NAWSA GENERAL CORRESPONDENCE HOAR, George F. [*Geo F. Hoar*] Washington Feb. 15 / 72 Me dear Madam, I have delayed acknowledging the receipt of the memorial [?] to get a chance to offer it publicly in [the ?] [?]. Under the rules petitions are presented by sending them to the Clerk and [?] their substance in the Globe. To present them publicly, or get them printed in full or speak on them requires unanimous consent. This can only be got when the Member is willing to give and the floor to ask it. I hope for an opportunity in the course of a few days. I am Yrs very truly Geo. F. Hoar [*Geo. F. Hoar √*] Worcester Aug 17 / 72 Messrs. Henry B. Blackwell Gordon M. Frink Thos J. [?] - Gentlemen I do not now expect to be at the State Convention on the 28th, but it is not yet certain that I shall not be there - I shall be glad to do anything in my power to have a Woman's Suffrage plank adopted in the platform. I do not think it of so much importance to the Woman's Suffrage cause as to trust of the Republican party that this step be [taken?] in [time?] I am Yrs very truly Geo. F. Hoar Worcester, Mass. Aug. 17, 1872 Messrs. Henry B. Blackwell Gordon M. Fisk Thos. J. [Forthrop] Gentlemen: I do not nor expect to be at the State Convention on the 28th., but it is not yet certain that I shall not be there. I shall be glad to do anything in my power to have a Woman Suffrage plank adopted in the platforms. I do not think it of so much importance to the Woman Suffrage cause as to that of the Republican Party that this step be taken. I am, yours very truly Geo. F. Hoar. ________ George F. Hoar Worcester July 22/74 My dear Mr Blackwell, Mr Pierce has sent me Mr Edmunds' letter which I have returned to him, and which he will send you. I hope Mr Edmunds suggestion that an article in favor of womens suffrage, twill be prepared for the Republic may be acted on. This wager Line furnishes answers [*Hon. Geo. F. Hoar*] Washington Feb. 13/73 My dear Madam If you will prepare and caused to be signed by a few leading friends of the women's suffrage cause (I should think best that women alone should sign it) a brief and clear statement of their desire that he should recognize it in his official communications either to Congress or to the people, I will [writer's?] for a great many weekly papers all over the country. I am yours very truly Geo F. Hoar see that it is presented to his favorable consideration and will express my own concurrence in it as earnestly as I can. It would perhaps be better that it should be printed. I do not think I could properly [?] invitation call upon the President to give advice to him as to his main general, going alone, and in my individual [c?f??itry]. I think you and Mr Blackwell, as I have many times said to him, overestimate the importance to the cause of womans suffrage, of these endorsements from public men and political conventions. But I am willing to defer my own judgment in this particular to trust of persons who have studied much longer and [?] carefully then I have the means of promoting it I am Yrs very sincerely Geo F Hoar Boston, July 23, 1877 Hon. Geo. F. Hoar I notice by the papers that you are to preside at the Republican State Convention in Worcester on the 19th of September. I am extremely desirous that some action should be taken at that Convention which will help forward the Cause of Woman Suffrage. I know your theory that we who devote ourselves to this special work must "continue our school-house meetings, and that sometime we shall wake up to find our question carried." It is true that it will wait till the public sentiment is ready to accept it, but our little meetings are heard of only in the places where they are held. Your State Convention will be held not only in the eye of the State, but in that of the whole Nation. Any friendly action taken there, especially if supported by you, will put the Suffrage Cause forward in a single hour, more than years of the best work we can do for it will accomplish. And it will not hinder any good thing which that Convention may wish to establish. Every right thing in the long run, helps every other right thing. Mrs. Hoar believes "Woman Suffrage essential to a true Republic." No essential thing can be omitted or ignored, and the integrity of the Republic be maintained. My heart always aches for help to this Cause, from human hands that have more power than mine, but now more than ever I desire that this Republican State Convention should make some clear, decided expression, because on the 2nd of October Colorado votes on the question of Suffrage for women. Any worthy action taken here will have great influence there. If Colorado is carried, Minnesota and Iowa will be ready to follow. The other States cannot be long behind. Speaker Sandford, I notice, is to be chairman of the Committee on Resolutions. He has always voted for Woman Suffrage, and I am sure would cooperate with you. We need to have two measures recommended to the Legislature. One is the passage of a law for Municipal Suffrage for Women; the other is an amendment to the Constitution of the State, so that women may vote on the same terms as men. If these two measures, or either of them could be cordially supported and carried by the Convention, as they surely would be if the President of the Convention would leave his chair and show how "essential" they are to "a true Republic", it would go far in a new way to call public attention to the great injustice now done to every man's mother, and to correct it. Will you not make a point to see that this is done? I should beg pardon for this tax on your time, if the question was not one of the public welfare, and which I know you believe ought to succeed. Grateful for essential help in the past, Yours very respectfully Lucy Stone Worcester Oct 20/78 Miss Lucy Stone Dear Madam, I am sorry that I cannot attend the convention at Indianapolis. I should be glad to embrace that opportunity to shew my continued interest in the cause of Woman's Suffrage. That cause is indissoluby connected with that of universal suffrage for men. If we do not accept the former; and must abandon the latter. In spite of all imperfections I believe that those states where suffrage has been most nearly universal have been best governed and that the [teachings] dictates of justice are reinforced by the lessons of experience. Either the powers of government belong to those who are able from time to time to grasp them, and the affirmations of the Declaration of Independence and of our bills of rights are falsehoods, or the rights to those in the government belongs to all citizens of mature age and sound mind. I am Yrs very truly Geo. F. Hoar Worcester, Mass. Oct 4, 1894 My Dear Mr. Blackwell: The Committee on Resolutions are to meet in Boston, Friday, at 2 o'clock, ------ I cannot, of course, speak for the Committee, But I have no doubt they will give you the hearing you ask. The objection to such a plank as you propose in the Republican platform is that it is not an honest thing to do. While a majority of that Convention are in favor of woman suffrage, a minority are not, and it is not one of those questions of policy in which the will of the majority will bind the minority. If the majority happened to be against it, I would not be bound by them, nor would you. The result will be that you will not get one vote additional, in the legislature next winter, by passing such a resolution in the Republican Convention now. And if the resolution be defeated, the Republican party will be charged with bad faith, so you will hurt the cause of woman suffrage, as well as the cause of Republicanism. The insertion of these resolutions in the Republican platform never did the cause of woman suffrage one particle of good, in my judgment, but harm rather, unless you count the good which came from the advertisement. I am faithfully yours Geo. F. Hoar. Worchester March 22/87 My dear Mr Blackwell, I have professional engagements of long standing to which I engaged long ago to give up this season to the exclusion of every being else. I cannot escape them in time [of] to speak in R. I. before the election. I have already written to her [?] [?]. I am faithfully yours Geo F. Hoar Geo F Hoar Wm. Rocker 31 Market Square Worcester, Mass., August 14, 1889 Mrs Lucy Stone, Boston, Mass. My dear Mrs Stone: Your question as to whether anything can be done to induce the Republican party in Massachusetts to take up women Suffrage honestly discloses a difference of opinion between yourself and me in regard to the function of a political party, and its relation to such a question as that of Woman Suffrage. I have no doubt that the majority of Republicans in Massachusetts are in favor of Woman Suffrage. I believe that for a good while a majority of the Republicans in both branches of the Legislature and a majority of the Republicans in both Houses of Congress have voted whenever the opportunity came in favor of giving the suffrage to women But this is obviously not a question upon which a majority can either compel or, in my opinion, can properly ask a minority who differ with them to surrender their views. It is not like the matter of the selection of candidates or the purely administrative questions which came up in carrying on the government. It lies at the very foundation, not only of politics, but of civil order itself. The opponents of Woman Suffrage believe that government always has 2 been conducted, and always will be conducted in a manner and by mechanism to be connected with which would destroy or seriously affect the purity of women. They think that the nature of the two sexes is such that to one of them is assigned one class of duties, specially those which affect the nurture and education of children, and to the other a class of duties to which belongs the administration of the st-ate. It is needless to say to you that I do not share this opinion. But how can ask a man who thinks so to surrender his opinion and act upon mine, until I have convinced him that his is wrong, I do not see. The alternative then must be either to do as we do now, act together in behalf of the policies upon which we are agreed, honesty of the ballot equality before the law of all citizens without regard to race, maintaining the standard of wages, so that our workmen may have the comfort and leisure so as to fit them to take charge of the government, and in general of all of the progressive policies in regard to which the Republican party differs from its antagonists. By so acting together a very large number of persons who are zealous friends of Woman Suffrage are placed in positions of public honor and responsibility, and in that way their influence in behalf of the cause is much increased. The other alternative seems to be to form a special political party whose sole doctrine should be Woman Suffrage. Against that party you would, of course, 3 have arrayed all the Democrats, all the Republican minority who are not yet convinced of the wisdom of giving suffrage to women, and all those while so convinced yet desire to promote other things which they consider for the good of the state. You would have against that party a large majority of the women of the Commonwealth Indeed I suppose that if the Republican party were to make Woman Suffrage a paramount or even a distinct doctrine in its platform the women of Massachusetts who are themselves anti-suffragists would be led to oppose it. The mistake which some of our zealous temperance men who are friends of prohibition, as well as some of our zealous friends of Woman Suffrage, seem to me to make is to suppose that these causes can be in the least promoted by any political pressure or any party authority exerted upon men whose understandings are not yet convinced. I have been more disappointed and troubled by the retrogression on this subject in Washington Territory than by anything which has happened of late. I suppose that has been partly occasioned by the new immigration, and partly by the fact that some prominent friends of Woman Suffrage there have lost to a considerable extent their influence by unwise action in other things. There is but one way to get suffrage for women established in Massachusetts or anywhere else in this country. That way is to 4 persuade the understanding and conscience[s] of a majority of the people of the wisdom and justice of so doing. It cannot be accomplished by any other instrumentality or by all other instrumentalities put together. I do not mean that this majority must necessarily be a majority of the persons who now vote. Indeed the accession to the ranks of a large number of the women who are now non-voters will be quite as important as any other. When they desire the suffrage, whether by the old parties, through the old parties or over the old parties, it will make its way. I shall be sorry if this letter seems to you to contain in it little that is hopeful. It does not seem so to me. I believe that the cause of Woman Suffrage is making a steady, permanent and rapid progress. What I say in regard to this is what I have said many times to the temperance men, and what I said in the beginning of the movement to the friends of reform in the civil service. It is very easy for a few active persons in the pressure of an approaching election to get a resolution in to a platform of a political convention endorsing this, that or the other reform. But if the matter be one that is really serious, when such a resolution has passed, nothing whatever has happened. When men assemble in legislative assemblies, they vote, in general, on 5 important matters according to their own sober opinions, or according to what they believe to be the sober opinions of a majority of their constituents. I am, faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar Geo. F. Hoar Aug. 14/89 United States Senate, Worcester, Mass., WASHINGTON, D.C. July 17, 1891. Mrs. Lucy Stone, 3 Park Street, Boston, Mass. Dear Mrs. Stone:- I return to you my letter of June 19th, which I think you may like to preserve. You will see on looking at it that I had not promised positively to speak in the campaign as you supposed; and that there was nothing whatever said in the letter about Williamstown or Amherst. When you said at our meeting the other day that I had promised to go to Williamstown and Amherst, I thought you must of course be right, and certainly that I should keep any such engagement if I had made it, although it made me feel that my memory was so untrustworthy that I was hardly fit to be abroad alone. I state in the enclosed letter that I do not like to make positive promises for the future; that I shall have some professional and political engagements in the fall, but still that I hope and believe that I shall be able to comply with your request if you will communicate with me about it when the time approaches. So that I think from the whole tone of the letter you will see that I postponed my decision until you should communicate with me later. I therefore feel entirely at liberty to deal with the matter as if it were now for the first -2- United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. time proposed. I will undertake to attend two meetings, either at Williamstown or Amherst or elsewhere, as shall be thought best by yourself or other persons giving direction in the matter, on condition that conventions or other meetings shall be held there at which other speakers shall be present and shall take a part as prominent as that expected of me. In other words, I do not wish to prepare on the subject a speech of an hour and a half or two hours, which shall be the solo discussion at the meetings, and either make a new one at the second place of meeting or repeat the old one. Nor do I wish to have it seem as if I had at a time when an exciting political campaign is going on,proposed myself to go into a community that had not asked for me, and to make a long speech at a meeting at which I should be the only person to appear. If the meeting was a failure, such a proceeding would subject me to ridicule and would be of no service to the cause. But if I come in a natural way, taking part in a general meeting, the burden of it will be divided, and it will be much more likely to attract the public and will be in every way more agreeable. I think I can say what I should desire to in half or three quarters of an hour; certainly in an hour. Our meeting, in Music Hall when you and Mrs. Livermore Music Hall -3- United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. spoke, and I think Mr. Blackwell, was a very pleasant and successful one. I suppose that all this will be entirely satisfactory and agreeable to you and will be better for the cause than any other scheme. I have just received a letter from Mrs. Howe. She has undoubtedly written to you. She says she was too ill to make the journey the other day, but that her interest in the whole matter is undiminished. I am, Faithfully yours, Geo F. Hoar (Enclosure) Hon George F Hoar Senate Chamber Washington DC Oct 24 / 93 Rec Oct 25/93 My dear Mr. Blackwell, I had always hoped she might be [spared?] until her eyes should behold the triumph of the cause in which she was the leader and for which she furnished in herself the best argument – But her eyes will see that triumph, I am sure. I will not tell you how deeply I sympathise into your personal loss. Your wife seemed to me the best example of lovely womanhood our time affords. Her simple and transparent goodness and gentleness lent their ornament and charm to a wisdom which never seemed to make mistakes. But I am only telling you what every body is saying. I am With greatest regard faithfully Yrs Geo F Hoar [*( Geo. F. Hoar to H B Blackwell) Washington, D.C., Dec 4, 1893 My Dear Sir: - I have just given authority for the use of my name as member of a Committee to promote International Bimetallism. So you see that I agree with you so far. But I confess I do not understand what you mean by bimetallism on a gold standard. I do not know whether you mean that the national currency which is to be paid in gold, or its equivalent in silver bullion on the day of redemption, is to be paid in one or the other at the election of the holder, or the election of the Government. If at the election of the holder, I do not think the arrangement would do much harm or good, because it would be rare indeed that anybody would prefer to take from the Treasury any considerable amount of silver bullion when he could take the same value more conveniently in gold. The holder would only elect to take it in the few cases of speculators who wanted to buy silver for an unexpected rise. The transaction would not, therefore, be one of currency but of speculation. If, on the other hand, the Government is to elect, I think it would have the effect to make our currency an object of suspicion abroad and, to some extent, at home, and so would inflict a public injury all together disproportionate to any good that the persons who desire a silver currency would receive. Indeed the discussion of the value of silver on a particular day gives rise to great uncertainty and want of precision in a matter where there ought to be absolute mathematical precision. This has been shown in the dispute about Mr. Carlisle's compliance with the law of 1890. are you to have the value in London, deducting the cost of freight from London to the place of payment? If so, who is to determine the value in London, or who is to determine the cost of freight? Suppose there are no sales in London on a particular day, or, no sales anywhere on a particular day, how do you know what is the value of silver in times of change or rapid rise or fall? These considerations would not only introduce an element of great uncertainty into ordinary business transactions but they would, it seems to me, be utterly vicious as applied to currency. These are very profound questions and I am glad to get any light upon them that I can. I intend to write a letter for the Woman’s Suffrage Celebration. I am, Faithfully Yours, Geo. F. Hoar. United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. January 25, 1894. My dear Mr. Blackwell:- I do not wish to seem opinionated in a matter which is so subtle as the question of the currency, about which the best heads differ widely. But I cannot conceive that any considerable number of the people, of whatever way of thinking on finance, would submit to a currency, or would seriously entertain a proposition for a currency redeemable in an article whose value is to be determined by the Secretary of the Treasury, as he now determine the value of silver bullion redeeming the currency and paying debts are very different things from buying bullion. Second, I think they would be even less likely to accept a currency which, at the option of the government, is to be redeemable at the average market value of silver bullion for the 30 days next preceding, because in case of some great fluctuations- where silver may have risen 10% in 30 days, it might cause the value of the currency to be much less, or perhaps 10% less, than at the time of the redemption, As I understand you gave the option to the Government, but if you gave your option to the holder, it would be as bad. I am a bimetallist. I believe that gold and silver are needed and should be used as currency. I further believe that they are needed and should be used as a standard of value, and that standard of value will be more nearly without fluctuation Geo F Hoar Washington DC. Rec Jan 26/94 (2) if the two metals are used for the purpose than if one metal alone is used. But i do not think this can be accomplished by one nation alone, and I do not believe devices depending upon the legislation of one nation alone will do much toward accomplishing it. I think we must get the consent of commercial nations and that experience will, sooner or later, bring about that result. I am Faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar DICTATED TO STENOGRAPHER. Room 338 at 3 P.M. United States Senate, [WASHINGTON, D.C.] Worcester, Mass., Oct. 4, 1894. My dear Mr. Blackwell: The Committee on Resolutions are to meet in Boston Friday, at 2 o'clock. I do not know where, but you can find out at the State Republican Committee room. I have a note stating the place, but it is at my house. I am writing this at the office. I cannot, of course, speak for the Committee. But I have no doubt they will give you the hearing you ask. The objection to such a plank as you propose in the Republican platform is that it is not an honest thing to do. While a majority of the Convention are in favor of woman suffrage, a minority are not, and it is not one of those questions of policy in which the will of the majority will bind the minority. If the majority happened to be against it, I would not be bound by them, nor would you. The result will be that you will not get one vote additional, in the legislature next winter, by passing such a resolution in the Republican Convention now. And if the resolution be defeated. the Republican party will be charged with bad faith, so you will hurt the cause of woman suffrage, as well as the cause of Republicanism. The insertion of these resolutions in the Republican (2) platform never did the cause of woman suffrage one particle of good, in my judgment, but harm rather, unless you count the good which came from the advertisement. I am faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar US Senator Hoar Boston, Mass Rec. Oct. 5/94 United States Senate, [WASHINGTON, D.C.] Worcester, Mass., Nov. 17, 1894. Dear Mr. Blackwell: Somebody has sent me from Washington the Chicago Inter Ocean of Tuesday, Nov. 6th, in which the paragraph which is cut out and enclosed is marked. I think it is a very serious statement and one which demands some public notice. I think the facts in regard to the matter should be carefully ascertained. I do not want to make any political or party capital against Mr. Carlisle, or the Administration, on this subject. But I think the friends of equal political rights for women should see that the public understand the truth. It has occurred to me that some friend of Woman Suffrage who is a supporter of, or at any rate not an opponent of, the present Administration, who is of inportance enough to get an answer, ought to write directly to Mr. Carlisle or to the President and get a categorical answer to the question whether this paragraph is true. A very suitable person to do it would be one of the Mr. Garrisons. I should prefer that you would not use my name in speaking to them about it, as while I suppose they are sincere and honest in the cause of Woman Suffrage, I have little respect for their opinions on public questions generally, as I suppose they must know. So you had better do what United States Senate, (2) WASHINGTON, D.C. what you think right about it as from yourself. The head of the Washington bureau of the Chicago Inter Ocean is our friend Mr. E. B. Wight. If he made the charge, it is likely to have been made on good ground. I have written to Mr. Roe, asking him to have a conference with me about the chances for a municipal suffrage bill in the legislature next winter. I am faithfully yours, Geo F. Hoar Hon Geo F Hoar Worcester, Mass Rec. Nov 19, 1894 COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON, D.C., February 5, 1901. Dear Mr. Blackwell: I am all used up with the grippe, and if I am able to keep my appointment to address the Legislature it is all I can possibly undertake. I have great doubt whether, if I were able to do it, it would be wise for me to undertake to address a committee of the Legislature on the subject you approve. The Legislature are exceedingly sensitive about attempts to meddle with their duties by persons to whom other legislative duties have been assigned. I have once or twice experienced some pretty angry protests, since I have been in the Senate, when I have undertaken to appeal directly to the Legislature. But I am not physically able to perform the service you ask, either to my own satisfaction or yours just now. I have already declined other invitations to speak during my visit to Massachusetts. I am, with high regard, faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar Henry B. Blackwell, Esq. Washington D.C. Feb. 5, 1901 Dear Mr. Blackwell: I am all used up with the Grippe, and if I am able to keep my appointment to address the Legislature it is all I can possibly undertake. I have great doubt whether, if I were able to do it, it would be wise for me to undertake to address a committee of the Legislature on the subject of your proposal. The Legislators are exceedingly sensitive about attempts to meddle with their duties by persons to whom other legislative duties have been assigned. I have once or twice experienced some pretty angry protests, since I have been in the Senate, when I have undertaken to appeal directly to the Legislature. But I am not physically able to perform the service you ask, either to my own satisfaction or yours, just now. I have already declined other invitations to speak during my visit to Massachusetts. I am, with high regard, faithfully yours Geo. F. Hoar Washington, Feb. 16/99 My dear Mr Blackwell, I told you last evening that I thought Bristol was in Glostershire. You said it was in Somersetshire. The Library of Universal Knowledge says it is “partly in the counties of Gloucester and Somerset, joined with the former for ecclesiastical and military purposes, but otherwise a city and county in itself.” This arrangement, as you know is not uncommon as to English cities. Gloucester and Southampton, and Chester, and I believe York, as examples. I am faithfully yours Geo. F. Hoar Hoar DICTATED TO STENOGRAPHER. United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. Dec. 4, 1893. My dear Sir:- I have just given authority for the use of my name as member of a Committee to promote International Bimetallism. So you see that I agree with you so far. But I confess I do not understand what you mean by bimetallism on a gold standard. I do not know whether you mean that the national currency which is to be paid in gold, or its equivalent in silver bullion on the day of redemption, is to be paid in one or the other at the election of the holder, or the election of the Government. If at the election of the holder, I do not think the arrangement would do much harm or good, because it would be very rare indeed that anybody would prefer to take from the Treasury any considerable amount of silver bullion when he could take the same value more conveniently in gold. The holder would only elect to take it in the few cases of speculators who wanted to buy silver for an expected rise. The transaction would not, therefore, be one of currency but speculation. If, on the other hand, the Government is to elect, I think it would have the effect to make our currency an object of suspicion abroad and, to some extent, at home and so would inflict a public injury all together disproportionate to any good that the (2) persons who desire a silver currency would receive. Indeed the discussion of the value of silver on a particular day gives rise to great uncertainty and want of precision in a matter where there ought to be absolute mathematical precision. This has been shown in the dispute about Mr. Carlisle's compliance with the law of 1890. Are you to have the value in London, deducting the cost of freight from London to the place of payment? If so, who is to determine the value in London, or who is to determine the cost of freight? Suppose there are no sales in London on a particular day, or no sales anywhere on a particular day, how do you know what is the value of silver in times of change or rapid rise or fall? These considerations would not only introduce an element of great uncertainty into ordinary business transactions, but they would, it seems to me, be utterly vicious as applied to currency. These are very profound questions, and I am glad to get any light upon them that I can. I intend to write a letter for the Woman's Suffrage celebration. I am Faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar Hon. Geo F Hoar Washington, DC V Rec Dec 9/93 Hoar United States Senate, WASHINGTON, D.C. March 12, 1894. My dear Mr. May:- Mr. Blackwell has sent me the opinion of the Judges of the Supreme Court. He thinks the result is favorable to the cause of Woman Suffrage, thin that it is not expedient at the present time that the question of giving women the right to vote at town and city elections should be submitted, either to the whole people of the State or to the towns and cities. I suppose he knows very well the opinion of many of the leaders in the cause. I am Faithfully yours, Geo F. Hoar Leveter March 14 I have this & forward it; as you may perhaps gather from it Some more definite idea of what Mr. H. will do, than I can. I understood him to wish to see a good report of the discussion in the House of the opinions of the judges. Yn. L M. V Sam Neay & G. F. Hoar Lucenter Man Rec. March 15/94 United States Senate, Worcester, Mass., WASHINGTON, D.C. August 24, 1891. Miss S. A. Henshaw, Worcester, Mass. My Dear Miss Henshaw:- I have told Mrs. Stone that she might command me for two speeches on woman suffrage during the coming fall, and might assign the places where they are to be made. That is all I can undertake now to do, if I keep my other engagements public and professional. You must, therefore, address her in regard to my speaking at Worcester. Her present plan is to have me speak at Amherst and Williamstown, in the hope of reaching some of the young men in the colleges. I am, Faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar [*Hoar Aug. 29*] United States Senate, Worcester, Mass., WASHINGTON, D.C. July 14, 1891. Mrs. Lucy Stone, 3 Park Street, Boston, Mass. Dear Mrs. Stone:- I cannot remember at all the undertaking which you say I made to speak at Williamstown and Amherst. I have found some evidence that my memory was not very trustworthy, but never one so strong as this. Will you be kind enough to find the letter in which I made the engagement and send it to me. It seems to me, while I am willing to undertake to speak in two places on this subject according to the understanding when I met you the other day, that I should hardly like simply to go to these two college towns and make a speech myself, if that is all that is to happen. It would look as if I had rather thrust myself forward or been thrust forward into these localities without any real call from them. If I should go there or anywhere I should hope there would be other speakers with me, so that I should not be expected to occupy the entire evening and then repeat the same thing at another place. Before any final arrangement is made or determined upon I shall hope to have an opportunity to -2- United States Senate, WASHINTON, D.C. converse with you or Mr. Blackwell again. I am, Faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar Geo F. Hoar U.S.S. Worcester, Mass Rec July 15/91 LETTER FROM HON. GEO. F. HOAR. Senator Hoar sent the following letter to the celebration of the Boston Tea Party: UNITED STATES SENATE, WASHINGTON, D.C., Dec. 5, 1893. My Dear Sir, -- It is not in my power to comply with your kind invitation to attend the celebration at Faneuil Hall, Dec. 16. I wish I could be there. I have no doubt that things will be going that evening much more to my satisfaction in Faneuil Hall than in the Senate Chamber. And I have no doubt that things would be going at that time much more to my satisfaction in the Senate Chamber, if the conscience and good sense of the womanhood of America were represented there. I should be glad to take part with you in promoting what I think is the cause of true Republicanism and of true Democracy. I should like to pay my tribute of respect and affection to the lovely and gracious companion who has disappeared for a time from your side, and of whose friendship and leadership we were all so proud. I should like to congratulate our friends who will be present, on the steady growth of the cause of woman suffrage, and upon its assured and not far distant triumph. Massachusetts was never before lagging and in the rear when justice and righteousness were at stake. I trust the cause of woman suffrage will not be an exception. I am, with high regard, Faithfully yours, Geo. F. Hoar. Dec 23/93 United States Senate, Worcester, Mass., WASHINGTON, D.C. Sept. 23, 1891. Mrs. Lucy Stone, Boston, Mass. My Dear Mrs. Stone:- I incurred no expense going to Amherst, except my fares on the railroad and a lunch or dinner on the way back. I am very happy to make that small contribution to the cause. I therefore return your check. I hope at least, what I said did no harm. To get Mr. Ballard's legacy, there should be a decree of the court authorizing me to pay it over. I will obtain that decree at once, whenever you are ready to receive it, and will send it to you. I wish, if you please, you would sign the enclosed paper and have Mr. Blackwell sign it and some others of the officers of the Mass. Woman Suffrage Association, or persons specially interested in the matter, like Mrs. Howe, and perhaps Gov. Long. I am, Faithfully yours, Geo F. Hoar [*Bud*] Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Washington, D. C., March 18, 1898. My dear Miss Tindall: I cannot make a contribution just now to the interesting object of purchasing the three busts. My finances are sadly disordered just now. If my pond shall fill up a little later, I may be able to do it. If a bust of Lucy Stone had been among the three, I should have made a great effort to join in the contribution. I am faithfully yours, Geo F Hoar Miss Helen R. Tindall. Senator Hoar Washington, D.C. Feb. 23, 1973 Dear Madam If you will prepare and cause to be signed by a few leading friends of the women's suffrage cause (I would think best that women alone should sign it) a brief and clear statement of their desire that he should recognize it in his official communications, either to Congress or to the people, I will see that it is presented to his favorable consideration and will express my own concurrence in it as earnestly as I can. It would perhaps be better that it should be printed. I do not think I could properly without invitation call upon the President to give advice to him as to his inaugural, going alone, and in my individual capacity. I think you and Mr. Blackwell, as I have many times said to him, overestimate the importance to the cause of woman's suffrage, of the endorsements from public men and political conventions. But I am willing to defer my own judgment in this particular to that of persons who have studied much longer and more carefully than I have the means of promoting it. I am, Yours very sincerely Geo. F. Hoar. Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.