NAWSA GENERAL CORRESPONDENCE LONG, JOHN D. JOHN D. LONG. 337 TREMONT BUILDING. BOSTON, _June 21__1906 Dear Miss McCormack I have yours of the 28 & [?] a letter of introduction to [?] [?], which you can also use if [?] is willing, as an introduction to [?] [?]. It would do no good to write to the President as I think his very proper rule is to refer application for pardon to the Attorney General [T?] [?] [???] Miss [?] A McCormack Prov. R2 Law Office of Allen, Long & Hemenway No. 5 Tremont St. Stillman B. Allen John D. Long Alfred Hemenway Boston, June 24 1891 Dear Mrs. Stone; I think I can meet Sen. Hoar almost any day next week at your office. Yours truly John D. Long Mrs. Lucy Stone Law Office of Allen Long & Hemenway, No. 5 Tremont St. Boston, __June 24 / 189__ Stillman B. Allen. John D. Long. Alfred Hemenway. Dear Mrs. Stone: I think I can meet Sen. Hoar almost any day next week at your office. Yours truly [?] [?] Long ???? Lucy Stone [?] Long June 24 91 John D. Long 1913 Hingham, Mass. June 28 1913. [?] Madam e/s I have your letter. As you know I have all my public life been an advocate of the right of women to vote. Ordinarily, so great has been my respect for the Woman Journal especially under the [?] of [?] Blackwell + his daughter that those be happy to contribute to it the $5 00 you ask for - But I cannot do so , so long as it in any way countenances or excuses the outrageous violences of the English militant suffragettes -- indeed so long as it does not denounce them as criminals, as proper subjects for judicial penalties, as injuring the Cause of woman suffrage, and as giving Encouragement to the claim that women are not fitted to have suffrage [?] [?] John Long [?} [Ap?] [?Elijah] John D. Long [?] May 26 [?] Dear Mr Blackwell: Where [?] letter. I am [?] I cannot so better than to repeat my letter of last year, which you say you have. And to say also that I have not changed my mind as to it rights of women to vote. [? In Truth] John Long Jan 1- 1898 p. 1. Changes of Fifty Years. Hon. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy writes: "I am in receipt of your letter, asking me to give you some reminiscences, 'sharing how much worse off women used to be than they are now.' " "While it is very clear to me that the condition of women is much improved, I recall no instance showing this special improvement in the matter of legal rights. "One of the saddest memories to me is that of the slaving toil to which women were then subjected. Mrs. Stone somewhere gives a very interesting picture of the household drudgery which burdened her mother from morning to night, who yet was the wife of a leading clergyman who was comparatively well to do, but who, with the cares of entertainment, the management of a household, and looking out for her children, toiled from morning to night with hardly any rest. Those of us who, were brought up in country homes and can look back half a century, recall similar pictures - the mother of the household engaged in every sort of labor, at once mistress of the house, head of the family, cook, washerwoman, scrubber, a drawer of water if not a heaver of stone. It makes my heart ache to recall it. I think I can say that nowhere, even among the poorest of our poor, do I now see more grinding toil. While with the great mass of our women there has been an overwhelming improvement in this respect, I regard it as due to the mechanical inventions of modern times, the convenient and ample supply of water which everybody now has, better methods of lighting and of doing almost all the drudgery of housekeeping, and especially the increased means which, while undoubtedly there are greater inequalities of wealth, have made everybody better off in that respect than they used to be. John D. Long. " POLITICAL SCIENCE STUDY SERIES. Vol. IV. DECEMBER, 1898. No. 3. No Distinction of Sex IN THE Right to Vote. BY HON. JOHN D. LONG. (From an Address delivered at Melrose, Mass.) PUBLISHED FOR The National=American Woman Suffrage Association, 107 WORLD BUILDING, NEW YORK. Entered at Post-office, New York, N. Y., as second-class mail matter. Issued quarterly, $1.45 per annum. NO DISTINCTION OF SEX IN THE RIGHT TO VOTE. BY HON. JOHN D. LONG (From an Address delivered at Melrose, Mass.) PUBLISHED FOR The National American Woman Suffrage Association, 107 WORLD BUILDING, NEW YORK. PHILADELPHIA: PRESS OF ALFRED J. FERRIS. 1898. NO DISTINCTION OF SEX IN THE RIGHT TO VOTE By the HON. JOHN D. LONG. From an Address delivered at Melrose, Massachusetts. The question of woman suffrage suffers from its very familiarity. People have come to think of it as a hobby, a sentiment, an impracticable dream. If it could be sprung as a new question, if, for instance, the right to vote were altogether a new right conferred on the people this year for the first time, there would be no more questions of granting it to both men and women than of permitting both males and females to attend the public schools, or acquire and hold property, or do any of the things, which both now do in common. On the contrary, the denial of the right of suffrage would then seem to be as violent an outrage as would now be the denial of any of these other privileges which they equally share. Or put in another way,—for, in homely phrase, what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander,— suppose that up to this time suffrage had been limited to women, and that no man had been permitted 3 4 to vote except for school committee. Suppose, meantime, that men had developed their natural capacity for every department of business life and enterprise were demanding the ballot. How much nonsense do you suppose they, although in the minority, would stand from anybody who should answer them by saying that suffrage is not a right; that it is a matter of expediency; that there are too many voters; already that men were virtually represented already by their wives and mothers; that men had not been trained to the ballot; that to give it to them would result in the disturbance of families and endanger the home; that it would lead to violence at the polls; and that men ought not to be perverted from their sphere or distracted from their appropriate business of making money, raising corn, transporting freight, and all the great masculine concerns and economics of production and commerce? How hey would roar you the great truths of the Declaration of Independence, that all mankind are created free and equal, and that government derives its just powers only from the consent of the governed; and that whoever is taxed for the common benefit and affected by the making of laws should have a voice in the processes of taxation and legislation! My trouble with this subject is that I never heard an argument against woman suffrage. I have heard expressions of honest and crusty prejudice and the blunt won't-have-it. I know the conservative faintness that is terrified at the fall of a rose-leaf, and I appreciate the weight of the inertia of custom. But I never heard a 5 reason urged against woman suffrage that was worth considering, or that was not an insult to the understanding of a very small boy. There is some satisfaction in striking at an obstacle that is capable of being knocked down. But the opposition to woman suffrage is like a bag of feathers suspended in the air. You may pound it all day, and all night it is a bag of feathers still, neither ruffled nor moved. Let us be honest and admit what we all know, that the real reason why the right is denied to women is because there is just race enough of ancient barbarism lingering in our civilization to bar them out - the same barbarism that made women slaves, that made them beasts of burden, that made them pets and playthings, but that— thank heaven—is gradually passing away. The whole logic of the thing lies in a nutshell. Either women should vote or men should not vote. Why do I say this? I say this because human ingenuity cannot suggest a single distinction between the sexes so far as the right of voting is concerned. They are equally intelligent, so far as the intelligence to vote is concerned. They are equally competent to judge of the merits of measures and the comparative merits of candidates. Is there any doubt that the women of this audience are equal in these respects to the average voter, or that they are as well prepared to pass on the comparative merits of Robinson and Prince, Blaine and Cleveland, free rum and prohibition, civil service reform and the spoils system, free trade and protection, free and equal suffrage and fraudulent elections? Shall we trust the man who 6 does not know the multiplication table, and be afraid of Mary Somerville, who measures the stars? Men and women have an equal stake in the government and laws; they each hold property to be protected and taxed; they alike have children to be educated, and have lives and limbs to be made secure; they follow many of the same business and professions; they do much of the same labor, even to the extent of the barber's shop on one hand and the cook-stove on the other; they have each shown ability as queens and kings, as rulers and administrators, as bureau clerks and agents. Shakespeare evidently thought he was doing no violence to human nature when he made Portia not only an upright but a preeminent judicial authority. I am told that you will find many a street in our Massachusetts towns, on which of the adult residents a majority are women owning property on which they are, taxed for the municipal expenditures in which they have no voice, while of the male minority, not infrequently more than half are persons having no visible property, paying only a poll-tax, some of them the employés of the women, and yet by their major vote actually the controlling numerical element. The mere statement of this frequent fact is at once an illustration and a demonstration of the case. And yet in every such community the average intelligence and competency of the women is, at the very least, equal to that of the men. Some of the women don't know much. Some of the men don't know much. Some of the women would not vote if they could; and as many of the men do not vote, 7 although they can. Some of the women would vote as they were led or misled; as many of the men do the same thing. Most of the women in these instances would, if they were voters, exercise the suffrage with care, conscientiousness, understanding, and advantage; and the men do no more. These same men and women meet together many times a year and engage in the same interests, not only in private life, but in public relations. If there is an industrial or agricultural fair or a village improvement enterprise, they are equally active. Both furnish members of the school committee, one as good as the other, not only in matters of instruction, but even in the way of schoolhouse repairs, and the grading of the grounds. They mingle in church meetings, and in this respect we all know that women are the salvation of the enterprise. They own stock in the same bank and railroad, and vote with common intelligence on their shares. They crowd into the same hall to attend lectures and balls. They go to the same theatres and unite in local dramatic entertainments, the women usually a little quicker at their parts. They hold offices in the same savings bank and insurance company, the women subordinate clerkships, to be sure, but capable, if they had the same business training, of any place. Most significant of all, they go to the same political meetings, listen to the same stump-speakers, and if a hot campaign comes, engage with the same acrimony and passionateness in political debate, discussing men and measures at the street corners, and fighting it out around the family table, the household not infrequently divided against 8 itself. In view of this, what patience can be had when some hardshell tells us that this is all so, but the heavens would fall, society would be ruined, the State would collapse, if the same women, once in March and once in November, should enter a decent town hall or ward room, -- all the more decent for their presence, --walk to a ballot-box, and put into a piece of printed paper expressing in concrete form the results of their previous consideration! I can understand well enough why one man should be afraid of ignorant suffrage and desire additional educational qualifications; but while that test would exclude many men who vote, it would include women who do not. I can understand why another might demand the test of property, or loyalty, or age; but every such test would still be without distinction of sex. Right! Of course it is the denial of a right, and everybody knows it. To deny a right is an outrage. It is idle to mystify this matter with refinements about natural right and artificial right. Somebody even has suggested that women are not particularized in the Declaration of Independence or in the Constitution. Neither are slaves. Even as to them some used to argue that freedom is not a natural right; that children are not free; that offenders against the law and insane persons are not free; and that freedom is a matter of expedient discrimination. As a matter of common sense, you and I know that if we contribute out of our property to a common fund, if we are taxed for a common enterprise, if our rights, our liberties, our persons, our children, 9 are affected by certain laws, we ought to have a voice in the arrangement; and if you doubt this, try the experiment with a body of men and see what will come of it. If it is a right, why should it be denied? When yet in the history of the world has it been found that what is right is inexpedient? Somebody says few women would vote if enfranchised. Well, it often happens in an election that more than half the men refuse to vote. But if one man or woman wants to exercise the right to vote, what earthly reason is there for denying it, because other men and women do not wish to exercise it? If I desire to breathe the fresh air of heaven, shall I not cross my threshold, because the rest of the family group prefer the stale atmosphere indoors? If a majority of negroes preferred slavery, was freedom any the less essential? Somebody else says -- but, really, these objections are too trivial for consideration or answer. Think of arguing with a sober face against a man whose brains are reduced to such a minimum that he solemnly asserts that a woman should not vote because she cannot fight! In the first place she can fight; in the second, men are largely exempt from military service; and, in the third, there is not the remotest relation between firing a musket and casting a ballot. As to this matter of expediency, it is an insult to our civilization to assert for a moment that we have not intelligence and ingenuity enough to do a thing which it is right to do; or that the mere mechanical arrangements cannot be provided for permitting women to take part in voting 10 as they take part in other exercises. Why, the thing has already been tried. In Wyoming it has been a success since 1869, certified to be the best authorities there, and showing a much better record than suffrage in many Southern States or Northern cities. Names can be cited on either side of the question, but it something more than a crank's dream that commands the endorsement of Ralph Waldo Emerson, Chief Justice Chase, John G. Whittier, George William Curtis, Senators Sumner, Wilson, Hoar, Dr. Duryea here, and so many more. Woman suffrage is vindicated by the fact that, while steadily the sphere of woman has been broadening, admission given her into new fields, occupations, trusts, yet in no single instance has she failed to show herself equal to the task. Reflect upon that fact for a moment. If there were this inferiority or unfitness of woman incapacitating her for suffrage; if it were wrong and inexpedient and dangerous for her to exercise that function, --how do you account for the fact that whatever forward step you have let her take, she has justified it? As I before suggested, even in highest political office, as queen or empress, she has excelled the average of kings. There were in her time men of superior capacity to that of Queen Elizabeth, but what Tudor king was her superior? What Russian despot, in personal force or even in the energy of his vices, surpassed Catharine? Which of the stupid litter of the House of Brunswick for a moment compares with Victoria in sense or character? Remember that all this time woman has for centuries been kept back, not permitted training or self- 11 training for voting and masculine functions; that, with the same opportunities that men have for political exercise, and continually improving them, she will advance on her present capacity; and that even in her present circumstances she is a good merchant, lawyer, doctor, minister; that she divides the orator's platform with men; that she is equally keen as a detective on the one hand or swindler or a cheat on the other; and that on boards and associations of social and charitable work she is unexcelled even in business details. Indeed, the most remarkable thing in this whole woman suffrage matter is, that there are in it no longer the elements of an experiment. To grant the right would hardly cause a ripple on the surface. Nothing would happen that is not already discounted. Hardly a test would women be subjected to that they are not already subjected to. Not only in my mind is there no argument against woman suffrage, but every argument for it. In the first place, every extension of intelligent suffrage strengthens the body politic. I must believe this, or give up the principle of republican government, which is the strongest and securest form of government. I know some shudder a little at universal suffrage, but it is ten thousand times more dangerous to suppress and exclude a part of the people. The gases which are harmless if vented, may work ruin if you confine them. There can in the long run be a little danger when all are equally enfranchised and thereby equally responsible. Suffrage is itself an immense education; its absence a 12 degeneracy. The broader the basis of your State, the safer. In the next place, the influence of woman has refined whatever circle it has been admitted into under conditions of its own self-respect. History, homely experience, common observation, all confirm this. Woman suffrage would not debase women and politics. It would elevate both. it would add to the body politic the positive elements of feminine wholesomeness and natural antagonism to vice and violence. A new interest for the security of home and peace, sobriety and order, would be invoked. Woman herself would be benefited, as intelligent emancipation of every sort and to whatever degree always benefits its object. I cannot help feeling that back of all this matter of casting a vote, lies in a still deeper question of social integrity. There is at stake not the unrest of a few women, leaders of a movement, but the welfare -- the moral and intellectual status -- of the great body of women who are in the mass of life, who toil in shops, and whose character and fate are subject to the molding of their circumstances. Anything that attaches to them a badge or fetter of inferiority, dependence or weakness, just so far impairs self-respect, and hinders their ultimate moral and intellectual self-sovereignty. I know not what eruptions may break out in the transition time; but when that is past, and woman is under full equality of rights and of social responsibility, thence will date the era of a more wholesome social life, which now sometimes seems to be the despair of social science. The opponents of woman suffrage never make allow- 13 ance for the reactionary influence which the exercise of suffrage would have upon the ability of woman for its exercise. While her feminine nature would remain unchanged, that ability would develop exactly in proportion to the demands upon it; otherwise is human nature a failure. It would turn its duty, as a flower, hitherto shaded, turns to the light and grows, by inevitable law, the growth that vindicates both. It would react back to the very sources of education. The standard of woman's education, of her training and reading, would be lifted and attuned to her new obligations. But the topic is boundless. It involves the elements of the profoundest principles of human progress, and might well be treated on philosophic grounds. I have however, touched only on familiar and practical aspects, which come quickest home to the sense of justice. To sum them up, it is right that women, equally burdened, should have equal voice in the adjustment of the burden. It is despotic and undemocratic to deny the equal right. Nothing is easier than to arrange for its exercise without injurious disturbance to social life or political stability. Women would not be drawn from their duties, or their time over-occupied, any more than now in the case of men, -- and we all know how little, how next to nothing, that it is for nine hundred and ninety-nine of every thousand of them. No dangerous, but a better, element would come into influence. It would be a step out of the direction of unnatural restriction, 14 which is dangerous to liberty and stability, and in the direction of natural enlargement, which is indispensable to liberty and stability. I have no more doubt of the ultimate voting of women than I have of the progress of the human soul, or than I have that, when that time comes, a more enlightened age will look back on our discrimination against one of the sexes in this respect as a relic of barbarism, a slowly melting glacier of bourbonism and prejudice. I want to be on record as having melted out early, or rather as having never been frozen in. blank page From List 109, Gilman's Old Books, Inc., 61 - 4th Avenue, N. Y. C. 33 (IN FRENCH) 538 Leroy Beaulieu, Pierre. Etats Unis au XXth Siecle. Half leather, Paris, 1905. 2.50 (HUMOR) 539 Leslie's (Frank). Comic Almanac for 1869. Thin 11x8, unbound, as issued. 2.50 (JEFFERSON) 540 Letters from Jefferson. Bulletin of the Bureau of Rolls & Library; Dept. of State, no. 6. 12x8, Wash., 1894. "The gist of each letter: and to whom it was written." The recipients are alphabetically arranged. 6.00 (CHICAGO AREA) 541 Leverett, Frank. Pleistocene Features and Deposits of the Chicago Area. Maps & illus., 9x6, Chic., 1897. "Chic. Aca. of Sci. Pub." 2.50 (PHILADELPHIAN) 542 Levick, Samuel J. Life of. Late of the Philadelphia. Illus., 8x6, Phila., 1896. 2.50 (THE NORTHWEST) 543 Lewis, W. S. The Story of Early Days in the Big Bend Country. Photograph, thin 10x6, Spokane, 1926. 3.50 (INDIAN) 544 Linderman, F. B. American. The Life Story of a Great Indian. Illus., 9x6, N. Y. (1930). 3.50 (NOVELIST) 545 (Lippard, George). Life and Choice Writings of G.L. 9x6, N. Y., 1855. 10.00 (SERIAL) 546 The Literary Collector. Vols. 1 & 2. N. Y., 1900-1. (lacks no. 2 of Vol. 1). 11 issues; should be 12. 5.00 (U.S. MAP, 1867) 547 Lloyd & Co., H. H. County Map of the U.S. Very large, folded to 6x4, N. Y., 1867. 10.00 (GEORGE WASHINGTON) 548 Loan Exhibition of Washington. Under the direction of the R. W. G. Lodge of Penna. F. & A.M. 9x6. Phila., 1902. 2.50 (POLITICAL: THE PRESIDENCY) 549 Lockwood, H. D. The Abolition of the Presidency. 9x6, N. Y., 1884. 2.50 (WITH WOODCUTS) 550 Lockwood, S. M. New York Not So Little and Not So Old. Numerous woodcuts by Ilonka Karasz, 10x8, N. Y., 1926. 2.00 (MASSACHUSETTS) 551 Long, J. D. ..... America of Yesterday. Illus., 9x6, Bost. (1923). "Secretary of the Navy." 2.50 (SHEET MUSIC) 552 Longfellow, H. W. The Village Blacksmith. The Music composed by W. H. Weiss, Lond., no date, Cramer & Co. (about 1875- 1880). 2.50 (CONSTITUTIONALISM) 553 Loring, C. W. Nullification, Secession, Webster's Argument and the Kentucky and Virginia Resolution . . . 8x6, N.Y., 1893. 2.50 (WITH 78 ENGRAVINGS) 554 Lossing, B. J. 1776 or the War of Independence . . . Thick 9x6, N.Y., 1849. "With Wood Engravings." 2.50 If It Is Out Of Print Write Us About It. 34 From List 109, Gilman's Old Books, Inc., 61 - 4th Avenue, N.Y.C. (ARTS CLUB) 555 Lotus Club. Speeches at the. 2 vols., illus., thick 9x6, N.Y., 1901-11. "Six of these are by Mark Twain." 7.50 (MURDER TRIAL) 556 Lowenstein, Emil. Trial of E.L. for the Murder of John D. Weston ... 9x6, Albany, 1874. 6.00 (IN GERMAN) 557 Luckwaldt, Friedrich. Geschicte der Vereinigten Staaten von America. First part, 1607-1848, complete in itself, 9x6, Berlin, 1920. 3.50 (WOMAN'S RIGHTS) 558 Lucy Boston or Woman's Rights and Spiritualism... By Fred Folio. Illus., 8x6, Bost., 1855 2.50 (OLD NOVEL: NEGRO) 559 Lucy Neal or the Loves of Cesar Bobb and Lucy Neal, scenes in Negro Life... (etc.) By the Honorable Miss Fitzclarence. Thin 9x6, N.Y., no date, about 1845-50. 5.00 (NEGRO) 560 Macauley, T. B. Social and Industrial Capacities of Negroes. 2 issues of Kelly Millers Monographic Magazine, Wash., 1913. 1.50 (SENATOR, 1789-1791) 561 Maclay, William. Journal of. 9x6, N.Y., 1890. "Edited E. S. Maclay." 6.00 (EDUCATION: GIRLS) 562 MacLear, Martha. History of the Education of Girls in New York... New England, 1800-70. 9x6, Wash., Howard U. Pub. 1926. 2.50 (EDUCATION) 563 Mahoney, R. H. The Federal Government and Education. 9x6, Wash., 1922. 2.50 (EARLY NAVIGATOR) 564 Major, R. H. The Discoveries of Prince Henry the Navigator and their Results... (etc.) Maps & illus., 9x6, Lond., 1877. "Includes the Western Hemisphere and the South Pacific." 7.50 (EDUCATION) 565 (Mann, Horace). Rejoinder to the Reply of... Horace Mann... of the Massachusetts Board of Education... 9x6, Bsot., 1845. 3.50 (ACTRESS) 566 Mannering, Mary. An Autographed Photograph, about 7x4, 1897. 2.50 (JOURNALISTIC EXPERIENCES) 567 Marcosson, I. F. Adventures in Interviewing. Many illus., 9x6, N.Y., 1919. "From Watterson to 1915." 2.50 (WEST INDIES) 568 Marryat, Joseph. More Thoughts occasioned by Two Publications. "An exposure of some of the numerous Misstatements..." and ... for Registration of Slaves. 9x6, Lond., 1816. 5.00 (THE CAMEL) 569 Marsh, G. P. The Camel... considered with reference to his introduction into the U.S. 8x6, Bost., 1856 5.00 (THE ARCTIC) 570 Marshall, Robert. Arctic Village. Many photos, 9x6, N.Y., 1933. 2.50 (MARYLAND: LAWYER) 571 Mason, J. T. Life of John Van Lear McMahon. Portrait, thick 9x6, Balt., 1880. 4.00 If It Is Out Of Print Write Us About It. THE SUNDAY HERALD, BOSTON, MAY 31, 1914. WHO IS THE FIRST CITIZEN OF MASSACHUSETTS? Here Are the Judges Who Were Asked to Name the Man Who, in Their Estimation, Holds This Distinction (Photograph by Conlin.) James P. Magenis. W. Roscoe Thayer. (Photograph Copyright by Chickering.) Calvin Coolidge. Herbert A. Kenny. Samuel J. Elder. (Photograph by Notman.) A. Shuman. Butler R. Wilson. (Photograph by Purdy.) Rev. Dr. A. A. Berle. (Photograph Copyright by Purdy.) Ex-Congressman Samuel L. Powers. THE SUNDAY HERALD recently asked a number of distinguished citizens of Boston, prominent in their respective walks of life, to give their ideas as to the man best qualified to hold the title of "First Citizen of Massachusetts." As may be seen from the replies received, the choice of the one entitled to bear the palm is as varied as are the views and vocations of the judges selected by us to make the decisions. The judges whose portraits appear above are all distinguished men in their own fields of activity. They are: THE REV. DR. A. A. BERLE, head of the department of Applied Christianity at Tufts College; sociologist and observer of note. CALVIN COOLIDGE, president of the Senate. His speech on taking that office marked him as a leader of originality and force. SAMUEL J. ELDER, American representative before The Hague tribunal in the fisheries dispute. HERBERT A. KENNY, barrister, manager of Lieut.-Gov. Barry's successful campaign, and senior counsel to Dr. Cook in his forthcoming suit against Peary. JAMES P. MAGENIS, former school committeeman, one-time Republican, now a foremost orator of the Progressive cause. SAMUEL L. POWERS, statesman and publicist. A. SHUMAN, merchant, philanthropist, long president of the trustees of the Boston City Hospital. WILLIAM ROSCOE THAYER, historian. BUTLER R. WILSON, member of the American Bar Association, and active in social welfare work. Here Are the Distinguished Citizens Who Have Been Considered Worthy of Holding the Honor of First Place NAMES ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY James P. Magenis Chooses CHARLES SUMNER BIRD By JAMES P. MAGENIS. The first citizen of Massachusetts is he who, well equipped, seeks to serve the people best, to give to this common democracy of ours the most Charles Sumner Bird. that is in government of the people, for the people and by the people. Short of that standard individual leadership fails. Therefore the question settles down to present day leadership, and takes the form of deciding for the present and future the man best equipped to lead the people—the men and women of Massachusetts—to a more complete democracy in the realization of a government best fitted to the needs of the governed. In that respect I unhesitatingly select Charles Sumner Bird. And why? Because Mr. Bird reasons inversely, as does every true Progressive, to the apparent present and existing order of things. He believes the power of government is the people's, and theirs only. He believes in a full-powered, not a limited democracy. He believes in the initiative and ref- public today. With that may be added he possesses the necessary ability, with integrity, and the capacity for leadership. No better combination of manufacturer, humanitarian, business man, philanthropist and real red-blooded American has Massachusetts today. He is a typical son of the Old Bay State. He is the first citizen of the commonwealth. Dr. A. A. Berle Chooses WINTHROP MURRAY CRANE By A. A. BERLE D. D. WINTHROP MURRAY CRANE—Sagacious man of business. Upright public servant. Worthy to represent Massachusetts. —Tribute of President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard at commencement, 1903, in conferring degree of LL. D. upon Mr. Crane. To select the first citizen of Massachusetts is not an easy task, first, because Massachusetts has many eminent men, any one of whom might easily be the "first citizen" of any state in the Union, and where eminent personages are numerous selection is difficult. Then again the selection of the first citizen turns upon what are the major interests in the mind of the individual who makes the selection, the academic mind being very likely to choose an educator, the philanthropic mind a benefactor, the reforming mind some social pioneer, and so on down the line. Then again such selections have in them other elements which are not always kept in mind. Men have public and private character, and often the public achievements of a man are matched by his private personality. The reverse also is the case, and many an eminent man has, oddly enough, small public reputation be- is needless to say that I proceeded to try to remedy that defect as vigorously as possible. Mr. Crane represents to me the true type of Massachusetts citizenship —of unblemished life, integrity and character, of wide interests and large influence and commercial and social power, honorably acquired and wisely and honorably administered, conscious of the social and philanthropic needs of his time and responding to them commensurately, wise in speech and effective in action and purpose; inflexible in devotion to his conceptions of right and not moved therefrom by public clamor; in industrial relations honored, respected and beloved—an astounding fact in these days! His public services, six times passed upon by the commonwealth, were pronounced good! His service in the Senate of the United States similarly so pronounced by impartial critics—his benevolences, unheralded by trumpetings, and his labor for social and industrial justice not made the basis for selfish advancement. In taking, at this time, a directorship of the New Haven railroad, I think Mr. Crane, like President Hadley, is showing a kind of courage which makes the military kind of courage seem very weak and childish. But it is exactly the kind of thing which I should expect my type of a first citizen of Massachusetts to do! William Roscoe Thayer Chooses PRESIDENT EMERITUS ELIOT By WILLIAM ROSCOE THAYER I regard Charles William Eliot, ex-president of Harvard University, as the leading citizen not only of Massachusetts, but of the United States, during the generation since the civil war. He had dedicated to education ability which in other times, or in other countries today, would have been devoted to statesmanship. But since education has been for half a century the most pressing concern of the United States, it was fitting, if not inevitable, that the foremost man of this period should be an educator. Our material civilization depends more and more on the guidance of the expert; and President Eliot in mapping out, establishing and extending the ideal of a university adapted to through the first 20 years of vehement opposition, just as his sane self-knowledge has prevented him from being elated by the immense recognition which has come in late years. Among many traits which distinguish him, magnanimity and love of justice are as salient as are his insatiable intellectual curiosity and his power to master details. He is an optimist, proof against every disillusion. President Eliot has not only raised the office of president of a great university to the level, at least potential, of that of the highest positions in the nation, but he has shown by his example that the educated man should share the interests of his community, do his duty as a citizen and neighbor and ally himself with the forces which make for the welfare and betterment of the race. Samuel L. Powers Chooses CURTIS GUILD By SAMUEL L. POWERS It is not easy to decide who at the present time is the first citizen of this commonwealth. There is a wealth of material for consideration. From the early history of Massachusetts up to quite a recent date there was always some one citizen who was properly regarded as the most pre-eminent in the commonwealth. Such was John Quincy Adams, and later Daniel Webster; then came Rufus Choate, Edward Everett, and during the anti-slavery period Charles Sumner; during the War of the Rebellion, Gov. Andrew; during the Cleveland administration, Richard Olney; dur- which he has given the best that is in him. When the Civil War began and the country needed the help of all its loyal citizens, he left his peaceful study of music in Vienna and came home to offer his services for the preservation of the nation. He served with gallantry and honor, and only laid down the weapons of warfare when dangerously wounded and compelled to retire to regain his health and vigor. His grand passion for music led Maj. Henry L. Higginson. him to found the Boston Symphony orchestra, which he has fostered and fathered since its inception with generosity and munificence, keeping it constantly up to the highest standard, making it unquestionably the greatest musical organization in all its essentials, and giving Boston a name and prestige of immeasurable value, as the musical centre of America. Whenever a call for help is made, and the heart is touched by the dire need and great distress of the sufferers by some terrible disaster, whether it be in far-off Messina, in San Francisco or nearer home, Maj. Higginson has been among the first to respond, and through his efforts and wise counsel, as well as his magnetic influence, prompt and substantial assistance is rendered to the unfortunate. Generous without ostentation, erant. Forever an inspiration to those who believe that our present institutions should be preserved, forever a stumbling block to those who doubt the power of democracy to develop the highest type of citizenship—John Davis Long, the first citizen of the commonwealth of Massachusetts. Samuel J. Elder Chooses SAMUEL W. McCALL By SAMUEL J. ELDER. It is to the credit of Massachusetts that this question is difficult to answer. It is not for lack of eminent men, but because of the number of them, that selection and determination is wellnigh impossible. Former President Eliot and President Lowell, as educators and scholars; Richard Olney, diplomat and lawyer; John D. Long, Governor, secretary of the navy, congressman and friend; Henry Cabot Lodge, orator and statesman, would be comparatively easy selections if the question related solely to either of the named departments. But the question is more general, and I venture to suggest another name as possessing in a high degree those qualifications of citizenship which go to the selection of the "first citizen." Samuel W. McCall of Winchester has been of such high service in so many fields that no consideration of this subject can omit his name. In the late 80's he left the position of editor in chief of the Boston Advertiser and served for three years in the Massachusetts Legislature. We owe to him the final abolition in this commonwealth of imprisonment for Nothing need be said to those who have heard or perused Mr. McCall's orations, as to his position as a public speaker. No more carefully considered addresses upon great subjects have been made in the last two decades. His oration on Daniel Webster at Dartmouth has been pronounced with justice "the last word on Webster." His oration on Thomas B. Reed and his various Phi Beta Kappa orations seem, as William James once said, "both for form and matter to belong to the very best type of oratory embodying political thought. Its thought is as Jeep as its epigrams are sharp. It is a memorable utterance and I hope it may become classical." His work entitled "The Business of Congress" is an authority, and his writings in the American Statesman's Series rank among the best in that notable collection. If we look back we shall find that the men who have really made their mark in this country, and everywhere, have lived and thought sufficiently apart and aloof from the turmoil of their times to view things in perspective. Oftentimes they have been out of accord with their party and, withstanding great pressure, have acted along, Subsequent judgment has shown that they were right, and their independence has been a mark of their greatness. Few men of this generation have equalled McCall in this particular, and to few has it been given to have their separate judgment confirmed by the general judgment within so short a period. Butler R. Wilson Chooses MOORFIELD STOREY By BUTLER R. WILSON. MOORFIELD STOREY is the first citizen of Massachusetts. 1. Because, though gently born and all his lifetimes walking with the great and sitting in the councils of the mighty, he has retained simplicity of manners and is genuinely democratic without condescension. In the affairs of the people he takes his place naturally and with an air which readily begets the wide faith which the people have in his goodness of Herbert A. Kenny Chooses GOV. WALSH By HERBERT A. KENNY HIS EXCELLENCY David I. Walsh is, of course, the first citizen of Massachusetts. "When I am asked who is the greatest man," said Sir William Jones, "I reply: 'He that has deserved most of his fellow creatures.'" It is a shrewd saying of one of the Gov. Walsh. seven wise men of Greece that "The possession of power will bring out the man." Gov. Walsh has had the possession of power both as Lieutenant-Governor and Governor of this grand old commonwealth of Massachusetts. Pitiless publicity has blazed upon him. In him is most conspicuously apparent the compatibility of political supremacy with the most unimpeachable integrity. Like Lincoln, he owes a great deal to his mother, a widow, whose only inheritance from her husband was the Christian religion and a large family. Many of the great names in history, many of the world's greatest heroes and benefactors have been of humble parentage, "whose cradles were rocked in lowly cottages and who buffeted the billows of fate without de- Charles Sumner Bird. that is in government of the people, for the people and by the people. Short of that standard individual leadership fails. Therefore the question settles down to present day leadership, and takes the form of deciding for the present and future the man best equipped to lead the people—the men and women of Massachusetts—to a more complete democracy in the realization of a government best fitted to the needs of the governed. In that respect I unhesitatingly select Charles Sumner Bird. And why? Because Mr. Bird reasons inversely, as does every true Progressive, to the apparent present and existing order of things. He believes the power of government is the people's, and theirs only. He believes in a full-powered, not a limited democracy. He believes in the initiative and referendum, in the right of democracy to speak for itself when its representatives fail, and not in "government by a representative part of the people," that device which special privilege has worked to undo the great institutions planned by the fathers and founders of the republic. He believes in liberty and equality before the law, irrespective of sex. He believes in a protective tariff made up of the recommendations of an expert board to provide protection to American industry and American labor, and no more; and would insure means whereby the fruits of that protection would be distributed fairly between the employer and employed. He believes in an old age pension to guarantee to the aged the kindly considerations of their government in that period of life when the weight of the years renders toll more burdensome and less remunerative; that the chief province of good government is the care of those members of society which time impairs or adversity cripples, just as the father watches more closely the interests of the weaker ones within the hallowed precincts of his home. He believes a proper function of government is a correct business administration, economy with humanity always, and a seeking out of the weaker elements of society with a view to relieving the sum of human delinquency and misery, and adding to the happiness of the people as a whole. He believes in the abolition of child labor, that little humanity may begin life free instead of servile; that the state should protect its young from conditions of labor, to the end that the child shall be protected from exploitation for profit. Enlightened civilization contrasted with brute creation is distinguished by the fact that animals do not exploit their young for sordid gain or selfish returns. In short, Mr. Bird stands as Massachusetts as the embodiment of these principles, and the whole progressive program. As such he represents the conscience of the commonwealth more accurately than any man before the always kept in mind. Men have public and private character, and often the public achievements of a man are matched by his private personality. The reverse also is the case, and many an eminent man has, oddly enough, small public reputation because Winthrop Murray Crane. his activities are not of the character which bulk largely in the public agencies. There are not a few men in Massachusetts who are great men, whose names are hardly known to the public. Hence every selection must be made with a large degree of recollection, that there are great and eminent men of whom the general public knows little. Keeping then in mind all these limitations, the first citizen of Massachusetts should be a man who in his total activity represents the general streams of influence and personality which together make for sound public life, for healthful and growing public welfare, for effective and worthy contributions to the upbuilding of the community life, through industry helpfulness in social aspiration, development of the general enterprises by which men are kept busy and useful, and crowning these with an unimpeachable moral character and personality, which we might wish to become the standard of citizenship throughout the commonwealth. Such a man would represent not the particularities of citizenship, but the norm of all round development which would justify the title "first citizen." Such a man I take W. Murray Crane of Dalton to be. It is many years since I first came to know Mr. Crane and to me at least it is worth recording that he is the only public man who in the first conversation I had with him on a matter in which I was intensely interested, told me frankly that as a public official he could not do what I urged him to do, because neither I, nor the influences which I then represented, were of sufficient consequence in the general public mind to make it wise government to take the action desired. It William Roscoe Thayer Chooses PRESIDENT EMERITUS ELIOT By WILLIAM ROSCOE THAYER I REGARD Charles William Eliot, ex-president of Harvard University, as the leading citizen not only of Massachusetts, but of the United States, during the generation since the civil war. He has dedicated to education ability which in other times, or in other countries today, would have been devoted to statesmanship. But since education has been for half a century the most pressing concern of the United States, it was fitting, if not inevitable, that the foremost man of this period should be an educator. Our material civilization depends more and more on the guidance of the expert; and President Eliot in mapping out, establishing and extending the ideal of a university adapted to American needs, provided for the training of experts. The standard he set, not less than the encouragement he gave to other educators, has revolutionized American education. There is not a college or university, not a public or private school in the country, which has not felt President Eliot's ascendancy. Compared with that influence, exerted for 40 years during his presidency of Harvard, and extending to every student and school child in the land, the work of the few public men of conspicuous talents and achievement who have come and Charles William Eliot. gone in this period seems secondary, if not actually fleeting. If President Eliot had given himself to any other object than education, his combination of character and ability would have brought him to the top. He is extraordinary as an organizer and administrator. In all affairs —educational, political, religious —he has preferred the way of liberty. His courage has withstood every test —unpopularity, ridicule, and the doubts or criticism of friends. His fortitude carried him unshaken Daniel Webster; then came Rufus Choate, Edward Everett, and during the anti-slavery period Charles Sumner; during the War of the Rebellion, Gov. Andrew; during the Cleveland administration, Richard Olney; during Curtis Guild. the Spanish War, Gov. Long; and during the period directly following, Senator Hoar. At the present time there are at least ten names entitled to be placed in the first rank of distinguished citizens. It is largely a matter of personal opinion which one of the ten may properly be regarded as the first citizen of the commonwealth. My selection, however, is Gov. Curtis Guild—pre-eminent as a student of history and literature—with the gift of eloquence that entitles him to rank with the great orators Massachusetts has given to the world— with a genius for military science requiring only the aid of opportunity to have given him fame as a soldier —an able and efficient administrator of the affairs of state, and exhibiting skill of the highest order in dealing with difficult and delicate diplomatic relations between two great nations. Blending with these strong and impressive qualities is his intense love of country, his never-falling loyalty to friends, his generous interest in the oppressed, and his courage to defend the right as he sees it, even though he stands alone against the world. These qualities to my mind entitle Gov. Guild to be regarded as the first citizen of the commonwealth. A. Shuman Chooses MAJ. HENRY L. HIGGINSON By A. SHUMAN. I HAVE always regarded Maj. Henry Lee Higginson as the first citizen of Massachusetts. He is a born leader and for more than half a century has been foremost in every good work for the advancement and uplift of the city of his birth and affection, to Maj. Henry L. Higginson. him to found the Boston Symphony orchestra, which he has fostered and fathered since its inception with generosity and munificence, keeping it constantly up to the highest standard, making it unquestionably the greatest musical organization in all its essentials, and giving to Boston a name and prestige of immeasurable value, as the musical centre of America. Whenever a call for help is made, and the heart is touched by the dire need and great distress of the sufferers by some terrible disaster, whether it be far-off Messina, in San Francisco or nearer home, Maj. Higginson has been among the first to respond, and through his efforts and wise counsel, as well as his magnetic influence, prompt and substantial assistance is rendered to the unfortunate. Generous without ostentation, earnest and sincere in all his undertakings, one whom all delight to honor, Maj. Higginson has compelled and won the admiration, affection and esteem of his fellow-citizens. Calvin Coolidge Chooses EX-GOV. JOHN D. LONG By CALVIN COOLIDGE UP from the ranks. The lineal heir of the highest ideals of New England. Seizing in fact not low. Holding by conquest, not by the accident John D. Long. of birth. Loyal above a native son. Aristocrat in intellect, democrat in sympathy. In service, over and under great personalities, undazzled, master of himself. Lawyer, legislator, Governor, congressman, cabinet officer, yet more reverenced for himself than for his offices. Orator, pre-eminently eloquent of word and action, irresistibly eloquent of life and character, scholar, weaving the strength and beauty of classical literature into the practical affairs of a materialistic age. Lover of liberty, devout, but tol- In the late 80's he left the position of editor in chief of the Boston Advertiser and served for three years in the Massachusetts Legislature. We owe to him the final abolition in this commonwealth of imprisonment for Samuel W. McCall. debt where the debtor is not shown to have been guilty of any fraud, and also the transfer from magistrates selected by the creditor to the established courts of all questions connected therewith. In these days of the forcible presentation of all matters of social justice this early achievement should seem a most signal triumph and one with which the highest citizenship may well be associated. In 1893 he was elected to his first term in Congress, defeating the always popular John F. Andrew in a district which at the previous election had returned a Democratic majority. As the result of the continuous elections his service in Congress from this, the Harvard College district, continued for 20 years, and until his name was recognized, not only here but throughout the country, as one of the strongest men in the popular branch of the national Legislature. He achieved his prominence not as a partisan or party man but as a man of fearless independence. The leaders of Congress were his close friends and two Republican Presidents found him of the highest value in advice and in advocacy. For 14 years he served on the committee of ways and means, and during his term in Congress participated in three general revisions of the tariff. He was always a protectionist, but always sought to secure the lowest range of duties consistent with adequate protection. He made the motion for placing art on the free list, which became a part of the Payne bill, and he was prominent in securing free hides. He was one of those who sought to place iron ore on the free list and helped to secure that exemption in the house, though it was defeated in the Senate. and to few has it been given to have their separate judgment confirmed by the general judgment within so short a period. Butler R. Wilson Chooses MOORFIELD STOREY By BUTLER R. WILSON. MOORFIELD STOREY is the first citizen of Massachusetts. 1. Because, though gently born and all his lifetime walking with the great and sitting in the councils of the mighty, he has retained simplicity of manners and is genuinely democratic without condescension. In the affairs of the people he takes his place naturally and with an air which readily begets the wide faith which the people have in his goodness of heart, his honesty of purpose and a noble devotion to public duty. 2. Because he has in an eminent degree the qualities which have distinguished men in all times, great beauty of character, strict integrity, broad patriotism and a reverent devotion to the Christian spirit of the founders of the republic which underlie all the structure of lasting government by the people. 3. Because, beyond all others in a line of distinguished citizens, he has devoted notable legal attainments, broad literacy culture and the power of a stainless life to the cause of justice and liberty. What other citizen Moorfield Storey. today shares with him the love and affection of the lowly, the oppressed and the unfortunate of our own and of other countries? He of all others in the commonwealth, regardless of public ridicule or the sneers or the hatred of the powerful, has measured duty by a New England conscience and steadfastly walked and lived in the truth of the Declaration of Independence, the promise of the constitution and in the the sublime faith of the fathers. Gov. Walsh. seven wise men of Greece that "The possession of power will bring out the man." Gov. Walsh has had the possession of power both as Lieutenant- Governor and Governor of this grand old commonwealth of Massachusetts. Pitiless publicity has blazed upon him. In him is most conspicuously apparent the compatibility of political supremacy with the most unimpeachable integrity. Like Lincoln, he owes a great deal to his mother, a widow, whose only inheritance from her husband was the Christian religion and a large family. Many of the great names in history, many of the world's greatest heroes and benefactors have been of humble parentage, "whose cradles were rocked in lowly cottages and who buffeted the billows of fate without dependence, save upon the mercy of God and their own energies." Gov. Walsh is of the same mould. HIs mother's training, her influence, the schools he attended, have shaped his character. It proves nothing to say that knowledge is power, for so are fanaticism, despotism, ambition and a hundred other equally doubtful mental traits and acquisitions. Knowledge of itself unless wisely directed tends to make bad men more dangerous, and the society in which it was regarded as the highest good, little better than Pandemonium. Our chief executive is a gentleman. His manners constitute a sort of minor morals. "You had better," wrote Chesterfield to his son, "return a dropped fan genteelly than give a thousand pounds awkwardly, and you had better refuse a favor gracefully than grant it clumsily." Gov. Walsh appreciates that coarseness and gruffness locks doors and closes hearts. As was said of Richard Brinsley Sheridan, so it may be said of the subject of my sketch: 'His wit in the combat, as gentle and bright, Never carried a heart-stain away on its blade." Our Governor is a man of moral nerve whose first and sole inquiry is not "Is it expedient?" but "Is it right?" Such men are God's noblemen. Recent financial irregularities have exposed many characters. We have read a great deal lately of "gentlemen who serve God as far as it will give no offence to the devil," to use Wendell Phillips's cutting definition of a modern politician. They do not as Emerson puts it always stand for a fact. These men have cast principle overboard and worship at the shrine of policy. We need such men in and out of office makes him the first citizen of Massachusetts. Ireland grows the greenest laurel, but she grows none green enough to adorn the brow of such men; Italy has quarries of the fairest marble, but none too white on which to carve the name of such sons of truth; Asia has sky-kissing Himalayas, but she has no peak high enough to pedestal the statue of those who are sensitive and responsive to the voice of God in the soul. PLAN WORLD WAR ON CRIME International Identification Bureau Decided on by Police Congress. Although most of the transactions of the International Police Congress which met in Monte Carlo have been conducted in camera, on suggestion that received unanimous approval has become known. This is the establishment of an international identification bureau with headquarters in Paris, where a sort of clearing house will be established for the criminal records that will be sent from all over the world. The bureau, which is expected to adopt the Bertillon system, would greatly facilitate the identification of bands of international criminals, whose finger prints would be centralized in it. It has also been suggested that the system of criminal detection invented by Dr. Mans Gross of the University of Graz be described in a pamphlet and the pamphlet distributed among the police centres of the world. The small fry of the criminal profession will be ignored unless they show promise of becoming international characters. The main object of the bureau will be to protect society from those organized bands of criminals who plan and execute the great jewel and bullion robberies on the continent, and whose leaders are so hard to detect. The international robber makes a point of never "working" in a country in which he has once been arrested or condemned, and where, therefore, the police have the means of identifying him. Of course there is, as matters now are, a certain amount of co-operation between the police of different countries, but such co-operation depends on purely personal relations and is subject to no fixed rules. The international bureau will systematize it and immensely increase its scope and value. Red Bottles for Milk To keep milk fresh, put it in red bottles. That is the explanation given by Dr. Eduard Pantet of Versailles. He has reported some interesting experiments concerning the influence of red light on milk, and says red bottles solve the milk preservation problem by keeping it fresh for ten hours. That light is a detriment to the preserving of milk is well known, but which of the rays really did the mischief was not known until Dr. Pantet experimented. He found after testing all colors that red rays were beneficial, but that those toward the violet side of the spectrum caused the milk to "turn." Dr. Pantet proved his experiment by placing sterilized and unsterilized milk in uncolored bottles in the light for a full day. They were both spoiled and both equally bad. At the same time both kinds of milk were placed in red glass bottles, and at the end of the day both kinds of milk were found to be fresh, even the unsterilized milk being good for many hours. Charles Sumner Bird. that is in government of the people, for the people and by the people. Short of that standard individual leadership fails. Therefore the question settles down to present day leadership, and takes the form of deciding for the present and future the man best equipped to lead the people—the men and women of Massachusetts—to a more complete democracy in the realization of a government best fitted to the needs of the governed. In that respect I unhesitatingly select Charles Sumner Bird. And why? Because Mr. Bird reasons inversely, as does every true Progressive, to the apparent present and existing order of things. He believes the power of government is the people's, and theirs only. He believes in a full-powered, not a limited democracy. He believes in the initiative and referendum, in the right of democracy to speak for itself when its representatives fail, and not in "government by a representative part of the people," that device which special privilege has worked to undo the great institutions planned by the fathers and founders of the republic. He believes in liberty and equality before the law, irrespective of sex. He believes in a protective tariff made up of the recommendations of an expert board to provide protection to American industry and American labor, and no more; and would insure means whereby the fruits of that protection would be distributed fairly between the employer and employed. He believes in an old age pension to guarantee to the aged the kindly considerations of their government in that period of life when the weight of the years renders toll more burdensome and less remunerative; that the chief province of good government is the care of those members of society which time impairs or adversity cripples, just as the father watches more closely the interests of the weaker ones within the hallowed precincts of his home. He believes a proper function of government is a correct business administration, economy with humanity always, and a seeking out of the weaker elements of society with a view to relieving the sum of human delinquency and misery, and adding to the happiness of the people as a whole. He believes in the abolition of child labor, that little humanity may begin life free instead of servile; that the state should protect its young from conditions of labor, to the end that the child shall be protected from exploitation for profit. Enlightened civilization contrasted with brute creation is distinguished by the fact that animals do not exploit their young for sordid gain or selfish returns. In short, Mr. Bird stands as Massachusetts as the embodiment of these principles, and the whole progressive program. As such he represents the conscience of the commonwealth more accurately than any man before the Harvard at commencement, 1903, in conferring degree of LL. D. upon Mr. Crane. To select the first citizen of Massachusetts is not an easy task, first, because Massachusetts has many eminent men, any one of whom might easily be the "first citizen" of any state in the Union, and where eminent personages are numerous selection is difficult. Then again the selection of the first citizen turns upon what are the major interests in the mind of the individual who makes the selection, the academic mind being very likely to choose an educator, the philanthropic mind a benefactor, the reforming mind some social pioneer, and so on down the line. Then again such selections have in them other elements which are not always kept in mind. Men have public and private character, and often the public achievements of a man are matched by his private personality. The reverse also is the case, and many an eminent man has, oddly enough, small public reputation because Winthrop Murray Crane. his activities are not of the character which bulk largely in the public agencies. There are not a few men in Massachusetts who are great men, whose names are hardly known to the public. Hence every selection must be made with a large degree of recollection, that there are great and eminent men of whom the general public knows little. Keeping then in mind all these limitations, the first citizen of Massachusetts should be a man who in his total activity represents the general streams of influence and personality which together make for sound public life, for healthful and growing public welfare, for effective and worthy contributions to the upbuilding of the community life, through industry helpfulness in social aspiration, development of the general enterprises by which men are kept busy and useful, and crowning these with an unimpeachable moral character and personality, which we might wish to become the standard of citizenship throughout the commonwealth. Such a man would represent not the particularities of citizenship, but the norm of all round development which would justify the title "first citizen." Such a man I take W. Murray Crane of Dalton to be. It is many years since I first came to know Mr. Crane and to me at least it is worth recording that he is the only public man who in the first conversation I had with him on a matter in which I was intensely interested, told me frankly that as a public official he could not do what I urged him to do, because neither I, nor the influences which I then represented, were of sufficient consequence in the general public mind to make it wise government to take the action desired. It times passed upon by the commonwealth, were pronounced good! His service in the Senate of the United States similarly so pronounced by impartial critics—his benevolences, unheralded by trumpetings, and his labor for social and industrial justice not made the basis for selfish advancement. In taking, at this time, a directorship of the New Haven railroad, I think Mr. Crane, like President Hadley, is showing a kind of courage which makes the military kind of courage seem very weak and childish. But it is exactly the kind of thing which I should expect my type of a first citizen of Massachusetts to do! William Roscoe Thayer Chooses PRESIDENT EMERITUS ELIOT By WILLIAM ROSCOE THAYER I REGARD Charles William Eliot, ex-president of Harvard University, as the leading citizen not only of Massachusetts, but of the United States, during the generation since the civil war. He has dedicated to education ability which in other times, or in other countries today, would have been devoted to statesmanship. But since education has been for half a century the most pressing concern of the United States, it was fitting, if not inevitable, that the foremost man of this period should be an educator. Our material civilization depends more and more on the guidance of the expert; and President Eliot in mapping out, establishing and extending the ideal of a university adapted to American needs, provided for the training of experts. The standard he set, not less than the encouragement he gave to other educators, has revolutionized American education. There is not a college or university, not a public or private school in the country, which has not felt President Eliot's ascendancy. Compared with that influence, exerted for 40 years during his presidency of Harvard, and extending to every student and school child in the land, the work of the few public men of conspicuous talents and achievement who have come and Charles William Eliot. gone in this period seems secondary, if not actually fleeting. If President Eliot had given himself to any other object than education, his combination of character and ability would have brought him to the top. He is extraordinary as an organizer and administrator. In all affairs —educational, political, religious —he has preferred the way of liberty. His courage has withstood every test —unpopularity, ridicule, and the doubts or criticism of friends. His fortitude carried him unshaken make for the welfare and betterment of the race. Samuel L. Powers Chooses CURTIS GUILD By SAMUEL L. POWERS It is not easy to decide who at the present time is the first citizen of this commonwealth. There is a wealth of material for consideration. From the early history of Massachusetts up to quite a recent date there was always some one citizen who was properly regarded as the most preeminent in the commonwealth. Such was John Quincy Adams, and later Daniel Webster; then came Rufus Choate, Edward Everett, and during the anti-slavery period Charles Sumner; during the War of the Rebellion, Gov. Andrew; during the Cleveland administration, Richard Olney; during Curtis Guild. the Spanish War, Gov. Long; and during the period directly following, Senator Hoar. At the present time there are at least ten names entitled to be placed in the first rank of distinguished citizens. It is largely a matter of personal opinion which one of the ten may properly be regarded as the first citizen of the commonwealth. My selection, however, is Gov. Curtis Guild—pre-eminent as a student of history and literature—with the gift of eloquence that entitles him to rank with the great orators Massachusetts has given to the world— with a genius for military science requiring only the aid of opportunity to have given him fame as a soldier —an able and efficient administrator of the affairs of state, and exhibiting skill of the highest order in dealing with difficult and delicate diplomatic relations between two great nations. Blending with these strong and impressive qualities is his intense love of country, his never-falling loyalty to friends, his generous interest in the oppressed, and his courage to defend the right as he sees it, even though he stands alone against the world. These qualities to my mind entitle Gov. Guild to be regarded as the first citizen of the commonwealth. A. Shuman Chooses MAJ. HENRY L. HIGGINSON By A. SHUMAN. I HAVE always regarded Maj. Henry Lee Higginson as the first citizen of Massachusetts. He is a born leader and for more than half a century has been foremost in every good work for the advancement and uplift of the city of his birth and affection, to Maj. Henry L. Higginson. him to found the Boston Symphony orchestra, which he has fostered and fathered since its inception with generosity and munificence, keeping it constantly up to the highest standard, making it unquestionably the greatest musical organization in all its essentials, and giving to Boston a name and prestige of immeasurable value, as the musical centre of America. Whenever a call for help is made, and the heart is touched by the dire need and great distress of the sufferers by some terrible disaster, whether it be far-off Messina, in San Francisco or nearer home, Maj. Higginson has been among the first to respond, and through his efforts and wise counsel, as well as his magnetic influence, prompt and substantial assistance is rendered to the unfortunate. Generous without ostentation, earnest and sincere in all his undertakings, one whom all delight to honor, Maj. Higginson has compelled and won the admiration, affection and esteem of his fellow-citizens. Calvin Coolidge Chooses EX-GOV. JOHN D. LONG By CALVIN COOLIDGE UP from the ranks. The lineal heir of the highest ideals of New England. Seizing in fact not low. Holding by conquest, not by the accident John D. Long. of birth. Loyal above a native son. Aristocrat in intellect, democrat in sympathy. In service, over and under great personalities, undazzled, master of himself. Lawyer, legislator, Governor, congressman, cabinet officer, yet more reverenced for himself than for his offices. Orator, pre-eminently eloquent of word and action, irresistibly eloquent of life and character, scholar, weaving the strength and beauty of classical literature into the practical affairs of a materialistic age. Lover of liberty, devout, but tol- as educators and scholars; Richard Olney, diplomat and lawyer; John D. Long, Governor, secretary of the navy, congressman and friend; Henry Cabot Lodge, orator and statesman, would be comparatively easy selections if the question related solely to either of the named departments. But the quest is more general, and I venture to suggest another name as possessing in high degree those qualifications of citizenship which go to the selection of the "first citizen." Samuel W. McCall of Winchester has been of such high service in so many fields that no consideration of this subject can omit his name. In the late 80's he left the position of editor in chief of the Boston Advertiser and served for three years in the Massachusetts Legislature. We owe to him the final abolition in this commonwealth of imprisonment for Samuel W. McCall. debt where the debtor is not shown to have been guilty of any fraud, and also the transfer from magistrates selected by the creditor to the established courts of all questions connected therewith. In these days of the forcible presentation of all matters of social justice this early achievement should seem a most signal triumph and one with which the highest citizenship may well be associated. In 1893 he was elected to his first term in Congress, defeating the always popular John F. Andrew in a district which at the previous election had returned a Democratic majority. As the result of the continuous elections his service in Congress from this, the Harvard College district, continued for 20 years, and until his name was recognized, not only here but throughout the country, as one of the strongest men in the popular branch of the national Legislature. He achieved his prominence not as a partisan or party man but as a man of fearless independence. The leaders of Congress were his close friends and two Republican Presidents found him of the highest value in advice and in advocacy. For 14 years he served on the committee of ways and means, and during his term in Congress participated in three general revisions of the tariff. He was always a protectionist, but always sought to secure the lowest range of duties consistent with adequate protection. He made the motion for placing art on the free list, which became a part of the Payne bill, and he was prominent in securing free hides. He was one of those who sought to place iron ore on the free list and helped to secure that exemption in the house, though it was defeated in the Senate. 4 D THE SUNDAY HERALD, BOSTON, MAY 31, 1914. THE BOSTON HERALD --- Published every day in the year at 171 Tremont Street, Boston, Mass., by Boston Herald, Inc., J.W. Farley, Publisher; R. L. O'Brien, Editor; J.H. Higgins, General Manager. --- Entered at the Boston (Mass.) Postoffice as second class mail matter. --- Address all communications to The Herald, Boston, Mass. Make all checks payable to Boston Herald, Inc. --- SUBSCRIPTION TERMS - BY MAIL DOMESTIC RATES Postpaid United States and Mexico and Island Possessions. Subscriptions for the Daily and Evening Editions delivered in the Canadian Provinces are received at the same rates as in the United States; Postage is 5 cents per copy extra on the Sunday. One cent extra per copy for postage is charged in the Boston postal delivery district. Daily and Sunday One Year .......$5.50 Six Months .....2.75 Three Months...1.40 One Month....... .50 Daily Only One Year ....... $3.00 Six Months .....1.50 Three Months ... .75 One Month..... .25 Sunday, One Year ......... $2.50 FOREIGN RATES (Including Postage) Daily and Sunday, Per Month ........ $1.50 Morning Only, Per Month ............... .80 Sunday Only, Per Month ................ .70 Evening Only, Per Month ............... .80 --- The Herald will not be responsible for unsolicited manuscripts unless accompanied by postage for return. --- SUNDAY, MAY 31, 1914. --- THE ST. LAWRENCE ROUTE It is too bad that arbitrarily-made boundary lines are allowed to interfere with the best utilization of the resources which nature has provided for the children of men. It would be very much better, for example, if Boston and Portland could serve Canada as her Atlantic passenger ports, than that she should depend on the St. Lawrence. We say this without the slightest desire to make business for our own city, but merely in the common-sense discussion of a very practical question. Fogs, dense and prolonged, are a recognized hardship of the St. Lawrence river and gulf. These, together with the reefs and rocky shores, have made the hazard of the St. Lawrence navigation so considerable that Lloyds' and other insurance agencies charge a materially higher rate for ships bound to Quebec and Montreal than for ships going to Halifax, Portland, Boston or New York. And this is the case though the St. Lawrence is open only in the summer, which is relatively stormless. If the great passenger lines connecting with the Canadian railroads, which are among the most safely and efficiently conducted on the globe, could operate through our New England ports, it would be much better for all concerned. Halifax and St. John are safe ports, like our own, but the rail haul to them is slow and expensive. Their port equipments are necessarily inferior to our own. Portland has excellent terminals belonging to the Grand Trunk railway, but they are not fully utilized because of the preference of the Dominion government for Halifax and St. John. In "the world that is to be" the arbitrary lines stretched by man's dominion will play small part in directing the routes of travel and the currents of exchange. Toward that Memorial highway - and who will say that it was not a most sensible celebration under the circumstances? Two to three hundred men with half a hundred teams worked from early morning till dark on a mile or two of road that leads from the village toward New Portland, building a permanent all gravel highway up to the modern standards. The civic pride and the spirit of the neighborhood co-operation that they mixed with the materials made it all worth while in themselves, and it is a safe bet that the road is much better than hired labor would have given the town. Anything that makes the home town or the whole country a better place to live in is a fitting tribute to the soldiers who gave their lives to that same end. --- A CONSUMPTIVE'S STORY. The current number of the Atlantic Monthly contains a paper by William Garrott Brown, found unfinished at the time of his death, entitled "Some Confessions of a 'T.B.' " Readers of the Atlantic who have long admired his essays on historical and public questions naturally felt bereaved at the news of his final surrender a few months ago to the disease against which he had for many years made a particularly plucky fight. It seems that this brilliant young Alabaman, as his battle was nearing a close, saw fit to set down his impressions of the disease and its treatment. His testimony should not be disregarded, particularly in its more practical aspects. He speaks regretfully of the bad cooking which falls to the lot of most sufferers from this infirmity. Persons who can be induced "to take boarders," and boarders who are sick, feel little aspiration to cultivate the culinary art, and suffer little from competition if they fail to do so. To take "lungers" at all, according to their theory, confers rather than incurs an obligation. In all Brown's searches for health he has never seen a "T.B." boarding house, as he describes the so-called sanatoriums where the cooking was really good -- as he says, it would be in the homes of cultivated people of even moderate means. Since good food and good air are the two chief factors in the arrest of the disease, this criticism is exceedingly pertinent. Mr. Brown also found a needlessly cruel attitude on the part of the general public toward sufferers from this disease. To protect the public, they must burden themselves with incessant precautions, which are both disagreeable and costly. And yet the public, by its attitude toward them, steadily tempts them to conceal the trouble and so to make their presence really dangerous. The experience of a "T.B." is not so much that of a sufferer from a disease as that of a wager of a battle -- one long, persistent, unremitting struggle. Mr. Brown thinks the public has been led to estimate the progress already made in its conquest altogether too highly; that the word "cured" is even with the best of cases a rather optimistic term. But he speaks cheerfully of the great fraternity of "T.B.'s," praising their pluck and hopefulness in the face of very great discouragements. Among those line with the United States to prohibit forever the stupid war on private property at sea. --- A SERMON TO MOTORISTS. John Kendrick Bangs, who is a lot more than a humorist, reads a lesson in manners to the motoring parties that speed through the rural districts during the summer. Mr. Bangs is a New Yorker, but he lives most of the year in a rural neighborhood on the coast of Maine and so is well qualified to speak from either the city or country point of view. The point he emphasizes is the zeal with which many city automobilists appear to set about the task of arousing the ill will and hostility of country people. It is not simply a matter of high and dangerous speed. Of course, there is no defence for that; but even the better class of automobilists, who are not guilty of excessive speed, often have ways that are irritating in the highest degree. For example, there is the party that always abuses in unmeasured terms the condition of rural highways, as though they had a right to expect city boulevards in sparsely settled country towns. They insult their hosts, that is, the taxpayers of the town, by calling them mossbacks, reubens and jays, all because the highways are not of city standard. Often, moreover, the bad condition of the roads is largely the work of the heavy cars run by people who have not contributed a cent to the highways in question. The money they leave behind can do little to build and maintain roads that would satisfy them. Then there are the motor parties who assume that because they are in a picnicking spirit everybody along the way must be. Therefore, they are as noisy as they please day or night, especially when they go by churches Sunday morning, or honk their midnight way through little villages where there may be sickness or death. They call out flippant or even insulting remarks to women and girls beside the way, and they litter the roadside with newspapers, lunch boxes, empty bottles and other debris. Then they comment sneeringly on the unsightly litter beside the road. Mr. Bangs preaches earnestly to the city automobilists on these texts, and the sermon is one that they may well take to heart at the beginning of the summer season. The offence is commonly one of the thoughtlessness, but it is no less an offence. It is well for the automobilist to get the other point of view once in a while. --- The New York Board of Health has issued 8351 permits to keep hens, geese and ducks within the city limits. Yet that is the city that occasionally ventures a remark about pasturing cows on Boston Common. --- There will be daily organ recitals each morning at Harvard during the examination season "to divert the students' minds." Something of this sort has long been a crying need in the college world. --- When you saw the marching Boston schoolboys Friday, could you make it seem possible that a full million of the GEORGE BABBITT'S OBSERVATIONS Money and Morals. Appertaining to the big financial scandals that now confront us on the front page of our daily newspapers, it used to be said that no man in a lifetimec ould accumulate more than a million dollars in his business or profession without sacrificing in some measure his honor and integrity. Probably this old-fashioned comment might now be so far modified as to raise the million limit somewhat, in a view of the modern methods of conducting all kinds of business. Still, in the estimation of a great many people, the stamp of disapproval is affixed to the processes by which a very large number of great private fortunes have been acquired in recent years. Perhaps a reasonable and applicable criticism of multi-millionarism, as it now flourishes, would be to say that while its methods may not in all cases bear the taint of dishonesty, they are generally characterized by processes that are far from creditable. Few if any of the accumulators of the great fortunes that we read about nowadays can be said to owe their success to the possession and practice of the cardinal virtues. Their biographies, when fully and faithfully written, reveal unpleasant traits, including especially an autocratic and domineering nature that makes for anything but the happiness or comfort of their possessors or of those associated with them. Such natures are not necessarily allied with downright dishonesty, but they are generally found to be prone to take undue advantage as often as opportunity offers. Hence their so-called shrewdness. Look over the list of our very rich men of recent times and examine their achievements and their records. In nine cases out of ten there can be found plenty of material to justify in large measure the present popular prejudice against great individual fortunes and their possessors. Neither Rockefeller, Carnegie, Morgan, the Vanderbilts, nor any considerable number of the rest of them can stand the tests that are ordinarily applied to their less fortunate brethren in business. When old Commodore Vanderbilt met with the directors of his railroad, the question came up as to what color a new lot of new freight cars should be painted. "You can have them painted any blamed color you like - provided it's red," said the commodore. He dominated the whole thing, like others who have come after him. The Asperities of Big Business The relations of Mr. Carnegie with those with whom he was associated in business serve to illustrate what may be termed the asperities of big business. Mr. Carnegie now flourishes famously and gloriously as a generous philanthropist, on exceedingly good terms with himself and others, but the record of his activities in business is not altogether to his credit. "The History of the Carnegie Steel Corporation" is the case. The most striking of these documents are the letters bearing the signatures of private individuals from all over the country, urging prompt action, favorable to the railroads. It appears from this collection that all such letters, to whomsoever they were addressed, have been turned over to the commission by the recipients. The writers of some of these letters may fairly complain that their confidence in those to whom they addressed their pleas has been trifled with. For instance, Joseph H. O'Neil of this city here appears to have written to his friend, Mr. Tumulty, the President's secretary, beseeching him to bring all his guns and graces to bear on the commissioners in favor of advanced rates. Says this letter in part: "I am writing to you as one who can put in a word at the right place. Do this thing, and, in my opinion, the Republican party need not nominate a candidate against us in 1916. Do not do it, and I do not think there is the least necessity for our nominating one." Thereupon, according to the Record, Tumulty proceeded to refer this fervent letter to the interstate commerce commissioners for their respectful consideration! The London Consul-Generalship. When Grover Cleveland was first elected President he felt under deep obligations to Gen. P. A. Collins, whose speech in Cleveland's behalf at Albany, shortly before the election, was thought to have turned the tide in the pivotal state of New York, whose electoral vote was given to Cleveland by a very narrow majority. Subsequently, when President Cleveland asked Gen. Collins what he could do for him by way of recognition of his services, Gen. Collins replied that the only favor he had to ask was the consul-generalship to London, which was then reputed to be an office yielding large emoluments to its occupant than any other position in the gift of the administration. Although Gen. Collins was at the time a successful lawyer, he had been called upon to give a good deal of his time and and energy to politics. He had served several terms in Congress as well as in our Legislature, and he felt the need of a larger net income than he was able to realize from his varied activities here. His appointment to London was promptly made and he held the consul-generalship there for four years. Although he found the office agreeable enough the emoluments were not so large as they had been reputed to be. Numerous extra fees connected with the office either been abolished or were required to be turned over to the government, and instead of realizing from $40,000 to $50,000 a year, the income was less than half that. Nevertheless it was a pretty and profitable billet compared with the other foreign appointments, not excepting even the diplomatic ones, the first-class ambassadorships yielding but $17,500 a year. The recent death of Consul-General Griffiths at London, who had held the office for the past five years, necessitates a new appointment to the place. Under the new dispensation it is presumed that the appointment will be made by promotion rather than as a recognition of political service. This will be an en- AS WASHINGTON SEES WEST POINT WASHINGTON, May 29. Among humorous happenings should be rated the annual advent at West Point of the board of visitors sent by Congress to inspect the military academy. This occurred a few days ago. The visitors were provided with nothing but water to drink. And the board included a gentleman from Kentucky! But that was only a part of the show! Heretofore it had been the custom of the officer in command at West Point to send a supply of strong and delectable beverages to the hotel for the board, and this supply in times past has been so copiously drawn upon that it was long the custom to install the board in a private dining room, not out of distinguished consideration for the official dignity of that body, but because a public dining room was no proper scene for their liberations. Last year the board came as the guests of Vincent Astor. They made the trip from New York aboard Mr. Astor's princely yacht, and their official activities were restricted to a hasty drive about the post in order to return quickly to the yacht where a wonderful dinner aboard absorbed their really serious attention. They even persuaded the commandment to cut out the parade of cadets from the program of their entertainment, so that they might the more speedily rejoin the delicious relaxation and sensuous satisfactions awaiting them aboard the millionaire's yacht. The innocent cadets were of course tickled to death to escape parade, which is ordinarily only to be avoided after the corps has whistled "The Missouri National" until rain comes to the relief of all nature, and to this day they believe that the reason why the "Com" cut out that parade was because they "turned him out some spoony lines" during the review immediately preceding it in the order of the day. The board of visitors comes to West Point, from Congress to report on anything it pleases, from mosquitoes to the way that the colonel's lady treats Julia O'Grady. On one occasion they made a bitter representation of how the taxpayers of the country are wronged by the display of silver "fixings" to be seen at the officers' mess, all of which, as a matter of fact, the officers provide from their own limited income out of that love of decency and order which is one of the happy civilizing effects of West Point training. The board this year was the first to appear under the Democratic administration. It was composed of all new men but one, and with one exception they were Democrats of the type immortalized by the gentleman from Texas who refused to dine at the White House rather than stoop to the snobbery of donning a dress coat. When they arrived, the superintendent and his staff were waiting at the station. An hour before, a division of artillery had rattled into position on the plain in front of the hotel, and as the auto and the carriages carrying the guests approached, "boom! boom!" went the guns nine times, in official salute. Two officers attended the board of visitors at dinner at the hotel, during which one of the visitors sounded loudly for all the dining room to hear a note that is popular in Congress when speak- off" the news as soon as it was known. After the city was taken, the first class, rigged in the officers' boots and hats which they now possess in anticipation of graduation, which occurs the 12th of June, and armed with some old sabres they had got from the gymnasium, broke out into the area and charged up and down making frightful carnage of imaginary "greasers." Tactical (and for once tactful) officers were speedily after them, whereupon they made a wild dash up the hill back of barracks and, by a swift detour, were down again and through the sally-port, back to the quarters, without anybody being caught. The first and second classes for a time expected to go to the front as in the Spanish and also the civil war. They were delighted thus to escape the academic grind, and for the rest they exercised their mathematical love of figuring their chance of being shot, some being thus inspired to practise running backward -- all of which they communicated with dramatic effect to mothers and sweethearts. Then the excitement having passed with the course of events, they settled back to work, for the West Pointer is as little a man thirsting for human blood as he is the pampered pet of congressional fiction. Undetected by the public at large, because of the mental confusion resulting from notions of "moral empire" to be attained by such means as straining at Huerta and swallowing Villa, the West Pointer has a real metier, for the completion of which Secretary Garrison has shown, war is no more necessary than was war necessary to Goethals's accomplishment of the Panama canal. But when war comes his spirit is ready for it and his faculties trained. Precisely what the average congressman would substitute for this in human experience and call it improvement was thus expressed by one of the members of the board of visitors. He said: "My second boy wanted to go to West Point, but I put my foot down on it. I wouldn't for anything see a boy of mine go into the army, for what's he got ahead of him but a life of shabby genteel poverty. He can stand it when he is going, may be, but at 40 what has an army man amounted to and what's the look ahead for most of them?" To this one of the board ventured to respond that only a restricted number of men succeed conspicuously in any profession. "In the law, for instance, there haven't been many Joseph H. Choates." "Yes," drawled the first congressman in rejoinder, "but there's a purty good number of millionaires in the United States. Think of the power a man can swing if he don't make more than $200,000 or $300,000. That's what a boy wants to go after in this country -- money." With such an ambition for American youth defined as the proper standard, the career of the West Pointer naturally looks foolish. So the board of visitors, after they had reviewed the cadets, spoke at the supper table derisively of the "pretty little fellows," whom they said looked like "girls," "graven images" -- anything, everything but what they truly are. Thoroughbred boys learning manfully the greatest art in the world, prompt obedience, which tends to the greatest human accomplishment, self-mastery, and compels incidentally, the acquisition of an idea upon which order necessary to install "Well, I'm glad you didn't look at them," said the debutante, "for if you could have seen how funny their crumpled old legs looked and what a scream the big stomach of one old scout was in comparison with your beautiful shapes as they went marching by, you'd be too awfully stuck up; everybody knows West Pointers are so stuck up anyhow that only helpless little girls like me can stand 'em." A more serious view expressed by Theodore Roosevelt in an autograph letter is framed and exhibited in the library at West Point, written at the White House and dated June 11, 1902. It reads as follows: "This institution has completed its first hundred years of life. During that century no other educational institution in the land has contributed so many names as West Point to the honor roll of the nation's greatest citizens." SYDNEY. PUBLIC LETTER BOX THE WESTFIELD EPIDEMIC. To the Editor of The Herald, The present epidemic of septic sore throat at Westfield is so clear a demonstration of the need of the consumers' clean milk bill that we shall be very grateful if you will give this letter space in your columns. A few scattering cases of the sore throat occurred early in May, the epidemic following them on the 15th of the month, but not until May 21 was the state board of health notified of its existence. For some time the local board endeavored to handle the situation alone until its own chief succumbed, and it is estimated that 250 people suffered from this preventable disease. As already stated, on May 21 the local board called in the district medical inspector of the state board of health, who immediately started a preliminary investigation. On May 23, in order to facilitate the inquiry, the secretary of the state board sent Dr. F. L. Morse and Dr. A. H. Rose, a physician and a veterinarian, to the scene. They arrived late on the evening of Saturday, May 23, and on Sunday, together with the district inspector, they were able to trace the trouble to its source in the throat of a milk producer in the town of Montgomery whose milk was sold to a dealer in Westfield, on whose route 60 per cent. of the cases were found. This man had an inflamed throat with enlarged tonsils, and abscesses in the throat, yet in spite of his condition, which was of several days' duration, he had been handling his milk every day. On May 25, feeling assured of the correctness of the findings, the district health inspector notified the board of health of Montgomery to forbid this man longer to handle his milk. The board of health of Westfield was also advised to see that the dealer sterilized his utensils and pasteurized all of his milk supply. The state board of health instructed Dr. Boyd, its district inspector, in case the local board did not carry out these suggestions, to see to it himself. The local board felt itself unable to act during the illness of its is open only in the summer, which is relatively stormless. If the great passenger lines connecting with the Canadian railroads, which are among the most safely and efficiently conducted on the globe, could operate through our New England ports, it would be much better for all concerned. Halifax and St. John are safe ports, like their own but the rail haul to them is slow and expensive. Their port equipments are necessarily inferior to our own, Portland has excellent terminals belonging to the Grand Trunk railway, but they are not fully utilized because of the preference of the Dominion government for Halifax and St. John. In "the world that is to be" the arbitrary lines stretched by man's dominion will play small part in directing the routes of travel and the currents of exchange. Toward that ideal the energies of our statesman and publicists should bend. --- THE LOST KARLUCK. The terse dispatches from Capt. Bartlett, which confirm the fears that have been felt for the Karluk since its disappearance into the Arctic seas last September, arrive, curiously enough, with the first word that has been heard from the MacMillian Crocker land expedition since late last fall. There has been ample ground for apprehension that the Karluk would never again be heard from and that its fate would be added to the long list of Arctic mysteries. But the brief word from "Captain Bob" indicates that the crew of 24 men all escaped when the ship was crushed in the ice and made their way to the Siberian shore. It was a long journey and must have been one of terrible hardships. With the crushing of the Karluk ended all the bright hopes of the Stefansson expedition that the Canadian government fitted out for four years of exploration and adventure in the unknown Arctic. In a friendly way the expedition was a rival of the Crocker land expedition that various American scientific bodies and institutions sent northward at the same time under the leadership of MacMillan. Even after Stefansson himself, ashore on a hunting trip that is still something of a mystery, saw his ship driven from his sight by a great gale, there was a chance that the ship might be carried in the ice across the Arctic seas and possibly reach the vague Crocker land continent or archipelago that the MacMillan expedition was approaching from the opposite direction. The chance was very remote, however, and to most Arctic students it is a wonder that the Karluk survived until January after being swept away in the ice fields in September. The details of the disaster will be awaited with special interest here, where Capt. Bartlett has many friends. --- KINGFIELD'S CELEBRATION. Kingfield is a little town of less than 1000 people, lying among the beautiful hills of Franklin county, Maine. It was named for Maine's first Governor, who was its chief proprietor when it was incorporated. It has no Grand Army post and only a few soldiers' graves to decorate, but it decided to have a Memorial day celebration which should not only be unique but also an expression of practical patriotism. Somebody in town had read of the Road day that Missouri celebrated, when the population of the state turned out en masse and gave the day to the much-needed betterment of the country highways. That was the Memorial day program that the people of Kingfield, in town meeting assembled, decided on with great enthusiasm. So it came about that the holiday was given over to the building of a cruel attitude on the part of the general public toward sufferers from this disease. To protect the public, they must burden themselves with incessant precautions, which are both disagreeable and costly. And yet the public, by its attitude toward them, steadily tempts them to conceal the trouble and so to make their presence really dangerous. The experience of a "T.B." is not so much that of a sufferer from a disease as that of a wager of a battle -- one long, persistent, unremitting struggle. Mr. Brown thinks the public has been led to estimate the progress already made in its conquest altogether too highly; that the word "cured" is even with the best of cases a rather optimistic term. But he speaks cheerfully of the great fraternity of "T.B.'s," praising their pluck and hopefulness in the face of very great discouragements. Among those who have fought this battle, while carrying on the work of life, he names Robert Louis Stevenson, Sidney Lanier, John Richard Green and John Addington Symonds. And the list might be indefinitely extended but not by the name of a gentler soul and more cultivated scholar than the author of this unfinished essay. --- RIGHT OF CAPTURE AT SEA. If there is one object more than any other for which great nations maintain great navies, it is the preservation of their commerce at sea in the event of war. And if there is one government that more than any other has hindered an international agreement to exempt sea-borne merchandise from capture in war time it is the British government. It has persistently refused to relinquish the piratical "right" to prey upon unarmed vessels carrying private property under the enemy's flag. This does not refer to goods that may be properly designated contraband of war. In that case the right of capture, in self-defence, is recognized by all nations. But when two countries are at war, why should each of them seize the property of private individuals and traders belonging to the other? This unjustifiable system of robbery might have been abolished by agreement at the last Hague conference if Britain had not blocked the way. The United States, with the active support of Germany, submitted proposals for the exemption of merchandise from capture, and it was only the British refusal to consider the question that prevented the desired amendment of international law, the general feeling being in its favor. Because of this we may look with pleasure and hope on the British government's expression of its willingness to re-examine the position which it has so long maintained, and to reconsider the subject in view of the opinions of other governments, and the similar opinions of British chambers of commerce. On being pressed in the House of Commons to take the forward step which reformers demand, Sir Edward Grey said that he was prepared to take up the position that on the occasion of the next Hague conference the British government should not refuse point-blank to negotiate upon the question. He added the suggestion that the interval before that conference should be employed to examine closely into all the conditions surrounding the question. This modification of attitude is exceedingly welcome, for if the expenditure on battleships by the principal nations has doubled since the first Hague conference it has done so chiefly to defend a rapidly expanding commerce, and undoubtedly one way to curtail the expenditure is to remove that need of defence. We trust that when the conference reassembles at The Hague next year the United Kingdom will come into well take to heart at the beginning of the summer season. The offence is commonly one of thoughtlessness, but it is no less an offence. It is well for the automobilist to get the other point of view once in a while. --- The New York Board of Health has issued 8351 permits to keep hens, geese and ducks within the city limits. Yet that is the city that occasionally ventures a remark about pasturing cows on Boston Common. --- There will be daily organ recitals each morning at Harvard during the examination season "to divert the students' minds." Something of this sort has long been a crying need in the college world. --- When you saw the marching Boston schoolboys Friday, could you make it seem possible that a full million of the Union soldiers in the civil war were no older than the average age of those boys? --- What does Oscar S. Straus mean by saying he will not be the Progressive candidate for senator in New York? Hasn't the colonel already made him the candidate? --- Whenever a Harvard man inadvertantly lets his mind wander back to that boat race with Cornell he quickly jumps to thoughts about the coming race with Yale. --- There is general regret over the gradual disappearance of the open cars, but there is some compensation in the coincident disappearance of the end seat hog. --- What constitutes a "party"? The state convention of the Maine Prohibitionists has named a candidate for Governor by a vote of six to five. --- Kindly overlook it if the voices of the newsboys are a bit off tone for a day or two. Rooting for the Red Sox is frazzling work. --- In view of the performances yesterday in the Stadium, this country can look forward complacently to the next Olympic games. --- Perhaps the British horses in the Derby held back through fear of what the militants might do to the winner. --- Shamrock IV. may or may not be a "nautical crime." That will depend largely on the result of the races. --- The most conspicuous absentee when the Suffolk law school granted its first diplomas was Eugene Noble Foss. --- It is a good bet that the next double holiday will bring a temperature better to the liking of the beaches. --- It is taking an army of 80,000 French soldiers to complete that "peaceful penetration" of Morocco. --- Hazing will now proceed to die again as the result of a fatal shooting affair in a Maryland college. --- With plans for two new hospitals, Cambridge is setting out to rival the Fenway region. --- Read up the regulations before going fishing in the Charles river basin tomorrow. --- Ex-Gov. Brackett is simply unable to dodge that dinner from his loving friends. --- How many Americans would recognize the Mexican flag if they saw it? --- Well, who is your selection as the "first citizen" of Massachusetts? --- It takes more than water to float the Boston Floating Hospital. --- Who knows that the mediators are mediating? dinarily applied to their less fortunate brethren in business. When old Commodore Vanderbilt met with the directors of his railroad, the question came up as to what color a new lot of new freight cars should be painted. "You can have them painted any blamed color you like--provided it's red," said the commodore. He dominated the whole thing, like others who have come after him. The Asperities of Big Business. The relations of Mr. Carnegie with those with whom he was associated in business serve to illustrate what may be termed the asperities of big business. Mr. Carnegie now flourishes famously and gloriously as a generous philanthropist, on exceedingly good terms with himself and others, but the record of his activities in business is not altogether to his credit. "The History of the Carnegie Steel Corporation" is the title of a de luxe volume published some time ago. It is supposed to have been prepared by direction of one of Mr. Carnegie's partners, Henry C. Frick, from documents and other information furnished by him. In this book Mr. Carnegie's way of doing business, his underhand methods of dealing with his various partners, his corrupt dealings with the government and his various other shortcomings are dealt with frankly, freely and unmercifully. In this history it is related that some of the numerous partners did not speak to each other for years, chiefly on account of various embarrassing situations brought about by Mr. Carnegie's scheming to get control of the great steel company, which he finally sold for half a billion dollars. There was hardly a man at the head of the several departments of the company, according to this outspoken narrative, whose flanks were not ripped open repeatedly in the fierce struggle for supremacy. Accusations of lying, cheating and grafting flew thick and fast between them. These constant bickerings led to frequent changes in the personnel of the company. Mr. Carnegie always stood ready to buy out any of his partners at figures to suit himself, and they frequently succumbed to his treatment. "You cannot imagine the abounding joy I feel as soon as I get on board an ocean steamer and sail out past Sandy Hook," said Mr. Carnegie to one of his partners as he was starting on one of his annual trips to Europe. "Ah, but think of the blessed relief that comes to all the rest of us!" exclaimed the blunt partner. This was no jest. The partner was never more in earnest in his life. La Follette's Magnum Opus. I have been dipping into Senator La Follette's 357-page contribution to the Congressional Record. Few will feel disposed to read it entire. It will probably be preserved by some curio-hunters as a freak of congressional literature, it being the longest single contribution to the Record in the long history of that publication. It makes a huge volume by itself. As a colossal effort it deserves to rank with Herkimer Johnson's elephant folio. Next in order of bulk stands the famous speech of Jones of Nevada, I believe, recording his six-day argument in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of silver. The fact that the Jones contribution was actually delivered in the Senate, while La Follette's is chiefly made up of documents on the subject to which it relates and which were not spoken, makes the Jones speech the more readable of the two. Excepting a few introductory remarks, the La Follette contribution is composed entirely of documents transmitted to the Senate by the Interstate Commerce Commission. They include extracts from newspapers, speeches, and resolutions from financial and commercial organizations and a vast number of letters all in furtherance of a deliberate conspiracy concocted, according to La Follette, by the big interests to overawe the commission in dealing with the railroad rate he held the consul-generalship there for four years. Although he found the office agreeable enough the emoluments were not so large as they had been reputed to be. Numerous extra fees connected with the office either been abolished or were required to be turned over to the government, and instead of realizing from $40,000 to $50,000 a year, the income was less than half of that. Nevertheless it was a pretty and profitable billet compared with the other foreign appointments, not expecting even the diplomatic ones, the first-class ambassadorships yielding but $17,500 a year. The recent death of Consul-General Griffiths at London, who had held the office for the past five years, necessitates a new appointment to the place. Under the new dispensation it is presumed that the appointment will be made by promotion rather than as a recognition of political service. This will be an entirely new departure in this coveted berth. The late Consul-General Griffiths was promoted from Liverpool and he was a very capable official. He owed his original appointment to the fact that he was a Hoosier spellbinder who helped elect President McKinley. Initiation Stunts at Harvard. The special significance attaching to the proposed reforms in some of the college societies at Harvard is that the movement seems to indicate a purpose to modify or do away altogether with the queer stunts that have hiterto been prescribed as the essential feature of initiation into these organizations. Initiation into the D K E familiarly called the Dickie, calls for the performance of a series of didos that are well calculated to test the nerve and the daring of the pluckiest neophyte, who must undertake them uncomplainingly as a condition precedent to his being received into the Dickie fellowship. The execution of these stunts, which are generally performed in public, have afforded a good deal of amusement as well as wonderment to outsiders who have chanced to witness them. The Dickie being a secret society, its mandates have required no public explanation and the air of mystery surrounding these freak initiatory exercises has made them rather attractive than otherwise to the willing victims. Presumably the proposed amalgamation of the Dickie with the venerable "Institute of 1770," which is not a secret organization, will have a tendency to do way in part, at least, with the Dickies' initiation performances. While this is not the ostensible purpose of the amalgamation, it would seem likely to bring about such a change. In the opinion of some of the college authorities, these secret society stunts are rather silly, boyish, sometimes perilous and altogether out of date, and deserve to be relegated to the limbo of the equally hazardous Med. Fac. ceremonies of famous memory. Boston's Fame. It was inevitable, and altogether to have been expected, that outsiders should take delight in Mr. Mellen's blunt characterization of Boston as the home of the antis. It was too tempting a bait for the heathen to ignore. The New York Times, however, is kind enough to allow that, in spite of all that has been said agains us by Mellen and others, Boston, with certain limitations, is a charming place, with about the finest set of associations to be found anywhere in the country, and that its past glories are enviable, though a somewhat unsubstantial, possession. Other commentators are less gracious. F. Hopkinson Smith is fond of telling a story of an unappreciative person who was heard denouncing a certain town as dead and altogether unfit to live in. He was interrupted by one of the loyal residents of the place, who asked the savage critic how long since he had been there to see it. "I was there about six weeks ago," was the prompt reply. "Oh, well, you ought to see it now," said the town's defender. GEORGE F. BABBITT. of the happy civilizing effects of West Point training. The board this year was the first to appear under the Democratic administration. It was composed of all new men but one, and with one exception they were Democrats of the type immortalized by the gentleman from Texas who refused to dine at the White House rather than stoop to the snobbery of donning a dress coat. When they arrived, the superintendent and his staff were waiting at the station. An hour before, a division of artillery had rattled into position on the plain in front of the hotel, and as the auto and the carriages carrying the guests approached, "boom! boom!" went the guns nine times, in official salute. Two officers attended the board of visitors at dinner at the hotel, during which one of the visitors sounded loudly for all the dining room to hear a note that is popular in Congress when speaking of the United States Military Academy. "Are you letting them resign now," said the visitor, addressing one of the officers, who failed to understand the question, whereupon, with some difficulty, the congressman conveyed his meaning, which was that he supposed the cadets -- "pampered pets of the nation," from the point of view of Congress -- are seeking in large numbers to resign in order to avoid the risk of having to go to war in Mexico. The officer, thus enlightened, was able to answer that no applications to resign are being made on that ground. When the Vera Cruz situation became tense, West Point almost lost its character. Everybody was so alive to the situation that even the rigor of recitations yielded to the spell and instructors and cadets joined fraternally in discussions of the solution of the military problems arising from the situation. The moment the occupation of Vera Cruz was imminent the sentinels were ordered to "sound in rejoinder, "but there's a purty good number of millionaires in the United States. Think of the power a man can swing if he don't make more than $200,000 or $300,000. That's what a boy wants to go after in this country -- money." With such an ambition for American youth defined as the proper standard, the career of the West Pointer naturally looks foolish. So the board of visitors, after they had reviewed the cadets, spoke at the supper table derisively of the "pretty little fellows," whom they said look like "girls," "graven images" -- anything, everything but what they truly are. Thoroughbred boys learning manfully the greatest art in the world, prompt obedience, which tends to the greatest human accomplishment, self-mastery, and compels incidentally, the acquisition of an idea upon which order necessary to intelligent procedure in any sphere of action depends -- the weight of authority. "Oh, but the board of visitors isn't reviewing the cadets, it's the cadets who are reviewing the board of visitors," squealed a debutante as the cadets in a superb line sweeping across the plain stood at attention while the band played, and the board, led by the superintendent and accompanied by several officers, all resplendent in full dress uniform, marched, two by two, out from the visitors' benches to the head of the cadet line and then trudged by the full length of it down the front and then behind and returning to the starting point, still solemnly, laboriously, lumberingly trudging, while the band still played and the cadets, never budging, reviewed each congressman under his nose. That's the way it looked to the debutante at least, though the cadets surrounding her after the review disclaimed even seeing the board of visitors, declaring that it would be unmilitary to look at anything while standing at attention. throat of a milk producer in the town of Montgomery whose milk was sold to a dealer in Westfield, on whose route 60 per cent. of the cases were found. This man had an inflamed throat with enlarged tonsils, and abscesses in the throat, yet in spite of his condition, which was of several days' duration, he had been handling his milk every day. On May 25, feeling assured of the correctness of the findings, the district health inspector notified the board of health of Montgomery to forbid this man longer to handle his milk. The board of health of Westfield was also advised to see that the dealer sterilized his utensils and pasteurized all of his milk supply. The state board of health instructed Dr. Boyd, its district inspector, in case the local board did not carry out these suggestions, to see to it himself. The local board felt itself unable to act during the illness of its chairman, and as delay would have resulted in more disaster, Dr. Boyd did attend to it personally; the job was done and "the plague is stayed." This is the history of the epidemic and of its prompt suppression when brought to the notice of the State Health Board. All that was done between May 22 and 25 should have been carried out many days earlier, when the greater part of all this sickness could have been prevented, but we have no law on the statute books which could accomplish this. It is this law which the milk bill three times defeated would supply. The Canton epidemic of last spring with its heavy toll in lives and health came one month after the third defeat of the Ellis bill. It is not so long, only three years, since we had 2000 cases of this hideous disease in this immediate neighborhood, succeeded by a lesser s courge the year following. Do we not remember the pain and sorrow of those times? Have we forgotten the months of suffering which followed for many of the victims? How long must these things be? Will an apathetic public allow its accredited representatives longer to barter its children for politics? MRS. WILLIAM LOWELL PUTNAM. DOTTED FIGURE TO SHOW EXACT LOCATION OF JUNE BUG WHEN DISCOVERED cruel attitude on the part of the general public toward sufferers from this disease. To protect the public, they must burden themselves with incessant precautions, which are both disagreeable and costly. And yet the public, by its attitude toward them, steadily tempts them to conceal the trouble and so to make their presence really dangerous. The experience of a "T.B." is not so much that of a sufferer from a disease as that of a wager of a battle -- one long, persistent, unremitting struggle. Mr. Brown thinks the public has been led to estimate the progress already made in its conquest altogether too highly; that the word "cured" is even with the best of cases a rather optimistic term. But he speaks cheerfully of the great fraternity of "T.B.'s," praising their pluck and hopefulness in the face of very great discouragements. Among those who have fought this battle, while carrying on the work of life, he names Robert Louis Stevenson, Sidney Lanier, John Richard Green and John Addington Symonds. And the list might be indefinitely extended but not by the name of a gentler soul and more cultivated scholar than the author of this unfinished essay. --- RIGHT OF CAPTURE AT SEA. If there is one object more than any other for which great nations maintain great navies, it is the preservation of their commerce at sea in the event of war. And if there is one government that more than any other has hindered an international agreement to exempt sea-borne merchandise from capture in war time it is the British government. It has persistently refused to relinquish the piratical "right" to prey upon unarmed vessels carrying private property under the enemy's flag. This does not refer to goods that may be properly designated contraband of war. In that case the right of capture, in self-defence, is recognized by all nations. But when two countries are at war, why should each of them seize the property of private individuals and traders belonging to the other? This unjustifiable system of robbery might have been abolished by agreement at the last Hague conference if Britain had not blocked the way. The United States, with the active support of Germany, submitted proposals for the exemption of merchandise from capture, and it was only the British refusal to consider the question that prevented the desired amendment of international law, the general feeling being in its favor. Because of this we may look with pleasure and hope on the British government's expression of its willingness to re-examine the position which it has so long maintained, and to reconsider the subject in view of the opinions of other governments, and the similar opinions of British chambers of commerce. On being pressed in the House of Commons to take the forward step which reformers demand, Sir Edward Grey said that he was prepared to take up the position that on the occasion of the next Hague conference the British government should not refuse point-blank to negotiate upon the question. He added the suggestion that the interval before that conference should be employed to examine closely into all the conditions surrounding the question. This modification of attitude is exceedingly welcome, for if the expenditure on battleships by the principal nations has doubled since the first Hague conference it has done so chiefly to defend a rapidly expanding commerce, and undoubtedly one way to curtail the expenditure is to remove that need of defence. We trust that when the conference reassembles at The Hague next year the United Kingdom will come into well take to heart at the beginning of the summer season. The offence is commonly one of thoughtlessness, but it is no less an offence. It is well for the automobilist to get the other point of view once in a while. --- The New York Board of Health has issued 8351 permits to keep hens, geese and ducks within the city limits. Yet that is the city that occasionally ventures a remark about pasturing cows on Boston Common. --- There will be daily organ recitals each morning at Harvard during the examination season "to divert the students' minds." Something of this sort has long been a crying need in the college world. --- When you saw the marching Boston schoolboys Friday, could you make it seem possible that a full million of the Union soldiers in the civil war were no older than the average age of those boys? --- What does Oscar S. Straus mean by saying he will not be the Progressive candidate for senator in New York? Hasn't the colonel already made him the candidate? --- Whenever a Harvard man inadvertantly lets his mind wander back to that boat race with Cornell he quickly jumps to thoughts about the coming race with Yale. --- There is general regret over the gradual disappearance of the open cars, but there is some compensation in the coincident disappearance of the end seat hog. --- What constitutes a "party"? The state convention of the Maine Prohibitionists has named a candidate for Governor by a vote of six to five. --- Kindly overlook it if the voices of the newsboys are a bit off tone for a day or two. Rooting for the Red Sox is frazzling work. --- In view of the performances yesterday in the Stadium, this country can look forward complacently to the next Olympic games. --- Perhaps the British horses in the Derby held back through fear of what the militants might do to the winner. --- Shamrock IV. may or may not be a "nautical crime." That will depend largely on the result of the races. --- The most conspicuous absentee when the Suffolk law school granted its first diplomas was Eugene Noble Foss. --- It is a good bet that the next double holiday will bring a temperature better to the liking of the beaches. --- It is taking an army of 80,000 French soldiers to complete that "peaceful penetration" of Morocco. --- Hazing will now proceed to die again as the result of a fatal shooting affair in a Maryland college. --- With plans for two new hospitals, Cambridge is setting out to rival the Fenway region. --- Read up the regulations before going fishing in the Charles river basin tomorrow. --- Ex-Gov. Brackett is simply unable to dodge that dinner from his loving friends. --- How many Americans would recognize the Mexican flag if they saw it? --- Well, who is your selection as the "first citizen" of Massachusetts? --- It takes more than water to float the Boston Floating Hospital. --- Who knows that the mediators are mediating? dinarily applied to their less fortunate brethren in business. When old Commodore Vanderbilt met with the directors of his railroad, the question came up as to what color a new lot of new freight cars should be painted. "You can have them painted any blamed color you like--provided it's red," said the commodore. He dominated the whole thing, like others who have come after him. The Asperities of Big Business. The relations of Mr. Carnegie with those with whom he was associated in business serve to illustrate what may be termed the asperities of big business. Mr. Carnegie now flourishes famously and gloriously as a generous philanthropist, on exceedingly good terms with himself and others, but the record of his activities in business is not altogether to his credit. "The History of the Carnegie Steel Corporation" is the title of a de luxe volume published some time ago. It is supposed to have been prepared by direction of one of Mr. Carnegie's partners, Henry C. Frick, from documents and other information furnished by him. In this book Mr. Carnegie's way of doing business, his underhand methods of dealing with his various partners, his corrupt dealings with the government and his various other shortcomings are dealt with frankly, freely and unmercifully. In this history it is related that some of the numerous partners did not speak to each other for years, chiefly on account of various embarrassing situations brought about by Mr. Carnegie's scheming to get control of the great steel company, which he finally sold for half a billion dollars. There was hardly a man at the head of the several departments of the company, according to this outspoken narrative, whose flanks were not ripped open repeatedly in the fierce struggle for supremacy. Accusations of lying, cheating and grafting flew thick and fast between them. These constant bickerings led to frequent changes in the personnel of the company. Mr. Carnegie always stood ready to buy out any of his partners at figures to suit himself, and they frequently succumbed to his treatment. "You cannot imagine the abounding joy I feel as soon as I get on board an ocean steamer and sail out past Sandy Hook," said Mr. Carnegie to one of his partners as he was starting on one of his annual trips to Europe. "Ah, but think of the blessed relief that comes to all the rest of us!" exclaimed the blunt partner. This was no jest. The partner was never more in earnest in his life. La Follette's Magnum Opus. I have been dipping into Senator La Follette's 357-page contribution to the Congressional Record. Few will feel disposed to read it entire. It will probably be preserved by some curio-hunters as a freak of congressional literature, it being the longest single contribution to the Record in the long history of that publication. It makes a huge volume by itself. As a colossal effort it deserves to rank with Herkimer Johnson's elephant folio. Next in order of bulk stands the famous speech of Jones of Nevada, I believe, recording his six-day argument in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of silver. The fact that the Jones contribution was actually delivered in the Senate, while La Follette's is chiefly made up of documents on the subject to which it relates and which were not spoken, makes the Jones speech the more readable of the two. Excepting a few introductory remarks, the La Follette contribution is composed entirely of documents transmitted to the Senate by the Interstate Commerce Commission. They include extracts from newspapers, speeches, and resolutions from financial and commercial organizations and a vast number of letters all in furtherance of a deliberate conspiracy concocted, according to La Follette, by the big interests to overawe the commission in dealing with the railroad rate he held the consul-generalship there for four years. Although he found the office agreeable enough the emoluments were not so large as they had been reputed to be. Numerous extra fees connected with the office either been abolished or were required to be turned over to the government, and instead of realizing from $40,000 to $50,000 a year, the income was less than half of that. Nevertheless it was a pretty and profitable billet compared with the other foreign appointments, not expecting even the diplomatic ones, the first-class ambassadorships yielding but $17,500 a year. The recent death of Consul-General Griffiths at London, who had held the office for the past five years, necessitates a new appointment to the place. Under the new dispensation it is presumed that the appointment will be made by promotion rather than as a recognition of political service. This will be an entirely new departure in this coveted berth. The late Consul-General Griffiths was promoted from Liverpool and he was a very capable official. He owed his original appointment to the fact that he was a Hoosier spellbinder who helped elect President McKinley. Initiation Stunts at Harvard. The special significance attaching to the proposed reforms in some of the college societies at Harvard is that the movement seems to indicate a purpose to modify or do away altogether with the queer stunts that have hiterto been prescribed as the essential feature of initiation into these organizations. Initiation into the D K E familiarly called the Dickie, calls for the performance of a series of didos that are well calculated to test the nerve and the daring of the pluckiest neophyte, who must undertake them uncomplainingly as a condition precedent to his being received into the Dickie fellowship. The execution of these stunts, which are generally performed in public, have afforded a good deal of amusement as well as wonderment to outsiders who have chanced to witness them. The Dickie being a secret society, its mandates have required no public explanation and the air of mystery surrounding these freak initiatory exercises has made them rather attractive than otherwise to the willing victims. Presumably the proposed amalgamation of the Dickie with the venerable "Institute of 1770," which is not a secret organization, will have a tendency to do way in part, at least, with the Dickies' initiation performances. While this is not the ostensible purpose of the amalgamation, it would seem likely to bring about such a change. In the opinion of some of the college authorities, these secret society stunts are rather silly, boyish, sometimes perilous and altogether out of date, and deserve to be relegated to the limbo of the equally hazardous Med. Fac. ceremonies of famous memory. Boston's Fame. It was inevitable, and altogether to have been expected, that outsiders should take delight in Mr. Mellen's blunt characterization of Boston as the home of the antis. It was too tempting a bait for the heathen to ignore. The New York Times, however, is kind enough to allow that, in spite of all that has been said agains us by Mellen and others, Boston, with certain limitations, is a charming place, with about the finest set of associations to be found anywhere in the country, and that its past glories are enviable, though a somewhat unsubstantial, possession. Other commentators are less gracious. F. Hopkinson Smith is fond of telling a story of an unappreciative person who was heard denouncing a certain town as dead and altogether unfit to live in. He was interrupted by one of the loyal residents of the place, who asked the savage critic how long since he had been there to see it. "I was there about six weeks ago," was the prompt reply. "Oh, well, you ought to see it now," said the town's defender. GEORGE F. BABBITT. of the happy civilizing effects of West Point training. The board this year was the first to appear under the Democratic administration. It was composed of all new men but one, and with one exception they were Democrats of the type immortalized by the gentleman from Texas who refused to dine at the White House rather than stoop to the snobbery of donning a dress coat. When they arrived, the superintendent and his staff were waiting at the station. An hour before, a division of artillery had rattled into position on the plain in front of the hotel, and as the auto and the carriages carrying the guests approached, "boom! boom!" went the guns nine times, in official salute. Two officers attended the board of visitors at dinner at the hotel, during which one of the visitors sounded loudly for all the dining room to hear a note that is popular in Congress when speaking of the United States Military Academy. "Are you letting them resign now," said the visitor, addressing one of the officers, who failed to understand the question, whereupon, with some difficulty, the congressman conveyed his meaning, which was that he supposed the cadets -- "pampered pets of the nation," from the point of view of Congress -- are seeking in large numbers to resign in order to avoid the risk of having to go to war in Mexico. The officer, thus enlightened, was able to answer that no applications to resign are being made on that ground. When the Vera Cruz situation became tense, West Point almost lost its character. Everybody was so alive to the situation that even the rigor of recitations yielded to the spell and instructors and cadets joined fraternally in discussions of the solution of the military problems arising from the situation. The moment the occupation of Vera Cruz was imminent the sentinels were ordered to "sound in rejoinder, "but there's a purty good number of millionaires in the United States. Think of the power a man can swing if he don't make more than $200,000 or $300,000. That's what a boy wants to go after in this country -- money." With such an ambition for American youth defined as the proper standard, the career of the West Pointer naturally looks foolish. So the board of visitors, after they had reviewed the cadets, spoke at the supper table derisively of the "pretty little fellows," whom they said look like "girls," "graven images" -- anything, everything but what they truly are. Thoroughbred boys learning manfully the greatest art in the world, prompt obedience, which tends to the greatest human accomplishment, self-mastery, and compels incidentally, the acquisition of an idea upon which order necessary to intelligent procedure in any sphere of action depends -- the weight of authority. "Oh, but the board of visitors isn't reviewing the cadets, it's the cadets who are reviewing the board of visitors," squealed a debutante as the cadets in a superb line sweeping across the plain stood at attention while the band played, and the board, led by the superintendent and accompanied by several officers, all resplendent in full dress uniform, marched, two by two, out from the visitors' benches to the head of the cadet line and then trudged by the full length of it down the front and then behind and returning to the starting point, still solemnly, laboriously, lumberingly trudging, while the band still played and the cadets, never budging, reviewed each congressman under his nose. That's the way it looked to the debutante at least, though the cadets surrounding her after the review disclaimed even seeing the board of visitors, declaring that it would be unmilitary to look at anything while standing at attention. throat of a milk producer in the town of Montgomery whose milk was sold to a dealer in Westfield, on whose route 60 per cent. of the cases were found. This man had an inflamed throat with enlarged tonsils, and abscesses in the throat, yet in spite of his condition, which was of several days' duration, he had been handling his milk every day. On May 25, feeling assured of the correctness of the findings, the district health inspector notified the board of health of Montgomery to forbid this man longer to handle his milk. The board of health of Westfield was also advised to see that the dealer sterilized his utensils and pasteurized all of his milk supply. The state board of health instructed Dr. Boyd, its district inspector, in case the local board did not carry out these suggestions, to see to it himself. The local board felt itself unable to act during the illness of its chairman, and as delay would have resulted in more disaster, Dr. Boyd did attend to it personally; the job was done and "the plague is stayed." This is the history of the epidemic and of its prompt suppression when brought to the notice of the State Health Board. All that was done between May 22 and 25 should have been carried out many days earlier, when the greater part of all this sickness could have been prevented, but we have no law on the statute books which could accomplish this. It is this law which the milk bill three times defeated would supply. The Canton epidemic of last spring with its heavy toll in lives and health came one month after the third defeat of the Ellis bill. It is not so long, only three years, since we had 2000 cases of this hideous disease in this immediate neighborhood, succeeded by a lesser s courge the year following. Do we not remember the pain and sorrow of those times? Have we forgotten the months of suffering which followed for many of the victims? How long must these things be? Will an apathetic public allow its accredited representatives longer to barter its children for politics? MRS. WILLIAM LOWELL PUTNAM. DOTTED FIGURE TO SHOW EXACT LOCATION OF JUNE BUG WHEN DISCOVERED Senator Hollis seems to have been mighty successful in snuggling up to the high authorities. He is undoubtedly a very welcome visitor at the White House offices. But Representative Stevens goes to the President's offices frequently and, from all outward appearances, is well thought of. He has been there with prominent New Hampshire people and the inference has been that some of these visits have had a more or less important bearing upon politics. Not such a long time ago ex-Gov. Bass was accompanied to the White House by Mr. Stevens. Certainly it looks as though Mr. Stevens was to have the very best wishes of the administration in his try for the United States Senate. The President's visit to Manchester, if it occurs, will be a nonpartisan affair, to be sure, but who shall say that it will not help the Granite State Democrats along, to some extent, in their efforts to gain another senator? Recently the President is reported to have looked with favor upon Mr. Stevens's proposed amendments to the trade commission bill, which has passed the House. Word is given that if the President had been informed of the merits of Mr. Stevens's amendments he would have favored their adoption in the House. But it is said that the President will ask that these amendments be put on by the Senate. If he does so the amendments are on the way to becoming law and the trade commission bill will have more "teeth" than the measure framed by the House interstate commerce committee, of which Mr. Stevens is a member. Likely enough scoffers may say that New Hampshire Democrats are getting along well with the White House because Mr. Wilson naturally desires another Democratic senator and that New Hampshire offers the only possible opportunity this year in all New England. Maine elects no senator this year. Vermont elects, but there is not the slightest chance of that warring Green Mountain contingent coming within many thousand votes of making a Democrat successor to William P. Dillingham. Therefore, it is that an administration politically wise will encourage the New Hampshire contest to the utmost. It is taken for granted here that Mr. Stevens will be the party nominee for the Senate a nd all Democratic influence possible from Washington will be thrown his way. Agricultural Appropriation. Senator Johnson of Maine has talked with the House leaders about his amendment to the agricultural bill, providing an appropriation of $100,000 for federal inspection of potatoes "in those states where a quarantine has been or shall hereafter be established by the secretary of agriculture," and is encouraged to believed it will be accepted there. The adoption of that amendment the other day by the Senate was one of the best managed and presented matters of legislation witnessed at that end of the capitol in a long while. It bears testimony to the efficient work Senator Johnson is doing in behalf of his constituents. While the amendment did not say so specifically, it was well understood that the amendment actually meant that $100,000, or as much of it as might be needed, was to be expended in the state of Maine. In these days of rigid economy it is no easy Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.