NAWSA    Gen. Corres.     Colorado Suffrage Assocs.

2                     Feb 10, 1900               THE WOMAN'S COLUMN.

MAYOR JOHNSON TO COLORADO WOMEN.

The right has come to you in the face of 
a vast amount of prejudice and in spite of
deep-rooted and preconceived notions of
what was woman's proper sphere. I
believe I voice the sentiment of most men
when I say: It was not so much a disposition
not to grant you equal suffrage, as
that they thought it a burden you should
not be allowed to assume. The idea that
our mothers, wives, and sisters, who we
have always associated with the quiet and
security of our home life, should be
thrown into the turmoil and strife of the
political arena, was something from
which every man naturally revolted.
That you should be allowed to be jostled
about at political meetings, in ward politics,
and be amidst all the clamor and
rantings in and about an election, was
something they feared for you to undertake.
But when the fact is actually upon
us, we discover that most of the fears
were phantoms and existed only in the
minds of those who conjured them up.
It was an untravelled sea. As the opponents
of Columbus pictured all kinds of
terror and disasters for the sailor who
ventured beyond certain limits in the
ocean, so the opponents of equal suffrage
have pictured all kinds of trouble and
disagreeable things, should equal suffrage
prevail. But, as the boldness of the hardy
Columbus penetrated to far off seas and
discovered the new world, and opened the
way for the final triumph of this, the
most enlightened country on earth, so
may we hope that this test of equal suffrage
for woman may prove a blessing in
many ways, not only for woman herself,
but for the human race. I believe that
fact is being demonstrated in Colorado.
In the last ten years, who is it that cannot
note the improvement in the condition
of things in and around voting places at 
election? Some may claim that this improvement
is due to the Australian ballot
system. That is true to a certain extent;
but it is more largely due to the influence
of ladies being present at the polls. With
polls located in warm, pleasant rooms,
with quiet and good order prevailing,
there is no reason on earth why any good,
patriotic woman should dread to go there
and cast her ballot for what she believes
to be right. In fact, with the right to
vote conferred upon them, has come to
every good woman a solemn duty to cast
that vote. It is a right you cannot shirk
or shrink from, and women who do not so
regard it, either do so because they look
upon it as a business beneath them, or
they treat politics with that supreme
indifference with which so many men are
accustomed to treat it. As this is despicable 
in man, so it would be despicable in
woman.
I believe that as a general rule the
native instincts of women are on the side
of right, and in favor of everything that
tends to the betterment of the home life
and of the general condition of mankind.
With the power of the ballot added to
this, she has become more of a power for
good than she was before. When she now
espouses a cause, Mr. Lawmaker knows
she is backed by the silent power of the 
ballot, and he is more apt to regard her
wishes than before. Then she is a power


behind a cause. She has been blessed
with a tongue and a willingness to use it,
and so, in season and out of season, at
home and abroad, she shows the courage
of her convictions in using every influence
to carry her point and her cause;
and then what influences she can call
to her aid! Ways and means that had
never penetrated into the dull cerebrum
of man's brain, she uses with all
the grace and all the effect as though she
has been [a]ccustomed to them for ages.
The legislation of Colorado has shown the
effect of this influence, and it has been for
the better.
The women are largely responsible for
the following laws: The law giving mothers
equal ownership in children; raising 
the age of consent; removing emblems
from ballots; protecting the plaintiff in a
divorce suit from the defendant's incumbering
property or putting it out of his or
her hands, and invalidating chattel mortgages
unless signed by both husband and
wife. They have enforced laws for clerks
to sit; laws prohibiting child labor; and
laws for placing drinking fountains on
streets.
This is all useful and beneficial work,
and the women of Colorado should continue
it with unabated zeal and unflagging
persistence. Strive for further purity in 
the ballot, and urge still higher excellence
in parties and persons who seek your aid
in election to office; and, for the love of
your children and those to come after you,
see that such legislation is enacted as
tends to better conditions for your home
and for the elevation of the people of your
city, your State, and your country. Stand
for the right, and all will be well; and at
some day in the near future, those things
which you have regarded as injustice to
you and your sacred rights will be but a
memory of the past that has departed forever.
Greater things than these have
been, and have passed away and been forgotten.

Colorado's Suffragist Venture.
The New Woman intends to hold her own
in politics, and the politics in question are
the Colorado kind.  Let here be no more
sneers.  For the first time in history three
women in the Centennial State have been
elected to the Legislature.  They are Mrs.
CARRIE CLYDE HOLLY, formerly a suffragist
champion in New Hampshire; Mrs.
CLARA CRESSINGHAM, a Brooklyn elocutionist
gone West, and Mrs. FRANCES
KLOCK, likewise of New England, gone
West to grow up with the country.
The present session of the Colorado Assembly
started out with rare smoothness
with the New Woman present.  Current reports
in the Denver papers state that the
members did their best and a rare courtesy
prevailed.  A strange sentiment obtained
against making foot rests out of the desks
and a new era set in touching conversational
topics.  But there came a crisis and
it came in a caucus where the Hon. Mrs.
CRESSINGHAM was chosen secretary.
After the infusion of politeness on the
part of the lady members was over the 
male politicians discovered that the lady
members in question had secured clerkships

[*1895*]

and neat bits of office for all their
friends, while the others were left placeless,
without prizes and hungry as before.
Painful to say, when this situation
dawned at its best with a full morning sun
on the scene, the manners of the drawing
room and the parlor were promptly set
aside, and subsequent discussions were
punctuated with the usual Colorado freedom,
just as if no ladies had been present.
Of course, this was the crucial period of the
New Woman's career.  And she met it.  To 
abandon the field was out of the question.
Rather to the guns, and there she went.
Hear what the Honorable Mrs. CRESSINGHAM
said, as stated in the Rocky Mountain
News:
If you men do not know how to transact business
you better leave now.  As secretary of the
caucus I shall not be covertly insulted by having
the members going about saying that I have not
reported motions right.  You make motions,
amend them, quarrel over them, add substitutes
and when the final vote comes you don't know
what you are doing.  If, then, you have prevented 
the selection of your candidates as clerks,
don't you dare lay the blame on me!  I won't stand it.
The New Woman in Colorado knows her
own, knows how to get it and knows how
to keep it. The vindication is truly beautiful;
it comes from Colorado, where the 
unexpected lingers like the tail of a blizzard,
and the last of the objections proclaimed
with trumpet and bazoo against
the New Woman ends in a triumph which
ets her way on top.

THE PARADISE OF WOMAN
SUFFRAGE.  [*Oct 15*]
[* [?[ [?[ *]
Colorado was the second State to enjoy
the blessings of woman suffrage.
Wyoming, where emancipation
was granted in 1869, continues to be
short of women.  Why the oppressed
of the superior sex didn't rush thither
to unrivet their chains remains one
of the mysteries of feminism inexplicable
to the uninitiate.  Since 
1893 Colorado has been an Arcadia, a
Utopia of freedom and equality.
Something in the air of Colorado exhilarates,
begets political fervor.  Its 
petticoat politicians have been energetic 
and active.  They are always
eager to take charge, to govern the
Governor, to besiege the President.
It was a Colorado State Senator who
told the New Jersey folks that the
men who oppose woman suffrage are
"pinheads."  A classic of pinheadism
is here reproduced, without apology
for its lack of novelty.  A classic 
can't very well be fresh.  It is the
Rev. MARTIN HART, Dean of Denver
Cathedral, who wrote in a religious
periodical, The Chronicle, last February:
Here in Denver we had last year
1,265 divorces out of 2,500 marriages.
Every thirteenth person in the community
suffered arrest; there were
seventeen murders; seventy-five people
were killed in the coal strike and
no one brought to justice.
As Mr. ROBERT UNDERWOOD JOHNSON
says:  "We should get as great
"a reaction against bad government
"into the electorate as possible by
"adding an aggressive principle to
"the intelligence, culture, and morality
"of the voters."  In 1914 Denver
had had that aggressive principle at
work for [???]ty years.  In 1912 the
aggressiv[???]  [?] reacted against
bad gov      in Colorado by an


proving the recall of judicial decisions.
Some "pinheads" have thought that
a reaction against law and order, a
lawlessness stimulated by sentimentalist
female politicians, has been too
visible in Colorado, that paradise of 
equality.
The "pinheads" forget that "the
self-respect" of the manumitted female
serfs must have been increased
notably, a moral gain which is one
of the major, if any are minor, arguments
for and results of Votes for
Women.  A greater freedom of divorce
may be corollary of the vital
freedom conferred by woman suffrage.
The frequency of arrests is a 
sign of the acuter moral vigilance of
the community, and surely an occasional
murder is infinitely better than
a permanent autocracy.  Now no less
thoughtful and judicious a publicist
than the Rev. JOHN HAYNES HOLMES
of this city told us last Sunday that
"any one who opposes woman suffrage
"is consciously or unwillingly
"an adherent of the autocratic form
"of government rather than democracy."
We cite only to condemn the often
quoted statement of Judge BEN
LINDSEY of Denver that the Colorado
woman voters are no better 
than the Colorado man voters.  He
talks like a discouraged backslider.
But if he is correct, Colorado
possesses a consummate equality of
the sexes.  Even if that other so
tediously repeated saying of his, that
free Colorado is twenty years behind
enslaved Massachusetts in certain
reforms, be justified by the facts,
a wrong interpretation should not be
given to it.  Even in enslaved Massachusetts
the first stirrings of freedom
have been felt.  There is a limited
woman suffrage, and some 10
per cent. of the women voters vote.
Doubtless this leaven has leavened
the whole lump of that "pinhead" 
State.

THE DEFENSE PLANS




[*Grand Rapids, Mich. Herald*]

NOT A SUCCESS. 

The woman suffrage experiment in 
Colorado does not seem to be meeting 
with such success as to warrant its 
spread or continuance. The fact is 
the women themselves seem to have 
lost all interest in their newly acquired 
right. At the recent Denver city elections 
they did not turn out at all. So 
far as their concern went the election 
might as well have been held in Formosa 
or the desert of Gobi. A window display 
at any prominent milliner's was 
of much greater attraction, new dress 
of more absorbing interest. To assert
suffrage was to them no more than a 
fad to be put on or discarded like an 
old glove, would do no violence to the 
facts. Even the three women who sat  
in the legislature, which dissolved by 
limitation, could not be induced to take 
any active part in the proceedings. 
Indeed, it is asserted by some of the 
bolder male members those women 
could not or would not understand the 
measures introduced. If anything 
came up which affected woman then 
they were all interest. Although 
placed upon committees it was soon 
found they would not do any of the 
work, nor would they join in any debate. 
So far as their work went the state 
could have dispensed with their services 
and been money ahead. Against 
privileges ever held dear to the masculine 
heart, such as smoking in the 
hallway, interminable debates, fluency  
of speech, displays of temper and profanity 
they protested; and even while 
they were protesting against smoking 
they chewed gum, while protesting 
against long debates they insisted upon 
having the last word, while protesting 
against fluency of speech they talked 
so fast it was impossible to contradict 
them, while protesting against profanity 
they became immoderate and 
while protesting against temper displayed 
a temper not at all becoming 
to lovely woman. At least this is what 
the male legislators, their colleagues, 
say, but possibly they had been 
snubbed and are now taking a mean 
advantage. Seriously, though, the 
women did help to run Waite down 
and out and no matter what their short 
comings as legislators or citizens that 
must remain to their credit. 
  
  
  

[* Woman's Column 
Sept. 9, 1893
C.C. Catt 
1893*]

HELP NEEDED IN COLORADO. 

Mrs. Carrie Lane Chapman, as the 
representative of the National-American 
W. S. A., left New York for Denver, 
August 29, to help the suffragists of Colorado 
in their campaign. Next November, 
just sixty days hence, the men of Colorado 
will vote yes or no on the question 
of woman suffrage. Colorado is the suffrage 
battle-ground of 1893. Money is
greatly needed. Send in contributions. 

 

[*Colo*]
WOMEN IN STATE POLITICS
Complete, Unequivocal Success of the
Equal Suffrage Move.
IT'S AN EXPERIMENT NO LONGER

They Have Undoubtedly Done Much
Already to Purify Politics, and
They Will Not Stop in the Good 
Work - Ability of a High Order
Shown in Organization and No
Detail Escaped Their Eagle Ken
- A Potent Factor for All Time
to Come.

The governor-elect attributes the success
of the Republican ticket at the last
election to the woman vote.
The present governor attributes his decisive
defeat to the women.
The chairman of the Republican State
Central committee and the chairman of
the local County committee have paid
the women the very highest compliment
for the splendid work they accomplished
in the return of the Republican party to
power.
The women are naturally pleased at
their first venture.  They were on trial
before the world and they acquitted
themselves nobly.
Until equal suffrage was assured in
Colorado the women of all the parties
banded themselves together to secure it.
They were of no party.  The most rabid
Populist worked in harmony with the 
Bourbon Democrat and the Prohibitionist,
the Republican, the Cleveland Democrat
and the anti-Cleveland Democrat
knew no differences of opinion.  They all
worked to the same end.  Women speakers
were engaged to come to the state in
the interests of suffrage without regard
to the party which received their moral
support under ordinary conditions.  The
Colorado Equal Suffrage association,
whose untiring labors in the cause did
more than anything else to bring about
the equality of women, had the women
leaders of all parties as officers.

Preliminary Discussion.
There was Mrs. John L. Routt, a
staunch Republican, Mrs. Mary C. C.
Bradford, a Democrat among Democrats,
and Mrs. Lyl M. Stansbury, a philosophical
Populist, all holding office and all
working together for the one end.
When that end was accomplished there
came the parting of the roads.
Some months after the people granted
the suffrage to the women the suffrage
association and other organizations formed
by the women discussed very seriously
whether the women should join the
parties to which their beliefs and their
inclinations and associations led them,
or whether it would not be better for
them to band themselves together in an
offensive and defensive alliance against
what the advocates of this exclusive policy
claimed were their common enemy,
to-wit:  The male politicians.
By an overwhelming decision the women
joined the four different parties.  A
few remained independent, but the number
was infinitesimal.  The new vote was
going to be the leaven which was to
leaven the whole mass.  There are certain
reforms which are demanded by the 
women as a whole and without regard
to party, because these reforms are believed
to be in justice to the women and
for the betterment of their sex, but in
the great political questions of the hour
they took sides with their parties.

Actual Work.
The shrewd leaders of the Republican
party were quick to recognize the influence
which the women could bring to
bear on the government, and they lost no
time in welcoming them as a part of the
body politic.  The Republican State Central
committee was called together for
the purpose of affording them recognition
in the management of its affairs,
and the committee was reconstructed to
allow them to take part in the work of
the campaign.  One woman was recommended
to be chosen by the County Central 
committee to act as a member of the
State committee from each county, and
the County committees were recommended
to give them equal representation
with the men.  In a number of instances
this was done.
One of the first things done in the work
was to bring Mrs. J. Ellen Foster of Illinois
to the state.  She is an accomplished
speaker and an ardent Republican.  
The revolutionary acts of the governor
were fresh in the public mind, and
she seized upon them as the principal
theme of her discourses and made a most
powerful appeal to the women to work
in the interests of good government.  She
furnished the keynote to the campaign.
The next thing to do was to organize.
The value of organization had been
taught the women in their victory a year
ago.  Mrs. Frank Hall was chosen by
the leading Republican women to take
charge of the state organization.  She
has always taken an active interest in
politics, and is well informed on the questions
of the day.  Mrs. Hall has tact and
excellent judgment.

Every Town Canvassed.
In a short time she had the women in
every town in the state at work organizing
for the campaign.  In the mining
towns some difficulty was at first experienced,
but in these cases Mrs. Hall selected
the right people to bring forth the
enthusiasm, and in numerous instances
she visited the towns and organized the
clubs herself.  Then she had the aid of
Mrs. Foster, who visited every town and
village in the state and talked to the
women and the men -- not on the tariff
or other outside affairs, but on the patriotic
duty of the hour.  The women especially
were much impressed with these
womanly talks, and their influence on the 
men was very great.
In the course of time other speakers
were sent out to talk to the women, and
long before the election the organization
was as complete as it was possible for
human ingenuity to make it.
On election day the women were at the
polls first, and they worked patiently
and earnestly for the cause they espoused.
Their presence had a most beneficial
effect.  In the towns were party
feeling ran highest and where religious
rancour was introduced peace prevailed
all day.  The women had this to their 
credit, as well as the victory of the Republican
ticket.
In this county the organization of the 
women Republicans was started some
two months before the regular committee
took any interest in the campaign.
Acting on the recommendation of the
state committee the women of this
county opened an organization similar
to that of the men's committee.  Mrs. A. 
J. Peavey was chosen chairman of the
women's committee, and no better selection
could have been made.  She had
had experience which well fitted her for
the place.  She had been successful as
a school teacher and in commercial affairs.
Very soon the county was well 
organized.  A committeewoman was appointed
for each precinct and the work
of registering the women was soon started.

Society Women Also.
Interest in the approaching campaign
was made some thing of a society affair.
The women leaders in society had worked


their services in the work of redemption, 
and they worked with an earnestness
and disinterestedness which has
never been equalled in a political campaign.
Meetings were held every other 
evening to keep up the enthusiasm, and
every woman voter was registered when
that was possible.  The most complete
system of organization was made possible
by the enthusiasm of the women.
Large clubs were formed in the various
districts by the women and they were
of much assistance in keeping the attention
while the smaller precinct clubs 
were at work organizing and in converting
the enemy.
When election day arrived the machinery
was almost perfect.  At every polling
booth a number of women was to be
found from an hour to half an hour before
the time for opening.  It had been 
rumored that the other side would attempt
to prevent them casting all their
votes on account of the large registration
in the precincts, but they were not
to lose their vote so easily.  As a result
an enormous vote was cast early in the
day.

Enemies Confounded.
The enemies of suffrage had asserted
as an argument that the women who
voted would have to put on overalls and
rubber boots to escape the "dirty pool
of politics."  The very opposite was the 
case.  The influence of the women had
caused the removal of the pool and although
everything else pointed to a 
rowdy election in Denver the last one
was the quietest ever held.
There was a bitter feeling engendered
by the strife at the city hall in the summer
and the religious question was
brought to the front.  The sheriff had
armed a large number of men in preparation
for strife, while the Police department
had about ten times its regular 
force sworn in.  The croakers predicted 
that the women would have to cast their
first vote in the midst of bloodshed and
riot, but the women's presence was more
than all the armed force of the contending
parties.  The women themselves were
treated with as much respect in the bottoms
as on Capitol Hill.  The half world
kept away.  The outcasts took no part
in the election, and all the predictions of
the enemies of woman suffrage were unfulfilled.









association and other organizations formed
by the women discussed very seriously
whether the women should join the
parties to which their beliefs and their
inclinations and associations led them,
or whether it would not be better for
them to band themselves together in an
offensive and defensive alliance against
what the advocates of this exclusive policy
claimed were their common enemy,
to-wit:  The male politicians.
By an overwhelming decision the women
joined the four different parties.  A
few remained independent, but the number
was infinitesimal.  The new vote was
going to be the leaven which was to
leaven the whole mass.  There are certain
reforms which are demanded by the 
women as a whole and without regard
to party, because these reforms are believed
to be in justice to the women and
for the betterment of their sex, but in
the great political questions of the hour
they took sides with their parties.

Actual Work.
The shrewd leaders of the Republican
party were quick to recognize the influence
which the women could bring to
bear on the government, and they lost no
time in welcoming them as a part of the
body politic.  The Republican State Central
committee was called together for
the purpose of affording them recognition
in the management of its affairs,
and the committee was reconstructed to
allow them to take part in the work of
the campaign.  One woman was recommended
to be chosen by the County Central 
committee to act as a member of the
State committee from each county, and
the County committees were recommended
to give them equal representation
with the men.  In a number of instances
this was done.
One of the first things done in the work
was to bring Mrs. J. Ellen Foster of Illinois
to the state.  She is an accomplished
speaker and an ardent Republican.  
The revolutionary acts of the governor
were fresh in the public mind, and
she seized upon them as the principal
theme of her discourses and made a most
powerful appeal to the women to work
in the interests of good government.  She
furnished the keynote to the campaign.
The next thing to do was to organize.
The value of organization had been
taught the women in their victory a year
ago.  Mrs. Frank Hall was chosen by
the leading Republican women to take
charge of the state organization.  She
has always taken an active interest in
politics, and is well informed on the questions
of the day.  Mrs. Hall has tact and
excellent judgment.

Every Town Canvassed.
In a short time she had the women in
every town in the state at work organizing
for the campaign.  In the mining
towns some difficulty was at first experienced,
but in these cases Mrs. Hall selected
the right people to bring forth the
enthusiasm, and in numerous instances
she visited the towns and organized the
clubs herself.  Then she had the aid of
Mrs. Foster, who visited every town and
village in the state and talked to the
women and the men -- not on the tariff
or other outside affairs, but on the patriotic
duty of the hour.  The women especially
were much impressed with these
womanly talks, and their influence on the 
men was very great.
In the course of time other speakers
were sent out to talk to the women, and
long before the election the organization
was as complete as it was possible for
human ingenuity to make it.
On election day the women were at the
polls first, and they worked patiently
and earnestly for the cause they espoused.
Their presence had a most beneficial
effect.  In the towns were party
feeling ran highest and where religious
rancour was introduced peace prevailed
all day.  The women had this to their 
credit, as well as the victory of the Republican
ticket.
In this county the organization of the 
women Republicans was started some
two months before the regular committee
took any interest in the campaign.
Acting on the recommendation of the
state committee the women of this
county opened an organization similar
to that of the men's committee.  Mrs. A. 
J. Peavey was chosen chairman of the
women's committee, and no better selection
could have been made.  She had
had experience which well fitted her for
the place.  She had been successful as
a school teacher and in commercial affairs.
Very soon the county was well 
organized.  A committeewoman was appointed
for each precinct and the work
of registering the women was soon started.

Society Women Also.
Interest in the approaching campaign
was made some thing of a society affair.
The women leaders in society had worked
with as much enthusiasm in the interests
of good government.  Their homes
were opened for meeting dealing with
active politics or with the science of
government and this social departure
gave the cause for which the Republican
women were working no little impetus.
When the Republican County committee
met the women received something
of a set-back, as it refused to recognize
them as a part of its organization, while
admitting the splendid work they had
done.  The women were allowed to become
auxiliary to the County committee.
They did not sulk for one moment.  They
accepted the ruling and went to work
with as much enthusiasm as before.
The women prepared to take an active
part in the primaries, recognizing that
in these were the beginning of the campaign
for better political methods.  In
some cases the trained politicians and
their peculiar methods were a little too
much for them, but they made their
benign influence felt, and probably in no
way more beneficially than in getting
the men who had never before taken
the slightest interest in politics to take
an active part in the primaries and later
in the campaign.
At the state convention Mrs. Peavey,
in recognition of the women and because
of her special fitness for the office, which
was made evident by her work in the 
women's county organization, was nominated
for superintendent of schools.

Precinct Clubs.
Mrs. A. G. Rhoads was unanimously
chosen by the women to take the place 
of Mrs. Peavey, and it has been conceded
that no better selection could have
been made.  Mrs. Rhoads has had much
experience in charitable and other work
and had the confidence of the committeewomen
from the first.  She immediately
set about completing the work of
registration and general organizing, and
soon had things in excellent shape.
When the election took place there was
hardly a precinct that had not a club.
Some of them had more than one.  An
army of patriotic women had volunteered





[*MWSA*]
Dear Sir: 
     The enclosed testimony from the U.S. 
Senators of Colorado has so important a 
bearing upon the question of Municipal 
Woman Suffrage now before the Massachusetts 
Legislature that I hope you will 
publish it in full. In Massachusetts we 
have, in our educational qualification, an 
additional safeguard, which does not exist 
in Colorado. This testimony has been 
forwarded to me by Senator Hoar in the 
following letter. Resp'y, 
     HENRY B. BLACKWELL., Cor. Sec. Mass., W.S.A. 

Worcester, Dec. 26, 1894. 
My Dear Mr. Blackwell: 
    I asked the Senators from Colorado to 
give me the result of their observation of 
the late election in that State, in which 
women took part. I send you the answer, 
which I hope all our Massachusetts newspapers 
will print.
I think the people of Massachusetts will 
soon come to see what seems so clear to 
me—that the purification of our cities will 
come from the political action of women, 
and will not soon come without it. If we 
try the experiment of woman suffrage in 
municipal government and it fail, we can 
at any time recede, without any change 
in the Constitution.
     But it will not fail.
       I am faithfully yours, GEO. F. HOAR. 

TESTIMONY OF COLORADO SENATORS
UNITED STATES SENATE, 
WASHINGTON, D.C., DEC. 22, 1894. 
HON. GEORGE F. HOAR, 
United States Senate, Washington, D.C. 
Dear Senator:
     It gives us pleasure to comply with the 
request contained in your letter asking us 
to give you our opinion as to the result of 
our observations of the working of woman 
suffrage in Colorado.
     A year only had elapsed since the right 
of suffrage had been accorded to the 
women of Colorado, and the privilege was 
to be first exercised in an important State 
campaign, where much feeling had been
engendered, and where all the circumstances 
were somewhat unusual, because 
of the intensity of the feeling which 
existed. We were able to more carefully 
observe the workings of the suffrage 
movement so far as it was exercised 
by the women who advocated the 
Republican ticket, because we were 
brought into closer relations with them, 
but it may be fairly assumed that 
the women of all parties proceeded in 
practically the same way. Many weeks 
before the conventions were held, the 
women of the larger cities began to organize 
political clubs, composed exclusively 
of women, for the discussion of 
political questions. At these meetings 
men who had had experience or knowledge 
of political affairs were invited to 
make addresses, and frequent meetings 
were held. In Denver, and perhaps elsewhere 
in the State, one or more parliamentary 
clubs were organized by the 
women for the purpose of enabling its 
members to familiarize themselves with 
the rules of parliamentary procedure. 
The women's political clubs attracted 
from the first a large membership which 
increased as the time for the conventions 
drew near, and the fact was developed 
that among the women themselves there 
was great interest and intelligence respecting 
political questions, and it further 
appeared that there were among their 
own membership many women who were 
able to discuss the political situation 
clearly, intelligently and effectively, and 
a few women developed unquestioned 
oratorical ability.
     The political machinery in Colorado, as 
in most of the States, includes committee 
men for the different wards and precincts 
in all the large towns, and also a committee 
man for each county in the State. 
The first step taken by the women was to 
secure some representation upon these 
committees. In some localities there was 
a little resistance to this suggestion, but, 
generally speaking, it was welcomed and 
the suggestion accepted as a valuable one, 
with the result that in each county in the 
State a woman acted as a member of the 
State committee with the male member of 
such committee from each county, and in 
the towns a woman was appointed in each 
precinct to act in an advisory capacity. 
     The primary elections preceded the 
county and State conventions by a few 
days. The women's clubs had meanwhile 
been organized most effectively, and their 
members had made a house-to-house canvass 
of the most careful character, and 
they very generally interested themselves 
in the primary elections. In the history 
of Colorado there has never been an instance 
where the primaries have been so 
generally attended, and fully one-third 
the attendance in the cities was composed 
of women. The results was that the primaries 


were of the most orderly character, 
entirely free from any sort of disorder or 
violence, and the result was accepted by 
all members of the party as being the 
full, free and fair expression of the will of 
the voters. 
     In the county conventions which followed 
the primaries the women were 
largely represented as delegates, and partook, 
though in a quiet and unobtrusive 
fashion, in their deliberations. In what 
is here said respecting the party conventions, 
we refer to the Republican conventions, 
as our opportunities to observe were 
better as to them. A number of women 
from many counties in the State were 
elected as delegates to the State Convention. 
This Convention was the largest 
in the history of the State, and was more 
generally attended in person and less by 
proxies than any other party convention 
since the State was created. It was held 
in a large theatre in Denver, and was 
composed of some 800 delegates, including 
a very marked sprinkling of women. Pending 
the report of the Committee on Credentials, 
and at a time when the Convention 
was calling for speeches from members 
of its party from whom it desired to 
hear, there were several women called 
for, who made brief addresses, and all of 
them were appreciatively listened to by 
the Convention. In the proceedings of 
the Convention the women took an active 
and efficient part. They had much to do 
with the shaping of the ticket, which was 
a very strong and acceptable one to the 
people of the State. The women also attended 
personally to the registration of 
the women in the different wards of Denver, 
and it was very fully and completely 
done. The work of the women was perhaps 
more important in this direction 
than in any other. There has never been 
known such careful, perfect and complete 
registration and it was practically looked 
after in the larger cities by the women themselves. 
    The election was remarkable in the fact 
that the vote was much larger than ever 
before in the history of the State. Not 
only was it larger because of the fact that 
the women voted, but the vote was much 
closer to the registration than ever before. 
In Denver, where we were able 
particularly to observe the working of 
the suffrage, the reason for this was manifest. 
Some 25,000 women voted in Denver. 
A far larger proportion of women 
who were registered voted than of men 
who were registered. The women were 
on hand early in the morning to cast their 
ballots; the great majority of them had 
voted long before noon, and they devoted 
the rest of the day to procuring the 
attendance of the women who had not 
theretofore voted.
     Another somewhat noteworthy fact 
concerning the election may be stated. It 
had always been assumed that the personal 
likes and dislikes of women would 
count for much when they came to exercise 
their right of suffrage. In this election, 
all these feelings were obliterated in 
their determination that the ticket that 
they advocated should win, and the overwhelming 
majority of the women voted 
straight tickets without change or erasure. 
     In reviewing the occurrences of the election 
so far as women are concerned, we 
think the following are the fair and necessary 
conclusions: Women bring to the 
exercise of the right of suffrage an intelligence 
fully equal to that of the male 
voter. They give evidence of intense 
earnestness in the elections. We feel it 
is yet to be determined whether or not 
this earnestness will be evinced generally 
in elections, or whether it is to be attributed 
to the unusual state of facts existing 
at the time of the last election. One of 
the apparent results of the presence of 
women as participators in political matters 
is that political parties must exercise 
greater care than before as to the character 
and standing of nominees for office. The 
tendency of the women is to stand by the 
party ticket, and not to let personal favor 
or prejudice affect the exercise of their 
right of suffrage. There was no unpleasant 
results apparent as the consequence of 
the voting by women at this election. 
There has been an undefined fear that the 
bestowal of the right might lead to certain 
offensive demonstrations in the way of 
what is termed the strong-mindedness of 
women. Nothing of the sort was in the 
slightest degree apparent. Women voted 
in a far greater proportion than men; 
they apparently felt they were performing 
a duty rather than exercising a privilege. 
Upon our State ticket a women was nominated 
as Superintendent of Public Instruction, 
and there were three women 
elected as members of the Legislature. 
There was no unusual desire on the part 
of the women of Colorado to be candidates 
for office, and the women who were nominated 
and elected received their nominations 
without wire-pulling in their behalf. 
     In conclusion, we think we may say 
that in Colorado there is hardly a lover of 
good government who does not believe 
that the presence of women at the polls in 
November last was an undisguised blessing. 
If the question as to whether the 
right of suffrage should be bestowed on 
women should be again submitted to the 
voters of Colorado, it would, in our opinion, 
be carried in the affirmative by a far 
greater majority than it received a year 
ago. The influence and vote of good 
women will always be cast for the preservation 
and permanence of the home and of 
our institutions, and their presence as an 
influence in determining public questions, 
brings hope and promise for the future of 
our country.  Yours very truly, 
HENRY M. TELLER. 
EDWD. O. WOLCOTT.

My Dear Mr. Blackwell: 
    I asked the Senators from Colorado to 
give me the result of their observation of 
the late election in that State, in which 
women took part. I send you the answer, 
which I hope all our Massachusetts newspapers 
will print. 
    I think the people of Massachusetts will 
soon come to see what seems so clear to 
me -- that the purification of our cities will 
come from the political action of women, 
and will not soon come without it. If we 
try the experiment of woman suffrage in 
municipal government and it fail, we can 
at any time, recede, without any change 
in the Constitution. 
   But it will not fail. 
     I am faithfully yours,
        GEO. F. HOAR.

TESTIMONY OF COLORADO SENATORS 
    United States SENATE,
    Washington, D.C., Dec. 22, 1894.
HON. GEORGE F. HOAR,
    United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator:
    It gives us pleasure to comply with the 
request contained in your letter asking us 
to give you our opinion as to the result of 
our observations of the working of woman 
suffrage in Colorado. 
    A year only had elapsed since the right 
of suffrage had been accorded to the 
women of Colorado, and the privilege was 
to be first exercised in an important State 
campaign, where much feeling had been 
engendered, and where all the circumstances 
were somewhat unusual, because 
of the intensity of the feeling which 
existed. We were able to more carefully 
observe the workings of the suffrage 
movement so far as it was exercised 
by the women who advocated the 
Republican ticket, because we were 
brought into closer relations with them, 
but it may be fairly assumed that 
the women of all parties proceeded in 
practically the same way. Many weeks 
before the conventions were held, the 
women of the larger cities began to organize 
political clubs, composed exclusively 
of women, for the discussion of 
political questions. At these meetings 
men who had had experience or knowledge 
of political affairs were invited to 
make addresses, and frequent meetings 
were held. In Denver, and perhaps elsewhere 
in the State, one or more parliamentary 
clubs were organized by the 
women for the purpose of enabling its 
members to familiarize themselves with 
the rules of parliamentary procedure. 
The women's political clubs attracted 
from the first a large membership which 
increased as the time for the conventions 
drew near, and the fact was developed 
that among the women themselves there 
was great interest and intelligence respecting 
political questions, and it further 
appeared that there were among their 
own membership many women who were 
 able to discuss the political situation 
 clearly, intelligently and effectively, and 
a few women developed unquestioned oratorical 
ability.
    The political machinery in Colorado, as 
in most of the States, includes committee 
men for the different wards and precincts 
in all the large towns, and also a committee 
man for each county in the State. 
The first step taken by the women was to 
secure some representation upon these 
committees. In some localities there was 
a little resistance to this suggestion, but, 
generally speaking, it was welcomed and 
the suggestion accepted as a valuable one,
with the result that in each county in the
State a women acted as a member of the 
State committee with the male member of 
such committee from each county, and in 
the towns a woman was appointed in each 
precinct to act an advisory capacity. 
    The primary elections preceded the 
county and State conventions by a few 
days. The women's clubs had meanwhile 
been organized most effectively, and their 
members had made a house-to-house canvass 
of the most careful character, and 
they very generally interested themselves 
in the primary elections. In the history 
of Colorado there has never been an instance 
where the primaries have been so 
generally attended, and fully one-third 
the attendance in the cities was composed 
of women. The result was that the pri-

bers of its party from whom it desired to 
hear, there were several women called 
for, who made brief addresses, and all of 
them were appreciatively listened to by 
the Convention. In the proceedings of 
the Convention the women took an active 
and efficient part. They had much to do 
with the shaping of the ticket, which was 
a very strong and acceptable one to the 
people of the State. The women also attended 
personally to the registration of 
the women in the different wards of Denver, 
and it was very fully and completely 
done. The work of the women was perhaps 
more important in this direction 
than in any other.  There has never been 
known such careful, perfect and complete 
registration and it was practically looked 
after in the larger cities by the women 
themselves. 
    The election was remarkable in the fact 
that the vote was much larger than ever 
before in the history of the State. Not 
only was it larger because of the fact that 
the women voted, but the vote was much 
closer to the registration than ever before. 
In Denver, where we were able 
particularly to observe the working of 
the suffrage, the reason for this was manifest. 
Some 25,000 women voted in Denver. 
A far larger proportion of women 
who were registered voted than of men 
who were registered. The women were 
on hand early in the morning to cast their 
ballots; the great majority of them had 
voted long before noon, and they devoted 
the rest of the day to procuring the attendance 
of the women who had not 
theretofore voted. 
    Another somewhat noteworthy fact 
concerning the election may be stated. It 
had always been assumed that the personal 
likes and dislikes of women would 
count for much when they came to exercise 
their right of suffrage. In this election, 
all these feelings were obliterated in 
their determination that the ticket that 
they advocated should win, and the overwhelming 
majority of the women voted 
straight tickets without change or erasure.  
    In reviewing the occurrences of the election 
so far as women are concerned, we 
think the following are the fair and necessary 
conclusions: Women bring to the 
exercise of the right of suffrage an intelligence 
fully equal to that of the male 
voter. They give evidence of intense 
earnestness in the elections. We feel it 
is yet to be determined whether or not 
this earnestness will be evinced generally 
in elections, or whether it is to be attributed 
to the unusual state of facts existing 
at the time of the last election. One of 
the apparent results of the presence of 
women as participators in political matters 
is that political parties must exercise 
greater care than before as to the character 
and standing of nominees for office. The 
tendency of the women is to stand by the 
party ticket, and not to let personal favor 
or prejudice affect the exercise of their 
right of suffrage. There were no unpleasant 
results apparent as the consequence of 
the voting by women at this election. 
There has been an undefined fear that the 
bestowal of the right might lead to certain 
offensive demonstrations in the way of 
what is termed the strong-mindedness of 
women. Nothing of the sort was in the 
slightest degree apparent. Women voted 
in a far greater proportion than men; 
they apparently felt they were performing 
a duty rather than exercising a privilege. 
Upon our State ticket a woman was nominated 
as Superintendent of Public Instruction, 
and there were three women 
elected as members of the Legislature. 
There was no unusual desire on the part 
of the women of Colorado to be candidates 
for office, and the women who were nominated 
and elected received their nominations 
without wire-pulling in their behalf. 
    In conclusion, we think we may say 
that in Colorado there is hardly a lover of 
good government who does not believe 
that the presence of women at the polls in 
November last was an undisguised blessing. 
If the question as to whether the 
right of suffrage should be bestowed on 
women should be again submitted to the 
voters of Colorado, it would, in our opinion, 
be carried in the affirmative by a far 
greater majority than it received a year 
ago. The influence and vote of good 
women will always be cast for the preservation 
and permanence of the home and of 
our institutions, and their presence as an 
influence in determining public questions, 
brings hope and promise for the future of 
our country. Yours very truly, 
Henry M. Teller. 
Edwd. O. Wolcott. 


THE ARIZONA [REPUB?]

WOMEN LEGISLATORS. 
    There were three women elected to 
the Colorado legislature, and they have 
not been conspicuous in any way, except 
that one of them arose frequently 
to demand the enforcement of the rule 
against smoking. The experience is 
too short, of course, to warrant any positive 
conclusions as to the qualities of 
women as legislators, but nevertheless 
most of the men legislators have decided 
that women are a failure as lawmakers. 
The only bills they were able to get 
through were pushed through by the 
courtesy of the men. 
    One mistake made by the Colorado 
women legislators was in assuming a 
fighting attitude against men. This is 
the chief cause of disaster to women 
lawyers and women doctors. While 
both men lawyers and men doctors are 
commonly opposed to women as practitioners, 
still they are willing to help 
along any woman who appeals to them 
by reason of sex. A gentle and ladylike 
woman who engages in the practice 
of law or medicine is aided at every 
step by men and shielded from nearly 
all the unpleasant things. When, however, 
a woman assumes at the start that 
she is to be antagonized by the men 
and puts on a fighting manner, she is 
pretty certain to be treated with small 
courtesy. 
    The male legislators of Colorado 
rather enjoyed the novelty of women 
associates and went in to make themselves 
agreeable. The women, however, 
had been taught at woman suffrage 
meetings to despise and abhor the 
tyrants and refused all kindnesses. 
Pretty soon they were swamped. They 
could not "hustle" with the committees 
and their bills were hung up beyond 
their power to get at them. At 
the last the men helped them in spite 
of themselves and the women began to 
understand there is more hope of leading 
than driving the brute. 
    Woman suffrage in Colorado is due 
chiefly to the Populists, but as soon as 
the women could vote they used their 
power to defeat the Populist governor. 
This has made them unpopular with 
the only party which has fairly and 
consistently advocated woman suffrage. 
It is no wonder that the Populists have 
given women up as beyond the finite 
comprehension, and it is no wonder 
that in Colorado woman suffrage is regarded 
as a failure, and as a simple toy 
by even the suffragists themselves, that 
they are tired of. It is practically a 
dead letter and those cranks in search 
of novelties will be compelled now to 
invent some new ism.

AS SEEN BY MR. J. S. CLARKSON

His Personal Observations and
Impressions of Woman
Suffrage in Colorado

Very Much Pleased With the Methods
and Results Obtained by Women 
With the Ballot. 

Larger Percentage of Women Voted
Than Men--Mostly the Better and 
Nobler Class of Women--Their
Refining Influences on the 
Campaign and at the Polls. 

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN COLORADO. 
A STUDY OF THE SCENES AND ACTS ON ELECTION
DAY.

    DENVER, NOV. 9.--Ed. Register: The
many good women who read THE REGISTER 
and believe in woman suffrage, will be interested 
in knowing something of the details 
of the first election in Colorado, in 
which women have had equal privileges of
suffrage in all respects with the men. I
was so much interested in it myself that I 
came to Denver purposely to spend election 
day and to visit the polls and see for myself 
the bearing of women as voters, the effect 
of their presence at the polls, their effect
on the crowd, the effect of the crowd on
them and the part they would take in the
contest, and how they would appear and act
while doing it. Some six weeks before I
had visited Denver and Colorado for the object 
of seeing the women in the activities of
the campaign, their feeling of interest or indifference, 
their comprehension of public
affairs and their duties as voters, the work
they would attempt, and the work they could
properly do in the campaign, the stability 
and courage of their devotion to party and
principle, and the comparative intelligence
of them, rank and file, intelligent and ignorant, 
good and bad, as compared with
men. I had never known any reason why
women, in the sense of abstract right or
duty, should not vote as well as men. I had
felt, in my judgment, in passive resistance
to woman suffrage, only the fear that participation 
in public affairs might in some degree 
be hurtful to the delicacy and tenderness 
of refined womanhood; that it might
make women more assertive, more masculine, 
less feminine and therefore less lovable. 
     Having seen them in September in the activities 
of an actual and very exciting political 
campaign, and in which at least 90 per
cent of all good and intelligent and refined
women of this city and state were taking a 
part, not merely passively, but actively, and 
having spent the whole day Tuesday visiting 
the polls in this city, where probably
thirty thousand women voted, and 
not only voted but bore their
part in the party and public duties of the
day, I am left to the
        FRANK AND MANLY DUTY
of saying that even this last feeling or fear 
as to woman suffrage on my part is gone, 
and that the highest minded man, however
jealous and sheltering he may be of wife, 
mother, or daughter, as against contact
with any rude touch of the world, could not
have found cause for objection at any of
these polls Tuesday -- nor so far as has
been reported, at any polls in Colorado. It
must be that women cast a majority of the 
votes polled in Denver Tuesday, for in
four-fifths of the many voting places I 
visited. the woman voters were clearly in
the majority. In the country districts, it is
reported that the women voted their maximum 
strength even more nearly than the 
women in the city. Instead of rough or
vicious men, or even drunken men, treating
women with disrespect, the presence of a
single good woman at the polls seemed to
make the whole crowd of men as respectful
and quiet as at a theater or church. For
the credit of American men, be it said
that the presence of one woman or
girl at the polls, the wife or
daughter of the humblest mechanic, had as
good an effect on the crowd as the presence
of the grandest dame or the most fashionable 
belle. The difference in American and 
European deference to women I have never
seen so strikingly illustrated and proved as
in these throngs of people at the polls of
this excited and most serious election of
Tuesday. The American woman is clearly 
as much of a queen at the polls, in her
own bearing and the deference paid her, as
in the drawing room or at the opera. I feel
more pride than ever in American manhood 
and American womanhood both since
seeing these gatherings of Tuesday, where
American men and women of all classes
and conditions met in their own neighborhoods 
to perform with duty and dignity the 
selection of their own rulers and to give 
their approval to the principles to guide
such officials when chosen. No woman was
less in dignity or sweetness of womanhood
after such participation in public duties, 
and I do not believe there is a man of sensibility 
in Colorado to-day who does not love
his wife, daughter, sister or mother the more 
for the womanly and gracious manner in 
which she helped so loyally and so intelligently 
Tuesday in redeeming Colorado 
state and Denver city from misrule and the
serious dangers of communism and disorder. 
Indeed the redemption of Colorado is
        THE VICTORY OF GOOD WOMEN. 
They gave the early enthusiasm
to the work. They gave the activity
and the ardor and the resolute
spirit to win to the Republican campaign. 
Still more, they largely made the efficient 
detail organization extending to every
neighborhood and to every household, and 
every voter; and it was their patient persistence 
and tireless effort that finally 
brought all people of conscience to the polls
on election day. They perfected the registry 
lists, subdivided the list of voters, and 
enlisted the most effective workers, and 
brought the power of the tea party
and the sewing bee and all the minor 
social functions to supersede and far outdo 
the always clumsy work of the traditional 
cancus. What woman puts her hand 
to do in a good cause, is sure to be done. Colorado 
and Denver proved this Tuesday. It 
was not only largely the women who had 
perfected the lists of voters by districts and
precincts, but it was women who made up 
the neighborhood lists and women who 
watched the voting lines and checked the
voters present, and women who sent their
own or their neighbor women's carriages to 
bring in the laggard voters. 
     I was up early in the morning to see the
entrance of women into state and National


politics -- an entrance in a critical state in a 
feverish time, and in a state already greatly 
injured by public officials with extreme
ideas and not hesitating to enforce them in 
public affairs by extreme means. In National 
circles there was a fear that these
emotional and hysterical issues, coming up 
in the prevailing hard times to offer false
relief to people suffering under heavy burdens, 
would appeal to the sympathetic
side of women and lead them, in their 
untrained zeal as voters to carry their state
still further in the wrong direction. It was 
feared that they would not carefully enough
investigate the truth or falsity of the new
ideas; that they would decide too hastily
and act too impulsively, and thus get on the 
wrong side, more from the force of sympathy 
than intention. The gravest statesman
in the Nation, made sincerely anxious by
the appearance of communism in an American 
state, with an incumbent governor
espousing its dangerous theories, and boldly
seeking re-election in their name to engraft
them upon the policy of the state, feared
that the new women voters might be captured 
through their sympathetic natures to 
this false doctrine of quack philanthropy. 
Other sober-sided statesmen feared that
free trade and its sophistries might capture 
the women because some one had once characterized 
all women as born smugglers. 
But the women of Colorado, like all the
women of America, have
        CONSCIENCE AND INTELLIGENCE, 
and like all women everywhere, had
besides that, instinct, always so 
superior to man's reason, and 
instead of following the marsh-light
either of communism or free trade, quickly
saw the evil of both, and led the men in 
having Colorado so nobly and completely
repudiate both. Indeed, in the early summer 
when the men were wavering in the 
fight and growing nearly helpless, and when
Republican leaders were flinching in the 
conflict, and some of them going over to the 
mob and the false prophets, the women rallied 
the line, gave new energy and greater
courage to the party, and so toned up the
wavering columns of Republicanism and
good government in Colorado that new life
and new courage were imparted, not only to 
this, but to all the states adjoining, all of 
which were infected also by the new heresies 
or threatened by the new dangers to 
government and society. 
    Election morning the women, instead of 
having no interest in politics, as has always
been said, were first at the polls. From my 
window in the home of a friend I was visiting, 
I could see one voting place. 
The polls opened at 7 o'clock. By 6:30
twenty women and fourteen men were in 
the line waiting for the first chance to vote. 
All the time other voters kept rapidly coming, 
nearly every man coming with his 
wife, and the most of the men with two or
more women, often the wife and daughter, 
frequently wife, daughter and mother. It 
was rare at this poll, or at any other, that 
women came together or without men, and
during all the day I saw no woman approaching 
the polls alone. Instead, families 
seemed to come together, and the men
seemed proud of bringing all their family
of voting age to act with them in performing 
the most important duty of American
citizenship. On Capitol Hill, the home of 
the thriftier classes of people, the families
went in groups precisely as they go to 
church or theater, and the women seemed
as much at ease in this as in other places -- 
although I did not see a woman's face going 
to or coming from the polls that did not
bear in it the new light of a 
        NEW AND SMILING DIGNITY. 
     There was in every woman's face
a token of new strength and 
larger self-reliance. I had the pleasure of 
going with a kinswoman to the polls, a 
woman of as much refinement and delicacy 
as any woman in civilization could possess, 
and there was nothing in it at all to jar her
in the least, or to make me wish she was
not a voter. There is more chance of a lady
seeing or hearing something unpleasant in
passing through a crowd to the average 
theater or opera than there was in this lady
or in any lady going to these voting places
yesterday. Young women who looked too 
young to vote, and who demurely protested
to the gallant challenge of some judge or
clerk that they were not old enough for 
voters, that they were in fact more than old
enough, young looking and beautiful matrons 
voting with their daughters beside 
them, silver-haired grandmothers, with the 
light in their faces of a new joy coming in
old age to them, all mingled together agreeably, 
and made it an occasion of pleasure. 
All of them were as much ladies in this sovereign 
act of citizenship, as in dispensing 
gracious hospitality in their own
homes. One notable thing to a man experienced 
in politics was the fact that through 
the vigilance of the women, the polls were
crowded at the start and kept crowded until 
all the votes had been cast, with the result 
that eighty, and in some cases ninety-five 
per cent of the votes were polled before
noon. 
     Perhaps the most significant and reassuring 
thing in women's part in the campaign 
and election, was the fact that all the 
controlling leaders on the women's side
were not the old women suffrage war
horses who have been talking for woman 
suffrage for long years, but the society
women, or the more refined and popular women 
in the highest society of Denver, women
who until recently never dreamed of
entering politics. These women, led thereto
by the disorder and lawlessness and danger
engendered under the rule of Gov. Waite
and Populism, began agitation and organization 
last winter and spring, and organized 
numerous social political clubs, and 
held the meetings in their own homes for 
the non-partisan discussion and investigation 
of all the serious questions of government. 
The power and popularity of society
were thus brought to the help of the Republican 
cause of law and order, and safety of 
life and property. 
         SOCIETY WOMEN LED. 
     As the campaign proper came on these
society women, having gained experience 
and training from the series
of these political or domestic lyceums 
held earlier in their own homes, naturally
succeeded to the places assigned to women
on the party's official campaign committees. 
In such places they had full play for 
the exercise of their personal influence and 
social power and their influence quickly
became the mightiest of all elements in the 
contest. The old time agitators were superseded 
and stood aghast, and yet were
borne along the resistless current under
the momentum of the power of the leaders
of the social, Christian and literary life of 
Denver. 
     Now, as the campaigns of the future are
being organized and the personnel of party
committees being determined upon, the 
old agitators are protesting against these
belles and society leaders, "or the 
butterflies and flirts of fashionable Denver,"


as I heard one of the old timers characterize
them yesterday, taking the places of honor
and power and retiring the autumnal
matrons and spinsters of the early conflict
from any form of leadership. But it will
undoubtedly be as true for the future as it
has in this instance here, that woman
suffrage to be effective and popular must
be led by the women of the best homes in
every community, or women whose influence 
controls the fashions or forms the proprieties 
of society, and whose active kindness 
and systematic charity reaches out
constantly to the elevation of all other homes
and to the faithful care of the helpless
and the poor. It was these women of the
best homes that made the power of women
dominant in Colorado on Tuesday and that
led to the redemption and vindication of
the state from any appearance of communism 
or dishonor. For undoubtedly sixty
per cent of the vote cast in this state was 
made up of the votes of women.
        THE CLAIM OF NOVELTY.
    Opponents of equal suffrage will probably
claim that it was the novelty of women's
first chance to vote and the peculiar and 
alarming condition of unrest and danger
existing here that led women to vote so
generally at this election. If this be true 
then is it all the more important that the
women of society who control in the social
life of state and are themselves the life
of its art, literature, humanity and good
purposes, should lead and control hereafter
as they have done here. In my
judgment, woman suffrage if it
is to vindicate its wisdom and benefit
the cause of good government without
taking anything from the tenderness or
charm of women, must find its strength and
constant salvation under the impetus and
shelter of the best and most refined of
women in all the nobler and sweeter senses
of womanhood. A conversation I heard incidentally 
to-day between Mrs. Foster, who
has been the prophet and the leader prominent 
in this contest, and Mrs. Rhoads, the
chairman of the women's county central
committee, illustrated to me as it will to
everybody the spirit that has guided the
women in all political committee and election 
work. Mrs. Rhoads said:
    "I am just on my way to attend the meeting 
of all the party committees which is to
arrange for the jubilee on Monday over the
great victory. The men are proposing that
the Republican women shall walk in the
street procession. I shall protest against 
that. Such things are not for women. Ladies 
will keep within the bounds for ladies
in politics as in all other things. Therefore
we shall not do any such thing as this. We will
take part in the jubilee and attend it going
with our husbands, fathers and brothers as
we went to the polls, or as all ladies go to
theater, church, public fair, football games, 
or any public gathering. But we shall certainly 
do nothing in politics to make us subjects 
of ridicule, any more than we would in
social life."
    These were words of wisdom and self-
respecting womanhood and of the new sort
of woman suffrage. It means that in public
affairs the good women of this land will 
apply their power as they apply it in church
or charity work, or in a manner which will
make them still better and more admirable
as women and ladies rather than less. It
was this sort of woman's power, made active 
in politics and coming forward to the
help of good government last Tuesday, that
gained the three great victories in a year
of unexampled victories, or in the cities of
New York, Chicago and Denver.
    It must be remembered too by the skeptical 
people in the East, who shall read of
women voting in Colorado, and who may
dismiss it all as being the action merely of
women on the frontiers, that the people of
this state are largely from the Eastern
states themselves and that the women here
are as refined and accomplished and well
educated as in any city or state in the East.
Indeed, the choicest families of the Nation
have contributed to this state, and also to
Wyoming, their best of blood and culture --
their younger people coming here looking 
for a chance in the world, and many and
many thousand others sending their invalid 
member here to find in the sunshine
and golden air of this altitude restoration
to health. Thus the test of woman suffrage
in Denver and Colorado and Wyoming is as
complete and intelligent a test as it would
be in Boston or Brooklyn, and as complete
a test of the question of intelligence as
voters and of refinement as women.
       GOOD WOMEN IN THE MAJORITY.
    Contrary to the popular theory of those
who have always sneered at what they have
 called petticoat politics, the good women
have voted in much larger proportion than
the bad. Practically all the good women
have voted, while less than ten percent of
the others voted or even desired to do so.
In one precinct 150 women of the red as the
local phrase designates them here, were
registered, and only twelve of them voted.
The more refined circles of the great city of 
Denver have given effectual denial to the
stock argument of the antis, that good women 
would not vote if they had the chance,
and that they would be afraid to vote or
incur the publicity of voting, even if
they were enfranchised and personally
desirous of voting. They and the
other women of Colorado have also completely 
disposed of the other stock argument
that women if they should vote at all, would 
vote headlong and impulsively. For they
were as deliberate here as the men, and as
well posted on all issues. They were
not only fully informed on all public questions, 
but they furnished able speakers
from their own ranks for the discussion of 
all issues. The people and especially the
women of Iowa will be interested in knowing 
that Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the splendid
Republican and the splendid woman, came
into the Colorado contest in March last,
and has spent nearly all the time since in
making public speeches, in exposing the fallacies 
and dangers of Populism, and in
rallying and uniting the women of
the state in favor of Republicanism and the
cause of law and order. 
    Indeed, Colorado in this election has left
very little good argument for its sincere
opponents to urge against suffrage. So
nearly all of everything having any good 
sense in it at all has been disproved here,
that the opposition is left with very few
weapons in their armory, and all of them
weak. Of course, thousands, and even 
millions, of sincere people will move slowly 
from the conservatism of the ages, and will
only come to it inch by inch under the compulsion 
of state by state, adopting woman
suffrage. Those who are far away from
these intelligent states which are giving the
departure a fair and candid trial,
and which are doing so fully conscious 
that the older states look upon it
with distrust, will not be convinced of the
truth as rapidly as those who have seen it
in actual operation, and who have seen women 
becoming voters without losing a tithe
of their charm or loveliness as women. But


it is coming everywhere. Of course there
is left the
    OLD WEATHERBEATEN AND ANCHOR ARGUMENT
of all, that as governments are based
on war power, and as women cannot
be soldiers, therefore woman cannot possibly 
be a voter. It is the old cry that she who
cannot be a soldier cannot be a voter. I fear
for these opponents of the coming woman,
that the reply that she who passes through
the Gethsemane of maternity to provide the
world its soldiers, and who alone can provide 
them, atones fully for her own physical
inability to be a soldier herself. She who
bears soldiers need not bear arms. For my
part, I believe that woman suffrage is inevitable 
in every American state; and that, 
as it comes, it will bring good to every state,
to every city especially, and to the Nation
itself.
    There is no wrong in government and
no vice in city or town or society that is
not afraid of good women, and that would
not be in danger of its life if good women
were voters. The profoundest problem in
government is municipal government, and
it will never be solved successfully until
women and her moral conscience and quick
intelligence are brought to the help of its
solution.
    I might add that the day here was filled
with constant incidents of exceeding interest, 
too many to tell. The most striking
thing of all to me, was the act of the women
in providing creches, or comfortable places
equipped with competent nurses and suitable 
foods, for the care during the day of
the babies and small children of such mothers 
as could not go to the polls unless some
one took care of these little ones while doing 
it. These creches were provided by the 
Republican women, but were open to all,
and they cared for the children 
of Democrat and Populist
mothers as willingly and kindly as
for those of Republican mothers. To
blessed women, all babies are alike, and all
mothers are sacred. Here is the mother
instinct in politics softening into humanity.
It will do the American Nation no harm to
have this broader spirit and kinder heart in
all its elections and among all its people. 
JAMES S. CLARKSON.

THE REAL MAN-EATERS.
Savage Sea Monster of
which Infested

many good women who read THE REGISTER 
and believe in woman suffrage, will be interested 
in knowing something of the details 
of the first election in Colorado, in 
which women have had equal privileges of
suffrage in all respects with the men. I
was so much interested in it myself that I 
came to Denver purposely to spend election 
day and to visit the polls and see for myself 
the bearing of women as voters, the effect 
of their presence at the polls, their effect
on the crowd, the effect of the crowd on
them and the part they would take'in the
contest, and how they would appear and act
while doing it. Some six weeks before I
had visited Denver and Colorado for the object 
of seeing the women in the activities of
the campaign, their feeling of interest or indifference, 
their comprehension of public
affairs and their duties as voters, the work
they would attempt, and the work they could
properly do in the campaign, the stability 
and courage of their devotion to party and
principle, and the comparative intelligence
of them, rank and file, intelligent and ignorant, 
good and bad, as compared with
men. I had never known any reason why
women, in the sense of abstract right or
duty, should not vote as well as men. I had
felt, in my judgment, in passive resistance
to woman suffrage, only the fear that participation 
in public affairs might in some degree 
be hurtful to the delicacy and tenderness 
of refined womanhood; that it might
make women more assertive, more masculine, 
less feminine and therefore less lovable. 
     Having seen them in September in the activities 
of an actual and very exciting political 
campaign, and in which at least 90 per
cent of all good and intelligent and refined
women of this city and state were taking a 
part, not merely passively, but actively, and 
having spent the whole day Tuesday visiting 
the polls in this city, where probably
thirty thousand women voted, and 
not only voted but bore their
part in the party and public duties of the
day, I am left to the
        FRANK AND MANLY DUTY
of saying that even this last feeling or fear 
as to woman suffrage on my part is gone, 
and that the highest minded man, however
jealous and sheltering he may be of wife, 
mother, or daughter, as against contact
with any rude touch of the world, could not
have found cause for objection at any of
these polls Tuesday -- nor so far as has
been reported, at any polls in Colorado. It
must be that women cast a majority of the 
votes polled in Denver Tuesday, for in
four-fifths of the many voting places I 
visited. the woman voters were clearly in
the majority. In the country districts, it is
reported that the women voted their maximum 
strength even more nearly than the 
women in the city. Instead of rough or
vicious men, or even drunken men, treating
women with disrespect, the presence of a
single good woman at the polls seemed to
make the whole crowd of men as respectful
and quiet as at a theater or church. For
the credit of American men, be it said
that the presence of one woman or
girl at the polls, the wife or
daughter of the humblest mechanic, had as
good an effect on the crowd as the presence
of the grandest dame or the most fashionable 
belle. The difference in American and 
European deference to women I have never
seen so strikingly illustrated and proved as
in these throngs of people at the polls of
this excited and most serious election of
Tuesday. The American woman is clearly 
as much of a queen at the polls, in her
own bearing and the deference paid her, as
in the drawing room or at the opera. I feel
more pride than ever in American manhood 
and American womanhood both since
seeing these gatherings of Tuesday, where
American men and women of all classes
and conditions met in their own neighborhoods 
to perform with duty and dignity the 
selection of their own rulers and to give 
their approval to the principles to guide
such officials when chosen. No woman was
less in dignity or sweetness of womanhood
after such participation in public duties, 
and I do not believe there is a man of sensibility 
in Colorado to-day who does not love
his wife, daughter, sister or mother the more 
for the womanly and gracious manner in 
which she helped so loyally and so intelligently 
Tuesday in redeeming Colorado 
state and Denver city from misrule and the
serious dangers of communism and disorder. 
Indeed the redemption of Colorado is
        THE VICTORY OF GOOD WOMEN. 
They gave the early enthusiasm
to the work. They gave the activity
and the ardor and the resolute
spirit to win to the Republican campaign. 
Still more, they largely made the efficient 
detail organization extending to every
neighborhood and to every household, and 
every voter; and it was their patient persistence 
and tireless effort that finally 
brought all people of conscience to the polls
on election day. They perfected the registry 
lists, subdivided the list of voters, and 
enlisted the most effective workers, and 
brought the power of the tea party
and the sewing bee and all the minor 
social functions to supersede and far outdo 
the always clumsy work of the traditional 
cancus. What woman puts her hand 
to do in a good cause, is sure to be done. Colorado 
and Denver proved this Tuesday. It 
was not only largely the women who had 
perfected the lists of voters by districts and
precincts, but it was women who made up 
the neighborhood lists and women who 
watched the voting lines and checked the
voters present, and women who sent their
own or their neighbor women's carriages to 
bring in the laggard voters. 
     I was up early in the morning to see the
entrance of women into state and National



free trade and its sophistries might capture 
the women because some one had once characterized 
all women as born smugglers. 
But the women of Colorado, like all the
women of America, have
        CONSCIENCE AND INTELLIGENCE, 
and like all women everywhere, had
besides that, instinct, always so 
superior to man's reason, and 
instead of following the marsh-light
either of communism or free trade, quickly
saw the evil of both, and led the men in 
having Colorado so nobly and completely
repudiate both. Indeed, in the early summer 
when the men were wavering in the 
fight and growing nearly helpless, and when
Republican leaders were flinching in the 
conflict, and some of them going over to the 
mob and the false prophets, the women rallied 
the line, gave new energy and greater
courage to the party, and so toned up the
wavering columns of Republicanism and
good government in Colorado that new life
and new courage were imparted, not only to 
this, but to all the states adjoining, all of 
which were infected also by the new heresies 
or threatened by the new dangers to 
government and society. 
    Election morning the women, instead of 
having no interest in politics, as has always
been said, were first at the polls. From my 
window in the home of a friend I was visiting, 
I could see one voting place. 
The polls opened at 7 o'clock. By 6:30
twenty women and fourteen men were in 
the line waiting for the first chance to vote. 
All the time other voters kept rapidly coming, 
nearly every man coming with his 
wife, and the most of the men with two or
more women, often the wife and daughter, 
frequently wife, daughter and mother. It 
was rare at this poll, or at any other, that 
women came together or without men, and
during all the day I saw no woman approaching 
the polls alone. Instead, families 
seemed to come together, and the men
seemed proud of bringing all their family
of voting age to act with them in performing 
the most important duty of American
citizenship. On Capitol Hill, the home of 
the thriftier classes of people, the families
went in groups precisely as they go to 
church or theater, and the women seemed
as much at ease in this as in other places -- 
although I did not see a woman's face going 
to or coming from the polls that did not
bear in it the new light of a 
        NEW AND SMILING DIGNITY. 
     There was in every woman's face
a token of new strength and 
larger self-reliance. I had the pleasure of 
going with a kinswoman to the polls, a 
woman of as much refinement and delicacy 
as any woman in civilization could possess, 
and there was nothing in it at all to jar her
in the least, or to make me wish she was
not a voter. There is more chance of a lady
seeing or hearing something unpleasant in
passing through a crowd to the average 
theater or opera than there was in this lady
or in any lady going to these voting places
yesterday. Young women who looked too 
young to vote, and who demurely protested
to the gallant challenge of some judge or
clerk that they were not old enough for 
voters, that they were in fact more than old
enough, young looking and beautiful matrons 
voting with their daughters beside 
them, silver-haired grandmothers, with the 
light in their faces of a new joy coming in
old age to them, all mingled together agreeably, 
and made it an occasion of pleasure. 
All of them were as much ladies in this sovereign 
act of citizenship, as in dispensing 
gracious hospitality in their own
homes. One notable thing to a man experienced 
in politics was the fact that through 
the vigilance of the women, the polls were
crowded at the start and kept crowded until 
all the votes had been cast, with the result 
that eighty, and in some cases ninety-five 
per cent of the votes were polled before
noon. 
     Perhaps the most significant and reassuring 
thing in women's part in the campaign 
and election, was the fact that all the 
controlling leaders on the women's side
were not the old women suffrage war
horses who have been talking for woman 
suffrage for long years, but the society
women, or the more refined and popular women 
in the highest society of Denver, women
who until recently never dreamed of
entering politics. These women, led thereto
by the disorder and lawlessness and danger
engendered under the rule of Gov. Waite
and Populism, began agitation and organization 
last winter and spring, and organized 
numerous social political clubs, and 
held the meetings in their own homes for 
the non-partisan discussion and investigation 
of all the serious questions of government. 
The power and popularity of society
were thus brought to the help of the Republican 
cause of law and order, and safety of 
life and property. 
         SOCIETY WOMEN LED. 
     As the campaign proper came on these
society women, having gained experience 
and training from the series
of these political or domestic lyceums 
held earlier in their own homes, naturally
succeeded to the places assigned to women
on the party's official campaign committees. 
In such places they had full play for 
the exercise of their personal influence and 
social power and their influence quickly
became the mightiest of all elements in the 
contest. The old time agitators were superseded 
and stood aghast, and yet were
borne along the resistless current under
the momentum of the power of the leaders
of the social, Christian and literary life of 
Denver. 
     Now, as the campaigns of the future are
being organized and the personnel of party
committees being determined upon, the 
old agitators are protesting against these
belles and society leaders, "or the 
butterflies and flirts of fashionable Denver,"


generally at this election. If this be true 
then is it all the more important that the
women of society who control in the social
life of state and are themselves the life
of its art, literature, humanity and good
purposes, should lead and control hereafter
as they have done here. In my
judgment, woman suffrage if it
is to vindicate its wisdom and benefit
the cause of good government without
taking anything from the tenderness or
charm of women, must find its strength and
constant salvation under the impetus and
shelter of the best and most refined of
women in all the nobler and sweeter senses
of womanhood. A conversation I heard incidentally 
to-day between Mrs. Foster, who
has been the prophet and the leader prominent 
in this contest, and Mrs. Rhoads, the
chairman of the women's county central
committee, illustrated to me as it will to
everybody the spirit that has guided the
women in all political committee and election 
work. Mrs. Rhoads said:
    "I am just on my way to attend the meeting 
of all the party committees which is to
arrange for the jubilee on Monday over the
great victory. The men are proposing that
the Republican women shall walk in the
street procession. I shall protest against 
that. Such things are not for women. Ladies 
will keep within the bounds for ladies
in politics as in all other things. Therefore
we shall not do any such thing as this. We will
take part in the jubilee and attend it going
with our husbands, fathers and brothers as
we went to the polls, or as all ladies go to
theater, church, public fair, football games, 
or any public gathering. But we shall certainly 
do nothing in politics to make us subjects 
of ridicule, any more than we would in
social life."
    These were words of wisdom and self-
respecting womanhood and of the new sort
of woman suffrage. It means that in public
affairs the good women of this land will 
apply their power as they apply it in church
or charity work, or in a manner which will
make them still better and more admirable
as women and ladies rather than less. It
was this sort of woman's power, made active 
in politics and coming forward to the
help of good government last Tuesday, that
gained the three great victories in a year
of unexampled victories, or in the cities of
New York, Chicago and Denver.
    It must be remembered too by the skeptical 
people in the East, who shall read of
women voting in Colorado, and who may
dismiss it all as being the action merely of
women on the frontiers, that the people of
this state are largely from the Eastern
states themselves and that the women here
are as refined and accomplished and well
educated as in any city or state in the East.
Indeed, the choicest families of the Nation
have contributed to this state, and also to
Wyoming, their best of blood and culture --
their younger people coming here looking 
for a chance in the world, and many and
many thousand others sending their invalid 
member here to find in the sunshine
and golden air of this altitude restoration
to health. Thus the test of woman suffrage
in Denver and Colorado and Wyoming is as
complete and intelligent a test as it would
be in Boston or Brooklyn, and as complete
a test of the question of intelligence as
voters and of refinement as women.
       GOOD WOMEN IN THE MAJORITY.
    Contrary to the popular theory of those
who have always sneered at what they have
 called petticoat politics, the good women
have voted in much larger proportion than
the bad. Practically all the good women
have voted, while less than ten percent of
the others voted or even desired to do so.
In one precinct 150 women of the red as the
local phrase designates them here, were
registered, and only twelve of them voted.
The more refined circles of the great city of 
Denver have given effectual denial to the
stock argument of the antis, that good women 
would not vote if they had the chance,
and that they would be afraid to vote or
incur the publicity of voting, even if
they were enfranchised and personally
desirous of voting. They and the
other women of Colorado have also completely 
disposed of the other stock argument
that women if they should vote at all, would 
vote headlong and impulsively. For they
were as deliberate here as the men, and as
well posted on all issues. They were
not only fully informed on all public questions, 
but they furnished able speakers
from their own ranks for the discussion of 
all issues. The people and especially the
women of Iowa will be interested in knowing 
that Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the splendid
Republican and the splendid woman, came
into the Colorado contest in March last,
and has spent nearly all the time since in
making public speeches, in exposing the fallacies 
and dangers of Populism, and in
rallying and uniting the women of
the state in favor of Republicanism and the
cause of law and order. 
    Indeed, Colorado in this election has left
very little good argument for its sincere
opponents to urge against suffrage. So
nearly all of everything having any good 
sense in it at all has been disproved here,
that the opposition is left with very few
weapons in their armory, and all of them
weak. Of course, thousands, and even 
millions, of sincere people will move slowly 
from the conservatism of the ages, and will
only come to it inch by inch under the compulsion 
of state by state, adopting woman
suffrage. Those who are far away from
these intelligent states which are giving the
departure a fair and candid trial,
and which are doing so fully conscious 
that the older states look upon it
with distrust, will not be convinced of the
truth as rapidly as those who have seen it
in actual operation, and who have seen women 
becoming voters without losing a tithe
of their charm or loveliness as women. But


solution.
    I might add that the day here was filled
with constant incidents of exceeding interest, 
too many to tell. The most striking
thing of all to me, was the act of the women
in providing creches, or comfortable places
equipped with competent nurses and suitable 
foods, for the care during the day of
the babies and small children of such mothers 
as could not go to the polls unless some
one took care of these little ones while doing 
it. These creches were provided by the 
Republican women, but were open to all,
and they cared for the children 
of Democrat and Populist
mothers as willingly and kindly as
for those of Republican mothers. To
blessed women, all babies are alike, and all
mothers are sacred. Here is the mother
instinct in politics softening into humanity.
It will do the American Nation no harm to
have this broader spirit and kinder heart in
all its elections and among all its people. 
JAMES S. CLARKSON.

THE REAL MAN-EATERS.
Savage Sea Monster of
which Infested

The Gunnison Empire
          C. T. Rawalt, Publisher
     Entered as Second Class Matter at the Postoffice at 
Gunnison, Colorado.

          Sunday Night Musings
               By C. T. Rawalt

     SUNDAY'S Grand Junction News steals one of our
editorials bodily and prints same as original. We thought
it was a good one when we wrote it and we like Charley
Adams so well that the appropriation is freely forgiven.
Whenever you run short of editorial stuff, clip some of
ours Charley.  It is all written on a solid base and surely
will improve your paper a little.

     SOMEWAY we cannot assimilate the idea that there
has been a corrupt deal between President Coolidge and
Henry Ford over Muscle Shoals.  The papers are simply
ringing with the telegram sent by Correspondent Martin
to Ford's private secretary, and it looks as if the telegram
was sent, and there are very strong reasons for believing
that the President authorized the same; this in
spite of his denial. The language used might be very innocent.
The President may hold the same opinion we
hold, that Henry Ford's operation of that tremendous industry 
is the greatest thing for all the people that has
ever been undertaken in the way of industrial development.
And, if so he might have said just what he is
credited with and that without any wrong idea.  We always
try to reason out a situation by placing ourself in
the position of the other fellow and had we been President
we would have held that precise view.  We hope we
would have had sense enough not to blat it to a reporter.

     THIS week on our front page we print a very illuminating
article from the pen of Ellis Meredith, probably
the keenest and brightest newspaper woman this state
ever produced.  Elis Meredith was brought to the front
as a political observer by Tom Patterson and his Rocky
Mountain News a quarter of a century ago, and never did
an apt pupil work under such admirable tutelage.  Associated
with Patterson and Edward Keating, she studied
Colorado politics first hand and believe us, she knows the
game.  Her article opens a fine subject for consideration.
It shows just how Sweet and Shoup may compete for Vice
Presidential honors, each striving for a prize far more
exalted than the nominal position he seeks openly.  It is
now practically assured that La Follette will run on an 
Independent ticket for President. If he does, the chances
are that the Vice President will become President for the 
reason that no President can be elected.  Failing of election
himself, La Follette would be quite well satisfied
with a progressive like Gov. Sweet and would cheerfully
support him rather than most any republican, for it is
republican corruption that has alienated La Follette and
given him much grief.  He will naturally gravitate to
the Democrats and if they have presented him with a decent
opportunity to support their candidate he will do
it.  He would not support a Democratic reactionary.
Republican leaders are laying awake nights now thinking
of plans for saving the g. o. p. ship.  Their best bet
is to sweep Colorado if it costs millions, and they have
the millions to spend.  We look for a real warm time
here this fall.  States have been bought before now.  We
have seen three presidents counted out--Tilden, Blaine
and Bryan--but some way we have confidence that there
is not money enough to carry Colorado this year for the
Republicans.  One thing we may rest easy on, the Republicans
will not nominate a progressive for Vice President.
He would contrast too violently with their standard
bearer.

    ONE fine tempest has been raised by the adverse 
comment of Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler anent the operation 
and desirability of the prohibition law, and some
people are foolish enough to think they see repeal of the
Eighteenth amendment looming on the horizon. Such
people are not wise. A law that suits both those who
obey and those who violate it will never be repealed.
Those who believe in total abstinence honestly believe
in prohibitory law as regards to liquor. Those who fully 
propose to ignore it have found its existence to be the 
most potential road to wealth they have ever known.
Distilling and bootlegging is the most profitable business
in the country today, and every fresh restriction enables 
the lawbreakers to charge a little more for their services.
Also, as Dr. Butler says, never was there such educational
effects exercised on the young. Never has liquor consumption 
invaded the schools and youthful society as under 
this monstrous law. But it is one evil that can
never be abated. 

    THE Denver Express is the most reliable and readable 
Denver paper that comes to this office. We have an
armful of trouble whenever we let a copy escape from
the grasping hands of our better half. But she never
fails to observe and comment on the mental attainments 
of the delirium tremens victim who stuffs the
slugs in correcting the galleys of proof on that sheet.
How a man or woman can misplace so many is a mystery
to printers. He, she, or it merits being canned every 
day.

    GOVERNOR SWEET, we imagine, will have no little 
disciplining of his nature if he refuses to extend clemency 
to the mother who is pleading her own guilt to the
killing of a man for which crime her husband and the
father of her five small children is paying the penalty in
the penitentiary. Under the fire of adverse criticism the
governor has evidntly been steeling himself against appeals 
for release, but if this woman's plea is not altogether 
a fabrication, he will need to make no plea of
justification for pardoning the bread-winner of the family. 
--Grand Junction Sentinel

    WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE, editor of the Emporia
Gazette, one of the brainiest men in the Republican

WRITER WARNS DELL HANLON
OF NEWSPAPER PITFALLS

    Stay in the state penitentiary, is
the advice of a Denver Express reader 
to Dell Hanlon, in an open letter
to him.
   The letter advises against attempts
for election as mayor of Denver and
also warns him against deserting the
environment of the state penitentiary
for that of the newspaper business in
Denver.
    The letter follows:
Dear Dell:
    I congratulate you on having banished 
from the front pages of our
great metropolitan dailies the names
of those who outrank you in criminality, 
and, while the "investigation" of
your case has proved more grievous
to you than the aforesaid gentleman
you can lay that to your youth and
inexperience in the hold-up game
and that your methods are very crude
in this day and age. Moreover, you
had never heard that the eighth commandment 
had been changed to read
"Thou shalt not steal--on a small
scale."
    Now, as to your ambition to return
at a later date and make the race for
the mayorship--I would advise strongly 
against it after having read that
Ben Laska had said you "always had
been a good boy." Forget it, Dell,
for if you were unfortunate enough
to be elected, even Ben probably 
would admit that back in your youthful 
days you had in some small way
overstepped the line of strict honesty
and integrity.
    Now, as to your desire after your
release to launch out in the newspaper 
business here in the "Queen City
of the Plains"-- at first thought this
idea met with my approval as it 
would certainly mean much to the
reading public and would exert an
uplifting influence on the Denver
press which as not been witnessed
for years.
    On more mature thought, I am
forced to advise even against this 
step as in your line of business the
competition is so great that a com-
mon "stick-up" man like yourself 
would be outclassed right from the
start- you would be forced to compete 
with hardened old criminals
with years of experience behind them,
to whom your wildest escapades look
like mere child's play. While you
were getting a hand-full of measley
dollars from a Piggly Wiggly messenger, 
they would be getting a million-
dollar interest in an oil reserve or--
but what's the use?
    My final word to you would be to
stay where you are and while I under-
stand the guests entertained at Tom
Tynan's hostelry are not of the most
elite, you are in as good an environment 
as you would be in the Newspaper 
business in Denver.
    Hoping these few lines will find
you in good health and spirits, I beg
to remain, 
Yours truly,
I. "HEAVY" H.

CALL FOR DEMOCRATIC 
STATE ASSEMBLY
    Pursuant to the authority delegated 
by the Democratic State Central
Committee to the State Executive 
Committee, public notice is hereby
given that an Assembly of the delegates 
representing the Democratic
Party of the State of Colorado is
hereby called and will be convened at
the Auditorium in Colorado Springs,
Colorado, on Saturday, the twenty-fourth 
day of May, A. D. 1924, at the 
hour of ten-thirty o'clock a. m.
    The purposes for which such Assembly 
will be held are as follows:
    The election of a Democratic Committeeman 
and a Committeewoman
to represent the State on the Democratic 
National Committee.
   The election of twelve Delegates
and twelve Alternates to the Democratic 
National Convention to be held
in the City of New York, June 24,
1924, to be selected as follows: Each
of the four congressional districts
will select one Delegate-at-large and
one Alternate-at-large, and two Delegates 
and two Alternates. These selections 
will be submitted to the 
State Assembly for ratification. 
    And for the transaction of such
other business as may properly come
before the Assembly.
    The State Assembly shall consist of 
two Delegates-at-large and one additional 
Delegate for each 150 votes
and major fractions thereof cast for
Honorable William E. Sweet for Gov-

    THIS week on our front page we print a very illuminating 
article from the pen of Ellis Meredith, probably 
the keenest and brightest newspaper woman this state 
ever produced. Ellis Meredith was brought to the front 
as a political observer by Tom Patterson and his Rocky 
Mountain News a quarter of a century ago, and never did 
an apt pupil work under such admirable tutelage. Associated 
with Patterson and Edward Keating, she studied 
Colorado politics first hand and believe us, she knows the 
game. Her article opens a fine subject for consideration. 
It shows just how Sweet and Shoup may compete for Vice 
Presidential honors, each striving for a prize far more 
exalted than the nominal position he seeks openly. It is 
now practically assured that La Follette will run on an 
Independent ticket for President. If he does, the chances 
are that the Vice President will become President for the 
reason that no President can be elected. Failing of election 
himself, La Follette would be quite well satisfied 
with a progressive like Gov. Sweet and would cheerfully 
support him rather than most any republican, for it is 
republican corruption that has alienated La Follette and 
given him much grief. He will naturally gravitate to 
the Democrats and if they have presented him with a decent 
opportunity to support their candidate he will do 
it. He would not support a Democratic reactionary. 
Republican leaders are laying awake nights now thinking 
of plans for saving the g. o. p. ship. Their best bet 
is to sweep Colorado if it costs millions, and they have 
the millions to spend. We look for a real warm time 
here this fall. States have been bought before now. We 
have seen three presidents counted out - Tilden, Blaine 
and Bryan - but some way we have confidence that there 
is not money enough to carry Colorado this year for the 
Republicans. One thing we may rest easy on, the Republicans 
will not nominate a progressive for Vice President. 
He would contrast too violently with their standard 
bearer. 
        ONE fine tempest has been raised by the adverse 
comment of Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler anent the operation 
and desirability of the prohibition law, and some 
people are foolish enough to think they see repeal of the 
Eighteenth amendment looming on the horizon. Such 
people are not wise. A law that suits both those who 
obey and those who violate it will never be repealed. 
Those who believe in total abstinence honestly believe 
in prohibitory law as regards liquor. Those who fully 
propose to ignore it have found its existence to be the 
most potential road to wealth they have ever known. 
Distilling and bootlegging is the most profitable business 
in the country today, and every fresh restriction enables 
the lawbreakers to charge a little more for their services. 
Also, as Dr. Butler says, never was there such educational 
effects exercised on the young. Never has liquor consumption 
invaded the schools and youthful society as under 
this monstrous law. But it is one evil that can 
never be abated. 
        THE Denver Express is the most reliable and readable 
Denver paper that comes to this office. We have an 
armful of trouble whenever we let a copy escape from 
the grasping hands of our better half. But she never 
fails to observe and comment on the mental attainments 
of the delirium tremens victim who stuffs the 
slugs in correcting the galleys of proof on that sheet. 
How a man or woman can misplace so many is a mystery 
to printers. He, she, or it merits being canned every 
day. 
        GOVERNOR SWEET, we imagine, will have no little 
disciplining of his nature if he refuses to extend clemency 
to the mother who is pleading her own guilt to the 
killing of a man for which crime her husband and the 
father of her five small children is paying the penalty in 
the penitentiary. Under the fire of adverse criticism the 
governor has evidently been steeling himself against appeals 
for release, but if this woman's plea is not altogether 
a fabrication, he will need to make no plea of
justification for pardoning the bread-winner of the family.
- Grand Junction Sentinel. 
        WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE, editor of the Emporia 
Gazette, one of the brainiest men in the Republican 
party, is looking for trouble this year. He says: "The 
Coolidge future doesn't look good to me. He's going to 
have trouble. I don't know whether it will be in the 
convention, or in the election. But I am beginning to 
doubt whether we can elect him if we nominate him. 
And I am for him too." - Grand Junction Sentinel.
        THE passing of Judge Tully Scott removes from 
earthly activity a man who set the pace for many great 
reforms and much sound legal precedent. He was a clear 
thinker and profoundly interested in the great questions 
of government. His wise counsels will be missed, his absence 
deeply regretted. The relatives he leave may, 
however, look with great pride on the record left by this 
eminent man and jurist.  
...

        Now, as to your ambition to return 
at a later data and make the race for 
the mayorship - I would advise strongly 
against it after having read that 
Ben Laska had said you "always had 
been a good boy." Forget it, Dell, 
for if you unfortunate enough 
to be elected, even Ben probably 
would admit that back in your youthful 
days you had in some small way 
overstepped the line of strict honesty 
and integrity. 
        Now, as to your desire after your 
release to launch out in the newspaper 
business here in the "Queen City 
of the Plains" - at first thought this 
idea met with my approval as it 
would certainly mean much to the 
reading public and would exert an 
uplifting influence on the Denver 
press which has not been witnessed 
for years. 
        On more mature thought, I am 
forced to advise even against this 
step as in your line of business the 
competition is so great that a common 
"stick-up" man like yourself 
would be outclassed right from the 
start - you would be forced to compete 
with hardened old criminals 
with years of experience behind them, 
to whom your wildest escapades look 
like mere child's play. While you 
were getting a hand-full of measley 
dollars from a Piggly Wiggly messenger, 
they would be getting a million-dollar
interest in an oil reserve or - 
but what's the use?
        My final word to you would be to 
stay where you are and while I understand 
the guests entertained at Tom 
Tynan's hostelry are not of the most 
elite, you are in as good an environment 
as you would be in the Newspaper 
business in Denver. 
        Hoping these few lines will find 
you in good health and spirits, I beg 
to remain, 
                                         Yours truly, 
                                                 I. "HEAVY" H.        

CALL FOR DEMOCRATIC 
STATE ASSEMBLY
        Pursuant to the authority delegated 
by the Democratic State Central 
Committee to the State Executive 
Committee, public notice is hereby 
given that an Assembly of the delegates 
representing the Democratic 
Party of the State of Colorado is 
hereby called and will be convened at 
the Auditorium in Colorado Springs, 
Colorado, on Saturday, the twenty-
fourth day of May, A. D. 1924, at the 
hour of ten-thirty o'clock a. m.
        The purposes for which such Assembly 
will be held are as follows:
        The election of a Democratic Committeeman 
and a Committeewoman 
to represent the State on the Democratic 
National Committee.
        The election of twelve Delegates 
and twelve Alternates to the Democratic 
National Convention to be held 
in the City of New York, June 24, 
1924, to be selected as follows: Each 
of the four congressional districts 
will select one Delegate-at-large and 
one Alternate-at-large, and two Delegates 
and two Alternates. These selections 
will be submitted to the 
State Assembly for ratification.
        And for the transaction of such 
other business as may properly come 
before the Assembly. 
        The State Assembly shall consist of 
two Delegates-at-large and one additional 
Delegate for each 150 votes 
and major fractions thereof cast for 
Honorable William E. Sweet for Governor 
at the last general election 
held in 1922, making the number of 
delegates from each county in accordance 
with the enclosed list.
                           RAYMOND MILLER,
                                           State Chairman.
                                 HALE SMITH, Secretary.

Gunnison County has ten delegates.

COLORADO-CALIFORNIA PICNIC
         The Coloradoans residing in and 
near San Jose, are organized into a 
State Society, with J. H. Parsons, 
President, and Mrs. Edith Massie 
Cain, Secretary.

THE GUNNISON
EMPIRE

GUNNISON, COLORADO, THURSDAY, MAY 8, 1924

Colorado as a Storm Center

By ELLIS MEREDITH

Never before has Colorado loomed so large on the political map. 
This year we have thirty-three, instead of thirty-two, United States 
Senators to elect, and Colorado furnishes the thirty-third man, being 
the only state to select two Senators. Moreover, all the States but 
seven west of the Mississippi elect Senators, and with the exception 
of the three belonging to the South all of them are debatable territory. 
Colorado is the geographic and political storm center of that 
vast region

The Democrats of the Nation have never gotten over the Shafroth
defeat in 1918. It changed the history of the world, for it cost the
Democratic party control of the Senate, led to the defeat of the
treaty and League Covenant and is probably accountable for President
Wilson's breakdown.  No wonder they remember. 

And on the other hand, the Republican party leaders are grateful
to Senator Phipps for his part in bringing all this about, and are not
unmindful of the importance of carrying Colorado and its two Senators
this year. It is these weighty facts that are causing the leaders
of both parties to give Colorado a consideration hitherto unknown in
her checkered political history.

Colorado may furnish both Vice Presidential candidates, just as
Ohio gave both standard bearers four years ago. Stranger things have
happened, as several Colorado men have been mentioned in connection
with this nomination from each party.

There is much talk of the probability that the election may be
thrown into the House, the Senate electing the Vice President.  In
case the House should fail to elect, the Vice President would automatically 
become President. The situation furnished food for thought.
So I went to the Senate and called on Senator Adams to discuss this
situation and mentioned these persistent rumors.  It is said, by the 
way, that Washington has more sense of humor than any other town
in the United States.

"How come?"  I said in the vernacular of the District.  "What
makes this waiting job so valuable this year?"

"The answer to your question is contained in Art. XII of the
Federal Constitution", said the Senator.  "The successful candidate
for the Presidency in the electoral college must have a majority; that
calls for 266 votes; the closest election since the Hayes-Tilden campaign 
was in 1916, when Wilson had 277 and Hughes 254, electoral
votes. If La Follette launces a third party he could almost certainly
carry enough States to prevent any Republican candidate getting a
majority vote of the electoral college and might prevent the Democratic
nominee from securing a majority.  That would throw it into
the House.

"But the House is Republican", I objected.

"Yes, but we have twenty States -- you know the vote is by states
and not by individuals -- that will vote Democratic.  There are five:
Maryland, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, and New Jersey, that
are tied--which means no vote; Wisconsin will vote La Follette; so
the Republicans have but twenty-two states.   Moreover, the House has
a choice among the three high men.   If a state goes for a third party
its representative, especially if re-elected by that vote would be likely
to vote for that candidate. In the recent Bloom-Chandler contest,
Bloom retained his seat giving New York to the Democrats by the
vote of Republican insurgents and the absence of other Republicans
who declined to yield to the demands of party expediency to unseat
a man honestly elected in order to secure a vote for the election of
a Republican presidential candidate. If no candidate can muster
twenty-five votes, there is no choice."

"And then what?"  I asked with breathless disregard for grammar.

"In the meantime", continued the Senator,, "The Senate must
choose a Vice President from the two candidates for the Vice Presidency
receiving the highest votes, and in the event of a failure on
the part of the House to select a President, such Vice President automatically
becomes President.  The vote in the Senate is by individuals,
and not by states. But under the Constitution a majority of the
entire Senate must be cast for a candidate in order to choose a Vice
President.  Nominally, the Republicans hold a majority in the Senate
but this majority comprises La  Follette and the group of progressive
or insurgent Republicans, which group would in the event of a third 
party ticket probably be allied with such a third party rather than
with the Republican Party."

"Consequently La Follette would hold the balance of power and
between an Old Guard Conservative and a forward-looking Democrat
---"  I paused overcome by the magnitude of the power which may
come within the grasp of Wisconsin's "Little Giant", and Senator
Adams smiled.  

"That's the idea.  You can see how the second may be first and 
it may be advisable for the Democratic Party in making its nominations
not to forget La Follette. It is also well to keep in mind it is 

EMPIRE

GUNNISON, COLORADO, THURSDAY, MAY 8, 1924

Colorado as a Storm Center

By ELLIS MEREDITH

Never before has Colorado loomed so large on the political map. 
This year we have thirty-three, instead of thirty-two, United States 
Senators to elect, and Colorado furnishes the thirty-third man, being 
the only state to select two Senators. Moreover, all the States but 
seven west of the Mississippi elect Senators, and with the exception 
of the three belonging to the South all of them are debatable territory. 
Colorado is the geographic and political storm center of that 
vast region.

The Democrats of the Nation have never gotten over the Shafroth
defeat in 1918. It changed the history of the world, for it cost the
Democratic party control of the Senate, led to the defeat of the
treaty and League Covenant and is probably accountable for President
Wilson's breakdown.  No wonder they remember. 

And on the other hand, the Republican party leaders are grateful
to Senator Phipps for his part in bringing all this about, and are not
unmindful of the importance of carrying Colorado and its two Senators
this year. It is these weighty facts that are causing the leaders
of both parties to give Colorado a consideration hitherto unknown in
her checkered political history.

Colorado may furnish both Vice Presidential candidates, just as
Ohio gave both standard bearers four years ago. Stranger things have
happened, as several Colorado men have been mentioned in connection
with this nomination from each party.

There is much talk of the probability that the election may be
thrown into the House, the Senate electing the Vice President.  In
case the House should fail to elect, the Vice President would automatically 
become President. The situation furnished food for thought.
So I went to the Senate and called on Senator Adams to discuss this
situation and mentioned these persistent rumors.  It is said, by the 
way, that Washington has more sense of humor than any other town
in the United States.

"How come?"  I said in the vernacular of the District.  "What
makes this waiting job so valuable this year?"

"The answer to your question is contained in Art. XII of the
Federal Constitution", said the Senator.  "The successful candidate
for the Presidency in the electoral college must have a majority; that
calls for 266 votes; the closest election since the Hayes-Tilden campaign 
was in 1916, when Wilson had 277 and Hughes 254, electoral
votes. If La Follette launches a third party he could almost certainly
carry enough States to prevent any Republican candidate getting a
majority vote of the electoral college and might prevent the Democratic
nominee from securing a majority.  That would throw it into
the House.

"But the House is Republican", I objected.

"Yes, but we have twenty States -- you know the vote is by states
and not by individuals -- that will vote Democratic.  There are five:
Maryland, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, and New Jersey, that
are tied--which means no vote; Wisconsin will vote La Follette; so
the Republicans have but twenty-two states.   Moreover, the House has
a choice among the three high men.   If a state goes for a third party
its representative, especially if re-elected by that vote would be likely
to vote for that candidate. In the recent Bloom-Chandler contest,
Bloom retained his seat giving New York to the Democrats by the
vote of Republican insurgents and the absence of other Republicans
who declined to yield to the demands of party expediency to unseat
a man honestly elected in order to secure a vote for the election of
a Republican presidential candidate. If no candidate can muster
twenty-five votes, there is no choice."

"And then what?"  I asked with breathless disregard for grammar.

"In the meantime", continued the Senator, "The Senate must
choose a Vice President from the two candidates for the Vice Presidency
receiving the highest votes, and in the event of a failure on
the part of the House to select a President, such Vice President automatically
becomes President.  The vote in the Senate is by individuals,
and not by states. But under the Constitution a majority of the
entire Senate must be cast for a candidate in order to choose a Vice
President.  Nominally, the Republicans hold a majority in the Senate
but this majority comprises La  Follette and the group of progressive
or insurgent Republicans, which group would in the event of a third 
party ticket probably be allied with such a third party rather than
with the Republican Party."

"Consequently La Follette would hold the balance of power and
between an Old Guard Conservative and a forward-looking Democrat
---"  I paused overcome by the magnitude of the power which may
come within the grasp of Wisconsin's "Little Giant", and Senator
Adams smiled.  

"That's the idea.  You can see how the second may be first and 
it may be advisable for the Democratic Party in making its nominations
not to forget La Follette. It is also well to keep in mind it is 
the present Senate and House that elects", he added.

"What?" I said, "but then-"

"But then it is very important for Colorado to elect a Democrat 
for the short term. My term lasts only until my successor is elected 
and qualified, as I expect to be a candidate for the long term. The 
short term man may thus cast the vote which elects the next President. 
That is one reason why the Old Guard will make the most desperately 
intensive campaign in Colorado this year that has ever been 
waged in our State. If Colorado does not wish to be taken under the 
full political control and domination of the Old Guard, its citizens 
must arouse themselves and prepare to resist the tremendous assault 
that will be made to capture it with every device of cunning men 
and skilled manipulators and the use of unlimited money."

J. F. Shafroth to Anna Shaw

April 19, 1906

I hope you will use whatever 
I have said in the Cleveland 
article, in refutation that women 
were to any large extent involved 
in the frauds that were committed 
in the Denver election of 1902.

A perusal of the testimony 
in that contested election 
case will show that by far 
more than ten times as 
many men committed 
frauds as women, & in 
every instance where the 
woman committed fraud 
she was doing it under 
the direction of some 
man.

1893     COLORADO

When the Seneca Falls Convention 
laid the foundations for a campaign to 
liberate all women in the nation from 
legal oppression, there was no Colorado. 
When women were sitting in their Ninth 
National Convention in 1858 to demand 
legal rights for women, there were only 
three white women living in Denver.

In 1868, Colorado was organized 
into a territory with a population of 
5,000 women and 25,000 men. The first 
governor, Edward McCook, recommended 
woman suffrage and continued to be its 
supporter.

When Colorado was approaching 
statehood in 1876, a lively suffrage 
agitation took place and school suffrage 
was put in the constitution. A referendum 
amendment campaign was conducted in 
1877. The amendment was lost. Lucy 
Stone, Henry C. Blackwell, Susan B. Anthony, 
Dr. Alida C. Avery, Margaret W. Campbell, 
and others, came to aid the campaign, while 
no abler women in any state have supported 
the cause than those in Colorado led by 
two sisters, Mrs. Mary G. Campbell and 
Mrs. Katherine G. Patterson. There were 
no telephones or typewriters and few railroads 
then, but the campaign made a lasting 
impression upon the State.

In 1893, another amendment was submitted 
and carried by a majority of 6,347. 
The reasons for this victory were several. 
The chief ones were the coming of the 
Populist Party which split the old parties 
temporarily, and the fact that the example 
of Wyoming had changed the public mind of 
Colorado. (Read Chapter XXIX, Volume IV, 
and Chapter V, Volume VI, History of Woman 
Suffrage, for details.)

WOMEN IN POLITICS.

In Colorado, Where They Hold 
Office, Their Lot Has Not Been 
Altogether Pleasant.

ACCORDED LITTLE COURTESY

Discussions in the Legislature Are Held 
Just as if They Were Not
Present.

[BY TELEGRAPH TO THE HERALD.]
DENVER, Col., April 6, 1895.
     CONFIDING woman is
digesting the bitterness
of things political, and
the experience is not of
the sweetest. One year
ago she entered the 
field of politics, bold in
her theories and proud
of her accomplishments 
in the line of deeper
thought. She imagined
herself equipped for the struggle that was to
demonstrate her capacity for self-government,
and she actually yearned for the fray that was
to determine her fitness in the province that
has been peculiarly man's own from time immemorial.
      She has made a failure of the attempt, and 
confesses that the old line politicians know more
in a minute than she could acquire in a life of
profound study in the recesses of her parlor,
where other fair but impractical philosophers
congregate. She is a misfit when it comes to
matching brains against the rude and effective
weapons of the ward worker. Her arguments 
are without avail against the much derided 
strength of the local bosses.
    Woman has been ignored in the contest, and 
her voting strength has gone to the same old
party that her husband has patronized for a life
time without the exercise of that good masculine 
sense that tells the male voter when and
where to scratch the name of a candidate and 
then swear that he voted the ticket straight.
    There is an absence of all that gallantry that 
the machine promised to infuse into the new
voting world, and there is not even the courtesy
of a request when the women have anything to 
do in the conventions. They are there as a 
matter of business and nothing more, let it be
understood. Before they come into the gathering 
of the clans they are told that they are to
be treated with all the civility that they could
exact from one of their own guests, and then in
the convention there is a sudden lapse of memory 
that is appalling. Aphasia directs the proceedings, 
and motions are made and put without 
the least regard for the poor little women,
who sit in the front row and wonder if this is
the real politics that they have read and studied
so much about. 
    It seems so easy to them that they rather
relish it, and not until they get home and hear
from the proud and hardened father do they
realize that they have been voting and acting
for the worst interests of the community. Then
they protest, but the harm is done, and the
good and tolerant husband mutters something of
a profane nature and goes off to vote the other
ticket. This is his only recourse, as there is no

 
appeal from the Supreme Court installed at the 
fireside. 
          THEIR LOT NOT HAPPY.
     The treatment of the women in the present
Legislature is not calculated to raise woman
in the high esteem of the world. Only those of
the most pronounced ideas could have endured 
one-tenth of the opprobrium and innuendo directed 
at the skirted members of the Assembly.
The abuse has been so glaring that one of the
strongest advocates of suffrage last year published 
the following statement, as an editorial
declaration of principles from this time henceforth:-
    We advocated the use of the ballot by the women of
the State at the last election for reasons that we
deemed sufficient. We could not advocate it again.
We have too much respect for women to ask them to
participate in a system that results in the degrading
scenes that have characterized the debates in the present 
General Assembly. If the police had put an end to
some of these scandalous debates they would have 
done more for chastity than they did by putting a
"stricter surveillance" about the denizens of the quarter 
of the demi-monde. Old freaks of nature of both
sexes congregate as vultures about carrion to satiate
the morbid passions which at times were so filthy
that the daily press refrained from publishing them.
Lord deliver us from woman suffrage if this is to
what it leads. 
     The foregoing was the outcome of a discussion 
of the merits of a bill providing for separate 
rooms for men and women acting on juries.
Jury service is one of the penalties of suffrage,
and, contrary to all understanding, the women
insisted on filling the box when called upon.
    One judge the other day peremptorily relieved
three women from service, and was instantly
notified that they would not have it that way.
If money could be earned by men in doing jury
duty, there was no good reason for debarring
the women from the same advantages. Consequently, 
the bill was introduced into the Legislature 
for the purpose of separating the sexes
when locked up for the night.
    The discussion was the most racy that ever
occurred in the Assembly of this or any other
State, and the women sat through it all, blushing 
with a fury that could not be suppressed,
while galleries rang with the applause of
the crowds that gathered as soon as it was
known that the bill was to be discussed, and
that some of the vulgar members were going to
have some "fun with the women."
    Motions were made that the women should
be compelled to accept the same accommodations 
as the men, and then one of the back country 
members got off a speech about the equal
division of honors, protesting against separate 
accommodations for women. The speaker pictured 
jury service under such circumstances
and threw the house into an uproar by his references 
to the commingling of the sexes.
    This was too much for even the rules of a 
legislative body to excuse, and then Mrs. Klock
arose and protested against a continuance of
the discussion. She was very red in the face,
but made her point and sat down when the debate 
was called to a close by the Speaker.
        HOW THEY LIKE IT.
    There are three women members of the Lower
House and the eyes of the world have been on
them for the session, judging from the number
of letters they are in the habit of receiving.
Hundreds of letters from every State in the
Union have reached their legislative addresses.
They contain innumerable inquiries, all bearing 
on the same question, "How does it work?"
    To this inquiry Mrs. Holly replies emphatically 
that she considers the Legislature preeminently 
the place for women. To her personally 
the work is fascinating, and she considers
its educational value unparalleled. She states
that she could not ask for better or more courteous 
treatment than she has received, with a 
few exceptions.
    This courtesy was especially noticeable in the
discussion of her Age of Consent bill, which offered 
opportunity for unpleasant allusions, had
anyone in the House wished to seize it. She believes 
that the presence of women has a refining
influence to a certain extent.
    There were erotic expressions in the Senate
when the bill came up, and a committee of the
W. C. T. U. called to press the point that the
girls should be accorded greater protection.
One Senator, in referring to the personal appearance 
of the delegation, remarked that the
youths of Colorado were free from great temptation 
if the visiting committee was anything like 
a specimen of the women of the State whom they 
wished to protect. 
    When rallied by one of his brethren upon the
unblushing assertion, he answered that his innocence 
would have been assured if left to the
ladies, who were before the Senate. The three
representatives from the other House were in


the delegation, piloting the visitors around,
but they could not reply to the strictures of the 
gentleman from the First Senatorial district,
as they did not have the privilege of the floor.
    When the women say that the Legislature is
a good school they probably overlook these
little contretemps. They point to the difference
in such small matters as the absence of smoking 
while the House is in session. The men
began the session by smoking in the usual manner, 
but the women raised such a storm that
the practice was discontinued. 
    "I believe," Mrs. Holly says, "that the presence 
of women here interests the women outside. 
It seems to me there are an unusual 
number of women visitors to the House this
winter. I should think the number of women
in the Legislature will increase, but it will be 
a long time before any will come from districts
entitled to only one member. However, the 
House will never be without women members
hereafter, as in places entitled to two or more

INTERIOR OF ALEXANDER HALL PRINCETON.

members all parties will nominate at least one
woman upon the ticket."
    Mrs. Holly has never been under the party
lash during her legislative career. She is independent 
in thought and action, and not in
the least afraid to vote as she sees fit on any
question.
    When she voted for a Local Option bill
some members of her party told her that she
had lost every chance of political preferment in
the future. She replied that she was quite indifferent 
to that ; that if the women were going
to sacrifice principle to expediency, just as men
had always done, their presence in politics
would not elevate it any, and they might as 
well stay out. 
        NO CONSIDERATION FOR PARTY.
    She has demonstrated more than once that
she will vote for a bill, irrespective of how her


party stands. Early in the session her party
attempted to insinuate to her privately that
she was voting too much with the populists,
but they have stopped all that, as they have
found that it does no good. She has demonstrated 
that she is not afraid of the power of
the saloons and corporations. Her vote has
been given to bills of a reform nature, such as 
the reduction of taxes, local option, exemption
of churches from taxes, age of consent, educational 
test for voters and appropriations for
State institutions.
    She believes that public life will make woman
broader and not less womanly, but less womanish.
    Mrs. Klock, the senior lady member from
Arapahoe county, has consistently followed the 
motto she made for herself upon entering the
Legislature-"Say little, but do well." She has
occupied but very little of the valuable time of
the Assembly, but she is always in her place

and not loath to accept the $7 per day of the 
members, with only a recess once in a long while,
to run into the country for the purpose of initiating 
members in a powerful political organization, 
of which she is the chief organizer in
this State. 
    It is whispered that this is her only qualification 
for the office conferred by her party. She
is of the stern and hard visaged class of women
who are depicted in the comic weeklies as the
frontispiece of the suffrage movement, and her
hair shows the hand of time has not passed 
lightly. Therefore, she says, she has felt as
though she should be a guard to the two younger
women, who may naturally be supposed to have
less experience with the world than herself. 
    The only occasion upon which she has been
heard was the memorable time when the Jury
bill was before the House, and coarse witticisms 

were flying thick and fast. She was upon
her feet in an instant, and, with a quiet dignity,
exclaimed:-
    "Mr. Chairman,. I protest against such language 
upon the floor of this House."
    The effect was instantaneous. The offending
member withdrew the amendment, the few
faces that had expanded with a smile instantly
straightened themselves, and the offence has
never been repeated. Several members of the 
House afterward told Mrs. Klock that she had
done the right thing at the right time, and she
believes that the incident occurred from a mistaken 
desire to be funny rather than an affront 
to the women members.
    She thinks the footing of women should be on
a thoroughly business basis. They should demand 
the courtesy due from one man to another,
but no extra favors or exemption from
duty on account of sex. Reserve and dignity
on the part of the women are absolutely necessary, 
but when these are shown, courtesy on the
part of the male members is assured. She thinks
like Mrs. Holly, that the greatest lesson women
have to learn is that of taking rebuff and defeat
and encountering differences of opinion with
cool philosophy, as men do. 
    "You will see the men fighting each other,"
she says, "with the most bitter opposition, and
at recess you will find them in a group, all having 
a good time together. Women can't do
that yet, but they have got to learn it, if they
are going to be in politics, and they will; contact 
with the world is all that is necessary.
Politics is not like anything else. One needs
great tact and judgment of human nature."
    Mrs. Klock is proud of the fact that she has 
never been approached by a lobbyist. 
    "I see persons about here," says she, "who,
they tell me, are lobbying for this or that bill;
but they never come near me. It may be because 
I am not of enough account, but I like 
to think it is because they know that it will be
no use."
    Mrs. Cressingham is thoroughly imbued with
the belief that the proper place for women is
the Legislature, and would like to see half the
next Denver delegation and half the Legislature 
composed of women. She does not believe
that women fight each other more than men do,
but says that when women differ it is called
"quarrelling," but when men differ it is called
"a difference of opinion."
    She says that it has been her experience from
the beginning of the campaign that men stab
each other in the back more often and show
more disloyalty to each other than women do.
She has nothing but praise for the treatment accorded 
the women this winter. She thinks women 
ought not to introduce radical measures or
take radical positions on reform questions.
She expresses herself much opposed to any
movement for prohibition, and states that she
has written to Maine and Kansas and has ascertained 
beyond doubt that the measure has
not worked well there. 
    Both Mrs. Klock and Mrs. Cressingham have
acted strictly within party lines and never vote
in opposition to a large majority of their party.
    in the matter of municipal politics there is a 
hexagonal row raging in the ranks of the estimable 
women, with the Fortnightly Club standing 
in the centre as the rock on which they have
divided. The Fortnightly has got the inside of 
the combination through the pointers of many
fathers and brothers, who gave their sisters and
mothers tips on the situation that enabled them
to take the pole at the start and maintain a lead
which threatens to distance some of the organizations 
that are supposed to be more influential
from a social and financial standpoint.
    In the recent city republican Convention they
went to the men, instead of staying with their
own sex, in an effort to secure special concessions. 
They acted just like the men, and, 
for that reason, are hated. The sisters are bent
on reform, if they can ever find out the way
of reaching their end. They feel that they
have to help mop up the dirty pool of politics
now that they have been furnished with mops,
but they have decided ideas how the mopping
should be done, and, as their ideas are not in
line with those of the traditional politicians,
there is more or less friction that threatens to
land the women in the clutches of the very 
persons from whom they are trying to rescue
the city. 
    In a way they don't knew much about practical
politics as they are practised in Denver,
They are not on friendly terms with the Central
Committee man, even though there is a Central
Committee woman in the organization. They
have never met the leader of the gamblers, nor
are they in touch with the "Pantata," without
referring to the remote danger of a calling acquaintance 
with their Alderman.

Pueblo, [Col.], Feb. 6th 1905

The Woman's Journal,

Please mail my Journal 
to Barry, Pike Co, Ill, as I return to my 
home next week, Elizabeth F. Long.

I have spent -

- Three winters since the - enfranchisement of 
women in Colorado, and for the first time 
have met one man opposed to the ballot for 
woman. Knowing the prejudice of this Episcopal 
Rector avoided any argument with him, finally 
he asked me, "on what I founded my argument 
for Woman Suffrage? Oh! I said the law 
of self preservation. Have you not observed 
that it promotes longevity." The National 
Suffrage Convention is now in Session in 
Baltimore and a number of the delegates 
have passed the four score line. 
He seemed to think that a flippant answer.
 
Evidently he thought I would commence 
with "Taxation without representation is tyranny" 
and proceed with the usual setting forth of our 
rights, but being of a clerical turn of mind 
he took the Bible and solemnly remarked 
this Book settles this question forever. 
   In the curse pronounced upon the woman 
The Lord said unto the woman "Thy desire 
shall be unto thy husband and he shall rule 
over thee," Yes I remarked the Lord uses the 
very same words with Cain and except Brother Abel, Cain 
was not subject to Abel, for he emigrated to 
the land of Nod and took unto himself a 
wife. The Rev. Rector declared "there was 
no such words used in regard to Cain" being subject. 
After they were read to him, he said "is it 
possible I have read the word of God so 
many years and never noticed those words." 
Moral, there are many divines in this 
country that would see more clearly if they 
read the Bible with unprejudiced minds. 

E. F. Long

Colorado item

As to Colorado Women

To the editor of The Globe:
    At the recent hearing on 
woman suffrage, Mr. Charles R. 
Saunders quoted copiously 
from a magazine article 
written by a man whom 
nobody ever heard of, alleging 
that equal suffrage in Colorado 
has had no good results 
whatever, that the bad women 
vote and the good women do 
not, etc. etc. It may be worth 
while to contrast this with 
the testimony of some Colorado 
men and women who are known 
and esteemed all over the United 
States.
    Judge Lindsey of the 
Denver Juvenile Court writes:

2
"In no important election has
less than 40 per cent. of the entire
vote been cast by women[.] The
[results of] women vote as intelligently
and independently as the men. The
results of woman suffrage have
been so satisfactory that it is
hard to understand how it encounters
opposition in other States."
Mrs. Sarah Platt Decker
of Denver, president of the
General Federation of Women's
Clubs, says: "The best women of
Colorado have more conscience in
fulfilling their responsibilities as
voters than men of the same
class. The women of the half-
world generally do not vote. They
are constantly changing their
residences and their names. They
do not wish to give any data
concerning themselves, their age,
name, or number and street; they
prefer to remain unidentified."
[The wife of a prominent
pastor in Denver [has] writes that]

3
Among those testifying to the
good results of equal suffrage are
President Slocum of Colorado
College, two successive presidents
of the State University, the
Chief Justice & all the judges
of the Colorado Supreme Court, a practically
unanimous vote of the
Legislature, many clergymen of different denominations, and the presidents
of all the principal women's
[societies] associations in Denver.
"See the cadets
march!" said a fond mother.
"Aren't they beautiful? But
they are every one of them
out of step except my
Jimmy!" Mr. Saunders
prefers to believe the few
straggling individuals who
say that equal suffrage in
Colorado works badly, against
a whole army of witnesses
on the other side.
Alice Stone Blackwell
Dorchester, Mass.

Telephone 1791 Haymarket

Office of
The Woman’s Journal
No. 3 Park Street, Room 16

Boston, Mass.,            190

[*Mr. Finle?*]


[*Letters to Ed*]

Telephone 1791 Haymarket

Office of
The Woman’s Journal
No. 3 Park Street, Room 16

Boston, Mass.,            March 4, 1906

Editor Globe
      Dear Sir:
            As the Globe 
went to press too early 
to get any report of 
the reply to Mr. Saunders's 
address at the recent 
hearing, I hope you 
may be able to find 
room for the enclosed 
letter.  If not, kindly 
return it.  Stamp 
enclosed.
                     Yours Truly,
                 Alice Stone Blackwell.

[*Pls. return as unavailable 
under the rule of no discussion 
in news ever - A.A.F. *]

[*Woman's Column 
Sept. 16, 1893*]

MRS. CHAPMAN IN COLORADO.
        Mrs. Carrie Lane Chapman says, in a 
private letter from Denver, Col., dated 
Sept. 5: 
        You will want to hear an early word 
from me. As I probably cannot write 
again for a week or more, on account of 
the press of work, I write now. 
        Of course I have not had much opportunity 
yet for observation, but I am 
amazed at the hopefulness of the outlook. 
There is positively no expressed opposition 
in Denver. It seems this is the best 
organized trade union city in the United 
States, and everyone has declared for us. 
Last evening we had a meeting attended 
by about fifteen hundred people, and with 
more men in it than in any meeting I 
have ever addressed. It was enthusiastic, 
and the press is cordial this morning,
except one paper. So I think there is a 
fair prospect that we may win. There 
will be quiet personal work done here in 
Denver until the last week, when we 
shall have four meetings a night, and 
make things lively. When I know how 
things are over the State, I will write 
again. The question of raising money 
for campaign expenses is still a doubtful 
one. The people are in financial distress. 
I can tell better in a little time. I have 
told the committee here they must try to 
raise $500 for use the last week in hall 
rent. 
        The committee has among its members 
three men who represent the three parties - 
Republicans, Democrats and Populists. 
The women are level-headed, intelligent, 
and hard workers. Believe me, 
the outlook is far more hopeful than it 
ever was in South Dakota. Express to 
Mrs. Stone my best wishes. Judge Belford 
here, who will speak for us and is a 
brilliant man, was converted by Mrs. 
Stone many years ago. So the seed 
grows and bears its fruit. 
                                   Carrie Lane Chapman.

[*W Column*]
        Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, on her recent 
Southern tour of fifteen days, addressed 
thirteen evening meetings, and 
attended four State suffrage conventions. 
The receipts of the trip covered the expenses, 
and a trifle over. 
[*Aug 26,1893*]

THE COLORADO CAMPAIGN.
DENVER, COLO., SEPT. 9, 1893. 
Editor Woman's Column:
        Mrs. Carrie Lane Chapman addressed a 
Labor Day suffrage rally at Coliseum 
Hall, Sept. 4. She had an audience of 1,500
people, who responded to her lecture with 
the greatest enthusiasm, and many friends 
were made. On Tuesday, Sept. 5, she 
met many ladies belonging to women's 
clubs, lodges, etc., at the residence of Mrs. 
A. C. Fish. She addressed them upon 
campaign work and what they could do 
to help it along. The results are widespread, 
and many earnest women are already 
organizing and canvassing in different 
parts of the city, as a result of that 
reception. 
        Mrs. Chapman addressed an enthusiastic 
audience at Littleton, Sept. 6, and met 
a very large one at Rocky Ford on 
"Watermelon Day," where she was supported 
in her work by several of the senators 
and representatives who voted for 
our bill last winter. 
        A large league was formed at Leadsville, 
this week. A mass meeting was called at 
Durango for the purpose of organizing a 
league; one was formed at Villa Park on 
Sept. 8, and in general the women of Colorado 
are waking up very fast to the 
realities of the campaign. We have many 
calls for Mrs. Chapman outside the route 
that has been laid out for her, and could 
keep another speaker busy. Our friends 
East do not fully realize that suffrage is 
very possible in Colorado, and that, if successful, 
the influence of Colorado's example 
on other States will be great. They should 
come to our rescue, and make the big 
battle of 1893 right here. It is the opportunity 
of the century for a signal victory. 
But it has caught us in a financial panic, 
and with no funds to speak of. To make 
our work effective, and get a larger majority, 
we ought to have an organizer and 
another speaker in the field. As it is, we 
shall do the best we can, and trust to western 
"hustle" and the fidelity of our friends, 
to get there.                            H.M.R.

The Truth About Colorado
        BECAUSE various irresponsible persons, in no way representing the real spirit of Colorado, have 
circulated statements defamatory to the credit of the state and its womanhood, we believe the time 
has come when all such silly and slanderous stories should be repudiated by the intelligent and public-
spirited men of the State of Colorado. 
        The demand for Colorado bonds is far greater than the supply. In per capita wealth, in expenditures 
for education, in the percentage of homes without encumbrance, in public improvements, in all 
matters affecting social welfare and the humane side of legislation, Colorado stands well to the front, 
as may easily be verified by the reports of the United States Government. 
        In all efforts that have served to forward the health and prosperity of the state the women of 
Colorado have done their share. The enfranchisement of women is no longer a question here. Equal 
suffrage was granted by popular vote in 1893 and incorporated in the Constitution ten years later by 
a majority three times the size of that given the original referendum.                [*10 Presidents*]

H. J. ALEXANDER, President First National Bank. [*1*]
J. A. THATCHER, President Denver National Bank. [*2*]
GEORGE B. BERGER, President Colorado National Bank. [*3*]
GODFREY SCHIRMER, President German American Trust Company. [*4*]
W. J. GALLIGAN, President City Bank and Trust Company. [*5*]
JOHN EVANS, President International Trust Company. [*6*]
JAMES C. BURGER, president Hamilton National Bank. [*7*]
FRANK N. BRIGGS, President Inter-State Trust Company. [*8*]
JAMES H. CAUSEY, Banker and Investment Bonds.
GORDON JONES, United States National Bank.
C. B. WHITEHEAD, Bonds and Investments.
PERSIFOR M. COOKE, Banking.
E. J. WECKBACH, Banking.
HUME LEWIS, of Boettcher, Porter & Co., Bond Dealers.
C. K. BOETTCHER, Boettcher, Porter & Co.
JOHN H. PORTER, Boettcher, Porter & Co. 
M. C. HARRINGTON, President Hibernia Bank. [*9*]
W. M. MARSHALL, President Central Savings Bank & Trust Co. [*10*]
C. MACA. WILLCOX, Vice-President Daniels & Fisher Stores Co.
W. R. OWEN, Vice-President The Denver Dry Goods Co.
H. M. STOLL, The Joslin Dry Goods Co.
A. D. LEWIS, The A. T. Lewis & Son Dry Goods Co.
MEYER NEUSTETER, The Neusteter Company.
FREDERICK W. HEDGCOCK, President Hedgcock & Jones Specialty Store Co.
WM. I. MEAD, Manager The May Co.
A. GIESECKE, President Denver Music Company.
V. G. CAMPBELL, The Knight-Campbell Music Company.
H. M. WILLIAMSON, President Davis Chemical Co.
ALFRED T. BOWEN, Davis Chemical Company.
GEORGE E. TURNER, Turner Moving & Storage Co.
C. A. KENDRICK, President Kendrick-Bellamy Co., Stationers.
A. J. SPENGEL, President Spengel House Furnishing Co.
W. H. KISTLER, President W. H. Kistler Stationery Co.
L. SCHOLTZ, The Scholtz Drug Co.
L. SMITH, JR., Vice-President Smith-Brooks Printing Co.
JESSE W. WHEELOCK,, Gen. Mgr. Northwestern Mutual Life Ins. Co.

HENRY VAN KLEECK, Mortgages and Investments.
ZEPH CHARLES FELT, Real Estate.
GEORGE S. VAN LAW, Real Estate and Loans.
E. W. MERRITT, Real Estate and Loans.
CASS E. HERRINGTON, Legal Dept. Colorado Fuel & Iron Co.
O. E. LEFEVRE, ex-District Judge; retired capitalist.
CHARLES D. HAYT, Attorney, ex-Judge Supreme Court.
CHARLES M. DEARDORFF, Attorney.
J. B. GRANT, Attorney.
HENRY MAY, Attorney.
FRANK E. GOVE, Attorney.
A. N. PATTON, Attorney.
ALVA A. SWAIN, Pueblo Chieftain and Grand Junction News.
CARLOS M. COLE, Superintendent Public Schools.
WILLIAM H.SMILEY, Supervisor High Schools.
J. M. DOWNEN, Clayton School for Boys.
JOHN B. GARVIN, Instructor East Denver High School.
C. A. BROOKS, Past National Patriotic Instructor G. A. R. 
S. A. RITTER BROWN, Author and Capitalist.
JAMES A. BEEBE, President Iliff School of Theology.
S. B. LONGACRE, Dean Iliff School of Theology.
BORDEN P. KESSLER, Instructor Iliff School of Theology.
CHARLES O. THIBODEAU, Pastor Grace M. E. Church.
T. E. MCGUIRE, Pastor Park Hill M. E. Church.
JAMES THOMAS, Pastor Grant Avenue M. E. Church
ORRIN W. AUMAN, District Supt. Denver District M. E. Churches.
H. R. A. O'MALLEY, Rector St. Stephen's Church.
S. R. S. GRAY, Vicar West Denver.
JAMES RAE ARNEILL, M.D.
O. D. WESCOTT, M.D.
EDW. WM. LAZELL, M.D.
(The City Federation, a delegate organization of the Association Charities,
    Ministerial Alliance and nearly fifty other societies of Denver, 
    instructed its president and secretary to sign the foregoing statement.)
THE CITY FEDERATION, by Dr. Clinton G. Hickey, President, and 
    Walter C. Heckendorf, Secretary. 
          Denver, Colo., May 10, 1916.

[*Emeredul*]

    EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
Ernest L. Williams, Pres. A. J. Fowler, A. D. Wilson, H. G. Fisher, F. J. Haffner, M. A. B. Conine 

        The Independent Citizens Party 
               HEADQUARTERS 
       PHONES Main 7171--- Main 7173

         APPEAL TO WOMEN OF DENVER. 

    From the time the women of Colorado were given the franchise it is a well- 
known fact that the independent vote in this state has steadily increased. Less 
bound by party ties, the women have been more impatient of the makeshifts 
and sophistries by which men are brought into the line by the party whip. The 
most successful revolt against the old parties ever made in Denver was organized 
and carried out by women, regardless of party. 
    You have only to look about you to find excellent examples of non-partisanship 
among those who are considered our leading citizens. Long ago the 
women had for a slogan "municipal government is business, not politics." At 
the present time, if you will examine into the issues before us you will find that 
certain corporations in this city have reversed this watchword, and declare to 
the world that "municipal government is our business, not your politics." 
    These same public utility corporations come before us asking for the gift 
of franchises worth many millions of dollars to the city of Denver, and more 
millions still to them. They beg for these grants in the name of "a greater 
Denver." They have had control of Denver for two years last past. Let them 
stand to the bar and answer what they have done to give us a BETTER Denver, 
that they should be intrusted with greatly increased powers that are but 
vaguely defined in the proposed ordinances. Have they been so faithful that 
they should be called to rule over our city? Have the men elected by them, in a 
method so disgraceful that no citizen needs to have it recalled to mind, given 
Denver the kind of an administration that deserves the indorsement of conscientious 
women and patriotic men? 
    Denver is almost the only city in the civilized world that tolerates open 
gambling. That it exists no one will deny. That is exists because of a monthly 
blackmail paid into the hands of a few officials no one aware of the facts can 
doubt. That it is an evil is no longer a mooted question. That it leads to the 
ruin, disgrace and death of many young men cannot be denied. Yet this abomination 
is practically a part of the administration of this city. 
    Years ago the women of Colorado secured certain statutes for the protection 
of their children. One of these prohibited the sale or gift of liquor to children. 
This statute is violated every day of the year. They also secured a 
statute against wine-rooms that are a menace to society and an open trap for 
young people, too ignorant, perhaps, to realize the nature of such resorts. 
These places are running night and day, without let or hindrance from the 
police force of the city. 
    It is only a few weeks since murder was committed in a saloon, by a policeman, 
at 1 o'clock in the morning, while a fellow officer stood by and did not so 
much as attempt to interfere. For many years there has been a closing at midnight 
and Sundays ordinance upon the statute books. Yet the saloons run day 
and night, seven days in a week, and no effort is made by the constituted 
authorities to place any check upon them. 
    These are conditions that should arouse the righteous wrath of every good 
citizen. They cannot be justified under any specious plea of "business." THE 
BUSINESS OF HONEST OFFICIALS IS NOT TO PASS UPON LAWS, BUT 
TO ENFORCE THEM.
    The Independent Citizens' ticket stands for honesty in elections and public 
officials. It stands for a square deal. It has no disposition to arraign corporations 
merely because they are corporations. but when they take a decisive part 
in our elections they must stand or fall by the record of those whom they have 
chosen to represent them. That they have renominated a number of men who 
represent nothing and nobody else, is sufficient proof that they consider their 
interests and those of the general public inimical. 
    Within the next few days the legal committee of our organization will 
make certain recommendations in regard to the franchises. No franchise will 
be opposed without good and sufficient reasons, which will be clearly stated. 
This organization does not indorse the principle of municipal ownership, but it 
does believe that special grants should not be given without the most careful 
investigation and a just and equitable consideration for the values received. 
    The candidates nominated or indorsed by this ticket are men of clean records, 
pledged to the enforcement of the laws and to the policy of dealing out 
even-handed justice. 
    We are not radicals or extremists, and without in any way criticizing 
those who think differently or take a more advanced position than we are willing 
to at this time, or possibly in any event, we believe that there is a place in 
this campaign for a ticket that represents conservatism and a platform of law 
enforcement and integrity, with the rights of all preserved and special privileges 
given to none without an adequate return. We believe especially that 
this program will appeal to the many women who have sought, even before they 
were crowned with citizenship, for a better Denver, a better Colorado. 

ERNEST L. WILLIAMS, Chairman 
A.D. WILSON,       H.G. FISHER, 
A.J. FOWLER,        F.J. HAFFNER,     
M.A.B. CONINE.

BILLS THE LADIES STUDY.
              --------
Progress of the Measures Before 
the Legislation.
[*1895*]
LAWS TRAVELING AT A SLOW GAIT. 

Great Demand for Extra Copies of 
    Bills Owing to the Increased Interest 
    Displayed by Women --
    Reasons Advanced in Favor of 
    Some of the Proposed Changes.

    The women of Colorado have taken a 
good deal of interest in the actions of the 
legislature this winter. Never before have 
there been so many calls for copies of 
senate bill this and house bill that. While 
the relative number that have actually 
received the indorsement of women's 
associations is very small, the bills are all 
noteworthy, and more would doubtless 
have been indorsed had they been laid before 
the various clubs. Those which have 
been fully indorsed, some by one and some 
by another woman's organization, are:
    H. B. 59 (the age of consent), by Mrs. 
Holly.
    H. B. 38 (amending article 7 of the constitution), 
by Mr. Light, for which Mrs. 
Holly's bill, No. 24, is a substitute.
    H. B. 220 and 222 (enticing minors to improper 
places), by Mrs. Holly.
    H. B. 115 and 213 (industrial school for 
girls), by Mrs. Klock.
    H. B. 486 (to remove emblems from ballots), 
by Mr. Lowell.
    S. B. 89 (making the mother joint guardian), 
by Senator Hartzell.
    S. B. 108 (indeterminate sentence), by 
Senator Hartzell.
    S. B. 225 (regulating primary elections), 
by Senator Hartzell, by request.
    S. B. 1 (state school for children), by 
Senator Merritt.
    S. B. 236 (civil services reform), by Senator 
Merritt.
    S. B. 87 (state control of liquor traffic), 
by Senator Boyd.
    S. B. 305 (proportional representation), by 
Senator Armstrong.
    S. B. 182 (initiative and referendum), by 
Senator Moody.
    Mr. Funderburgh's bill for the removal 
from saloons of all their attractions in 
the way of music, card tables, free 
lunches, etc., was indorsed, but has been 
killed this winter, as it has been killed 
by every general assembly for the last 
ten or twelve years. Mr. Rundle's anti-cigarette 
bill has been indorsed by the 
W.C. T. U., and there are, of course, 
other bills upon which the women have 
taken action -- Senator Boyd's bill, for instance, 
which is to take the place of Mrs. 
Holly's No. 59 -- but these particular bills 
are the ones that have been most discussed 
by women in general.
    Mrs. Holly's bill, No. 59, was the first to 
bring out a general attendance of women, 
raising the age of consent for girls to 21 
years. At the time many commented on 
Mrs. Holly's able management of this 
bill and the great delicacy with which the 
subject was handled. Mrs. Holly herself 
felt grateful for the courtesy shown her 
by the members of the house, who might 
so easily have made the discussion of such 
a subject well nigh intolerable. All of 
her bills and those of Mrs. Klock have 
already been described in detail in these 
columns.
    Mr. Lowell's bill (486) removing the emblems 
from the ballots, has not yet been 
printed, but it has the hearty support of 
the women on general principles. However, 
as it amounts to an educational 
qualification, probably it will share the 
same fate as Mrs. Holly's bill for that 
purpose.
    As some of the present members of the
legislature spell month "munth" and debt 
"det," they cannot consistently object to 
being elected by those who spell according 
to Graham, the phonetic authority, instead 
of according to Webster; in fact they don't 
care whether their constituents can spell 
at all. The only ray of intelligence necessary 
is the ability to tell an eagle from a 
rooster and a flag from a house.
    Senator Hartzell is generally recognized 
by women as a friend. In the discussion 
of Senator Boyd's bill, which is to supplant 
Mrs. Holly's bill 59 in the senate, 
Mr. Hartzell made a strong appeal for the 
fullest possible protection for girls. The 
discussion was carried on "behind closed 
doors," and there was no gallery to respond 
to his eloquent words in behalf of 
injured girlhood, but they were spoken 
with the same earnestness to his colleagues 
alone.
    "They accuse Hartzell of talking to the 
galleries," said one of the women clerks 
at the senate, "but the reason the galleries 
like him is because he generally talks 
on the right side of the question."
    Colorado has not been one of the six 
states where a mother's right to her 
children is equal with that of the father. 
Under the present law a man can will 
away an unborn child. Senator Hartzell's 
bill 89 so amends the statues of 
1883 that "every married woman is hereby 
constituted and declared to be the 
joint guardian of her children with her 
husband, with equal powers, rights and 
duties in regard to them with her husband." 
Some of the bills have called for 
long discussions, but this one was indorsed 
as soon as read. It wasn't necessary 
for women to ask questions in regard 
to it. The indeterminate sentence 
bill, also one of Senators Hartzell's, has 
been pretty thoroughly gone over by the 
press of the city. It has been discussed 
in the Woman's club and the City Suffrage 
league; the Candlelight club had it 
for dinner and the board of charities and 
corrections have printed it as a pamphlet 
and distributed it far and wide. It is a 
very long and carefully prepared bill, 
covering twenty-three pages of legal cap 
and repealing all conflicting statutes, and 
it is somewhat difficult to state its provisions 
in brief. Section 1 establishes a 
board of five parole commissioners to be 
appointed by the governor, two of whom 
are to be women, and not more than two 
shall be taken from the same party. They 
receive no salary and only actual traveling 
expenses and have no power to contract 
debts. They have entire control of 
the penitentiary, but must run it on a 
cash basis. Section 5' provides that any 
person sentenced to the penitentiary 
shall be examined to see whether he can 
read or write, what is his trade or profession 
whether he has ever before been

to earn an honest living, and something 
will be done. The passage of this bill, 
if it does pass, will hasten a movement 
of that kind, because it is a plain, common-sense
proposition that if it pays to 
keep a man finding employment for paroled 
prisoners to keep them from going 
back to prison, it will pay equally well 
to keep a man or a dozen men finding 
work to prevent the ninety-nine just men 
who need no repentance from going to 
prison at all. It is not the intention of 
this bill to "coddle hoboes" and the habitual 
criminal will soon discover this. 
It has worked well elsewhere, and as a 
progressive measure commends itself to 
the progressive people of Colorado.
    Senate bill 225, introduced by Senator 
Hartzell, at the request of some of the 
most prominent of the Republican women, 
regulates primary elections. Paradoxical 
as that may sound, it is absolutely 
democratic in its provisions, and as 
it provides for direct nominations by the 
people, it must commend itself to the 
People's party. It is the celebrated Kentucky 
law by which Colonel Breckinridge 
was defeated. Under it primary elections 
are governed by the laws regulating other 
elections, and violations of the law meet 
the same punishment. When a primary 
election is to be held notice must be 
posted at the court house door and in at 
least twenty other places in the county or 
district, giving time and place and list 
of offices for which candidates are to be 
nominated.
    Last fall when it became evident that 
the women were going to go to the primaries 
one patriotic committeeman of the 
g. o. p. called his primary for 8 o'clock 
in the evening, out on the prairie, east 
of the City park. This is one of a number 
of instances that lead to the introduction 
of this law. 
   The registration books become an even 
more important factor than at present, 
for each person who desires to take part 
in the primaries must state his political 
preferences, and each party has the list 
copied for itself by someone sworn to 
make a true copy. This list is the guide 
in the primary election; and the officers 
in such elections have the same duties 
and responsibilities as the officers in county 
or state elections, and are appointed 
by their respective parties. 
    The candidate for office must announce 
himself, or be announced by his friends, 
at least fifteen days before the election, 
in order to have his name appear on 
the printed ballot. The candidates will 
send in lists of persons whom they wish 
to serve as judges, clerks, sheriffs, etc., 
and as nearly as possible the selections 
are to be divided evenly between the 
friends of the candidates.
   In case of a "slate," the voters can 
readily smash it by writing the names of 
any other person they may prefer. If 
the names of Brown, Jones and Robinson 
for mayor none of them please the citizen, 
he can write in the names of Smith 
and thus put Smith in nomination. If 
Smith is the general choice of his precinct 
he becomes the nominee and the printed 
ballot cuts no figure. 
    The precinct committees are elected by 
the people of each party and are sworn 
to "faithfully and honestly discharge the 
duties" of their position, and if they fail 
to do so they may be fined and imprisoned. 
Each party pays the expense of the 
primary elections, but as it does away 
with the county and state conventions 
the expenses are decreased as a whole.
    The returns are deposited "with the 
committee or governing authority of the 
political party under whose direction such 
primary was held, and any person who 
shall in any wise alter such returns shall 
be punished in the same form and manner 
as  is provided by general law for 
the punishment of any person who changes 
or in any wise alters the returns of a 
regular state or county election."
   Failure to vote at the primaries does 
not prevent voting at the election, and 
the independent who prefers to chance it 
between the nominations of the parties 
rather than take a hand in making them 
can do so. The advantages of such a 
law are evident, and if the registration 
books were honestly kept, and the committees 
well chosen it seems as if primaries 
conducted on this plan might do 
much to abolish ward bosses, slates and 
packed conventions.
   Senate bill 305, by Senator Armstrong, 
is known as the proportional representation 
bill. Advocates of this measures say 
that it is unfair and inconsistent with a 
representative form of government that 
frequently the majority of the people are 
unrepresented. For instance, in the election 
of 1894 the total vote cast for congressmen 
was 11,281,525, of which the Republican 
party polled 48.1 per cent., and 
elected 68.8 per cent of the congressmen; 
the Democrats with 38.1 per cent. of the 
vote elected 29.2 per cent. of the representatives; 
with 12 per cent. of the vote 
the Populists obtained only 2 per cent. of 
the representatives and the 1.6 per cent. 
vote of the prohibitionists has no recognition 
whatever. Senator Armstrong's bill 
calls for one senatorial and three representatives 
districts and outlines them and 
provides for the election in 1896 of 18 
senators and the same number every four 
years thereafter, and in 1898 and every 
four years thereafter for seventeen senators. 
The first and second representative 
districts are to elect 22 members of the 
house biennially and the third 21 members. 
Each legal voter shall have a vote 
for one senator and one representative. 
In the year when 18 senators are elected 
the electoral quota will be "The least 
whole number that is greater than one-nineteenth 
of the total vote cast for senators." 
In the first and second representative 
districts the quota will be the least 
whole number over one-twenty-third, and 
in the third district the least whole number 
over one-twenty-second of the total 
vote cast for representatives. If a candidate 
is nominated on several tickets he 
must notify the secretary of state at 
least thirty days before election which 
party is to receive in the aggregated vote 
of its candidates the benefit of the votes 
cast for him individually. In case of a 
tie the party that has first filed its nominations 
with secretary of state will 
be entitled to the senator or representative 
as the case may be. Each party 
'shall be allotted as many senators (or 
representatives) as the electoral quota 
for senators (or representatives) shall be 
contained times in the aggregate number 
of votes received by the candidate or candidates 
of the party." 
  
Possible the women are more enthusiastic 
over this law than their brothers, because 
by the referendum they were enfranchised.
    Senator Merritt has two bills which 
have received the very general indorsement 
of the women, bill 236 for civil service 
reform was endorsed without discussion 
by the Woman's club and a week 
ago Saturday a meeting was held at the 
state house to discuss the subject. Dr. 
Love read her very admirable paper and 
there were a number of addresses but no 
difference of opinion as to the merits of 
the question.  
   Senate bill No. 1 "In relation to the 
establishment of a state school for dependent 
and neglected children and 
making an appropriation therefor" is one 
of the best bills that has been introduced, 
but the appropriation clause may yet be 
the death of it.
    It is founded on the Michigan plan and 
its object (sec. 5) is "to provide a home for 
dependent and neglected children where 
they shall be retained only until they 
can be placed in family homes." The 
board of control, composed in the same 
way as the board mentioned in the indeterminate 
sentence bill, has a good deal 
of latitude in regard to the children in 
the school. While they are supposed to 
be retained only until placed in homes 
at 16 years of age, "the child may be 
retained as long as its best interests may 
require." One of the best arguments in 
favor of this school is that read by Mrs. 
Ashley before the Fortnightly and afterwards 
before the State Equal Suffrage 
association. The bill asks that certain 
school lands be sold "for the purpose of 
securing a suitable site for said school," 
but at present prices this would scarcely 
provide the improvements called for in 
the same section; "three two-story basement 
cottages with a capacity of thirty 
children each; an administration building 
for the superintendent, for offices, 
dormitories for employes, dining rooms 
and kitchen, bakery and the necessary 
outbuildings, a school building and an engine 
house with laundry and a hospital." 
The bill is a good one, the purpose is admirable, 
and it appeals to "the common 
sense of most." While the indeterminate 
sentence is intended to cure crime 
this bill is intended to prevent the manufacture 
of criminals. But where is the 
money to come from?
    Senator Boyd has introduced a bill (87) 
for "controlling the traffic in intoxicating 
liquors" in this state. He had a similar 
bill two years ago, but this is the kind of 
legislation that has a hard time between 
the devil of the saloon power on one side 
and the deep sea of the prohibitionists on 
the other. The saloon keepers objects, 
very naturally, and the prohibitionists 
talk about a "league with hell." The bill 
forbids the sale or giving away of any 
intoxicating liquors save by the state's 

accredited agents. A saloon can be opened 
upon the petition of a majority of the 
registered voters of any precinct, but 
there cannot be more than one agent to 
each 100 voters. The agent must be of 
good moral character, can sell only for 
cash. must keep his place shut from 10 
p. m. until 6 a. m.; must give bond of 
$100 to keep an orderly place; is forbidden 
to sell to any minor, intoxicated person 
or habitual drunkard or to have 
any games or amusements connected with 
his place of business. His salary is to be 
not over $100 a month, and while he is 
allowed to sell at 100 per cent profit he 
must turn all profits to the county treasury 
on the first day of each month, except 
in cities where half the profits are 
given to the city treasury. With these 
proceeds the county committee are to

ten or twelve years. Mr. Rundle's anti-cigarette 
bill has been indorsed by the 
W.C. T. U., and there are, of course, 
other bills upon which the women have 
taken action -- Senator Boyd's bill, for instance, 
which is to take the place of Mrs. 
Holly's No. 59 -- but these particular bills 
are the ones that have been most discussed 
by women in general.
    Mrs. Holly's bill, No. 59, was the first to 
bring out a general attendance of women, 
raising the age of consent for girls to 21 
years. At the time many commented on 
Mrs. Holly's able management of this 
bill and the great delicacy with which the 
subject was handled. Mrs. Holly herself 
felt grateful for the courtesy shown her 
by the members of the house, who might 
so easily have made the discussion of such 
a subject well nigh intolerable. All of 
her bills and those of Mrs. Klock have 
already been described in detail in these 
columns.
    Mr. Lowell's bill (486) removing the emblems 
from the ballots, has not yet been 
printed, but it has the hearty support of 
the women on general principles. However, 
as it amounts to an educational 
qualification, probably it will share the 
same fate as Mrs. Holly's bill for that 
purpose.
    As some of the present members of the
legislature spell month "munth" and debt 
"det," they cannot consistently object to 
being elected by those who spell according 
to Graham, the phonetic authority, instead 
of according to Webster; in fact they don't 
care whether their constituents can spell 
at all. The only ray of intelligence necessary 
is the ability to tell an eagle from a 
rooster and a flag from a house.
    Senator Hartzell is generally recognized 
by women as a friend. In the discussion 
of Senator Boyd's bill, which is to supplant 
Mrs. Holly's bill 59 in the senate, 
Mr. Hartzell made a strong appeal for the 
fullest possible protection for girls. The 
discussion was carried on "behind closed 
doors," and there was no gallery to respond 
to his eloquent words in behalf of 
injured girlhood, but they were spoken 
with the same earnestness to his colleagues 
alone.
    "They accuse Hartzell of talking to the 
galleries," said one of the women clerks 
at the senate, "but the reason the galleries 
like him is because he generally talks 
on the right side of the question."
    Colorado has not been one of the six 
states where a mother's right to her 
children is equal with that of the father. 
Under the present law a man can will 
away an unborn child. Senator Hartzell's 
bill 89 so amends the statues of 
1883 that "every married woman is hereby 
constituted and declared to be the 
joint guardian of her children with her 
husband, with equal powers, rights and 
duties in regard to them with her husband." 
Some of the bills have called for 
long discussions, but this one was indorsed 
as soon as read. It wasn't necessary 
for women to ask questions in regard 
to it. The indeterminate sentence 
bill, also one of Senators Hartzell's, has 
been pretty thoroughly gone over by the 
press of the city. It has been discussed 
in the Woman's club and the City Suffrage 
league; the Candlelight club had it 
for dinner and the board of charities and 
corrections have printed it as a pamphlet 
and distributed it far and wide. It is a 
very long and carefully prepared bill, 
covering twenty-three pages of legal cap 
and repealing all conflicting statutes, and 
it is somewhat difficult to state its provisions 
in brief. Section 1 establishes a 
board of five parole commissioners to be 
appointed by the governor, two of whom 
are to be women, and not more than two 
shall be taken from the same party. They 
receive no salary and only actual traveling 
expenses and have no power to contract 
debts. They have entire control of 
the penitentiary, but must run it on a 
cash basis. Section 5' provides that any 
person sentenced to the penitentiary 
shall be examined to see whether he can 
read or write, what is his trade or profession, 
whether he has ever before been
convicted of crime, and if so whether he 
is a recidivist.  In the strict sense of the 
word the sentence is not "indeterminate"
for the prisoner is sentenced for 
the maximum penalty for his offense.
There are three grades of prisoners, and 
every man is judged according to his 
actions and a strict account kept. When 
by good behavior a prisoner convinces 
the board that he can "remain at liberty 
without violation of the law" they can 
give him an absolute discharge unless he 
is a second or third timer, in which case 
he must serve at least the minimum sentence. 
While at work in the prison the 
offender is paid a small sum which is 
given to him when he goes out on parole 
or at his discharge. He forfeits this for 
bad behavior.
    The objects of this bill are to reform 
the criminal and so far as possible make 
him reform at his own expense. The 
prisoner on parole ceases to be a burden 
upon the taxpayer. Allowing him a little 
money gives him a chance to start 
fair, and the employment of a state 
agent whose duty it should be to seek 
employment for paroled prisoners where 
the environment will tend toward their 
reformation will give them a chance 
to really reform if they desire to do so.
    The objections to the bill are principally 
confined to this state agent. His
power over paroled prisoners is thought 
to be too great by some warm adherents 
of the bill. On the other hand the 
trades assembly points to the unfairness 
of employing a man to seek work for 
"the jail bird" while honest, hardworking 
men are seeking employment in vain. 
    It does seem at times as if the law prefers 
many pounds of cure to an ounce of 
prevention, but because it fails in one 
particular is no reason why it should fail 
all around. Something should be done to 
provide work for those who are anxious 


and as nearly as possible the selections 
are to be divided evenly between the 
friends of the candidates.
   In case of a "slate," the voters can 
readily smash it by writing the names of 
any other person they may prefer. If 
the names of Brown, Jones and Robinson 
for mayor none of them please the citizen, 
he can write in the name of Smith 
and thus put Smith in nomination. If 
Smith is the general choice of his precinct 
he becomes the nominee and the printed 
ballot cuts no figure. 
    The precinct committees are elected by 
the people of each party and are sworn 
to "faithfully and honestly discharge the 
duties" of their position, and if they fail 
to do so they may be fined and imprisoned. 
Each party pays the expense of the 
primary elections, but as it does away 
with the county and state conventions 
the expenses are decreased as a whole.
    The returns are deposited "with the 
committee or governing authority of the 
political party under whose direction such 
primary was held, and any person who 
shall in any wise alter such returns shall 
be punished in the same form and manner 
as is provided by general law for 
the punishment of any person who changes 
or in any wise alters the returns of a 
regular state or county election."
   Failure to vote at the primaries does 
not prevent voting at the election, and 
the independent who prefers to chance it 
between the nominations of the parties 
rather than take a hand in making them 
can do so. The advantages of such a 
law are evident, and if the registration 
books were honestly kept, and the committees 
well chosen it seems as if primaries 
conducted on this plan might do 
much to abolish ward bosses, slates and 
packed conventions.
   Senate bill 305, by Senator Armstrong, 
is known as the proportional representation 
bill. Advocates of this measures say 
that it is unfair and inconsistent with a 
representative form of government that 
frequently the majority of the people are 
unrepresented. For instance, in the election 
of 1894 the total vote cast for congressmen 
was 11,281,525, of which the Republican 
party polled 48.1 per cent., and 
elected 68.8 per cent of the congressmen; 
the Democrats with 38.1 per cent. of the 
vote elected 29.2 per cent. of the representatives; 
with 12 per cent. of the vote 
the Populists obtained only 2 per cent. of 
the representatives and the 1.6 per cent. 
vote of the prohibitionists has no recognition 
whatever. Senator Armstrong's bill 
calls for one senatorial and three representatives 
districts and outlines them and 
provides for the election in 1896 of 18 
senators and the same number every four 
years thereafter, and in 1898 and every 
four years thereafter for seventeen senators. 
The first and second representative 
districts are to elect 22 members of the 
house biennially and the third 21 members. 
Each legal voter shall have a vote 
for one senator and one representative. 
In the year when 18 senators are elected 
the electoral quota will be "The least 
whole number that is greater than one-nineteenth 
of the total vote cast for senators." 
In the first and second representative 
districts the quota will be the least 
whole number over one-twenty-third, and 
in the third district the least whole number 
over one-twenty-second of the total 
vote cast for representatives. If a candidate 
is nominated on several tickets he 
must notify the secretary of state at 
least thirty days before election which 
party is to receive in the aggregated vote 
of its candidates the benefit of the votes 
cast for him individually. In case of a 
tie the party that has first filed its nominations 
with secretary of state will 
be entitled to the senator or representative 
as the case may be. Each party 
'shall be allotted as many senators (or 
representatives) as the electoral quota 
for senators (or representatives) shall be 
contained times in the aggregate number 
of votes received by the candidate or candidates 
of the party." 
    Proportional representation, like the initiative 
and referendum, is of Swiss origin, 
and it is steadily growing in favor, 
especially among the three or four minorities 
that together make up a majority of 
the people, who are practically without a 
voice in their government.
    The initiative and referendum bill (182) 
was introduced by Senator Moody and on 
Saturday night there was an open meeting, 
when it was thoroughly discussed. 
While it was incorporated in the Populist 
platform it has many strong supporters 
in Republican ranks, especially among the 
women. Women may "jump to conclusions"
and rely on intuition in little 
things, but they are awfully and fearfully 
conservative in announcing themselves in 
favor of this, that or the other law, 
without a good deal of time spent in 
thinking of it. They would rather take a 
year to study a measure before they vote 
on it, hence their advocacy of this bill.
It is (alas) an amendment to the constitution 
and asks, first for the initiative 
petition, second referendum petition, and 
third for the petition of recall.
    "The initiative petition shall be used by 
the people to initiate and effectuate any 
desired bill, law or legislative action.
    "The referendum petition shall be used 
by the people to secure to them a determining 
vote upon any given bill or law 
passed by the general assembly, or legislative 
action taken by it, before the 
same shall be of any force or effect.
    "The petition of recall shall be used by 
the people to remove any elected or appointed 
officer under the constitution or 
laws of this state whom they desire to 
retire, including any officer now in office."
    Those who has the pleasure of listening 
to Mr. J. R. Sullivan's explanation on 
this subject know how admirably it has 
worked in Switzerland and how simple it 
seemed in the light of his explanation.


favor of this school is that read by Mrs. 
Ashley before the Fortnightly and afterwards 
before the State Equal Suffrage 
association. The bill asks that certain 
school lands be sold "for the purpose of 
securing a suitable site for said school," 
but at present prices this would scarcely 
provide the improvements called for in 
the same section; "three two-story basement 
cottages with a capacity of thirty 
children each; an administration building 
for the superintendent, for offices, 
dormitories for employes, dining rooms 
and kitchen, bakery and the necessary 
outbuildings, a school building and an engine 
house with laundry and a hospital." 
The bill is a good one, the purpose is admirable, 
and it appeals to "the common 
sense of most." While the indeterminate 
sentence is intended to cure crime 
this bill is intended to prevent the manufacture 
of criminals. But where is the 
money to come from?
    Senator Boyd has introduced a bill (87) 
for "controlling the traffic in intoxicating 
liquors" in this state. He had a similar 
bill two years ago, but this is the kind of 
legislation that has a hard time between 
the devil of the saloon power on one side 
and the deep sea of the prohibitionists on 
the other. The saloon keepers objects, 
very naturally, and the prohibitionists 
talk about a "league with hell." The bill 
forbids the sale or giving away of any 
intoxicating liquors save by the state's 

accredited agents. A saloon can be opened 
upon the petition of a majority of the 
registered voters of any precinct, but 
there cannot be more than one agent to 
each 100 voters. The agent must be of 
good moral character, can sell only for 
cash. must keep his place shut from 10 
p. m. until 6 a. m.; must give bond of 
$100 to keep an orderly place; is forbidden 
to sell to any minor, intoxicated person 
or habitual drunkard or to have 
any games or amusements connected with 
his place of business. His salary is to be 
not over $100 a month, and while he is 
allowed to sell at 100 per cent profit he 
must turn all profits to the county treasury 
on the first day of each month, except 
in cities where half the profits are 
given to the city treasury. With these 
proceeds the county committee are to
open in each ward where liquor is sold, 
as a counter attraction a coffee house 
with reading and recreation rooms. The 
penalties for evading or breaking the law 
are severe, but in some particulars the 
bill is not so good as the Gothenberg system.
It would close many saloons, and 
keep them out of many neighborhoods 
entirely, and there is much to be said 
in favor of it, but after all it may be 
questioned whether it would prove as 
effective as the plan outlined by Hon. 
Joseph Wolff of Boulder. "I would have 
a question on every tax list," he said,"
with a blank for the answer. The question 
would be 'Do you approve of saloons?'
and when the tax list came in 
I'd add up all the fellows who voted 
'yes' and add to their taxation the cost 
of keeping up the jails and reformatories 
and police amounts and let those who 
favor these things and their chief cause 
pay for them. Touch the average man's 
pocket, and you will find it far more 
accessible to reason than his conscience."
    In which aphorism there is more of 
truth than poetry.
        ELLIS MEREDITH.

DECEMBER 1, 1900.     383

STATE CORRESPONDENCE 
                 ---------
              COLORADO.
                     -----
    FORT LUPTON, COL., Nov. 13, 1900. 
Editors Woman's Journal:
    An anonymous article has been going 
the rounds of the papers, making certain 
allegations as to the workings of equal 
suffrage in Colorado. Simmered down, the 
charges seem to be: 
   1. Women do not appreciate the value 
of the franchise.
    2. They are influenced by their emotions 
and prejudices.
    3. Their vote is very uncertain. 
    4. They vote as their husbands do, making 
little change in the general results.
    5. They take more interest in local than 
national affairs.
   It is admitted, on the other hand, that 
the conduct of primaries, elections, etc., 
has materially improved, that better candidates 
personally are required, and that 
if the question were re-submitted it would 
be carried by the women themselves. I 
have waited till the close of the present 
campaign that I might have the latest information 
possible.
    Verily, there seems little here that is 
deserving of an answer at any great 
length, for there is nothing asserted that 
would not instantly disqualify hundreds 
of thousands of men from voting, if it 
were applied to them.
  Thoroughly posted politicians say it is 
almost impossible to persuade over 75 
per cent. of men voters to register, and of 
that number less than 60 per cent. vote. 
Do they appreciate the franchise? Apparently 
not; but if any one should undertake 
to curtail it, or take it away from 
them, they would not relinquish it without 
a protracted struggle.
    The "emotional" argument is an old 
one. The emotions of men seem to be 
about the same. There is no more difference 
between them than between the 
eggs of hens. Victor, Col., was impolite 
to the vice-presidential candidate on the 
Republican ticket. No eggs were thrown, 
however, and there was no evidence of a 
preconcerted plan to make trouble. At 
Elmira, N. Y., he did not fare so well. In 
both cases it was men and boys who made 
the trouble. No "emotional" Victor 
woman, no prejudice Elmira girl, took 
part in the violence. 
    As to the "prejudice" against Gov. 
Waite, it is about time that absurd old 
story should be dropped. Gov. Waite 
advocated municipal suffrage in his inaugural 
address, and signed the bill submitting 
the questions of full suffrage to 
the voters. It was carried largely by the 
votes of men who had forsaken the Republican 
and Democratic parties in 1892, 
and who returned to them in 1894. It 
was endorsed by all the Populist county 
conventions, so far as I know, by the 
Republicans in Arapahoe County at least, 
the most important county in the State, 
and at a called meeting of the Democratic 
State Central Committee. I have been 
told on good authority that, as a member 
of the platform committee at Omaha in

thousands of Populists voted against him 
because he had wrecked the party by 
using it to build up a machine for himself. 
Had he opposed the measure, we 
should have gained from the other parties 
at least as much as he could have lost us 
in Populist ranks. If he had been a good 
governor he would have been reëlected. 
The man who succeeded him was not a 
good governor either, but he was a Yale 
man, he seemed a gentleman, he had no 
record back of him on which he stood 
condemned, and it is small wonder that 
he was elected by an overwhelming majority. 
At least he was a change. Would 
any sane man think more highly of Colorado 
women if, out of a mistaken sense of 
gratitude, they had voted to retain Davis 
H. Waite in office? My imagination cannot 
stretch so far.
   The charge of uncertainty in the women's 
vote is absolutely true. They are 
about the only people in the United States 
who continued to sing,
    "Let independence be our boast, 
    Ever mindful what it cost."
   This is a grief to the politicians; but 
while our government is of the politicians 
and by them, is it also exclusively for 
them? On what compulsion must we so
ardently strive to please them in all respects?
    Take for example, the campaign just 
closed in Colorado. The Republican politicians 
stood as a man for the returns of Senator 
Wolcott. They also nominated Robert 
W. Bonynge for Congress to succeed 
John Shafroth. The Republican women 
organized and worked as they have not 
done since the campaign of '94, but they 
did not support the legislative ticket nor 
the congressional candidate in the first 
District. 
    Senator Lodge remonstrated with a leading 
Republican lady at the reception given 
in his honor. "What is the matter?" he 
said. 
    "Our senator is the matter," she answered.
    "But," he replied, "I understand that if 
he was wild he has reformed."
    "Colorado women," she said, coldly, 
"do not wish to be represented by a man 
who needs reforming."
    Inasmuch as the lady in question told 
me this herself, it is probably beyond dispute.
    Mr. Bonynge was denounced by the 
Woman Suffrage Protective Association, 
made up at least three quarters of Republican 
women, because of his bitter antagonism 
to equal suffrage, and his avowed intention 
to work for the disfranchisement 
of women.
    The "uncertainty" of the woman vote 
is a rather idiotic charge, at any rate, 
when you come to think of it. Colorado 
gave Bryan a hundred thousand less votes 
this year than in 1896, and Boston went 
for him. McKinley is the first president 
who has succeeded himself since Grant. 
Certainty does not seem a particularly 
strong masculine characteristic.
    So "women vote as their husbands do!" 
Alack, alas! then are we lost unless we 
can educate the husbands. But if this is 
so, what becomes of the discord, the 
ruined homes, and the severed families 
that were confidently promised us in case 
women voted? As a matter of fact, I have 
never heard of a case where either party 
attempted to coerce the other. There are 
hundreds of cases where each has conceded 
something, and voted a scratched ballot 
to please the other, where they believed 
both candidates equally fitted for the position.
    The concluding argument, that women 
care more for the local than for the general 
interest, like the others, is merely an 
assertion. If they did, it would be easy 
to cite cases where men have wrangled 
for days over petty offices, forgetting 
everything else in the heat of their personal 
antipathies. Any one who questions 
this is respectfully referred to the last 
Democratic county convention of Arapahoe 
County, with its committees and subcommittees. 
that fought and wrangled 
until men and women delegates alike went 
home in disgust. A two-dollar bill, held 
directly before the eyes of the average 
voter, has been known to obscure the sun, 
moon, and stars. And yet he is not the 
average; for the average man votes as intelligently, 
as conscientiously, as he knows 
how. He changes his mind every two or 
four years, because he is conscientious. 
Possibly if he were as intelligent as he is 
conscientious, he might change it even 
oftener.
                  (Concluded on page 384.)
                       -------------------------
                     FIRST AND FOREMOST
                                 --------
    In the field of medicine is Hood's Sarsaparilla. 
It possesses actual and unquailed 
merit by which it curses all diseases caused 
or promoted by impure or impoverished 
blood. If you have rheumatism, dyspepsia, 
scrofula, or catarrh, you may take

CALIFORNIA 
GREAT 
ROCK ISLAND
ROUTE.
LOW RATES ON OUR PERSONALLY CONDUCTED
TOURIST EXCURSIONS.
    Leave Boston and New England points every 
Wednesday via Chicago, Colorado Springs and 
Scenic Route. 
    Southern Route leaves Boston every Monday 
via Chicago, Kansas City, Ft. Worth and El Paso 
to Los Angeles.
    These Excursion Cars are attached to Fast 
Passenger Trains and their popularity is evidence 
that we offer the best. 
    Write for handsome itinerary which gives full 
information and new map, sent free. Address 
I. L. LOOMIS, 290 Washington Street, Boston.
    JOHN SEBASTIAN, G. P. A., Chicago.

The Ruins of Mitla, 
The Catacombs of Guanjuato,
The Pyramid of Cholula, 
The Valley and Hills of Monterey, 
ARE ALL LOCATED 
IN MEXICO
THAT WONDERFUL TOLTEC LAND.
THE 
Southern Pacific Co. 
SUNSET ROUTE, 
Operates Pullman Buffet Sleeping Cars 
New Orleans to the City of Mexico.
Connections made at New Orleans with 
all Eastern Lines.
For other information apply to 
E. E. CURRIER, N. E. Agent, 
9 State St., Boston, Mass.
    A sample copy of the "Sunset" Magazine, a 
monthly publication devoted to the development 
of the Pacific coast, will be sent on application 
on receipt of 5 cents in stamps.

FIRST-CLASS LINE
CHICAGO-OMAHA
ILLINOIS CENTRAL 
CENTRAL 
MISSISSIPPI VALLEY 
ROUTE
RAILROAD
Via Rockford, Freeport, Dubuque, Independence,
Waterloo, Webster City, Fort Dodge, Rockwell 
City, Denison and Council Bluffs.
DOUBLE DAILY SERVICE
    Buffet-library smoking cars, sleeping cars, free
reclining chair cars, bining cars.
    Tickets of agents of I. C. R. R. and connecting 
lines.   A. H. HANSON, G. P. A., Chicago

The Great Northwest
IS BEST REACHED VIA THE 
OREGON SHORT
LINE R. R. 
Spokane, Seattle, Tacoma, Portland.
The Finest Trains in the West, 
BUFFET LIBRARY 
(most complete library.)
PULLMAN PALACE SLEEPERS
(The latest productions.)
RECLINING CHAIR CARS
(Absolutely new.)
DINING CARS
(Elegant service.)
SOLID VESTIBULE.
D. E. BURLEY.
Gen. Pass. and Ticket Agent,
S. W. ECCLES, 
Gen. Traffic Manager,
Salt Lake City, Utah.

The 
Western
Club Woman
    The Official Organ of the COLORADO 
FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS and 
THE WOMAN'S CLUB OF DENVER. . . . 
    An able and dignified representative of 
    the federated Clubs of Colorado, as well 
    as the women's clubs throughout the 
    country
    A monthly journal maintaining a standard 
    of excellence unsurpassed by any 
    publication of its kind
ELLIS MEREDITH and ELLA CELESTE ADMAS, Editors 
    and Prop's Woman's Club Building.
Single subscriptions $1.00 per year; single

STATE CORRESPONDENCE
COLORADO
FORT LUPTON, COL., NOV. 13, 1900.
Editors Woman's Journal:
An anonymous article has been going
the rounds of the papers, making certain
allegations as to the workings of equal
suffrage in Colorado. Simmered down, the
charges seem to be:
1. Women do not appreciate the value
of the franchise.
2. They are influenced by their emotions
and prejudices.
3. Their vote is very uncertain.
4. They vote as their husbands do, making
little change in the general results.
5. They take more interest in local than
in national affairs.
It is admitted, on the other hand, that
the conduct of primaries, elections, etc.,
has materially improved, that better candidates
personally are required, and that
if the question were re-submitted it would
be carried by the women themselves. I
have waited till the close of the present
campaign that I might have the latest information
possible.
Verily, there seems little here that is
deserving of an answer at any great
length, for there is nothing asserted that
would not instantly disqualify hundreds
of thousands of men from voting, if it
were applied to them.
Thoroughly posted politicians say it is
almost impossible to persuade over 75
per cent. of men voters to register, and of
that number less than 60 per cent. vote.
Do they appreciate the franchise? Apparently
not; but if any one should undertake
to curtail it, or take it away from
them, they would not relinquish it without
a protracted struggle.
The "emotional" argument is an old
one. The emotions of men seem to be
about the same. There is no more difference
between them than between the
eggs of hens. Victor, Col., was impolite
to the vice-presidential candidate on the
Republican ticket. No eggs were thrown,
however, and there was no evidence of a
preconcerted plan to make trouble. At
Elmira, N. Y., he did not fare so well. In
both cases it was men and boys who made
the trouble. No "emotional" Victor
woman, no prejudiced Elmira girl, took
part in the violence.
As to the "prejudice" against Gov.
Waite, it is about time that absurd old
story should be dropped. Gov. Waite
advocated municipal suffrage in his inaugural
address, and signed the bill submitting
the question of full suffrage to
the voters. It was carried largely by the
votes of men who had forsaken the Republican
and Democratic parties in 1892,
and who returned to them in 1894. It
was endorsed by all the Populist county
conventions, so far as I know, by the
Republicans in Arapahoe County at least,
the most important county in the State,
and at a called meeting of the Democratic
State Central Committee. I have been
told on good authority that, as a member
of the platform committee at Omaha in
1892, Gov. Waite defeated an equal suffrage
plank. Undoubtedly he favored it
a year later for selfish motives. He was
defeated because he showed himself unworthy 
of the reliance placed in him, and
he was elected by an [?] majority.
At least he was a change. Would
any sane man think more highly of Colorado
women if, out of a mistaken sense of
gratitude, they had voted to retain Davis
H. Waite in office? My imagination can
not stretch so far.
The charge of uncertainly in the women's
vote is absolutely true. They are
about the only people in the United States
who continue to sing,
"Let independence be our boast,
Ever mindful what it cost."
This is a grief to the politicians; but 
while our government is of the politicians
and by them, is it also exclusively for
them? On what compulsion must we so
ardently strive to please them in all respects?
Take, for example, the campaign just
closed in Colorado. The Republican politicians
stood as a man for the return of Senator
Wolcott. They also nominated Robert
W. Bonynge for Congress to succeed
John Shafroth. The Republican women
organized and worked as they have not
done since the campaign of '94, but they
did not support the legislative ticket nor
the congressional condidate in the first
District.
Senator Lodge remonstrated with a leading
Republican lady at the reception given
in his honor. "What is the matter?" he
said.
"Our senator is the matter," she answered.
"But," he replied, "I understand that if
he was wild he has reformed."
"Colorado women," she said, coldly,
"do not wish to be represented by a man
who needs reforming."
Inasmuch as the lady in question told
me this herself, it is probably beyond dispute.
Mr. Bonynge was denounced by the
Woman Suffrage Protective Association,
made up at least three quarters of Republican
women, because of his bitter antagonism
to equal suffrage, and his avowed intention
to work for the disfranchisement
of women.
The "uncertainty" of the woman vote
is a rather idiotic charge, at any rate,
when you come to think of it. Colorado
gave Bryan a hundred thousand less votes
this year than in 1896, and Boston went
for him. McKinley is the first president
who has succeeded himself since Grant.
Certainty does not seem a particularly
strong masculine characteristic.
So "women vote as their husbands do!"
Alack, alas! then are we lost unless we
can educated the husbands. But if this is
so, what becomes of the discord, the
ruined homes, and the severed families
that were confidently promised us in case
women voted? As a matter of fact, I have
never heard of a case where either party
attempted to coerce the other. There are
hundreds of cases where each has conceded
something, and voted a scratched ballot
to please the other, where they believed
both candidates equally fitted for the position.
The concluding argument, that women
care more for the local than for the general
interest, like the others, is merely an
assertion. If they did, it would be easy
to cite cases where men have wrangled
for days over petty offices, forgetting
everything else in the heat of their personal
antipathies. Anyone who questions
this is respectfully referred to the last
Democratic county convention of Arapahoe
County, with its committees and subcommittees,
that fought and wrangled 
until men and women delegates alike went
home in disgust. A two-dollar bill, held
directly before the eyes of the average
voter, has been known to obscure the sun,
moon, and stars. And yet he is not the
average; for the average man votes as intelligently,
as conscientiously, as he knows
how. He changes his mind every two or
four years, because he is conscientious.
Possibly if he were as intelligent as he is
conscientious, he might change it even 
oftener.
(Concluded on page 384.)
FIRST AND FOREMOST
In the field of medicine is Hood's Sarsaparilla.
It possesses actual and unequalled
merit by which it cures all diseases caused
or promoted by impure or impoverished
blood. If you have rheumatism, dyspepsia, 
scrofula, or catarrh, you may take
Hood's Sarsaparilla and be cured. If you
are run down and feel weak and tired,
you may be sure it will do you good.
The favorite family cathartic is Hood's
Pills.
Southern Route leaves Boston every Monday
via Chicago, Kansas City, Ft. Worth and El Paso
to Los Angeles.
These Excursion Cars are attached to Fast
Passenger Trains, and their popularity is evidence
that we offer the best.
Write for handsome itinerary which gives full
information and new map sent free. Address
I. L. LOOMIS. 290 Washington Street, Boston.
JOHN SEBASTIAN. G. P. A., Chicago.
The Ruins of Mitla,
The Catacombs of Guanjuato,
The Pyramid of Cholula,
The Valley and Hills of Monterey,
ARE ALL LOCATED
IN MEXICO
THAT WONDERFUL TOLTEC LAND.
THE
Southern Pacific Co.
SUNSET ROUTE,
Operates Pullman Buffet Sleeping Cars
New Orleans to the City of Mexico.
Connections made at New Orleans with
all Eastern Lines.
For other information apply to
E. E. CURRIER, N. E. Agent,
9 State St., Boston, Mass.
A sample copy of the "Sunset" Magazine, a
monthly publication devoted to the development
of the Pacific coast, will be sent on application
on receipt of 5 cents in stamps.
FIRST-CLASS LINE'
CHICAGO-OMAHA
ILLINOIS CENTRAL
CENTRAL
MISSISSIPPI VALLEY
ROUTE
RAILROAD
Via Rockford, Freeport, Dubuque, Independence,
Waterloo, Webster City, Fort Dodge, Rockwell
City, Denison, and Council Bluffs.
DOUBLE-DAILY SERVICE
Buffet-library smoking cars, sleeping cars, free
reclining chair cars, bining cars.
Tickets of agents of I. C. R. R. and connecting
lines. A. H. HANSON, G. P. A., Chicago.
The Great Northwest
IS BEST REACHED VIA THE
OREGON SHORT
LINE R. R. 
Spokane, Seattle, Tacoma, Portland.
The finest Trains in the West.
BUFFET LIBRARY
(Most complete library.)
PULLMAN PALACE SLEEPERS
(The latest productions.)
RECLINING CHAIR CARS
(Absolutely new.)
DINING CARS
(Elegant service.)
SOLID VESTIBULE.
D. E. BURLEY,
Gen. Pass. and Ticket Agent
S. W. ECCLES
Gen. Traffic Manager,
Salt Lake City, Utah.
The
Western
Club Woman
The Official Organ of the COLORADO
FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS and
THE WOMAN'S CLUB OF DENVER . . . .
An able and dignified representative of
the federated Clubs of Colorado, as well
as the women's clubs throughout the
country.
A monthly journal maintaining a standard
of excellence unsurpassed by any
publication of its kind. 
ELLIS MEREDITH  and ELLA CELESTE ADAMS, Editors
and Prop's Woman's Club Building.
Single subscriptions $1.00 per year; single
copies 10c each
Names of five new subscribers accompanied by 
$5 entitles sender to one subscription free. Liberal
inducements to canvassers. Write for particulars.
Address P. O. Box 1467, Denver, Colorado



384 THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL

STATE CORRESPONDENCE
COLORADO
(Concluded from Page 383.)

    This fall it was my good fortune to go 
to a large number of the counties of the 
State on newspaper business.  In most of 
the places where I stopped I found organizations 
of women working in accord with 
those of the men; but ordinarily they 
spoke of national rather than local issues, 
and many women who would not support 
Wolcott voted for McKinley electors, 
while other women who scratched their 
local tickets or did not vote them at all, 
voted for the Bryan electors.
    An effort was made by the State Equal 
Suffrage Association to keep count of the 
voters, so as to determine whether the 
woman vote had fallen off.  So far there 
has been no meeting of the society at 
which a report could be made; but, in one 
precinct in Colorado Springs where there 
were 900 voters registered, to give round 
numbers, 270 men and 290 women voted.  
From questioning those who worked at 
the polls in several places, there seems to 
be no evidence that women have given up 
and retired from active politics.  In Denver 
the women had a strong Republican 
Club, and a Bryan League that had somewhere 
near two thousand members.  At 
the closing meeting of the latter organization 
the Broadway Theatre was packed, 
aisles and all, and thousands could not get 
in.  It is said to have been the finest political 
meeting ever held in the State.
    I am a suffragist, but I cannot make
facts. The facts, as they are, seem to me
to prove conclusively that all the people
know more than half the people. Even if
they only knew enough to vote the same
way, it is something that they know 
enough to vote at all. 
    This country has more to fear from
those who consider themselves a little too
good to vote, than it has from its illiterate
vote. It is safer to extend than to 
restrict the franchise. The man who votes
twice in his anxiety that some individual
shall be elected, is hardly a worse citizen
than the man who cares so little what becomes
of the government that he does not 
vote at all. 
    Women are not infallible, nor perfect,
nor omnipresent, nor omniscient. They 
can only do their best in their own way,
and according to the light vouchsafed to
them. Politics, as Mr. Dooley has pointed
out, is a liberal education to men. It is
no less so to women. The science of a 
Republican form of government is written
upon the walls of our kindergartens--"We
learn by doing." He only is unfortunate 
who does not learn by his mistakes as
well as his victories. ELLIS MEREDITH.

    The following letter from Mrs. A. L. 
Welch, vice-president of the Woman's
Republican League of Denver, Colo., will
be read with interest:
    I am very glad that I am in a position
to refute some statements made about
equal suffrage in Colorado. I have been
actively engaged in the campaign from beginning
to end. Two years ago a few
women organized the Woman's Republican
League. This fall we reorganized under
the name of "The Woman's Republican
League of Colorado." We have over one
thousand workers in this League from the
ranks of the best and most representative
women of Denver; also organizations in
almost every town in the State. The 
Junior League of Denver is composed of
young married women and first voters,
and is largely made up of leading society
people. 
    I can speak with authority of these matters,
for the reason that, as vice-president
of the League, I was given charge of the
work of organization in Denver and many
other places in the State.
    Denver was organized in this manner:
Each district had its chairman (a woman
of influence); each precinct had its chairman,
who had a house-to-house canvass
made, to be certain that all Republican
women were registered; certain women
were delegated to look after indifferent
voters on election day. 
    The Democratic women had a good
strong organization, of the best women in
that party, and whoever says that the
women of Colorado have little interest in
the ballot makes a false statement. There
are indifferent women in the State, just as
there are indifferent men, but they belong
to the minority. Sincerely yours,
    (MRS.) A. L. WELCH.

CALIFORNIA

BERKELEY, CAL., NOV. 15, 1900.

Editors Woman's Journal:
    The Political Equality Society of Berkeley,
formed in 1895, has been revived this
fall with renewed zeal. The first meeting,
in September, brought out only two members.
At the fifth meeting, held Nov. 10,
the membership increased to forty.
Each member aims to secure at least one
new name to report at each meeting. The
society meets twice a month, and, in addition
to the routine of business, offers a 
programme that shall arouse thought and


M. Hardy. At the last meeting the
society voted to place the WOMAN'S JOURNAL
in the Berkeley Public Library, and
a club of four subscribers was also formed.
The president is Mrs. William Keith.
G. W. LITTLEJOHN, Sec.

GEORGIA.

   A bill to raise the age of protection for
girls from ten years to sixteen has been
pending in the Georgia Legislature. It
was introduced by Mr. Reid of Campbell,
and has been earnestly supported by
Georgia women. Nevertheless, the bill
was first "amended" by reducing the age
to twelve, and was then voted down altogether. 
Mrs. P.F. Ottely, in the Atlanta
Journal, says:
    To thousands of men and women in
Georgia this action of the House is as distressing
as it is incomprehensible. A boy
in Georgia is hedged about with restrictions
lest he buy cigarettes under the age
of eighteen, but baby girls of eleven years
may be destroyed without restriction.
    If Georgia women had had the ballot,
the bill would have passed. In all of the
four equal suffrage States, the legal age of
protection for girls is eighteen. 

IOWA.

   Mrs. Eleanor C. Stockman, of Mason
City, Ia., has secured a carload of hogs, to
be sold for the benefit of the Iowa booth at
the Suffrage Bazar. She started out to
get sixty hogs, but found the farmers so
ready to contribute that at last accounts
she expected to secure a hundred, all form
Cerro Gordo County, and most of them
within a radius of ten miles. Not one of
these hogs is worth less than $10. Mrs.
Stockman was also given 125 bushels of 
corn, and a calf.
    The Woman's Club of Mason City will 
decorate the car in which the animals are
to be taken to Chicago, and will cover the 
sides with canvas and sell advertising
space there. A local photographer will
photograph the car, free of charge, and 
the photographs also will be sold for the
benefit of the Bazar.
    Mrs. Anna H. Satterlee's equal rights
novel, "Love's Equality," will no doubt
be for sale at the Iowa booth. Every suffragist
should secure a copy.

VERMONT.

    A bill has passed both Houses of the
Vermont Legislature empowering women
to be town treasurers, town librarians, and
notaries public. Women have served as
town clerks in Vermont for years past.
    The bill granting municipal suffrage to
tax-paying women was defeated in the 
Senate by the narrow majority of two
votes. This is far better treatment than
the bill received in the last Legislature,
and Vermont suffragists feel much encouraged.

MAINE.

PORTLAND, MAINE, NOV. 24, 1900.

Editors Woman's Journal:
    The time since the Annual Convention
in September has been full of work.
First was the preparing and completing
of the "Maine chapter" for Miss Anthony's
new book. Second, arranging for the
Maine booth in the National Bazar.
Third, Executive and Local Club meetings.
    There have been no summer or fall
vacations for the Maine suffragists, but
we do not complain, for the interest increases,
while new opportunities are continually
presenting themselves through
which to advance our educational work.
    The October meeting of the Portland
Club was devoted to a discussion of how
the ballot would affect women as property-holders,
opened by Mrs. Mary C. Young,
of South Portland, who gave an interesting
bit of personal experience as a tax-paying
woman. The inference deduced was that
every property-holder needs the ballot to
protect that property, whether it be his or
hers. Refreshments and a social half
hour closed this pleasant afternoon. The
November meeting was under the care of
Mrs. Geo. C. Frye, who was also our
hostess. The subject was how the ballot
would affect women in philanthropy.
After a brief but pertinent introduction
by Mrs. Frye, the discussion became general,
and the action of the meeting was to 
endorse the movement inaugurated by the
local Woman's Council to secure three
women on the Board of Overseers of the
Poor in Portland.
    At the regular executive meeting of
the State Association, Nov. 14, it was
decided to increase the press appropriation. 
This department is now in charge
of Miss Vetta Merrill, of Portland. She
has also been placed in charge of the
national enrolment work.
    A new department for the increased 
distribution of literature has been placed


S. A., from the good women of the State,
and she is also indebted to them for the
great comfort and convenience of a telephone,
which will undoubtedly save many
steps and much time, not only for the
president, but for many of her helpers.
    LUCY HOBART DAY,
        Pres. Maine W. S. A.

ILLINOIS.

    Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, the
newly elected president of the Illinois
Equal Suffrage Association, has just lost
her son. Up to a few weeks before his
death, Arthur Boynton Harbert was the
picture of health and vigor. A severe
cold led to complications which carried 
him off at the early age of 29. He was a 
graduate of the Northwestern law school,
a promising young lawyer, with marked 
scientific tastes also, successful in his experiments
in various lines, and possessing
a well equipped laboratory, in which many
interesting scientific devices were given
their first trial. He was a writer of more
than usual gifts, and was in addition one
of the most popular men in Evanston,
his many friends admiring him as
much for his bright disposition as for his
recognized ability and versatility.
    Mrs. Catherine Waugh McCulloch is
sending the WOMAN'S JOURNAL to 204
members of the Illinois Legislature.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

    Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden has just completed
two weeks of work in New Hampshire
for the New England W. S. A. She 
has organized local Suffrage Associations
in Concord, Newport, Littleton, Andover,
and North Conway, and has prepared the
way for organizations which will soon be
formed in Nashua and Manchester. In
Manchester alone, thirty persons put
down their names to become members.
A State Suffrage Association will be
formed this month. 

WYOMING.

    It is often said that woman suffrage
would ruin the business interests, But
Wyoming is prosperous, and its State and
municipal bonds sell above par. It has a 
State Examiner of Public Accounts. Besides
prescribing the forms of reports in
order to secure uniformity, he inquires
into the legality of proceedings and legitimacy
of expenditures, and digests the
accounts of various officials so that the
public can understand what they mean.
His work has been so satisfactory that
assistants are being given to him and his
supervision extended to accounts of minor
civil divisions.
    Under this system the expenses of the
State have been reduced, without impairing
the efficiency of any department.
Since supervision was extended to counties,
their annual expenses have decreased
from $412,000 in 1892 to $295,000 in 1899.
All the counties of the State are now on a 
cash basis, whereas only two of them were 
so in 1892.

NEBRASKA.

voted for the Bryan electors.
    An effort was made by the State Equal
Suffrage Association to keep count of the
voters, so as to determine whether the
woman vote had fallen off. So far there 
has been no meeting of the society at 
which a report could be made; but, in one 
precinct in Colorado Springs where there
were 900 voters registered, to give round
numbers, 270 men and 290 women voted.
From questioning those who worked at 
the polls in several places, there seems to
be no evidence that women have given up
and retired from active politics. In Denver
 the women had a strong Republican
Club, and a Bryan League that had somewhere 
near two thousand members. At 
the closing meeting of the latter organization
 the Broadway Theatre was packed,
aisles and all, and thousands could not get
in. It is said to have been the finest political
meeting ever held in the State.
    I am a suffragist, but I cannot make 
facts. The facts, as they are, seem to me
to prove conclusively that all the people
know more than half the people. Even if
they only knew enough to vote the same
way, it is something that they know
enough to vote at all.
    This country has more to fear from
those who consider themselves a little too 
good to vote, than it had from its illiterate 
vote. It is safer to extend than to
restrict the franchise. The man who votes
twice in his anxiety that some individual
shall be elected, is hardly a worse citizen
than the man who cares so little what becomes
of the government that he does not
vote at all.
    Women are not infallible, nor perfect, 
nor omnipresent, not omniscient. They
can only do their best in their own way,
and according to the light vouchsafed to
them. Politics, as Mr. Dooley has pointed 
out, is a liberal education to men. It is
no less so to women. The science of a
Republican form of government is written
upon the walls of our kindergartens -- "We
learn by doing." He only is unfortunate
who does not learn by his mistakes as
well as his victories. ELLIS MEREDITH

    The following letter from Mrs. A. L.
Welch, vice-president of the Woman's
Republican League of Denver, Colo., will
be read with interest:
    I am very glad that I am in a position
to refute some statements made about
equal suffrage in Colorado. I have been
actively engaged in the campaign from beginning
to end. Two years ago a few
women organized the Woman's Republican
League. This fall we reorganized under
the name of "The Woman's Republican
League of Colorado." We have over one
thousand workers in this League from the
ranks of the best and most representative
women of Denver; also organizations in
almost every town in the State. The
Junior League of Denver is composed of
young married women and first voters,
and is largely made up of leading society
people.
    I can speak with authority of these matters, 
for the reason that, as vice-president
of the League, I was given charge of the 
work of organization in Denver and many
other places in the State.
    Denver was organized in this manner:
Each district had its chairman (a woman
of influence); each precinct had its chairman,
who had a house-to-house canvass
made, to be certain that all Republican
women were registered; certain women
were delegated to look after indifferent
voters on election day.
    The Democratic women had a good
strong organization, of the best women in
that party, and whoever says that the
women of Colorado have little interest in
the ballot makes a false statement. There
are indifferent women in the State, just as
there are indifferent men, but they belong
to the minority. Sincerely yours,
(Mrs.) A. L. Welch

CALIFORNIA.

BERKELEY, CAL., Nov. 15, 1900.
Editors Woman's Journal:
    The Political Equality Society of Berkeley,
formed in 1895, has been revived this
fall with renewed zeal. The first meeting,
in September, brought out only two members.
At the fifth meeting, held Nov. 10,
the membership had increased to forty.
Each member aims to secure at least one
new name to report at each meeting. The
society meets twice a month, and, in addition
to the routine of business, offers a
programme that shall arouse thought and
discussion. Two papers by local talent 
have attracted much attention: "The
Apathy of Women Towards Suffrage," by
Mrs. Julia Sanborn, and "Should the
Black Man Have the Ballot?" by Mrs. M.


to twelve, and was then voted down altogether.
Mrs. P. F. Ottley, in the Atlanta 
Journal, says:
    To thousands of men and women in
Georgia this action of the House is as distressing
as it is incomprehensible. A boy
in Georgia is hedged about with restrictions
lest he buy cigarettes under the age
of eighteen, but baby girls of eleven years 
may be destroyed without restriction.
    If Georgia women had had the ballot, 
the bill would have passed. In all of the
four equal suffrage States, the legal age of
protection for girls is eighteen.

IOWA.

    Mrs. Eleanor C. Stockman, of Mason
City, Ia., has secured a carload of hogs, to
be sold for the benefit of the Iowa booth at
the Suffrage Bazar. She started out to
get sixty hogs, but found the farmers so
ready to contribute that at last accounts
she expected to secure a hundred, all from
Cerro Gordo County, and most of them
within a radius of ten miles. Not one of
these hogs is worth less than $10. Mrs.
Stockman was also given 125 bushels of
corn, and a calf.
    The Woman's Club of Mason City will
decorate the car in which the animals are
to be taken to Chicago, and will cover the 
sides with canvas and sell advertising
space there. A local photographer will
photograph the car, free of charge, and
the photographs also will be sold for the
benefit of the Bazar.
    Mrs. Anna H. Satterlee's equal rights
novel, "Love's Equality," will no doubt
be for sale at the Iowa booth Every suffragist
should secure a copy.

VERMONT.

    A bill has passed both Houses of the
Vermont Legislature empowering women
to be town treasurers, town librarians, and
notaries public. Women have served as 
town clerks in Vermont for years past.
    The bill granting municipal suffrage to
tax-paying women was defeated in the 
Senate by the narrow majority of two
votes. This is far better treatment than
the bill received in the last Legislature,
and Vermont suffragists feel much encouraged.

MAINE.

PORTLAND, MAINE, Nov. 24, 1900.
Editors Woman's Journal:
    The time since the Annual Convention
in September has been full of work.
First was the preparing and completing
of the "Maine chapter" for Miss Anthony's
new book. Second, arranging for the
Main booth in the National Bazar.
Third, Executive and Local Club meetings.
    There have been no summer or fall
vacations for the Maine suffragists, but
we do not complain, for the interest increases, 
while new opportunities are continually
presenting themselves through
which to advance our educational work.
    The October meeting of the Portland
Club was devoted to a discussion of how
the ballot would affect women as property-holders,
opened by Mrs. Mary C. Young, 
of South Portland, who gave an interesting
bit of personal experience as a tax-paying
woman. The inference deduced was that
every property-holder needs the ballot to
protect that property, whether it be his or
hers. Refreshments and a social half
hour closed this pleasant afternoon. The
November meeting was under the care of
Mrs. Geo. C. Frye, who was also our
hostess. The subject was how the ballot
would affect women in philanthropy.
After a brief but pertinent introduction
by Mrs. Frye, the discussion became general,
and the action of the meeting was to
endorse the movement inaugurated by the
local Woman's Council to secure three
women on the Board of Overseers of the
Poor in Portland.
    At the regular executive meeting of
the State Association, Nov. 14, it was
decided to increase the press appropriation.
This department is now in charge
of Miss Vetta Merrill, of Portland. She
has also been placed in charge of the
national enrolment work.
    A new department for the increased
distribution of literature has been placed
in the hands of Mrs. Fannie J. Fernald, 
of Old Orchard. We have also applied
for and secured the promise of another
day at Ocean Park, Aug. 23, 1901.
    The Maine booth for the National Bazar


S.A., from the good women of the State,
and she is also indebted to them for the
great comfort and convenience of a telephone,
which will undoubtedly save many 
steps and much time, not only for the
president, but for many of her helpers.
LUCY HOBART DAY,
Pres. Maine W.S.A

ILLINOIS.

    Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, the
newly elected president of the Illinois
Equal Suffrage Association, has just lost
her son. Up to a few weeks before his
death, Arthur Boynton Harbert was the
picture of health and vigor. A severe
cold led to complications which carried
him off at the early age of 29. He was a
graduate of the Northwestern law school,
a promising young lawyer, with marked
scientific tastes also, successful in his experiments
in various lines, and possessing
a well equipped laboratory, in which many
interesting scientific devices were given 
their first trial. He was a writer of more
than usual gifts, and was in addition one
of the most popular young men in Evanston, 
his many friends admiring him as
much for his bright disposition as for his 
recognized ability and versatility.
    Mrs. Catherine Waugh McCulloch is
sending the WOMAN'S JOURNAL to 204
members of the Illinois Legislature.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

     Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden has just completed
two weeks of work in New Hampshire
for the New England W.S.A. She
has organized local Suffrage Associations
in Concord, Newport, Littleton, Andover,
and North Conway, and has prepared the
way for organizations which will soon be
formed in Nashua and Manchester. In
Manchester alone, thirty persons put
down their names to become members.
A State Suffrage Association will be
formed this month.

WYOMING.

    It is often said that woman suffrage
would ruin the business interests. But
Wyoming is prosperous, and its State and
municipal bonds sell above par. It has a 
State Examiner of Public Accounts. Besides 
prescribing the forms of reports in
order to secure uniformity, he inquires
into the legality of proceedings and legitimacy
of expenditures, and digests the
accounts of various officials so that the
public can understand what they mean. 
His work has been so satisfactory that
assistants are being given to him and his
supervision extended to accounts of minor
civil divisions.
    Under this system the expenses of the
State have been reduced, without impairing
the efficiency of any department.
Since supervision was extended to counties,
their annual expenses have decreased
from $412,000 in 1892 to $295,000 in 1899.
All the counties of the State are now on a
cash basis, whereas only two of them were
so in 1892.

NEBRASKA.

    Mrs. Amanda J. Marble, vice-president
of the Nebraska W.S.A., lately interviewed
the twenty-five tax-paying widows
residing in her township as to their desire

[*News Reporter, Leadville*]

WOMEN'S VIEWS

A Prominent Woman Suffragist 
Looking For Information 
As to Its Success

    Two prominent club women in this 
city, Mrs. Stickley and Mrs. Almy, have 
recently received communications from 
Alice Stone Blackwell, editor of the 
Woman's Journal of Boston, making inquiry 
as to the results of universal enfranchisement 
in Colorado. Miss Blackwell 
is the daughter of Lucy Stone and 
Henry Blackwell, who long were the 
leaders of the suffrage movement in 
America. The Woman's Journal is the 
national suffrage organ
    Persons prominent in public work 
throughout the state have been the recipients 
of queries of this kind ever since 
the new suffrage law went into effect. 
The offices of the state officials are 
deluged with similar matter from all 
over the United States and other parts 
of the world. While in many countries 
of the world, among them some of the 
leading countries of Europe, women 
cast their vote and are prominently connected 
with political affairs, the states 
look upon Colorado's recent departure 
as an interesting experiment.
    The questions received are framed 
thus: Do women avail themselves of 
the right of suffrage? Has it lowered 
their moral and social status? Does the 
undesirable woman vote outclass the intelligent 
woman vote? Have they elevated 
the standard of politics?
    Strange as it may seem to the 
thoughtful observer there are persons 
that have discouraging answers to 
queries like these. It takes a philosophical 
mind to gather the logic of 
events over a period of some hundred 
years or more. The factor of time is an 
absolute necessity in estimating social 
conditions. Whatever pertains to national 
or racial development must necessarily 
employ long periods of time to 
become incorporated in the hearts of the 
people. Evolution works through immense 
indefinite periods. It is the concern 
of the race to establish that development 
in harmony with natural law, 
and the beneficial results are as inevitable 
as the law of gravitation. No harm 
ever comes to individuals or nations 
through justice. Universal suffrage is 
the just privilege of all who come under 
the dominion of law. There is but one 
[?] final result of its prevalence


WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, 
FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS.

MEMBERS OF COMMITTEE.
JOHN J. JENKINS, Wisconsin, chairman.
RiCHARD WAYNE PARKER, New Jersey.
DE ALVA S. ALEXANDER, New York.
VESPASIN WARNER, Illinois.
CHARLES E. LITTLEFIELD, Maine.
LOT THOMAS, Iowa.
SAMUEL LELAND POWERS, Massachusetts.
ROBERT M. NEVIN, Ohio.
HENRY W. PALMER, Pennysylvania.
GEORGE A. PEARRE, Maryland.
J.N. GILLETT, California.
DAVID A. DE ARMOND, Missouri.
DAVID H. SMITH, Kentucky.
HENRY D. CLAYTON, Alabama.
ROBERT L. HENRY, Texas.
JOHN S. LITTLE, Arkansas.
WILLIAM G. BRANTLEY, Georgia.

    February 16, 1904.
    Committee met at 10.30 o'clock. a. m., Hon. John J. Jenkins, chairman, 
presiding.
    THE CHAIRMAN. Mrs. Catt, we will recognize you this morning as 
having charge of the time and the speakers. We are now ready to 
proceed.

STATEMENT OF MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, OF COLORADO.
    Mrs. CATT. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, last year 
when we appeared before the committee to speak in behalf of the bill 
asking the submission of the sixteenth amendment, we also petitioned 
this committee to use its influence for the appointment of a commission 
which should investigate the operation of woman's suffrage in the
 States where it now exists. We called the attention of the committee 
to the fact that Congress had appointed a great many commissions 
for the investigation of the conditions, political and otherwise, of various 
classes of people, and inasmuch as we have come here year after 
year claiming that woman's suffrage had wrought none of the ills which 
its enemies said it would, and that it had brought many benefits, we 
asked that Congress should, through a commission, investigate it in 
the Western States. You are aware that no such commission was the 
result of our petition.
    You remember that when Mahomet commanded the mountain to 
come to him and the mountain did not come he said, "Then Mahomet 
will come to the mountain." We have therefore this year brought 
Colorado to you, and the speakers who will address you this morning 
are all of them Colorado people.
    The first speaker who will address you is a young woman who was 
a voter when she became 21 years of age. I remember very well once

2 WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.
being away from home and speaking upon the question of woman's 
suffrage; and when I returned my young brother, who had just turned
21 in my absence, said to me rather facetiously, "Sister, have you got
things fixed so that you can vote now?" I replied that I had not, and
he said, "Well, perhaps if you would stay at home and do nothing you
would get that way. I did." This is a young woman who got that 
way without doing anything to enfranchise herself, and has never
known anything else than the privilege of going to the polls just as a
young man does when he is 21 years of age-- Mrs. Katherine Cook. 
The CHAIRMAN. Mrs. Cook, kindly give your full name to the 
reporter, and your home address. 
Mrs. COOK. Mrs. Katherine Cook, Brighton, Colo.
The CHAIRMAN. You are recognized for five minutes, Mrs. Cook. 
STATEMENT OF MRS. KATHERINE COOK, OF BRIGHTON, COLO.
Mrs. COOK. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, there is
no job on earth that is harder than being a hero in your own back yard.
It is easy enough in war, when the crowd is with you and your friends
and society are helping you; but the heroism of peace, with society,
and even your friends, against you-- that is hard and that is patriotism. 
It is this kind of heroism and patriotism which the women who
have appeared before you for so many years represent. It is the backyard
heroism. It is also the heroism which we women who vote still 
use, and which those who hope to vote will hope to use, the work for
the preservation of their homes and their sphere and their children--
the heroism that will be displayed in their own back yards. 
Women can look at economic conditions not alone as they are to-day,
but with the eyes of their sons and daughters many years hence. Experience
has proved that woman studies the Declaration of Independence 
and the Constitution and economic works more faithfully than men,
in order that she may be an intelligent voter and not a partisan or an 
emotional one. She can not neglect her duty to her country without
neglecting her duty to her children. There are few laws passed, or
which shall be passed, that do not vitally affect the woman, her home,
and her family; and since there is no sacrifice too great for her to
make when that interest is involved, gentlemen, when you put the 
ballot in the hands of woman you send forth a hero to do a hero's 
deeds.
Mrs. CATT. Speaking of Colorado, we nearly always think of Denver,
as it is its metropolis; but our next speaker is a lady who does 
not live in Denver, but who can speak for the suffrage on the outside
of that great metropolis, Mrs. Isabella Churchill, of Greeley, Colo.
STATEMENT OF MRS. ISABELLA CHURCHILL, GREELEY, COLO.
Mrs. CHURCHILL. Gentlemen of the committee, it is somewhat difficult
to present the effect of woman's suffrage upon the women of a
State that in area is double that of the Empire State of New York, a
State in which there is scarcely a question of national importance with
which we are not especially identified; but I want to make the confession
that ten years ago I did not greatly desire the right to suffrage. I 
had thought a little about it, but having once assumed its responsibilities 
I am grateful for this privilege of attesting its worth. 

WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE 3 
The question has often been raised whether the entrance of women 
into politics would not disrupt our parties. The men have sometimes 
feared that. I believe that our women realize that their power in politics
lies within party lines and working in harmony with the party 
which conserves the most of our ideals. We strive to stimulate the 
better elements of the party while striving to eliminate the bad. It
has made a difference in the personality of party leaders in our State.
The result has not perhaps been any different from having the woman
vote, but it certainly has changed the status and the morality and the
standards of party leaders. That perhaps is the greatest work we
have done.
Then, in our country precincts the question the day after election in
Fort Lupton and in Longmont and in Boulder and in many of our 
villages is not "Was it Democratic or Republican," but "Is it license 
or nonlicense this year?" We believe that as the result of the 
woman element we are doing a great work for families in our villages.
Then, there is a certain pleasure and privilege for the country 
woman to get into the wagon or the buggy and go to the polls in the
morning with her husband and cast her ballot and return to her home
with her husband by her side. I need not give any reason why that
is a pleasure and a privilege for many women on election day. 
Then, to the women of the small towns it is a privilege to go down
to the polls in the morning and cast her ballot for the men and measures
that, in her judgment, seem to conserve the wisest policies for her 
State and for her nation. 
So it seems to me it is not only a matter of right and justice that
we should have the ballot, but a matter of expediency as well. I
thank you. 
Mrs. CATT. The next speaker is Mrs. Ellis Meredith, a very prominent 
newspaper woman in Denver and a writer on the editorial staff
of the Rocky Mountain News.
The CHAIRMAN. Mrs. Meredith, you are recognized for ten minutes.
STATEMENT OF MRS. ELLIS MEREDITH, OF DENVER, COLO.
Mrs. MEREDITH. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, I
think it is generally accepted, in fact a truism, that a chain is just as
strong as its weakest link. The weakest link, I think sometimes, in
all governments, all over the country and all over the world, is the
care of the children. When the women of Colorado were enfranchised, 
they immediately thought of that weakest link, and I think the most 
of the work they have done with their ballot has been to strengthen
that weakest link, to make it stronger for the future. 
Before 1893 we had two State institutions for children, one of them
the institution for the deaf and blind; and I would like to say just there
that the first kindergarten for the blind that ever was established was
the one we had in Colorado. The only other institution for children
was the boys and girls' industrial school at Golden.
We had besides that these laws: 
The cruelty and neglect of a child was a criminal offense.
No minors were allowed in saloons or gambling houses.
There was a law against the sale or gift of tobacco to children under
the age of 16, and a law against obscene literature, pictures, etc. 

4     WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.

    We had scientific temperance instruction, and the age of consent was 
16 years.
    Since that time we have passed these bills, and these are women's 
bills. These others, I should say, excepting the first two, were all 
passed through the efforts of the women.
    Failure, refusal, or neglect to provide food, clothing, shelter, and 
care in case of sickness of wife or minor child is a criminal offense.
    Failure to send children to school between 8 and 14 years of age all 
the school terms is a criminal offense, and the same from 14 to 16, unless 
the child has reached the eighth grade.
    It is a criminal offense to employ children under 14 in any mine, 
smelter, mill, or factory, or to employ them over eight hours a day 
between the age of 14 and 16.
    It is a criminal offense and a forfeiture of charter for any insurance 
company to insure the lives of children under 10 years of age. That 
is the only law in the world against the insurance of children.
    Any child under 16 may be taken from the parents and made the 
ward of the State if abused, neglected, reared in vice, or if dependent 
upon the public for support.
    The age of consent for girls is 18 and the violation is a penitentiary 
offense.
    We have made provision also for our feeble-minded children.
    The county courts have been made juvenile courts to deal with child 
delinquents, who are defined as those who violate the laws or the ordinances, 
are idle, have vicious associations, visit places of ill repute, 
saloons, gambling houses, run the streets at night, frequent railroad 
tracks, or are guilty of immoral conduct or the use of vile or profane 
language.
    It is a criminal offense for any person, parent or otherwise, to encourage, 
cause, or contribute to the delinquency of any child.
    So far as I know that is one of the few laws that enables us to get 
at the incorrigible parent who is always back of the incorrigible child.
    We have probation officers to look after the children of the juvenile 
courts.
    We have truancy officers to enforce the compulsory school law.
    We have a law that gives us houses of detention wherever needed 
and a parental school wherever one may be needed.
    We have put human education in the public schools.
    We have made a study of the home for dependent children.
    We have made the mothers the coequal guardians of their children.
    The humane society for the protection of children and dumb animals 
has been made a State institution.
    The State board of charities and corrections has been given power 
to investigate any private eleemosynary institution.
    Insurance companies that have to be sued to recover are compelled 
to stand the cost of such suit, that the inheritance of orphans may not 
be frittered away in litigation or gotten away from them by threats 
and compromises.
    We have besides these the most stringent set of laws in this country 
for the prevention of cruelty to animals; and I want to say that all of 
these laws, I believe, are better enforced in Colorado than they are 
anywhere else.
    I have read a compilation of the laws in regard to the protection of 
children in every State in the Union, and I know that there is no 


WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.         5

State that has done so much, that has as ample protection for children, 
and there is no State where the laws are so well enforced as they are 
with us. That is partly due to the fact that our humane society is a 
State institution and that we have the voluntary services, free, of 
600 men and women acting as agents all over that enormous State 
of almost 104,000 square miles. It is their care to see that these laws 
for the protection of our children are enforced everywhere.
   I feel that I am going over my time, but I want to call your attention 
to one particular thing, because the ballot is not simply a matter 
of going to the polls, is not a matter of politics primarily. It is a 
matter of our own homes, and it is a matter of the future citizens of 
this country. We are doing the best we know how for our children, 
and we find that the fathers of those children are just as anxious to do 
for them as we are, only they have not taken the time. They have 
thought of laws for other things, things that regulate bridges and 
canals and ditches and transportation and everything of the kind rather 
than something that goes right into the home. 
    Mr. ALEXANDER. Mrs. Meredith, I would like to ask you this question. 
Yesterday we had a very valuable Colorado member of Congress 
voluntarily resign his seat in this body because of frauds perpetrated 
in some of the counties in your State. I was wondering if the influence 
of the ladies out there had any effect in minimizing those frauds, 
or did they, with their husbands, participate in them?
    Mrs. MEREDITH. I think I can answer that best by referring to the 
different precincts in our cities which show the fraudulent vote. We 
admit the fraud. The fraud nearly all takes place in certain downtown 
precincts where there are almost no women. Take district D, 
which is perhaps the most aristocratic district in Denver, where I live. 
There were, in the election of 1902, 571 women registered in that district, 
of whom 570 voted. There are, I suppose, as many men in the 
district as women, but only 235 men voted in that district. Is that an 
answer?
    Mr. ALEXANDER. Yes, partially. These frauds developed in Mr. 
Shafroth's case, I understand, were out in possibly one of the mining 
counties.
    Mr. DEARMOND. No; in Denver.
    Mr. ALEXANDER. I did not know that.
   Mrs. MEREDITH. I thought they were most of them in Denver. 
There were frauds in Huerfano County, and that is a county where 
there are, comparatively speaking, I should say, few women voters. 
It is a coal-mining county almost entirely, and the voting population 
are very largely colored people and foreigners. I have been there.
    Mr. ALEXANDER. What percentage of your ladies vote?
    Mrs. MEREDITH. In the State of Colorado 55 per cent of our population 
are men and 45 per cent are women. Forty-two and one-half 
per cent of the vote is cast by women.
    Mr. LITTLEFIELD. That is, they vote as frequently as men?
    Mrs. MEREDITH. Yes, sir.
    Mr. HENRY. I would like to ask a question. Is it not a fact that 
women used to exercise the suffrage in the State of Washington, and 
has there not been a change in their constitution prohibiting them 
from voting there?
    Mrs. MEREDITH. I think they voted there under the Territorial law.
    Mr. HENRY. Under the Territorial law, was it?

6     WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.

    Mrs. MEREDITH. Yes.
    Mr. HENRY. I was under the impression that under their State constitution 
they had it and that it had been changed since then. If you 
are familiar with it, I would like to know the reason for changing.
    Mrs. MEREDITH. I think Mrs. Catt could answer that better than I. 
I know pretty well about Colorado.
    Mrs. CATT. Mr. Chairman, the women of the State of Washington 
were enfranchised by the act of the Territorial legislature of Washington, 
and the law was declared unconstitutional by the supreme 
court of the Territory, which was appointed by Mr. Cleveland and 
consisted mainly of gentlemen from the South. I lived in Washington 
and know whereof I speak.
    Our next speaker is Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford, president of the 
State Federation of Clubs in Colorado, and also a county superintendent 
of schools.
    The CHAIRMAN. Mrs. Bradford, you have fifteen minutes.

STATEMENT OF MRS. MARY C. C. BRADFORD, OF COLORADO. 

    Mrs. BRADFORD. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, 
some years ago a little article went the rounds of the civilized world, 
being translated from the original English into 14 languages. The 
tiny pamphlet was entitled "A Message to Garcia." Why this well-nigh 
universal interest? It contained the simple story of instant 
obedience to duty. It taught the lesson of persistency, consecration, 
and personal service. It was only another rendering of the old saying, 
"If you want a thing done well, do it yourself," and a free translation 
of the truth that, in a righteous cause, there is no such thing as 
an impossibility. 
    I am asked to tell the story of one of the most efficient agents of 
social reform, that of the Federation of Women's Clubs, in a State 
where the envoirment of the club is such as to render easy the 
accomplishment of desired ends.
    In the complex movement of modern times the direct relation 
between various manifestations of social advance is sometimes lost 
sight of. Cause and effect are often confused and the fruit of one set 
of ideas is attributed to the working of quite different ideas. Nowhere 
is this confusion more frequently met than in the world of business 
women, and, next to the business woman, the club woman is the chief 
sinner in this respect.
    The position of woman in the business world to-day, and the dominant 
note struck by the club woman in the ethical and sociological 
chorus, now sounding throughout all countries, are among the 
supremely striking facts of present day history.
    The business woman is taking the whole word for her legitimate 
sphere. She says "there is no such thing as sex limitation in doing 
the work of the world; individual limitation there is, but it exists 
among men as well as among women, and no opportunity shall be 
closed to any human being who has the capacity to work therein." 
And the answer of the business woman to the business world is, "try 
for yourself." And she does. She is proving herself in practically 
every kind of work. In some she is holding her own. In some she 
is passing men in the race. In others she is discovering, by doing, 
that she is not equal to that particular phase of achievement. But 


WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.        7

whether she merely holds her own, whether she is victor, to whether 
she falls behind in the race, she has almost equal opportunities to prove 
herself.
   So much has the club woman accomplished. So delighted is she 
with her newly discovered possibilities; so fast is she training herself to 
investigate truth and perfect herself in methods; so widespread has 
the idea amongst women become, that the favorite attitude of the club 
woman may be expressed by the old Latin saying, slightly transposed, 
"I am human; therefore nothing that is human is foreign to me."
    Everywhere the voice of the club woman is heard, arousing interest 
in various studies, quickening the individual and civic conscience, and 
deeds follow the voice. In her best development the club woman 
lives the gospel of which she is the exponent. That this is so, practical 
results in every State in the Union have testified. In Colorado this is 
preeminently true.
    Colorado is a suffrage State, and while suffrage is not by any means 
the only factor in self-development and practical success of the Colorado 
woman, it undoubtedly is a very considerable factor in that development 
and that success. And in Colorado the club woman knows her 
debt to the suffragists. She knows that the freedom of her environment 
largely explains her own ability. She realizes the difference in 
relation and intensity of her struggle to attain results and that of 
women living where legal and political disabilities exist. A careful 
study of conditions in other States makes the Colorado woman feel 
like exclaiming, "Blessed be Colorado!" Blessed be the State where 
justice is incorporated as a working principle in the thinking and 
living of the Commonweath.
    The Colorado Federation of Women's Clubs has been called "The 
soul of the Commonwealth." It is this and more. It is the body 
through which the highest ideals find expression. It is the focusing 
point of the ethical energies of the State. It not only influences but 
it helps direct. It accomplishes great things, chiefly because it has 
back of it the power of the constituency. It carries its own message to 
Garcia, and the results of that message have become incorporated in 
the laws of the State. It is a stimulus, an influence, and a power, and 
this last renders comparatively swift and sure the attainment of ideas 
and the transformation of partial evil into positive good.
    The practical work of a State federation in a suffrage State is enormous. 
Education, scholarship, traveling libraries, school elections, 
school taxation, local option, joint property, primary reform, child 
labor, city, county, and State institutions, consumer' league, domestic 
science, traveling picture galleries, civil service reform, the initiative 
and referendum, primary reform, pure foods, State employment 
bureau, teachers' salaries, etc.--these are some of the subjects considered 
as the work of the committees and subcommittees of the federation. 
It is a bare catalogue, and the mere repetition of these titles 
means little, but some of the things done are splendid with the radiance 
of purified lives, safeguarded homes, transformed economic conditions.
    The report of the chairman of the legislative committee contains the 
following sentences:
    One reason of our success is the fact that the State at large is beginning to learn 
that the action of this committee is indorsed by a large body of well-informed voters. 
The author of any measure in which we could be supposed to be interested has sought 
the indorsement of this joint committee, which was importuned for hearings by the 
representatives of these measures to an extent requiring much time.

8         WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.

    It was sometimes funny to see the anxious faces of these gentlemen 
as they earnestly begged the women of the federation to indorse their 
pet bills. And these dealt with almost every subject under the sun. 
The State convention of 1902 had indorsed seven measures, among 
them the establishment of a State traveling library commission (to take 
the place of the committee of the State federation, which had been 
doing this work), a valuable compromise in the matter of joint property, 
a group of juvenile-court laws and child-labor laws. In addition to 
these the teachers' pension bill, the State employment bureau, the pure-food 
bill, and a bill making Lincoln's birthday a legal holiday.
    A larger percentage of the bills indorsed by the women became 
enacted into law than those indorsed by any other body of citizens. 
The quota gained from the report of the chairman of the legislative 
committee "the women received more generous consideration than 
had ever before been accorded to women by any legislative body East 
or West."
    For years the wing of the jail in the city of Denver where women 
and children are confined had been in a most unsanitary condition. 
The jail committee of the Women's Club of Denver, which is also one 
of the subcommittees of the State Federation, made a careful study 
of the abuses existing, and immediately after the fire which partially 
destroyed the jail in 1902 were ready with statistics, appeals, and 
recommendations. The requisite sum was appropriated by the council 
to make marked improvements in the men's portion of the jail and to 
completely transform the woman's wing. A shelter room was established, 
and now a free employment bureau is in operation, conducted 
jointly by the women of Denver and the social science department of 
the Woman's Club.
    There is a very bright prospect that the State will at the next session 
of the legislature establish a State free employment bureau as the 
result of the wishes and the work of the club women. In every city 
in Colorado, where a city or county jail exists, similar work is being 
done by the Federated Club women. The appointment of a woman 
deputy sheriff is also due to the club women, and the woman probationary 
officer in the city of Denver is a prominent member of several 
women's clubs and was endorsed by them for the position she now 
holds. The detention house partly owes its existence to the vigorous 
support given by the women to Judge Lindsay, whose juvenile-court 
methods have become famous all over the United States. She says, 
"more than to any other class of people he is indebted to the club 
women for assistance in the work for the children."
    The Colorado Federation of Women's Clubs for four years carried 
on the beautiful traveling library work, sending the traveling libraries 
and the traveling picture galleries int the remotest mountain 
towns, lonely ranch houses, and country schools, until the work had 
completely outgrown the unaided resources of the federation. Then 
the State was appealed to. A bill was drawn up by the recording 
secretary of the federation, a very able woman lawyer, which provided 
for the establishment of a State library commission, three of 
whose members should be chosen from and indorsed by the executive 
board of the Colorado federation and two of whom should be 
men who believed in this great educational enterprise, all these members 
to be appointed by the governor. The bill was introduced in the 
senate by the son of a good club woman; a joint hearing of committees 


WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.           9
from house and senate was granted the federation, after which 
the bill was so amended that all the members of the commission 
were to be indorsed by the executive board of the federation appointed 
by the governor, but all of whom must be women. The reason given 
by the men who approved of this change was, that the work had been 
so splendidly managed, had meant so much to the State, in the form 
given it by the women, that they believed the best interests of the 
Commonwealth would be served by creating a State traveling library 
commission composed entirely of women.
    Time fails to tell of all the philanthropic work done by the club 
women of this suffrage State, but it is a fact that wherever the work 
was such as to bring the club women in touch with public officials and 
where it needed official action to foster it, it was astonishingly easy to 
gain the ear of the officials and obtain the desired action. An instance 
of this is found in Pingree garden work. Of course this work has 
been done in very many other places than Colorado, but with us irrigation 
is a factor in the prosperity of the gardeners. And the water 
commissioner of the city of Denver holds an official position, and special 
arrangements have to be made for free water rights and certain 
appropriations made by the county commissioners, etc. The securing 
of these privileges required official action. Official action was obtained, 
promptly and adequately, because to the Garcia of officialdom we carried 
our own message, backed by the power of constituency.
    It is a great thing to be able to do one's work oneself, and not be
obliged to as some one else in the intervals of attending to their own 
business to attend to ours. It is a great thing to know that one's particular 
concerns are a part of the public welfare, a part of the public 
business which must be attended to. It is a supreme thing to be a 
significant figure in the sum total of the body politic, and not merely 
an additional cipher.
    Not long ago the opponents of suffrage were delighted, and its 
friends disgustedly astonished, by the appearance of an article which 
asserted that the characters of Colorado women were steadily deteriorating 
under the influence of the ballot. To me this was the most 
astonishing statement that could possibly be made. I had fondly 
imagined that, whether or not, the direct results of suffrage were as 
great as we had hoped when first we saluted the new day, the educative 
effect of the ballot was undeniable. I had believed responsibility to 
be the supreme educator, and had fancied that I saw signs of the broadening, 
of the deepening, uplifting influence of this mighty educator. 
I had fancied that the chief value of the ballot was its character-building 
effect. And lo! I am told that this is all an illusion; that the facts are 
all on the other side, and that, in reality, the ballot is character destroying. 
On my way from Chicago to Indianapolis the other day in the 
train I read a story which seems to me to illustrate the mental attitude 
of Miss. McCracken most admirably.
    A famous French scientist many years ago was endeavoring to 
make a collection of the fauna and flora of the Isthmus of Panama. 
Incidentally he also desired to partake of the national dish. One day, 
while painstakingly gathering his specimens, it occurred to him that 
possibly some sort of a collection might already be in existence on the 
Isthmus, and turning to the guide he said, "Is there any place on the 
Isthmus where there is a collection of all the things that live and grow 
here?" But "yes," responded the guide; "come to my house." The

10                                 WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.

scientist accompanied the guide to his home, but discovered no signs of
the collection.  Presently he was asked to be a guest at the midday
meal.  The national dish was served, and he found it most delicious.
After dinner he said to his host, "I have greatly enjoyed your national
dish; it was absolutely perfect, but where is the collection?"  "Why,
sir," exclaimed the guide, "you have eaten it and found it good."

Now the most recent would-be critic of Colorado was presented to
the leading women of that State, socially, in the philanthropic and club
and church work, and had found them quite to her taste, expressing
herself as charmed.  Then she said, But where are your suffragists?
And was told, These are they.  As social leaders, as philanthropists,
as club women and church women, she has swallowed them whole and
found them delicious; they only disagreed with her after she knew
them also to be suffragists--practical participants in the noblest work
that can engage the human mind and heart--the science and art of
living together in organized communities so that righteousness may
prevail, sometimes called "the business of government or the art of
politics."

What do the club women of Colorado--the women generally--do?
Anything and everything that may help to make the State better; anything
and everything that makes for the freest self-expression of the
highest self; anything and everything that means a forward movement
for the race; anything and everything that is at once courageous and
humble.

The Colorado woman is full of hope and faith and courage for the
future, because she has accomplished so much in the past.  She is
humble, for she knows how much there must always remain to be done,
but she knows that back of her individual and organized effort for the
welfare of the Commonwealth and the race there is working the mighty
trend of economic and political and religious progress.  She knows
her cause to be a part of the forward movement of the time.

The great word of the nineteenth century was unity.  In this still
greater century it is to be also the supreme word.  Social advance,
political equality, scientific industrialism, the sociological value of the
club woman, the practical efficiency of the business woman, the fresh
interpretation of religion, the new education, modern science with its
vision of unity, its great synthesis of art and nature and humanity--
all these are one.  They are but the many expressions of the universal
law, they are the will and the understanding and the love of the universe
in the process of becoming.  They are the beauty and order and purpose
of which the infinite and eternal energy is the cause.

Of that process the full freedom of women is a par.  We, in Colorado,
have at present a better chance for self-expression than have you women
of the nonsuffrage States.  Believing as we do that this equal opportunity
is a universal right, we of the mountains pledge to you of the
seacoast and the Gulf and the prairie States that we join in the great consecration
announced by our beloved president on Saturday night.  She
pledged the suffragists of the United States to work till death, if need
be, for the enfranchisement of women.  We voting women of the
mountain land pledge ourselves to work till death,  if need be, till every
woman from sea to sea and the Gulf to Canada enjoys the blessing of
political equality in the same degree that is ours.  We refuse to be
content with our own freedom so long as our sisters are bound.  We


                                    WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.                                   11

pledge you our loyalty, our love, our service, until the great sacrament
of freedom shall be offered of right to every human being, and
we partake of it ourselves in the name of the day when your liberty
shall be as ours; when you, too, shall be enthroned upon justice and
equal opportunity and shall taste the fruits of that genuine fraternity
which gives to all humanity the power of self-expression.

I think we all realize that the character of a people must incorporate
itself in their political and government action; and inasmuch as I
believe responsibility to be the supreme educator, for my own part I
claim that the greatest benefit that has come to the State of Colorado
has been from the character-building effect of responsibility before the
law.  When the character of constituency is changed certain possibly
not very fundamental results at once appear, but certain superficial
results appear almost immediately.  Of course in a short time one can
only touch on a few things.

I want to speak first of the improved character of the polling place.
It is a fact, gentleman, wherever I go, and I have been in twenty-seven
States, when asked to testify to the faith that is in me and to the value
that I place upon equality before the law, that almost everywhere both
men and women opposed to suffrage say, "Do you go to the polls
and vote?"  And really the tone that creeps into the voice of the antisuffragists
when they say "polls" is something perfectly amazing.

Just let me ask one or two questions, because they are only common-sense
questions, and common sense seems to be very largely left
out of this matter.  It seems to be very largely not a question of
logic and not a question of anything, as I look as it, but prejudice and
sentiment, and logic and common sense seem to be left out of the
matter.

When you vote, you can not vote out of your own precinct.  This
seems a truism, but apparently it falls out of the mind of most people
because, by the way this matter is referred to usually, I never can
possibly imagine to myself the picture that is in the mind of the antisuffragist
as any other than that of a central polling place, so great is
the horror in their voice, and then that all the good women are sent
to the polls between all the bad men of the city, lined up in two rows,
and while those good women are partaking of the sacrament of citizenship,
the bad men are all set swearing at once.  Practically I
think that is the picture in the mind of the antisuffragists, from the
tone that creeps into their voices when they say, "And do you go to
the polls on election day?"

As a matter of fact you can not vote out of your own precinct, and
if you are a respectable person you live in a respectable precinct.
Who are the evil men, these creatures we meet at the polls on election
day?  They are our husbands, our brothers, our sons.  They are the
men with whom we go to church, the men with whom we go to the
theater, the men with whom we go downtown, the men who come
with their wives and drop in for a social chat.  They are the men we
love and honor in our homes.  These are the awful creatures we meet
at the polls on election day.  As a matter of fact the polling places in
Colorado are vastly improved, and with the changed character of the
constituency the environment in which men and women alike partake
of this mighty sacrament of citizenship is changed to agree with the 
character of the constituency.  The polling places are orderly.  I have

12         WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.

yet to have my first unpleasant experience in performing a political 
duty; and I have the honor and privilege of serving with the representatives 
of all the counties in the State of Colorado as the only member 
of the State central committee of one of the great historic parties. 
        So that character building, to my thinking, is the first result of the 
ballot in the hands of woman, and the environment in which the 
supreme function of citizenship is discharged has improved to harmonize 
with the improved character of the constituency. 
        Of course it has been stated for a long, long time that there was a 
relation between wages and the ballot. It has been regarded as almost 
an axiom that the tendency of the wages of any class of citizens who 
were discriminated against by laws is to sink below the subsistence 
point, and a good many suffrage friends have believed that the number 
of unfortunate women was greater because of the disparity in 
wages which was, partly, at least, caused by the legal discrimination. 
        Gentlemen, it is a fact that in the city of Denver the tendency of 
women's wages has been to go up since the ballot has been in the hands 
of women, and it is a fact, given me by the police authorities of that 
city, that there are 3 per cent less fallen women in the city of Denver 
to-day than there were before the ballot was in the hand of women; 
and I say if we have saved but one girl from going down to the shores 
of that scarlet sea which moans and sobs eternally its requiem for lost 
souls; if we have kept the robe of but one women unspotted from the 
world by the erection of this great principle of justice and equality 
into law of the Commonwealth, it is worth all the effort of all the suffragist, 
and it is worth the willing daily sacrifice of our lives in 
Colorado. 
        Then I just want to call your attention, because so much is said 
about influence being better than power, to the difference in hearings 
in Colorado and here. Then I shall have finished. As Mrs. Catt has 
told you, I have the honor to be the president of the State Federation. 
That State Federation has a legislative committee and that legislative 
committee, at the convention of the federation in Boulder in 1902 
indorsed seven bills, and then after that there were so many men having 
bills before the legislature who wished the indorsement of the 
State Federation that we were obliged to hold weekly sittings of the 
legislative committee of the federation, the convention having given 
full power to this committee to grant hearings to the gentlemen of 
the house and senate as you are granting these hearings to us. 
        That is the difference between influence and power. We have not 
lost our influence, I believe, but we have, in addition, the power of 
the constituency, and the men of the mountain republic who are 
chivalrous enough to do us justice are chivalrous enough still to keep 
us enthroned beside them. The power behind the throne -- it is an 
illegitimate power. 
        Mrs. CATT. The next speaker is Mrs. Helen L. Grenfell, the State 
superintendent of schools in Colorado, now serving her third term. 
At the last election the whole ticket upon which she stood was defeated 
with the exception of herself, which goes to illustrate the fact that 
women are highly regarded in Colorado when they fill their offices 
well. 


WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.         13

STATEMENT OF MRS. HELEN L. GRENFELL, OF COLORADO.

        Mrs. GRENFELL. Gentlemen, this is a very strange position for a 
Colorado women to find herself in. It seems just as strange to me as 
it would to my husband to be coming here before a body of women 
and saying, "We ask from you equal rights under the Constitution 
of the United States."
        It has been said among the many arguments that have been made 
against suffrage in Colorado and suffrage in general that women would 
not care for it; that they would not cast the ballot had they the privilege. 
First of all, do all men appreciate the privilege of suffrage? 
Do all men have a sense of the responsibility involved in it? What 
is behind the municipal corruption that is sweeping over our land 
to-day? What is behind the corruption connected with politics in all 
lines? Is it alone the dishonest man and dishonorable voter? Is it not 
the indifference of the great mass of respectable men citizens?
        Women in Colorado are not indifferent to their privileges. A few 
years ago, anxious to know whether the charge was true that women 
did not take advantage  of their privilege of voting, we obtained permission, 
after the official count was made of the vote for a State election, 
to have that vote recounted by the county election board. It was 
found that from 35 to 48 per cent of the votes cast in the various 
counties were cast by women. Remember that Colorado has a much 
larger proportion of men citizens than it has of women. Remember 
also that in certain counties the proportion of men to women is much 
larger than in others. It was found that in proportion to the population 
as many women voted as men. 
        There seems to be the feeling that there is something unnatural and 
wrong in a woman taking part in public affairs or in casting her ballot 
at the polls; that there is something entirely wrong and unnatural 
in her being conversant with or interested in politics. What do we 
mean by politics? Politics means not the machine, but the way in 
which our national, State, and municipal affairs shall be managed. 
The home always has been, and always must be, the most vital thing 
in a woman's life. A woman's sons and a woman's daughters are 
vitally interested in the political conditions of our land, which makes 
for us weal or woe. What could be a more womanly thing than for the 
wife or mother or sister to spend her thought and her energies in 
helping make the political conditions such as to bring about the very 
best for the welfare of her children?
        I have been an officeholder, which has involved running for office, 
and I think it is right for me to tell you a little of my experiences. 
I have three times been a candidate for a county office, elected county 
superintendent of schools. Three times I have been a candidate for 
the office of State superintendent of public instruction, an elective 
office in our State. The campaigns have taken me through almost 
every county in Colorado, the farming counties, the roughest mining 
communities; and let me say to you, gentlemen, that if there could be 
any more chivalry in the States where you think it would be unchivalrous 
to let your women vote, I would like to see it. I have met with 
the greatest courtesy from men all over the great State of Colorado. 
I have been treated just as kindly, just as politely by the men when I

14                WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.

appeared as a political candidate as by the men with whom I am associated 
in my school work, in my home life, and in my society life. 
        Remember, we have come to the time when we must feel that the 
word chivalry belongs to the past. It is connected with a time when 
woman's position before the law and in her home was far from a desirable 
one; and so I believe you will not misunderstand me when I say 
that if you give us justice, we feel that it will mean a great deal 
more than chivalry ever did. 
        A question was asked in regard to the election frauds in Colorado, 
and I must say a word about that. The frauds upon which this election 
matter was decided were committed in the city of Denver alone 
and in certain of the precincts, the worst precincts in the city. We 
will admit that they were committed. Is that a reason for considering 
that woman suffrage is a mistake? I have heard reports from Philadelphia 
and from New York by which if I should judge male suffrage, 
I should say it was an utter failure in the great States of New York 
and Pennsylvania. That kind of argument is a good thing to use 
against woman suffrage in any city. 
        We have thousands and tens of thousands of women voters in the 
State of Colorado. We have indictments out against many repeaters, 
dishonest voters, and with the utmost searching they have found one 
woman who is charged with repeating in the election. Our State 
penitentiary has 5 women prisoners to-day and 600 men. That surely 
can not be used as an argument for woman suffrage having injured the 
women of our State, whatever it may have done to the men. 
        Mr. ALEXANDER. May I ask a question?
        Mrs. GRENFELL. Certainly; I wish you would.
        Mr. ALEXANDER. Did this one woman live in the city of Denver?
        Mrs. GRENFELL. She lived in one of these lower precincts of which 
I have told you. 
        The condition seems a strange and unnatural one, and I am at a disadvantage 
in trying to talk to you about it. The great Lincoln said 
that this nation could not exist half slave and half free. It seems to 
me a large proportion of the people of the United States are living 
to-day in a way somewhat similar to that of slavery; I mean so far as 
injustice is concerned. I believe our country was intended to do justice 
to all women as well as all men. I believe you have problems before 
you in this great nation that you are finding it hard to solve, and will 
find it hard to solve, and I believe the time will come when you will be 
thankful to have with you, gentlemen, the intelligent, the thinking 
American born and bred women, whose first and greatest interest 
always has been, and always will be in the States where woman suffrage 
holds, as well as in the rest of this country, the welfare of her 
home and the preservation of the best that is in our national life.
        Mrs. CATT. The next speaker is the Hon. Alva Adams, of Colorado, 
twice the governor of the State. 
        Mr. ADAMS. Gentlemen, I had not expected to be here this morning, 
so I have no prepared speech. 
        Perhaps it might be just as well if I would speak to you and tell you 
my own feelings when this proposition was presented to me. I have 
lived in Colorado from boyhood. I have known no other State and I 
have known the political conditions of no other State. When this 
proposition was presented to the voters of Colorado I did not receive 
it with any enthusiasm. I had been filled with the prejudice that


WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.      15

exists generally among the male portion of our people that woman
should stay at home and attend to her duties there, and that man
should do the running around nights and attend to politics, but when
it was presented it came to us in this way, gentlemen. The proposition
was presented at the polls, Has a woman the right to vote?
        Neither you nor I nor any honorable man can look into the eyes of 
our wife and our mother and say that she has not as much right to
vote as we have. It was not with me a question of expediency, and it
was not a question of expediency with the men of Colorado. It was a
question of justice. As Mrs. Grenfell has said, men have been courteous;
they have been chivalrous. These are good. Courtesy is good,
but justice is better. It was a question of right, not a question of
what they would do with the ballot. The ballot belongs to me.
Nobody has the right to question what I will do with it. I can do
with these privileges as I will. If I use them wrongly, that is my
misfortune; but they are mine, and no man can take them from me.
The right to vote is a right that belongs to the woman alike with the
man; but upon the ground of expediency, I really believe that their
case is stronger.
        Upon the woman rests a triple responsibility of birth, education,
and destiny, and the ballot is the protecting weapon around the education 
of the children, around the moral influence of the children,
around the cities in which many of our children must live; and here is
where the woman's influence will be strong. Many have said that the
good woman will not vote; the bad woman will vote. Now, I can give
you the conditions in the precinct in which I live. Perhaps that might
be a sample of other precincts. There are a thousand precincts scattered
in a hundred cities throughout this country in which conditions
are the same. The precinct in which I live is 23 in the city of Pueblo,
and in that precinct there are no saloons. In that precinct there are 
no vicious men or vicious women. There are six or seven churches.
It is typically a resident precinct, and I have a record here of the votes
in that precinct at the last two elections. A year ago last fall there
occurred the State election, when a full State ticket and a legislative
ticket was up. The registered vote in the precinct of the men was 218,
of the women 179. The number of women who voted was 161; the
men 136; not voting 52 men and 43 women. The percentage of votes
to registration was at that election 73 per cent of the men and 76 per
cent of the women.
        In the next election, last spring, of which we also have the record,
there were registered 201 men and 179 women; 164 men voted and 131
women. The percentage of votes to registration was in this case 81
percent of the men and 73 percent of the women. The percentage of
women was a little less. In the previous election the women voted
stronger. Taking the two together, it was about an average, I simply
give you this an illustration to show that the good women do vote
in Colorado.
        Yesterday I received the report of precinct No. 8 in Pueblo, which
is the red-light precinct of Pueblo. In that precinct there were 92
women registered and only 26 voted. The theory that the Magdalenes
vote under the ballot privileges is not true. That is, it is not true in
Colorado. They only vote under compulsion. They know that they
are lawbreakers, and they say that if the law will not meddle with them
they will not interfere with the law. They only go to the polls when

16          WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.

compelled to go by some police authority, some sheriff authority, or 
some court official who demands that they go and vote the ticket as 
the price of protection in their business.
     I have hardly ever known a vicious woman to go to the polls and 
vote; but the good women of our community do vote. My wife goes 
to the polls with me and she votes absolutely as she will, and she never 
wills to vote for a bad man when he is on my ticket.
     MR. ALEXANDER. Governor, how do the women break politically?
I think you said 131 voted in one precinct. How did they break politically 
with respect to the political break of the men? 
     MR. ADAMS. That is a problem I tried to solve. I figure about 80 
per cent of the women will vote as their husbands vote, and about 20 
per cent will vote independently.
     MR. LITTLEFIELD. They agree to disagree. What do you say, Governor, 
about Mrs. McCracken's article in the Outlook?
     MR. ADAMS. I should call it infamous to use the proper term. It 
was an absolute falsehood. It was based upon no facts, because no 
decent women in Colorado would make the statements that she makes. 
That is my theory of it. She may have found some one woman who 
would say that they were using philanthropy and using charity for 
political purposes; but to admit that the women of Colorado would do a 
thing of that kind -- would so debase themselves -- would be an impeachment 
of the decency and honesty of womankind everywhere, and I am 
not prepared to make that admission, and the citizens of Colorado can 
not make it. There are 100,000 honest, virtuous women in the State 
of Colorado who are voters, and there are not 100 who will subscribe 
to the sentiments she gave voice to. 
     Mr. LITTLEFIELD. And that you can say on the basis of your knowledge 
and experience of the conditions you have personally seen? 
      Mr. ADAMS. That I have personally seen. I have known personally 
at least 10,000 women voters of Colorado, and I have never known one 
to be less a woman, or less a mother, or less a housekeeper, or less a 
heart keeper from the fact that she voted -- not one.
     I have studied this question for thirty years. I did not go out there 
as this correspondent went out there, with a lunch basket and a return 
ticket, and simply expect in ten days to pass judgment upon this great 
experiment. I think that article was absolutely wrong, entirely 
uncalled for. I do not think it is justified, and if this committee should 
go out to Colorado and talk to our women and meet them -- meet them 
in their homes -- they would agree with me. For instance, let me refer 
to one statement she made, that the ballot is the unceasing topic of 
conversation. The ballot is seldom referred to in the homes in Colorado. 
In fact, the criticism I would make is that it is not talked about 
enough. No woman talks about using the ballot as a club. No woman 
talks about using it as an element of revenge. No lady ever threatens 
to get even with anybody through the ballot.
     MR. LITTLEFIELD. Your idea is, then, that Mrs. Slocum's article is 
a very conservative reply?
     MR. ADAMS. I think it was not strong enough. It was too conservative. 
It is a very level-headed, moderate reply. But it looks to me 
now, from my experience there, that the time has come when the sixteenth 
amendment should pass. We need a sixteenth amendment to 
our Constitution to-day more than we needed a fourteenth amendment 
when it was passed. We need a sixteenth amendment more to-day


WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.                                                                     17

 because we have a fourteenth and a fifteenth amendment on the statute 
books.
     We are bringing in here a continual stream of doubtful American 
citizens and then we have not enfranchised the better half of American 
citizenship. If we are going to continue to allow this stream to come 
in a million a year, then we must have some defense, and the defense 
and the protection against it is the women of this country. Their 
influence will counteract it; and when that is done, when that amendment 
is passed, this great capital can declare that the declaration of 
Thomas Jefferson has become a living fact and the preamble of the 
equality of man has been recognized in the statutes. Until that is 
done it is not true. Until that is done we are simply living under a 
declaration of independence whose principal part is false.
     So I plead for the sixteenth amendment. I do no do it entirely 
upon the ground of expediency, but I say that justice demands it, and 
justice never harmed a man and never harmed a nation.

  CONCLUDING STATEMENT OF MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT.

     Mrs. Catt. Mr. Chairman, one of our speakers from Colorado, a 
prominent newspaper man and editor of the chief Republican paper 
of the State, who was to have been with us this morning, I suppose 
has been delayed by his train, perhaps, and is not here. I had not 
expected to speak to you, and this closes our list of speakers; but since 
there is some time, I could not think of letting you get away without 
saying something more.
      First, I would like to add this for Colorado, which I think no one 
mentioned. When the question of enfranchisement for women came 
up ten years ago, it came as a legislative enactment by a referendum -- 
a very peculiar condition, and I think the only law of that kind that 
has ever passed anywhere in the United States.
       When the constitution of Colorado was first made, in the constitutional 
convention, I think, of 1876, a provision was placed in it that 
at any time when the legislature saw fit it could enfranchise the women 
by a referendum to the voters of the State, and that was done. It was 
passed by 6,000 majority. Last year, after ten years of the enfranchisement 
of the women, an amendment to the constitution -- the other 
had not been an amendment, you understand -- was submitted to the 
voters of the State, now both men and women, concerning the qualifications 
of the voters, and in that amendment there was included, of 
course, the recognition of the enfranchisement of women quite as 
much as the enfranchisement of men; so that it was virtually a woman's 
suffrage amendment. That amendment was passed by a majority of 
35,000, showing certainly that after ten years of experience the people 
in the State are far more willing than before to put woman suffrage 
in the constitution, where it will become an integral part of it.
     MR. LITTLEFIELD. About what was the total vote?
     MRS. CATT. I can not tell you that.
     I wish to call your attention to a fact which it seems to me our 
American men in politics, and especially in these positions which 
virtually place them between us and our own enfranchisement, have 
thought of very little; but we who are brought so closely in contract 
with this movement are made to realize it at its full. Mr. Chair-
         w s---2

18           WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.

man, when the American Constitution was formulated, of course, as 
all the world knows, it was the first constitution of its kind, and this 
was the first Republic of its kind. Man suffrage was an experiment, 
and it was considered universally a very doubtful experiment. If we 
turn backward in our history for one hundred years and read the 
opinions of the thinkers of that day, we find the overwhelming evidence 
that the thinkers of the world feared that if this Republic should fail 
to live it would come to its end through the instability of the minds 
of men, and that revolutionary thought would arise here and there to 
overturn the Government. That seems to have been the governing 
thought in every man's mind. We find it in George Washington and 
Benjamin Franklin, and all of our own heroes, as well as the men who 
were watching the experiment here so anxiously from across the sea. 
       What was the result? The result was they framed a constitution 
and made it just as ironclad as they could. They made that constitution 
so as to prevent its amendment and its change. They made 
it just as difficult for the fundamental law of the nation to be made 
different as they knew how to; and granting for the moment, whether 
you believe it or not -- and at least I know one of you does not believe 
it -- that woman suffrage is right and just, just for the sake of the 
argument, then see what is our position to-day. Those of us who 
wish to enter the political life, who believe that we have quite as large 
a right to express ourselves as any man in this country, what is our 
position? Within the last century there have been extensions after 
extensions of the suffrage, and since the time when the property 
qualification for the ballot was taken away, every single extension of 
the suffrage has come from Congress and not from the people.
       You remember well that when the desire to enfranchise the negro 
came before our people, when the Republican party was supreme in 
the North, and when it was pretty nearly supreme through the carpetbag 
government in the South, when the whole machine of politics was 
in its power, and it desired the enfranchisement of the negro, the question 
was submitted by amendments in our various Northern States and 
in every single case it was defeated, and it was not until an amendment 
was presented by the National Congress to the legislatures of the 
States that it was possible to have that amendment go through.
       It will be remembered that our Indians have never been enfranchised 
by votes of the people, but they have been enfranchised by the act of 
Congress, and now we have the Hawaiians coming in, not by the act 
of the people of the United States anywhere, but by the act of Congress, 
and yet every extension of the suffrage to men through Congress 
puts the suffrage for women just that much further off.
       To-day there are in this country 977,000 totally illiterate negroes, 
and unless they happen to be in those States where their own State government 
has disenfranchised them for various causes, they have the 
power to-day to say whether Mrs. Grenfell, who holds one of the highest 
offices in her State, shall be privileged to vote if she shall come to 
the State of New York, where in New York City we have have thousands 
and thousands of negro men totally illiterate, with 65,000 men 
in that one city unable to read and write, and hundreds and thousands 
more who know but just a little more than the alphabet.
       And while these extensions of the suffrage through the acts of 
Congress have come, it has put into the constituency thousands and 
millions of men every one of whom is so ignorant that he can not 


WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.             19

comprehend any act concerning the liberty of a human being. Not 
one of them among all these illiterate classes could you find who would 
believe in woman suffrage, for the more ignorant a man is the more 
sure is he that a woman does not know enough to vote, and the more 
evil is he the more sure is he that a woman's character can not stand 
the strain of enfranchisement; and to-day, according to the report of 
Mr. Harris, the Commissioner of Education, just printed, we have 
2,234,000 men in this country who can not read their own ballots. 
Just think of it; 11 per cent of the total vote, and the total vote is 
21,000,000 men, and in the last Presidential election there were nearly 
14,000,000 men who cast their votes, showing that but 7,000,000 or an 
exact third of the total vote of men, was uncast in that election, and 
consequently the percentage is much higher of those who are illiterate, 
provided the full vote had been cast, as you and I know that they do 
in too many of the precincts of the country, and we know that their 
votes do not represent their own opinion, but they represent the opinion 
of the unscrupulous politician who is anxious to place the vote of 
his precinct for his party at the highest possible number.
       And so I do ask of you, in common fairness, to give us a favorable 
report from this committee on the sixteenth amendment. Otherwise 
we are compelled to go, we will say, to the great State of New York 
and ask the legislature first to submit an amendment. Then we must go 
down into the byways and the hedges and the red-light districts and 
upon our knees fairly pray before those depraved men to recognize 
our right to put our prayers in the ballot box.
       In my own State of Iowa, where I was born and educated, we have 
even a stricter regulation, for there we must go to one legislature, and 
when we have succeeded in carrying an amendment through we must 
wait two years until the next biennial legislature comes, and then we 
must get it through again, and if we can do it, then the people may 
have the right to vote upon it; and in that State you remember there 
was a prohibitory law for a number of years. It was passed while I 
was still a schoolgirl, but it governed the politics of that State 
ever since.
       Now the law no longer exists, but there are certain classes of people 
who are determined that it shall never come again; and whenever the 
question of woman suffrage is raised anywhere, these classes of people 
say, "We do not dare to let the women vote lest the prohibitory 
law shall come again." The result is that the bill for the submission 
of woman suffrage may creep through one legislature, and then every 
whisky man in the State and every saloon and brewing interest unite, 
and with money behind them go up to the next legislature, sending 
their own candidates to fill it, and consequently the question is defeated. 
For four successive terms an amendment went through the first legislature, 
to be defeated by the second. It went through the third to be 
defeated by the fourth; and for eight years that plan continued, always 
because of the interest of those who stand in the very lowest lines in 
the State sending their men to the legislature to defeat this thing.
       I am myself not a prohibitionist, and yet I do say that if the 
majority of the men and women of any State want prohibition and 
only half the people keep a high-license law, it is an infamy, and it is no 
democracy for which we stand in this country, and I say that if half 
the people keep a prohibitory law when the majority of the whole 
people want a license law, it is just a great infamy. And so to-day

20             WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.

we do not know what may be the laws of any of our states, because 
the majority of the adults of our people do not know.
       I want to confess to you where lies our greatest humiliation. There 
are those who began this movement for the enfranchisement of women 
and who in years gone by have come to plead before this or former 
Judiciary Committees who are now dead and gone, and those of us 
who now stand before you may perhaps die and others succeed us 
before the submission of this question may come, but we are coming 
and others are coming after us until the deed is done and until the 
women of this country are enfranchised; but meanwhile, since last we 
were here, two years ago, and made our petition before this committee 
we have learned that over in Australia, through the first Federal 
Parliament, by almost its first act, the women of all that great Commonwealth, 
about 850,000, were enfranchised. They were given the 
right to vote for the members of the Federal Parliament by Federal 
enactment.
       Previous to that time they had had all the minor suffrage, including 
the municipal, leaving them only the one little lapse of the right to 
vote for members of their State parliament or legislatures---as we call 
them here---and that has been steadily followed by the extension of the 
suffrage in these States until now, with the exception of two States 
only, all the women of Australia are permitted to vote upon the same 
terms with men; and in these two States---Victoria and Queensland---
bills are now pending in the legislature, and the only question lies in 
the hereditary House of Lords: for if they had none and it depended 
only on the House of Commons it would long ago have passed, for in Victoria 
at least, where there is a large population, the bills have all passed 
the House of Commons many successive years.
       When we turn across the water and look at Norway and Sweden, 
conservative monarchical countries, we find the women are voting in 
municipal affairs, because the Parliament of the nation has within itself 
the power to grant suffrage; and so we may go all over Europe; and 
yesterday we had the word from Denmark that the bill was pending 
in the Danish Parliament, with the support of the premier, and last 
night, because it was Miss Anthony's birthday, they had set that particular 
time to have a great demonstration in favor of this bill.
      Do you not see, gentlemen, that while in this country there are 
millions of people who believe in the enfranchisement of woman, while 
we have more sentiment for this idea than in any other country in the 
world, yet we are restricted by this stone wall of the constitutional 
limitations which were set at a time when a republican form of government 
was a totally new and untried thing, and because of that we 
find ourselves distanced by the countries that are monarchies, and the 
women being enfranchised in other lands and coming to us to express 
their pity and their sympathy for the American women who can not 
have the advantages they have in their own homes? One such woman 
has been with us in our convention here, a woman who has within her 
power to vote on all questions in her own country, and she fails to 
understand why it is that here in America, where the movement was 
born, and to which they have been accustomed to look for their guidance, 
we are still disenfranchised.
       So I ask of you gentlemen that you will this time make a report 
to the House of Representatives, and if you do not believe that we are 


WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE.            21

right for Heaven's sake make an adverse report. Anything will be 
more satisfactory than the indifference with which we have been 
received. Do at least recognize that we have a cause, that there are 
people here whose hearts are aching because this movement can not 
go on, because we see great movements in this land to which we desire 
to give our help and our aid and our vote, and yet we are chained right 
here to work for the weapon that is not yet within our hands.
       A gentleman said to me that one reason why the Judiciary Committee 
did not give a report one way or the other was because it was 
too much trouble to write the report; that the committee were very 
busy and they did not know exactly how to express themselves, and 
consequently that was the reason they did not do it. I do not know 
whether there is anything in that or not; but, if there is, let me ask of 
you to turn to the records of this Judiciary Committee, and you will 
find other reports that have been made in years past. I can not give 
you the dates now, but the last, I think, was given when the lamented 
Thomas B. Reed was the chairman of this committee, and one of the 
most eloquent that ever presided over it; and previous to that I know 
there was another one made by Representative Tayler, of Ohio, and 
other reports have been made that were favorable; but if you, Mr. 
Chairman---and I know you would hate to give a favorable report---
feel that you can not offer a favorable report, and that the majority 
of the committee is not favorable, then I do beg of you, in behalf of 
the women of the United States, to show the people of this land where 
you stand and to give an adverse report. That is all we ask of you.
      Now, Mr. Chairman, this closes our hearing, unless you have questions 
to ask. I ask if we may have the benefit which has been conferred 
upon us heretofore of our customary number of printed copies. 
We had 5,000 last year and we had 5,000, I think, the year before.
       The CHAIRMAN. How many will satisfy your request?
       Mrs. CATT. We will be satisfied with 5,000. We will be grateful 
for any number you can give us above that.
       The CHAIRMAN. Will it satisfy you if we give you 15,000?
      Mrs. CATT. We shall be delighted.
      Mr. LITTLEFIELD. It does not cost us anything to give you the 
reports, you know.
       Mrs. CATT. We could not accept the 15,000 as a sort of bribe and 
let you off from the report.
       The CHAIRMAN. We want to make you just as happy as possible.
       Mr. ALEXANDER. You do not really believe what you have just 
stated about our committee, that we did not make any report because 
we were unwilling to take the time to write a report, since you yourself 
two years ago, I remember, offered to write a very strong favorable 
report, and you remember the antisuffragist lady who was here 
from Boston offered to write us one on the other side?
       Mrs. CATT. Yes.
       Mr. ALEXANDER. So our reports were all written for us if we 
wanted them.
       Mrs. CATT. I was only quoting what I had heard about the committee 
and telling you you could find models if you wanted to save 
your time.
       Mr. LITTLEFIELD. I understood that that was really the best reason 
you had heard for the nonaction by the committee.

22    WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE. 

Mrs. CATT. That is the only reason I have ever heard. 

The CHAIRMAN. We have got so down here that we do not believe 
all we hear. 

Mr. HENRY. I want to ask in how many States women are allowed 
to vote. I want to go in the hearing.  

Mrs. CATT. Women are allowed in the United States to vote on the 
same terms with men in all elections in Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, 
and Idaho. They are permitted to vote in municipal affairs and school 
elections and bond questions in Kansas. They are permitted to vote 
upon the questions of taxation, where questions concerning the bonding 
of a town, for instance, or the building of a schoolhouse or matters
of that kind are submitted, in 4 States. They are permitted to 
vote on school elections in 18 other States. I have not counted the 
same State in these different classifications. Four States have full 
suffrage; 4 States have bond suffrage; 1 State has municipal suffrage; 
that makes 9, and there are 18 in addition. 

Mr. HENRY. And they are allowed to hold office in these four? 

Mrs. CATT. They are allowed to hold office in these four? 

Mrs. CATT. They are allowed to hold any office for which they can 
vote in any of those States. There never has been any restriction in    
the law made anywhere; but, in addition to that. they are eligible to 
certain offices in a good many States where they do not vote. For 
instance, in my State of Iowa they are eligible to county superintendent 
of schools and to the recorder of deeds, and the first State superintendent 
of schools who was a woman was in North Dakota, where 
before the women were not permitted to vote. They do now for 
school suffrage. 

Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. Chairman, before the ladies separate I should 
like to say, in explanation of the large number of vacant chairs about 
this table, that I think there was some misunderstanding, certainly on 
the part of quite a number of any Republican colleagues, because of the 
death of Senator Hanna last night. that this committee and other committee 
hearings through Congress might be postponed until another 
morning. I am sure that accounts for the absence of three or four 
of my Republican colleagues here who otherwise would be present. 
I think this is the third or fourth hearing, Mr. Chairman, that you    
and I have sat at this table.

Mr. LITTLEFIED. I have no doubt that applies to the minority also. 
It is not peculiar to Republican members by any means. 

Mr. HENRY. And there are only two of the minority members 
absent. 

Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. Chairman, I think there has hardly ever been 
a vacant chair at the table when the ladies have honored us.    

Mr. SMITH. Let me suggest that three members of this committee 
are now in the State of Florida composing a subcommittee. 

The CHAIRMAN. I think the ladies understand there is no intention 
to show them any disrespect whatever, I know that all the members 
would have been glad to be here and hear them. As Mr. Alexander  
says, we have heard them four times, and it is just as interesting 

The committee thereupon adjourned. 

[*over*]

The Woman's Column.
VOL. VI.   BOSTON, MASS., DECEMBER 23, 1893.     No.51.

The Woman's Column.
Published Weekly at 3 Park Street, Boston, Mass.
EDITOR: 
ALICE STONE BLACKWELL.
Subscription, . . . . 25 cents per annum.
Advertising Rates, . . 50 cents per line.
Entered as second-class matter at the Boston, Mass.
Post-Office, Jan. 18th, 1888.]

A REVIEW OF THE YEAR.
     Some newspapers have lately declared 
that the woman suffrage movement is 
"advancing backward," and that there is 
less interest in the question now than 
there was forty years ago. Forty years 
ago, women had school suffrage in only a 
single State, Kentucky. To-day they have 
school suffrage in twenty-one States, municipal 
suffrage in Kansas, and full suffrage 
in Wyoming and Colorado.
     Forty years ago the woman suffrage 
question was not before a single State 
Legislature. Look at the legislative votes 
of the past year:
     The Colorado House voted 39 to 21 and 
the Senate concurred in favor of enacting 
a statute granting full suffrage to women, 
and it was carried by popular 
vote by 6,347 majority. The Kansas House 
voted 94 to 17 and the Senate 32 to 5 in 
favor of submitting a similar amendment, 
which is now pending. In Arizona, a full 
suffrage bill passed the House 17 to 6, and 
was lost by 2 votes in the Senate. In 
Maine, a municipal suffrage bill passed 
the Senate 16 to 13, and was defeated in the 
House by 9 votes. A full suffrage amendment 
passed the Minnesota Senate 31 to 
19. It came up in the House so late that 
it could only be passed by suspending the 
rules. The House voted 54 to 44 to 
suspend the rules in its favor, but failed 
to do so for want of the necessary two-thirds. 
In North Dakota, a full suffrage 
amendment passed the Senate 20 to 9, and 
the House 33 to 22, but was afterwards 
reconsidered in the House and lost. In 
Illinois, a bill to repeal school suffrage 
failed, no one voting for it but the mover; 
and a bill to extend township suffrage to 
women passed the Senate 27 to 11, and 
failed by a small majority in the House. 
In Michigan, a municipal suffrage bill 
passed the House 57 to 25 and the Senate 
18 to 11, and was signed by the governor, 
but was set aside by the Supreme Court 
as unconstitutional. In California, a 
school suffrage bill passed the Senate 31 
to 6, and the House 42 to 27, but was 
vetoed by the governor. In New Mexico, 
full suffrage passed the House by a large 
majority, but did not reach a vote in the 
Senate. In Nebraska, full suffrage was 
defeated in the House by the close vote of 
46 to 42; and municipal suffrage passed 
the House 45 to 36, and was indefinitely 
postponed in the Senate, 17 to 15. In the 
Massachusetts House of Representatives, 
municipal suffrage was defeated by 9 
votes, the smallest majority against it in 
any previous year having been 49.
     In Arkansas, school suffrage passed the 
Senate, but was laid on the table in the 
House. In New York, a bill enabling 
women to vote for county school commissioner 
passed both branches. A school 
suffrage bill passed both branches of the 
Connecticut Legislature by a large majority, 
was signed by the governor, and 
is now law. In Nova Scotia full suffrage 


was lost by three votes. In New Zealand 
full woman suffrage was carried, signed 
by the governor and is now the law. In 
the British House of Commons, suffrage 
was extended to all women, both married 
and single, by the Parish Councils Bill, 
against the opposition of the government, 
by a vote of 147 to 126. In Vermont, where, 
in the constitutional convention of 1870, 
a proposition for woman suffrage received 
only a single vote, a municipal 
suffrage bill passed the last House 149 to 
83, and was lost in the Senate 18 to 10. In 
the South Carolina Senate, suffrage came 
up for the first time, and came so near 
passing that a change of four votes would 
have carried it. Kentucky and West 
Virginia have granted women enlarged 
property rights. Pennsylvania has made 
women eligible as notaries public. The 
New York Legislature, by a unanimous 
vote, has made mothers equal guardians 
of their children with the father. The 
large vote of women at the Illinois school 
elections, and at the Kansas municipal 
elections, has attracted wide and favorable 
comment in the press.
     The convention of National Republican 
Clubs at Louisville adopted a woman suffrage 
plank, 350 to 120. The New York 
State Grange passed a woman suffrage 
resolution, 152 to 2. The World's Congress 
of Representative Women at Chicago 
was a wonderful success. Last, but 
not least, the Wyoming House of Representatives, 
by a unanimous vote, after 
twenty-four years of experience, declared 
that equal suffrage works well, and 
advised all other States to adopt it.
    In the passing away of Lucy Stone, the 
beloved pioneer of woman suffrage, who 
ever since 1847 has been its main stay and 
unfailing champion, the cause of equal 
rights in Massachusetts and throughout 
the Union has suffered an irreparable loss. 
But the universal tributes of the press to 
her memory, and the wide knowledge 
thus given to the world concerning her 
great work and her eloquent life, have 
given a new impetus to the movement, 
and have enabled her perhaps to slay 
more opponents by her death than she 
could have done by her life. Let all those 
who held her dear show their regard for 
her memory in the way that would have 
pleased and touched her most--by doing 
their best to help forward the good cause 
she loved so well.

THE REFUSAL OF THE OLD SOUTH.
     Any manifestation of ultra-conservatism 
is apt to react in favor of progress. 
This has been eminently the case with 
the refusal of the trustees of the Old 
South to rent the historic church to the 
Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association 
for the celebration of the 120th anniversary 
of the Boston Tea Party. When 
this action called out criticism, Dr. Green 
was interviewed by the Advertiser, and declared 
that the trustees' refusal had nothing 
to do with the fact that the applicants 
were suffragists. The criticism continuing, 
the Boston Herald came out with an 
editorial acknowledging that the trustees 
had refused the church because the applicants 
were suffragists, and declaring that 
the trustees had done right, because "the 
Old South celebrations have always been 
those in which all citizens could unite," 
and on the woman suffrage question the 


community is divided into two parties, 
"both equally honest, and both equally 
patriotic and sincere." The Herald says: 
"The woman suffrage movement is a 
political movement, and no politicians of 
any party have ever been given the use 
of the edifice." But the Old South has 
been granted for tariff-reform meetings; 
and tariff-reform is a political movement, 
and one on which public opinion is as 
much divided as it is on the woman suffrage 
question. The Herald's explanation 
does not square with Dr. Green's, and 
neither one squares with the facts. Honest 
conservatism, frankly avowing itself, 
is respectable, but it loses all dignity 
when it dodges and proffers lame and contradictory 
excuses.

     All the white-ribbon sisterhood of the 
world are celebrating to-day the 
twentieth anniversary of the crusade, 
which began at Hillsboro, Ohio, Dec. 23, 
1873.
     MRS. MARY COWDEN-CLARKE, compiler 
of the Shakesperian Concordance, is living 
in Italy. She is eighty-five years old, and 
was lately described as a "prosperous 
gentlewoman."
     MISS HELEN NICOLAY, daughter of the 
Lincoln biographer, is a clever amateur 
artist, and her delicate little landscapes 
are always well hung at picture exhibitions. 
Miss Nicolay is also an invaluable 
assistant to her father, and helped with 
the seven-times-read proofs of the Lincoln 
biography.
     Immediately after suffrage was given 
to the women of Colorado, the sixty-eight 
leagues of the Equal Suffrage Association 
resolved themselves into leagues for political 
study. The book selected is John 
Fiske's Civil Government. Male voters 
who are not familiar with this book will 
do well to follow the example of the 
women of Colorado, and by study make 
themselves better fitted for the duties of 
the election day.
     MRS. LIVERMORE gave up a $200 lecture 
engagement and travelled all night 
in order to reach home in time for the 
celebration of the 120th anniversary of the 
Boston Tea Party by the friends of 
woman suffrage, but she was too ill to be 
present. Col. Higginson, in making this 
announcement at the meeting, said 
the incident illustrated not only a 
woman's self-sacrifice, but the value 
sometimes placed upon a woman's services.
     MISS MARGARET IRWIN, one of the Assistant 
Labor Commissioners of England, 
reports that in the tailors' workshop of 
the Co-operative Society of Glasgow, the 
women were lately taking work at less 
wages than men, in work usually done by 
men. The men struck because their demand 
that the women should be dismissed 
was not granted. The Tailors' Union 
made peace by arranging that the women 
should be paid the same wages as men.

THE WOMAN'S COLUMN.

HOW COLORADO WAS CARRIED.
    At the celebration of the 120th anniversary
of the Boston Tea Party, held in Faneuil
Hall, Boston, Dec. 16, Mrs. Carrie
Lane Chapman told how woman suffrage
was carried in Colorado.
   After a graceful allusion to Faneuil Hall
as an appropriate place in which to celebrate
a new advance of the principle
that taxation without representation is
tyranny, Mrs. Chapman said:
   I am here to-night, not to give you any
eulogy upon Colorado, but to tell you
something of the methods by which that
campaign was carried. I suppose this
invitation was given because we have
always hitherto been obliged to draw our
lessons from defeat. Nine times our question
in the form of an amendment has
been submitted in various States, and
each time it has been defeated, and after
each defeat we have always come together
as brave as ever, and have said that if we
had only done this or that or the other,
perhaps we might have won. But so
many have been our defeats that all our
enemies and many of our best friends had
come to believe it impossible to carry this
question by a popular vote at the present
time. But it has been done, and the Governor
of Colorado has issued his proclamation,
the first in the history of the world,
announcing that the women of the State,
by the will of the men, are voters, and
shall enjoy all the political rights and
privileges of other citizens.
    And now all good suffragists want to
know what were the influences that made
the difference. It was largely because
Colorado lies next door to Wyoming. All
over Colorado there are people who have
at some time lived in that neighboring
State. The interests of the two States
are very similar. Both are mining and
cattle-grazing States. Many people in
Colorado are interested in mines and in
cattle-raising in Wyoming, and the people
pass back and forth from one State to the
other. Miners employed in one State one
year go to the other the next. So in every
town in Colorado you find some reputable,
respectable persons, probably a man with
his wife and family, who have lived in
Wyoming, and everywhere they are
pointed out as the representatives of this
idea of equal rights. They are there not
to talk of the theory of woman suffrage,
as we do in the East, but to tell the actual
facts of the experiment in that State. It
was this influence, I believe, more than
any other, that won us Colorado. Many
of the people who went out to speak for
us acknowledged that they had been
converted by Wyoming.
    The next influence was the fine condition
of organized labor. You will remember
that away back in 1820, when the
first organization of laborers was effected
in this country, they made out a platform,
published at that time and ratified by 600
American papers, and one of the planks
in that platform was, "We believe in the 
equal rights of women with men in all
particulars." That plank has been handed
down through many of the more intelligent
labor organizations from that time
to this. I believe we never have recognized
the influence of the labor organizations
in this direction half so kindly and
graciously as they have recognized us.
The men of Colorado say that that State, 
in proportion to its population, is better
organized than any State in the Union.
Moreover, many of the members of these
labor organizations had lived in Wyoming.
The Farmers' Alliance and the
Grange also, for the same reason, are even
more strongly in favor of woman suffrage
there than in the East, and these two
great organizations were to be found in 
every part of the State.
     The Populist party was formed principally


from these two organizations, which
had been trained in equal rights principles.
Hence, they began at once to advocate
woman suffrage. The Republicans followed
suit; and the Democrats, not to be
outdone, endorsed it in many of their conventions.
To have woman suffrage to
generally endorsed by all three parties, in
their country conventions, gave us a political
prestige which we had never had before.
     Yet, with all these influences upon our
side, we never could have won had not
Colorado had the Australian ballot. In
the nine States where our question has
been submitted, we never before have had
a fair chance. In South Dakota, on election
day, I saw long lines of Russian
voters brought up to the polls, not one of
whom could write his name, and a ballot
was put into the hand of each by the
"boss," and in every case it was a ballot
against woman suffrage. In Colorado,
we had in the main an honest election.
All the corruption that there was, was
against us, of course. In the large cities
this corrupt element was organized in a
way in which I wish our suffrage friends 
would learn to organize. They would be
a great power.
     With all this sentiment already existing
all over the State, the only thing that
was necessary was to gather it up and
organize it. This was done by a systematic
plan. A meeting was held in every
county in the state where there was population
sufficient to warrant it, and a
league was formed there, with an executive
committee of seven. This committee
always consisted of four men and three
women, or three men and four women;
and right here is a lesson for every State
in the Union. We shall never carry
woman suffrage anywhere until men and
women learn to work together. I do not
know that this criticism applies to Massachusetts,
but it does to many of our
States. Our women seem to say to the
men, "We are running this association.
We shall be very glad of your help, but
we do not want to have you hold any of
the offices, nor take the lead in the matter
at all." In Colorado, fortunately, the
women did not make this mistake. They
were very glad to have the men take the
lead in the campaign. Men always have
more political influence than women, because
they are voters. The men took the
lead in the associations, and it was because
they did that at last we won.
     The women in each locality were canvassed,
and a week or two before the
election a petition from a large majority
of the women was published in the papers,
asking the voters to vote for equal suffrage.
     The men were also canvassed, and were
classified as opposed, doubtful, or in
favor. The opponents were let alone, and
the doubtful were labored with. The editors
of all the newspapers were seen, and
the press of the State was on our side.
     These were the influences in our favor.
     As the influences against us, we had,
first, the brewers and saloon-keepers.
Although there was no effort made on the
part of the workers for woman suffrage 
to attack them, and although there never
has been any very extensive temperance 
movement in Colorado, yet the liquor
interest seemed to feel instinctively that
the women were their enemies, and they
organized against us, sending their people
out over the State, raising money, printing
circulars, and putting up placards in
their saloons, urging their customers to
vote against equal suffrage.
    As an auxiliary to this force, in the 
cities, they organized the Germans 
against us. Of course there were a large
number of Germans who cast their votes
for us and were our friends; but, as a nationality,
they were organized and did all
they could in opposition to us.
     Then, strange as it may seem, our third
enemy, and one that did a great deal of
work against us, was the Young Men's


Christian Association of Denver. The
only excuse I can make for them is that
they were all very young, and will live to
see the time when they will know better.
     COL. HIGGINSON: Very young, and not 
very Christian. (Laughter).
    MRS. CHAPMAN: Then, too, we had the
usual remonstrance from Boston. We
always find it in every campaign. It is
very strange that out of the old Cradle
of Liberty should come a remonstrance
against equal rights.
     But we are now on the winning side,
and, strange as it may seem, each of these
four opposing forces worked in our favor.
As you know, in Colorado the people
are almost as unanimously in favor of the
free coinage of silver. They have much
the same feeling against what they call
"gold bugs" that I imagine the people in
the early days had against the suffragists.
About the only "gold bugs" in Colorado,
very fortunately for our cause, were the
great English brewers of Denver. They
had repeatedly argued for the gold standard
used in England. The people of Colorado,
on account of the silver question, are
very ardent haters of England; and when 
they found that the brewers had come
out against woman suffrage, they said,
"Well, perhaps England is trying to defeat
this thing too, and if so, we are going
to vote in favor of it."
     When the Germans were organized
against us, the Americans said, "A pretty
state of affairs this, for people who were
born in another nation, under another
flag, and who to-day have their allegiance
with that country and not with ours, to
try to regulate the destiny and stop the
progress of American liberty!" So that
made votes for us.
     Then in the West there is a more extensive,
or at least a bolder, opposition to
Christian orthodoxy than at the East.
So, when the Young Men's Christian
Association--very young, and very unchristian,
as Col. Higginson has said,--
began to preach to the people that Paul
said women should keep silence, and that
equal suffrage was in opposition to the 
Bible, it stirred up all the unorthodox,
and they came out and talked for us and
voted for us, to "down" the Young Men's
Christian Association.
     But the remonstrance from Massachusetts
did us the most good of anything. I
do not suppose remonstrants ever go to a 
woman suffrage meeting; but, if there
were any here to-night, I could give them
some very good advice; and that is that
in their future circulars--for in the past
these have always been very similar--
they should make a change. They have
always quoted the pernicious influence of
woman suffrage in Wyoming. But when
they send a circular of that nature to a
State that lies next door to Wyoming, this
is unwise. For in every town there are
people who have lived in Wyoming, and
who say, "Why, this is an abominable
lie!" The result is to win votes for suffrage.
This circular was received everywhere
and read, and people said, "Who are
the authors of this thing?" And so strange
a thing is fame to-day that the people of
Colorado--because our country is so tremendous
in its extent--had never heard
of the Boston remonstrants. And they
all said "We recognize the ear-marks of
this thing, and we know who got it out.
It was nobody but the brewers of Denver!"
(Great laughter.) And so again
this remonstrance did us good, and all the
influences turned in our favor.
    The best thing you could do to carry
woman suffrage in your State would be to
import a few hundred people from Wyoming
and plant them in all your cities
and towns. Next, go to your labor organizations.
Get all the friends of equal 
suffrage together, and organize them into
a strong band that can dictate terms to
political parties and to candidates, as our
enemies do. And finally--I am afraid
you will not think I am in earnest, but I


am--I believe the greatest objection in
Massachusetts to woman suffrage is the
fact that you have more women in this
State than men. They tell me there are
80,000 more women than men in Massachusetts.
In Colorado there are 88,000
more men than women. This is very unfair
both to Massachusetts and to Colorado.
If some of your women would only
leave Massachusetts, so that the men
could not say equal suffrage would give
more power to women than to men, the
question might be carried. So I am going
to follow the example of Horace Greeley,
and say, "Go West, young woman; go to
Colorado!" There you will find a superb
climate, unsurpassed scenery, and a brave
and intelligent people, who will give you
a most hospitable welcome, and, best of
all, who will crown you with the sovereignty
of citizenship.

[*on increase of taxes*]
       Colorado is playing an important part in the Iowa campaign 
for equal suffrage, important because those who are opposing the movement 
constantly refer to Colorado as a horrible example of equal suffrage. 
All of which would give one a very bad impression of the 
state were it not that there are many men and women of prominence in 
Colorado to come forward and set the matter right. 
       In answer to the charge that the granting of the suffrage 
to women will increase the taxes, the Secretary of State of Colorado 
says, "Woman suffrage has not increased taxes. The state regards it 
as an unqualified success." Equal suffrage was granted Colorado in 
1893. The Colorado legislature in 1915, for the second time, passed 
a resolution recommending woman suffrage as a practical political 
measure to all other states. 
       That woman suffrage would increase the cost of election 
is another charge. In regard to this, Congressman Keating says, 
"The Denver elections in 1914 according to the City Auditors books 
cost the city $49,336.36 with 60,000 people voting. According to the 
board of election of Albany, $73,000 was paid with 45,274 voting, and 
Buffalo with 65,736 votes paid $100,000 for its election.
        "The taxes in Denver for all purposes, city and county, 
are $12.35 on $1000. In Syracuse I found them to be $23.73 per $1000 
and in Albany $24.60."
       Equal suffrage is no longer an experiment in the United 
States, eleven states have the right of full suffrage, Illinois having 
partial and Alaska full suffrage. Wyoming has had full suffrage 
for forty seven years, so it is with much interest that one turns to 
suffrage states other than Colorado, to learn what their governors 
and state secretaries have said over their own signatures, as regards 
the increases in the cost of elections and taxes. A few representative 
answers are as follows:
       Wyoming: "Woman suffrage has not increased taxes in this state 
nor cost of elections."
       California: "Increased cost of election expense because of woman 
voters very little."
       Kansas: "Increased cost of election insignificant."
       Montana: "The argument of increased taxation because of woman 
suffrage is absurd."
       Idaho: "Added election expense infinitesimal."
       Arizona: "Increased cost of elections through women voting 
not worth considering."
       It must be remembered that women pay their full pro rata 
share of the taxation for election expenses and that they have been 
doing so for more than a century while deprived by law from casting 
a vote. 
       Last November during the eastern campaigns the statement 
was made by the opposition that "Colorado bonds depreciated prior to 
the general depression of the war, with no ready market and no sales." 
Practically this same statement is being made in Iowa now. Messrs. 
Harris Forbes and Company of New York city said, "We assume that whoever 
made the statement that the City of Denver bonds were without 
substantial value, must have confused some other situation with that 
of Denver, for Denver's credit has always been first class, and its 
bonds have been readily saleable. 
       The National Department of Commerce for 1912 gives the 
per capita wealth of New Jersey as $2140 and that of Colorado $2785. 
The increase of wealth of New Jersey from 1900 to 1912 was 210 percent, 
in Colorado 254 percent.  In New Jersey 43 percent of the homes 
are without encumbrance and in Colorado 70 percent. Again one is 
compelled to ask, has woman suffrage seemed to injure Colorado financially. 


(1895) Four Colorado Women Help Make Laws.
      "It is rather a curious fact that the four Colorado women 
now prominent in politics were all born in the east, but went 
west early enough in life to acquire its spirit. Allied to 
eastern tradition are the western freedom and independence. 
       "Mrs. Angenette J. Peavey, who is the first woman to serve 
as superintendent of public instruction, is descended from 
the Upham family of Massachusetts and traces her family tree 
back to the days of William the Conqueror. She completed her 
education at Racine, Wisconsin, and for ten years taught in 
the public schools. She was married in 1861, but her husband 
left her shortly afterwards to enter the Union army. He never 
returned, and she has supported herself and daughter in a 
manner that proves her to be a woman of executive ability and 
great force of character. She taught school, managed a book 
and stationery store and did newspaper work. At first she was 
assistant manager of the Racine Advocate, but sold out to buy the 
control of the Shawano County Journal. She is extremely 
successful as an organizer in charitable as well as political 
work. She is a womanly woman, conservative, strong in her 
convictions, actuated by the highest principles. Whether a 
woman will be able to cope with the difficulties of the office 
remains to be seen.

RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE COLORADO SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION
(Clipping found in Lucy Stone's diary and memos of 1878)

         EQUAL RIGHTS
    Resolution Adopted by the Colorado 
    Suffrage Association.
To the Editor of the News:
    DENVER, January 23, 1878. - The following 
were among the resolutions unanimously 
passed at the annual meeting of the Colorado 
woman suffrage association held January 22,
1878, in this city; a place for them in your 
columns is respectfully requested:
    WHEREAS, The Colorado woman suffrage 
association has been the recipient, during the 
past year, of much generous aid from kindred 
societies, and from private individuals who 
sympathized with the effort we were making 
to secure just legislation, therefore
    Resolved, That we thankfully acknowledge 
the gifts we have thus received, wishing we 
might name each giver separately, and assuring 
those friends who remembered us in our 
great need that their cooperation was a moral 
stimulus and support for which there is no 
equivalent in dollars and cents.  
   Resolved, That to those friends from distant 
states who gave themselves with such zeal 
and devotion to the work of the Colorado 
suffrage campaign in the summer and autumn 
of 1877, - to Mrs. Margaret W. and Mr. J. B. 
Campbell, Mrs. Lucy Stone, Mr. Henry B. 
Blackwell, Miss Susan B. Anthony, Miss Matilda 
Hindman, Miss Lelia E. Patridge and 
Judge J. W. Kingman, we offer most sincere 
appreciation and gratitude.  
    Resolved, That to our fellow-citizens of Colorado 
who added public effort to private influence 
during the weeks previous to the October 
election we owe hearty thanks, and we 
hereby tender the same to the Rev. Dr. B. F. 
Crary, Mrs. Mary F. Shields, Mrs. Harriet 
McCoy North, to the Judges Shackleford, 
Miller, George, Belford, Mills and Bromwell,
Colonels S. N. Wood and Henry Logan, Hon.
A. Wright, Rev. W. J. Lynd, General Champion
Vaughan, Hon. Wm. M. Clark, Mr. Henry 
C. Dillon and Mr. G. K. Hartenstein.
    Resolved, That the thanks of this association 
are due and are hereby heartily extended 
to the editors of the Woman's Journal,
Boston, Massachusetts ; the Ballot-Box, Toledo, 
Ohio, and the New Northwest, Portland,
Oregon, for the valuable aid they rendered in
our recent campaign by the hundreds of
copies of their papers which they sent into
the state for gratuitous distribution.
    Resolved, That to the cordial endorsement
of a large proportion of the press of Colorado,
represented by THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN
NEWS, the Boulder News, the Georgetown
Courier, the Trinidad Enterprise and Chronicle 
and the Silver World, the suffrage association 
is under profound obligations, which
it gladly and gratefully acknowledges.
    Resolved, That to Miss Georgianna E. Watson, 
Sing Sing, N. Y., we would express our
warm appreciation for the excellent assistance 
afforded by her able articles contributed
during the past season, to the woman's column 
in THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN NEWS.


    WHEREAS, We are indebted to Colonel C.
W. Fisher, for the generous courtesies extended 
by him to the speakers from the east, who
came to help us in the late campaign, by
which courtesies we were enabled to accept
the proffered aid of those who gave their time
and labor to the cause ; therefore,
    Resolved, That the Colorado woman suffrage 
association is under the deepest obligations 
to Colonel Fisher, and that he has
claims upon the gratitude of the members of
this body which shall never be forgotten.
    WHEREAS, Mrs. Harriet MeCoy North, of
Boulder, one of our most gifted co-laborers,
who did most excellent service during the
late campaign in the cause of equal rights in
this state, departed this life December 2, 1877;
therefore,
    Resolved, That it is the sense of this association 
that in the death of Mrs. North the
cause of woman suffrage has lost one of its
ablest and most earnest advocates, society one
of its brightest ornaments, and Colorado one
of its choicest and purest citizens.

Colorado 1906
U.S. Census 1900
Males - 295332
Females - 244368
539,700
Native Born 
Males - 239284
Females - 209261
448,545
Foreign Born 
Males - 56048
Females - 35107
91,155

Calo. Statistics

EC Hultman 
101 Milk St.

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Dear Carrie:
Here is one set of resolutions adopted 
about an hour ago by a meeting of say 
150 people, mostly men. I hope to get 
you another with the 100 signatures in 
a day or so. Will write fully. Think
there is no doubt but “big business” is 
against us, but will not stop hammering 
this D.C.C.A. crowd. In haste.
Ellis

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[*Unanimously adopted a meeting held in the al??y April 27.*]

       WHEREAS, one J.E.Maling is now and has been for sometime 
past touring those states where suffrage campaigns are in progress, 
representing himself as coming from the business men of the state of 
Colorado, and
       WHEREAS, this Maling is engaged in circulating the most 
defamatory statements regarding both the financial interests of 
the state, and the Womanhood of Colorado, saying that "Two governments 
have broken down under the stress of woman suffrage, the legislative 
hopper has become loaded down with reform platforms, the 
government has lost its hold, the state cannot sell its own bonds, 
gambling and vice flourish openly and business had been killed," and 
whe      WHEREAS each and every one of these statements is false and 
misleading, and calculated to do irremediable damage to the good 
name of the state, and
       Whereas, it is well known in Denver that Mailing is a mere 
carpet-bagger, whose career is at least questionable, and whose business 
associations have been limited to promoting various interests 
of some of the less scrupulous of our large corporations, when he 
has not been traveling the country defaming the state that has restored 
his family to health, and
        WHEREAS, it is also known that he represents the Anti-Suffrage 
association, and has promised large pay to various Colorado 
women for turning Judases to their sex and their state, now therefore
        BE IT RESOLVED, That the Independent Voters League of Denver 
denies each and every statement of the said Maling, and repudiate 
him as no true representative of Colorado manhood.
      Signed
         D.C. Burns, President
         F.A. Stackhouse, Sec.


[*mostly Colorado*]

215 WEST ONE HUNDRED AND FIRST STREET
Jan. 30, 1914.
Miss Alice Stone Blackwell,
Wpman's Journal,
Boston.

My dear Miss Blackwell,
i                                     Enclosed is an article from the Post announcing 
that woman will be appointed to the Fire Prevention Bureau of 
the Fire Department. I understand from Mr. Adamson that three of 
them were told by him today that they would be appointed and that 
these appointments will be announced to-morrow, when you can see the 
facts in the papers, if you see the New York papers regularly.
          These appointments are, of course, from the civil Service 
list, as prescribed by the law.
          I wish that the Journal would reply to some of the statements 
made by Mr. Underhill of Massachusetts at that debate on Suffrage 
at the Civic Forum at Carnegie Hall on Monday night. He said 
that Massachusetts had better laws than any suffrage state, and he 
asked anyone in the audience to mention any law in Massachusetts 
that did not treat women with equal justice with men. Noone seemed 
prepared to speak from the audience to refute this statement, and he 
got away with it, to the detriment of the suffrage side of the 
question. I recall the recent decision about Notaries Public, and 
I do not feel sure that the inheritance laws about parents inheriting 
from children are equal as between Mothers and Fathers, but I was 
not in a position to answer with conviction.
          Mr. Underhill also played on the ignorance of the audience 
in a way that hardly seemed fair when he exhibited a very long Colorado 
ballot and read some of the tedious Constitutional amendments 
from it and said that complicated and cumbersome ballot was one 
from a Suffrage state, and that Massachusetts did not have such a 
foolish ballot, (or words to thar effect) Those long ballots are 
not confined to Suffrage states and the New York ballot was twice as 
long, as well as in other non-suffrage states. You may recall 
seeing that picture of President Roosevelt taken stretching out a 
twelve foot ballot (or about that long)!
         Mr. Wheeler attacked the Colorado age of consent law on 
one instance of a 16 year old who had boasted of her conquests 
with 25 men, and Judge Lindsay had dismissed both sides of the case 
saying that the girl seemed equally culpable. Mr. Wheeler said 
that if that girl's MOTHER had brought her up pure and modest she 
would not have yeilded to the attentions of these men. During 
the entire evening the word "Father" was not once mentioned. A visitor 
from Mars would have thought that this race has but one parent, 
and I find that is the usual attitude, that the Father bears only 
a financial relation, as one might say, to his offspring, but that 
his responsibility ends there. Mr. Wheeler's speech was so illogical 
that it caused much laughter over the whole audience.

215 WEST ONE HUNDRED AND FIRST STREET
Congressmen Kent, of California spoke for Suffrage, but 
as he read his address it lost so much by poor delivery that many 
fine and scholarly points were entirely wasted, as he was not well 
heard.
Senator Thomas, of Colorado, spoke well, and was the only 
speaker who touched on the essential Democracy of an extension of 
the suffrage to women.
There was no rebuttal, or no questions permitted from the
audience, so all the untrue statements from the antis were left 
unchallenged. 
It is true that there were hisses from some of the Suffragigists 
in the audience.  They marked the arrantly UNTRUE statements 
made so often by the anti's, and seemed to be done as an expression 
of disapproval when the speaker deceived the audience by misrepresenting 
the facts. Without interrupting the speaker what 
other method could be employed to express dissent from an untrue 
statement?  It was noted that the hissing did not follow an expression 
of opinion the speakers part, however unfavorable, but only a 
misrepresentation of facts. 
Mr. Underhill seemed to base his objection to suffrage 
on the fact that it would increase the vote and cost him twice as muc 
much to get elected, as it costs a two cent stamp for each voter, to 
circularize the electorate in his districe.  Noone brought out the 
point that the women tax payers had shared in paying Mr. Underhill's 
salary,
I have been trying to get you a lot of subscriptions for 
the Journal from Atlanta, Ga. 
Very sincerely yours
E. McC. Adamson.
[*Personal.*]

[*NAWSA - Colo*]

Evening Standard

November 11, 18

Woman Suffrage.

How Women Vote in Colorado and the
Results Thereof.

The following letter appears in The
Friend:

The writer has frequently been asked
regarding the practical workings of
women’s suffrage in the west. The following
remarks may prove interesting
to some: Colorado and Wyoming are
the two states where women vote, but
there is evidence that in this as in
other matters some of the older and
more conservative states will soon follow.

I recall a beautiful autumnal morning
two years ago when from our front
porch in Denver was observed what
would in the east be a very novel
sight. The time was almost 7 o’clock.
About one block away were the polls.
Near by were the pretty stone and
presed brick houses. The city stretched
away towards the west. Beyond arose
the purple hills, whilst over all towered
the mountains of glistening white
against a sky of richest blue. In the
foreground nearly one hundred people
were in line waiting for the polls to
open. Soon my wife and myself joined
the procession. The sexes were about
equally divided. In a row were young
and old, young married people, a few
children in arms, and a baby coach or
so were close to hand. Everybody was
well dressed, all were chattering and
all were just as polite to one another
as if at a party. 

The women especially seemed to enjoy
to the full the privilege granted
them of exercising the universal franchise
given to the adult citizens of Colorado.
They all understood how to
vote and could operate under the Australian
system as deftly as any men.

Politics for a few weeks previous had
been very, very warm throughout the
state, and the women had taken an active
part therein. The Populist ticket
had been exceedingly distasteful to
most of the women, largely for personal
reasons. They did not like the candidate
for governor on that ticket.

He was a profane old man, and that
fact settled him as far as they were
concerned. Men may not bother much
about such matters, but women will,
and in this case they worked hard to
secure his downfall. Women speakers
had addressed large afternoon mass
meetings, where the moral and family
side of political questions had been
ably presented. Clubs had been organized,
composed exclusively of women.
These clubs had at least twice
made up into evening trolley-parties,
and had paraded over the city. All was
orderly, and the women properly escorted.

This brief description may outline a
typical campaign in Colorado. The
feminine voters won a splendid victory;
and the vanquished candidate admitted
that they had been the cause of his defeat.

Some of us, who were originally educated
to the belief that enthusiasts
were the only advocates of women’s
suffrage, have discovered our error. In
Colorado almost everybody believes in
it; and it seems satisfactory to every
one except to professional politicians,
keepers of beershops, and the less desirable
strata of society.

Some people express a fear that voting
tends to injure women, and place
them in situations calculated to shock
their finer sensibilities. This in
actual practice is not the case;
in fact when men raise women
to an equality with themselves
at the polls, their own behavior
is greatly improved. Rowdyism and
bad language cease, and indeed are as
quickly resented as anywhere else


where women are present. In 1894 the
warmest political battle ever contested
in Colorado was positively dreaded by
many who anticipated serious trouble.
Yet not a man was killed on that day,
although murder had often before been
committed at times of less excitement.
Nor have I ever heard of domestic irritation
resulting from different members
of a family voting different tickets.
The woman who votes is not one
whit changed. She is not thereby
made either “strong-minded,” assertive,
or foolish. A western man thinks none
the less of his wife, sister, or loved one,
because she is on the same level of citizenship
as himself, but rather thinks all
the better of her and her capabilities.
It would be a poor estimate of her that
would fancy the reverse.

It is noticeable that women generally
enjoy voting. It gives them something
to talk about outside of their domestic
duties, or shopping, or small talk.
Sometimes they hesitate to go the first
time to the polls. But when once the
ice is broken they are eager to again
mark the magic slip of paper which
so surely expresses their judgment and
views. There seems quite a fascination
in helping to make aldermen, mayors,
governor and presidents.

The average woman, I believe, more
appreciates her political responsibility
than does the average man. There is
reason for this. She of all others demands
desirable school directors, and
good school houses for her children.
She enjoys good streets. She, even more
than does a man, appreciates the need
of efficient police and fire departments.
She practically thinks of sewerage or
of other matters bearing on the health
of her family, and she also considers
them in connection with the taxes
which she or her husband contribute
towards the public welfare. She has
forced upon her consideration the laws
governing the liquor traffic, and other
social questions. A man thinks about
his party, but a woman does not seem
to do so to the same extent. She also
more closely scans the moral character
of candidates than does a man.

I have observed that women take
time to investigate political subjects.

They really seem to get a great deal
of enjoyment, as well as information
out of such matter. This especially
applies to those who have some leisure.
But what if they do take the time for
such work? The result is beneficial to
them and to the community. Is it not
better for them to occasionally go to
a lecture, and to exercise some downright
persuading with others to vote on
the best side, rather than to pass the
same hours in the useless formalities
of afternoon teas or superficial society
calls?

But some objector will say that all
those women who work for the “best
side” are offset by careless voters on
the other side. Experience shows that
this argument is largely without foundation.
As a matter of fact Christian
women take hold, and zealously work
for what they apprehend is best for the
community, whilst those who have little
principle will often even let their
rights to the franchise go by default.
The ignorant, the vicious and the poor
do not take the same interest in politics
as do the educated, the moral and
the well to do. The latter kind of women
will organize, and make their organizations
tell, when the former will
not have either the time or ability to
do so. All these conditions are the reverse
of what we often see amongst
men in politics.

To illustrate, I have seen about one
hundred men and women meet in a 
parlor of an evening, hold a caucus,
elect delegates, go to the primaries the
next day, and “break the slate” made
by unconscionable politicians, who
would be suddenly appalled at the frustration
of all their wire pulling and
[?opes]. Such efforts largely carried on
by women are valuable to a community,
and can only be the outgrowth of a
healthy Christian citizenship.


Western people do not blindly follow
the lines of thought laid down
for them either by tradition
or newspapers. They look at all
sides of a question, and then pursue
what they consider is proper. So
the men of Colorado think that intelligent
and honored womanhood should
not be deprived of rights which are so
freely accorded to the uneducated and
to foreigners. They believe that to tax
women and then refuse them a voice
at the polls is “taxation without representation.”
This in itself is unfair, and
contrary to the genius of our institutions.
William C. Allen.
Moorestown, N. J., Ninth Moon 29th,
1896.

THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL, NOVEMBER 12, 1910             201

AGAINST "REGULATED" VICE
The National Purity Association, in 
a letter to the Chicago Vice Commission, 
says, in part:
Hon. Dean Sumner, Chairman, and 
        Members of the Mayor's Vice 
        Commission, Chicago:
     "According to your invitation to the 
public, our association wishes to contribute 
its word on the subject. We 
do not propose a new solution of the 
problem, our aim being to supplement 
what others have said, and to 
add our protest to every form of the 
legalization of vice.
     "For the immediate present, it 
seems to us, we should be mainly concerned 
regarding the danger of taking 
any backward steps.
     "Regulation, instead of lessening 
the evil, has uniformly and inevitably 
resulted in increasing it.
     "Spectacular parades in the vice district 
seem to result in advertising the 
evil, thereby increasing the traffic.
     "The plan of segregating the evil in 
certain districts has, as is well known, 
resulted in failure to segregate, and 
scattered the evil through wider territory.
     "The city should care, temporarily 
at least, for the victims of the traffic 
which it has illegally permitted, helping 
them to become respectable, self-supporting 
citizens in legitimate employment.
     "The various interests, business or 
otherwise, which receive sustenance, 
directly or indirectly, from the evil of 
prostitution, should be publicly exposed,
 whether merchant princes, college 
promoters, ministers, priests or
churches.
     "Recommend better economic conditions 
which will relieve worthy women 
and girls from the seeming necessity 
of choosing between vice and 
starvation."

A COLORADO VIEW OF BARRY
     The Denver Post of May 29, when 
Richard Barry had been visiting Denver, 
contained the following noteworthy 
article by George Creel:
     Sentiment and tradition have ever 
been opposed to logic, law and reason, 
and it is because of this world-old 
weakness that equal suffrage has 
had such a stormy time of it. Instead 
of being studied as a sociological and 
economic condition, and subjected to 
the usual scientific inquiries and 
tests, champions and antagonists 
alike have united in considering it 
with the heart rather than the head. 
In all the immense amount of discussion, 
for and against, it is rare 
indeed to find either written or spoken 
word unmuddled by sentimental or 
traditional pull and haul. Extravagance 
of support has been matched 
by a very passion of adverse prejudice, 
with the result that facts and 
fairness have been largely lost to 
view.

"Irresponsibility and Blackguardism"
     Over-enthusiasm, while hurtful to 
the best interests of equal suffrage, 
works no personal injustice to the individual 
woman, but this cannot be 
said of a certain favorite form of attack. 
Irresponsibility and blackguardism, 
sometimes running separately, 
more often conjoined, have disdained 
conscientious inquiry, and made the 
voting woman, rather than equal suffrage, 
the object of insult and slander. 
It is, of course, easier to write imaginatively 
than accurately, and always 
more interesting to tell human faults 
than human virtues. Many a vicious 
article on the Colorado situation has 
been the result of as little as two 
days' investigation, and even the 
most prejudiced must admit that only 
the fact-careless will put pen to paper 
with such preparation. As the outcome 
of this blackguardianism and irresponsibility, 
equal suffrage still remains 
a muddle in the average uninformed 
mind, and the womanhood of 
Colorado has been called upon to endure 
great injustice and almost criminal 
misrepresentation.

Barry's Attack
    As bearing on this phase of the 
matter let us consider the case of

Assailing Women Wage-Earners
    Said Mr. Barry: "It is the pleasure 
and the privilege of every true 
man to care for the women who come 
to him - his wife, his daughters, his 
sisters and his mother - and when 
women are put on an economic equality 
with men, they get out and assert 
by their actions that they can protect 
themselves, and men lose their 
respect for them. They take the 
blessed privilege of watching over and 
caring for them, away from their 
men."
     This is the talk of a fool. There 
are something like five million women 
wage-earners in the United States. 
Does anyone for a moment imagine 
that they are in factory, store, mill, 
office, and domestic service because 
they like it? A percentage, perhaps, 
are of independent mould, but the 
overwhelming majority are out in the 
world because work is a necessity, 
and eagerly look to marriage as a relief 
from drudgery. And as for "loss 
of respect," only the snob or libertine 
will so add to the difficulties of the 
woman who is compelled to leave the 
shelter of a home to gain her bread. 
It is strange indeed to see many men 
of real intelligence hanging to these 
feudal notions in the face of an economic 
change that has absolutely 
forced women into work.

Women at the Polls
    "I was sickened by seeing women 
at the polls on election day trying to 
meet men on an equal footing. They 
couldn't, but they made cheap, sickening 
attempts."
     This writer made the rounds of the 
city election day, and in only one
precinct did he see a woman lay aside 
her usual dignity, and even that case 
was a certain persuasive familiarity 
that could hardly be stretched into a 
"cheap and sickening attempt to meet 
men on an equal footing." As a matter 
of fact, the most amazing feature 
of the day was its absolute failure 
to furnish the expected features, its 
lack of difference from the usual election 
in places where women do not 
vote. To be sure, the polling places 
were all removed from saloons, and 
there was an absence of drunkenness 
and profanity, but, aside from these 
improvements, there was little to 
mark the presence of equal suffrage. 
Conspicuously absent in the early 
hours, by undoubted reason of domestic 
duties, the women began pouring 
in around 11 o'clock, some singly, 
but generally in pleasantly chatting 
groups. Some regarded voting as a 
lark, others were prettily feminine, 
but the majority were strikingly free 
from sex consciousness, and went 
about the business of balloting as 
though it were an ordinary duty in 
the household routine. The whole 
thing was marked by absolute normality, 
and this is surprising when one 
considers the extremes that a city 
combines. A small town would be 
the fairer test, yet even Denver failed 
to furnish any departure from the 
wholesome daily average.

Wages Above Average
    When Barry asserts that "suffrage 
has not made the least progress in 
the last ten years," he simply disputes 
information that is in the possession 
of every newspaper reader, and when 
he declares that "suffrage is leading
the woman to a lower plane," he 
falsely maligns the womanhood of 
Colorado, and insults its manhood. 
As for the intelligence of the people, 
the effect of equal suffrage upon the 
Colorado household, the United States 
report shows fewer women in the 
wage-earning class, and a higher average 
of wages for both men and women. 
The average male earnings in 
the United States are $513, the average 
female, $280, yet Colorado shows 
an average of $638 for men and $354 
for women.
     With regard to the effect of equal 
suffrage upon laws, living and general 
conditions, unfairness is plainly evident 
in consideration of the subject.
Male suffrage is marked by too many 
stupidities, ignorances and mistakes 
for men to demand that women step 
up to the polls full-armed with every 
perfection. They must make their 
blunders just as men have made them, 
and come to education and understanding 
by bitter experience just as


schools lessons concerning the humane 
treatment of animals; making 
the Colorado Humane Society a State 
Bureau of Child and Animal Protection; 
providing that Foreign Life or 
Accident Insurance Companies, when 
sued, must pay the costs; establishing 
Juvenile Courts; making education 
compulsory for children between 
the ages of eight and sixteen; making 
father and mother joint heirs of deceased 
child; providing that Union 
High Schools may be formed by uniting 
school districts adjacent to a town 
or city; establishing a State Traveling 
Library Commission, to consist 
of five women from the State Federation 
of Women's Clubs, appointed by 
the Governor; providing that any person 
employing a child under fourteen 
in any mine, smelter, mill, factory, 
or underground works, shall be punished 
by imprisonment in addition to 
a fine; requiring joint signature of 
husband and wife to every chattel 
mortgage, sale of household goods 
used by the family, or conveyance or 
mortgage of a homestead; forbidding 
the insuring of the lives of children 
under ten; forbidding children of sixteen 
and under to work more than 
six hours a day, in any mill, factory, 
store, or other occupation that may 
be deemed unhealthful; making it a 
criminal offence to contribute to the 
delinquency of children - the parental 
responsibility act; making it a misdemeanor 
to fail to support aged or 
infirm parents; prohibiting the killing 
of doves except in August; abolishing 
the binding out of girls committed 
to the Industrial School until twenty-one, 
and providing for their parole; 
a pure food law in harmony with the 
national law. And it was Mrs. M. A. 
B. Conine that inaugurated the growing 
agitation for a primary election 
law.
     Another noted achievement of the 
Legislature of 1907, that can be traced 
to the initiative of women, is the law 
establishing a State Free Employment 
Bureau, with offices in all Colorado 
cities containing more than 25,000 inhabitants. 
Also, during this session 
a most determined effort was made 
by certain interests to pass legislation 
that would cripple the usefulness 
of the State Bureau of Child and Animal 
Protection, a department of State 
of which Colorado women are justly 
proud, and for the establishment of 
which they did valiant service. 
When it became evident that its 
power was threatened, all the women's 
organizations in the State rallied 
to the support of the Bureau, and, 
despite organized effort, the friends 
of this department were able to defeat 
adverse legislation.
     While the women's claim for credit 
may be denied, the fact remains that 
these laws have all been placed on 
the statute books since the advent of 
equal suffrage. And it is also equally 
true, as the most casual observer will 
admit, that Colorado political conditions 
have been immeasureably elevated 
in the last decade. As Governor 
Shafroth has borne testimony, "Women's 
presence in politics has introduced 
an independent element which 
compels better nominations." Equal 
suffrage, whatever else it may be doing, 
is fast removing the bane of 
vicious partisanship.

"Silent Influence"
     Most of the arguments against 
suffrage are stupidly disingenuous. 
Many men prate of "silent influence," 
and yet every honest man, down in 
his heart, knows that this is a myth. 
Women, without votes, have small incentive 
to interest themselves in public 
matters, and, even when they do, 
the master of the house, out of his 
large superiority, tolerantly squashes 
them. Women, more than men, are 
appreciative of their possessions, and, 
given the right to vote, the most 
colorless soul will come in time to 
appreciate its value and study to get 
the best out of it. In proof of this, 
there are women's political clubs in 
almost every town in the State, and 
the earnestness with which legislators 
seek their support for bills, and beg 
to appear before them for discussion 
of measures, shows efficiency.

The Best Women Vote
     And there is the cry that the "best 
women do not want to vote." This is

Link in Development
     It is, however, as "an inevitable 
link in the long chain of human development," 
to quote Mrs. Helen L. 
Grenfell, that equal suffrage should be 
considered. Opposition to it spells 
nothing, for male suffrage was the 
fruit of struggle, blood and battle. 
In New Zealand, which the amazing 
Barry describes as an "uncivilized 
and despotic country," in Colorado, 
Utah, Idaho and Wyoming, equal suffrage 
came about as a voluntary gift 
almost, fruit of pioneer fairness and 
foresightedness. In Colorado, though 
such brilliant women as Mrs. Edward 
McCook, Mrs. J. B. Belford, Mrs. J. 
L. Routt and Mrs. N. P. Hill championed 
the cause most ably, there was 
no employment of "suffragette methods," 
and little more than proper consideration 
of the proposition by the 
men. It was given as a right, not as 
a concession.

Barry and Anne Morgan
     Reverting for an instant to Barry, 
he said:
     "I have never seen such ill-breeding, 
such lack of refinement, such an 
entire absence of tact, as I saw at 
the Broadway theatre when the women 
politicians of Denver met there 
when Miss Morgan was in Denver. 
The women politicians -- leaders who 
are supposed to have social and political 
standing in the community, got 
upon the stage and complimented 
Miss Morgan while she sat in the box 
to hear them. The moment she left 
to catch her 10 o'clock train, as she 
had planned to do before going to the 
meeting, one of the supposed pillars 
of Denver aristocracy said things that 
were uncomplimentary to the guest, 
scarcely waiting till she had passed 
out of the theatre door. Miss Morgan 
never has made a public speech, and 
no one had a right to say that she 
would make one. The statement was 
made here without consulting the visitor, 
and then she was chastised because 
she refused to speak."
     The writer sat through the entire 
meeting, and the only evidence of 
ill-breeding he saw was Barry's own 
conduct in a stage box. Mrs. Conine, 
the chairman, and Mrs. Decker, the 
first speaker, made pleasant reference 
to "our distinguished visitor," but 
Miss Gail Laughlin, Miss Ellis Meredith, 
Mrs. Helen Robinson and Mrs. 
Helen L. Grenfell, in the course of 
their very splendid speeches, made absolutely 
no reference to Miss Morgan. 
She was asked to speak, but, eventually 
declining, was treated as a valued 
auditor, an honored visitor, a distinction 
amply deserved by her able 
and sincere participation in all movements 
with human betterment as aim. 
This is a small thing, of course, hardly 
worthy of notice. But pettiness 
and personalities constitute the bulk 
of the average half-baked argument 
against the entrance of woman into 
the world of intelligent thought and 
action, and there are many small souls 
to whom vicious gossip has greater 
appeal than all the logical premises 
that could be marshalled.

Opposition from Corrupt Element
     There is absolutely no valid argument 
against equal suffrage as a theory, 
and the most that its opponents 
claim are certain engendered evils 
that might possibly attend its practice. 
After a year in the State -- a 
year of dispassionate study and unprejudiced 
observation in town as 
well as city -- the writer has not been 
able to discover any of these apprehended 
evils. In point of breeding 
and refinement, the womanhood of 
Colorado compares most favorably 
with that of any other State, and their 
added breadth of outlook and intelligent 
interest in public matters has 
helped the home rather than hurt it. 
Opposition largely springs from the 
corrupt element in politics, a fact 
carrying tremendous significance. 
And, equally significant, Colorado's 
finest achievements in connection with 
the securement of a wholesomer, happier 
and more inspiring environment 
are coupled with the names of women.
     Against the private lives and public 
services of such women as Mrs. 
Helen Grenfell, Miss Katherine Cook, 
Mrs. Dora Phelps Buel, Mrs. Sarah 
Platt-Decker, Mrs. Mary C. C. Brad


ganize the Women's Ministerial Conference 
was her own thought, which 
sprang from the fire of her brain and 
the love of her heart. She was its 
president from the beginning, and its 
inspirer all along the way."
     The Rev. Ada C. Bowles of Gloucester 
said: "My conviction that Mrs. 
Howe was a divinely-ordained preacher 
was gained at a suffrage convention 
in Salem in 1867. She then expressed 
her belief in woman suffrage on the 
highest ethical grounds, in an address 
that made a profound impression. Her 
suffrage addresses, coming from a 
strong moral conviction, were really 
sermonesque." Mrs. Bowles traced the 
work of Mrs. Howe as a minister in 
San Domingo, in Rome, and particularly 
in her "own dear little church," the 
Church of the Disciples. Mrs. Howe 
called several conventions of women 
ministers in Boston, which led to a 
permanent organization in 1882, with 
Mrs. Howe as president and Rev. Anna 
H. Shaw as treasurer. Mrs. Howe's 
interest in this organization, the only 
one founded by her, was deep and abiding. 
So late as Sept. 30 of this year, 
she sent a letter to Mrs. Bowles expressing 
her intention to write some 
articles on current religious questions, 
to be published in The Woman's Journal 
or in some magazine.
     Of Mrs. Howe as the student and 
author, the Rev. Mary L. Leggett said: 
"She was a seer and a singer of the 
true, the beautiful and the good. A 
true child of the sun, like a rose she 
drew incense from the common earth." 
How she loved the actual present 
world was indicated by her words one 
autumn Sunday, as she and Mrs. Leggett 
walked home from church over 
the golden, rustling leaves: "Oh, yes," 
said Mrs. Howe, "it is very lovely. 
These falling leaves sadden me because 
they remind me I soon must 
leave the work I love so much."
     "Mrs. Howe does not read much," 
said Dr. Howe of her, "but she always 
studies." Mrs. Leggett continued: 
"Mrs. Howe gained from history, from 
Cicero's essays, from the philosophical 
writings of Spinoza and Kant an understanding 
of human life which expressed 
itself in broader sympathy and 
greater service. 'I must do something 
for somebody,' was her constant 
thought." Of Mrs. Howe's writing of 
the great "Battle Hymn" and of her 
play, "The World's Own," which was 
presented several times in New York, 
Mrs. Leggett spoke at length. The 
later poetry was richer for the "suggestion 
of thrilling memories and the 
afterglow of romance."
     Rev. Ida C. Hultin of Sudbury, 
Mass., spoke of the symmetry of Mrs. 
Howe's services as a reformer. "She 
has sympathy for all races and for all 
men. All over the world today there 
are men and women who feel in some 
way that the world is better because 
Mrs. Howe lived. From her own happy 
experience as a wife and mother, Mrs. 
Howe worked and longed for the uplifting 
of all wives and mothers. With 
her rare gift of languages, she could 
make articulate the dumb longing of 
uneducated women, whether Greek or 
Italian, in words they themselves could 
understand."
    Throughout this beautiful memorial 
service, good words for woman suffrage 
were spoken in many ways, for 
Mrs. Howe was so true a suffragist 
that the suffrage spirit pervaded all 
her work.
     Memories of her gracious living 
presence were vividly recalled by the 
life-like portrait of Mrs. Howe, painted 
by the Armenian artist, Mr. Carnig 
Eksergian, which rested on the platform. 
A striking appearance was made 
by the women ministers in full ministerial 
robes of black, excepting Rev. 
Lucy C. McGee, who was clad in pure 
white.
        June Adkinson.

SPIRIT OF THE PRESS
     Women in Denver vote to the extent 
of 85 per cent. in the residence 
districts and but 4 per cent. in the 
redlight precincts. A fewer number 
and a smaller percentage of the bad 
women than bad men vote in Colorado, 
New Zealand and Australia. -- 
Labor Press, Portland, Ore.

     Iowa woman suffragists have entered 
upon a campaign to find out

indeed to find either written or spoken 
word unmuddled by sentimental or 
traditional pull and haul. Extravagance 
of support has been matched 
by a very passion of adverse prejudice, 
with the result that facts and 
fairness have been largely lost to 
view.

"Irresponsibility and Blackguardism"
     Over-enthusiasm, while hurtful to 
the best interests of equal suffrage, 
works no personal injustice to the individual 
woman, but this cannot be 
said of a certain favorite form of attack. 
Irresponsibility and blackguardism, 
sometimes running separately, 
more often conjoined, have disdained 
conscientious inquiry, and made the 
voting woman, rather than equal suffrage, 
the object of insult and slander. 
It is, of course, easier to write imaginatively 
than accurately, and always 
more interesting to tell human faults 
than human virtues. Many a vicious 
article on the Colorado situation has 
been the result of as little as two 
days' investigation, and even the 
most prejudiced must admit that only 
the fact-careless will put pen to paper 
with such preparation. As the outcome 
of this blackguardianism and irresponsibility, 
equal suffrage still remains 
a muddle in the average uninformed 
mind, and the womanhood of 
Colorado has been called upon to endure 
great injustice and almost criminal 
misrepresentation.

Barry's Attack
    As bearing on this phase of the 
matter let us consider the case of 
Richard Barry, who has been in Denver 
for the usual brief while that such 
writers deem amply sufficient for 
study of a condition that embraces an 
entire State, and sends taproots down 
into the laws and lives of several 
million people. If Barry is to be believed, 
he was commissioned by the 
Ladies' Home Journal, and the result 
of his "investigations" will appear in 
an early issue. Although Mr. Bok's 
paper is associated with the obvious 
and innocuous, it has a wide circulation, 
and, assuming the Barry is 
really its commissioner, his article 
will have an importance that would 
never attach to the man's private 
opinions or utterances. The writer 
holds no brief for equal suffrage, but 
if equal suffrage is to be attacked, 
this attack should be in accordance 
with rules of fairness, and kept above
petty malice, obvious untruths and 
open slander. And, too, if effectiveness 
is wished, there must be an 
avoidance of those hackneyed asininities 
that can't stand a minute's inspection 
by fairness or intelligence. 
As a matter of fact, if Barry writes as 
he talks, his contribution will really 
prove a valuable contribution to equal 
suffrage propaganda.


the household routine. The whole 
thing was marked by absolute normality, 
and this is surprising when one 
considers the extremes that a city 
combines. A small town would be 
the fairer test, yet even Denver failed 
to furnish any departure from the 
wholesome daily average.

Wages Above Average
    When Barry asserts that "suffrage 
has not made the least progress in 
the last ten years," he simply disputes 
information that is in the possession 
of every newspaper reader, and when 
he declares the "suffrage is leading
the woman to a lower plane," he 
falsely maligns the womanhood of 
Colorado, and insults its manhood. 
As for the intelligence of the people, 
the effect of equal suffrage upon the 
Colorado household, the United States 
report shows fewer women in the 
wage-earning class, and a higher average 
of wages for both men and women. 
The average male earnings in 
the United States are $513, the average 
female, $280, yet Colorado shows 
an average of $638 for men and $354 
for women.
     With regard to the effect of equal 
suffrage upon laws, living and general 
conditions, unfairness is plainly evident 
in consideration of the subject.
Male suffrage is marked by too many 
stupidities, ignorances, and mistakes 
for men to demand that women step 
up to the polls full-armed with every 
perfection. They must make their 
blunders just as men have made them, 
and come to education and understanding 
by bitter experience just as
men have come. But, even if equal 
suffrage isn't a magic wand, it has 
certainly not been without its power 
for good. The voting women of Colorado 
claim credit for the following 
measures:

Colorado's Improved Laws
     Laws establishing a State Home 
for Dependent Children, three of the 
five members of the board to be women; 
requiring that at least three of 
the six members of County Visitors 
shall be women; making mothers 
Joint guardians of the children with 
the fathers; raising the age of protection 
for girls to 18 years; establishing 
a State Industrial Home for Girls, 
three of the five members of the 
board of control to be women; removing 
the emblems from the Australian 
ballot, our nearest approach 
to adopting an educational qualification 
for suffrage; establishing the indeterminate 
sentence for prisoners; 
requiring one woman physician on 
the board of the Insane Asylum; establishing 
parental or truant schools; 
providing for the care of the feeble-minded; 
for tree-preservation; for the 
inspection of private eleemosynary
institutions by the State Board of 
Charities; requiring in the public


these laws have all been placed on 
the statute books since the advent of 
equal suffrage. And it is also equally 
true, as the most casual observer will 
admit, that Colorado political conditions 
have been immeasureably elevated 
in the last decade. As Governor 
Shafroth has borne testimony, "Women's 
presence in politics has introduced 
an independent element which 
compels better nominations." Equal 
suffrage, whatever else it may be doing, 
is fast removing the bane of 
vicious partisanship.

"Silent Influence"
     Most of the arguments against 
suffrage are stupidly disingenuous. 
Many men prate of "silent influence," 
and yet every honest man, down in 
his heart, knows that this is a myth. 
Women, without votes, have small incentive 
to interest themselves in public 
matters, and, even when they do, 
the master of the house, out of his 
large superiority, tolerantly squashes 
them. Women, more than men, are 
appreciative of their possessions, and, 
given the right to vote, the most 
colorless soul will come in time to 
appreciate its value and study to get 
the best out of it. In proof of this, 
there are women's political clubs in 
almost every town in the State, and 
the earnestness with which legislators 
seek their support for bills, and beg 
to appear before them for discussion 
of measures, shows efficiency.

The Best Women Vote
     And there is the cry that the "best 
women do not want to vote." This is
not borne out by statistics, which 
show that from 42 to 48 per cent. of 
Colorado's vote is cast by women, and 
that the better the locality the greater 
the female vote. There is, of course, 
a certain number of women who seek 
to flatter masculine vanity by pretty 
assumptions of helplessness, but, for 
the benefit of these, a man always admires
feminine capability, even 
though he vaguely resent it. And, 
even were it true that many women 
do not take advantage of their suffrage, 
it should be remembered that 
every election shows thousands of 
men unregistered and neglectful of 
their privilege. 

Vitalizes Dead Half of Society
     But, more than all reforms in law
and the conditions of living, equal 
suffrage appeals to the thinking man 
because it vitalizes a dead half of 
society. Out of this vitalization, with 
its consequent interest in realities, is 
bound to come better things than 
could possibly proceed from atrophy. 
And surely the woman who comes to 
read and think and stand erect is a 
fitter mother, a finer wife, than those 
whose activities are confined to a 
dreary social round.


worthy of notice. But pettiness 
and personalities constitute the bulk 
of the average half-baked argument 
against the entrance of woman into 
the world of intelligent thought and 
action, and there are many small souls 
to whom vicious gossip has greater 
appeal than all the logical premises 
that could be marshalled.

Opposition from Corrupt Element
     There is absolutely no valid argument 
against equal suffrage as a theory, 
and the most that its opponents 
claim are certain engendered evils 
that might possibly attend its practice. 
After a year in the State -- a 
year of dispassionate study and unprejudiced 
observation in town as 
well as city -- the writer has not been 
able to discover any of these apprehended 
evils. In point of breeding 
and refinement, the womanhood of 
Colorado compares most favorably 
with that of any other State, and their 
added breadth of outlook and intelligent 
interest in public matters has 
helped the home rather than hurt it. 
Opposition largely springs from the 
corrupt element in politics, a fact 
carrying tremendous significance. 
And, equally significant, Colorado's 
finest achievements in connection with 
the securement of wholesomer, happier 
and more inspiring environment 
are coupled with the names of women.
     Against the private lives and public 
services of such women as Mrs. 
Helen Grenfell, Miss Katherine Cook, 
Mrs. Dora Phelps Buel, Mrs. Sarah 
Platt-Decker, Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford, 
Miss Ellis Meredith, Mrs. A. 
M. B. Conine, Miss Katherine Craig, 
and a host of others that it is keen 
injustice not to mention, the attack 
falls rather flat. And, if attack is to 
to made, it should come from men 
who equally distinguished themselves 
in decent endeavor for the many, and 
are able to guarantee equally honest 
and efficient solution of the problems 
of citizenship.

MEMORIAL SERVICE FOR MRS. 
HOWE
     The memorial service for Mrs. Julia 
Ward Howe held by the Women's Ministerial 
Conference on Sunday, Nov. 6, 
in the Second Unitarian Church of 
Boston, was an impressive tribute paid 
by women to a woman "who was the 
lovely embodiment of the best attributes 
of womanhood."
     The vice-president of the Conference, 
Rev. Florence Kollock Crooker, presided 
and said: 
     "The interests of Mrs. Howe were 
as broad as the human race. To organize


Mrs. Howe lived. From her own happy 
experience as a wife and mother, Mrs. 
Howe worked and longed for the uplifting 
of all wives and mothers. With 
her rare gift of languages, she could 
make articulate the dumb longing of 
uneducated women, whether Greek or 
Italian, in words they themselves could 
understand."
    Throughout this beautiful memorial 
service, good words for woman suffrage 
were spoken in many ways, for 
Mrs. Howe was so true a suffragist 
that the suffrage spirit pervaded all 
her work.
     Memories of her gracious living 
presence were vividly recalled by the 
life-like portrait of Mrs. Howe, painted 
by the Armenian artist, Mr. Carnig 
Eksergian, which rested on the platform. 
A striking appearance was made 
by the women ministers in full ministerial 
robes of black, excepting Rev. 
Lucy C. McGee, who was clad in pure 
white.
        June Adkinson

SPIRIT OF THE PRESS
     Women in Denver vote to the extent 
of 85 per cent. in the residence 
districts and but 4 per cent. in the 
redlight precincts. A fewer number 
and a smaller percentage of the bad 
women than bad men vote in Colorado, 
New Zealand and Australia. -- 
Labor Press, Portland, Ore.
  
   Iowa woman suffragists have entered 
upon a campaign to find out
where the candidates stand. If they 
succeed they will have provided the 
proof that they are highly qualified 
for all the activities of political life. 
-- Sioux City Journal.
     
Several of Richard Barry's misstatements 
about the laws of Colorado are 
reviewed by Miss Gail Laughlin, who 
is a lawyer, in the Denver News of 
Oct. 25. Miss Laughlin says that "a 
short and ugly word" is the only one 
which will fit his case. Among other 
things, she says of his assertion that 
Colorado has no law regulating the 
hours of women's labor: "A law was
passed four years ago making eight 
hours the limit of work for women.
Through a defect in the title it was 
declared unconstitutional, but this 
does not affect the evidence that the 
sentiment and influence of the women 
is favorable to such a law, and shows 
that a constitutional law will be placed 
on the statue books. Oregon and the 
other States which have a law on this 
subject place the maximum at ten 
hours for women, showing that the 
sentiment in Colorado is in advance 
of those States where suffrage does not 
exist."

202            THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL, NOVEMBER 12, 1910 

STATE CORRESPONDENCE

New York
     The following platform was adopted
by the Woman Suffrage Party of New
York:
      Platform of City Convention
We, the delegates of the Woman
Suffrage Party from the 63 Assembly
Districts of the Greater New York, in
convention assembled on Oct. 28, 1910,
do hereby ordain the following platform
of principles as our faith and
line of campaign:

"Life, Liberty, Pursuit of Happiness"
     We hold, as did our forefathers who
framed the Declaration of Independence,
that "men are created equal, and
are endowed with certain inalienable
rights; that among these are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness;
that to secure these rights governments
are instituted among men, deriving 
their just powers from the consent
of the governed." We hold that
women and men are created equal, and
that the Constitution of the State of
New York, founded upon these principles
and ordained in the name of freedom,
is contradictory, illogical, and
manifestly unjust, since it provides for
the derivation of powers from the consent
of half the people only, and deliberately
alienates the so-called inalienable
rights of liberty and the pursuit
of happiness from the other half;
for be it known that there is no liberty
for those who do not possess the
ordinary means of defense of personal
rights, and no pursuit of happiness, in
the sense indicated, for those whose
opinions are not counted upon what
shall constitute the welfare of the people.

Spread of Woman Suffrage
     Since women are already exercising
some form of suffrage in Australia,
Canada, Denmark, England, Finland,
Iceland, Ireland, India, the Isle of
Man, Norway, New Zealand, Sweden,
Scotland, Wales, and in all but thirteen
of the United States of America,
and since the trend of the general
movement has been every forward, we
reiterate our faith in its final triumph, 
and recognize woman suffrage as an
inevitable accompaniment of democracy.
     We, therefore, protest against the
arbitrary and wholly illogical action
of the Legislature, which, in refusing
year after year to submit a woman
suffrage amendment, arrogates to itself
the prerogative clearly vested in
the voters of the State of extending
or withholding the suffrage; and we
call upon the advocates of woman suffrage
everywhere to join in our appeals
to that Legislature to change its
attitude towards this question.

Attitude of Parties
     We acknowledge with gratitude the
endorsement of our cause by the minority
parties of the State, and pronounce
the action of the two majority
parties as curiously inconsistent,
since they have pledged themselves in
favor of legislation establishing primary 
elections, in order to give the 
voters of the State more authority, yet
have declined to respond to our serious
appeal to pledge themselves to a 
referendum upon woman suffrage, although
it is clearly their legal duty to
take such action. We recognize, however,
a small advantage in this failure,
since it demonstrates to all thinking
people the difference in the force of 
popular opinion when it is presented by
an unenfranchised class. We, therefore,
welcome the Men's League for
Woman Suffrage, and urge voters to
join it, and to become members of the
Woman Suffrage Party as well, in order
that our appeals may not go forth
from women alone.

Problems of Women and Children
     We hold that the common welfare
demands the immediate solution of
certain problems in this city which especially
affect the liberty and rights 
of women and children; and we declare
that to withhold the ballot (the
chief means by which these evils may
be corrected) from women at this
time, is a cruel and oppressive wrong.
Among these problems are: (1) The
inadequate inspection of the milk
supply, which induces a condition endangering
the lives of infants to an
appalling extent; (2) 50,000 children
of the poor in half-time classes be


in the axiomatic principle of equal
pay for equal work, and we congratulate
the Interborough Teachers' Association
upon the report of the Commission
appointed by the Mayor to investigate
the salary status of the women
teachers of this city, which has declared
that salaries should be graded
by position and not by sex; and we
express the hope that the patient,
splendid campaign in behalf of equal
pay for equal work conducted by this
Association may now be rewarded by
just legislation. While congratulating
the teachers upon the one hand, upon
the other we protest against the system
of unequal pay for equal work
which prevails throughout the whole
industrial world, as "false in theory
and pernicious in practice."

One Moral Standard
     We announce our conviction that an
equal standard of morals is the only
philosophy which can elevate the
moral character of our people, and we
condemn the Page Bill in so far as it
discriminates against women offenders,
and, by its provisions, supports
the unequal standard of morals which,
more than any other one cause, has
operated for centuries to the degradation
and sorrow of womankind.

Women for School and Hospital
Boards
     We hereby express our gratitude to
ex-Mayor McClellan for his appointment
of three women, and to Mayor
Gaynor for this appointment of one
woman to the Board of Education
after our City Convention last year,
and we now call upon Mayor Gaynor
to appoint more women to the same 
Board, believing that the great number
of women teachers and girl pupils
creates a demand that at least
one-third of the members of the
Board of Education shall be women.

Women for Children's Court and
Night Court
     Since 8,000 children passed through
the Juvenile Courts of this city in the 
last year, and since women compose
the sole offenders tried in the Women's
Night Court, and since women
are affected equally with men by all
cases in the Domestic Relations Court,
we hold it to be a manifest injustice
that men alone preside over these
courts; and we, therefore, declare for
the enactment of laws providing that
women shall sit as associate justices 
in (1) the Children's Court; (2) the
Women's Night Court, (3) the Domestic
Relations Court. The fact that
there are several hundred women attorneys-at-law
in New York City
makes this demand one of practical
application.
     To these causes do we pledge our
services, our energies, and our best
endeavors.

     On the afternoon of Nov. 5, Mrs.
Henry Villard, the president, entertained
the Hudson River and the William
Lloyd Garrison Clubs at her
beautiful country place, Thornwood,
Dobbs' Ferry.
     Many came from New York by train
and from the nearer points by automobile
or carriage. From a stage at
one end of the library, Miss Forbes
Robertson spoke for half an hour. Miss
Harriet May Mills followed with some
statements about the present plans
and needs of the State Association,
and Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont presented
the claims of the bazaar to be held at
the Plaza, Jan. 20 and 21. Mrs. Villard
introduced all the speakers most
gracefully, and spoke strongly on the
need of women's vote to help settle
many pressing questions.
     Among the guests were Mrs. Ida
Husted Harper, Mrs. Gabriel, president
of New York County; Mrs. Harry
Hastings, Mrs. Ida A. Priest, Mrs.
Carl Osterfield of Yonkers, Mrs. Porter
Norton and Mrs. Dexter P. Rumsey
of Buffalo, Mrs. Hodge of Kalamazoo,
Mrs. Saunderson of England, 
and many others from a distance.
The grounds, the river and the mountains
were never more beautiful than
on this clear, brilliant day. From
the great rooms, filled with flowers,
wondrous views greeted the guests,
who lingered long in this charming
environment.
     In the report of the New York State
convention in the Journal, there is an
error in the list of officers. It should


rich, Mrs. Annie B. E. Jackson; recording
secretary, Miss Mary M. Angell;
corresponding secretary, Mrs.
Mary F. W. Homer; treasurer, to be
elected; auditors, Mrs. Clara F. Delany,
Miss S. Arvilla Jewett.
     Standing Committees--Chairmen:
Eduction, Mrs. Ardelia C. D. Gladding;
enrolment, Mrs. Myra Phinney;
finance, Mrs. Ardelia Cook Dewing;
legislation, Miss Elizabeth Upham
Yates; literature, Miss Sarah E Usher;
nomination of officers, Mrs. Helen
Bowen Janes; organization, Mrs. Mary
C. D. Billings; press work, Mrs. Annie
M. Jewett; printing and supplies, Mrs.
Jennie Wilson Rooke; program, Mrs. 
Amy E. Harris.
     Miss Yates paid a high tribute to
one dear to the hearts of all, Mrs.
Julia Ward Howe. The following resolution
was adopted:
     "That, in the passing of Mrs. Julia
Ward Howe to the higher activities of
the immortal life, not only the cause
of woman suffrage, but the world at
large has sustained an irreparable loss.
The memory of her noble life will inspire
us to greater loyalty and consecration
to the cause of woman' advancement."

Massachusetts

Boston E. S. A. for G. G.
     A series of talks about Oriental
women will be given at 585 Boylston
street, at 4 P. M. on the second Friday
of the month, by the Secretary,
Mrs. Maud Wood Park, who has lately
returned to Boston after two years of
travel and study in the East.
    During the informal "tea" at the
close of each meeting there will be
an exhibition of photographs and
handiwork from the country described.
     Many of the photographs are unique.
They were taken by Miss Mabel Willard,
Mrs. Park's fellow-traveler, who
was often permitted to enter the secluded
quarters of women where male
photographers would not have been
allowed. The meeting on Nov. 11
dealt with the women of Japan. That
on Dec. 9 will deal with the women of
Korea.
   At each meeting a brief summary of
civic and suffrage news will be given.
All interested are invited.

Dramatic Entertainment
     On the evening of Nov. 25, the suffrage
comedietta, "Lady Geraldine's
Speech," by Beatrice Harraden, and
the play, "How the Vote Was Won,"
will be given at Jordan Hall, Boston,
under the management of Mrs. Pitman,
for the benefit of the Boston
E. S. A. for G. G. Tickets, $1.00, may
be had from Mrs. Park at 585
Boylston street, or any member of the
committee.

     Mr. Alfred H. Brown, who was sent
by Massachusetts suffragists to help
in the Washington campaign, gave a
very interesting address at the "At
Home" at 585 Boylston street on Nov. 
4, describing his experiences. He predicted
that "the great silent vote" of
Washington would be given for the
amendment, and that it would carry. 

Massachusetts Quarterly Letter
     At the annual meeting of the Massachusetts
Woman Suffrage Association,
the delegates voted that our Quarterly
Letter in booklet form should be discontinued,
and that hereafter it should
be printed in The Woman's Journal
and sent to all the paid-up members of
the Association. This will materially
reduce the cost of the letter to the
Association, and will be the means of
getting The Woman's Journal into the
hands of a large number of members
who do not already subscribe for it. 
     The Woman's Journal list of subscribers
and that of the membership
of the State Association have been
compared, in order to avoid sending
copies of the paper to those members
who already subscribe. If any member
receives two copies of the paper,
will she please notify the State Association?
     The Massachusetts State Convention
was held in Lowell Oct. 27 and 28,
the whole week in addition 


Congregational Church, where
the reports of committees were read. 
In the afternoon Mrs. Park spoke on
the old-fashioned methods of suffrage
work, and Mrs. Penfield on the new-fashioned
methods, as illustrated by
the work done by the Woman Suffrage
Party in New York City. 
     The Plan of Work for the coming
year, then adopted, was as follows:

Plan of Work, 1910-1911
     The plan for last year was to work
through Standing Committees. These
committees were as follows: Finance,
Organization, Meetings, Enrolment,
Legislative, Church Work, Press and
Ward and Precinct.
     From the year's experience we find
that the amount of work accomplished
by each committee depends upon the
amount of time and ability that its
Chairman puts into it, and the amount
of money available to carry it on. 
We, therefore, recommend keeping the
committees that have active chairmen,
and increasing their number as occasion
requires. 

Recommendations
     1. That the Association continue to
have an "At Home" once a month,
with speaking and afternoon tea, to
which members and their friends are
invited.
     2. That the material to be used for
the Quarterly Letter shall be incorporated
into four issues of The Woman's
Journal and sent to every paid-up
member of the Association not a subscriber
to the Journal.
     3. That we hold occasional big
down-town meetings like those held in
Tremont Temple last year.
     4. That we continue to raise money
through the little yellow pledge-books.
     5. That we make a determined
effort to strengthen our Association
throughout the State by carrying on
active campaigns of a week at a time
in the larger towns.
     6. That the matter of a non-dues-paying
Woman's Suffrage Party, similar
to the one existing in New York City,
on political lines and for the purpose
of organizing the suffragists so as to
bring pressure to bear on the legislators,
be referred to the Business Committee,
with the recommendation to
carry out the plan if possible.
     7. That it shall be a part of the
Association's regular work to try to
increase the circulation of the Woman's
Journal.

Report of the Summer Campaign, 1910
     A Special Committee was appointed
at the June meeting of the Business
Board to carry on an active State campaign
during the summer.
     Profiting by our experience of last
summer, and by our experience in the
Springfield week, we planned a more
ambitious campaign, choosing, for our
ground, the great industrial centres of
the eastern half of the State, many of
which we had never worked at at all.
     In each of these cities, Brockton,
Taunton, Fall River, New Bedford,
Lawrence, Haverhill, Fitchburg and
Worcester, we spent an entire week
with a force of from four to six regular
workers and occasional special
speakers. Because it was summer and
many people were away, it proved impossible
to do much in the way of social
meetings or meetings before women's
organizations, and for the most
part we contented ourselves with outdoor
meetings, which are necessarily
popular in character. But in each city
we arranged some "special feature" of
the campaign that would attract attention
when the routine work began
to lose its novelty. Sometimes these
special features were distinctly spectacular,
sometimes little more than
popular advertising, and often they
were planned to appeal to the more
conservative element. For instance,
in two places, we arranged for garden
parties, to which invitations were issued,
and where we had refreshments
and good speaking. Again, in Brockton,
we joined the circus parade, driving 
a decorated team, from which we
distributed flyers and notices of the
meetings. In Fall River we secured
the co-operation of two very popular
stores, and for almost a week they
wrapped a colored flyer in every parcel.
In Taunton we held on the Common 
an evening band concert, accompanied
by red fire and great eloquence. 
In Lawrence Miss Foley made a balloon
ascension and showered rainbow
literature upon an eager and curious


WANTED
     SALESLADIES to introduce
and sell our line of
SUFFRAGIST POST CARDS
and
SUFFRAGIST STATIONERY
to the retail trade. A dignified
proposition and good commission.
Only those who are SUFFRAGISTS
or in sympathy with the
cause need apply.
     Write today for our proposition
and get busy in the cause of
Justice and Freedom. Every
dollar's worth you sell means
money for you and also money in
the Treasury of the NATIONAL
AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE
ASSOCIATION.
     WE ARE OUT TO WIN--
ARE YOU WITH US?
THE CARGILL COMPANY
GRAND RAPIDS, MICH.

Love For Its Enemies
Political Equality Leaflet, reproducing
the secret circular of the
Oregon liquor sellers against the suffrage
amendment.
15 Centers Per Hundred
Order from
NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS
505 Fifth Avenue, New York City

NEW SUFFRAGE ARTICLE
BY
CHARLOTTE PERKINS GILMAN
The October "Forerunner" contains
one of Mrs. Gilman's best contributions
to suffrage literature, "Women
and the State." It is clear, convincing
and concise. 10c. Copies on sale at
HEADQUARTERS
505 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK

OUR QUESTION.
   Are you with us? We want
to know.
Send for our special Question
Mark Slips. They are
for use by all suffragists.
Main one with every check
or money order in payment
of bills. It will help the
cause. Price: 10 cents per
hundred; $1 per thousand.
Order from
The Woman's Journal,
585 Boylston Street,
Boston, Massachusetts.

JUS SUFFRAGII
The Organ of the International Woman
Suffrage Alliance.
     Published monthly, in English, by Martina
Kramers, at 92 Kruiskade, Rotterdam, Holland;
price 82 cents a year. Gives the news of the organized
movement for woman suffrage all over
the world.
     The Woman's Journal will forward subscriptions,
if desired; but in that case 15 cents
additional should be enclosed to cover costs of
money order and postage.

THE
AT-ONE-MENT
OF
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE

We acknowledge with gratitude the
endorsement of our cause by the minority
parties of the State, and pronounce
the action of the two majority
parties as curiously inconsistent,
since they have pledged themselves in
favor of legislation establishing primary
elections, in order to give the
voters of the State more authority, yet
have declined to respond to our serious
appeal to pledge themselves to a
referendum upon woman suffrage, although
it is clearly their legal duty to
take such action. We recognize, however,
a small advantage in this failure,
since it demonstrates to all thinking
people the difference in the force of
popular opinion when it is presented
by voters and when it is presented by
an unenfranchised class. We, therefore,
welcome the Men's League for
Woman Suffrage, and urge voters to
join it, and to become members of the
Woman Suffrage Party as well, in order
that our appeals may not go forth
from women alone.

Problems of Women and Children
     We hold that the common welfare
demands the immediate solution of
certain problems in this city which especially 
affect the liberty and rights
of women and children; and we declare 
that to withhold the ballot (the
chief means by which these evils may
be corrected) from women at this
time, is a cruel and oppressive wrong.
Among these problems are: (1) The 
inadequate inspection of the milk
supply, which induces a condition endangering 
the lives of infants to an
appalling extent; (2) 50,000 children
of the poor in half-time classes because 
there are not schools enough;
(3) several hundred classes of more
than sixty each, because there are not
teachers enough; (4) the high cost of
living, including greatly increased
prices of food, clothing, and other
necessities, and which measures the
difference between comfort and bare
subsistence to many thousands, and
which will inevitably drive more children 
into the labor market, more unfortunate 
women to the street, more
men to crime; and lastly, the greatest
wrong of the age, namely, Child
Labor. The manifest tendency of nature 
is the upward development of the 
race, and the overtaxing of the undeveloped 
bodies of children is a human
intervention to stay the natural course
of evolution, and is a direct interference 
with the function especially entrusted 
to women of perpetuating and
uplifting the race through the nurture
of little children. This wrong is illustrated 
in our city by the licensing of
13,000 houses for the purpose of carrying 
on home industries, which thus
gives work to children who could not
be legally employed elsewhere. 

Equal Pay for Equal Work
     We reiterate our unswerving faith


     On the afternoon of Nov. 5, Mrs. 
Henry Villard, the president, entertained
the Hudson River and the William
Lloyd Garrison Clubs at her
beautiful country place, Thornwood,
Dobbs’ Ferry.
     Many came from New York by train
and from the nearer points by automobile
or carriage. From a stage at
one end of the library, Miss Forbes
Robertson spoke for half an hour. Miss 
Harriet May Mills followed with some
statements about the present plans
and needs of the State Association,
and Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont presented
the claims of the bazaar to be held at
the Plaza, Jan. 20 and 21. Mrs. Villard
introduced all the speakers most
gracefully, and spoke strongly on the
need of women's vote to help settle
many pressing questions. 
     Among the guests were Mrs. Ida
Husted Harper, Mrs. Gabriel, president
of New York County; Mrs. Harry
Hastings, Mrs. Ida A. Priest, Mrs.
Carl Osterfield of Yonkers, Mrs. Porter
Norton and Mrs. Dexter P. Rumsey
of Buffalo, Mrs. Hodge of Kalamazoo,
Mrs. Saunderson of England,
and many others from a distance.
The grounds, the river and the mountains
were never more beautiful than 
on this clear, brilliant day. From
the great rooms, filled with flowers,
wondrous views greeted the guests, 
who lingered long in this charming
environment.
     In the report of the New York State
convention in the Journal, there is an
error in the list of officers. It should 
read, "Recording secretary, Mrs. 
Nicolas Shaw Fraser, Geneseo; corresponding
secretary, Mrs. Roxana B.
Burrows, Andover."

Rhode Island

     The Rhode Island W. S. A. held its 
42d annual meeting in Providence on
Oct. 18, the president, Miss Elizabeth
Upham Yates, in the chair.
     Mrs. Barton A. Ballou, the treasurer,
reported the year's receipts as
$239.05, expenditures $189.91. The secretary,
Mrs. Annie M. Jewett, reported 
a good year's work. She deplored the
loss by death of Mrs. Lydia M. Wallace,
Rev. Antone Singsen and Mrs. 
Sarah H. Alexander. 
     Mrs. Homer, chairman of the Executive 
Committee, reported seven meetings
and zealous work. The Executive 
Committee has formed a new branch,
"The Teachers' Extension," with Miss
Avis C. Hawkins as chairman. The reports 
from the standing committees
and the local branches followed.
     Officers were elected as follows:
     President, Miss Elizabeth Upham
Yates; vice-presidents, Mrs. Ardelia
C. D. Gladding, Mrs. Sarah M. Ald-


committee.

     Mr. Alfred H. Brown, who was sent
by Massachusetts suffragists to help
in the Washington campaign, gave a
very interesting address at the "At
Home" at 585 Boylston street on Nov.
4, describing his experiences. He predicted
that "the great silent vote" of 
Washington would be given for the
amendment, and that it would carry.

Massachusetts Quarterly Letter

     At the annual meeting of the Massachusetts
Woman Suffrage Association,
the delegates voted that our Quarterly
Letter in booklet form should be discontinued,
and that hereafter it should
be printed in The Woman's Journal
and sent to all the paid-up members of
the Association. This will materially
reduce the cost of the letter to the 
Association, and will be the means of 
getting The Woman's Journal into the
hands of a large number of members
who do not already subscribe for it.
     The Woman's Journal list of subscribers
and that of the membership
of the State Association have been
compared, in order to avoid sending
copies of the paper to those members
who already subscribe. If any member
receives two copies of the paper,
will she please notify the State Association?
    The Massachusetts State Convention
was held in Lowell Oct. 27 and 28, 
the whole week in addition being
given to regular campaign work, carried
on by a few workers from the
Massachusetts Association. In connection
with this, Rabbi Fleischer
spoke to the Board of Trade; Mrs.
Park before the Woman's Club; four
factory meetings were held; our slides
were exhibited twelve times at the
Merrimac Theatre; Miss Carpenter
spoke at the Congregational Church at
Tewksbury; Miss Foley and Miss
Withington spoke, by invitation, to
seven trades unions; 27,000 flyers
were distributed; and four street
meetings were held, ending with a 
large one the evening of Oct. 28 on
the South Common. This last meeting
is especially deserving of mention,
as Lowell people declared it to
be extremely unsafe for us to hold any
meeting there, and several antis, who
came down to have their fears confirmed,
were silenced by the orderliness
and interest of the large crowd
gathered to hear us speak.
    The State Convention showed itself
very much in earnest, and was attended
by deeply interested delegates
from Leagues in different parts of the
State. 
     On Thursday morning the delegates
met in the vestries of the First Trini-


the eastern half of the State, many of
which we had never worked at at all.
     In each of these cities, Brockton,
Taunton, Fall River, New Bedford,
Lawrence, Haverhill, Fitchburg and
Worcester, we spent an entire week,
with a  force of from four to six regular
workers and occasional special
speakers. Because it was summer and 
many people were away, it proved impossible
to do much in the way of social 
meetings or meetings before women's
organizations, and for the most
part we contented ourselves with outdoor
meetings, which are necessarily
popular in character. But in each city
we arranged some "special feature" of
the campaign that would attract attention
when the routine work began
to lose its novelty. Sometimes these
special features were distinctly spectacular,
sometimes little more than
popular advertising, and often they
were planned to appeal to the more
conservative element. For instance,
in two places, we arranged for garden
parties to which invitations were issued,
and where we had refreshments
and good speaking. Again, in Brockton,
we joined the circus parade, driving
a decorated team, from which we
distributed flyers and notices of the
meetings. In Fall River we secured 
the co-operation of two very popular
stores, and for almost a week they
wrapped a colored flyer in every parcel.
In Taunton we held on the Common
an evening band concert, accompanied
by red fire and great eloquence. 
In Lawrence Miss Foley made a balloon 
ascension and showered rainbow
literature upon an eager and curious
crowd. Several times our speakers
were allowed to make speeches from
the stage in the vaudeville theatres,
using colored lantern slides. We advertised
meetings by driving around
the city with a wagon and two megaphones,
and we spoke in parks and
pleasure resorts, as well as on the
streets, the Common, and outside the
factories.
     We held Yiddish meetings, a French
meeting, and two very fashionable seaside
meetings at Nonquit and East
Gloucester. 
     In all, in the eight weeks, we held
200 meetings, 75 in the evening, 55 in
the afternoon, and over 70 at the factories
and shops, and we talked to
about 60,000 people and gave out 200,000
flyers.
     At the close of the eight weeks outside
the city we held five meetings in
Boston, namely, Charlestown, East
Boston, South Boston, Roxbury, and
on the Common, at which we talked to
perhaps 2,000 people; and we sent
an automobile freighted with suffragists
and literature, and decorated
with flags -- or, better, and quite true,
freighted with literature, and decorated
with suffragists and flags -- to the
Aviation Meet. 
     We were fortunate in having, for


     Are you with us? We want
to know.
     Send for our special Question
Mark Slips. They are
for use by all suffragists.
Mail one with every check 
or money order in payment
of bills. It will help the
cause. Price: 10 cents per
hundred; $1 per thousand.
     Order from
The Woman's Journal,
585 Boylston Street,
Boston, Massachusetts.

JUS SUFFRAGII.
The Organ of the International Woman
Suffrage Alliance. 
     Published monthly, in English, by Martina 
Kramers, at 92 Kruiskade, Rotterdam, Holland:
price 82 cents a year. Gives the news of the organized
movement for woman suffrage all over 
the world
     The Woman's Journal will forward subscriptions,
if desired; but in that case 15 cents
additional should be enclosed to cover cost of
money order and postage. 

THE
AT-ONE-MENT
OF 
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE
AND 
SINGLE TAX
By JULIA GOLDZIER
26 E. 45TH STREET, BAYONNE, N. J.

50 Cents Postpaid

     "Great social reforms," says Mazini, 
"always have been and always will be
the result of great religious movements."
-Leo Tolstoy in A Great Iniquity. 

THE
LIBBIE PRINTING CO.
JAS. P. MURPHY
PRES. AND TREAS.
242 DOVER STREET, BOSTON
PRINTING FOR ALL PURPOSES
Rainbow Suffrage Flyers Always in Stock

Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.