon that subject. Apparently, it was the only good use the Lord could put him to. "I want to tell you," said Mr. Bird, "what first set me to thinking about slavery. Some years ago, I had thoughts of going down South to teach music. Looking over the Southern papers to see where such teachers were wanted, I happened to light on this advertisement:-- "Runaway, my man John, a tall, stout fellow, with light hair and blue eyes. He is a good blacksmith and a bright fellow, and will be very likely to try to pass himself off for a white man." "By golly!" said I to myself, "here's a description of me! only my name's Joe, and that fellow's name's John. I served my time at a blacksmith's, and I'm bright enough, any how, to try to pass myself off for a free man. I went to the glass, and took a good look at myself to find out whether I was a nigger or not. Thinks I to myself, if such looking fellows as I am are advertised as runaway slaves, it will be about as well for me to keep clear of the nigger-driving States. So I went to Vermont to teach a singing- school. There I found a fugitive slave working round among the neighbors; and I told 'em about my being advertised for as a runaway slave, and how I had reckoned it was best to change my name to Joe, and I hoped they wouldn't any of 'em betray me. Many a good laugh we had over it. When my school closed, and I was coming home, I told the fugitive I calculated to go down South one of these days, and then I should inform against him, and make some money by it. He looked me right in the face and grinned, as if he didn't believe one word I said. "You won't do no such a ting," said he; "I know you wont." Now, I took that for a compliment. I should think I was a bad-looking sneak, if he had thought I looked like a chap mean enough to do such a job." "I don't think it proved any astonishing sagacity in the fugitive," replied I. "If I were a runaway slave, I would trust you with the secret, after a look at your face. It is plain enough that nature never made you for a bird of prey." So ended my conversation with Mr. Joseph Bird. I hope there are many more "birds of the same feather." L. M. CHILD. [*Lydia Maria Child*] [*The Liberator, p. 151 Sept 23, 1853*] The Man of a Thousand Years. ISAAC T. HOPPER: A TRUE LIFE. BY LYDIA MARIA CHILD. This thrilling work is the biography of one of the most remarkable men the world has ever seen. His deeds of philanthropy and mercy, covering a period of nearly fourscore years, endeared him not only to the thousands who were the immediate participants of his beneficence, but to all who knew him. His was a charity the most expansive. It was not confined to the popular channels of the day, but exerted itself among the most degraded and abandoned, regardless of color or condition. In the cities of Philadelphia and New York, where his active life was mostly spent, thousands upon thousands can bear testimony to his nobleness of soul, and his entire devotion to the interests of suffering humanity. With truth he may be called the HOWARD OF AMERICA. Mrs. Child, having spent many years in his family, and being perfectly familiar with his history, of all others was the person to write 'A TRUE LIFE' of the noble man, and her task has been performed in her best manner. 'A TRUE LIFE' indeed was the life of ISAAC T. HOPPER, and Mrs. Child has presented it truly. Scarcely a citizen of Philadelphia or New York but was familiar with his form and features, as he was seen from day to day tripping through the great thoroughfares, and threading the narrow lanes and byways, searching out the wayward and the wandering, that he might rescue them from crime and degradation, and administer comfort and solace and heavenly charities to the distressed and suffering. The poor, hunted fugitive slave found in him a friend ever ready and never weary. We intend to publish this work early in August. It will make an elegant 12mo. of about 500 pages, with a full length portrait and a medallion likeness, on steel, of Mr. HOPPER. Retail price, $1.25, bound in cloth. At the time of the death of this venerable and excellent man, numerous notices appeared in papers of all parties and sects. We make a few extracts. From the New York Observer. 'The venerable Isaac T. Hopper, whose placid, benevolent face has so long irradiated almost every public meeting for doing good, and whose name, influence and labors have been devoted, with an apostolic simplicity and constancy to humanity, died on Friday last, at an advanced age. He was a Quaker of that early sort illustrated by such philanthropists as Anthony Benezet, Thomas Clarkson, Mrs. Fry, and the like. 'He was a most self-denying, patient, loving friend of the poor and the suffering of every kind ; and his life was an unbroken history of beneficence. Thousands of hearts will feel a touch of grief at his death ; for few men have so large a wealth in the blessings of the poor, and the grateful remembrance of kindness and benevolence, as he.' The New York Sunday Times contained the following :— 'Most of our readers will call to mind, in connection with the name of Isaac T. Hopper, the compact, well-knit figure of a Quaker gentleman, apparently of about sixty years of age, dressed in drab or brown clothes of the plainest cut, and bearing on his handsome, manly face the impress of that benevolence with which his whole heart was filled. 'His whole physique was a splendid sample of nature's handiwork. We see him now with our 'mind's eye'; but with the eye of flesh, we shall see him no more. Void of intentional offence to God or man, his spirit has joined its happy kindred in a world where there is neither sorrow nor perplexity.' The New York Tribune : 'Isaac T. Hopper was a man of remarkable endowments, both of head and heart. His clear discrimination, his unconquerable will, his total unconsciousness of fear, his extraordinary tact in circumventing plans he wished to frustrate, would have made him illustrious as the general of an army ; and these qualities might have become false, if they had not been balanced by an unusual degree of conscientiousness and benevolence. He battled courageously, not from ambition, but from an inborn love of truth. He circumvented as adroitly as the most practised politician ; but it was always to defeat the plans of those who oppressed God's poor— never to advance his own self-interest. Farewell, thou brave and kind old Friend ! The prayers of ransomed ones ascended to Heaven for thee, and a glorious company have welcomed thee to the Eternal City.' On a plain block of granite at Greenwood Cemetery is inscribed :— ISAAC T. HOPPER, BORN DECEMBER 3D, 1771, ENDED HIS PILGRIMAGE MAY 7TH, 1852. 'Thou henceforth shalt have a good man's calm, A great man's happiness ; thy zeal shall find Repose at length, firm friend of human kind.' We shall publish 5000 copies of the first edition. Early orders from the trade are solicited. It is a book which will have an immense sale, scarcely inferior to the sale of Uncle Tom's Cabin, for in thrilling interest it is not behind that world-renowned tale. JOHN P. JEWETT & CO., PUBLISHERS, BOSTON. JEWETT, PROCTOR & WORTHINGTON, CLEVELAND, OHIO. BOSTON, July, 1853. jy29 3t [*Rev. Tho. T. Stone*] THE LIBERATOR IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, AT 221 WASHINGTON STREET, ROOM NO. 6. ROBERT F. WALLCUT, GENERAL AGENT. TERMS-Three dollars per annum, in advance. Four copies will be sent to one address for TEN DOLLARS, if payment is made in advance. All remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed, (POST PAID,) to the General Agent. Advertisements of a square and over inserted three times at five cents per line; less than a square, 75 cents for three insertions. Yearly and half yearly advertisements inserted on reasonable terms. The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are authorised to receive subscriptions for THE LIBERATOR. The following gentlemen constitute the Financial Committee, bu[t] are not responsible for any debts of the paper, viz:--WENDELL PHILLIPS, EDMUND QUINCY, EDMUND JACKSON, and WILLIAM L. GARRISON, JR. THE LIBERATOR SLAVES, HORSES, & OTHER CATTLE IN LOTS TO SUIT PURCHASE EMANCIPATION "I COME TO BREAK THE BONDS OF THE OPPRESSOR" THOU SHALT LOVE THY NEIGHBOR AS THYSELF "Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all the inhabitants thereof." "I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that military authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST; and that, under that state of things, so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive management of the subject, not only the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, but the COMMANDER OF THE ARMY, HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVES . . . . . From the instant that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, CIVIL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers of CONGRESS extend to interference with the institution of slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED WITH, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to a foreign power. . . . It is a war power. I say it is a war power; and when your country is actually in war, whether it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, ACCORDING TO THE LAWS OF WAR; and by laws of war, an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institutions swept by the board, and MARTIAL POWER TAKES THE PLACE OF THEM. When two hostile armies are set in martial array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate all the slaves in the invaded territory." --J. Q. ADAMS. WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind. J. B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers VOL. XXXIV. NO. 47 BOSTON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1864. WHOLE NO. 1763. Selections. CONGRATULATORY SPEECHES OF EDWARD EVERETT AND CHARLES SUMNER. An impromptu meeting for congratulation over the cheering results of the election was held in Faneuil Hall on Tuesday evening, 8th inst., an immense throng of highly intelligent and loyal men being present, whose enthusiasm was at the highest pitch. The proceedings were of a very interesting character In the course of the evening-- Hon. Samuel Hooper, of the committee to request the presence of Hon. Edward Everett, reported that the committee had attended to their duty, and that Mr. Everett was upon the platform. Mr. Everett took the stand, and was greeted with most tumultuous and exciting cheers, which were again and again repeated, and by waving of hats. When the applause had subsided, he addressed the meeting. SPEECH OF MR. EVERETT. I am sure, fellow-citizens, I must be something more or less than human, if I can receive such a welcome as this without emotion. Nothing but the glorious successes of this day could have drawn me from my home this evening, for I am really not in a state of health that enables me to address you either to your satisfaction or my own. But how could I remain at home when I heard that 4000 voters were here in Faneuil Hall, to exchange congratulations upon the glorious success which has this day been achieved? I come, fellow-citizens, to congratulate you, to congratulate the community in which we live, to congratulate our whole beloved country on the expression which has this day taken place, of the opinion of Boston, of Massachusetts, and of New England. (Cheers.) i congratulate you, my friends, on the manner in which you have pronounced upon the great issues now before the country. I congratulate you upon having sent back to Congress our faithful, intelligent, and devoted representatives, Messrs. Hooper and Rice, (cheers,) beyond all expectation, my friends, as to the glorious majority which you have given them. Why, I went to my friend, Mr. Rice, yesterday, with a little anxiety in my mind to know what efforts were making to defeat him. I asked him how matters were looking in his district. "Why," said he, "I think we shall carry by from four to eight hundred majority." (Applause.) But now I believe it is four thousand-- isn't it? -- at least, my friends, and it is really a thing on which the country is to be congratulated--that instead of repudiating a faithful, trusty, loyal servant, we have sent him back with this overwhelming majority to the service of the country. Gentlemen, I had the honor of addressing you two or three weeks ago in this hall, not without anxiety as to what might be the result of this great appeal to the people--but an anxiety, I must say, overborne by confidence and hope. But, gentlemen, I must confess I did not expect that you would pronounce this with such emphasis, with such an approach to certainty. (Applause.) Gentlemen, I consider this election as the most important, the most momentous which has every been decided by the people. It was not to carry this or that man for this or that office-- not to elect or re-elect this or that candidate; but in my sober judgment, and after the best reflection which I have been able to give, meditating upon the subject for years and years--after the best consideration that I have been able to give it-- we were called upon this day, throughout the United States, to decide whether they should be the United States any longer (applause); whether this great Republic should remain one and indivisible, an example to the nations of the earth, and prove that man is not incapable of self-government, or whether it should go down in sordid ruins, the despair of the friends of liberty throughout the world, the joy alone of despots "Breathes there the man with soul so dead, Who never to himself has said, This is my own, my native land! The wretch, concentred all in self, Living shall forfeit fair renown, And, double dying, shall go down To the vile dust from whence he sprung, Unwept, unhonored, and unsung." And this is the condition of that infamous party which forgot country. The extent of its degradation may be seen in the frauds which it has perpetrated, in the hope of influencing the election. Nothing so mean as these in all history. Fraud is always odious; but it becomes more so in proportion to the occasion on which it is employed. It is odious in small things; doubly odious in greater things. To cheat one man is a crime; to cheat a whole class of men is greater far. But if these men be citizen soldiers, now fighting for their county, and it is proposed to cheat them of their votes by barefaced fraud, I know of no language which can depict the loathsome and most intolerable enormity of the offence. And yet this is the fraud that has been attempted--happily, the last and dying fraud of the Democratic party. (Applause.) Would you know the origin of this fraud and its special inspiration? I can tell you. It is slavery. Men who make up their minds to sustain slavery stick at nothing. If they are willing to forge chains, they will not hesitate to forge votes. If they are willing to enslave their fellow-men, they will not hesitate to cheat soldiers. Therefore all these recent frauds are derived naturally out of the baseness and insensibility to right which is bread of slavery. (Applause.) But these frauds testify against that Democratic party which undertook to perpetrate them. There was an English monarch, whose head, as it dropped from the block, was held up to the people, while a voice cried, "This is the head of a traitor." Thus do I hold up the head of the Democratic party, and say, "This is the head of a traitor." Let it be buried out of sight, and let the people dance at its funeral. (Tremendous applause.) But I have said that we celebrate a birth as well as a funeral. The birth is the new life of our country, which is born to-day into assured freedom, with all its attendant glory. The voice of the people at the ballot-box has echoed back that great letter of the President, "To all whom it may concern," (laughter and loud cheers,) declaring the integrity of the Union and the abandonment of slavery to be the two essential conditions of peace. (Loud applause.) Let the glad tidings go forth "to all whom it may concern"; to all the people of the United States, whether bond or free; to foreign countries; to the whole family of man; to posterity; to the martyred band who have fallen in battle for their country; to the angels above; aye! and to the devils below, that this republic shall live and slavery shall die. This is the great joy which we now announce to the world. (Here there was a perfect torrent of approving cheers.) From this time forward, the rebellion is doomed more than ever. Patriot Unionists in the rebel States, take courage! Slaves, be of good cheer! The hour of deliverance is at hand. (Renewed cheering.) GRANDEUR OF THE CAUSE. Hon. Charles Sumner gave a very able, elaborate and eloquent address before the New York Young Men's Republican Union, at the Cooper Institute, New York, on the 5th inst. We give below its concluding passage on the GRANDEUR OF THE CAUSE: In every aspect the contest is vast. It is vast in its relations to our own country; it is vaster still in its relations to other countries. Overthrow slavery here, and you overthrow it everywhere--in Cuba, Brazil, and wherever a slave clanks his chain. The whole execrable pretension of a "property in man," We, too, shall fail if we look behind. Forward, not backward, is the word; firmly, courageously, faithfully. There must be no false sentiment or cowardice. There must be no fear of "irritating" the rebels. when the Almighty Power hurled Satan and his impious peers "----headlong flaming from the ethereal sky, With hideous ruin and combustion, down To bottomless perdition, there to dwell In adamantine chains and penal fire" there was no Chicago Platform, proposing "a cessation of hostilities, with a view to a convention or other peaceable means"; nor was there any attempt to save the traitors from Divine vengeance. Personal injuries we may forgive; but government cannot always forgive. There are cases where pardon is out of place. Society that has been outraged must be protected. That beautiful land, now degraded by slavery, must be redeemed, and a generous statesmanship must fix forever its immutable condition. If the chiefs of the rebellion are compelled to give way to emigrants from the North and from Europe, swelling population, creating new values, and opening new commerce; if the "poor whites" are reinstated in their rights; if a whole race is lifted to manhood and womanhood; if roads are extended; if schools are planted--there will be nothing done inconsistent with that just clemency which I rejoice to consider a public duty. Liberty is the best cultivator, the surest teacher, and the most enterprising merchant. The whole country will confess the new-born power, and those commercial cities which now sympathize so perversely with belligerent slavery, will be among the earliest to enjoy the quickening change. Beyond all question the overthrow of this portentous crime, besides its immeasurable contributions to civilization everywhere, will accomplish two things of direct material advantage; first, it will raise the fee-simple of the whole South, and secondly, it will enlarge the commerce of the whole North. I turn from these things in humble gratitude to God, as I behold my country at last redeemed and fixed in history, the Columbus of Nations, once in chains, but now hailed as benefactor and discoverer, who gave a New Liberty to mankind. Foreign powers already watch the scene with awe. Saints and patriots from their home in the skies look down with delight; and Washington, who set free his own slaves, exults that the republic which revered him as Father has followed his example. SIGNS OF PROGRESS AND VICTORY. Col. John W. Forney addressed a large and most enthusiastic meeting of the Union citizens of Wilmington, Del., on the eve of the recent election. In the course of his eloquent remarks he said: -- Look at the delivered State of Maryland, right before you! See what this Government has done for her! (A voice: "Liberty," and cheers.) We talk of our own prosperity; we talk of the prosperity of the free States; but nowhere is there such a testimony and such a trophy of the generosity and statesmanship of Abraham Lincoln as in the present condition of the State of Maryland. And well did that cheerful voice explain why this is so. It is because liberty has been given to her slaves. (Cries, "That's so," and cheers.) How given? Not by the Proclamation of President Lincoln-- not by an order from a military commander--not by bayonets at the polls--but by a fair ballot, allowing traitors themselves to vote against emancipation. By the aid of the soldiers' vote, Maryland became a free State. The black fiend of slavery, which had so long oppressed her, which had made of her fair fields a desolation, which had made of her slaveholders an arrogant and dictatorial aristocracy, which had made of her working men an inferior and humiliated class--that fell curse that festering peace that may be offered by the misguided masses [?] the South--so far from doing any one of these things, he will astonish the people by the magnanimity, and the prudence, and the statesmanship of his conduct. (Cheers.) We are all radicals at times. We are all extreme men at times, especially those of us who have reason to believe that our cause is so entirely right, and that the action of our adversaries is so entirely wrong; but when a man is placed in power, surrounded by all the responsibilities of the imperial position occupied by the President of the United States, he is, of necessity, a real conservative. He must take responsibilities. As Mr. Lincoln said himself with a wisdom almost inspired: "What I am laboring for is, the restoration of my county. If I can have the whole Union, with slavery or without slavery, I will have it; but I will have the Union." (Cheers.) Now, in saying this, recollect there are some things that never can be restored. You may restore the Union, but you cannot restore slavery. (Cheers.) You may restore the liberties of the deluded white men of the South, but you cannot restore the black men to slavery, no more than you can lay your hands upon the sun, and with polluted finger tarnish it. No more, my countrymen, than you can infuse into the reeking; putrescent corpse the breath of life. But. we can have a restored people. We can bring back these deluded men who have been contending against the flag which in their hearts they have always loved, although their leaders have not. We can bring them back, and banish the conspirators to the farthest regions of the earth, there to wander with the ineffaceable brand upon their brows, never again to be received into the civilized communities, and only to be remembered as the baffled murderers of their country. (Cheers.) A VOICE FROM FRANCE. To the Editors of the Boston Daily Advertiser':-- Le Siécle of the 15th of October contains an article upon the great issue in America, written and signed by Henri Martin, the great historian of his own country, which is so appreciative of our cause, and such a noble and important indorsement of it, that American residents abroad have at once indicated an interest in having it presented to the American public. The enclosed is a translation forwarded from Paris, which you are at liberty to use in your columns, as you think best. A UNION MAN. Nov. 4, 1864. LINCOLN AND MCCLELLAN. [From Le Siecle of Paris, Oct. 15.] In a few weeks the ballot will have decided the fate of the American republic, and the immense moral interests which, throughout the entire world, are attached to its destiny. Never has a more solemn question been personified in the names of two men. In the presence of these nominations, the equivocation disappears under which those have sheltered themselves, who pretended that the object of the war was not the abolition of slavery--an equivocation founded upon this fact, that the South trampled under foot the Constitution, for the sole purpose of securing the maintenance of slavery, the future of which was threatened; while the North, attacked at first, simply defended the violated Constitution, and did not pronounce itself, till later, upon the question of slavery. The two nominations are as distinctly defined as possible. On other occasions candidates often envelop themselves in clouds, and avail themselves of shifting and transitions; but in this case we must admit that on both side there are precision and candor. government and the rule of expedients and compromise. Pure despotism would alone be the gainer. In America, anarchy mingled with oligarchy and dictatorship would ensue; in Europe, discouragement, confusion and a political demoralization that would pave the way to czarism, unless some desperate awakening should save civilization. Let principles be victorious in the election of Lincoln, and everything will be strengthened and encouraged on this side of the Atlantic. The grand type of representative government, without the corruption of the middle ages, without a State church or an hereditary aristocracy, as in England, will reappear in all its splendor; liberty will be disencumbered in the "Far West," that cradle of new societies, while despotism will recede, in greater distance, toward the old East. It will be then for us, the sons of Europe, to make the world incline toward the one or the other. Brothers of America, millions of men in Europe vote in their hearts with you for Lincoln! Our fathers gave their swords to your service; we have only wishes, and this grand occasion demands nothing more of us; we send them to you from across the Atlantic. HENRI MARTIN. THE BREAD AND BUTTER QUESTION. The following is an extract from a speech delivered by Dr. P. S. Townsend, at Unionville, on Monday evening last:-- "Let us, for a moment, examine the 'bread and butter question,' as involved in the Chicago Platform. The Copperheads affirm that our war debt is already so large that the nation is, and will be, unable to pay it. Their platform proposes a convention to adjust and make a friendly compromise of our difficulties. Remember the North makes the proposal. Suppose the convention meets; evidently the first arrangement to be agreed upon would be to consolidate the United States and the Confederate States indebtedness. If the nation is unable to liquidate our debt, how will it be able to pay both?-- for at once it would be more than doubled. The rebels would insist upon the payment of at least 1000 millions for lost slaves, and the 500 additional millions for property destroyed. It is certain that, if any peaceable arrangement is negotiated, the payment of these vast sums of money must be agreed to. If our taxes are burdensome at present, what would be their weight then? You complain of the high price of tea, coffee, sugar, and all the imported articles. If such an arrangement were agreed to, they would be largely increased: and it would hang an enormous millstone on the necks of the people, for this and succeeding generations. If the Copperheads should refuse such a compromise, then they must agree to a separation, and the permanent establishment of two Governments. How will this affect our prosperity and finances, especially our farmers, mechanics and laborers? It would give them (the South) free trade with Europe, and open the Southern ports to the pauper labor of the world. It would give them free trade with Africa, and the unrestricted right to import men, for slaves, to compete with the labor of the North. The South cannot breed slaves as fast as they are required; and they dislike to pay twelve or fifteen hundred dollars for a man when, with free trade in negroes, they could import them for one hundred and fifty dollars each. I would inquire, can the farmers and the mechanics of the North compete with the genial climate and rich lands of the South, cultivated by slaves, costing only one hundred and fifty dollar each? The single State of Texas contains sufficient territory, divide it up, to make twenty States the size of this. Sir, if the South gain what they denominate their independence, the farmers and workingmen of the North are eternally enslaved by poverty, LETTER FROM MRS. CHILD. To the Editor of the National Anti-Slavery Standard: The advertisement of a Fair for Widows and Orphans of Colored Soldiers drew me to Boston a fortnight ago. I found a U. S. Flag suspended across Summer Street, bearing the inscription, "Colored Soldiers' Fair." It was a sign of the times well calculated to excite a crowd of recollections and emotions in the mind and heart of an old Abolitionist. I pointed it out to friend Whittier, whom I chanced to meet. He paused before it a moment, in thoughtful silence, and said, "What a wonderful change! When I compare the state of thing now with what it was twenty years ago, I can hardly believe that I am the same man." The Fair was held in Mercantile Hall, and the colored ladies who presided over it had decorated it very tastefully with Stars and Stripes. They love the glorious old banner now. At the head of the hall was a full length portrait of Col. Shaw, painted by Bannister; and above it, in large embroidered letters was the touching and appropriate motto, "Our Martyr." At the opposite end of the hall was a medallion likeness of Mr. Bates, the lately deceased octo-millionaire, which I suppose belongs to the Mercantile Association that own the hall. I had often been curious to know how his mind had been affected by the momentous struggle going on in his native country, and I took the opportunity to inquire of one of his relatives who was present. She replied, "He fully understood the significance of the conflict, and his sympathies were entirely on the side of Freedom. His great social influence in England was constantly exerted in favor of the North. When he received the tragic news from Fort Wagner, he expressed to a relative of Col. Shaw's his great admiration of the self-sacrifice and heroism of that noble young man. The person whom he addressed, looking at the subject from a less elevated point of view, coldly replied, 'I never approved of his taking command of that regiment.' 'Let me tell you,' rejoined Mr. Bates, 'the name of that young hero will be bright in the memories of men long after you and I are forgotten.'" At this Fair I exchanged greetings with many whom I had long loved and honored for their courage and steadfastness in the Anti-Slavery cause. Among them was Senator Wilson, whom I found hopeful concerning the signs of the times. To the many claims he has on the gratitude of the country, he has recently added another by the publication of his book entitled, "History of the Anti-Slavery Measures." The action of Congress on the subject of Slavery, from 1861 to '64, is here presented to the reader in a clear, concise, and interesting form. The pithiest and most eloquent portions of the successive debates are preserved, and tedious details are avoided. We are prone to complain that so little has been accomplished for Freedom under the present Administration; but no candid person can read this book without acknowledging that immense progress has been made. The volume is valuable as a convenient historical record, while it is honorable to our country, and heart-cheering to the friends of universal liberty. These moral encounters in Congress are to me as exciting as battles, without any of the painful drawbacks attendant upon military achievements. Every inch of the ground has been obstinately contested by the upholders of slavery, and bravely and perseveringly defended by the believers in freedom. The champions of liberty took every fortress they attacked, except one. Their victories were numerous and signal, and their only defeat was in their effort to amend the Constitution of the United States so as to exclude slavery from this Republic forever. It is amusing to see how pro-slavery writhed, and wriggled, and twisted under these scorching discussions. But its unhappy friends had a perpetual safety valve for the vexed feelings, in prognostications here in Faneuil Hall, to exchange congratulations upon the glorious success which has this day been achieved? I come, fellow-citizens, to congratulate you, to congratulate the community in which we live, to congratulate our whole beloved country on the expression which has this day taken place, of the opinion of Boston, of Massachusetts, and of New England. (Cheers.) I congratulate you, my friends, on the manner in which you have pronounced upon the great issues now before the country. I congratulate you upon having sent back to Congress our faithful, intelligent, and devoted representatives, Messrs. Hooper and Rice, (cheers,) beyond all expectation, my friends, as to the glorious majority which you have given them. Why, I went to my friend, Mr. Rice, yesterday, with a little anxiety in my mind to know what efforts were making to defeat him. I asked him how matters were looking in his district. "Why," said he, "I think we shall carry by from four to eight hundred majority." (Applause.) But now I believe it is four thousand-- isn't' it? -- at least, my friends, and it is really a thing on which the country is to be congratulated--that instead of repudiating a faithful, trusty, loyal servant, we have sent him back with this overwhelming majority to the service of the country. Gentlemen, I had the honor of addressing you two or three weeks ago in this hall, not without anxiety as to what might be the result of this great appeal to the people--but an anxiety, I must say, overborne by confidence and hope. But, gentlemen, I must confess I did not expect that you would pronounce this with such emphasis, with such an approach to certainty. (Applause.) Gentlemen, I consider this election as the most important, the most momentous which has ever been decided by the people. It was not to carry this or that man for this or that office-- not to elect or re-elect this or that candidate; but in my sober judgment, and after the best reflection which I have been able to give, meditating upon the subject for years and years--after the best consideration that I have been able to give it-- we were called upon this day, throughout the United States, to decide whether they should be the United States any longer (applause) ; whether this great Republic should remain one and indivisible, an example to the nations of the earth, and prove that man is not incapable of self-government, or whether it should go down in sordid ruins, the despair of the friends of liberty throughout the world, the joy alone of despots and of tyrants. (Cries of "good!" and applause.) That question, my friends, as far as depends on you, has been settled this day, and I doubt not, in full accordance with you, will have been settled by the people of the United States. I rejoice, too, my friends, in another agreeable incident of the day. I rejoice that Captain Winslow has arrived here after this glorious success, and has brought us the news that another of those pests of the ocean is safe at the bottom of the sea. (Cheers.) I could wish, as the gentleman who preceded me said, that Captain Winslow was here with us. It is my satisfaction to know that the first thing that he did when he set his foot upon the shores of his native land, was to go and vote to support the government of his country. (Tremendous cheers.) My friends, I did not think, when the Committee did me the honor to wait upon me, that it was physically in my power to speak to you as many words as I have done on this occasion. I hope, therefore, you will pardon me if I cut short my address, and again exchange with you the most heartfelt congratulations on the vote which Boston and Massachusetts have given this day. (Three cheers were given for Mr. Everett.) After Mr. Everett had concluded, the Chairman requested the audience to sing "America." The words were "deaconed" in a very graceful manner by Mr. James R. Elliot, and the band accompanied the vocal melody. It was an exceedingly effective performance. The Chairman called upon Mr. James H. Elliot to lead in singing "John Brown's body," &c. Mr. Elliot sang the air with fine effect, the immense assembly joining in the chorus. Hon. Charles Sumner, who was upon the platform, was now loudly called for. He ascended the rostrum, and the assembled thousands greeted him with tumultuous cheers, lasting some minutes. When they had subsided, he addressed the meeting. SPEECH OF HON. CHARLES SUMNER. FELLOW-CITIZENS: The trumpet of victory is now sounding through the land "Glory, Hallelujah." (Loud cheers.) It is the silver trumpet of an archangel, echoing in valleys, traversing mountains, and filling the whole country with immortal melodies, destined to awaken other echoes throughout the world, (cheers,) as it proclaims "liberty throughout all the land to all the inhabitants thereof." (Great applause.) Such is the victory which we celebrate, marking an epoch in our history, and in the history of the world. But beyond infinite victory there are two things not usually occurring together, which we here commemorate; a funeral and a birth. (Great laughter and applause.) The funeral we celebrate is that of the Democratic party, which we bury to-night with all the dishonors that belong to it. Loathsome and putrid with corruption while it was still above ground, let it be hurried out of sight, where its sickening stench will cease to be a nuisance. (Tremendous cheering.) The Democratic party had ceased to be patriotic. It was in sympathy with the rebellion, so much so as to be its Northern wing. Such a party could not exist in a country that had determined to exist. It was an outrage and a shame, and hereafter it can never be mentioned except with contumely. (Cries of "That's so," and cheers.) derived naturally out of that baseness and insensibility to right which is bred of slavery. (Applause.) But these frauds testify against that Democratic party which undertook to perpetrate them. There was an English monarch, whose head, as it dropped from the block, was held up to the people, while a voice cried, "This is the head of a traitor." Thus do I hold up the head of the Democratic party, and say, "This is the head of a traitor." Let it be buried out of sight, and let the people dance at its funeral. (Tremendous applause.) But I have said that we celebrate a birth as well as a funeral. The birth is the new life of our country, which is born to-day into assured freedom, with all its attendant glory. The voice of the people at the ballot-box has echoed back that great letter of the President, "To all whom it may concern," (laughter and loud cheers,) declaring the integrity of the Union and the abandonment of slavery to be the two essential conditions of peace. (Loud applause.) Let the glad tidings go forth "to all whom it may concern"; to all the people of the United States, whether bond or free; to foreign countries; to the whole family of man; to posterity; to the martyred band who have fallen in battle for their country; to the angels above; aye! and to the devils below, that this republic shall live and slavery shall die. This is the great joy which we now announce to the world. (Here there was a perfect torrent of approving cheers.) From this time forward, the rebellion is doomed more than ever. Patriot Unionists in the rebel States, take courage! Slaves, be of good cheer! The hour of deliverance is at hand. (Renewed cheering.) GRANDEUR OF THE CAUSE. Hon. Charles Sumner gave a very able, elaborate and eloquent address before the New York Young Men's Republican Union, at the Cooper Institute, New York, on the 5th inst. We give below its concluding passage on the GRANDEUR OF THE CAUSE: In every aspect the contest is vast. It is vast in its relations to our own country; it is vaster still in its relations to other countries. Overthrow slavery here, and you overthrow it everywhere--in Cuba, Brazil, and wherever a slave clanks his chain. The whole execrable pretension of "property in man," wherever it now shows its hideous front, will be driven back into its kindred night. Nor is this all. Overthrow slavery here, and our republic ascends to untold heights of power and grandeur. Thus far its natural influence has been impaired by slavery. Let this shameful burthen be dropped, and our example will be the day-star of the world. Liberty, everywhere, in all her struggles, will be animated anew, and the down-trodden in distant lands will hail the day of deliverance. But let slavery prevail, and our republic will drop from its transcendent career, while the cause of liberal institutions in all lands will be darkened. There have been great battles in the past, on which human progress has been staked. There was Marathon, when the Persian hosts were driven back from Greece; there was Tours, when the Saracens were arrested in their victorious career by Charles Martel; there was Lepanto, when the Turks were brought to a stand in their conquests; there was Waterloo. But our contest is grander. We are fighting for national life, assailed by belligerent slavery; but such is the solidarity of nations, and so are mankind knit together, that our battle is now for the liberty of the world. The voice of victory here will resound through the universe. Never was grander cause or sublimer conflict. Never holier sacrifice. Who is not saddened at the thought of the precious lives that have been given to Liberty's defence? The soil of the rebellion is soaked with patriot blood; its turf is bursting with patriot dead. Surely they have not died in vain. The flag which they upheld will continue to advance. But this depends upon your votes. Therefore, for the sake of that flag, and for the sake of the brave men that bore it, now sleeping where no trumpet of battle can wake them, stand by the flag! Tell me not of "failure" in this war. There can be but one failure, and that is the failure to make an end of slavery; for on this righteous consummation everything depends. Let liberty be with us, and no power can prevail against us. Let slavery be acknowledged, and there is no power which will not mock and insult us. Such is the teaching of history, in one of its greatest examples. Napoleon, when compelled to exchange his empire for a narrow island prison, exclaimed in bitterness of spirit, "It is not the coalition which has dethroned me; it is liberal ideas." It was not the European coalition marshalling its forces from the Don to the Orkneys, that drove the man of destiny from his lofty throne; but it was that liberty which he had offended. He saw and confessed the terrible antagonist, when he cried out, "I cannot re-establish myself; I have shocked the people; I have sinned against liberal ideas, and I perish." Memorable words of instruction and warning! It is ideas that rule the world, and, unlike batteries and battalions, they cannot be destroyed or cut to pieces. Let us so conduct this contest that we shall not shock mankind or sin against liberty. Let us so conduct it that we shall have Providence on our side. Nature has placed the eye in the front, that we may look forward and upward: and it is only by a contortion that we are able to look behind. Therefore, in looking forward and upward, we follow nature. There was an ancient adventurer who looked behind as he was escaping from the realms of death, and he failed. will confess the new-born power, and those commercial cities which now sympathize so perversely with belligerent slavery, will be among the earliest to enjoy the quickening change. Beyond all question the overthrow of this portentous crime, besides its immeasurable contributions to civilization everywhere, will accomplish two things of direct material advantage; first, it will raise the fee-simple of the whole South, and secondly, it will enlarge the commerce of the whole North. I turn from these things in humble gratitude to God, as I behold my country at last redeemed and fixed in history, the Columbus of Nations, once in chains, but now hailed as benefactor and discoverer, who gave a New Liberty to mankind. Foreign powers already watch the scene with awe. Saints and patriots from their home in the skies look down with delight; and Washington, who set free his own slaves, exults that the republic which revered him as Father has followed his example. SIGNS OF PROGRESS AND VICTORY. Col. John W. Forney addressed a large and most enthusiastic meeting of the Union citizens of Wilmington, Del., on the eve of the recent election. In the course of his eloquent remarks he said: -- Look at the delivered State of Maryland, right before you! See what this Government has done for her! (A voice: "Liberty," and cheers.) We talk of our own prosperity; we talk of the prosperity of the free States; but nowhere is there such a testimony and such a trophy of the generosity and statesmanship of Abraham Lincoln as in the present condition of the State of Maryland. And well did that cheerful voice explain why this is so. It is because liberty has been given to her slaves. (Cries, "That's so," and cheers.) How given? Not by the Proclamation of President Lincoln-- not by an order from a military commander--not by bayonets at the polls--but by a fair ballot, allowing traitors themselves to vote against emancipation. By the aid of the soldiers' vote, Maryland became a free State. The black fiend of slavery, which had so long oppressed her, which had made of her fair fields a desolation, which had made of her slaveholders an arrogant and dictatorial aristocracy, which had made of her working men an inferior and humiliated class--that fell curse, that festering stain upon the escutcheon of the State of Calvert and Carroll, original Abolitionists, has been forever brushed away, and now Maryland stands before you, Delaware--having still that same curse eating like a worm and canker into your heart--an example, an evangelist calling upon you to do your full duty to-morrow. There is nothing but the interposition of Divine Providence which can defeat the re-election of Abraham Lincoln. (Cheers.) Nothing short of some such catastrophe as that which submerged the cities of the Old World thousands of years ago can prevent it. And when he is re-elected, mark the prophecy! I will not discuss the idea that there is to be resistance to Mr. Lincoln's re-election, for I have never yet seen men who are too cowardly to go into the army, brave enough to resist a great popular verdict at the polls. (Cheers.) I remember well that we had a similar threat prior to the election in our State on the 11th of October. That if this was done, and that was done, and this was not done, and that was not done, there would be an uprising the morning after the election; and yet, gentlemen, I have never seen a school-boy, who, with his satchel under his arm, after having refused to go to school, and after having been soundly thrashed by his good mother-- I have never seen him go more submissively to his task, than these men who were so vociferous and blatant before that election. So it will be again. The only thing we can proceed upon will be this--for we are the party, not only of war against the common enemy, but we are the party of peace among ourselves. We are for fighting those who are against our country, and we are for making peace with those who have the right to exercise the privilege of suffrage at home. But there is such a thing as waking the sleeping lion; and when these men, who have provoked all these troubles, who have plunged us into this sea of blood, who have put, to use their own rhetoric, "a dead man or the memory of a dead man in every house"--when they attempt to array themselves against us, who are simply desirous of continuing the rule of the present Administration to save our Government --when they lay their hands upon the altar of American liberty, let them beware! But to my prophecy. I predict that those very men who have been arraigning Abraham Lincoln for unconstitutional and arbitrary acts; who have been charging that he desires to continue this war; that he is accumulating a debt never to be paid; that he and his friends have grown rich through the profits of this conflict--I predict that three weeks after his re-election is announced, there will not be an intelligent man who has voted against him who will not admit that he was deceived by the leaders who have gulled him with these assertions. I have no right to declare a policy, and if I had the right, I would not declare it now. I have no right to mark out what Mr. Lincoln's intentions will be when he is again chosen; but this I believe, and I say it in a conscientious spirit, bound by the connexion that will inspire me to-morrow to give him my vote, that so far from a policy of bitter extermination against the Southern people --so far from a policy of exciting the evil passions of those who may be disappointed in his election-- so far from any personal purpose to continue this war--so far from any desire to refuse terms of the farthest regions of the earth, there to wander with the ineffaceable brand upon their brows, never again to be received into the civilized communities, and only to be remembered as the baffled murderers of their country. (Cheers.) A VOICE FROM FRANCE. To the Editors of the Boston Daily Advertiser':-- Le Siécle of the 15th of October contains an article upon the great issue in America, written and signed by Henri Martin, the great historian of his own country, which is so appreciative of our cause, and such a noble and important indorsement of it, that American residents abroad have at once indicated an interest in having it presented to the American public. The enclosed is a translation forwarded from Paris, which you are at liberty to use in your columns, as you think best. A UNION MAN. Nov. 4, 1864. LINCOLN AND McCLELLAN. [From Le Siecle of Paris, Oct. 15.] In a few weeks the ballot will have decided the fate of the American republic, and the immense moral interests which, throughout the entire world, are attached to its destiny. Never has a more solemn question been personified in the names of two men. In the presence of these nominations, the equivocation disappears under which those have sheltered themselves, who pretended that the object of the war was not the abolition of slavery--an equivocation founded upon this fact, that the South trampled under foot the Constitution, for the sole purpose of securing the maintenance of slavery, the future of which was threatened; while the North, attacked at first, simply defended the violated Constitution, and did not pronounce itself, till later, upon the question of slavery. The two nominations are as distinctly defined as possible. On other occasions candidates often envelop themselves in clouds, and avail themselves of shiftings and transitions; but in this case we must admit that on both side there are precision and candor. McClellan's nomination means the prosecution of the war as it was conducted in its early days; the revocation of the great measures which have changed its character, and transformed it into a war for principles; it is the abandonment of those results which have cost thousands of millions of treasure, and hundreds of thousands of men; it is the demand for the re-establishment of the Constitution as it was before the war, with slavery, and with less hope of seeing it some day disappear; it is the North, as its enemies paint it abroad, and as the self-styled, anti-republican democrats imagine it; it is the sacrifice of moral interests and eternal right to the exterior and material re-establishment of the American Union, henceforth to be destitute of every elevated aim and every reason for existing among nations; it is a materialistic America, governed by force and chance. Lincoln's nomination means the war, as the providential march of events has made it; the Constitution, as it ought to be, with the abolition of slavery, and the final victory of modern civilization over a society which audaciously claimed the mission of turning loose anew upon the world the scourge of ancient slavery; it is the America of Washington and Franklin, resuming the course of its glorious career, after having removed by the sword the canker that was consuming it. Should Lincoln be elected, his programme will work out its own execution. The South, convinced of the inflexible resolution of its adversaries, exhausted by the gigantic effort in which, at the present moment, all that remains to them of men and resources is at stake, will lose courage in losing its last chance. It will be compelled to accept conditions humbling to its pride, and to restore to free labor, a labor truly productive, the fine lands which slave rule in its progress has made barren. Prejudices and habits must yield to necessity; that race which was skilled only in fighting and in living by the sweat of others, must be purified and regenerated by the labor of their own heads and hands, if they wish not to disappear before the conflict with the laborious colonies of Europe, which will penetrate into Southern territory, with the arms of agriculture and industry, as patriotic hosts have already penetrated it with the arms of war. At all events, the oligarchy of master over slave will give place to true democracy. If McClellan be elected, on the contrary, his sad programme would hardly be carried out. Re-union at the cost of the preservation of slavery, which would be the shame and moral ruin of the North, and the irremediable degradation of the whole United States, would not be accomplished. The South, recovering itself at once, and perceiving a divided North, would not treat upon other conditions than separation. McClellan would be forced to make peace at any price; and soon the great republic, broken into three separate groups, and incapable of serious organization, would enter upon a future of infinite trouble and misery, that would reduce it to the condition of Spanish America, in its worst days, with convulsions incomparably more terrible, and proportioned to the individual energy of Anglo-Americans. The fall of the great republic would not have the effect in Europe, as certain persons flatter themselves, of strengthening the mixed systems of government butter question,' as involved in the Chicago Platform. The Copperheads affirm that our war debt is already so large that the nation is, and will be, unable to pay it. Their platform proposes a convention to adjust and make a friendly compromise of our difficulties. Remember the North makes the proposal. Suppose the convention meets; evidently the first arrangement to be agreed upon would be to consolidate the United States and the Confederate States indebtedness. If the nation is unable to liquidate our debt, how will it be able to pay both?-- for at once it would be more than doubled. The rebels would insist upon the payment of at least 1000 millions for lost slaves, and the 500 additional millions for property destroyed. It is certain that, if any peaceable arrangement is negotiated, the payment of these vast sums of money must be agreed to. If our taxes are burdensome at present, what would be their weight then? You complain of the high price of tea, coffee, sugar, and all the imported articles. If such an arrangement were agreed to, they would be largely increased: and it would hang an enormous millstone on the necks of the people, for this and succeeding generations. If the Copperheads should refuse such a compromise, then they must agree to a separation, and the permanent establishment of two Governments. How will this affect our prosperity and finances, especially our farmers, mechanics and laborers? It would give them (the South) free trade with Europe, and open the Southern ports to the pauper labor of the world. It would give them free trade with Africa, and the unrestricted right to import men, for slaves, to compete with the labor of the North. The South cannot breed slaves as fast as they are required; and they dislike to pay twelve or fifteen hundred dollars for a man when, with free trade in negroes, they could import them for one hundred and fifty dollars each. I would inquire, can the farmers and the mechanics of the North compete with the genial climate and rich lands of the South, cultivated by slaves, costing only one hundred and fifty dollar each? The single State of Texas contains sufficient territory, divide it up, to make twenty States the size of this. Sir, if the South gain what they denominate their independence, the farmers and workingmen of the North are eternally enslaved by poverty, by taxes, and by the ruinously low prices for labor, and for the productions of labor. I repeat it, the laborers of the North cannot compete with the African--with the unpaid labor of men who are clothed and fed only to keep them in such condition as to extort by the lash the largest amount of work. With these laborers imported from Africa, the planters on the rich lands of the great southwest can raise and sell wheat at fifty cents per bushel, and make a profit. Our mechanics complain because the labor of a few hundred convicts in our State Prisons is contracted out, and their productions reduce the prices of certain manufactured articles. They have cause for such complaint. But put back four millions of workmen into the prison-house of slavery, and allow the importation of other millions from Africa, and our entire farming, manufacturing and mechanical, as well as our vast real estate interests, together with our great internal improvement interests, are involved in certain ruin. Sir, a miserable peace or separation, "from which good Lord deliver us," is swift destruction. But, preserve this our free government. the richest boon of Heaven--redeem the South and her vast rich territories--install freedom permanently on her rightful throne--make a vassal of King Cotton--and we become at once the noblest, most powerful, and prosperous nation on the globe-- the Glory of the World!--Plainfield Union. THE SEEDS OF ANARCHY. If many Democratic orators and presses are not deliberately engaged in sowing the seeds of anarchy at the North, they must have a very defective sense of the meaning of words. Certainly nothing is better calculated to make the present political contest turn into violence and bloodshed than the exhortations they have recently got into the habit of addressing to their followers. Take, for instance, the following extract from a speech recently made by Senator Wall of New Jersey, at a meeting in Monmouth County in that State: "It may be that an overruling Providence will circumvent his (President Lincoln's) infamous plans; but remember that Providence only helps those who help themselves; and if, when the 9th day of November dawns, this people shall find that they have been forcibly deprived of their rights; that the ballot-boxes have been only made to echo the will of the usurper; that military power has been used to crush out freedom of opinion--they do not rise in their might, and hurl him from the seat he has usurped, then they deserve to be slaves, and we will be the first people of whom history makes any mention, who gave up their liberties without a struggle." This amounts, in substance, to the rebel argument that to be defeated in an election is cause enough for revolution. It is always easy for the leaders of a vanquished party to make their ignorant followers, while smarting under the irritation of defeat, believe that they have been misused at the polls. And the very men who would resort to such diabolical means would be of the class that have instigated the voting frauds in the Army of the Potomac, and have been concerned in similar abuses of the elective franchise elsewhere. A fair election is the last thing they want, and "rule or ruin" is their motto. --Boston Journal conflict, and his sympathies were entirely on the side of Freedom. His great social influence in England was constantly exerted in favor of the North. When he received the tragic news from Fort Wagner, he expressed to a relative of Col. Shaw's his great admiration of the self-sacrifice and heroism of that noble young man. The person whom he addressed, looking at the subject from a less elevated point of view, coldly replied, 'I never approved of his taking command of that regiment.' 'Let me tell you,' rejoined Mr. Bates, 'the name of that young hero will be bright in the memories of men long after you and I are forgotten.' " At this Fair I exchanged greetings with many whom I had long loved and honored for their courage and steadfastness in the Anti-Slavery cause. Among them was Senator Wilson, whom I found hopeful concerning the signs of the times. To the many claims he has on the gratitude of the country, he has recently added another by the publication of his book entitled, "History of the Anti-Slavery Measures." The action of Congress on the subject of Slavery, from 1861 to '64, is here presented to the reader in a clear, concise, and interesting form. The pithiest and most eloquent portions of the successive debates are preserved, and tedious details are avoided. We are prone to complain that so little has been accomplished for Freedom under the present Administration; but no candid person can read this book without acknowledging that immense progress has been made. The volume is valuable as a convenient historical record, while it is honorable to our country, and heart-cheering to the friends of universal liberty. These moral encounters in Congress are to me as exciting as battles, without any of the painful drawbacks attendant upon military achievements. Every inch of the ground has been obstinately contested by the upholders of slavery, and bravely and perseveringly defended by the believers in freedom. The champions of liberty took every fortress they attacked, except one. Their victories were numerous and signal, and their only defeat was in their effort to amend the Constitution of the United States so as to exclude slavery from this Republic forever. It is amusing to see how pro-slavery writhed, and wriggled, and twisted under these scorching discussions. But its unhappy friends had a perpetual safety-valve for their vexed feelings, in prognostications concerning amalgamation. Every proposed measure of justice and humanity produced in their minds the image of "a greasy negro wench." There seemed to be neither wit nor argument in the presentation of this image, nor is it easy to perceive what connection it had with the grave subjects under debate; but its frequent reiteration by slave-holders is excusable, on the ground that men naturally speak often of what habitually occupies their thoughts. Mr. Wilson's record is a true and candid one; and being so, he could not possibly avoid showing how vigilant he himself was to guard the interests of freedom at every turn. We owe him life-long gratitude for the able services he has rendered. For my part, I am content with my humble share of glory in being a member of the Commonwealth, which has Gov. Andrew for its head, and Sumner and Wilson for Senators. This is common wealth, belonging to us all, and it is wealth enough to satisfy the proudest patriot. The aristocracies of Europe will strive in vain to overthrow or to undermine this republic, so long as the ranks of our working-men send forth such representatives as Abraham Lincoln, Andy Johnson, and Henry Wilson. The speeches of Andy Johnson, portraying the slaveholding aristocracy, are capital hard hits. They remind one of the caustic eloquence of Marius concerning the haughty aristocracy of Rome. "They despise my mean birth," said he, "and I despise their mean characters." I rejoice that mechanics are found worthy to be nominated for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency. May there never be any other order of nobility among us than nobility of character! I was very happy that day of the Fair; for I had that morning heard the good news from Maryland, and it took ten years off from my age at once. If I had acted out my impulses, I would have swung my bonnet, and given three hurrahs; but it is not proper for women to obey their impulses, you know. I hope some time or other to get to a world where spontaneity is not always improper. That must be the reason why they never grow old in the other world. To think of Maryland being a free State! "My Maryland," as Jeff. Davis coaxingly called her, at the beginning of the war! Oh, it is too good! I must needs hurrah here all alone by myself. I have always noticed that Maryland had somewhat of superiority above the other slave States. Her public men have been more manly and candid. God bless our redeemed sister! Yours, full of hopefulness for the future of our beloved country, L. M. CHILD --- An emancipation movement in Cuba looks to the gradual abolition of slavery; all persons born of servile parents, after the first of next January, to become free at the age of twenty-four, and to be paid for their labor after reaching the age of twenty, at the rate of $102 per annum for four years. --- The fact is perhapt without a parallel, viz: that at a recent meeting of the students of a commercial college in Poughkeepsie, New York, nine hundred and ninety nine students cast their votes for Lincoln, and one for McClellan. Many of the thousand were, nevertheless, democrats. 186 THE LIBERATOR. NOVEMBER 18. JEFF. DAVIS ON THE ARMING OF SLAVES. Jefferson Davis, a few days since, sent his Annual Message to the Rebel Congress. Below we give that portion of it which relates to the employment and arming of the slaves in the Rebel service :-- EMPLOYMENT OF SLAVES. The employment of slaves for service with the army as teamsters, or cooks, or in the way of work upon fortifications, or in the government workshops, or in hospitals and other similar duties, was authorized by the act of 17th February last, and provision was made for their impressment to a number not exceeding twenty thousand, if it should be found impracticable to obtain them by contract with the owners. The law contemplated the hiring only of the labor of these slaves, and imposed on the government the liability to pay for the value of such as might be lost to the owners from casualties resulting from their employment in the service. This act has produced less result than was anticipated, and further provision is required to render it efficacious. But my present purpose is to invite your consideration to the propriety of a radical modification in the theory of the law. Viewed merely as property, and therefore as the subject of impressment, the service or labor of the slave has been frequently claimed for short periods in the construction of defensive works. The slave, however, bears another relation to the State--that of a person. The law of last February contemplates only the relation of the slave to the master, and limits the impressment to a certain term of service, But for the purposes enumerated in the act, instruction in the manner of encamping, marching and parking trains is needful, so that even in this limited employment length of service adds greatly to the value of the negro's labor. Hazard is also encountered in all the positions to which negroes can be assigned for service with the army, and the duties required of them demand loyalty and zeal. In this aspect the relation of person predominates so far as to render it doubtful whether the private right of property can consistently and beneficially be continued, and it would seem proper to acquire for the public service the entire property in the labor of the slave, and to pay therefor due compensation, rather than to impress his labor for short terms ; and this the more especially as the effect of the present law would vest his entire property in all cases where the slave might be recaptured after compensation for his loss had been paid to the private owner. Whenever the entire property in the service of a slave is thus acquired by the government, the question is presented, by what tenure he should be held. Should he be retained in servitude, or should his emancipation be held out to him as a reward for faithful service, or should it be granted at once on the promise of such service; and if emancipated, what action should be taken to secure for the freed man the permission of the State from which he was drawn to reside within its limits after the close of his public service ? The permission would doubtless be more readily accorded as a reward for past faithful service, and a double motive for zealous discharge of duty would thus be offered to those employed by the government, their freedom, and the gratification of the local attachment which is so marked a characteristic of the negro, and forms so powerful an incentive to his action. The policy of engaging to liberate the negro on his discharge after service faithfully rendered, seems to me preferable to that of granting immediate manumission, or that of retaining him in servitude. If this policy should recommend itself to the judgment of Congress, it is suggested that, in addition to the duties heretofore performed by the slave, he might be advantageously employed as a pioneer and engineer laborer ; and, in that event, that the number should be augmented to forty thousand. Beyond this limit and these employments it does not seem to me desirable, under existing circumstances, to go. A broad moral distinction exists between the use of slaves as soldiers in defence of their homes, and the incitement of the same persons to insurrection against their masters. The one is justifiable if necessary ; the other is iniquitous and unworthy of a civilized people ; and such is the judgment of all writers on public law, as well as that expressed and insisted on by our enemies in all wars prior to that now waged against us. By [n?] have the practices of which they are now [gu?] been denounced with greater severity than by themselves in the two wars with Great Britain in the last and in the present century ; and in the Declaration of Independence of 1776, when enumeration was made of the wrongs which justified the revolt from Great Britain, the climax of atrocity was deemed to be reached only when the English monarch was denounced as having "excited domestic insurrections amongst us." DAVIS DECLARES HIMSELF OPPOSED TO ARMING THE SLAVES. The subject is to be viewed by us, therefore, solely in the light of policy and our social economy. When so regarded, I must dissent from those who advise a general levy and arming of the slaves for the duty of soldiers. Until our white population shall prove insufficient for the armies we require and can afford to keep in the field, to employ as a soldier the negro who has merely been trained to labor, and as laborer the white man accustomed from his youth to the use of fire--arms, would scarcely be deemed wise or advantageous by any ; and this is the question now before us. But should the alternative ever be presented of subjugation or of the employment of the slave as a soldier, there seems no reason to doubt what should then be our pacific but secessionist. But McClellan, the nominee of that convention, kicks over its platform, and declares repeatedly and emphatically in his letter of acceptance, that the Union must be restored at all hazards. The only question on which he is prepared to give way to the South is that of slavery. The mass of the party who support him are war democrats; and they are for war, not in name only but in deed. They have fought as hard as the republicans, though they do not, like the republicans, make the abolition of slavery present or prospective as well as the restoration of the Union a condition of peace. The democratic party is out, and not being accustomed to be out, it wants very much to be in. That I believe is, as much as anything else, the key to the present attempt to oust the republican government. If the conservatives had ousted the Palmerston government the other day, there would have been no material change in our policy towards Denmark. According to the best judgments, however, which I can gather, McClellan, as matters now stand, has no chance of election. At least, all the enemies of America in Europe, who are exulting in the prospect of his triumph, had better adjourn their exultation till their victory is won. I see they were a little premature in letting off their fireworks in honor of the victory of Hood before Atlanta. That the war is national, not carried on by the government alone, nobody who has been in the country a day can doubt. Every sign of popular participation is around you ; soldiers' rests and soldiers' homes, supported by volunteer nurses ; immense subscriptions to the Sanitary Commission and every benevolent object connected with the war. It is remarkable that, though the subscriptions are so large, the names of the subscribers are not published. Anxiety is expressed, of course, on all hands as to the financial prospects of the country. But the present burden of taxation, including a heavy income-tax, is, so far as I can see, cheerfully borne, even by those who must feel it most. I have not heard a single sentiment of atrocity, or even of hatred, uttered against the South. But I have heard on all sides the expression of a resolute determination to make the South submit to the law. And this determination I believe rules the people. Let the South submit to the law, and there is no thought but of amnesty and restoration. Nor does it seem to me irrational to expect that, when the ambitious leaders of the revolt are out of the way, the dependents whom they have dragged into the field will soon settle down again into quiet members of the Union. I am confirmed in the belief that this war, as compared with previous civil wars, is being carried on with great humanity on the part of the North. I visited the other day a large cantonment of Confederate prisoners at Chicago. These men seemed to me to be as well treated and as cheerful as prisoners could be ; and this, be it observed, at a time when the North is ringing with the accounts of the cruelties undergone by Northern prisoners at the hands of the Confederates. The same visit convinced me that the Confederate conscriptions must have pretty well exhausted the Southern population, for I saw among the prisoners the merest boys. The growth of popular sentiment on the subject of negro slavery is manifest. By the law of Illinois, negroes are still excluded from the State ; but this law has become a dead letter. I saw negroes at church with the whites, and I observed that they stayed for the communion. Illinois farmers tell me that the negro makes a good day-laborer. Soldiers, --not political generals, but company officers and privates,--tell me that he makes an excellent soldier. The planter can no longer talk of the inherent inferiority of a race which proves itself a match for his own race in the field. I have seen no signs of diminished prosperity, except in the empty docks of New York, which tell the tale of the Alabama. On the contrary, trade seems marvellously active, and buildings are rising on all sides. The commercial prosperity may be partly artificial, arising out of the expenditure caused by the war ; but the agricultural prosperity must be real. Illinois has sent, according to the government returns, 170,000 men--a fifth part of its laboring population--to the war. Yet the harvest is greater than in any former year. Its gross value is supposed to be four hundred million dollars, no inconsiderable part of the national debt. The [?] machines, which the dearness of labor has stimulated, has made up for the loss of laborers. The State Fair the other day was attended by 20,000 people. The show of implements was extraordinary, and the highest prices were given for stock. I had, from the lips of a secessionist a description of the enthusiasm with which these husbandmen of Illinois had rushed to arms when the first gun was fired against a Federal fortress by the South. I passed a village which had sent forth a hundred of them to conquer at Fort Donnelson. Twenty-four fell, and their bodies were carefully brought back to their village, and buried in their home. These men, of course, were "mercenaries " and " Irish." I have been in the States only a month, and perhaps I am not an unbiassed observer, but my strong conviction is, that beneath the frothy surface of party politics (never very august in any country) and the shoddy luxury of New York lies a great nation, meeting the extremity of peril with courage, self-devotion, passionate attachment to its country, and unshaken confidence in its own power. I am no judge of military matters, but at the present it seems as though the insults and slanders which have been cast on the Americans from the aristocratic and re-actionary press of Europe were about to be answered by victory The Liberator. No Union with Slaveholders! BOSTON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1864. THE LATE PRESIDENTIAL STRUGGLE. Through all the loyal States there is felt the deepest joy, mingled with solemn thanksgiving, at the overwhelmingly triumphant result of the late Presidential struggle,--an almost unanimous vote of those States for the re-election of ABRAHAM LINCOLN! This joy does not find expression in noisy exultation or pompous display, but is marked by profound sobriety of mind and true dignity of demeanor--the elements entering into it being of the highest and purest character. Never was there a political conflict so momentous in its bearings, not only upon the nation's welfare, but upon the liberties of mankind ; never one that so challenged and absorbed the earnest interest of the civilized world ; never one that so divided the good from the bad, the humane from the brutal, the law-abiding from the disorderly, the truly patriotic from the pseudo loyal, the liberty-loving from the liberty-hating, the thoroughly enlightened from the fearfully ignorant and debased, the hosts of freedom from the powers of despotism ; never one so remarkable for the appeals made to the understanding and conscience, to virtue and honor, to personal accountability and divine authority, to patriotism and piety, to all that is highest and noblest in the soul, on the one hand--or for the appeals made to the worst prejudices, the most selfish considerations, the basest passions, the wildest delusions, the most inflammable emotions, and the wickedest purposes, on the other. This was noticeable in every place, in every section of the country. Whether in city or town, village or hamlet, the lines were broadly drawn between the best and the worst classes of society. As a general rule, the Union party gathered to itself whatever of intellectual greatness and moral excellence can be found in the land ; while the Democratic, alias Copperhead party embraced the aggregate ignorance, stupidity, ruffianism and disloyalty, entrusted with the elective franchise. Mr. Lincoln's strongest support was obtained where virtue and knowledge most abound--among the most exemplary and upright. Gen. McClellan's was drawn chiefly from " the dangerous and perishing classes "--from the profligate in morals, the rude in manners, the servile in spirit, the desperate in design, the unscrupulous in ambition. Take the city of New York as an illustration. It gave Gen. McClellan a majority of thirty-seven thousand, simply because of its depraved foreign element and all-abounding demoralization. As against the intelligence and worth embodied in the vote for Mr. Lincoln in that city, that majority dwindles to a cipher. Of how much real weight in the scale is the sentiment of the Five Points, and of similar purlieus of perdition ? Yet it was from such quarters that Gen. McClellan drew his main support. The reflection of Mr. Lincoln, therefore, derives its significance and importance not only from its vast numerical power, but still more from the character and position of the mighty mass who gave him their suffrages. It is a decision from which there can be no appeal, except from the highest civilization to the lowest barbarism. It indicates incomparably greater attributes than can be found in mere physical supremacy -all of education, science, art, morality, religion in its best development, philanthropy in its highest aspirations, reform in its widest bearings. Hence, the government is stable beyond all precedent, notwithstanding the rebellious convulsions of the hour ; and the administration of Mr. Lincoln has accorded to it a sanction and strength which no previous one-- not excepting Washington's--has ever been able to secure. The election has determined many things. First-- it shows how great is the confidence of the people in the honesty, sagacity, administrative ability, and patriotic integrity of Abraham Lincoln. And yet, what efforts were left undone by some whose loyalty was unquestionable, and by all whose disloyalty was " palpable as a mountain," to utterly destroy that confidence, and cause his ignominious rejection ? He was ridiculed and caricatured in every possible manner-- represented (incoherently enough) as playing the part of tyrant and usurper, and yet being little better than an imbecile, having no mind of his own, but moulded by the abolition party, or by one or two members of his cabinet, "as clay in the hands of the potter"--as animated by a selfish desire to secure his re-election, no matter at what cost to the country--as disregarding all constitutional checks and limitations--as turning the war from its legitimate purpose to an unconstitutional end--as equally destitute of capacity and principle- as incurably afflicted with "nigger on the brain"--as oppressively bent on "subjugating" the rebellious South, and making conditions whereby union and peace were rendered impossible--as being too slow, and at the same time too fast--&c., &c. Moreover, it was said that he had lost the confidence human nature. Slavery is not the product of free institutions, but necessarily hostile to them; it constitutes no part of true democracy, any more than heathenism does of Christianity. It belongs to the despotisms of all ages--the crowning crime and curse of them all. That it is now in flaming rebellion is the clearest evidence of the growth of the spirit of liberty in our land. That it has not been more effectually grappled with is the consequence of the vast political influence wielded factiously by those whose birth was in a foreign land, whose training was under aristocratic rule, and who, captivated by the name of "democracy," have been the dupes of cunning demagogues, and shamefully misled on all occasions--they alone making the experiment of a government like ours a matter of doubt and anxiety, through their general want of education and moral training. But the termination of slavery will be the enjoyment of personal freedom from sea to sea; and hand in hand with that freedom will go all those facilities for mental development which have made the North so intelligent, enterprising, prosperous and powerful. After that, European emigration will cease to be a source of uneasiness as to its bearings upon the welfare of the republic. --But, however bright the omens, let it never be forgotten--"the price of Liberty is eternal vigilance." ANNUAL MEETING OF THE PENNSYLVANIA ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. The Annual Meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society was held at West Chester, 11th inst. Rev. Dr. Furness, Oliver Johnson, (editor of the Anti-Slavery Standard,) Mr. and Mrs. Mott, Mr. Robert Purvis, J. Miller McKim, Chandler Darlington, Thomas Garrett of Wilmington, Reuben Tomlinson, and others, were present. The following resolutions were adopted: Resolved, That we number among the triumphs of Freedom, which the past year has witnessed, the repeal of all the Fugitive Slave statutes which, during the last seventy years, have disgraced our National Statute Book; the prohibition of the coastwise slave trade; the admission of colored persons as witnesses in the courts of the United States; the order, extorted by our Government from the rebels, that our free colored soldiers who may be taken prisoners by them shall be treated as prisoners of war; the prohibition of slavery contained in the new Constitution for Louisiana; and the admission of Nevada, a free State, into the Union; and that for these victories we thank God and congratulate the nation. Resolved, That we hail with joy the glad tidings of the immediate and unconditional abolition of slavery in Maryland, whereby 87,000 slaves have become free men, and one of the States of this Union is redeemed from the curse which has branded our Southern country and perilled our national life; and that we congratulate our sister State and felicitate ourselves that the line which divides our territory shall no more be the boundary between liberty and slavery, across which the bondman shall fly, trembling with hope and fear ; and that the Commonwealths which God hath joined together, the demon of slavery shall no longer put asunder. Resolved, That we greatly rejoice over the result of the recent Presidential election, regarding it as an indication that the people of the North have decreed the death of American slavery, and will, therefore, make no compromises with it ; and that we regard it as an especially cheering sign of promise for our country, that that class of her citizens who have perilled and suffered most for her sake, during the course of the present war, have testified by their votes the strongest opposition to a dishonorable peace. Resolved, That the continued prosperity of the freedmen of South Carolina, and in the other military departments of the South, is a sufficient refutation of the charge that emancipated slaves would necessarily become burdens on the charity of the benevolent, or the industry of the tax-paying citizen, and a sufficient rebuke of the slander that slaves are incapable of appreciating the blessings of freedom, or the advantages of education. Resolved, That we welcome the organization of Freedmen's Aid Societies, as an indication that the people of the North are determined that slavery shall not only die, but that its victims shall have such aid as will enable them to become a self-supporting and progressive people ; and that while we feel that our own special work is not yet completed, we desire to express our hearty sympathy and co-operation with all efforts made for the elevation and relief of those who are just issuing from the house of bondage. Resolved, That while we rejoice over the triumphs of liberty, and the many bright signs of promise which the past year has seen, and especially hail with gladness some indications of increasing popular respect for the colored man, as man, we greatly deplore the insults and injuries to which an unoffending class of our fellow-citizens are still subjected on account of their color ; and we protest against the vulgar and wicked prejudice which excludes them from seats in our railway cars, our churches, or our places of public instruction or amusement. CONFEDERATE DEVICES IN ENGLAND. There was published in Edinburgh, in September last, a volume of 226 pages, called "The Confederate Secession." It was written by the Marquess of Lothian [William Schomberg Robert Kerr,] and takes the side of the South in the present contest. It maintains the justice of the Confederate cause, generally and particularly, vindicates both the substance and the manner of Secession, and wishes the British Government to "recognize" the Confederacy. It sneers at the representations, favorable to the Union and the North, made by Professor Newman and Professor Goldwin Smith, and bestows special commendation upon Southern States and Southern men, and upon their "peculiar institution." There is a good deal of false statement, proceeding apparently in part from ignorance, in its assertions. Of its method of suggesting or insinuating false ideas, without directly asserting them, the following (pp. 213-215) is a noteworthy specimen. After describing certain disgraceful facts in regard to the treatment of colored people by the laws of Illinois, (a State the Southern portion of which, peopled in part by emigrants from slave States, lies in such mental and moral darkness as to be popularly known by the name "Egypt,") the author proceeds to give the testimony of one of its people concerning other States, as follows:-- "I suppose they have not these laws in New England," we resume. "The people there will look on the negro with more favoring eyes, of course." "Wall now, stranger, I don't know much about New England myself; but I've a friend in Boston who tells me that they don't like niggers any more than we do. They've got laws against them. They don't say, most of them, they're not to come in at all, as we do here; but they say, if a stranger comes to any town, the magistrates may order him off; and if he don't go, he is to be whipped; and if he come back, he is to be whipped again; and so on till he clars himself off slick. Some States say he must give notice if he comes, and some leave it to the magistrates and police to find him out." "But they don't, it seems, oblige the magistrates to act as you do; and they do not seem to specify negroes so as to place any stigma on them." "Some on 'em don't, and that's a fact; but it allers means the same thing. He says that in his State (that is Massachusetts, you know) they treat the critters much as we do. If a nigger comes to be two months in the State, he has to give notice, and then they may order him off, and have him whipped till he goes. And as to what you call stigma--you saw that gal flogged yesterday? Tell you, if she'd been in Rhode Island, she might have had the same sarse if she'd been out after nine o'clock at night." "And yet I suppose there are Abolitionists in Rhode Island?" "Possible. But, from what that fellow tells me, they would not care very much. Whipping seems to come quite natral to the Yankees. I've heard say that they used, for some offences, to have women carted from town to town, and flogged at each, as they came to 'em. I aint quite clar whether they don't sometimes do it still." "What! free women?" "Guess so; and whites as well as blacks." There are several particulars in which colored people receive less than justice, (and much less than fraternal kindness,) from the customs of the New England States. I am not aware that the laws of any of those States now discriminate unfavorably against them. Certainly those of Massachusetts do not. But the fullest statement of actual unkindness to negroes here would fall so far short of the thing desired, (that is, the demonstration of an equality in this respect between New England and the slave States, or New England and Illinois,) that the haters of New England have but one resource, namely, such misrepresentation of her laws and customs as we have seen in the passage of above quoted. As things are now, however, the nation having emphatically called for the continuance of Abraham Lincoln in the Presidency, and for the maintenance of the Union, and for the overthrow of slavery, even lying (it would seem) can hardly keep up with the Confederate cause in England much longer.--C. K. W. THE UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. To the Editor of the Liberator : DEAR SIR--My attention was lately called to an article in your paper, being a notice of "The Bible against Slavery," by Theo. D. Weld. This little book is certainly deserving of all the praise bestowed upon it by the writer of this article. It is not to this, therefore, that I find fault, but to the injustice which is done to the United Presbyterian Church, by whose Board it was published. The writer evidently confounds this Church with the Old and New School Presbyterian. With what he says as applied to them, I find no fault ; but it is wholly inapplicable to us--opposition to slavery, theoretically and practically, being one of our distinguishing principles. That you may see this, I enclose the article of our Testimony on Slavery--requesting you to publish at least the Declaration, if not the Argument. No doubt the writer will rejoice, on reading this, to know that the Presbyterian Church, numbering 60,000 communicants and upwards of four hundred ministers, instead of following public opinion, has been exerting some influence in forming and purifying it on the Slavery NEEDED UNITY OF ABOLITIONISTS. DEAR MR. GARRISON: The great election--the greatest that ever took place in this country--has passed; and it seems to me that all the lovers of their country and their kind must greatly rejoice in the result. Had McClellan, with his associates and dictators--like Seymour, Pendleton and the Woods-- have come into power, the war upon the rebels might have ceased; but would it not have been turned against us Abolitionists, and the equally hated "Black Republicans"? I can hardly doubt it, or that we should have had a bloody conflict inaugurated that would have lasted, perhaps, a generation. The "peace party" that sought the reins of government, all know, is no peace party in spirit or in principle. It is the party of slavery, of mobs, of murderous brutality. It is, hence, almost the greatest conceivable calamity that we have escaped, in escaping from its rule--divorced as it is from all the higher morality, philanthropy and religion of the age. Under Mr. Lincoln we can, at least, have the liberty of carrying on the "irrepressible conflict" with slavery to the end-- and without the risk of martyrdom. Mr. Lincoln was not, indeed, the first choice of all the Abolitionists--not of the majority, I think; and as long as there seemed to be the least prospect of getting a more radical and earnest man, I looked for one who could be unanimously supported by the lovers of Union and Liberty. Still, I was sorry to see any alienation of feeling in our anti-slavery ranks, on account of a mere difference of opinion and judgment, and could not go wholly with either side in the controversy. In some respects in which you and Mr. Phillips differed I went with you, and in others with him; but I never doubted, of course, for a moment, the thorough fidelity of either. It was great shallowness for any one to do so. I sometimes thought you too eulogistic of Mr. Lincoln, and Mr. Phillips too terribly severe upon him. But the Abolitionists ought certainly to have learned by this time to differ from each other, even very widely, in justice and charity. It is certainly not very creditable to them if they cannot, and still labor together in unity of spirit, if not of method. And now that the political contest is decided, and we know under what Administration we are to live for the coming four years, why may we not hope that our somewhat scattered forces may be brought closely together again, and mutual affection, confidence and cooperation be as of old?--especially if there is to be any particular work for us to do in an organized capacity. Mr. Lincoln seems not to have "drifted" to about where he ought to be-- on as high an anti-slavery plane as we can reasonably expect a President to be. And I think he has the distinguishing merit, among other merits, that is he is not apt to go back from any advanced step. Now, therefore, I can trust Mr. Lincoln as I could not a few months since--almost trust him as a willing, cheerful, consciously commissioned leader in the cause of emancipation ; both for the country's and humanity's sake. He seems to me to have been a slow learner in this way of life, and much to the detriment of the country. But I trust he has thoroughly learned it at last ; and I have no doubt that Mr. Phillips's late as well as early criticisms, and even Fremont and the Cleveland Convention, helped him in his education. Others, too, have learned much in the same direction, as Edward Everett and General Banks ; and though they are eleventh hour men, I rejoice that you recognize them now as faithful laborers in the common cause--" on their plane "--and welcome them most cordially to the work. I have just been reading Gen. Banks's speech in the Liberator, on the Freedmen of Louisiana, and thank you for publishing it, that your readers might get it thus early. If that speech fairly represents him--as I have no reason to doubt that it does--I must think more highly of him than I ever did before. I can now trust him, too ; and I hope that all of us will find it in our hearts to do the same justice to him, and to others like him, that you are doing to them--being careful, however, not to over-estimate their new faith and zeal, or to hope too much from them. It is a great hour that regenerates the revolutionizes such men--even politically--and instead of criticising them too severely and distrustingly, we should rejoice in them as "a kind of first fruits" of anti-slavery labors. It will be unworthy of Abolitionists to be unjust or even ungenerous to them--and bad for themselves. And there can be nothing more encouraging than to see a great political party coming even so near to the standard of absolute justice and right, in relation to slavery and freedom, as the Union party now does. I meet with, now and then, an old Abolitionist--only now and then one--who condemns Mr. Lincoln and his policy with almost as much severity as he does Jeff. Davis and his. But they are too morbid to have much influence, and live almost uselessly in this hour. Still, there is need, it seems to me, of keeping up our Anti-Slavery organizations, and remaining faithful in our testimonies against whatever party tramples upon the rights or disregards the interests of the which is so marked a characteristic of the negro, and forms so powerful an incentive to his action. The policy of engaging to liberate the negro on his discharge after service faithfully rendered, seems to me preferable to that of granting immediate manumission, or that of retaining him in servitude. If this policy should recommend itself to the judgment of Congress, it is suggested that, in addition to the duties heretofore performed by the slave, he might be advantageously employed as a pioneer and engineer laborer; and, in that event, that the number should be augmented to forty thousand. Beyond this limit and these employments it does not seem to me desirable, under existing circumstances, to go. A broad moral distinction exists between the use of slaves as soldiers in defence of their homes, and the incitement of the same persons to insurrection against their masters. The one is justifiable if necessary; the other in iniquitous and unworthy of a civilized people; and such is the judgment of all writers on public law, as well as that expressed and insisted on by our enemies in all wars prior to that now waged against us. By [n??] have the practices of which they are now guilty been denounced with greater severity than by themselves in the two wars with Great Britain in the last and in the present century; and in the Declaration of Independence of 1776, when enumeration was made of the wrongs which justified the revolt from Great Britain, the climax of atrocity was deemed to be reached only when the English monarch was denounced as having "excited domestic insurrection amongst us." DAVIS DECLARES HIMSELF OPPOSED TO ARMING THE SLAVES. The subject is to be viewed by us, therefore, solely in the light of policy and our social economy. When so regarded, I must dissent from those who advise a general levy and arming of the slaves for the duty of soldiers. Until our white population shall prove insufficient for the armies we require and can afford to keep in the field, to employ as a soldier the negro who has merely been trained to labor, and as laborer the white man accustomed from his youth to the use of fire-arms, would scarcely be deemed wise or advantageous by any; and this is the question now before us. But should the alternative ever be presented of subjugation or of the employment of the slave as a soldier, there seems no reason to doubt what should then be our decision. Whether our view embraces what would, in so extreme a case, be the sum of misery entailed by the dominion of the enemy, or be restricted solely to the effect upon the welfare and happiness of the negro population themselves, the result would be the same. The appalling demoralization, suffering, disease and death which have been caused by partially substituting the invaders' system of police for the kind relation previously subsisting between the master and the slave, have been a sufficient demonstration that external interference with our institution of domestic slavery is productive of evil only. If the subject involved no other consideration than the mere right of property, the sacrifices heretofore made by our people have been such as to permit no doubt of their readiness to surrender every possession in order to secure their independence. But the social and political question which is exclusively under the control of the several States has a far wider and more enduring importance than that of pecuniary interest. In its manifold phases it embraces the stability of republican institutions, resting on the actual political equality of all its citizens, and includes the fulfillment of the task which has been so happily begun--that of Christianizing and improving the condition of the Africans who have, by the will of Providence, been placed in our charge. Comparing the results of our experience with those of the experiments of others who have borne similar relation to the African race, the people of the several states of the confederacy have abundant reason to be satisfied with the past, and to use the greatest circumspection in determining their course. These considerations, however, are rather applicable to the improbable contingency of our need of resorting to this element of resistance than to our present condition. If the recommendation above made for the training of forty thousand negroes for the service indicated shall meet your approval, it is certain that even this limited number, by their preparatory training in intermediate duties, would form a more valuable reserve force in case of urgency than three-fold their number suddenly called from field labor; while a fresh levy could, to a certain extent, supply their places in the special service for which they are now employed. LETTER BY PROF. GOLDWIN SMITH. [From the London Daily News, Oct. 18.] To the Editor of the Daily News: -- SIR,--I see our Southern journals are leading their readers to believe that the struggle for the restoration of the Union is about to be abandoned from the exhaustion of the North. The month which I have just passed in the Northern and Western States has led me to an opposite conclusion. There is exhaustion, of course, as there is towards the close of every long battle-day. At Lutzen, towards evening, both armies were at the last gasp, yet the Swedes were able to make the supreme effort which gave them victory. The government has got more men than Grant called for by volunteering, and in the districts where volunteering was slack the draft is going on without resistance. The Chicago Convention, it is true, was not only negroes are still excluded from the State, but this law has become a dead letter. I saw negroes at church with the whites, and I observed that they stayed for the communion. Illinois farmers tell me that the negro makes a good day-laborer. Soldiers, --not political generals, but company officers and privates,--tell me that he makes an excellent soldier. The planter can no longer talk of the inherent inferiority of a race which proves itself a match for his own race in the field. I have seen no signs of diminished prosperity, except in the empty docks of New York, which tell the tale of the Alabama. On the contrary, trade seems marvellously active, and buildings are rising on all sides. The commercial prosperity may be partly artificial, arising out of the expenditure caused by the war; but the agricultural prosperity must be real. Illinois has sent, according to the government returns, 170,000 men--a fifth part of its laboring population--to the war. Yet the harvest is greater than in any former year. Its gross value is supposed to be four hundred million dollars, no inconsiderable part of the national debt. The [?] machines, which the dearness of labor has stimulated, has made up for the loss of laborers. The State Fair the other day was attended by 20,000 people. The show of implements was extraordinary, and the highest prices were given for stock. I had, from the lips of a secessionist a description of the enthusiasm with which these husbandmen of Illinois had rushed to arms when the first gun was fired against a Federal fortress by the South. I passed a village which had sent forth a hundred of them to conquer at Fort Donnelson. Twenty-four fell, and their bodies were carefully brought back to their village, and buried in their home. These men, of course, were "mercenaries" and "Irish." I have been in the States only a month, and perhaps I am not an unbiassed observer, but my strong conviction is, that beneath the frothy surface of party politics (never very august in any country) and the shoddy luxury of New York lies a great nation, meeting the extremity of peril with courage, self-devotion, passionate attachment to its country, and unshaken confidence in its own power. I am no judge of military matters, but at the present it seems as though the insults and slanders which have been cast on the Americans from the aristocratic and re-actionary press of Europe were about to be answered by victory. I am, &c., GOLDWIN SMITH. Toronto, Oct. 3. P. S.--Passing into Canada, I find Lord Palmerston withdrawing his grand army rather hastily from the frontier into places of security, rather to the dismay of the colonists in the Upper Province, who had begun to hold high language under the protection of his outstretched arm. His lordship is fleeing where no man pursueth. The heirs of the boundless West have no desire to attack Canada, unless they are provoked by Alabamas. I may add that, so far as I can ascertain, Canada, in this the fourth year of her supposed peril, has no real military force of her own, of any kind whatever. The volunteers, her only nominal force, cannot be got together for drill in the country, owing to the thinness of the population of the towns: they are allowed to be of little military value. These people, as I hear it said on all hands, "do not understand" the necessity of a standing army. As a farming and money-making people, they are peaceful in their tendencies and objects; and if our government will let them alone, they will be peaceful in their demeanor also, and continue to trade quietly with neighbors who only wish to trade quietly with them. Prof. Smith is in error in stating that the war Democrats were in favor of Gen. McClellan, for these gave their suffrages to Mr. Lincoln. There was considerable dissembling as well as open-mouthed sedition at the Copperhead Convention at Chicago. IN THE ARMY, AND DID YE VISIT ME? With a few cuts and thrusts, General Logan made shreds of the last of the resolution lies in the Chicago Platform :--"The sympathy of the Democracy is heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiers of the Army and the seamen of the Navy." He said :-- "In what way do they sympathize with us? By resolutions that the army is a noble band of patriots, that the war has been successful, and they are proud of the army? No, sir. They say the war is a failure. Do they congratulate us because we have planted our flag in every Southern State ? They say no such thing. Do they sympathize with the widows and orphans of those men slain in battle? Not with one of them. Is it by ever visiting the army, and associating with the soldiers and officers? If so, I have failed to see them. I want any man to tell me when Pendleton, or Vallandingham, except the time he was sent through the lines, or Wood, or Rynders, or Belmont, or Richmond, or Robinson, or Allen, or any of the rest of them, have every come to see the army, and take the hand of the soldier. Not one of them ever came to see us since the war began, after we passed south of Cairo. I have met other men there ; men from Indiana, Illinois, and all the Western States. I speak now of the leaders. I have seen Governors ; I have seen half of a Legislature come and talk to the boys, and see that they were cared for ; but not of that party. I am willing to sell out my interest in their sympathy for a very small price." perdition ? Yet it was from such quarters that Gen. McClellan drew his main support. The reëlection of Mr. Lincoln, therefore, derives its significance and importance not only from its vast numerical power, but still more from the character and position of the mighty mass who gave him their suffrages. It is a decision from which there can be no appeal, except from the highest civilization to the lowest barbarism. It indicates incomparably greater attributes than can be found in mere physical supremacy --all of education, science, art, morality, religion in its best development, philanthropy in its highest aspirations, reform in its widest bearings. Hence, the government is stable beyond all precedent, notwithstanding the rebellious convulsions of the hour ; and the administration of Mr. Lincoln has accorded to it a sanction and strength which no previous one-- not excepting Washington's--has ever been able to secure. The election has determined many things. First-- it shows how great is the confidence of the people in the honesty, sagacity, administrative ability, and patriotic integrity of Abraham Lincoln. And yet, what efforts were left undone by some whose loyalty was unquestionable, and by all whose disloyalty was " palpable as a mountain," to utterly destroy that confidence, and cause his ignominious rejection ? He was ridiculed and caricatured in every possible manner-- represented (incoherently enough) as playing the part of tyrant and usurper, and yet being little better than an imbecile, having no mind of his own, but moulded by the abolition party, or by one or two members of his cabinet, "as clay in the hands of the potter"--as animated by a selfish desire to secure his re-election, no matter at what cost to the country--as disregarding all constitutional checks and limitations--as turning the war from its legitimate purpose to an unconstitutional end--as equally destitute of capacity and principle --as incurably afflicted with " nigger on the brain "--as oppressively bent on " subjugating " the rebellious South, and making conditions whereby union and peace were rendered impossible--as being too slow, and at the same time too fast--&c., &c. Moreover, it was said that he had lost the confidence of nearly all the prominent supporters of his administration, in Congress and out of it, who would in due time show their preference for another ;--so that between such representations and the boastful predictions of his enemies, there seemed to be no chance for his success. As his most formidable loyal antagonist, General Fremont was early hurried into the field, with a flourish of trumpets and an assurance of easy victory which result makes too ridiculous to need any comment. Either to preserve a show of consistency, or to indulge a mortified pride, there are some who stoutly insist that Mr. Lincoln's re-election by such immense odds is no evidence whatever of his popularity with the people, but only of their determination to see the rebellion put down, and the authority of the government vindicated ! A nice distinction, and very easily made, but none the less unjust and foolish. In regard to all that has been said in disparagement of the President, the people have rendered their verdict in a manner that only sophistry can distort or effrontery deny. Second--another thing settled by this election is, that no quarters are to be given to the rebellion, or to that accursed system of slavery from which it sprang, but both must expire together, and find the same ignominious grave, " lower than plummet ever sounded." Every loyal vote was an anti-slavery vote. It was the adoption of the Baltimore Platform, in the fullness of its spirit and the strictness of its letter-- sanctioning whatever has been done, whether by the President or Congress, to break the chains of the oppressed, and pledging the Union party to labor to secure an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, whereby slavery in every part of the republic shall be expressly and forever prohibited. The day of compromise is ended. The " covenant with death " is to be annulled, and the " agreement with hell " no longer permitted to stand. The spell is broken, the enchantment dissolved, and reason assumes its supremacy. " A house divided against itself cannot stand," as the rebellion shows. Years ago, Abraham Lincoln prophetically said--" This nation must be all slave or all free "--and the nation has just decided which it shall be. Woe to the man or to the party hereafter attempting to secure a truce for a traitorous slave oligarchy in arms, or a compromise for the longer continuance of slavery ! They shall be smitten to the dust by an outraged public sentiment. The first business at the next session of Congress must be the renewal of the proposed anti-slavery amendment of the Constitution, and the speedy submission of it to the suffrages of an awakened people, who only wait for the legal opportunity to adopt it with a unanimity even greater than that which they have evinced in the re-election of Mr. Lincoln. Third--another thing settled by this election is, the inherent vitality and strength of a republican form of government to meet and surmount the worst conceivable perils, with a firmness not to be shaken, an energy unparalleled, and an intelligent reference to the rights of which the bondman shall fly, trembling with hope and fear ; and that the Commonwealths which God hath joined together, the demon of slavery shall no longer put asunder. Resolved, That we greatly rejoice over the result of the recent Presidential election, regarding it as an indication that the people of the North have decreed the death of American slavery, and will, therefore, make no compromises with it ; and that we regard it as an especially sheering sign of promise for our country, that that class of her citizens who have perilled and suffered most for her sake, during the course of the present war, have testified by their votes the strongest opposition to a dishonorable peace. Resolved, That the continued prosperity of the freedmen of South Carolina, and in the other military departments of the South, in a sufficient refutation of the charge that emancipated slaves would necessarily become burdens on the charity of the benevolent, or the industry of the tax-paying citizen, and a sufficient rebuke of the slander that slaves are incapable of appreciating the blessings of freedom, or the advantages of education. Resolved, That we welcome the organization of Freedmen's Aid Societies, as an indication that the people of the North are determined that slavery shall not only die, but that its victims shall have such aid as will enable them to become a self-supporting and progressive people ; and that while we feel that our own special work is not yet completed, we desire to express our hearty sympathy and co-operation with all efforts made for the elevation and relief of those who are just issuing from the house of bondage. Resolved, That while we rejoice over the triumphs of liberty, and the many bright signs of promise which the past year has seen, and especially hail with gladness some indications of increasing popular respect for the colored man, as man, we greatly deplore the insults and injuries to which an unoffending class of our fellow-citizens are still subjected on account of their color ; and we protest against the vulgar and wicked prejudice which excludes them from seats in our railway cars, our churches, or our places of public instruction or amusement. Resolved, That the duty which the present time demands of the Abolitionists is unabated vigilance in behalf of the interests of liberty, lest, in an evil hour of temptation, they should be sacrificed by the nation for the name of Union and the false promise of prosperity ; and that in that momentous period not far distant, when the great problem of reconstruction must be solved by this people, we must stand, as we have always stood, the representatives of the slave, demanding for him absolute justice, protesting against the sacrifice of any of his rights, exhorting and entreating our fellow-countryman, by the dark history of the past, by the brief opportunity of the present, and by all their hopes of the future, to rebuild our national temple on a firmer foundation than our fathers laid, that so it may arise, through the years to come, a superstructure grand and beautiful and strong, in which their children's children may securely dwell, and which shall be, in deed and truth, a home for the oppressed of all nations. Resolved, That we will address ourselves, at once, to the work of moving Congress, at its approaching session, to adopt an amendment to the Federal Constitution, prohibiting forever hereafter the existence of slavery in the United States. Resolved, That when slavery is abolished, and forever prohibited throughout the United States, by the highest law of the land, the work of the Abolitionsists will be accomplished ; but until the consummation of our labors shall be attained, we will remain at our posts, and endeavor faithfully to guard the trust committed to us--the interests of the slave--until we can resign them to his own keeping, and the protection of his country's laws. Resolved, That in the death of Hon. Joshua R. Giddings and Hon. Owen P. Lovejoy, the American slave has been bereaved of two most faithful champions, the Abolitionists of beloved and valued coadjutors, and our country of sons who were ever true to her highest interests ; and while we mourn the loss of these untiring, brave, and self-sacrificing friends of liberty, we rejoice that they were permitted to see, with their dying eyes, the morning rays of that day of jubilee which will consummate the work for which they lived, and in which they died. Resolved, That in reviewing our anti-slavery warfare, the grandeur of its closing triumphs, we are filled with gratitude to God, whose arm hath won these victories ; and, reverently acknowledging the wisdom which has led us by a way which often we knew not, and the power which has made the weak things of the world to confound the mighty, and the love which is opening the prison doors and bidding the oppressed go free, we await, with faith and hope almost changed to sight, the work which yet remains for us, and the announcement that American slavery is no more, and that we may put off our armor, and celebrate the nation's jubilee. These Resolutions are very happily expressed, and their adoption is creditable to the Society. pie receive less than justice, (and much less than fraternal kindness,) from the customs of the New England States. I am not aware that the laws of any of those States now discriminate unfavorably against them. Certainly those of Massachusetts do not. But the fullest statement of actual unkindness to negroes here would fall so far short of the thing desired, (that is, the demonstration of an equality in this respect between New England and the slave States, or New England and Illinois,) that the haters of New England have but one resource, namely, such misrepresentation of her laws and customs as we have seen in the passage of above quoted. As things are now, however, the nation having emphatically called for the continuance of Abraham Lincoln in the Presidency, and for the maintenance of the Union, and for the overthrow of slavery, even lying (it would seem) can hardly keep up with the Confederate cause in England much longer.--C. K. W. THE UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. To the Editor of the Liberator : DEAR SIR--My attention was lately called to an article in your paper, being a notice of " The Bible against Slavery," by Theo. D. Weld. This little book is certainly deserving of all the praise bestowed upon it by the writer of this article. It is not to this, therefore, that I find fault, but to the injustice which is done to the United Presbyterian Church, by whose Board it was published. The writer evidently confounds this Church with the Old and New School Presbyterian. With what he says as applied to them, I find no fault ; but it is wholly inapplicable to us--opposition to slavery, theoretically and practically, being one of our distinguishing principles. That you may see this, I enclose an article of our Testimony on Slavery--requesting you to publish at least the Declaration, if not the Argument. No doubt the writer with rejoice, on reading this, to know that the Presbyterian Church, numbering 60,000 communicants and upwards of four hundred ministers, instead of following public opinion, has been exerting some influence in forming and purifying it on the Slavery question. You will permit me to say further, that the United Presbyterian Church was organized in 1858, by the union of the Associate and Associate Reformed Presbyterians ; and each of these bodies maintained the same Anti-Slavery grounds, even before the public agitation of this subject. So far back as 1811, the Associate Synod laid down rules which they thought certain, in a few years, to free them from all connexion with slavery. In this they were mistaken--their rules were disregarded or trifled with at the South. Finding this to be the case, in 1861 slaveholding was made in all cases a bar to church fellowship. The majority of our people --truly anti slavery in principle--emigrated to the West, and every church was lost to the South, with the exception of a few in Tennessee who had not connexion with slavery, and have always preserved their integrity. The action of the Associate Reformed was somewhat similar to this. They adopted rules to regulate slavery, so as to extinguish it ; but finding the effect of these the same as the Associate side of the house, in 1838 it was made a term of church fellowship, such as it is made in the United Church at this day. Thus you see, Mr. Editor, that if we have published Weld's Bible Argument, it is not because we were pressed to do it by public opinion, but that we regard it as an able defence of one of our long cherished Articles of Faith. JAMES RODGERS, Sup't. U. P. Board of Pub. The following is the Declaration referred to. We regret that we have not room for the very searching and conclusive Argument accompanying it :-- DECLARATION. We declare, That slaveholding--that is, the holding of unoffending human being in involuntary bondage, and considering and treating them as property, and subject to be bought and sold--is a violation of the law of God, and contrary to both the letter and spirit of Christianity. Most certainly, great but unintentional injustice was done to this noble body of Anti-Slavery Covenanters, who have so long and faithfully borne a consistent testimony against slaveholding fellowship. None will be more glad to have the error into which he was led thus corrected than our correspondent " C. K. W."-- The publication of this letter of Mr. Rodgers has been accidentally delayed. THE FAIR IN AID OF COLORED SOLDIERS. The Ladies' Sanitary Commission for Colored Soldiers report that they have cleared nearly $3000 by the late fair for the aid of colored soldiers, and that they have yet to be raffled for one of the Chickering's fine pianos, a Hamlin cabinet organ, and a lace cape valued at $60. The Charlestown table returned $365, the Chelsea table $268,18, the Worcester table $105,59, and the West Newbury table $79. cause of emancipation ; both for the country's and humanity's sake. He seems to me to have been a slow learner in this way of life, and much to the detriment of the country. But I trust he has thoroughly learned it at last ; and I have no doubt that Mr. Phillip's late as well as early criticisms, and even Fremont and the Cleveland Convention, helped him in his education. Others, too, have learned much in the same direction, as Edward Everett and General Banks ; and though they are eleventh hour men, I rejoice that you recognize them now as faithful laborers in the common cause--" on their plane "--and welcome them most cordially to the work. I have just been reading Gen. Banks's speech in the Liberator, on the Freedmen of Louisiana, and thank you for publishing it, that your readers might get it thus early. If that speech fairly represents him--as I have no reason to doubt that it does--I must think more highly of him than I ever did before. I can now trust him, too ; and I hope that all of us will find it in our hearts to do the same justice to him, and to others like him, that you are doing to them--being careful, however, not to over-estimate their new faith and zeal, or to hope too much from them. It is a great hour that regenerates the revolutionizes such men--even politically--and instead of criticising them too severely and distrustingly, we should rejoice in them as " a kind of first fruits " of anti-slavery labors. It will be unworthy of Abolitionists to be unjust or even ungenerous to them--and bad for themselves. And there can be nothing more encouraging than to see a great political party coming even so near to the standard of absolute justice and right, in relation to slavery and freedom, as the Union party now does. I meet with, now and then, an old Abolitionist--only now and then one--who condemns Mr. Lincoln and his policy with almost as much severity as he does Jeff. Davis and his. But they are too morbid to have much influence, and live almost uselessly in this hour. Still, there is need, it seems to me, of keeping up our Anti-Slavery organizations, and remaining faithful in our testimonies against whatever party tramples upon the rights or disregards the interests of the colored race, whether already freed or yet in bonds. The Anti Slavery party has been the party of Justice in the past, and done more than all other parties combines to quicken the conscience of the nation into activity ; and now its work is to keep that conscience alive by its faithful criticisms and labors, and to stimulate the Government by encouragement, as well as by criticism, to complete the emancipation that you and Mr. Phillips, with your associates, heralded-- first simply crying in the wilderness, " Prepare ye the way of the Lord ! " It is a grand time for Abolitionists, if they only know how to use and direct it. I am glad to see that the Liberator has been so generously aided, in its hour of need, and hope it will be adequately supported till liberty shall be " proclaimed throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof," or as long as you shall desire its life. W. H. F. PARKER FRATERNITY LECTURES. The fifth lecture of the course was delivered on Tuesday evening last, by Rev. D. A. Wasson. Subject --" The True Basis of Suffrage." The lecturer said it was a common-place remark that American institutions were now on trial, but it would soon be said that they had sustained the greatest of trials. During four years of civil war, both order and liberty have been preserved. There has been no anarchy, no oppression, and no safeguard of liberty lost. Slavery, the great cause of the rebellion, has been doomed by the people, and is virtually dead. A pseudo-Democracy is part if not half of this great rebellion, and has nourished slavery, which would have been destroyed long ago but for its support. The tap-root of the pseudo-Democracy is unintelligent suffrage. Unintelligent mind cannot sympathize with the noble and elevated policy on the part of the government. It takes free minds, untrammeled by ignorance and blind prejudice, to make a free government. We see in the mobs of New York, reeking with the blood of infants, that brainless voters cannot appreciate elevated aims and purposes. The question of suffrage is opened afresh by the emancipation of the negroes, most of whom are not yet prepared to properly exercise the right of voting. If education be the proper test, let them be tested ; if not, let them be treated like other men. Do no discriminate against the negro, and in favor of the proletarian mob of New York. A new principle is needed ; a change in the condition of enfranchisement, which should not be ability to become twenty-one years old, but ability to vote understandingly. If we desire a government with high intelligence, we must place intelligence at its base. Men do not plant thistles for a harvest of wheat ; and we cannot expect intelligent government without intelligent voters. There are probably three hundred thousand ignorant voters in this country, and we may get along in spite of their mischievous influence, but it is not wise to encourage NOVEMBER 18. THE LIBERATOR. 187 the increase of such voters. Are we not trying to make an advance in the art of government-- to reconcile culture with labor? Let us then adapt means to ends, and harness into our vehicle only those who can draw toward the grand goal. Owing, doubtless, to the storm, the Music Hall was not filled, but the goodly number present frequently applauded the lecturer as he unfolded his theme. Previous to the lecture, Mr. Wilcox gratified the audience by his fine performance upon the great organ. [We are indebted to the Journal for this abstract of Mr. Wasson's thoughtful lecture.] GREAT NORTH-WESTERN FAIR FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE North-Western Freedman's Aid Commission. By one of those revolutions, which, in the providence of Him who ruleth in the kingdoms of men, have from time to time taken place among the nations of the earth, the existing prejudices of many generations have been swept away, and an oppressed, down-trodden, and despised race have emerged from the bondage and darkness of slavery into the glorious light of Freedom. During the progress of the present contest for civil liberty, a great advance has been made towards the redemption of the colored race, and their elevation in the scale of humanity. The minds of men have gradually been enlightened; and now the right of the negro to be free is very generally acknowledged. The mysterious workings of Providence may be traced in those causes which not only led to the Emancipation Proclamation, but also to the arming of those Freedmen, for the cause of the Union, as well as the defence of their own liberty. And it is a fact worthy of notice, that since that issue was taken, in nearly every battle in which our colored troops have been engaged, victory has crowned our arms, and it has been clearly manifested that "God ruleth in the armies of men." The true relation existing between our white and colored soldiers is not fully comprehended by the majority of our people, nor understood as it should be. There are now in the field 200,000 colored troops, thereby exempting from draft an equal number of white citizens. Thus many a husband, son, and brother are spared to their families and friends, from whom they might otherwise have been called to part. In various ways these colored soldiers do the work that would fall upon their white comrades in arms; they fight beside them, they shed their blood, and lay down their lives, a sacrifice upon our country's common altar, and some of our greatest victories are associated with their valor; and who may say, that when this war shall be ended, and rebellion crushed throughout our land, they shall not stand as equals before the law of the white citizen, entitled to the privileges and suffrages which have hitherto been accorded only to him? In view of such considerations, it is incumbent upon the American people that they awaken to a sense of the responsibilities that devolve upon them at this crisis, and rightly improve the circumstances thus brought about in God's providence. It remains with them to decide the question whether the slaves shall be freed, only to increase the already overflowing tide of ignorance and degradation in our country, which have ever prevailed to a great extent among the foreign immigrants to our shores, or whether they shall be educated, and become enlightened members of society, fitted to provide for themselves and attain to positions of respectability in community. The object of the "Freedman's Aid Commission" is not only "to provide for the physical wants of the freed people, but also such as pertain to their social, their educational, and their moral welfare." A vast amount of good has already been accomplished by this Commission since its organization. Thousands of the destitute and homeless, among this class of suffering people, have been fed, clothed, and sheltered; and teachers have been sent to various points amongst them, the results of whose labors are already abundantly manifest, and seed has been scattered which shall yet spring up and yield a plenteous harvest. The freed people show themselves capable of self-improvement, evince great willingness and desire to learn, and "prove that they have the capacity to be free." Glowing accounts reach us from the army of the progress of religion and education among our colored troops, and the demand for school books amongst them is so great that appeals are constantly being made for increased supplies. The field of labor which opens before the Commission is a wide one. As the Freedmen are conscripted, their helpless families are left, in many cases, in the most pitiably destitute condition, in portions of the country where there are none of the avenues of labor or means of self-support open to them, which are presented to the needy poor at the North. Though there are numerous societies throughout the country, for the relief of the families of our white soldiers, the "Freedmen's Aid Commission" is the only organization which provides for the wives and children of our colored troops. Yet, often in our so- undertaking. To all the lovers of Freedom--all who hail with us the dawning of the day when every slave throughout the land shall be free-- to the friends of the Freed people in the North-west, we appeal to co operate with us. Let none turn carelessly away, but each and all assist in the good work to the extent of their means and ability, remembering that "He who soweth bountifully shall also reap bountifully." That there may be no misapprehension in regard to the contributions more particularly desired, and for the benefit of country friends, from whom we expect liberal donations, we append the following list of articles, classified according to the respective departments. CLASS A. Beef, Pork, Mutton, Ham, Tongue, and Corned Meats CLASS B. Poultry, Wild Fowls, and game of every variety. CLASS C. Oysters, Lobster Salad, Salmon Trout, Halibut, and other varieties of Fish. CLASS D. Potatoes, Turnips, Onions, Cabbages, Beets, Parsnips and Vegetables of every kind which can be furnished by farmers and dealers, we hope will be liberally donated. CLASS E. Fruits, fresh and canned, Preserves, Jellies and Sweetmeats of all sorts, Honey, Wines, Cider, &c., &c. CLASS F. Butter, Cheese, Eggs, Cream, Head Cheese, Sausages, Pickled Pigs' Feet, Sour Krout, Pickles of every variety. CLASS G. Bread, Fruit Cakes, Plain and Fancy Cakes, and Confectionary, Pastry of all kinds, Tea, Coffee, Cocoa, Sugar, Spices, &c. &c. Packages should be plainly marked with the names and residences of the donors, and addressed to the "NORTH-WESTERN FREEDMEN'S AID COMMISSION, 86 WASHINGTON STREET, CHICAGO, ILL., FOR THE FAIR." If a notice of the shipment is sent to Rev. J. R. Shipherd, Corresponding Secretary, it will be acknowledged by return mail. HONORS TO THE POET BRYANT. As we have before announced, the New York Century Club held a meeting on Saturday evening, 5th inst., to appropriately notice the 70th birth-day of the poet Wm. Cullen Bryant. The rooms of the Club were, as we learn from the N. Y. Post, tastefully adorned with wreaths and garlands of natural flowers and the National colors. A large collection of pictures and statuary gave an additional charm to the apartments, and in the large room, where the exercises took place, ten tablets hung against the walls, inscribed with quotations from Mr. Bryant's poems, including the following:-- "Truth crushed to earth shall rise again, The eternal years of God are hers; But Error, wounded, writhes in pain, And dies among his worshippers." At the side of the room, facing the main doorway, was a dais, on which Mr. Bryant and Mr. Bancroft, the President of the Club, occupied seats. Behind their chairs were wreaths of evergreens, branches of palms, and a harp, woven of immortelles and violets, and draped above all was the American flag. Baskets of rare flowers stood on the mantel-pieces at either end of the room ; and around the balcony, occupied by the band and choral singers, other garlands were festooned. Many ladies were present. At nine o'clock the band began to play, "Hail to the Chief," the invited guests, among whom were Emerson, Holmes, Willis, Street, Tuckerman, Boker, Read, Stoddard, Taylor, etc., together with the President and the poet, entered the room. At the conclusion of the music, Mr. Bancroft, in well-chosen words, addressed Mr. Bryant, congratulating him upon having attained to his three-score years and ten, and trusting that he would be spared to the Century, to his home, and to his country, yet many years to come. Mr. Bryant, in reply, thanked the Century for its kindness in thus honoring him. He drew a graphic picture of what the world would be if it were made up entirely of old men, and expressed his thankfulness that there were youths and maidens to laugh and to be merry. At the conclusion of Mr. Bryant's remarks, a chant, written by Bayard Taylor, the music by Louis Lang, was sung by the chorus boys of Trinity Church. Mr. Bryant said that in looking upon those assembled around him, he missed many of his earlier associates whom he would have been glad to welcome on this occasion. Of these were he who had written the "Buccaneer," one of the most spirited poems of the language, Dana ; and he who wrote the "Croakers" and "Marco Bozzaris," whose wit and humor were so closely allied with the pathetic and the grand ; and the Quaker poet, who, notwithstanding his peaceful creed, had given us some of the most warlike and spirit-stirring songs of the times ; and the witty author of the Biglow Papers; and Pierpont, and Longfellow, and Sprague ; but he was glad to perceive that the "Autocrat of the Breakfast Table" was present, he who wrote that noble poem, commencing "Aye, tear her tattered ensign down," and that he who had extracted poetry from the song of the humble-bee was also present. The chant was followed by the reading of several letters from invited guests, who were unable to be present. Among them were letters form Longfellow, Whittier, Lowell and Halleck. The president then called upon Ralph Waldo Emerson, who made a few pertinent and pleasing remarks ; and poems were read by Mrs. Howe, Boker of Philadelphia, and Oliver Wendell Holmes. The last was filled with sparkling gems of thought, and was rapturously applauded. SERENADE TO THE PRESIDENT. WASHINGTON, Nov. 9. At a late hour last night, President Lincoln was serenaded by a club of Pennsylvanians, headed by Capt.Thomas of that State, and, being loudly called for, the President appeared at a window, and spoke as follows: Friends and fellow citizens: Even before I had been informed by you that this compliment was paid me by loyal citizens of Pennsylvania, friendly to me, I had inferred that you were of that portion of my countrymen who think that the best interests of the nation are to be subserved by the support of the present administration. I do not pretend to say that you, who think so, embrace all the patriotism and loyalty of the country, but I do believe, and I trust without personal interest, that the welfare of the country does require that such support and endorsement should be given. I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day's work, if it be as you assure and as now seems probable, will be to the lasting advantage if not to the very salvation of the country. I cannot at this hour say what has been the result of the election, but whatever it may be, I have no desire to modify this opinion; that all who have labored today in behalf of the Union have wrought for the best interests of the country and the world, not only for the present but for all future ages. I am thankful to God for this approval of the people; but while deeply grateful for this mark of their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph. I do not impugne the motives of any one opposed to me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any one, but I give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of the people's resolution to stand by free government and the rights of humanity. WASHINGTON, NOV. 10. The several Lincoln and Johnson Clubs of the District of Columbia serenaded President Lincoln to-night. He spoke as follows: "It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its own existence in great emergencies. On this point the present rebellion brought our Republic to a severe test, and a Presidential election occurring in regular course during the rebellion adds not a little to the strain. If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially paralyzed by a political war among themselves? But the election was a necessity. We cannot have a free government without elections, and if the rebellion could force us to forego or postpone a National election, it might then fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the election is but human nature practically applied to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this case must ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial, compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged. (Cheers.) But the election along with its incidental and undesirable strife has done good too. It has demonstrated that a People's Government can sustain a National election in the midst of a great civil war. (Renewed cheers.) Until now, it has not been known to the world that this was a possibility. It shows, also, how sound and how strong we still are. It shows that even among the candidates of the same party, he who is most opposed to treason can receive most of the people's votes. (Applause.) It also shows, to the extent yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war began. Gold is good in its place, but living, brave and patriotic men are better than gold. (Cheers.) But the rebellion continues; and now that the election is over, may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to save our common country? (Cheers.) For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am duly sensible to the high compliment of a re-election, and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, as I think, for their good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed by the result. (Cheers.) May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in this same spirit towards those who have. And now let me close by asking three hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and their gallant and skillful commanders. The three cheers were enthusiastically given, accompanied by music and the sound of cannon. The crowd subsequently called on Secretary Seward, Secretary Welles, Attorney General Bates and General Ord, who spoke, and on Secretaries Fessenden Stanton and Usher, who did not appear. SPEECH OF SECRETARY SEWARD. Secretary Seward went to his home at Auburn, N. Y., on Saturday, in order to be present and cast his vote at the Presidential election. On Monday evening he addressed a large assemblage of the people of Auburn on the issues of the day. We make the annexed extracts from his speech:-- FELLOW-CITIZENS: Of course you understand that I have come home to vote. (Cheers, and cries of, "That's what we want!"} To vote here for the tenth time in ten out of the nineteen Presidential elections which the people of the United States have enjoyed. (Applause.) A change or succession in the Executive power of a nation is always vital, and that change in our country constitutes a perpetually recurring crisis. The elector is mortal. I have come home to exercise my suffrage as heretofore, with the conviction, which I suppose you all entertain for yourselves, that this may be my last time. Every country that has existed, especially evrey free country, has passed through the fiery furnace of civil war. Spanish America, with all its free States, France, England, Spain, the Netherlands, Switzerland-- indeed, civil war is chronic and domestic harmony an abnormal condition in most of those States. No government in any of those countries ever was less embarrassed in civil war by faction than the Gov- A CONFESSION OF WHAT THE REBELS MEANT TO DO IN CHICAGO, The rebel plot discovered last week in Chicago has been fully confessed by Charles Walsh, one of the captured ringleaders. Col. Vincent Marmaduke, brother of the rebel General Marmaduke, has also made admissions which substantiate Walsh's statements. The report of the whole plot, by the Chicago Tribune, is as follows:-- A force of about four hundred men -- K. G. C.'s-- bushwhackers and guerrillas, were to be assembled at Chicago, and with them an attack was to have been made on Camp Douglas on Monday evening, for the purpose of liberating the rebels confined there. Walsh, with one hundred and fifty men, was to assault the east side of the Camp, and another man, whose name we may not now furnish, with two hundred was to take the west side. The operation to be superintended by Marmaduke, who was to have the remaining fifty men as a reserve corps ready to act where wanted. The programme was to break down the fence, and stampede the twelve thousand prisoners who were already for the work, having been informed of it in some way best known to themselves. The prisoners were to be armed as rapidly as possible, the garrison overpowered, their arms and artillery secured, and the garrison made prisoners. This, it was believed, could easily be done if the attack was made as concerted; and, indeed, there is little room to hope that it would have been otherwise than successful had it not been nipped in the bud by a premature exposure of the whole scheme. With Marmaduke at their head, the rebels were to march into the city, and take possession of the courthouse and square as the base of offensive operations. They were then to take possession of the polls, voting in each precinct, and preventing the deposition in the ballot-boxes of any other than the McClellan ticket. This being accomplished, and a majority in the State thus secured, they were to proceed at once to the work of destruction. All the banks were to be robbed, the stores gutted, and then set fire to the principal buildings. For the purpose of controlling this latter phase of the business, the water plugs had all been marked, and a force detailed to set the water running so as to empty the mains and exhaust the water supply. The telegraph wires were to be cut on the first onset, and then fire set to the railroad depots, the elevators, the shipping, &c. The persons of the leading Union men in the city were to be seized, and they, with the plunder, marched off southward. It was believed that with this force of nearly thirteen thousand men, the city could be so quickly overwhelmed that effective opposition would be impossible, and that they could then under their leader, Marmaduke, march in any direction with perfect impunity. The scheme was all concocted. It lacked only the essential--a successful issue. Thank Providence that it was denied them! They had assembled here, as per programme, and had the arrests been delayed a single day, it would have been too late--the oft-repeated threat would have been executed, and rivers of blood would have run in the streets of Chicago. No one can doubt that had they once commenced active operations they would have been joined by a sufficient number of Chicago disloyalists to have made a clean sweep of the city, and reduce it to a heap of ashes. Walsh is completely unmanned--broken down by his sudden arrest, the complete exposure of the treasonable conspiracy in which he has been led, made the dupe of persons more designing than himself, who have manufactured out of him a genuine cat's-paw. He evidently feels that his only chance of safety is to make a clean breast of the whole matter, and expose the villains who have over-persuaded him into this net. He now sees the deep gulf on whose brink he has been toying. Marmaduke has made a partial confession, or rather a series of admissions, which, so far as they go, fully substantiate Mr. Walsh's statements, and leave no doubt that the conspiracy was fully as diabolical in its character as is represented above. He has made these statements to a man who formerly served under him, and whom he still supposes to be in the rebel interest. Prominent citizens of Chicago have been arrested for complicity in this plot. THE YANKEE PRISONERS. The following is from the Richmond Dispatch, of though not of a recent date:-- We understand that a good many of the Yankee prisoners are quite truculent and insulting, declaring if ever they do get their freedom, they will slay, burn and destroy in Richmond to their heart's content. The immediate provocation of these dire menaces is that they do not always have sugar in their coffee. The need sweetening, no doubt, and if they received their deserts, would have no cause to complain of any deficiency in that particular. Some few of their number, officers, we suppose, of the old regular service, are not as furious as their companions, who, being civilians turned soldiers, are of course the most uncivil of the human race. We are not much alarmed by the threats of these fine fellows. They have been breathing blood and thunder against Richmond for the last three years, and it has all ended in the Libby. That is the only "on to Richmond" which has been realized yet. We have no doubt the Yankees will behave a great deal worse hereafter, if that be possible, than they have ever done before. But perhaps we shall behave worse also. We confess that there is great room for improvement in our mode of treating these invaders, and there are certain indications that we shall hereafter make our treatment of them correspond more nearly to their treatment of ourselves. We are not always going to have our prisoners murdered by inches, and our houses burned over our heads, without some attempt at retaliation. In the meantime, the sooner the Yankees now here are removed further South, the better for all parties. COMMENTS OF THE RICHMOND PAPERS ON JEFF. DAVIS'S RECENT MESSAGE. The Examiner characterizes the message as a paper intended to be cautious, but which is in fact on several points indiscreet. It opposes the employment of negroes in the army, and gives it reasons at some MR. LINCOLN RE-ELECTED. The entire returns from Illinois indicate that our majority in 1860 has been exceeded, and that Illinois has gained five Congress men, and has gone for the Union by a majority of 30,000. Indiana is reported as good for 35,000. Ohio will scale the lofty height of 100,000, beating McClellan by a majority as heavy as that given against the infamous Vallandigham. The Copperheads are driven out of New York city with a majority not exceeding 37,000. As the returns received indicate that the remainder of the State has risen to the full Republican majority given in 1860, there can be no doubt that the great Empire State as secured her thirty-three electoral votes to Lincoln and Johnson. In short, from every part of the broad Union battlefield is returned the same loyal response of the American people, saying, "We sustain the Union-- we sustain the President --we sustain the war--we rejoice in and sustain whatever vigor has been manifested in crushing rebellion at the South, and in crushing out treason at the North. We sustain that which in the cant phrase of this campaign has been branded as "arbitrary arrests," the "suspension of the habeus corpus," "the Emancipation Proclamation," "the employment of negro troops," the crushing out of the Sons of Liberty and other traitors, and whatever else the President has done with the single aim and purpose to subdue the rebellion and restore the Union. The Constitution is vindicated. The Union is safe. Liberty is triumphant. Treason is crushed. The country is secured. --Chicago Tribune. It appears by the election results, that if the rebel States had all voted, and voted for McCclellan, as they doubtless would had they voted at all, Mr. Lincoln would still have been triumphantly and constitutionally reëlected. In point of fact, however, McClellan receives only 21 votes:-- Kentucky, . . . . . 11 New Jersey, . . . . 7 Delaware, . . . . . . 3 Lincoln's majority, therefore, over the only opposition candidate for whom votes were polled, is 191. PLYMOUTH, MASS., NOV. 11. Quite a Union demonstration too place here last night in honor of the recent election. The town was brilliantly illuminated, a national salute was fired, and fireworks displayed. There was also a torchlight procession, with music and a cavalcade parade through the streets. RIGHTS OF COLORED PEOPLE IN CALIFORNIA. The case of Charlotte L. Brown against the Omnibus Railroad Company was decided in the Twelfth District Court this morning. The case is an interesting one, involving as it does the right of colored persons to ride in the city cars on the same terms with other people. The plaintiff, a colored woman, complained that she was forcibly ejected from a car, and asked damages for the ejectment. The Railroad Company admitted the truth of that part of the complaint, and justified it on the ground that one of its rules excluded negroes or mulattoes from riding in its cars. Judge Pratt, in a clear, pertinent opinion, grants the motion of plaintiff to strike out that part of the answer. The adjudged cases of similar nature are very scant --the books are almost barren in precedents for a decision either way. But the Judge holds that the case is very simple. The Company, by the railroad laws of the State, is a common carrier of passengers, and its duty is to carry all who apply, the obligation being subject to exceptions of course; as when the passenger applies at the wrong place or time, or is shockingly filthy, or has a contagious disease, or refuses to pay the ordinary fare, and so forth. The accident of color is not legitimately embraced among the causes that justify exceptions to the rule. The company has a right to make rules for the management of its business, but not to declare that duties imposed upon them by law shall not be performed. The rule of this company involved simply a question of power to omit the performance of a duty; it was a question of law alone, not of fact for a jury to determine. The right of the passenger to be carried is superior to the rules of the company, and cannot be affected by them, nor would any question of the company's profits or loss by carrying colored persons affect the right of a person to be carried. The Judge shows no disposition to lend the power of the court to perpetuate a "relic of barbarism," and he intimates that the logic of events is fast disposing of prejudices and unfounded repugnances of one class of Americans to another class. His argument is lucid, and his decision chimes in, we believe, with the growing sentiment of the people. --San Francisco Bulletin, Oct. 3. TERRIBLE TYPHOON AT CALCUTTA. There was a terrible hurricane at Calcutta, Oct. 6. Of 200 ships in the Hoogly, 19 were totally lost, and of the remainder only 20 were reported seaworthy; 150 were driven from their moorings, stranded and damaged. A Paris telegram says 160 ships were wrecked and 12,000 persons drowned. Total loss estimated at 200,000,000 francs. A great portion of the city was inundated, and the villages bordering on the river were under water. TESTIMONIAL TO CAPT. WINSLOW. A committee has been appointed by the Boston Board of Trade to adopt some suitable measures to testify to Capt. Winslow the grateful recognition of the merchants of Boston for his gallant conduct in sweeping from the ocean a destructive enemy to the commerce of the United States. The Advertiser states that Joseph Storey Fay, who lowered the Union flag at half mast on the 4th of July, was nominated one of the committee; but subsequently has his name erased by a vote of 26 to 6. The Kearsarge has been thrown open to visitors for the benefit of the National Sailors' Fair. Admittance 25 cents. DEATH OF CHAPLAIN WHITCOMB. We regret to learn that Rev. Wm. C. Whitcomb, Chaplain of the U. S. A., stationed at Morehead City, N. C., died at his post of duty on the 29th ultimo, aged forty-four OBITUARY OF JAMES ARNOLD WHIPPLE. JAMES ARNOLD WHIPPLE departed this life on the 7th inst., at his residence in Worcester, after a very distressing illness of several weeks, in the 57th year of his age. As he was a long and steadfast friend of the Liberator, and the cause of the slave, being at his decease a Vice President of the Worcester South Division Anti-Slavery Society, his friends would gladly see his obituary record in the columns of the faithful pioneer organ, as also in the Banner of Light. Our departed friend, as one who shared in earth-life the frailties of our common humanity, would not be pleased with a very eulogistic notice of his life and merits; but it seems unjust to his memory, and would pain the feelings of the many friends who knew his worth, not to inscribe a passing tribute of respect for his more prominent traits. He was of the common people, self-made into an ingenious and thorough mechanic, a judicious business man, and a respectable middling-interest citizen. This may all be understood from the fact that he died the honored President of the Worcester Mechanics' Association; in whose splendid Hall his funeral obsequies were rendered, under the immediate auspices of that thrifty and enterprising body. In philanthropy and moral reform he was an uncompromising Anti-Slavery and Temperance man,-- always against human oppression, vice and degradation,-- always for the rights, liberties and elevation of man, especially of the down-trodden and suffering classes. As an intellectualist, he had an acute, active and vigorous mind, very much self-educated, inclined to scientific investigation, and disposed to do his own thinking on all subjects without much deference for traditionary authority or popular opinion. He was thoroughly individualistic in forming his opinions, and independently frank in expressing and carrying them into practice. Yet he was remarkably domestic, social, genial, hospitable, humane, sympathetic, neighborly, and public spirited. He was a kind, provident and affectionate husband, and justly beloved by his numerous family relations. He was never blessed with offspring, but was extremely fond of children, and had a host of them very tenderly attached to him. These, with the poor, the unfortunate, the sick and bereaved, all around, cherish the memory of his manifold kindnesses, and weep together under a common bereavement. He will be greatly missed in all these circles of beneficent intercourse. In politics he acted with the Republicans in their most Anti-Slavery wing. He was for the re-election of President Lincoln, and a patriotic support of the Administration, by ballots and by arms, till the rebellion should be crushed out. He belonged to the Sons of Temperance and to the Worcester City Guards; both of which bodies honored his burial by their presence in the funeral cortege. In religion he was a liberalist, verging for years on skepticism, but afterwards confirmed by Spiritualism into the strongest assurance of man's future immortal existence. Even after embracing Spiritualism, he doubted the uses of prayer and personal exercises of pietistic devotion. But under the chastening discipline of sickness, he was drawn fully away from that externalism of feeling into the sphere of child-like docility, contrition, tender-hearted and confiding prayerfulness. It was a blessed unfoldment to him, his companion and friends. Meantime, his spiritual vision was opened to behold bright, cheering, consoling spirits from the immortal world, who gathered around his dying bed, and gave him a sweet welcome to the deathless mansions. So he departed in peace and joy; assuring his worthy and devoted wife that if any divine law enabled him to manifest his presence to her in her loneliness, he wold surely do so to her full satisfaction. He bore his very painful sickness, from the beginning to the end, without a single expression of impatience. He was also calm, rational and considerate throughout; giving minute directions not only about the affairs of his estate and family, but all the important details of his funeral. It was his request that the writer of this notice, together with Rev. Messrs. St. John and Richardson of Worcester, should take part and speak on the occasion. It was accordingly so done. And now may the impressive lessons of this event leave their proper influence on all on whom they have fallen, and most consoling benedictions from heaven descend on the bereaved widow, relatives and friends evermore! Hopedale, Mass., Nov. 15, 1864. A.B. [P.S. Will the Banner of Light please copy?] E. H. HEYWOOD will speak in Quincy, Sunday, Nov. 27, at half-past 10, A.M., and 2, P. M. Subjects: -- "An Eclipse of Faith;" "The Anti-War Movement." SENATOR WILSON'S BOOK, ON THE CONDITION OF THE NEGRO POPULATION AS CONNECTED WITH THE REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT IN REBEL STATES. SHOWING what the present Administration has accomed for freedom. Being a History of the Anti-Slavery Measures of the 37th and 38th Congresses. CONTENTS. Slaves used for Insurrectionary purposes made Free. Fugitive Slaves not to be returned by Persons in the Army. The Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia. President's Proposition to Aid States in the Abolishment of Slavery. Prohibition of Slavery in the Territories. Certain Slaves to be made Free. Hayti and Liberia. Education of Colored Youth in the District of Columbia. The African Slave-Trade. In view of such considerations, it is incumbent upon the American people that they awaken to a sense of the responsibilities that devolve upon them at this crisis, and rightly improve the circumstances thus brought about in God's providence. It remains with them to decide the question whether the slaves shall be freed, only to increase the already overflowing tide of ignorance and degradation in our country, which have ever prevailed to a great extent among the foreign immigrants to our shores, or whether they shall be educated, and become enlightened members of society, fitted to provide for themselves and attain to positions of respectability in community. The object of the "Freedmen's Aid Commission," is not only "to provide for the physical wants of the freed people, but also such as pertain to their social, their educational, and their moral welfare." A vast amount of good has already been accomplished by this Commission since its organization. Thousands of the destititute and homeless, among this class of suffering people, have been fed, clothed, and sheltered; and teachers have been sent to various points amongst them, the results of whose labors are already abundantly manifest, and seed has been scattered which shall yet spring up and yield a plenteous harvest. The freed people show themselves capable of self-improvement, evince great willingness and desire to learn, and "prove that they have the capacity to be free." Glowing accounts reach us from the army of the progress of religion and education among our colored troops, and the demand for school books amongst them is so great that appeals are constantly being made for increased supplies. The field of labor which opens before the Commission is a wide one. As the Freedmen are conscripted, their helpless families are left, in many cases, in the most pitiably destitute condition, in portions of the country where there are none of the avenues of labor or means of self-support open to them, which are presented to the needy poor at the North. Though there are numerous societies throughout the country, for the relief of the families of our white soldiers, the "Freedmen's Aid Commission" is the only organization which provides for the wives and children of our colored troops. Yet, often in our solicitations for contributions towards this object, do we meet the response, "We are doing all we can for the war, and have nothing to give." While the blood of our colored soldiers has been shed on almost every battle-field from Louisiana to Virginia, and while they are rendering the most valuable services in the field with fidelity, heroism, and courage, shall their helpless wives and orphans, their aged and decrepit parents, vainly implore us to succor them in their distress? The numerous and constantly increasing demands upon this Commission, and its inability to meet them, in its present limited financial condition, have led a number of ladies to organize themselves into a committee, for the purpose of making the necessary preliminary arrangements for a Fair, to be held at Bryan Hall, for the benefit of the "North-Western Freedmen's Aid Commission," opening Tuesday, December 20th, and closing on Saturday, the 24th The Committee design to conduct the Fair on an entirely original and unique plan, distinctively different from any previously held in the country. The following programme has accordingly been adopted by them. 1st. That it shall be designated the "North-Western Epicurean Fair," the principal contributions solicited being all articles of consumption, from the coarsest productions of the soil to the daintiest dishes which can tempt the appetite, or gratify the taste of an epicure. 2d. That it be made a Premium Fair, Diplomas being awarded to those who contribute the best articles or productions of their respective kinds. 3d. It shall be an Advertising Medium for all dealers who shall send in contributions. The various articles shall be labelled with the name of each firm or dealer, and conspicuously placed; also published on the daily Bill of Fare. It is intended to have a Dining Hall in connection with the Fair, where dinners will be served daily. Our Bill of fare, will comprise all the delicacies and luxuries which can be furnished at any first class hotel or restaurant in the city, and no pains will be spared by the committee to meet the requirements of the most fastidious. Another feature of the Fair is to be an Horticulural Department, to which contributions of Hot-house Plants, Boquets, Christmas Wreaths and Decorations and floral offerings of every description are earnestly solicited. Premiums will be given to those who donate the choicest varieties to this department. Fancy and Ornamental Articles of all kinds are also desired, and Diplomas will be awarded for the finest specimens of Fancy Work. Contributions of any and every kind will be gratefully received, and monied donations are also respectfully solicited to help defray the expenses which will accrue in the necessary arrangements for the Fair. We hope that our sister States throughout the North-West will respond to our call, and aid us in our But Error, wounded, writhes in pain, And dies among his worshippers." At the side of the room, facing the main doorway, was a dais, on which Mr. Bryant and Mr. Bancroft, the President of the Club, occupied seats. Behind their chairs were wreaths of evergreens, branches of palms, and a harp, woven of immortelles and violets, and draped above all was the American flag. Baskets of rare flowers stood on the mantel-pieces at either end of the room ; and around the balcony, occupied by the band and choral singers, other garlands were festooned. Many ladies were present. At nine o'clock the band began to play, "Hail to the Chief," the invited guests, among whom were Emerson, Holmes, Willis, Street, Tuckerman, Boker, Read, Stoddard, Taylor, etc., together with the President and the poet, entered the room. At the conclusion of the music, Mr. Bancroft, in well-chosen words, addressed Mr. Bryant, congratulating him upon having attained to his three-score years and ten, and trusting that he would be spared to the Century, to his home, and to his country, yet many years to come. Mr. Bryant, in reply, thanked the Century for its kindness in thus honoring him. He drew a graphic picture of what the world would be if it were made up entirely of old men, and expressed his thankfulness that there were youths and maidens to laugh and to be merry. At the conclusion of Mr. Bryant's remarks, a chant, written by Bayard Taylor, the music by Louis Lang, was sung by the chorus boys of Trinity Church. Mr. Bryant said that in looking upon those assembled around him, he missed many of his earlier associates whom he would have been glad to welcome on this occasion. Of these were he who had written the "Buccaneer," one of the most spirited poems of the language, Dana ; and he who wrote the "Croakers" and "Marco Bozzaris," whose wit and humor were so closely allied with the pathetic and the grand ; and the Quaker poet, who, notwithstanding, his peaceful creed, had given us some of the most warlike and spirit-stirring songs of the times ; and the witty author of the Biglow Papers ; and Pierpont, and Longfellow, and Sprague ; but he was glad to perceive that the "Autocrat of the Breakfast Table" was present, he who wrote that noble poem, commencing "Aye, tear her tattered ensign down," and that he who had extracted poetry from the song of the humble-bee was also present. The chant was followed by the reading of several letters from invited guests, who were unable to be present. Among them were letters from Longfellow, Whittier, Lowell and Halleck. The president then called upon Ralph Waldo Emerson, who made a few pertinent and pleasing remarks ; and poems were read by Mrs. Howe, Boker of Philadelphia, and Oliver Wendell Holmes. The last was filled with sparkling gems of thought, and was rapturously applauded. The presentation to Mr. Bryant of a portfolio, containing sketches by more than forty artists, members of the Century, was then made by the president. A supper concluded the festivities of the occasion. CENSUS OF THE FREEDMEN ON THE MISSISSIPPI. Col. Eaton, General Superintendent of Freedmen for the Department of the Tennessee and the State of Arkansas, makes the following interesting report: "This supervision, embracing the territory within the lines of our army, from Cairo down the Mississippi to the Red River, together with the State of Arkansas, numbered in its care during the past year 113,650 freedmen. These are now disposed as follows : In military service, as soldiers, laundresses, cooks, officers' servants, and laborers in the various staff departments, 41,150 ; in cities, on plantations, and in freedmen's villages and cared for, 72,500. "Of these 92,300 are entirely self-supporting--the same as any industrial class anywhere--as planters, mechanics, barbers, hackmen, draymen, &c., conducting enterprises on their own responsibility, or as hired laborers. The remaining 10,200 receive subsistence from the government. 3,000 of them are members of families, whose heads are carrying on plantations, and have under cultivation 4,000 acres of cotton; and are to pay the Government for their subsistence from the first income of the crop. "The other 7,200 includes the paupers (those over and under the self-supporting age, the crippled and sick in hospital), of the 113,950, and those engaged in their care ; and instead of being unproductive, have now under cultivation 500 acres of corn, 760 acres of vegetables, and 1,500 acres of cotton--besides the work done at wood chopping, etc. "There are reported in the aggregate something over 100,000 acres of cotton under cultivation. Of these, about 7,000 acres are leased and cultivated by the blacks. Some of these are managing as high as 300 or 400 acres. It is impossible to give, at the present date, any definite statement of many of the forms of industry ; 59,000 cords of wood are reported to me by Col. Thomas, Superintendent and Provost- Marshal of Freedmen, as cut within the line of 110 miles on the river banks above and below Vicksburg. "It would only be a guess to state the entire amount cut by the people under this supervision ; it must be enormous. The people have been paid from fifty cents to two dollars and fifty cents per cord for cutting. This wood has been essential to the commercial and military operations on the river. "Of the 113,650 blacks above mentioned, 13,320 have been under instruction in letters; about 4,000 have learned to read quite fairly, and about 2,000 to write." ELECTION INCIDENT. Capt. James Brady, a warm-hearted, brave and loyal Irishman, commanding a company of the 26th Massachusetts regiment, was recently wounded in the Shenandoah Valley, and is now at home in Fall River, with one leg off, and three balls in his body. On election day, he insisted upon giving one more shot at the enemy. Accordingly, the shattered hero was placed upon a stretcher, covered with the American ensign, and borne by four men to the ward room, where he deposited his vote for Lincoln and Johnson, every man present standing uncovered meanwhile, and not a few eyes suffused with tears. As the gallant captain was borne out, having discharged his patriotic duty, cheer after cheer attested the fact that the deed was appreciated.--Providence Journal. yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war began. Gold is good in its place, but living, brave and patriotic men are better than gold. (Cheers.) But the rebellion continues; and now that the election is over, may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to save our common country? (Cheers.) For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am duly sensible to the high compliment of a re-election, and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, as I think, for their good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed by the result. (Cheers.) May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in this same spirit towards those who have. And now let me close by asking three hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and their gallant and skillful commanders. The three cheers were enthusiastically given, accompanied by music and the sound of cannon. The crowd subsequently called on Secretary Seward, Secretary Welles, Attorney General Bates and General Ord, who spoke, and on Secretaries Fessenden Stanton and Usher, who did not appear. SPEECH OF SECRETARY SEWARD. Secretary Seward went to his home at Auburn, N. Y., on Saturday, in order to be present and cast his vote at the Presidential election. On Monday evening he addressed a large assemblage of the people of Auburn on the issues of the day. We make the annexed extracts from his speech:-- FELLOW-CITIZENS: Of course you understand that I have come home to vote. (Cheers, and cries of, "That's what we want!") To vote here for the tenth time in ten out of the nineteen Presidential elections which the people of the United States have enjoyed. (Applause.) A change or succession in the Executive power of a nation is always vital, and that change in our country constitutes a perpetually recurring crisis. The elector is mortal. I have come home to exercise my suffrage as heretofore, with the conviction, which I suppose you all entertain for yourselves, that this may be my last time. Every country that has existed, especially evrey free country, has passed through the fiery furnace of civil war. Spanish America, with all its free States, France, England, Spain, the Netherlands, Switzerland-- indeed, civil war is chronic and domestic harmony an abnormal condition in most of those States. No government in any of those countries ever was less embarrassed in civil war by faction than the Government of the United States during the last three and a half years. None of those Governments at the same time ever dealt with domestic faction with so much moderation and humanity as this Government has practised toward citizens who have aided and abetted, fed and warmed, clothed and armed, its open and defiant enemies. Not one head has fallen on the judicial block. Nor need you be alarmed at these demonstrations of faction. The people of the United States have had a Christian education, a political education, a moral education, such as Providence has never before vouchsafed to any nation; and great as the forces and facilities of faction are, the repressive and loyal forces possessed by this people are magnified and multiplied in proportion. (Cheers.) There is no question before you of abandoning the war measures against slavery, and substituting for them a policy of conservation or concession to slavery. Those measures are a part of the war. (Cheers.) It is for the nation in a state of war, and not for the nation in a future state of peace, that the Government is acting, and of course that we are voting. There is no question before you of changing the object of the war from the maintenance of the Union to that of abolishing slavery. Slavery is the mainspring of the rebellion. The Government necessarily strikes it in the very centre as well as upon every inch of its soil. In my poor judgment, the mainspring is already broken, and let the war end when it will, and as it may, the fear that that mainspring will recover its elasticity may give us at present no uneasiness. Before the war, slavery had the patronage and countenance of the United States against the whole world. Its inherent error, guilt, and danger are now as fully revealed to the people of the United States as they have heretofore been to the outside world. Before the calamitous war in which slavery has plunged the country shall end, it will be even more hateful to the American people than it already is to the rest of mankind, while their condemnation of it will remain unchanged. Persons ask me on every hand, "Is the war to last forever?" "How long is the war to last?" I answer, the war will not last forever, but it must continue until we give up the conflict or the enemy give up the conflict. Are you prepared to give up the conflict? (Cries of "No, never!") EMANCIPATION IN MARYLAND. The Richmond Sentinel of the 5th speaks of the emancipation in Maryland in the following terms:-- "On the first day of November, the slaveholders of Maryland were unceremoniously robbed of a large property, by the pretended ratification of the new Constitution. A more palpable fraud was never committed in the name of an election; and the trespass upon private rights is without a parallel. England decreed emancipation in the West Indies, but she made the slave-owners a large compensation. The ethics of Lincoln and his adherents are different. The slave population of Maryland in 1860 was 87,189. Of these slaves a great many had been enticed away, and a large number bribed or drafted into the army. The number remaining for emancipation did not probably exceed forty thousand." BOSTON, Tuesday, Nov. 8, 1864. By the capture of the Florida, the bonds of the ship "Southern Rights" and other vessels overhauled by the pirate, with several chronometers, money and important papers and correspondence, were seized. Hon. John P. Elton, one of the Union Presidential Electors chosen in Connecticut 8th inst. died at Waterbury on Tuesday forenoon. cat's-paw. He evidently feels that his only chance of safety is to make a clean breast of the whole matter, and expose the villains who have over-persuaded him into this net. He now sees the deep gulf on whose brink he has been toying. Marmaduke has made a partial confession, or rather a series of admissions, which, so far as they go, fully substantiate Mr. Walsh's statements, and leave no doubt that the conspiracy was fully as diabolical in its character as is represented above. He has made these statements to a man who formerly served under him, and whom he still supposes to be in the rebel interest. Prominent citizens of Chicago have been arrested for complicity in this plot. THE YANKEE PRISONERS. The following is from the Richmond Dispatch, of though not of a recent date:-- We understand that a good many of the Yankee prisoners are quite truculent and insulting, declaring if ever they do get their freedom, they will slay, burn and destroy in Richmond to their heart's content. The immediate provocation of these dire menaces is that they do not always have sugar in their coffee. They need sweetening, no doubt, and if they received their deserts, would have no cause to complain of any deficiency in that particular. Some few of their number, officers, we suppose, of the old regular service, are not as furious as their companions, who, being civilians turned soldiers, are of course the most uncivil of the human race. We are not much alarmed by the threats of these fine fellows. They have been breathing blood and thunder against Richmond for the last three years, and it has all ended in the Libby. That is the only "on to Richmond" which has been realized yet. We have no doubt the Yankees will behave a great deal worse hereafter, if that be possible, than they have ever done before. But perhaps we shall behave worse also. We confess that there is great room for improvement in our mode of treating these invaders, and there are certain indications that we shall hereafter make our treatment of them correspond more nearly to their treatment of ourselves. We are not always going to have our prisoners murdered by inches, and our houses burned over our heads, without some attempt at retaliation. In the meantime, the sooner the Yankees now here are removed further South, the better for all parties. COMMENTS OF THE RICHMOND PAPERS ON JEFF. DAVIS'S RECENT MESSAGE. The Examiner characterizes the message as a paper intended to be cautious, but which is in fact on several points indiscreet. It opposes the employment of negroes in the army, and gives it reasons at some length. Negroes won't do as soldiers. The French Turcos, who are negroes, have proved failures on trial. More than this, the negro soldier is incompatible with our political aim and our several political systems. It would be considered by all the world as a compromise to abolitionism. The President refuses to employ slaves under arms, but adopts the fatal principle of emancipation as a reward for their service in our army as pioneers. This is an absurdity, for we hold that the negro as a slave is in a better condition than in a state of freedom. Emancipation, therefore, is a punishment, not a reward. In regard to the President's proclamation to detail all editors, the Examiner is withering. The Constitution guaranties the freedom of the press, and the President, who is sworn to uphold the Constitution, proposes to subject every editor to the caprice of a Seddon or a Benjamin. The Examiner closes with a tremendous crack of its cat-o-nine tails. The Richmond Whig of the 8th has the following comments on the message. It says:-- "Two propositions are plainly deducible from the President's Message, which we cannot for a moment believe he would deliberately give his sanction to. The first is, that the condition of freedom for the slaves is so much better than that of servitude, that it may be bestowed upon them as a reward and boon. The second is, that the Confederate Government has a right to acquire possession of slaves by purchase, or impressment with compensation, and then emancipate them without the consent of States, or, in case of impressment, without the consent of masters. The first proposition is a repudiation of the opinion held by the whole South, and by a large proportion of mankind in other countries, that servitude is a Divinely-appointed condition for the highest good of the slave; is that condition in which the negro race especially may attain the highest moral and intellectual refinements of which he is capable, and may enjoy most largely of such comforts and blessings of life are best suited to him, Of this we have no doubt, and we hold it to be an act of cruelty to deprive the slave of the guardianship of a master. If the slave must fight, he should fight for the blessings he enjoys as a slave, and not for the miseries that would attend him if freed." FROM THE LATE REBEL PAPERS. We have late copies from the Charleston Mercury and Savannah Republican. The Mercury is printed upon a half sheet of small size, at the rate of $40 per year. The paper abounds in advertisements of slaves for sale, as for instance: "Julia, a very superior cook, twenty-two years old, together with her daughter, four years of age; or, a "very likely family of negroes, the mother aged twenty-four and the children five and three years of age." There are occasional advertisements of runaway slaves. The Southern Presbyterian says that one result of the war will be "a kindlier feeling than ever on the part of the master for his slaves." The editor "looks with confidence to see slavery shorn of all its abuses, so far as may be in any way practicable, within a very short time after the close of this war." -- Traveller. CUBA. On the 4th ult. a committee of influential persons called at the palace to ask, through Gen. Duke of the Queen, that all negroes born after January 1, 1865, be declared free at the expiration of twenty-four years, the four last years of which they are to receive a salary of $8.50 per month, the greater part of which is to be retained until their freedom is accomplished. and its duty is to carry all who apply, the obligation being subject to exceptions of course; as when the passenger applies at the wrong place or time, or is shockingly filthy, or has a contagious disease, or refuses to pay the ordinary fare, and so forth. The accident of color is not legitimately embraced among the causes that justify exceptions to the rule. The company has a right to make rules for the management of its business, but not to declare that duties imposed upon them by law shall not be performed. The rule of this company involved simply a question of power to omit the performance of a duty; it was a question of law alone, not of fact for a jury to determine. The right of the passenger to be carried is superior to the rules of the company, and cannot be affected by them, nor would any question of the company's profits or loss by carrying colored persons affect the right of a person to be carried. The Judge shows no disposition to lend the power of the court to perpetuate a "relic of barbarism," and he intimates that the logic of events is fast disposing of prejudices and unfounded repugnances of one class of Americans to another class. His argument is lucid, and his decision chimes in, we believe, with the growing sentiment of the people. --San Francisco Bulletin, Oct. 3. TERRIBLE TYPHOON AT CALCUTTA. There was a terrible hurricane at Calcutta, Oct. 6. Of 200 ships in the Hoogly, 19 were totally lost, and of the remainder only 20 were reported seaworthy; 150 were driven from their moorings, stranded and damaged. A Paris telegram says 160 ships were wrecked and 12,000 persons drowned. Total loss estimated at 200,000,000 francs. A great portion of the city was inundated, and the villages bordering on the river were under water. TESTIMONIAL TO CAPT. WINSLOW. A committee has been appointed by the Boston Board of Trade to adopt some suitable measures to testify to Capt. Winslow the grateful recognition of the merchants of Boston for his gallant conduct in sweeping from the ocean a destructive enemy to the commerce of the United States. The Advertiser states that Joseph Storey Fay, who lowered the Union flag at half mast on the 4th of July, was nominated one of the committee; but subsequently had his name erased by a vote of 26 to 6. The Kearsarge has been thrown open to visitors for the benefit of the National Sailors' Fair. Admittance 25 cents. DEATH OF CHAPLAIN WHITCOMB. We regret to learn that Rev. Wm. C. Whitcomb, Chaplain of the U. S. A., stationed at Morehead City, N. C., died at his post of duty on the 29th ultimo, aged forty-four years. Mr. Whitcomb was settled in Lynnfield Centre when he entered the service. He was an earnest, patriotic and self-devoted laborer in his chosen field, and was doing much good among the contrabands as well as the soldiers. A good man has sacrificed his life upon the altar of patriotism. -- Boston Journal. EMANCIPATION IN MARYLAND. In view of the expected obstructions to the operation of the emancipation provision of the new Constitution of Maryland, Gen. Wallace has issued an order, declaring that all persons within the Middle Department heretofore slaves are now free, and under special military protection if necessary. A Freedman's Bureau has been established, to be supported by fines levied on slave-holders who oppose the freeing of their slaves, and from donations of friends; and, if these prove insufficient, contributions will be levied on rebel sympathizers. MATAMORAS, Oct. 27. The occupation of Matamoras by the imperial troops under Gen.Mejia has been quite a pacific act. Gov. Cortinas acknowledged the empire, and retained his position as Brigadier General in the Mexican army. The sympathy for the rebels is very strong, and at one of the public dinners given on the occasion of the feast, the first toast proposed by the President, a Mexican Colonel, was, "The Union of the Southern Confederacy and Mexico." Such an outburst of applause and throwing up of hats I do not remember to have ever heard or seen. Music by the band --"Bonnie Blue Flag." NATIONAL SAILORS' FAIR. This Fair was opened at the Boston Theatre on the evening of the 9th inst. under brilliant auspices--an immense assembly being present, at $2 a ticket. Eloquent adrresses were made by Hon. Edward Everett, Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, Hon. Richard H. Dana, and others. The follswing telegram from President Lincoln was read by Hon. A. H. Rice:-- WASHINGTON, NOV. 8, 1864. To the Managing Committee of the Sailors' Fair at Boston: Allow me to wish you a great success. With the old fame of the navy made brighter by the present war, you cannot fail. I name none, lest I wrong others by omission. To all, from Rear Admiral to honest Jack, I tender the nation's admiration and gratitude. A. LINCOLN. The reading of this despatch was received with loud applause. Mr. Rice then said that the owner of the mammoth ox "General Grant" had presented him to the President of the United States, the gift to take effect on the 8th of November, 1864. In another despatch to the Committee, the President, after alluding to the donation, says: "I present the mammoth ox 'General Grant' to the Fair as a contribution." At this announcement, Hon. George B. Upton proposed three cheers for the President of the United States, which were heartily given. The Fair is still open. NEW YORK, NOV. 16. By an order of the President, the resignation of Gen. McClellan, tendered on the 8th inst., is accepted, and Gen. Sheridan is promoted to the vacancy, to date from the battle of Cedar Run. UNANIMOUS VOTES. Marshfield gave 224 for Lincoln; McClellan none. Pembroke 204 for Lincoln; McClellan none. time, his spiritual vision was opened to behold bright, cheering, consoling spirits from the immortal world, who gathered around his dying bed, and gave him a sweet welcome to the deathless mansions. So he departed in peace and joy; assuring his worthy and devoted wife that if any divine law enabled him to manifest his presence to her in her loneliness, he would surely do so to her full satisfaction. He bore his very painful sickness, from the beginning to the end, without a single expression of impatience. He was also calm, rational and considerate throughout; giving minute directions not only about the affairs of his estate and family, but all the important details of his funeral. It was his request that the writer of this notice, together with Rev. Messrs. St. John and Richardson of Worcester, should take part and speak on the occasion. It was accordingly so done. And now may the impressive lessons of this event leave their proper influence on all on whom they have fallen, and most consoling benedictions from heaven descend on the bereaved widow, relatives and friends evermore! Hopedale, Mass., Nov. 15, 1864. A.B. [P.S. Will the Banner of Light please copy?] E. H. HEYWOOD will speak in Quincy, Sunday, Nov. 27, at half-past 10, A.M., and 2, P. M. Subjects: -- "An Eclipse of Faith;" "The Anti-War Movement." SENATOR WILSON'S BOOK, ON THE CONDITION OF THE NEGRO POPULATION AS CONNECTED WITH THE REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT IN REBEL STATES. SHOWING what the present Administration has accomed for freedom. Being a History of the Anti-Slavery Measures of the 37th and 38th Congresses. CONTENTS. Slaves used for Insurrectionary purposes made Free. Fugitive Slaves not to be returned by Persons in the Army. The Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia. President's Proposition to Aid States in the Abolishment of Slavery. Prohibition of Slavery in the Territories. Certain Slaves to be made Free. Hayti and Liberia. Education of Colored Youth in the District of Columbia. The African Slave-Trade. Additional Act to Abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia. Colored Soldiers. Aid to the States to Emancipate their Slaves. Amendment of the Constitution. Confinement of Colored Persons in the Washington Jail. Negro Testimony. The Coastwise Slave-Trade. Color no Disqualification for Carrying the Mails. No Exclusion from the Cars on Account of Color. 12 MO--EXTRA CLOTH--$2. ALSO NOW READY: THE YOUNG CRUSOE: OR, ADVENTURES OF A SHIPWRECKED BOY. By Dr. Harley. 12mo., with six full page and a profusion of smaller illustrations, in ANDREW'S best style. $1.50. Boys will find this one of the most entertaining and attractive books produced for their delight this year. JUST PUBLISHED: PHILOSOPHY AS ABSOLUTE SCIENCE. By E. L. & A. L. Frothingham. 1 vol. 8vo. elegant. $3.50. WALKER, WISE & CO., PUBLISHERS, 245 Washington Street, - - - BOSTON. Oct 21. 2w A NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE. THE FRIEND OF PROGRESS. NO. 1, for November, contains Rev. O. B. Frothingham's Discourse before the Alumni at Cambridge, entitled, "THE NEW RELIGION OF NATURE," with a variety of other contributions. $2 per year. Single numbers, 20 cents. To be had of the Newsdealers. C. M. PLUMB & CO, Publishers 274 Canal St., New York. Oct. 28. A SCHOOL MAGAZINE FREE! CLARK'S SUNDAY SCHOOL VISITOR--Vol. IX. --1865. SEVENTY-FIVE CENTS A YEAR. Readings, Dialogues, Speeches, Music, Poems, Mathematics, Grammar, Enigmas, Rebuses, &c. The Publisher of this popular DAY SCHOOL MONTHLY, in order to reach all parts of the country, will send the VISITOR ONE YEAR FREE TO ONE PERSON, (who will act as agent,) AT ANY POST OFFICE in the United States. Address, with five cents, for particulars, J. W. DAUGADAY, PUBLISHER, 1308 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa. Exchanges copying the above, and sending a marked copy, will receive the VISITOR for one year. Nov. 11. The Friend of Progress. A NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE, loyal and responsible to all true educational, philanthropic and religious movements. The Publishers invite the co-operation of all who love their fellow-men. $2 per year. Single numbers 20 cents. No. 1 now ready. C. M. PLUMB & CO., Publishers, 274 Canal Street, New York. Oct. 21 E. M. BANNISTER, PORTRAIT PAINTER, ROOM 85, STUDIO BUILDING, TREMONT STREET, BOSTON. 188 THE LIBERATOR. NOVEMBER 18. Poetry. The following effusion indicates a clearness of vision and depth of moral conviction most creditable to the author. THE NATION'S JUDGMENT. BY CHRISTOPHER P. CRANCH. O feeble minds, who, in the far-off void, Look for God's judgment, mixing evil and good, Not on the future fix your vacant stare; Not for the last loud doom-trump sit and wait: Now is the Judgment-day! The Lord has come-- Not as you dreamed, on supernatural clouds, But borne in battle-smoke across the land. This is a truth hard to digest, yet truth: The Devil's engines work to gain us Heaven: Now is the Judgment-day -- and Hell has clutched Upon the nation's conscience, hardening long, Coated with sin, to purify it by fire: We sit by streams of blood, by ravaged fields; We watch 'neath bursting shells and sulph'rous skies; We hear the yells from trench and battle-field; We hear the groans from hospital and prison; We toss on surging seas of hopes and fears; -- The happy land lies torn and bleeding sore, And writhes in pain for a crime whose serpent folds Had slowly, step by step, and year by year, Benumbed our strength, and magnatized our eyes, And dragged us down, down--till the foul slave-pen Seemed nothing worse than cattle-pastures green, Or wattled sheep-cotes on the upland farm; Yea, steaming rottenness and miasma foul Rose sweet as mountain air we loved in youth. What can we hope for who have sinned so long? First of all laws of God, by Christ made clear, Is this: "All men are brothers." Keeping this Is Heaven--God's kingdom on the earth--no less. And breaking this plain law, and grovelling low To please a band of tyrants whose brute heels Trample their brothers' souls out, is the Hell Whose pains we now endure. Yet it is not Vengeance divine, as theologians prate; For God is Love, nor knows what Vengeance is. Say, rather, purging Fire, by which the soul Of this great nation shall grow clean and white. This is our expiation--full of woe And anguish--we who scorned to follow Christ In deeds of love and justice, now must gnash Our teeth in torment, having spurned and cursed The spiritual law which links all men With God and one another. Strange it seems, And dire. And yet as soon expect earth's heat To stifle all the beauteous summer's growth, And never a tempest rise to purge the air, And cool the fever, as that, having lived With backs turned on God's even-handed laws, Our laugh could hush the mutterings of the clouds, Our shrug could shoulder off the thunderbolt Of war, Hell's Engine, whose mad work must spend Itself in fiery blasts of woe and death, Till Heaven's great everlasting Peace be won, And laws be just, and human brotherhood Stand the first Article of the Christian's creed. MARYLAND. BY CHARLES HENRY BROCK. Shout! for the rising glory Encircles the land and sea, Where millions speak the story That MARYLAND IS FREE. No brand of shame upon her Records oppression now, For the nation's star of honor Illumes her queenly brow. Fling wide each temple portal Of Liberty to-day, And be your hymn immortal Re-echoed o'er the way, Where MARYLAND, in beauty, Leads up her mighty line Of sons, to loyal duty At Freedom's faith and shrine. Perish the tale forever Of the Massachusetts men! Oh! be its burning never The theme of tongue or pen! Their blood cries out no longer From ransomed BALTIMORE, For Freedom stands the stronger Above that faded gore; And PLYMOUTH ROCK is blending With the surges of its sea, The anthem never ending, That MARYLAND IS FREE! The Chesapeake--I wonder If its tide goes down to-day, And echoes and grander thunder To the ocean from the bay? The Autumn--I am thinking-- Is brighter there than of old, And that woods, from the sun, are drinking A deeper quaff of gold; The throngers of the city Are gayer, I guess, in the mart, And may be a joyous ditty The Liberator. RATIONALISM IN THE PULPIT. No. I. Mr. Editor: --Dear Sir--Rationalism, under the title of anti-supernaturalism in the pulpit, is considered in an Address delivered before the Divinity School at Cambridge, by Rev. F. H. Hedge, D. D., and published as the first article in the Christian Examiner for September, 1864. I beg leave, in behalf of the Rationalists that belong to the great Christian body, to question some of its positions, and defend, as far as may be, the cause which it disparages. I. "My quarrel with the anti-supernaturalism of the present day is, that it satisfies no spiritual nor intellectual want. It is neither one thing nor the other, it is neither religion nor science; too self-willed for the one, not positive enough for the other. It is any man's opinion of human and divine things, with no definite authority, human or divine, for its warrant." (p. 153.) Anti-supernaturalism is here put for the system of Christianity held and taught by the anti-supernatualists. This, it is the object of the address to disparage, and the author's quarrel is really with this. This, he says, satisfies no spiritual nor intellectual want. Can a Christian man say this? Can the author of the Address substitute the system of Christianity, or the religion of Jesus, as held and taught by the anti-supernaturalists, for anti-supernaturalism in the above, and accept his own statement? We think not. We think that he would see, instantly, that it is false and unjust. Anti-supernaturalism, in its restricted sense as a single dogma, is like unbelief in magic, unbelief in witchcraft, or the rejection of any other delusion. It is not claimed to be a system of duties to God or man, nor a system of general culture. No Christian Rationalist deems it such. It does not pretend to satisfy every spiritual or intellectual want, but is purely negative and adversative, directed against a wide-spread, long-cherished and most injurious delusion. It is no part of the gospel of positive truth, but it is a snow-plow before it, clearing its track, and making way for its progress. The rationalist gospel of positive truth satisfies every spiritual and intellectual want, and embraces religion, both in its science and art. It is not "any man's opinion of human and divine things, with no definite authority, human or divine, for its warrant," but it is the highest knowledge that any human mind has ever reached and reported, reproduced, verified and augmented in other minds, and capable of universal reproduction and indefinite augmentation. Knowledge does not require artificial wants, nor uncertain and fallible authority; it has the warrant of the Eternal in the evidences by which it is shown to be knowledge, and not opinion merely; more it cannot have. To ask a miracle for the establishment of a truth is a work of supererogation. Truth is as independent of miracle as it is of human authority. This will appear, if we consider the highest of all truths, the existence of God. Is there a supreme first cause of all things, and is he an intelligent being, working for rational ends? Creation shows herself in his work, and that work in progress, and reason is fully answered. She concludes, there is a supreme, intelligent, first cause of all things; infers that he always has been and always will be, and makes him the supreme object of all human regards. This is God, the God of nature, the God of reason, and the God that is known. He makes bodies, and unmakes them; he makes souls, and takes them at death from the visible world. Do the miracles claimed for Jesus add anything to the proof of the existence of this God? Provided those miracles were certified on any better authority than the nine resurrections effected by St. Patrick, and his other miraculous doings, would they render the existence of God any more certain, or any better known than it now is? I think not. Rationalism does homage first to the natural sciences, and admits them as parts and parcels of the great empire of truth. It then pays its respects to history, and sits with filial reverence at the feet of the fathers, to obtain whatever information they have. It goes back to the earliest known periods, explores all empires and nations, and all races and ages, seeks for their highest, noblest, most ennobling and most divine thoughts, and puts them among her stores. Her aim is to overlook nothing, and lose nothing that is valuable in the acquisitions of the human mind. All the stores of sacred learning belong to her pulpit; all religious truth, all religious knowledge, every thought that has proved itself an inspiration of God, every sentiment and affection that is godlike and divine. This is our gospel; this is the satisfaction of our spiritual and intellectual wants. But we do not stop even with this. Believing God to be greater and better than is known or conceived, and encouraged by the steady progress of past ages, we aspire to still higher and nobler inspirations than are found in all the past, and deem it our mission to add to the treasures of the past, and to transmit to the ages to come, the inheritance we have received from the ages past, abundantly suffices. So taught the prophets, so taught Jesus; so also we teach. We love our fathers and brothers who walk in the light of the past, and have no desire to detract from their well-earned honors or emoluments, but we cannot allow them to fan the flame of public prejudice and ill-will, with which we are attempted to be crushed and overwhelmed. Will those who have entered the lists against us be so good as to revise their positions, and see if they have not occasion to change them? We claim the same hearty recognition as fellow-Christians, of our supernatural brothers, which the so-called Orthodox denominations mutually concede to each other. Yours, truly, LEICESTER A. SAWYER. THANKSGIVING DINNER FOR THE SOLDIERS AND SAILORS The undersigned, a Committee appointed at a meeting held at the Union League Club House, appeal to the people of the North to join them in an effort to furnish to our gallant soldiers and sailors a good Thanksgiving Dinner. We desire that, on the twenty fourth day of November, there shall be no soldier in the Army of the Potomac, the James or the Shenandoah, and no sailor in the North Atlantic Squadron, who does not receive tangible evidence that those for whom he is perilling his life remember him. It is hoped that the armies at the West will be in like manner cared for by those nearer to them than we. It is deemed impracticable to send to our more Southern posts. To enable us to carry out our undertaking, we need the active co-operation of all loyal people in the North and East, and to them we confidently appeal. We ask primarily for donations of cooked poultry and other proper meats, as well as for mince pies, sausages and fruit. If any person is so situated as to be unable to cook the poultry or meat, we will receive it uncooked. To those who are unable to send donations in kind, we appeal for generous contributions in money. Will not every wife who has a husband, every mother who has a son, every sister who has a brother serving in the armies or navies of the Union, feel that this appeal is to her personally, and do her part to enable us to accomplish our undertaking? Will not all who feel that we have a country worth defending and preserving, do something to show those who are fighting our battles that they are remembered and honored? Will not the press and the clergy lend their aid to the movement? We will undertake to send to the front all donations in kind that may reach us on or before November 20, and to see that they are properly and equally distributed. They should be wrapped in white paper, boxed, and addressed to GEORCE W. BLUNT, Getty's Building, Trinity Place, New York. If uncooked, it should be so marked on the outside of the box, and a list of the contents should accompany the box. If sent as above without being packed, we will pack it. Poultry, properly cooked, will keep ten days. None should be sent which has been cooked prior to November 14. Uncooked poultry or meat should reach us on or before November 18, that it may be cooked here. Contributions in money should be sent to Theodore Roosevelt, Treasurer, No. 94 Maiden Lane, or to any member of the Committee. The time is short, and we trust that no one will wait to be personally solicited. Will not some person in every city and town of the North and East volunteer, however, to canvass in his own city or town? The American, Adams, Harnden, National, Kingsley, Hope, Long Island, and United States Express Companies have generously offered to transmit to this city, free of charge, all boxes addressed as above, and it is not doubted that other Express Companies will do the same. CHARLES H. MARSHALL, Chairman. GEORGE BLISS, JR., Secretary. George W. Blunt, Chairman of Executive Committee. Theodore Roosevelt, Treasurer. HORRIBLE TREATMENT OF A UNION MAN. After Price left Glasgow, Mo., the guerrilla fiends, Quantrell and Anderson, entered the place, and committed all sorts of outrages. The following is a sample, the narrator being Benj. W. Lewis, a Union man of great wealth and influence: "Anderson, accompanied by a Captain from Callaway county, went to Lewis's house, and demanded his presence. Upon being told he was not at home, Anderson said unless he was immediately forthcoming, he would burn the house, but if he made his appearance, his life should be spared. Upon this assurance, Mrs. Lewis sent for her husband. Mrs. John B. Clark, mother of the rebel General Clark, and D. C. Yorth, brother-in-law of Sterling Price, were stopping at Lewis's house, neither of whom, nor Mrs. Lewis, were allowed to say a word. When Mr. Lewis appeared, Anderson said, 'I have heard of you, and old Price has heard of you, down in Arkansas and Texas. You have damaged our cause more than any ten men in the State.' An- age, and show how brutal in feeling men become when they yield to the demoralizing influences of a roving, pilfering life, and a savage, guerrilla warfare. Such scoundrels are unfit to live, and equally unfit to die. The sooner that they are wiped from earth, no matter how, the better it will prove for a moral age, a civilized community, and the cause of humanity. They should have shuddered at the thought of so cruel a death for a beast--yea, even a reptile--let alone a being human with the form of themselves, the image of their God. But no! they manifested a maniac's delight in the torture, and smiled with fiendish satisfaction as the fearful shrieks of their victim made hideous the air. They were not men, but cowards--devils in human forms. Since writing the above, we have been furnished with additional details. At Rocky Hill Station, on the Louisville and Nashville railroad, fifteen miles this side of Bowling Green, on Wednesday morning at about three o'clock, about twenty-five guerrillas came in, cut down the telegraph posts, and burned the boarding cars belonging to the construction train. William Fox, of the 6th Kentucky cavalry, was there on a visit to his mother and sister. The guerrillas asked him to surrender, when he handed them his pistol. They then asked him for his money, and he gave them that. One of them cried out then, "Kill the son of a b--h!" His mother then exclaimed, "Oh, spare my son, spare him, he will go with you anywhere!" One of the gang, evidently for the purpose of saving the young man's life, started with him toward the woods, when his more blood-thirsty comrades ran along side of the victim, and fairly riddled him with bullets, in the presence of his mother and sister, whose prayers and entreaties were answered with curses and derision. REBEL BARBARITIES---COLORED SOLDIERS MURDERED. A letter to the Philadelphia Inquirer, dated at General Butler's headquarters October 17, says: "The rebel flag-of-truce boat William Allison brought down to Coxe's Landing this morning about five hundred paroled Union prisoners, in exchange for paroled rebel prisoners sent up on Saturday. "According to the accounts of several officers and surgeons, with whom I conversed, the conduct of a portion of the rebel troops, subsequent to the engagement in Saltville, was utterly lawless and brutal. In two field hospitals, near the scene of the battle, were twenty-three wounded negroes of the First colored cavalry--fifteen in one, and eight in the other. All but three of them were murdered in cold blood by the rebel soldiers, who called there for that especial purpose; and these fiends in human form boasted while doing this hellish deed that they had been engaged in the same work all day. They claimed to have buried one hundred and twenty-five colored soldiers, of whom nearly all must have been slaughtered in the same way, as it is said scarcely a dozen were killed in the battle. This was on the 3d instant. The three negroes who had been spared (it is to be presumed through oversight) were removed, with the rest of the wounded, to the Emory and Henry College Hospital. Four days later, or on the 7th instant, a party of cut-throats in rebel uniforms entered the building, and shot two of those dead. The other was fired at twice, and left for dead, but the would-be-murderer, it appears, did not look critically to the effects of his shots, and the negro was but slightly grazed on the head. He was afterwards removed to the house of a citizen in the vicinity, and concealed until he could be removed to a safer place. "But these demons had not yet appeased their thirst for blood; and on the day succeeding the outrage just related, the 8th instant, a band of fifteen men, led by the notorious Champ Ferguson, appeared. Ferguson himself wrested his musket from the hand of a sentry (rebel), who stood at the door of the hospital, and leaving to men to guard him, entered the building with the rest of his gang, and went straight to the room of Lieutenant Smith, of the Thirteenth Kentucky cavalry. His men passed through the door in two files, and Ferguson walking up between them approached the bed on which the wounded lieutenant was lying. 'How are you, Smith?' 'How are you, Captain?' were the salutations first exchanged, when Ferguson, balancing the musket on his hand, said, tauntingly, 'Look here, Smith, do you see this?' 'For God's sake, Captain, don't shoot me,' implored the lieutenant; but he had scarcely uttered the words before the other had raised the gun, and shot him through the head. The gang now inquired for Colonel Hanson, Thirty-seventh Kentucky mounted infantry, (commanding a brigade,) and Captain Dagenfield, of the Twelfth Ohio cavalry, declaring their intention to shoot them both. "By this time the surgeons and hospital attendants had become aware of what was going on, and they hastened to the spot. By persuasion, and almost by force, they endeavored to restrain these desperadoes from carrying out their savage purposes. Ferguson was on the point of shooting the rebel surgeon in charge, Dr. Murphy, for daring to interfere, and one of his men actually presented a revolver at the breast of a major who chanced to be visiting at the hospital at the time, and had volunteered his assistance. By argument and resistance combined, the ruffians were induced to leave, without having fully carried out their murderous designs, but swore to return at night, and complete their work. "Colonel Hanson was immediately removed to the house of a citizen to await other arrangements for his safety, and a guard of convalescents was raised, and placed around the hospital to resist homes than live near the Yankees. We will get far enough away this time." A sentiment of commiseration filled my heart, and I ventured the remark: "May I ask where you intend to go?" "To Augusta, where your army can't come." "I would not be sure of that," I replied. "It is a long way from Nashville to Atlanta, and are we here." "O yes"--with ineffable scorn--"you will 'flank' us I suppose?" "Possibly, madame." "Look here, sir; there are not two nations on the face of this earth whose language, customs and histories are different, and who are geographically separated as wide as the pole, but that are nearer to each other than the North and South. There are no two people in the world who hate each other more." "I hardly think there is the difference you describe, miss. It seems to me just as if you and I were Americans, with no vital points of difference between us which may not be settled some day. And then, I protest against the idea that we 'hate you.' I understand the public feeling at the North pretty well, and such a sentiment does not exist there generally." "Well sir, we hate you; we will never live with you again. If you whip us, and any of these mean politicians in the South (and there are thousands of them who will be only too glad to do it) offer terms of reconstruction, we will throw ourselves into the arms of France, which only awaits the chance to embrace us." "Reconstruction will undoubtedly come about in time, miss. But we shall not permit France or any other foreign power to interfere. France would embrace you without doubt, if she gets a chance, but it will be the hug of an anaconda, who will swallow you whole, without mastication." "Anything rather than become subject to the North. We will not submit to that degradation." "If you are defeated, you will; and then you will have thoroughly learned what your people have never before the war, in the slightest degree understood --how to respect us. I assure you friendship follows very close upon the heel of mutual respect." "There is much truth in that, sir, and we are wiliing to confess that we never even believed the North would fight; and while there is a certain feeling of respect which has been forced upon us, we hate you all the more now, because we despised you before." From the Lynchburg Republican. A NEW SCHEME TO ABOLITIONIZE THE SOUTH. It is painful to reflect how soon the landmarks of great principles are lost amid the throes of revolution. For forty years the people of the South have been battling against the mad schemes of the abolitionists to destroy the institution of domestic slavery. We have uniformly contended that negroes were property, and that Slavery was a local institution, with which no power under the sun could interfere, save the sovereign States themselves, in their individual capacity. For this great principle of right of the States to regulate their domestic institutions to suit themselves, we went to war with the North, and for nearly four years have maintained the dreadful conflict with unexampled success. Just at the moment when all the gigantic schemes of the enemy to subjugate us have failed--when Grant is panting for breath to renew a contest in which he has been completely baffled, and Sherman is toiling to escape from the coils of Hood, which threaten the destruction of his army--just at the auspicious moment when the bright and glorious day of independence is about to break upon us, with the splendor of an unclouded sun--just at such a moment it is gravely proposed by respectable though chimerical journals in the South to ignore all our past cardinal principles, surrender the great question for which we went to war, and do for ourselves precisely what Lincoln and the abolitionists proposed to do for us without war--abolish slavery! This is the naked proposition of those who advocate the conscription of our slaves as soldiers. They propose to conscript "all the able-bodied negroes of the country" between the ages of 18 and 45 "respectively," and arm and equip them in the field as soldiers, along with our white men. As an inducement to make these negroes faithful to our cause, they are to be given their freedom, and permitted to live among us after the war as freemen. The result of such a proposition, if successful, cannot be mistaken by a blind man or an idiot. It will convert the sovereign States of the Confederacy into free negro colonies, with all the social and political evils which attend the amalgamation of adverse races. If our negro men are made free, then justice and sound policy would require that their wives and children should be permitted to enjoy freedom along with their husbands and fathers, on the principle announced by The Richmond Enquirer, "that they who fight for freedom deserve to be freemen." Whether this be just or not, it is very certain that our slaves, once made freemen, and trained in the skill of arms and the hardships of the camp and the dangers of the battle-field, would not only insist on their on freedom, but on the freedom of their entire race. Nay, more. They would insist, and have the right to insist at the point of the bayonet, upon enjoying all the civil, social, and political rights enjoyed by their former masters, on the ground that they had suffered equally all the dangers and responsibilities of the struggle. The horrible re- determine to blot out the landmarks of the past, we would warn them to beware of such an experiment. We think there is much danger in it. It would inaugurate untold evils and surrender past principles. It would virtually accomplish that for which the enemy have struggled in vain through a four years' war. It would be adopting the spirit of abolitionism in its broadest significance. Greeley, Beecher, Seward, Lincoln, and all the abolition horde, would send us their hearty greeting over the passage of such a measure. It would be a confession of greater weakness than four years of war have succeeded in eliciting. "Make teamsters, cooks and hospital nurses of the negro, so far as they are needed for these purposes, and keep the remainder in the rear to fight famine, while our white men at the front hold in check an enemy not more formidable than the one that would overtake us in the rear, should the negro be foolishly transferred from the corn to the battle-field. The hoe is the weapon for Cuffee." The Milledgeville Union of the 1st inst. has the following: "We are surprised to see that a few individuals and one or two presses in the Southern Confederacy advocate the policy of making soldiers of our negroes. We believe that negroes could be used to advantage as teamsters and cooks, in hospitals as nurses, in many places as mechanics where white men are now employed. They could be used also in many places in the ordnance, commissary and quartermaster's departments, and thus release many thousands of white men who would make good soldiers. But to put arms in the hands of our slaves, and make soldiers out of them, or to free them for the sake of making soldiers of them, should never be thought of for one moment. Every sentiment of honor, manhood, and sound policy forbids it." The Recorder also comes out strongly in opposition to this dangerous policy. Let the thought be crushed to earth, never to rise again. THE SLAVE CONSCRIPTION. A correspondent of the Richmond Enquirer writes as follows, in opposition to the proposed conscription of slaves: "Gentlemen: In the Enquirer of the 18th ultimo you advance and recommend the proposition to conscript the slaves of the South for the purpose of making soldiers of them, and claim for the Enquirer the honor or merit (which I suspect none will dispute with you) of being the first to advance it. "Can it be possible that you are serious and earnest in proposing such a step to be taken by our Government? Or were you merely discussing the matter as a something which might be done? Have you thought of the influence to be exerted by these half or quarter million of free negroes in the midst of slaves, as you propose to leave them at the end of the war? These men constitute the bone and sinew of our slaves--the able-bodied between eighteen and forty-five. They will be men who know the value and power of combination; they will be well disciplined, trained to the use of arms, with the power and ability of command; at the same time, they will be grossly and miserably ignorant, without any fixed principle of life or the ability of acquiring one. The camp and the battlefield are not considered the best school of virtue. With habits of idleness learned in camp, with no fixed business in which to engage, they will be a class by color and circumstances proscribed and unable to rise. Then, again, these men must have their wives and children slaves, subject to all the restrictions of slavery, while they are to enjoy all the privileges of freedom. Will not this necessarily make them discontented? or, if not, you ought in gratitude, and, perhaps, in policy, to free their wives and children. This will give you, instead of half a million, a million and a half or two millions of free negroes in your midst. That is more than one half of the present slave population of the Confederate States. "How long could slavery last under this strain? Is not your proposition abolitionism in disguise? No, Messrs Editors, we could not live in a country inhabited by such a class. Either they or we would be forced to leave. Which would it be, and where and how would they go? Abraham Lincoln emancipates all he can steal. You would take and emancipate one-half at a word, or, at all events, you would take and emancipate that portion without whom the other portion would be valueless, and a charge upon the country. No, our cause is not so desperate, nor its condition so low, as to need the aid of an army of free negroes. There are stout arms and brave hearts enough among the white men of the Confederacy to win and secure its freedom; and he who would call upon the poor ignorant slave to fight his battles for the boon of a worthless freedom must not only be deeply despondent, but regardless of the duties he owes to his country, to his negro, and himself. It is not for the slave either to win his freedom for the white man, as you would have him, or to take the yoke of subjugation upon him, as would the Yankee. But it is for the Southern white man to achieve his own independence, to secure himself in the possession of his slave, and to secure to the slave the secure possession of a good master." CHARLES G. AMES. It is very seldom that the Fraternity introduces to its audience an entire stranger. This year when the name of Charles G. Ames was offered it, it asked, as the public have since done, "Who and Till Heaven's great everlasting Peace be won, And laws be just, and hnman brotherhood Stand the first Article of the Christian's creed. MARYLAND. BY CHARLES HENRY BROCK. Shout! for the rising glory Encircles the land and sea, Where millions speak the story That MARYLAND IS FREE. No brand of shame upon her Records oppression now, For the nation's star of honor Illumes her queenly brow. Fling wide each temple portal Of Liberty to-day, And be your hymn immortal Re-echoed o'er the way, Where MARYLAND, in beauty, Leads up her mighty line Of sons, to loyal duty At Freedom's faith and shrine. Perish the tale forever Of the Massachusetts men! Oh! be its burning never The theme of tongue or pen! Their blood cries out no longer From ransomed BALTIMORE, For Freedom stands the stronger Above that faded gore; And PLYMOUTH ROCK is blending With the surges of its sea, The anthem never ending, That MARYLAND IS FREE! The Chesapeake--I wonder If its tide goes down to-day, And echoes a grander thunder To the ocean from the bay? The Autumn--I am thinking-- Is brighter there than of old, And that woods, from the sun, are drinking A deeper quaff of gold; The throngers of the city Are gayer, I guess, in the mart, And, may be, a joyous ditty Trolls from each rustic's heart As he thinks how his fields lie dreaming-- The joy of awakening Spring-- When each golden ear shall be gleaming Like a freedman's offering ! And the fisherman is telling How a southerly sail trims he, For that quarter's breeze is swelling Like music over the sea. The music of falling fetters Comes clanking over the sea ; And each haul his last one betters, And a mightier man is he ! Oh ! brighter eyes have the maidens The mothers, lovelier homes : For, oh ! how the heart unladens Its wealth wherever it roams ! No bosoms rise so lightly As dusky ones, they say, For the sun rose very brightly, And beautiful is the day ! One man I heard repeating A tale of vision rare, How phantoms, last night, were meeting On the seas, in the midnight air-- How bursting bombs were blazing To the fort, to the ships, on the bay All night till the gray dawn raising The siege--at the break of day, One brave soul shouted the glory Of the fort, and "its flag still there"-- You may think it an idle story, But his tale seemed like a prayer. Bring forth that glorious banner ! And may the world be told, One star of its azure manor Burns brighter than of old ; And from his pallid slumbers, Last night, could FRANCIS KEY Have sung, in truth, the numbers, "My home is of the Free !" O Maryland ! thy station Upon the border line Burns for thy struggling nation, Like a beacon-light divine. When bold or covert treason Shall shroud her stormy sea, The helms of truth and reason Shall guide their barks by thee ! And in the long forever, When eloquence and song Shall say 'twas thine to sever The right from hoary wrong, What coronals of glory Thy forehead shall entwine, When men of battles gory Shall say the dead was thine, To be the first and surest, Of all thy fettered clan, To speak that truth--the purest-- Of LIBERTY TO MAN ! Philadelphia, Oct. 3, 1864. -Phil. Press. This will appear, if we consider the highest of all truths, the existence of God. Is there a supreme first cause of all things, and is he an intelligent being, working for rational ends ? Creation shows herself in his work, and that work in progress, and reason is fully answered. She concludes, there is a supreme, intelligent, first cause of all things ; infers that he always has been and always will be, and makes him the supreme object of all human regards. This is God, the God of nature, the God of reason, and the God that is known. He makes bodies, and unmakes them ; he makes souls, and takes them at death from the visible world. Do the miracles claimed for Jesus add anything to the proof of the existence of this God? Provided those miracles were certified on any better authority than the nine resurrections effected by St. Patrick, and his other miraculous doings, would they render the existence of God any more certain, or any better known than it now is? I think not. Rationalism does homage first to the natural sciences, and admits them as parts and parcels of the great empire of truth. It then pays its respects to history, and sits with filial reverence at the feet of the fathers, to obtain whatever information they have. It goes back to the earliest known periods, explores all empires and nations, and all races and ages, seeks for their highest, noblest, most ennobling and most divine thoughts, and puts them among her stores. Her aim is to overlook nothing, and lose nothing that is valuable in the acquisitions of the human mind. All the stores of sacred learning belong to her pulpit ; all religious truth, all religious knowledge, every thought that has proved itself an inspiration of God, every sentiment and affection that is godlike and divine. This is our gospel ; this is the satisfaction of our spiritual and intellectual wants. But we do not stop even with this. Believing God to be greater and better than is known or conceived, and encouraged by the steady progress of past ages, we aspire to still higher and nobler inspirations than are found in all the past, and deem it our mission to add to the treasures of the past, and to transmit to the ages to come, the inheritance we have received from the ages past, enlarged, improved and beautified. These additional and higher inspirations are a part of our pulpit stores. In conformity with this, Jesus is made to say, in Matt. 13 : 42, "Every scribe [minister] disciplined to the kingdom of the heavens, is like a householder, who puts out of his store new and old." No man gets to the end of religious inquiry. Jesus did not pretend to be at the end of it ; Augustine, Luther, Wesley and Dr. Channing have had their day, and are all exceeded by later thinkers. They must be content with their places along the path of knowledge ; neither of them marks its terminus ; and their most extravagant admirers must be content to leave them for still higher and purer regions, or, if not, to see them left by others. II. "The preacher who takes that [naturalistic] ground, betrays the gospel he is supposed to represent. He places himself in direct antagonism with the radical idea of that gospel which claims on the face of it superhuman authority." p. 153. Superhuman authority is not necessarily supernaturalism. Did Eratosthenes, the great interpreter of history and Homer for the Alexandrian Greeks under the elder Ptolemies, misrepresent the Iliad, when he denied the reality of its supernaturalism ? Was he not a minister of truth in that denial ? Did he betray the Iliad ? Did he place himself in direct antagonism to its radical ideas ? We think not. Just as little do the Rationalists betray the gospels, or place themselves in direct antagonism to their radical ideas, by treating their supernaturalism as fictions. The gospels do not "claim on the face of them supernatural authority" ; they are as innocent of any such claim as Iliad or Odyssey. That claim is an assumption of interpreters, for which there is no valid authority in the books, nor in history. The religion of Jesus is of divine authority, but not supernatural ; the books which treat of it are only human. God is not a book maker ; book-making belongs exclusively to men. III. "There is and must be in all religion an element of faith, a region of the indemonstrable, unaccountable ; for this it is which specifically distinguishes religion from science. Its office is communion with that for which reason in its proper and legitimate function does not suffice." p. 155. This is a mistake which has done infinite harm ; and is the parent of infinite delusions. The province of faith is belief of the true, as that of unbelief is to reject the false. Nothing but known truth ought to be believed true, and nothing but known delusions ought to be rejected as erroneous. All that is intermediate ought to be held to be uncertain, and in the final result must be. Religion is not distinguished specifically from science, but comprehends science ; its office is not communion with that for which reason in its proper and legitimate function does not suffice, but with that for which it does suffice. Its communion is equally with God and man, and for a knowledge of both, reason in its proper and legitimate offices. it. Poultry, properly cooked, will keep ten days. None should be sent which has been cooked prior to November 14. Uncooked poultry or meat should reach us on or before November 18, that it may be cooked here. Contributions in money should be sent to Theodore Roosevelt, Treasurer, No. 94 Maiden Lane, or to any member of Committee. The time is short, and we trust that no one will wait to be personally solicited. Will not some person in every city and town of the North and East volunteer, however, to canvass his own city or town ? The American, Adams, Harnden, National, Kingsley, Hope, Long Island, and United States Express Companies have generously offered to transmit to this city, free of charge, all boxes addressed as above, and it is not doubted that other Express Companies will do the same. CHARLES H. MARSHALL, Chairman. GEORGE BLISS, JR., Secretary. George W. Blunt, Chairman of Executive Committee. Theodore Roosevelt, Treasurer. HORRIBLE TREATMENT OF A UNION MAN. After Price left Glasgow, Mo., the guerrilla fiends, Quantrell and Anderson, entered the place, and committed all sorts of outrages. The following is a sample, the narrator being Benji. W. Lewis, a Union man of great wealth and influence : "Anderson, accompanied by a Captain from Callaway county, went to Lewis's house, and demanded his presence. Upon being told he was not at home, Anderson said unless he was immediately forthcoming, he would burn the house, but if he made his appearance, his life should be spared. Upon this assurance, Mrs. Lewis sent for her husband. Mrs. John B. Clark, mother of the rebel General Clark, and D. C. Yorth, brother-in-law of Sterling Price, were stopping at Lewis's house, neither of whom, nor Mrs. Lewis, were allowed to say a word. When Mr. Lewis, appeared, Anderson, 'I have heard of you, and old Price has heard of you, down in Arkansas and Texas. You have damaged our cause more than any ten men in the State.' Anderson then demanded Lewis's money or life, declaring he had vast sums, when Lewis gave him about a thousand dollars, saying it was all he had. But this did not satisfy him, and he commenced a series of outrages upon Mr. Lewis, which are almost unparalleled in the annals of even savage warfare. He first knocked Lewis down by a blow on the head with his pistol, which was repeated several times, both Anderson and his aid mingling their blows with blasphemous and obscene curses. Anderson then stood Lewis on his head, doubled him up, and jumped upon him, and Anderson and this Captain put the muzzles of both their pistols in his mouth, and at once crammed them down his throat, choking him terribly, asking him how he liked that. This was repeated several times. Anderson also made Lewis stand against the wall, and shot at his legs across the room, hitting them. He then placed his pistol to Lewis's knee, and fired down at his feet, the powder burning his legs. This was done twice. He also choked Lewis several times. Then taking his knife out, seized Lewis by the neck, and felt for his jugular vein, pricking it with the knife, and giving an Indian yell, said : 'This old fellow thinks more of his money than his life, and I'll cut his throat.' After this Lewis was taken from his house guarded by Anderson, who went to hunt up what money he could in town. He found two ladies, who went to work to raise money for him. While the money was being raised, Anderson laid Lewis on the counter of a store, and with his knife ripped his shirt collar open, and slit his vest and pants in pieces. This was about two o'clock in the morning, and Lewis having suffered for four hours, was seized with a chill as he lay on the counter. Anderson told his Orderly to pile some chairs on the legs of the old coon to keep them still, which was done. Finally, Mrs. Thompson, cousin of Lewis, who had raised all the money left in the town, it having been previously stripped by Price's army, asked the Callaway county officer with Anderson how much money it would take to release Lewis. He replied, six thousand dollars. This sum she produced, five thousand dollars being, in paper and one thousand in gold. This being done, Anderson turned Lewis over to Mrs. Thompson, remarking as he did so that he would rather have Lewis's life than his money." The Louisville Journal gives the following particulars of some fiendish outrages perpetrated by a gang of rebel guerillas last week at Rocky Hill, Ky., a small station on Louisville and Nashville railroad :-- After taking a quiet survey of matters, they came to the conclusion that to plunder the houses would scarcely pay them for the trouble. A box car was standing on the side track of the railroad, and this furnished the scoundrels with the means of carrying a devilish idea into execution. A negro man was made a prisoner, thrust into the car, the doors closed and locked, and the box set on fire. The demons stood by, watched the burning car, heard the wild, agonizing shrieks of their victim, and clapped their hands with delight. As soon as the car was consumed, and the negro burned to death, the outlaws mounted their horses, and hastily departed from the scene. Such diabolical acts are a disgrace to a civilized dead, but the would-be-murderer, it appears, did not look critically to the effects of his shots, and the negro was but slightly grazed on the head. He was afterwards removed to the house of a citizen in the vicinity, and concealed until he could be removed to a safer place. "But these demons had not yet appeased their thirst for blood ; and on the day succeeding the outrage just related, the 8th instant, a band of fifteen men, led by the notorious Champ Ferguson, appeared. Ferguson himself wrested his musket from the hand of a sentry (rebel), who stood at the door of the hospital, and leaving two men to guard him, entered the building with the rest of his gang, and went straight to the room of Lieutenant Smith, of the Thirteen Kentucky cavalry. His men passed through the door in two files, and Ferguson walking up between them approached the bed on which the wounded lieutenant was lying. 'How are you Smith ?' 'How are you, Captain ?' were the salutations first exchanged, when Ferguson, balancing the musket on his hand, said, tauntingly, 'Look here, Smith, do you see this ?' 'For God's sake, Captain, don't shoot me,' implored the lieutenant ; but he had scarcely uttered the words before the other had raised the gun, and shot him through the head. The gang now inquired for Colonel Hanson, Thirty-seventh Kentucky mounted infantry, (commanding a brigade,) and Captain Dagenfield, of the Twelfth Ohio cavalry, declaring their intention to shoot them both. "By this time the surgeons and hospital attendants had become aware of what was going on, and they hastened to the spot. By persuasion, and almost by force, they endeavored to restrain these desperadoes from carrying out their savage purposes. Ferguson was on the point of shooting the rebel surgeon in charge, Dr. Murphy, for daring to interfere, and one of his men actually presented a revolver at the breast of a major who chanced to be visiting at the hospital at the time, and had volunteered his assistance. By argument and resistance combined, the ruffians were induced to leave, without having fully carried out their murderous designs, but swore to return at night, and complete their work. "Colonel Hanson was immediately removed to the house of a citizen to await other arrangements for his safety, and a guard of convalescents was raised, and placed around the hospital to resist another incursion." BITTERNESS OF THE REBEL SPIRIT. A correspondent of the New York Evening Post, who is with Sherman's army at Atlanta, gives a racy description of his entrance into that city, and the incidents connected with his journey. We make the following extract from his narrative :-- THE TOWN OF ROUGH AND READY. Some twenty minutes carried us over the ten miles which intervened between Atlanta and the neutral ground, where the expatriated citizens are handed over to the rebel officers, and the exchange of prisoners takes place. Rough and Ready as completely answers to the first part of its name as one could imagine, and perhaps to the latter half, for it appears to have been getting ready to be a town since its foundation, and likely to remain in that condition for an indefinite length of time. Two miserable shanties, the respective quarters of the federal and rebel guards, separated some two hundred yards, constitute the burgh of Rough and Ready. Dismounting from our iron Pegasus, we approached the hut nearest the Confederate line. It was a characteristic specimen of the inhabitants of the poor class of whites at the South. A few refuse boards fastened upon an irregular frame ; a disjointed window in a shattered still ; the battered door swung painfully upon a single hinge, while several swords and pistols, hanging upon the side of the house, indicated the presence of soldiers. The single room was half filled with smoke, which puffed lazily from the fire-place, around which were scattered sundry dilapidated pots and pans ; but we had little time, and it was not our business to take an inventory of the goods and chattels in the establishment. A pale, sickly woman, seated in the rickety porch, answered our question as to the whereabouts of Major Clare, a staff officer of General Hood, who represents the rebel party in the truce-- "He's he-ar somewhar ; round the corner of the yard, I reckon. Say, Betsey ! whar's Major Clare ?" CONVERSATION WITH EXPELLED ATLANTIANS. We made the circuit of the corner, and found the major, a handsome, polite gentleman, by the way, who was seated near some ladies, in the midst of a collection of baskets and household goods. We were presented to the ladies, when the two officers stepped aside for the discussion of the business which brought them together, leaving your correspondent to attempt the somewhat difficult task of entertaining persons who had evidently been just ejected from their homes at Atlanta. Of course, the conversation turned upon the war, and upon the order of expatriation of General Sherman. The youngest, a lady of refinement, remarked : "It is very hard to be obliged to leave our home. We have not felt the war before, except in the cost of luxuries of life. We did not believe that your army would ever penetrate so far South, but I suppose our removal is one of the necessities of the situation, and we would much rather give up our the North, and for nearly four years have maintained the dreadful conflict with unexampled success. Just at the moment when all the gigantic schemes of the enemy to subjugate us have failed--when Grant is panting for breath to renew a contest in which he has been completely baffled, and Sherman is toiling to escape from the coils of Hood, which threaten the destruction of his army--just at the auspicious moment when the bright and glorious day of independence is about to break upon us, with the splendor of an unclouded sun--just at such a moment it is gravely proposed by respectable though chimerical journals in the South to ignore all our past cardinal principles, surrender the great question for which we went to war, and do for ourselves precisely what Lincoln and the abolitionists proposed to do for us without war--abolish slavery ! This is the naked proposition of those who advocate the conscription of our slaves as soldiers. They propose to conscript "all the able-bodied negroes of the country" between the ages of 18 and 45 "respectively," and arm and equip them in the field as soldiers, along with our white men. As an inducement to make these negroes faithful to our cause, they are to be given their freedom, and permitted to live among us after the war as freemen. The result of such a proposition, if successful, cannot be mistaken by a blind man or an idiot. It will convert the sovereign States of the Confederacy into free negro colonies, with all the social and political evils which attend the amalgamation of adverse races. If our negro men are made free, then justice and sound policy would require that their wives and children should be permitted to enjoy freedom along with their husbands and fathers, on the principle announced by The Richmond Enquirer, "that they who fight for freedom deserve to be freemen." Whether this be just or not, it is very certain that our slaves, once made freemen, and trained in the skill of arms and the hardships of the camp and the dangers of the battle-field, would not only insist on their own freedom, but on the freedom of their entire race. Nay, more. They would insist, and have the right to insist at the point of the bayonet, upon enjoying all the civil, social and political rights enjoyed by their former masters, on the ground that they had suffered equally all the dangers and responsibilities of the struggle. The horrible result would be either the amalgamation of the black and white races in the South, with all its attendant shame and ruin, or a dreadful civil war of extermination between the white man and the black ! Can such consequences be contemplated by the Southern mind without a shudder for the result ? And yet this is the certain end to which it is now proposed to educate our slaves. Look at the question in another point of view. If our slaves are made soldiers, then they will have to be governed by the same military laws which govern the white man, because we have only one military code. They will, therefore, be ipso facto the equal of their masters, entitled to the same rights, and subject only to the same punishments. The insolence of our former slaves would have to be endured, or, if chastened, they would have the right and the force to chastise back again ; thus destroying the first principle of negro subordination which is the life of the institution at the South. But supposing the question to be fraught with none of these terrible social and political evils, it is perfectly clear to our mind that armed negroes would be a source of perpetual danger and weakness to the South in this struggle, instead of strength. When we shall have armed them, what security have we that they will not desert us, and join the enemy in a body ? Removed from all natural principle and from observation, they will certainly do so. Place our negroes in the field as soldiers, and they would surrender every position where they might be placed to defend ; for it is idle to talk to sensible men about the fidelity of slaves. That is a subject which will do to amuse the brains of romancers. Nor is this all. When we conscript all the able-bodied negroes, who are to cultivate our fields and support our armies ? Put the white men and negroes all in the field, and what will follow but general starvation ? With the negro in the field and in the trenches , he is a powerful and indispensable auxiliary to our cause. This is the capacity in which Lincoln fears the power of Slavery. Five thousand negroes with the spade have made Richmond invulnerable to all the powerful and ingenious assaults of the enemy. The same number have enabled Charleston to withstand the most terrible and prolonged siege of modern warfare. With the spade and the hoe, our slaves are more powerful than an army with banners, but with arms in their hands they at once become a source of fearful weakness and inevitable destruction. We caution the people and the press in all solemnity against countenancing this new and mad scheme of abolition--this scheme to convert the Southern States into free negro colonies--to make the slave the equal of the white man--to rob the master of his rightful property--to emancipate the slaves against positive State enactments--to destroy all hope of civil liberty in the South--and to make Lincoln and the world the humiliating confession that we are incapable of defending our property or our freedom. The Macon Telegraph and Confederate of the 1st inst. makes the following sensible remarks on this important question, which we take pleasure in transferring to our columns : "Unless they (the President and Congress) shall ability of acquiring one. The camp and the battlefield are not considered the best school of virtue. With habits of idleness learned in camp, with no fixed business in which to engage, they will be a class by color and circumstances proscribed and unable to rise. Then, again, these men must have their wives and children slaves, subject to all the restrictions of slavery, while they are to enjoy all the privileges of freedom. Will not this necessarily make them discontented ? or, if not, you ought in gratitude, and, perhaps, in policy, to free their wives and children. This will give you, instead of half a million, a million and a half or two millions of free negros in your midst. That is more than one half of the present slave population of the Confederate States. "How long could slavery last under this strain ? Is not your proposition abolitionism in disguise ? No, Messrs Editor, we could not live in a country inhabited by such a class. Either they or we would be forced to leave. Which would it be, and where and how would they go ? Abraham Lincoln emancipates all he can steal. You would take and emancipate on-half at a word, or, at all events, you would take and emancipate that portion without whom the other portion would be valueless, and a charge upon the country. No, our cause is not so desperate, nor its condition so low, as to need the aid of an army of free negroes. There are stout arms and brave hearts enough among the white men of the Confederacy to win and secure its freedom ; and he who would call upon the poor ignorant slave to fight his battles for the boon of a worthless freedom must not only be deeply despondent, but regardless of the duties he owes to his country, to his negro, and himself. It is not for the slave either to win freedom for the white man, as you would have him, or to take the yoke of subjugation upon him, as would the Yankee. But it is for the Southern white man to achieve his own independence, to secure himself in the possession of his slave, and to secure to the slave the secure possession of a good master." CHARLES G. AMES. It is very seldom that the Fraternity introduces to its audience an entire stranger. This year when then name of Charles G. Ames was offered it, it asked, as the public have since done, "Who and what is he ?" In 1851 Mr. Ames went to Minnesota as a missionary for the Free Will Baptists. He started there a weekly paper called the Minnesota Republican, which was the first Republican paper in the North-west ; and there he and this paper effected a local organization of the party which afterwards placed Abraham Lincoln in the President's chair. Since Mr. Ames left Minnesota, the St. Paul's Press has said of him, "To the speeches, writings, and personal services of Mr. Ames, more than to those of any single man, do we owe it that Minnesota is a Republican State." In 1858 he became a Liberal Christian, and in the summer Sabbath afternoons preached the gospel of love, joy and peace, in a grove on an island in the Mississippi, connected with St. Anthony and Minneapolis by bridges. Here his audience averaged a thousand persons, and on one occasion reached the extraordinary number of four thousand. "It is not me they want to hear," he said, with characteristic modesty, "but the truth." In the spring of 1859 he first came to Boston, and after receiving invitations to Unitarian pulpits in Quincy and Cincinnati, finally accepted a call to Albany, in September, 1863. In February, 1862, he delivered a lecture at the Smithsonian, in Washington, called "Stand by the President." It elicited universal applause. "That can't be beat," said old John Pierpont, as he came out of the hall ; and William Henry Channing wrote--"It was admirable for clear thought and expression, and excited an enthusiastic interest. A man of the people, and bringing the fresh air of the prairies with him, there is a singular attraction in his naivete, quaintness, strong good sense, directness, fervor, wit, and plan Saxon speech." "He is," said James Freeman Clarke, "a rare compound of traces and breeching ; radical but cautious." When compared by his Western audiences to Starr King, Mr. Ames said,--"I am no Starr King. I am only Charles G. Ames, standing on my own two feet, and anxious to deliver the message God has sent by me. I am no Penteic marble, capable of a high polish, like Curtis. I have only granite grit. If there is anything noticeable about my speaking, it consists in three things : 1. I have something to say. 2. I say it with my whole heart. 3. I speak with a certain Western freedom, which an audience generous rather than critical may be willing to accept." For ourselves, we think Mr. Ames's speaking "like, and very much like," Abraham Lincoln's own. Like the President, he must have studied in all the lexicons the meaning of the word demonstrate. C. H. D. "THE HUMAN FACE DIVINE." A New System of Physiognomy--Eyes, Ears, Nose, Lips, Mouth, Head, Hair, Hands, Feet, Skin, with all 'SIGNS OF CHARACTER,' and How to Read Them, given in. THE PHRENOLOGICAL JOURNAL and LIFE ILLUSTRATED for 1865. S. R. WELLS, Editor. Portraits of Remarkable Men, in every calling, illustrating different Phases of Human Character, the sane and the insane, the virtuous and the vicious--Physiognomy, Ethnology, Phrenology, Psychology, etc., in each number. New Volume, 41st, for 1865. Monthly. Only $2 a year. "Now is the time to subscribe." Sample numbers by first post, 20 cents. Please address Messrs. FOWLER & WELLS, 389 Broadway, New York. Nov. 11. 4w Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.