NAWSA Subject File Anti-Suffrage Literature

Man Antisuffrage Legal State of Women 

Library.
Boston Equal Suffrage Association
for Good Government
6 Marlborough Street, Boston.
XII I [[?]] 2
Mrs. Shaw
P
05
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Woman Suffrage and Wages.
No. 2.
Women interested in the Suffrage question frequently find, among those who have signed the petition asking for the suffrage, many who will say, "I did not want it for myself. I signed it for the sake of women less happy than I, for the working women, etc." If such an one has found out for herself by personal effort in investigation, or by study, or upon reliable authority, that the working women do both need and wish for the ballot, she may be justified in signing her name as she did. But if she has done it upon mere hearsay, or upon acceptance of floating opinion sentimentally held, or with a vague sense that she may be helping some one, somehow, somewhere, sometime, is she not taking a grave responsibility upon herself, this of trying to do something for others when she is not definitely and specifically convinced that it will be what these others need? Many working women, it is true, have been told that the ballot will bring them better wages, protection of women themselves. But is this true? Does a thoughtful woman believe that these changes can be brought about "in a mechanical sort of a way"? Must not an improvement in wages come about "through social and industrial changes," and not by legislative enactment?
The question of the alleged difference in wages paid to men and women for the same work is constantly quoted as an example of injustice that should be righted, and yet those who have investigated most thoroughly this alleged difference, asset that in very few cases is there such a uniformity of condition between men and women workers as to permit of conclusive comparison of their wages for equal work. The chief difficulty in the problem is what seems to be the impossibility of discovering any but a very few instances in which men and women do precisely similar work in the same place at the same epoch.
Women often earn less than men because they produce less,

2
and what they produce is usually valued in the market at a lower rate, perhaps because of its smaller quantity, sometimes because of its inferior quality.
In one occupation, that of teaching, there seems to be more ground for the charge of unjust proportion in compensation than in any other, but even here, the larger supply of women workers, making the competition more intense, the temporary and intermittent character of their work due to their tendency to marry, and the disability resulting from a less degree of physical vitality, is a partial explanation of what at first sight seems wholly unjust.
Taking women's work in general, the following are some of the reasons why women's wages as less than men's: 1—
1. Women have a practical monopoly of a great many of the more unskilled and poorly paid industrial occupations, as for example, the garment trades, particularly the making of plain clothing and under clothing, and in general those occupations which are included under the so-called "sweating system."
2. Women are in a large measure supplemental wage earners, many of them being partially maintained out of incomes other than their own and hence will work for smaller pay than men.
3. Women usually look forward to matrimony, and consequently do not often take the pains to learn an occupation thoroughly.
4. The supply of female labor is always large in proportion to the demand.
5. Physical disability makes the labor of women often less even, continuous and excellent, and therefore of less value than that of men.
1 Prof. E. B. L. Gould.

Mass. Public interests
League

(see also
Public Interest League)-
of Anti Suffragists

"In persisting in their untimely struggle, in nagging the President, in demanding the vote as a 'reward' of patriotic service, in giving more money to the cause of Suffrage than to any war relief, in diverting women's efforts from needed war work, in fighting universal military service when it was crucial, in trying to keep this country out of war as long as possible, instead of preparing for it day and night, the leaders of the Suffrage cause have been but poor patriots." —Annie Nathan Meyer.
STOP! LOOK! LISTEN!
Do you want to win the war or do you want a German peace?
The "PEOPLE'S COUNCIL" has issued a statement from its headquarters, 138 West 15th Street, New York, which says:
"'PEACE BY NEGOTIATION—NOW!' is the slogan of a new peace and democracy drive launched by the People's Council of America. By means of letters, communications to its organizations and officers of nearly 200 local councils, the national headquarters force is bending its efforts toward bringing about negotiations. Members of Congress now at home will be the object of concerted propaganda before they return to Washington."
RUSSIA is the model which this Council wishes the United States to follow. Scott Nearing, Chairman of the National Executive Committee of the Council, says, "Russia has cast out her political and economic tyrants. The Russian people rule, and Russia has done more than any other nation to repudiate the war and to demand an immediate, permanent and democratic peace." Mr. Nearing stated that the purpose of his recent trip to cross-continent, during which he was arrested at Detroit, was to prepare for a Pacifist Convention to be held in the near future at Washington.
The People's Council was started by men and women trained by Frau Schwimmer, the Austrian Socialist-Pacifist who came to this country at the beginning of the war, ostensibly to work for the Suffragists and for "Peace." It is claimed that she was in close league with von Bernstoff, and was playing Germany's game under cover of the Suffrage movement. The People's Council is her child—it demands a German Peace. Frau Schwimmer helped the Suffragists start the Women's Peace Party, and was made an honorary member.
"It was only last August that the Women's Peace Party was sending propaganda throughout the country, importuning women to oppose the government's war plans, to oppose the draft, food control regulations, war bond issues and a continuance of the war." (George MacAdam, in the New York Times Magazine, Dec. 23.)
At the annual meeting of the Woman's Peace Party held in Philadelphia on December 6-7, 1917, the New York City branch of the party, of which Crystal Eastman is the chairman, announced "that it had decided to concentrate, henceforth, upon political action in support of candidates for Congress who stand upon the party's platform of internationalism, and state and local candidates who stand upon its platform of anti-militarism." (The Survey, December 22, 1917.)
Only Socialist and Pacifist candidates for office, therefore, will receive support of these New York women, who now have the ballot!

Do you want LOYAL MEN in Congress or DISLOYAL WOMEN?
A dispatch to the Washington Post of December 15, 1917, says:
"New York, Dec. 14.—Pacifists, who make up a large percentage of the voters in the Fourteenth Congressional district, probably the largest anti-war territory in the city, have set about the task of penalizing their congressman, F. H. La Guardia, for enlisting in the aviation corps and flying with the American forces in France.
The paradox of permitting a congressman to fight for his country while a large number of his own constituents are fighting against the war is one that will not be countenanced longer, say those who are engineering the drive against the aviator-legislator. And if they have their way they will not only unseat him in Congress, but fill his place with a FEMININE PACIFIST. The Fourteenth Congressional district, which was the scene of numerous wild anti-war meetings during the days of the draft, include much of the lower East Side. It extends from Fourteenth street, on the north, to Fourth street, on the south, and from East River, on the east, to West street, on the west.'"
The one woman now in Congress is called "Our Representative" by the I. W. W's., who are doing everything in their power to hamper our government in its preparations for winning the war. If women are given the vote, there is no reason why every great industrial center in this country should not send a Socialist woman to Congress. Finland, where women vote, sent 17 Socialist women to Parliament at the last election.
Our government has issued a warning that German propaganda is using Socialism as a mask. Socialists all over the country are working more than double their relative power, since the women on the farms and in the great majority of homes will not enter politics, and the radical women in our cities will vote. Socialism increased 700 per cent. at the recent election in Chicago with women voting!
125,000 foreign Socialist women are already being naturalized in New York in order to vote for Socialism. 400,000 foreign born women in New York State have become citizens simply by virtue of their husband's citizenship or naturalization, without having to present any qualifications whatever of their own! Many of them do not even know our language, to say nothing of American ideals.
New York Suffragists have arranged a course of lectures to instruct the new women voters in their duties as citizens. One of the lecturers is Morris Hillquit, leading Socialist, and denouncer of the Liberty Loan.
A vote for the Federal Suffrage Amendment is a vote to strengthen the Socialists and Pacifists who are playing Germany's game.
EVERY DISLOYAL ELEMENT IN OUR POPULATION WANTS THIS AMENDMENT TO PASS.
IF YOU WANT TO WIN THE WAR, DO YOUR BIT NOW TO DEFEAT THE SUFFRAGE-SOCIALIST-PACIFIST MOVEMENT; AND URGE YOUR REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS TO
VOTE NO
[[ON?]] THE FEDERAL SUFFRAGE AMENDMENT.
[[?]] Public Interests' League of Anti-Suffragists, 687 Boylston St., Boston


Why don't they repeal [[then?]]
DO YOU OWN YOUR OWN HOME?
Do you want taxes so high that you cannot afford to own property?
Do you want taxes so high that you cannot sell your property because no one else can afford to own it?
Woman Suffrage brings enormous taxes and great hardship to property owners.
Read what happens in the communities where women suffrage has doubled the cost of elections and increased enormously the cost of city and state government.
In Illinois taxes have increased in some places 190 per cent in the four years since women have voted.
In Colorado taxes are so heavy that property is unsaleable. A Denver real estate company in a business advertisement in November, 1915, says: "Fine houses and properties are for sale at any price you may offer. Lots in the best sections that sold for $500 each twenty years ago now beg for buyers at $50 each. Values have been squashed to a pulp. The cause is not hard to locate. It is hysteria, social, political, and industrial." A Massachusetts man who owns fifty lots in the environs of Denver has decided to abandon them utterly rather than pay the enormous taxes levied on them. The Rocky Mountain News (Denver) of November 24th, 1916, says that land in Denver "was never so low as it is today. It is exceptionally depreciated in every section of the city." The same paper said, on January 29, 1917: "Denver realty is at the bottom rung now."
In California since 1910 the cost of government has increased 101 per cent. The population in the same time has increased only 19 per cent. Women have voted in California since 1911.
The Seattle Post-Intelligencer of March 17, 1917, says: "San Francisco, Los Angeles, Portland and Seattle, as well as Tacoma and other smaller cities along the coast, are all struggling with the same problem of expensive and inefficient government. It has become an issue of importance to all of them because tax rates have reached such high levels as to interfere with growth and progress."
The Los Angeles Times of Dec. 6, 1916, said: "The gross cost, net cost and departmental cost of state government had double in California during six year of Progressive rule. Promised twice the efficiency at half expense, we have received half the efficiency at twice the expense."
The Seattle Post-Intelligencer of March 24, 1917, says: "In ten years the value of real estate and improvements in the city (San Francisco) has increased 58.5 per cent., population has increased 22.5 per cent.,

Tax system is wrong—not electoral qualifications

and tax collections have increased 159 per cent. This variety of record is, of course, a heavy handicap to city growth and progress and is discouraging to investments and to new citizenship."
Under the heading "The Rapidly Growing Burden of Muncipal Taxation," the San Francisco Chronicle of April 2nd, 1917, prints a full page article on the alarming financial situation in San Francisco, where taxes have mounted within the last few years to a height which is paralyzing to development. It says: "The owner of a house and lot which represents years of self-denial is beginning to ask himself whether his thrift is benefiting him when he find that an increasing tax rate, necessary repairs and incidentals cost him as much as he formerly paid in rent, and when he reaches the conclusion, as he often does, that it would pay him to sell his little holding, he learns to his surprise that there are so many of like mind that he can find no purchaser.
"These are unpleasant facts to dwell upon, but they should be started in the face, and an earnest attempt should be made to ascertain the cause of the trouble, with the view of abating the evil, for it will be conceded that any system of government, or lack of system, which discourages home building and militates against the desirability of investing in real estate must prove prejudicial to the best interests of the city.
"In 1916-17 the rate for city purposes was nearly double that of ten years ago, and this year it promises to be still larger."
In Portland, Oregon, where women vote, it take 47 columns of fine type to print the list of men whose property in the one country is to be sold for taxes! Real estate dealers are protesting against having the list published, as it gives the community such a black eye.
The "Oregon Journal" says sarcastically: "It is a tremendous encouragement to an intending homeseeker to read forty-seven straight columns, set in fine type, of men in Portland who cannot get enough money to pay their part toward the support of government. It gives a wonderful boost to real estate values to have forty-seven columns of Portland property advertised to the world as near the mire of bankruptcy."
Do you want these conditions in your state? If not,
Wake Up
and
Defeat Woman Suffrage
Issued by the Public Interests' League of Massachusetts
687 Boylston St., Boston


To Men Who Endorse Woman Suffrage
Men in public life who are exposed to assaults by professional suffragists often lightly declare themselves in favor of woman suffrage.
If you are one of these men do you realize that you are helping to force upon women a system which means jury duty, the loss of greatly valued rights and privileges, and the hardships which come from increased cost of living, and that you propose to do this against the wishes of the great majority of women?
In California women have already lost part of their property rights, and the cost of government has doubled since women have voted.
In Washington women serve on juries in whiskey and commercialized vice cases, and a bill making it compulsory of women to serve on every jury is now before the Oregon legislature.
In no state are the suffragists willing to submit the question of women suffrage to the women themselves.
Why?
Because they know the great majority are against it!
It "just government rests on the consent of the governed" surely the wishes of women should be considered in this matter.
You have it in your power to place upon the shoulder of women the burdens of government, but you cannot take off their shoulders the burden of women's work, which only women can do. Is it "fair play" to force them to do double duty against their will?
Issued by the Public Interests League of Massachusetts, 687 Boylston St., Boston

M. R. [[Pottle?]]
VOTES FOR WOMEN
MEANS
JURY DUTY FOR WOMEN
Suffragists leaders are careful never to mention to their audiences in the East or in the South the subject of Jury duty for women. When questioned about it, one of them replied: "Oh, that can be arranged very pleasantly." Let us see how it is arranged in the states where women vote.

For many weeks of the spring of 1917 a big I. W W. murder trial has been in progress in Seattle. Six of the jurors are women.
Mrs. Sarah J. Timmer is juror No. 11. She had received word before she entered the box that "her children had contracted the measles."
Calling the jury in, Judge Ronald said to Mrs. Timmer:

"Mrs. Timmer, I have been informed that you are worried about your children. I'm powerless to let you go home, but both sides agreed that I may communicate to you any word your family physician desires to convey. Don't let your attention be attracted by anything but the trial. We'll keep you advised and you will have no cause to worry. Remember, no news is good news." (Seattle Post-Intelligencer, March 8, 1917.)
It must be a grand and glorious feeling for a woman to be drawn as juror on a murder case, likely to last two months, when the children of her family have just come down with the measles!

A month later the Seattle Post-Intelligencer said: "The confinement imposed on juries in murder trials is beginning to tell on most of the members of the Tracy jury. especially the women jurors, the majority of whom have families. During that last month numerous stipulations have been arranged between attorneys for both sides, allowing children witnesses. The defense attorneys estimate that it will be nearly two weeks yet before they are through submitting evidence."

Women of wealth manage to escape jury duty. One of them told an eastern friend how she did it. She said: "I was determined I would not serve on that

jury, so I got a doctor to give me something which would make me violently sick for a little while; then I called another doctor, who finding me very sick, gave me a certificate that I was not able to serve on the jury." The poor man's wife cannot afford to pay two doctors' bills to escape the disagreeable duty which suffragists have forced upon her, so she is obliged to serve.
An article from the "Spokesman Review" of Spokane, Washington, a suffrage state, tells us how the Jury law works there:
"While the law is so stern that it refuses a mother permission to go to her baby while she is doing jury duty, there is nothing to prevent a baby going to its mother, at least that is how the law was interpreted in the court of Judge William Huneke, when baby Margaret Hackett went to the courthouse for her dinner.
"Father rushed Margaret, aged three months, in an automobile to the courthouse. Mother gave baby her 6 o'clock meal, and father and infant retired, subject to hurry calls during the night.

"Mrs. R. W. Hackett was serving on jury which failed to agree." It has also been reported directly by letter that a two-months old baby has been left at a day nursery while its mother serves on a jury.
Women in the suffrage states are serving on juries in murder cases, commercialized vice cases, and whiskey cases.
For the April, 1917, term of court in Seattle 21 women jurors have been drawn.
Do you like the prospect for your wife and daughters?
If not,
Wake Up
and
Defeat Woman Suffrage
Issued by the Public Interests' League of Massachusetts
687 Boylston St., Boston


Woman Suffrage As A War Measure
Mrs. Catt, President of the National Woman's Suffrage Association, urges Congress to pass the Federal Suffrage Amendment as a "War Measure."
Is it a good war measure to increase enormously the cost of elections and of state governments by doubling the electorate at a time when all our resources are desperately needed to feed the world and to win the war? No!
Is it a good war measure to move toward securing dozens of Miss Rankins in Congress, who "would like to stand by their country, but who cannot vote for war?"
What would happen to our country if, with the men at the front and the average patriotic woman too busily engaged with additional work to take an efficient part in politics, the suffragists, pacifists and weaklings should join together and send women—or men—to Congress who would not vote to support our army and navy?
Is it a good war measure to move toward making this possible? No!
Is it a good war measure to put much greater political power in the hands of pacifists in war times? The National Suffrage News (organ of Mrs. Catt's party) for February, 1917, says: "There is hardly a suffragist who is not a pacifist." Mrs. Catt herself is a pacifist. The New York Times of October 9, 1916, called attention to the fact that not one woman prominent among the suffragists had declared herself for military preparedness and against peace without honor! Dr. Anna Shaw openly declared her opposition to preparedness. The Woman's Peace Party, a suffrage organization of which Mrs. Catt was Vice-President, went on record in 1916, when the war had been in progress two years, as opposed to Preparedness!
Is it a good war measure to enfranchise in time of war a large body of women who hold such views?
NO!
NO WORSE WAR MEASURE COULD BE DEVISED
Issued by the Public Interests' League of Massachusetts, 687 Boylston St., Boston, Mass.

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You Have All Heard of the NINE SUFFRAGE STATES
BUT DO YOU APPRECIATE—
THAT Roxbury has a population the equal of the Suffrage State of Wyoming:
THAT Roxbury and Dorchester combined have 50,000 more residents than the Suffrage State of Arizona:
THAT the population of Boston is equal to the combined populations of three of the Nine Suffrage States
Arizona - - - 204,354
Wyoming - - - 145,965
Idaho - - - 325,594
THAT the population of Massachusetts (3,366,416) IS EQUAL TO THE COMBINED POPULATION OF SEVEN OF THE NINE SUFFRAGE STATES; Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Oregon, Utah, Wyoming and Washington?
IS THE "Nine States Have It" slogan as impressive as before you appreciated the figures?
DO you also appreciate in the Suffrage States the Men outnumber the Women.
But that in Massachusetts—
There are 55,000 More Women than Men?
Massachusetts Anti-Suffrage Association
687 Boylston Street, Boston
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[[?]]
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SUFFRAGISTS!! SHOW ME!!
What the addition of votes of women to votes of men has done to Woman Suffrage States
To improve the condition of the people;
To support law, order and decency;
To raise wages of the laborer;
To purify politics and reduce governmental expense;
To decrease crime and disease;
To regulate the social evil;
To promote general prosperity;
To control corporations
That has not been done by votes of men alone in MAN SUFFRAGE States.
SHOW ME. "THE MAN FROM MISSOURI."
Massachusetts Anti-Suffrage Association
687 Boylston Street, Boston
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MR. VOTER!
REMEMBER That woman suffrage has produced no reform in social conditions; no laws to regulate woman or child labor; no improved corporation legislation; no prison reforms; no health reforms; no purification in politics; no increase in wages in any of the states that have granted it that has not been equalled or surpassed in MAN SUFFRAGE States.
REMEMBER That woman suffrage is only an experiment and we cannot afford to undertake such an experiment under present conditions.
REMEMBER That woman suffrage means suffrage for every woman and not only for your own female relatives, friends and acquaintances.
REMEMBER That the average woman is no better than the average man.
REMEMBER That every Socialist and every Feminist is a Woman Suffragist, and
REMEMBER That the great majority of women do not want the ballot thrust upon them by the fanatical minority!
Vote AGAINST Woman Suffrage
Massachusetts Anti-Suffrage Association
867 Boylston Street, Boston
15


Man's Government By Man
Man's government by women would be a government without the power to enforce its decrees.
Government without force behind it would be
GOVERNMENT MERELY IN THE NAME,
because unable to command obedience or respect.
The maintenance of peace, the protection of life and property, depend upon the exercise of physical force when necessary, and 
BY MAN ALONE CAN IT BE EXERCISED
The power of the ballot rests entirely upon the power to enforce the law.
Unless there exists behind the ballot the power to enforce its mandate, the ballot degenerates from power to weakness, and
WEAKNESS SPELLS ANARCHY AND RUIN IN GOVERNMENT.
Let us leave it to men to govern men, because WOMEN HAVE NOT THE PHYSICAL POWER TO GOVERN AND IT IS NOT DESIRABLE THAT THEY SHOULD.
VOTE NO
ON WOMAN SUFFRAGE ON
NOVEMBER 2.
Women's Anti-Suffrage Association, 685 Boylston St., Boston
Mrs. John Balch, President
Mrs. M. B. Strong, Secretary
97

Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women
The Cambridge Committee
Invites you to be present at a meeting to be held at the home of Mrs. Frederic W. Taylor, 1735 Massachusetts Avenue on Wednesday, January Tenth, at half-past three o'clock
Miss Heloise E. Hersey
will speak on
"Patriotism for Women in Our Republic"
Committee
Mrs. Frank Foxcroft, Chairman
Miss Alberta M. Houghton, Treasurer
Mrs. Allen W. Jackson, Secretary
Miss Annie E. Allen
Mrs. Sumner A. Brooks
Mrs. Charles J. Bullock
Mrs. John H. Corcoran
Mrs. A. W. Dudley
Mrs. Richard B. Earle
Miss Faith Foxcroft
Mrs. Charles B. Gulick
Miss Laura Kelsey
Mrs. Frank W. Merriman
Mrs. Benjamin L. Robinson
Miss Carrie H. Saunders
Mrs. Huntington Saville
Mrs. George Sheffield
Miss Katharine V. Spencer
Mrs. Charles P. Strong
Mrs. Edward C. Whiting
Please present this card at the door

Mass Anti Suffrage Assn

Section of Woman Suffrage Parade, Washington, D.C., March 3, 1913
"We Welcome Every Socialistic Vote"
-ANNA HOWARD SHAW, President National American Woman Suffrage Association, at Harrisburg, Pa., March 18, 1913
Section of Woman Suffrage Parade, Washington, D.C., May 9, 1914
WATCH THIS ALLIANCE-- Woman Suffrage and Socialism
WOMEN'S ANTI-SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION OF MASSACHUSETTS 615 KENSINGTON BUILDING, BOSTON

AN ANTI-SUFFRAGIST CREED
(Adapted from an article by the late Octavia Hill, the noted English philanthropist.)
I believe that men and women help one another because they are different, have different gifts and different spheres-- and that the world is made on the principle of mutual help. I believe that a serious loss to our country would arise if women entered into the arena of party struggle and political life. So far from their raising the standard, I believe they would lose the power of helping to keep it up by their influence on the men who know and respect them. I believe that political power would militate against their usefulness in the large field of public work in which so many are now doing noble and helpful service. 
I believe this service far more valuable than any voting power world possibly be. You can double the number of votes and achieve nothing, but you have used up, in achieving nothing, whatever thought and time your women voters have given to such duties. I believe that if women spend their time and heart and thought in the care of the sick, the old, the young and the erring; if they seek for and respect the out-of-sight, silent work which really achieves something, a great blessing is conferred on our country.
I believe there is enough of struggle for place and power, enough of watching what is popular and will win votes, enough of effort to secure majorities. If woman would temper this wild struggle let her seek to do her own work steadily and earnestly, looking rather to the out-of-sight, neglected sphere, and she will, to my mind, be filling the place to which by God's appointment she is called.
I believe that there are thousands of silent women who agree with me in earnestly hoping no Woman Suffrage measure will pass.
WOMEN'S ANTI-SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION OF MASSACHUSETTS
687 Boylston Street, Room 615, Boston
MRS. STEPHEN S. FITZGERALD, President
MRS. A. H. PARKER, Corresponding Secretary
MAY, 1914.
15

POPULATION DIAGRAM
Women Suffrage States, Illinois, Male Suffrage States in which Question has not been Voted Upon, Male Suffrage States Recently Voting No
POPULATION IN 1910
United States... 91,972,266
Woman Suffrage States.. 8,198,469
Illinois (Partial Woman Suffrage).. 5,638,591
Male Suffrage States... 78,144,206
States recently defeating Woman Suffrage.. 41,685,510
Within the last four years, thirteen states, with a combined population of 41,685,510, have rejected Woman Suffrage by overwhelming majorities at the polls. Twenty other states, with a combined population of 34,695,088, have refused so far even to submit the question to the voters. The substance of the demand for a Federal suffrage amendment, therefore, is that Congress shall force Woman Suffrage upon the Union in defiance of the will of nearly three-fourths of the States containing more than four-fifths of Uncle Sam's inhabitants!
What would be left of the doctrine of "state rights" and of the principle of democracy if Congress should accede to this extraordinary demand? Issued by the Woman's Anti-Suffrage Association of Massachusetts, January, 1917.

1c
WOMEN AND WAR
BY MRS. WILLIAM LOWELL PUTNAM
Women are or should be the conservers of life. War is the great destroyer. How can the two be discussed together. Perhaps it would be impossible were our sex consistent, but it is filled with delightful, inconsistencies, inconsequences, rather, and its relation to war is as diversified as its nature readily permits. France lost all of her colonies in the New World because Mme. de Pompadour was angry with Frederick the Great, who had disparaged her personal charms. Far from being averse to fighting she insisted on France's joining Maria Theresa in the Seven Years' War to avenge herself for the insult. As an antithesis to this we have Jane Addams, President of the Women's Peace Party, and yet I want presently to show that there is more similarity in these two extremes than would at first sight appear. Again there is all the difference in the world between the "Tricoteuses" of the French revolution and Florence Nightingale on her errands of mercy-- and yet both were women. What is the secret bond which binds together these divergent groups of women-- that quality which at bottom makes them one? It is the power of their emotions-- the quality which permits feeling, quite regardless of reason, to carry them up to the seventh heaven or down to the lowest hell. Sometimes (as in Florence Nightingale's case) it is guided and controlled by rea-


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son, but often even in the best of women, it is not, as, for instance, in the young volunteer who wrote, in all seriousness, to the Paris editor of the New York Herald, accusing the nurses in the American ambulance hospital of being without feeling because "they never went out into the corridor to weep."
       Pacifists promote war because they always help the aggressor to keep what he has got, which is, of course, a great incentive to further grabbing. This is inherent in the nature of things, for there is no quarrel until the provoking act of hostility has been committed, and then the Pacifist wrings his hands, and says: "Oh, let it pass, it isn't worth fighting about."
       Pacifists to-day are playing directly into the hands of Germany and so prolonging the war. All arguments against our selling arms and ammunition to the warring nations are fostered by Germany because owing to England's having control of the sea, the only nations to whom our people can sell them are the Allies. Were we to refuse to sell to them, as Germany of course desires, we should of necessity cease to be neutral. Trade is free to those who can buy, transportation is open to those who can transport. This freedom to buy and to transport is England's greatest asset; were we to refuse to recognize it we must of necessity throw our refusal in the scale in Germany's favor and against England. This is what the Pacifists are urging. It is a striking example of the way their attitude favors aggression and aggression in the long run means war.
       The Women's Peace Party is one of the most dangerous movements which has threatened our emotional people for a long time. It was founded

by an ex-militant, a woman who had been several times convicted of criminal acts which were far from peaceful. She and her husband left the militant party only when the English Government passed a law making individuals pecuniarily responsible for the damage done to property by their followers—for Mr. and Mrs. Pethick Lawrence were the only monied people in the group—Mrs. Pankhurst having judiciously hidden her savings in France. This woman, to whom notoriety was as the breath of her nostrils, got the ear of several emotional women whose hearts are so large that many people have mistaken them for heads. They were told that though they did not bear arms they bore the armies and similar catch phrases. These good women, of whom the most prominent are largely childless, and many of whom are spinsters against whom no breath of scandal has ever been raised, were lined up together and photographed as "mothers of men," and no one saw the absurdity of it all. Some have even gone so far as to say that man's party in war was so much easier than woman's—that it was so easy just to stand up and be shot and all was over in a minute, whereas women must drag their lives on unsupported for many weary years. Child-bearing has been spoken of as though it were the curse of Eve, and never a glimpse of the glory of Mary has been vouchsafed us—no one has suggested that men's relation to this common fact of life, common with the commonplaceness of all great things, is much the same as women's relation to the suffering and loss of their husbands in the war.
       War is a disaster truly, but it is not the worst that may befall a people. It is a result, not a

cause—like fever in the human body which is not so much a symptom of illness as a sign of the effort of the body to overcome its invaders. To carry our simile a little further, if we would escape disease we must not only make our bodies wholesome within, but at the same time we must guard the portals of entry—we must, for instance, oil our streets if we would prevent the dangers due to dust. If we would prevent war we must make our country and our world wholesome within and having done that, we must also guard our portals. Women have not done their share in making life wholesome, in ways too many to enumerate here they have failed of doing their part. It is far easier to berate others for their failure than to do our own job well. The work that is needed must be done quietly. "The Kingdom of Heaven cometh not with observation." The world needs sane, wholesome, holy living to-day more than it probably has ever needed it before, but in seeing this and in trying to compass it, let us not overlook Mahomet's counsel to his faithful follower who announced that on the coming night he was not going to tie his camel but was going to commit him unto the Lord. Mahomet's reply to him was, "Friend, first tie thy camel and them commit him unto the Lord."
March, 1915.

Women's Anti-Suffrage Association of Massachusetts
685 Boylston Street, Boston.
Mrs. James M. Codman, President.
Mrs. Charles P. Strong, Secretary.


05C 10P
36
Anti-Suffrage
Notes
Issued by the
Mass. Anti-Suffrage Association
Mrs. James M. Codman, President
Mrs. Charles P. Strong, Secretary
1915

Index
Child Labor 3
Woman Suffrage and Liquor 4
How Woman Suffrage Works in Practice 7
Woman Suffrage and the Working Girl 12
Woman in Politics 14
What Women have done outside Politics 16
Women Neglect Political Duties 19
Infant Mortality 21
Miscellaneous 22


Anti-Suffrage Notes.
(Reprinted from the series issued by the Cambridge Anti-Suffrage Association.)
Child Labor.
Two notable advances were made in the standards of protection of working children during the year 1913, both of them in male suffrage states:
1. Ohio adopted a children's code, the first state to codify its laws relating to children. This code fixes a minimum age limit for employment at fifteen year for boys and sixteen years for girls. It was enacted the very next winter following the defeat of woman suffrage in Ohio by 87,455.
2. Enactment of a law in the male suffrage state of Massachusetts limiting the hours of labor for children under eighteen to eight per day. Fourteen other states already had this law, but Massachusetts is the first commonwealth in the world with cotton textile manufacturing as the leading industry to establish so high a standard.
Also two notable defeats mar the record of child labor legislation for 1913:
1. The Uniform Child Labor Law was defeated in Idaho, a woman suffrage state, by a vote of 31 to 12.
2. Utah, a woman suffrage state, defeated a bill fixing an eighteen-year limit for specially hazardous occupations, although seven male suffrage states have written such a law on their statute books.
The "Nation" calls attention to the fact that when the National Child Labor Committee was formed in 1904, only 13 states had a 14-year age limit; now there are 36 such states. It adds "That the present generation will see child labor abolished by all the states is a conservative prediction, for its last strongholds in the south are fast giving way." What becomes of the suffragists' claim that child labor can only be done away with by women's votes?
A letter from the National Child Labor Committee received at Massachusetts Anti-Suffrage headquarters dated December 8, says that the best child labor laws are not found in suffrage states. This should be conclusive, but the suffragists will undoubtedly continue to reiterate their statement to the contrary.
3

Woman Suffrage and Liquor.
         Vice-President Mary Fleming, of the Pennsylvania Suffrage organization, is very much annoyed over the activities of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union and wants to have the officials called off in that state at least. "Activities of W. C. T. U. members of the suffragist movement are detrimental to interests of the cause," she declared. "We cannot get support of Germans and other foreign born if we shout prohibition."
         The suffragists never tire of saying that anti-suffrage and the liquor interests are allied; but Nevada and Montana, which have just voted for suffrage are two of the wettest states in the Union. The only dry spots in Montana are the Indian Reservations which are under government supervision. Nevada has no dry territory. North Dakota, with state-wide prohibition, went overwhelmingly against suffrage. California, with women voting, defeated prohibition by 200,000. In Ohio prohibition was defeated by only 40,000 votes, suffrage by 182,000.
         The "Woman's Voice," official organ of the Montana W. C. T. U., says in its October issue: "Our W. C. T. U. had no division in the suffrage parade during fair week. Our committee was arranging for float, banners, etc., according to invitation given, when our chairman was informed that some suffragists thought it better not to have the W. C. T. U. in the parade as a body. It is laughable to have the suffragists so considerate of the views of the liquor men that they fear to antagonize them by allowing a temperance banner in their parade. But such is their policy."
         The Cleveland (Ohio) Plain Dealer of October 12, 1914, is authority for the statement that Frau Rosika Schwimmer, secretary of the International Suffrage Alliance, who was stumping the state for suffrage, spoke in a saloon on the outskirts of Columbus, being introduced by the owner. "It gave me a splendid opportunity to make clear that the suffrage party has no affiliations with either the wet or dry interests," she said. She evidently made it so clear that the suffrage party had no affiliations with the dry interests, that the Anti-Saloon people lost all confidence in the suffragists as allies and worked against them. The suffrage leaders in Ohio admit that the anti-saloon people were a large factor in their overwhelming defeat by 182,000 majority—an increase of nearly 100,000 over the majority against them in 1912.
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         The Woman's Liberty League, of Chicago, is an association organized by the saloon keepers to work for their interests. Miss Agnes Felice, an officer of this organization, states in "The Chicago Examiner" that this league has more followers than any other woman's organization in Chicago.
         The Woman's Democratic Club of a certain ward in Chicago recently advised for a candidate for alderman. There were six applicants, a machinist, a broker, a clergyman, a manufacturer, a physician and a saloon keeper. The women chose the saloon keeper.  This item having appeared in this column a few weeks ago, a certain Cambridge suffragist wrote to Mrs. Grace Wilber Trout, president of the Illinois Equal Suffrage Association, concerning it, evidently expecting a prompt denial of the story. But Mrs. Trout can give only cold comfort. She writes:
"My dear Mrs. W—
         This clipping that you sent to me tells its own story. These women are not affiliated with the State Suffrage Association. They are a little group of women who organized in their ward, possibly organized under the liquor interests. We do not know because we know none of these women."
         But of what significance is it that these women are not members of the suffrage association? When Mrs. Trout and her three friends secretly lobbied the suffrage bill through the legislature because they knew the people of the state were opposed to it, did she think she was enfranchising only the women who belonged to the suffrage association? Did she not know that she was putting into the hands of the forces of evil a new and a powerful weapon? The fact confronts her now, and she tries to evade responsibility for the evil results of her movement by saying "We do not know these women!" She adds: "It is folly to think, also, that women are better than men; they are not." It has taken only two years of political experience to bring her to the point where she is forced to admit that the claim that women will uplift or purify politics or improve conditions has no foundation, "because women are no better than men." She still maintains that "it is fundamentally right for every human being to be represented in the government." On this statement the suffragist takes her last stand when forced out of one position after another by the logic of cold facts. But if it is "fundamentally right" that a small minority should have its will in opposition to the majority on this question, why is it not equally right on other questions? And what then becomes of the fundamental principle of democracy, that the majority should rule?
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         The officer of the Equal Franchise Society, of Winnemucca, Nevada, in the public press, state that "some of the men interested in the saloon business here have shown us not only the greatest courtesy, but have helped us in various ways." Why shouldn't they? Miss Margaret Foley, of Boston, standing on a street corner at New Bedford, recently reminded her hearers that "there are ten states where women vote, and they are all wet except Kansas which was dry before they let women vote." Is this a bid for the saloon vote? If not, what is it?
         At the Mississippi Valley conference of suffragists, which met in Indianapolis last week, two topics for discussion were, "Who are our allies?" and "Who are our enemies?" Among the strongest of their allies they can number the Mormons, the Socialists and the I. W. W.'s. Among their enemies they must now number the anti-saloon people, who are opposing suffrage in Alabama and were a large factor in its defeat in Ohio. It was formerly believed that woman suffrage would do away with saloons, but this is an exploded theory. According to Senator Works, of California, San Francisco alone has 3,500 saloons! As the report of the collector of internal revenue for 1913 showed that in proportion to population two liquor licenses were issued in the states where women had the ballot to one in state where only male suffrage obtains, it is no wonder the anti-saloon people are opposing woman suffrage.
         The following advertisement appeared in a paper in Wennemecca, Nev., on March 2, 1914, signed by the president and secretary of the Equal Franchise League.
To whom it may concern:
         The impression is prevalent among a number in this community that the members of the Woman's Equal Franchise Society are fighting the liquor interests. We have no quarrel with the existing order of things, saloons or otherwise. If the persons who circulate these stories will look up the history of states which have given women the ballot we think they will find they are not any drier than they were before. Utah and Colorado where women have voted for year are not prohibition states. San Francisco voted on the liquor question last year after women were admitted to the pols and went wet by a large majority. We could cite many more examples if we have time and space. All we ask is the truth. Give us a square deal.
Mrs. M. S. Bonnifield, President.
Mrs. S. G. Lamb, Secretary.
6


         At an election at Santa Monica, Cal., last winter it was voted by nearly three to one that liquor could be sold nights and Sundays and all night in cafes where cabaret entertainment prevails. Santa Monica had 286 more women than men in 1910, and it is doubtful if such a condition of unrestricted liquor selling can be found in any male suffrage state in the Union in a home city of less than 8,000 people.
         There are twice as many liquor dealers per capita in the woman suffrage states of California, Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, Idaho and Washington as in the remaining 42 states.
         Springfield, the capital of Illinois, went wet at the election in 1914; 4,800 women voted for saloons, 4,300 against. Lansing, the capital of Michigan, with only men voting, went dry.

How Woman Suffrage Works In Practice.
         Justice, not chivalry is what the suffragists say they want. They seem to be getting it in California, according to Helen Dare who writes in the San Francisco Chronicle as follows:
         The changed status of woman in the social scheme, and the changed attitude (not to say sentiment) of men toward her—brought about by the demands and declamation of the advanced sisters—are evidenced not only in the masculine rush for street car seats, and the determined holding of them against all (feminine) comers; and in the studied, deliberate, indeed, ostentatious and taunting withholding of the small courtesies that heretofore were extended to woman as her just due; but in the law—in the law that is no respecter of persons.
         Not only do the resigned or, perhaps, disgruntled—menfolks concede woman equal rights on the street cars (if she can batter and ram her way in to get them), leave her to open and close doors herself, carry her own suitcase, go home alone o'nights, pay her own way (and theirs, too, if she has a penchant for their society), and take her chance with the hindmost of getting room in the elevators and a view of the parades, but here we have just the other day, the significant instance in the divorce court of a woman being denied a divorce from a husband who has failed to provide for her on the ground that she was, during the period of his unproductiveness, providing for herself. 
7

         Thus we have the precedent established that if the wife has a job the law will not release her from an idle husband merely because he is idle, a non-provider.
         Furthermore (you see nobody can foresee where this thing will carry us, now that we've got it started) if a wife can't look to her husband for support, or get rid of him, when she has a job of her own; and if, as is possible, she may be required to go on working just because she knows how, isn't it within the probabilities that dissatisfied husbands seeking their freedom will be sticking their economically independent wives for court costs, attorney's fees—and alimony?
         Now that we've got it going who can tell how it will work out; and who—among the antis or "suffs"—can prophesy whether it will be to the benefit, or the reverse, of the wedded?
         Under woman suffrage we should have an electorate so constituted that more than half of it would be under no legal obligations to carry out their own actions. More than half of the electors would be utterly irresponsible for the defense of the government.
         The suffragists tell us that during the five years before women voted in Finland the rate of infant mortality was 131 per 1,000. During the first five years after they voted the rate was only 117. Of course this was due to woman suffrage. Can anyone doubt it? But other things also happened during those five years after women voted. The rate of suicide among Finnish women jumped from 16.5 per million to 40.5. The male rate rose from 96.6 to 125 million. Political activity among the women of Finland hardly seems to have worked happily either for themselves, or for men. Also the number of illegitimate children increased from 65 to 70.3 per cent. 1,000—a rate nearly double that of England and Wales during the same period. Also the yearly average of divorces increased from 124 to 165.6—and the suffragists forgot to mention these facts!
         In view of the constant claims made by suffragists as to the wonderful success of woman suffrage in Australia, the following testimony is of especial interest. It was given at a meeting in London by Mrs. Vickery, a prominent worker in the cause of social reform in New South Wales, who had come to Europe to attend the International Congress of Women. Mrs. Vickery said:
         I am not against woman suffrage in principle, but I wish to tell you how little it has done in New South Wales. My experience there is that the educated women as a whole
8


think very little about the vote, and ignore their responsibilities in connection with it. In spite of all the efforts that are made to arouse women's interest in politics, the greater portion of the female clerks and professional girls will not take the trouble to go to the poll. In cases when a holiday has been given them on polling days in order to induce them to register their vote, less than a quarter of those who were thus enabled to voted cared to go to the poll, the others all going off on excursions. Not once since women got the vote have they combined for the furtherance of legislation for women and children. Woman suffrage has simply forwarded the most socialistic form of legislation. Socialism is the only gainer.
         It is quite astounding to us Australians to hear and see the women who are put up here to talk about the result of woman suffrage in Australia. Not one of them really know anything about social work; they have never done any. They like to talk and stump the country and boast about women; they never take the trouble really to do anything for social reform. I hear women say that the possession of the vote would make women act up to their responsibilities. I say that has not happened in Australia; they ignore their duties. Then I hear that woman suffrage will purify politics. That is not my experience. Women will not bother themselves about it at all. At the last election in which I took party the register roller were falsified, and names forged, and not a woman raised her voice in protest. I have known an official elected who had been in gaol for false witness, and he got his post through the women's votes. I have worked for temperance and social reform for years and years, but have not received any more help from women since they voted than before. I hear suffragists say that women's vote put an end to sweating and helped the moral question. It is not true. We never had and never could have sweating as you know it here, but such under-payment as existed was put an end to through the private voluntary exertions of Miss Rose Scott—it had nothing whatever to do with women's votes. The age of consent was raised, and how? By many of use going on deputations to the officials, and they told us we must get up petitions, and we got them; we slaved ourselves to get signatures, and when we have got enough we sent them in, agitated, and made the officials see that the public were on our side, and they raised the age. They were not against us, they only wanted the public to express themselves. No vote helped us; it was all private work.
         I have come back to England after some years, and now I ask women, what are you doing for temperance or social reform, or whatever they say their interest its? And they all
9

say, "Oh, we are working for the suffrage." If they only knew what I know, and had experienced what I have experience they would would what a sham it all is. They are leaving the real work for any empty cry. Women's votes don't bring about reforms; it is women's endeavors and hard struggles against evils. Government listens to women far more when they have not got the vote, because it know there is no party to think about. Women do not do away with the excesses of party; their votes make it worse.
         That the suffrage ranks are full of women who put suffrage ahead of patriotism, social welfare, happy homes or properly cared for children is stated by the Rev. Anna Shaw, president of the National Suffrage Association, in the "Special Suffrage Campaign issue" of the Evening Post, February 25, 1915, column one, where she says: "I believe in woman suffrage whether all women vote or no women vote; whether all women vote right or all women vote wrong; whether all women will love their husbands after they vote or forsake them; whether they will neglect their children or never have any children."
In introducing this astounding statement Dr. Shaw declared: "I believe I speak for the thousands of women belonging to the National Association."
         The lower house in Colorado has passed a measure to abolish the juvenile court. Can any one name a male suffrage state whose legislature has voted to abolish its children's court? That a children's court is not needed in Denver can hardly be claimed, as Judge Lindsey stated only a few months ago that the cases brought before this court on sex charges alone had increased 300 per cent of late years. The "New Republic," although an ardent advocate of suffrage, remarks editorially, apropos of this abolition of the children's court in Colorado: "This will come as a shock to many believers in woman suffrage outside Colorado, who regard the juvenile court as a special care of the woman citizen. The incident should open suffragists' eyes to the realities that succeed the franchise. It is false to argue that enfranchised womanhood means automatic 'good' legislation. The ideals with which women start out in politics will not be translated into face without consummate effort. That Colorado's finest judicial experiment should be imperilled does not prove the failure of woman suffrage. But it gives crashing emphasis to the truth that enfranchisement is not the beginning of the perfect end, but only the end of a beginning."
10


         The endorsement of woman suffrage by legislators in suffrage states is a form of local patriotism that rarely makes much impression on intelligent people, but the latest instance of this sort furnishes a most amusing illustration of the utterly unreliable character of such resolutions. The Colorado Senate solemnly declares that woman suffrage "to a noticeable degree has inculcated a higher respect for majesty and supremacy of the law." In its brazen self-complacency this statement, made within a few months of the Colorado strike horrors and the abdication of State sovereignty to Federal troops, would be hard to surpass.
         At the recent suffrage hearing before the Rhode Island legislature an anti-suffrage speaker read a statement from the San Francisco Chronicle of December 6, 1914, which said: "Results show that in this state women refuse to accept the obligation which at their request or upon their apparent acquiescence has been imposed upon them or to discharge the resulting duties. The question, then, for the people of other states to decide in the light of the experience of the western states is whether it is in the public interest to impose on women imperative duties which the great majority of women refuse to discharge after they have been imposed upon them. Senator Works, of California, who had been brought to Providence by the suffragists to speak for them at the hearing, retorted: "Who ever heard of any good thing coming out of San Francisco, that city of 3,500 saloons?"
         The Survey of March 13th, 1915, says: "Considering its population, Colorado is perhaps the most hazardous state in the Union to live and work in. Ten per cent of its working male population are employed in mining coal and metal, with a record of catastrophes which is the worst in the country. The treatment received by the victims of these accidents in the past has been sufficiently advertised in the reports of the Colorado labor department running back for a number of years. To correct this evil the Colorado legislature is considering a compensation bill. Ostensibly it is a copy of the (comparatively) liberal Wisconsin bill, but ostensibly only. In no other state has such a parody upon accident compensation been seriously proposed. Colorado is a suffrage state. Here is a measure of infinite concern to women-kind. Are the women of the state and the suffrage organizations who are appealing to the voters of other states making their influence felt unmistakably for the widows and children of Colorado?" Judge Lindsey says not one woman was at the hearing on this subject!
11

         Judge Lindsey says:—"Colorado has perfected the science of corrupting men. Its judges, its supreme court judges, are owned like office boys. Its lawyers, it business men all are owned." What do the women of Denver think of this covert attack on woman suffrage?
         On November 4, the day after election, the San Francisco Examiner says: "McDonough Brothers had several automobiles busy all day long hauling Barbary Coast dance hall girls and the inmates of house on Commercial street to the different booths, and always the women were supplied with a marked sample ballot."
         In Colorado which has had suffrage since 1893, the establishment of a child welfare commission was rejected last fall.
         In Oregon which has had full suffrage since 1912 a law compelling an eight-hour day and room ventilation for women workers was rejected.
         In Washington at the same time a bill creating a teachers' retirement fund was voted down. Laws covering all these points are now in operation in male suffrage states, put on the statue books undoubtedly largely by the influence of women. Why do they fail when woman has the vote?

Woman Suffrage and the Working Girl.
         In the opinion of Miss Marjorie Dorman, secretary of the Wage-Earners Anti-Suffrage League, of New York, "the suffragists are the greatest enemies of the working women in this country today. They are menacing the protective legislation which discriminates in favor of the working woman. Legal equality for men and women is the last thing in the world which women desire. We want the shorter day, the abolition of night work, the prohibition of all dangerous occupations and those which require constant standing. When I was proofreader on a printing press, I learned the need of women for privileges and protections from the law, which men do not ask nor need."
Suffragists always try to give the impression that working women are for suffrage. In order to gain their support, girls in factories are often told by the suffragists that votes would raise their wages, and a few of the unthinking may be caught by the untruth. Just now, certain Boston suffragists are circulating a statement made by the National Woman's Trade Union League to the effect that the women who
12


oppose suffrage are the idle, selfish rich, and that every thinking working woman wants the ballot. But suffragists who are in close touch with working women tell a different story. Meyer London, congressman-elect, at a recent suffrage meeting in New York told his hearers that they could not hope for success unless they could interest the poorer women of unfashionable New York in their movement—something he thinks they have not yet done.
         Mrs. Victor L. Berger at a suffrage meeting in Milwaukee, in December, said: "We haven't even reached the working girl. She has no confidence in us. She is afraid of us."
         The following extracts are from a letter written by a working girl to the St. Louis Republic:  "We working women are never asked to take part in any suffrage movement. The anti-suffragists have seen to it that we have reading rooms and a Y. W. C. A. where, as you know, the working girl may fit herself for better work and better wages.
         "At the present time I am employed by a suffrage worker, who pays me my salary once in six weeks if Madame's monthly donation to the cause is not too large.
         "I am off every other Thursday if Madame does not have company to luncheon on my day out. Sunday afternoon is also my day out, but when I get home of an evening I must wash a barrel of dishes before I seek my humble third-floor back to have my sleep distributed by dreams of the next day's wash.
         "When I worked for an anti I went to church and was at liberty to go when my duties were ended for the day. I am wondering if any condition could be worse than that under which the working girl must live.
         "You organized a campaign to help the boys on the farm to get a better education in farm work. Why can't you investigate and give the working girls some kind of help? Suffrage won't do it."
         Miss Emmeline Pitt, a Philadelphia wage-earner, says:
         "The pink teas, the Newport conferences at $5 admission, the auto tours and the bequest of millions to the 'cause' are all evidences to the woman who earns her own living that the 'suffrage trust' is interested in nothing but a selfish proposition to grant political authority to a clique of hysterical social leaders who have become surfeited with the exercise of every power in woman's sphere and wish to usurp the position of men, merely because it is the only thing they have not done.
         "The professional suffrage agitator, like the professional socialist, is not the woman who works, but the semi-educated
13

amateur who believes that one or two quick changes in law making would bring about high wages, reduce the cost of living and act as a panacea for the ills of all mankind.
         "Working women have no such illusions. It is the woman of leisure who seeks political leadership for her own amusement, who prattles of the 8,000,000 working women who demand the ballot—and doesn't take the trouble to learn that there are only 654,000 suffragists in America, according to their own admission.
         "Working women do not want a vote, but a square deal, and none of the professional reformers by way of the ballot ever come down to earth and propose anything definite to make the lot of the woman who works easier. It is rather nonsensical to tell the working woman in store, factory or shop that all she needs is a vote to increase her income and by happy, when she already knows that women themselves are her hardest taskmasters.
         "The marked preference women show for the dullest and most unremunerative factory work rather than engage as domestics is all the evidence anyone needs to prove that women have not shown themselves as considerate of their employees as men. Why don't these arch reformers who seek the ballot, as they pretend, to benefit the working girl outside the home use whatever administrative ability they think they have to first solve the 'servant girl problem?'"

Woman in Politics.

         A Boston business man who has just returned from a tour through certain of the Western "suffrage campaign" states says:
         "Before I went West, I was, let us say, indifferent on woman suffrage. I regarded it as a rather amusing and trivial struggle between two factions of women. I knew that on the suffrage side I was continually reading the same names in the newspapers and I assumed, and rightly I guess, that they were the professional paid workers. But when I found young girls standing on street corners soliciting every man who came along for signatures, and receiving and exchanging loose remarks because the signatures seemed so precious, I had a cold chill at the thought of my wife or my daughters at some stage going through the same service in Massachusetts. I saw the young girls blush time and time again at what was said to them, but still they held out the paper for the signature. One young girl told me she would like to leave her corner, but they were under strict rules, and she had no right to leave unless relieved."
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         The Seattle school board has unanimously voted down a petition from the school teachers asking for an increase in pay. It did so because a woman's club protested against the increase. Obviously on the question of women's wages there is no more solidarity among women than among men.
         Professor Earl Barnes, an earnest advocate of woman suffrage, says:
         "In Idaho as in Colorado, the payment of women political workers seems to have become a rather widespread abuse. Under the conditions of the state, with many new settlers constantly arriving, it has long been thought necessary to employ paid workers to register voters, get them out on election day and influence those who are uncertain. After 1896 women were often hired to do this work and were paid from three to five dollars a day. With their weak sense of party affiliation it is claimed that they will work for the party that pays best. A candidate with plenty of money may hire so many workers that it becomes a system of wholesale bribery. It is universally conceded that this is an abuse, and that many women look on election service as a source of pin money to a degree that is undesirable."
         That seems to be putting it mildly!
         Mr. Frank Sanborn, a well known and ardent suffragist, is greatly disturbed over the recent school election in Concord, Mass., in which women for one took a very active part, and which has resulted, it is said, in threatened boycotts, libel suits, and actions for defamation of character. He says it has cause great bitterness of feeling, which has got into the schools, churches, shops, and the whole structure of the town, causing a mischief which it will take years to remove. He blames it all on the anti-suffrage women, who, he says, held the balance of power, and who "rushed to the polls in such numbers that the men could not get to the voting booths for half an hour." But does not Mr. Sanborn want these women to vote? It seems a curious attitude for a suffragist, to complain bitterly of women for exercising the suffrage which he undoubtedly helped to force upon them! He says: "Neither logic nor principle directs their inconsistencies—but merely personal pique and a high sense of their own infallibility." That is truly a sad picture, and if Mr. Sanborn thinks women exercise such a bad influence on public affairs when they have only the school vote, why does he want to force complete suffrage upon them against their will?
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         If the Bristow amendment to the constitution, for which the National Suffrage Association is working, could receive a two-thirds vote of both houses, it would then go to the state legislatures for action, and the people would never have a chance to vote on it at all. As Ida Husted Harper expresses it, "Women would be relieved forever from the tremendous task of securing a favorable majority from the mass of individual voters of all creeds, colors and nationalities that make up an American electorate." They have no confidence in the American electorate, and yet they pose at times as the most ardent believers in democracy.
         A prominent San Francisco woman writes, under date of June 7, 1914, "The registration is just closed for the August primaries. Strenuous efforts have been made to induce women to register. Temporary booths were erected in the shopping districts, on the ferry boats and in the public squares. We were importuned by letters, by printed slips on our groceries, by circulars and by public speakers and in our club meetings, but only 14,000 out of 100,000 registered in this city—and most of these, like myself, are opposed to woman suffrage!"
         Ida Husted Harper, in the excitement of a discussion with her suffrage friends (Woman's Journal, April 13), betrays the real reason why suffragists are working so hard for an amendment to the national constitution. The object of pressing this amendment for nearly half a century has been, she says, to keep the question from being referred to the electorate! Suffragists have everywhere fought a referendum to the women, and they would like, if possible, to avoid (as they did in Illinois) submitting the question to the men. In 1895 a referendum to the men of Massachusetts brought out a majority of 100,000 against suffrage. Recent elections in Ohio, Wisconsin and Michigan brought out majorities against it of 87,000, 91,000, and 97,000 respectively No wonder they wish to avoid submitting it to the people!

What Women Have Done Outside of Politics.

         Dr. Harvey Wiley says that the General Federation of Women's Clubs was of great assistance to him in getting the pure food bill passed, and that they succeeded against a powerful lobby. Yes, and the lobbyists had the vote and the women hadn't!
16


         Miss Jane Addams in her recent speech in Boston claimed that by means of the ballot women in Chicago have accomplished several reforms. These were:
         1. Covered markets had been secured where food might be kept clean.
But Massachusetts for some years has had stringent regulations preventing the exposure of food supplies.
         2. Public wash-houses have been established.
         Ten years ago a public wash-house was established in the Dover street public bath house. Its use has not been general, for the women objected to carting their clothes to and fro, through the public streets, but the effort was made. Additional ones would be established in short order if anything like even a moderate demand was made.
         3. A court for boys of 17 and under 25 has been established.
         In Massachusetts we have had the juvenile court under Justice Baker for some years. Boys of the ages mentioned are also cared for under a probation system which is regarded as a model of its kind. For the older boys and men we have introduced in Massachusetts an instalment fine system by which they can help  support themselves and family while meeting the fine imposed.
         4. The garbage dumps have been abolished.
         Massachusetts did not need any special agitation to accomplish that end. Years ago garbage dumps were abolished. In Boston all garbage in incinerated. Even the refuse dumps are being eliminated. New crematory stations are now being provided and the refuse dump itself will soon be a thing of the past.
         The record of accomplishments of Illinois women voters as presented by Miss Addams is not impressive, for the reforms she cites have long since been accomplished in this state without votes for women and without any soap-box oratory.
         What the women accomplished in Chicago before they got the vote makes a much more impressive showing. It is to them, says the Chicago Tribune, that Chicago owes the kindergarten in the public schools, the juvenile court and detention home, the small park and playground movement, the vacation school, the school extension, the establishment of a forestry department of the city government, the city welfare exhibit, the development of the Saturday half-holiday, the establishment of public comfort stations, the work of the Legal Aid Society, and the reformation of the Illinois Industrial School. This is a long and brilliant list of women's achievements, not to be matched by the voting women in any state.
17

The newspapers announce that "Miss Jane Addams, the suffrage leader," will campaign in the western states. It is interesting to note that Miss Addams is no longer mentioned in the press in connection with Hull House or with social service-- only with suffrage and politics! And yet Miss Addams' value to the suffrage cause and to her political party, the Progressives, is wholly the result of the reputation she made as a non-voting, non-partisan woman working for the good of humanity. Jane Addams the politician is living on the reputation of Jane Addams the non-partisan social worker. 
The Nashville Tennessean says: "The women of this state recently made a successful fight for the enactment of equitable and just laws granting women property rights. When the attention of theTennessee legislature was brought to the inequitable laws governing the property rights of married women they very promptly met the demands of justice." The women needed no vote to secure this reform.
Suffragists are so prone to speak ill both of the laws and the men of their country that the following testimony from one of them is refreshing:
"I think we are prone to exaggerate this question of legal discrimination against women. There is no state in the Union where the laws for women are on the whole more just than in New York. The men have treated us with every kindness and there are many cases in which the law seems to discriminate against men." 
The truth of the anti-suffrage doctrine that women can accomplish more for the public good outside politics is apparent even to Mrs. Pethick Lawrence, the ex-militant., She says: I never saw so many women working for social betterment as I have seen in the American cities I have visited. In England the women have turned their attention to politics and have accomplished nothing like so much in civic reform." When we remember that in England women have the municipal vote and that in most of this country they have not, this testimony is particularly striking. 
Thanks to the Women's Minicipal League, of Boston, the legislature has passed and the governor signed a bill providing that no basement or cellar room shall be occupied for living purposes, unless it is at least 8 1-2 feet high in every part, has at least one window in open space, that the floor and walls are damp-proof, and that it is at least 60 per cent above the level of the highest ground within 15 feet of 
18

the outside wall. The bill is to take effect October 1. This excellent piece of legislation was secured with little difficulty by women without the vote. Such work is of course less exciting than haranguing crowds from a soap box on the common, but it seems to some people of more value.
WOMEN NEGLECT POLITICAL DUTIES.
Intsead of using the municipal vote which they already have, English suffragists prefer to agitate for the parliamentary vote, claiming that they need it for social uplift. Violet Markham, one of the best known social workers in England, comments as follows upon the insincerity of this claim: "Suffragists claim that once they have the vote they will reform and moralize England. But I want to know, if they are honest in these professions, why they do not make a better use of the rights and votes they already possess. If the work of the Imperial Parliament belongs more naturally to men, the work of local government, with its splendid opportunities for civic betterment and the uplifting of the race, belongs more naturally to women. Here her powers of citizenship and service can find the fullest and noblest expression. And yet, while suffragists tramp streets and smash windows, what do we find? This great field of equal rights and opportunities with men is practically neglected. "Think of it, in the length and breadth of the United Kingdom there are only 21 women elected on town councils, only three on county councils, and you have no less than 232 boards of guardians without a woman member on them. "Those figures are the most ironical commentary as they are the most crushing condemnation of the whole suffrage agitation. They expose its essential hollowness in a dramatic manner. "the suffragists are always prating about social reform. I want to know why do they as ratepayers tolerate slums and insanitary dwellings, infant mortality, indifferent education, and child labor-- ever one of the gravest blots on the escutcheon of a great nation-- all matters with which a municipality can deal if it chooses-- all matters with which existing legislation has power to deal, if only these powers are put into vigorous execution-- all matters which go to the very root of a nation's strength and well-being." The women did not vote in Chicago, say the suffragists, because they "wanted to be non-partisan." The same reason why anti-suffragists want to keep out of politics altogether, if you remember. If there is a good reason why a woman should not go to the polls at a primary election, and thus help 
19


to select the very prime necessity for any improvement in 
government - better candidates for office - why must she be a 
partisan after the candidates are chosen? The man who does 
not vote at a primary is a greater menace to the success of 
democratic government than the man who neglects to vote 
at the final election. If good candidates are selected, it does 
not matter which party wins, we will have a good government; 
but if we turn the whole selective machinery over to 
the party "bosses," men, women and children may put "pieces 
of paper into a ballot box" from now till doomsday at elections 
and never succeed in getting worthy representatives. 
If suffrage leaders in suffrage states believe that "indirect 
influence" and an "unbiased public opinion" and "non-partisanship 
in politics" are more effective in securing good 
candidates than actually helping to vote for them at the primaries, 
they believe exactly what anti-suffragists believe. 
     The Chicago election furnished the best anti-suffrage 
lesson to women that has yet been taught. 

     Judge Lindsey spoke a word for the children at a suffrage 
banquet given in Denver in honor of Susan B. Anthony's 
birthday, which, by the way, is celebrated in half the 
schools of Colorado, just as are the birthdays of George 
Washington and Abraham Lincoln! This banquet was attended 
by 12 women and Judge Lindsey. The judge made a 
speech, in the course of which he said that he didn't think the 
women in this state were doing all in their ability to mend 
matter which were in their power. 
     "When we asked for the employee compensation bill, 
where were the women voters of Denver? When protests 
were entered, I looked around for some of our women voters 
to plead for the poor women and children who would be 
benefited by this bill, but there was not a woman present. 
Where is our adult probation law? We are a suffrage state. 
Massachusetts is not, but they have an adult probation law. 
Where is out home finding society? We have suffrage, but 
our dependent children in this state are put in homes for 
dependent children instead of being given the rights of family 
ties. We are 20 years behind Massachusetts in spite of 
suffrage?" Why not because of suffrage? 

     Much was made by the suffragists two years ago of the 
fact that a bill has been passed in California to abate the 
red light conditions in San Francisco, the inference being that 
the women voters deserved the credit. The "Nation" tells 
us that the senator who introduced the bill took his stand 
against vice and kindred evils not only upon general grounds, 
20


but also because of the approaching exposition. But a movement 
was started to recall him. The petition received the 
requisite number of signatures, and at the election he was 
defeated by an open champion of the interests he had been 
fighting. Only half the voters went to the polls, but that 
half included naturally all the interested adherents of the 
vicious interests. Where were the women voters? Have they 
no desire to have a clean city during the exposition in 1915? 
One woman voter of social position in San Francisco told a 
newcomer from the East that she hope her city need never 
be reformed - that there ought to be at least one place where 
a person could go to the devil and have a good time on the 
road! 

     Apropos of votes for women, the San Francisco Chronicle 
says: "Results show that in this state women refuse to accept 
the obligation which at their request or upon their apparent 
acquiescence has been imposed upon them, or to discharge 
the resulting duties. The question, then, for the people of 
other states to decide in the light of the experience of the 
Western states, is whether it is in the public interest to impose 
on women imperative duties which the great majority of 
women refuse to discharge after they have been imposed upon 
them." 

INFANT MORTALITY. 
     Mr. Nathan Straus, who has done such wonderful work 
in providing pure milk for babies in New York, writing to 
the Los Angeles Times of March 24th, 1914, says: 
     "Other states and countries have adopted wise and judicious 
laws to prevent the spread of diseased animals, and the 
sale of milk from infested cows. California is one of the 
few states which still permits the sale of milk from tubercular 
cows." 
     The women of California have had the chance to vote on 
the milk question for over two years, and have not done so. 
How is it they have to be shown their duty by a mere man 
from New York, a man suffrage state, where pure milk laws 
have been passed by men? 

     The death rate for children under one year old has fallen 
in Boston from 549 in July, 1896, to 139 in July, 1914. To 
those who maintain that decrease in infant mortality can only 
be brought about by votes for women, this must seem a most 
inexplicable phenomenon. 

21

The Children's Bureau has recently issued a pamphlet,
"New Zealand Society for the Health of Women and Children"
which strongly supports the anti-suffrage principle that
in bettering conditions legislation is less needed than education.
The New Zealand society has succeeded in lowering
the infant mortality rate, not by getting new laws passed,
but by providing nurses, maintaining a hospital and above
all by disseminating information on hygiene.
As for legislation New Zealand modelled its Notification
of Births Act upon a law previously passed in male suffrage
England. Such a law, providing adequate means for birth
registration, exist in 66 per cent of the male suffrage states
in this country, but in only 55 per cent of the woman suffrage
states. Among those in which, according to the Children's
Bureau, "new laws or important amendments are considered
necessary" are the woman suffrage states of Colorado, Oregon,
California, and Arizona.
MISCELLANEOUS.
At a suffrage meeting in Boston recently, a prominent
Boston lawyer said: "In Massachusetts today woman has the
same right in property that man has; the same right to take
part in every industrial pursuit that man has. She is permitted
under the law today to enter all learned professions,
she can enjoy her own income, her own wages, her own
property, and has the equal right to control and educate her
own children."
Manifestly than she does not need the vote, as she has
already secured equal rights and privileges without it; and
that she does not want the vote and will not use it is conclusively
shown once a year when more than 96 per cent of,
Massachusetts women refuse to vote on school committee.
If she does not need it, does not want, it, and will not use it,
is is evident that it is a group of professional suffrage agitators,
who keep the subject alive in Massachusetts.
Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Gilman in a recent lecture on
Feminism on New York (according to the New York Times),
said the home is a check upon the growth of humanity. It is
a relic of the harem. "You talk of the home as holy," she
said. "Why, the post office is holier than the home. The post
office is a proof of an exalted civilization. There are many
women who call their home their field of expression. Well, God
pity those women!"
22

A suffragist named Thomassen has just been sentenced
to 20 years in the penitentiary for setting fire to a theatre in
Tonopah, Nevada. Miss Minnie Bronson, secretary of the
National Anti-Suffrage Association, had made an address in
this theatre and at the close of her speech about 20 persons,
some suffragists, some Socialists, some I.W.W.'s rushed
onto the platform and began to heckle the speaker. Miss
Bronson was detained nearly half an hour, but her friends
finally terminated the debate and she returned to her hotel.
Fifteen minutes afterward the theatre was in flames and in
another 15 minutes the roof fell in. Fourteen dwelling houses
were burned also. Several arrests were made and the man
Thomassen made a confession, saying that two others, McQuicken
and Russel, had been sent on to the stage to detain 
Miss Bronson while he planted the chemicals, which consisted
of yellow phosphorus wrapped in wet cloths and covered
with light shavings. He expresses regret at not succeeding
in "catching" the women who were anti-suffragists.
The claim is made that Miss Margaret Foley, of Boston,
who campaigned for suffrage in Nevada, "interviewed, practically
every voter in the state." An account of her interviews
with Thomassen, McQuicken and Russel would be of
wide interest to both suffragists and antis all over the country.
Referring to persistent statements that Senator Elihu
Root, long a determined and out-spoken opponent of woman
suffrage, had in some degree modified his views, the senator
has issued an explicit denial of such change of mind.
"On the contrary," he says, "observation and reflection have
strongly confirmed the adverse opinion which I expressed
twenty years ago." The adverse opinion was this: "I am
opposed to the granting of suffrage to women because is
would be a loss to women, to all women and to every woman,
and because it would be an injury to the state and to every
man and every woman in the state."
At a recent New York suffrage meeting Henry Bruere,
city chamberlain, said: "I was almost converted into an anti-suffragist
when I learned of a suffrage pilgrimage going to
Charles Murphy."
"I was the suffragist who led the recent 'pilgrimage' to
Charles Murphy," said Mrs. Blatch when Bruere had completed
his address and was leaving the hall. "I went to Mr.
Murphy as the head of the Democratic Party to get his indorsement
to the suffrage petition. I would go just the same
to his Satanic majesty were he the head of a political party."
—N. Y. Press.
23

Two New York suffrage leaders, Mrs. John Rogers, Jr.,
and Mrs. J.W. Brannan, who are executives of the Woman's
Political Union, declare themselves as "wholeheartedly against
any effort for relief of the Belgians, the soldiers or any persons
suffering from the war." Both agreed that if warring
nations could not look after the suffered by war, combatants
or non-combatants, it was better to let them die and so end
the war more quickly. One of them said: "We have only a
certain amount of time, and money to give; therefore we both
believe in devoting it to the one cause that more than any
other will make such inhuman wars impossible in the future
--Votes for Women." It is not quite clear how it would help
to bring the war to a close to let the women and children of
Poland and Belgium starve to death, but it clear that such
suffragists as these are willing to sacrifice everything to
"Votes for Women." Miss Jane Addams is also of opinion
that no help should be given by countries not at war to the
Red Cross in its efforts to lessen the sufferings of the peoples
concerned in the war. This seems almost incredible, but the
statement is made on suffrage authority.
Miss Jane Addams, president of the Woman's Peace
Movement and vice-president of the National Suffrage Association,
is an advocate of "peace at any price." Rev. Anna
Shaw, president of the National Suffrage Association, is an
advocate of suffrage at any price. 
The best public health law on the statute books of any
state, according to Dr. H.M. Biggs, of the Rockefeller Institute,
is the law of the male suffrage state of New York.
She Mothered Five.
Her name may be unknown save to a few,
Of her the outside world but little knew;
But somewhere five are treading virtue's ways,
Serving the world and brightening its days.
Somewhere are five who, tempted stand upright,
Clinging to honor, keeping her memory bright.
Somewhere this mother toils and is alive.
No more as one, but in the breasts of five.
--Edward A. Guest, in Detroit Saturday Night.
24

[*P
O 5
A 18
(2)*]
OPINIONS OF EMINENT PERSONS AGAINST
WOMAN SUFFRAGE.
DANIEL WEBSTER. "The rough contests of the political world are not
suited to the dignity and the delicacy of your sex. . . . It is by the promulgation
of sound morals in the community, and more especially by the training
and instruction of the young, that woman performs her part toward the
preservation of a free government."
REV. HORACE BUSHNELL, D.D. "Hitherto it has been an advantage
to be going into battle in our suffrages with a full half. . . as a corps of
reserve, left behind, so that we may fall back on this quiet element . . . and
settle again our mental and moral equilibrium. Now it is proposed that we
have no reserve any longer, that we go into our conflicts taking our women
with us, all to be kept heating in the same fire for weeks or months together.
. . . Let no man imagine . . . that our women are going into these encounters
to be just as quiet, or as little moved as now, when they stay in the rear
unexcited, letting us come back to them often and recover our reason. They
are no more mitigators now, but instigators rather, sweltering in the same
fierce heats and commotions, only more tempestuously stirred than we."
Women's Suffrage; the Reform against Nature.
FRANCIS PARKMAN. "It has been claimed as a right that woman
should vote. It is no right, but a wrong, that a small number of women
should impose on all the rest political duties which there is no call for their
assuming, which they do not want to assume, and which, if duly discharged,
would be a cruel and intolerable burden."
MRS. CLARA T. LEONARD, Massachusetts Board of Health, Lunacy
and Charity. "The best work that a woman can do for the purifying of
politics is by her influence over men, but the wise training of her children, by
her intelligent, unselfish counsel to husband, brother, or friend, by a thorough
knowledge and discussion of the needs of her community."
REV. EDWARD EVERETT HALE, D.D. "I am now asked to confer the
responsibility of suffrage upon women. This means, of course, that they are
willing to accept all the responsibilities of public-spirited men. To which
request I reply that I do not think they want to do these things, and second,
that I do not think they would do them well."
LE BARON R. BRIGGS, President of Radcliffe College. "As to public
life, I am still so conservative as to hold that a political competition of both
sexes is less likely to elevate men than to degrade women, and that the
peculiar strength of refined and earnest womanhood is exercised in ways less
public. I fear the loss of the best that is in woman, and, with it, the loss of a
power that is hers and hers alone."

JACOB A. RIIS. "I do not think the ballot will add to woman's real
power which she exercises or can exercise now."
CARL SCHURZ. "It is not certain that so tremendous an addition to the
voting force as the granting of unqualified woman suffrage would effect,
would involve at least the possibility of a dangerous increase of those evils
which the best thought of the country is at present painfully struggling to
remedy?"
MRS KATE GANNETT WELLS. "In the present constitution of events,
of facts, physiological, social, financial, moral, and political, it is inexpedient
for government to grant universal female suffrage."
CARDINAL GIBBONS. "If woman enters politics, she will be sure to
carry away on her some of the mud and dirt of political contact."
HON. MOSES HALLETT, United States District Judge for Colorado. 
"our state has tried the female suffrage plan a sufficiently long time to form
a fair idea of its workings. I am not prejudiced in any way, but honestly do
not see where the experiment has proved of benefit. . . . It has produced no
special reforms and it has had no particular purifying effect upon politics.
There is a growing tendency on the part of most of the better and more intelligent
of the female voters of Colorado to cease exercising the ballot. . . . If
it were to be done over again, the people of Colorado would defeat woman
suffrage by an overwhelming majority. 
HON. THOMAS F. BAYNARD, Secretary of State. "There never was a
greater mistake, there never was a falser fact stated than that the women
of American need any protection further than the love borne to them by their
fellow-countrymen. Do not imperil the advantages which they have; do not
attempt in this hasty, ill-considered, shallow way to interfere with the relations
which are founded upon the laws of Nature herself."
MISS PHOEBE W. COUZINS, Lawyer, Missouri Commissioner for the
World's Fair, and platform speaker for woman suffrage for 20 years. "I
do not believe that women are constructed by nature for the rough and tumble
fight of the political arena. . . . Women are easily influenced. They do not
stop to think of the consequences of their acts, and in their hands the ballot
would become a most dangerous weapon. . . . I am through forever with
woman suffrage."
ABRAM S. HEWITT. "After carefully considering all the arguments
advanced by the advocates of woman suffrage . . . I do not think, from the
organic difference between men and women, that it will ever be shown to be
for the advantage of women that they should be forced to take part in political
controversies. In fact, I think it would be a great misfortune to them, as
well as to the human race."
2

HON CHARLES J. BONAPARTE. "The suffrage is not a mere privilege.
It is a public burden, and when it is proposed to make your mothers
and sisters and other ladies of whom, perhaps, you may sometimes think,
share this burden, the question is properly not whether women should be
allowed to vote, but whether they should be obliged to vote."
PRF. EDWARD D. COPE. "The first thing that strikes us in considering
the woman suffrage movement is that it is a proposition to engage women
once more in that 'struggle' from which civilization has enabled them in great
measure to escape; and that its effect, if long continued and fairly tried, will
be to check the development of woman as such, and to bring to bear on her
influences of a kind of different from those which have been hitherto active."
MISS DOROTHEA L. DIX. "Distinctly and emphatically, Miss Dix
believed in woman's keeping herself aloof and apart from anything savoring
of ordinary political action. . . . She must be the incarnation of a purely
disinterested idea appealing to universal humanity, irrespective of party or
see." Life of Dorothea Lynde Dix, by Francis Tiffany.
DR. S. WEIR MITCHELL. "The best of the higher evolution of mind
will never be safely reached until the woman accepts the irrevocable decree
which made her woman and not man. Something in between she cannot be."
RICHARD H. DANA. "The truth is, the ballot for women is not needed
. . . and if they were ever called upon to combine and work in antagonism
to the men, which they must do if their vote is really needed, the evils of the
conflict would strike at the very foundations of our social system."
PRF. WILLIAM T. SEDGWICK. "Why should the great majority of
women, who, as everybody knows, are either indifferent or opposed to woman
suffrage, be forced to accept it against their will when there is no sound evidence
that any material good is likely to accrue either to themselves or to
the state?"
BISHOP JOHN H. VINCENT, Founder of Chautauqua. "When about
thirty years of age I accepted for a time the doctrine of woman suffrage, and
publicly defended it. Years of wide and careful observation have convinced
me that the demand for woman suffrage in America is without foundation in
equity, and, if successful, must prove harmful to American society."
MISS JEANNETTE L. GILDER, Founder of The Critic. "In politics I
do not think that women have any place. Neither physically nor temperamentally
are they strong enough for the fray. The life is too public, too
wearing, and too unfitted to the nature of women. It is bad enough for men
. . . and it would be worse for women. I believe not only that the ballot in
the hands of women would be a calamity, but I believe that it would prove a
boomerang."
3

JOHN BOYLE O'REILLY. "Woman suffrage would be the constitutional
degradation of women ; it would be an appeal to the coarser strength
of men ; and I profoundly believe that it would result in social disorder and 
disrespect of law."

GAIL HAMILTON (Miss Mary Abigail Dodge).  "My earliest instinct
and my latest judgment combine in maintaining that women have a right to 
claim exemption from political duty and responsibility, and that men have
no right to lay the burden upon them.  If the public work is ill done by men,
the remedy is to do it better, not to shift the weight to shoulders already
heavily laden, and whose task they do not propose in any respect to lighten."

Rev. JAMES M. BUCKLEY, D.D.  "Should the duty of governing in the 
state be imposed upon women, all the members of society will suffer. . . .
The true woman needs no governing authority conferred upon her by law.  In 
the present situation the highest evidence of respect that man can exhibit
toward woman, and the noblest service he can perform for her, are to vote
NAY to the proposition that would take from her the diadem of pearls, the
talisman of faith, hope, and love, by which all other requests are won from 
men, and substitute for it the iron crown of authority."

Hon. HENRY B. BROWN, Ex-Justice of the Supreme Court of the
United States.  "It is a mistake to suppose that either men or women have 
a natural right to vote.  We are bound to distinguish between natural and
political rights.  They may be said to have a natural right to protection in
their persons, their property and their opinions, but they have no natural
right to govern or to participate in the government of others."

Rev. THEODORE L. CUYLER, D.D.  "There is full scope for woman's 
patience, power, purity and prayers without attempting to override that
divine arrangement which never fitted her to be a soldier, a sailor, a civil
engineer, a juryman, a magistrate, a policeman, a politician."

Hon. ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of State.  "I am opposed to granting 
suffrage to women because I believe it would be a loss to women and an injury
to the state, and to every man and woman in the state. . . . I think so
because suffrage implies not merely the casting of a ballot, but entering upon
the field of political life; and politics is modified war.  In politics, there is 
struggle, strife, contention, bitterness, heart-burning, excitement, agitation
-- everything which is adverse to the true character of woman.  In my judgment,
this whole movement arises from a false conception of the duty and
the right of men and women. . . . It is a fatal mistake that these excellent
women make when they conceive that the functions of men are superior to
theirs and seek to usurp them."

4

JENNIE JUNE (Mrs. Jane C. Croly), "Mother of Clubs," Founder of
the New York Sorosis, and President of the New York Women's Press Club.
"The best way for women to approach politics is to let them entirely alone. 
In all the fifty years that in one way or another I have worked, I have never
identified myself with suffrage nor politics."

ROSSITER JOHNSON.  "The most civilized portions of mankind have
not yet outgrown the measurement of force for the ultimate settlement of
every great question, and the unit of force is the man capable of bearing
arms. . . . The government set up, the policy adopted, may not be the
best possible; but, if a majority of the men stand behind them, we shall at
least have stability, and that is the most necessary element in any government
. . . . To make any party victorious at the polls by means of blankcartridge 
ballots would only present an increased temptation to the numerical
minority to assert itself as the military majority. . . . If an election is carried
by a preponderance of votes cast by women, who is to enforce the verdict?
When a few such verdicts have been overturned, we shall find ourselves
in a state of anarchy."

THE ENGLISH REMONSTRANCE (Nineteenth Century, June, 1889).
"To sum up: we would give the women their full share in the state of social
effort and social mechanism; we look for their increasing activity in that
higher state which rests on thought, conscience, and moral influence; but we
protest against their admission to direct power in that state which does rest
upon force—the state in its administrative, military, and financial aspects—
where the physical capacity, the accumulated experience, and inherited training
of men ought to prevail without the harassing interference of those who,
though they may be partners of men in debate, can in these matters never be
partners with them in action.... Nothing can be further from our minds
than to seek to depreciate the position or importance of women. It is because
we are keenly alive to the enormous value of their special contribution
to the community that we oppose what seems to us likely to endanger that
contribution. We are convinced that the pursuit of a mere outward equality
with men is for women not only vain but demoralizing.  It leads to a total
misconception of woman's true dignity and special mission. It tends to personal
struggle and rivalry, where the only effort of both the great divisions of
the human family should be to contribute the characteristic labor and the best
gifts of each to the common stock."

Mrs. Humphry Ward                   Mrs. George J. Goschen
Mrs. Leslie Stephen                     Mrs. Frederic Harrison
Mrs. Thomas H. Huxley               Mrs. Matthew Arnold
Mrs. William E. Forster                Mrs. Max Miller
Lady Frederic Cavendish             Mrs. J. Richard Green
Hon. Emily Lawless                      Mrs. Walter Bagehot and others

VICTORIA, Queen of England. "The Queen is most anxious to enlist 
every one who can speak or write to join in checking this mad, wicked folly 
of 'Woman's Rights,' with all its attendant horrors, on which her poor, feeble 
sex is bent, forgetting every sense of womanly feeling and propriety."

JOHN BRIGHT. "When women are not safe under the charge or care 
of fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons, it is the fault of our non-civilization 
and not of our laws. As civilization founded on Christian principles advances, 
women will gain all that is right for them to have, though they are 
not seen contending in the strife of political parties. In my experience I 
have observed evil results to many women who have entered heartily into 
political conflict and discussion. I would save them from it."

WILLIAM E. GLADSTONE.  "A permanent and vast difference has
been impressed upon women and men respectively by the Maker of both.  I
for one am not prepared to say which of the two sexes has the higher and
which has the lower province. . . . I am not without the fear, lest beginning
with the state, we should eventually be found to have intruded into what is
yet more fundamental and more sacred, the precinct of the family, and should
dislocate, or seriously modify, the relations of domestic life."

HERBERT SPENCER. Herbert Spencer, in Justice, maintains that there
are fundamental reasons for keeping the spheres of the sexes distinct. He
had formerly argued the matter “from the point of view of a general principle
of individual rights,” but he finds that this cannot be sustained, as he
“discovers mental and emotional differences between the sexes which disqualify
women for the burdens of government and the exercise of its functions.”

Mrs. HUMPHRY WARD.  "Women should not vote on questions in the
solution of which they can never play a responsible part.  Fancy a female
general, a female admiral!  Fancy a railroad run by women, roads built or
mines worked by them!  If there is this inevitable physical limitation to a 
woman's activity . . . is it just that she be given a vote on matters that
involve these activities?  The national government . . . is concerned in all of
these things, and is maintained by the votes of the male portion of the population,
which thus indirectly decides on the army, the navy, the railroads, and
the scores of material interests in which women cannot by nature take an
active part."

GOLDWIN SMITH.  "Political power has hitherto been exercised by the
male sex; not because man has been a tyrannical usurper and has brutally
thrust his weaker partner out of her rights, but in the course of nature because
man alone could uphold government and enforce the law.  Let the edifice
of law be as moral and as intellectual as you will, its foundation is the
force of the community, and the force of the community is male."
6


QUARTERLY REVIEW,  Women at Oxford and Cambridge, October,
1897.  "Either sex is an appalling blunder, or else it must have been intended
that each sex should have its own work to do, not merely in the physical
economy of the race, but also in the social and intellectual world. . . .
Woman, alike in body, mind, and character, 'is not lesser man, but other.'
At the moment, many able women think that it is possible to follow masculine
ideas in education, in habit, in practical life, and yet to be true to their own
nature.  In the long run this is impossible."

Other notable persons who have remonstrated against woman suffrage are
President Grover Cleveland, Mrs. Margaret Deland, President Arthur T.
Hadley of Yale University, Miss Ida M. Tarbell, Bishop David H. Greer of
New York, Miss Caroline Hazard, President of Wellesley College, Rev. Dr.
Lyman Abbott, Miss Agnes Irwin, Dean of Radcliffe College, Charles Dudley
Warner, Mrs. Mary E. Wilkins Freeman, Felix Adler, Madame Louise Homer,
President William DeWitt Hyde of Bowdoin College, Mrs. Kate Douglas
Wiggin, Bishop William C. Doane, Mrs. Clara Louise Kellogg Strakoseh,
Hon. Charles C. Nott, Chief Justice United States Court of Claims, Mrs. John
Ware, Andrew S. Draper, New York State Commissioner of Education, Miss
Carolyn Wells, Rev. Dr. Theodore T. Munger, Miss Mabel T. Boardman, Edward
W. Bok, Mrs. Andrew Carnegie, Richard Watson Gilder, Mrs. Celia
Thaxter, President Henry P. Judson of the University of Chicago, Marion
Harland (Mrs. Virginia Terhune), Governor Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey,
Mrs. Schuyler Van Rensselaer, Bishop Arthur C. A. Hall of Vermont,
Mrs. Grover Cleveland, Hon. Edgar Aldrich, United States District Judge
for New Hampshire, Mrs. Mary Anderson de Navarro, Rev. Dr. Washington
Gladden, Mrs. Rebecca Harding Davis, Winston Churchill, Mrs. Josephine
Daskam Bacon, Rev. Dr. Charles H. Parkhurst, Miss Adeline Knapp, Prof.
William K. Brooks of Johns Hopkins University, Mrs. Helen Watterson
Moody, Octave Thanet (Miss Alice French), Mrs. Adeline D. T. Whitney,
James Bryce, William E. H. Lecky, Miss Octavia Hill, Frederic Harrison,
John Ruskin, Sir E. Ray Lankester, Gilbert K. Chesterton, Rudyard Kipling
and Lord Cromer, "Maker of Modern Egypt."

Other prominent Massachusetts men who have expressed their opposition
to woman suffrage are Governors Eben S. Draper, Curtis Guild, Jr., W. Murray
Crane (now United States Senator), Roger Wolcott, William E. Russell,
George D. Robinson and William Gaston, United States Senator Henry Cabot
Lodge, President A. Lawrence Lowell of Harvard University, President
Charles W. Eliot of Harvard University, President Franklin Carter of Williams
College, President Mark Hopkins of Williams College, President George
Harris of Amherst College, President Frederick W. Hamilton of Tufts
College, President Henry Lefavour of Simmons College, President L. Clark
Seelye of Smith College, President Albert P. Fitch of Andover Theological
Seminary, Principal Alfred E. Stearns of Phillips Exeter Academy, Bishop
William Lawrence, Archbishop William H. O'Connell, George G. Crocker,
Congressman William C. Lovering, Prof. Charles Eliot Norton, Major Henry
L. Higginson, John Fiske, James Ford Rhodes, Charles F. Donnelly, Judge
7

Francis C. Lowell, Charles Warren, Prof. Charles J. Bullock, Morgan Rotch, William D. Sohier, Rodney Wallace, Rev. Joshua P. Bodfish, Samuel J. Elder, Dr. Edward M. Hartwell, Arthur Lord, Charles T. Gallagher, Albert C. Houghton, William B. Plunkett, James M. Prendergast, John N. Cole, Henry L. Pierce, William F. Wharton, Solomon Lincoln, Henry M. Whitney, Rev. John O'Brien, Henry H. Sprague, T. Jefferson Coolidge, Thomas Russell, Prof. William B. Munro, Charles Francis Adams, Prof. Francis J. Child, Elisha Morgan, Jeremiah W. Coveney, Dr. J. Collins Warren, John R. Thayer, W. Lyman Underwood, Dr. Henry P. Walcott, Frederick P. Fish, Melvin O. Adams, James P. Munroe, Robert Winsor, Edwin F. Atkins, Theodore Lyman, John F. Fitzgerald, Dr. William L. Richardson, Walter Clifford, Timothy G. Spaulding, Robert Luce, John T. Burnett, Laurence Minot, John A. Sullivan, Moses Williams, Thomas L. Livermore, robert M. Morse, Levi J. Gunn, Dr. Walter Channing, Francis H. Appleton, Thornton K. Lothrop, Judge William C. Loring, Charles F. Choate, Arthur H. Lowe, Prof. F. Spencer Baldwin, Dr. William J. Councilman, Frank Foxcroft, Rev. Octavius B. Frothingham, Prentiss Cummings, Prof. William W. Goodwin, Congressman Robert O. Harris, Prof. Paul H. Hanus, William A. Gaston, District Attorney Richard W. Irwin, Dr. Dudley A. Sargent, Frederic J. Stimson and many others. 
WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN COLORADO.
"I have voted since 1893. I have been a delegate to the city and State conventions, and a member of the Republican State Committee from my county. I have been a deputy sheriff and a watcher at the polls. For twenty-three years I have been in the midst of the woman suffrage movement in Colorado. For years I believed in woman suffrage and have worked day in and day out for it. I now see my mistake and would abolish it to-morrow if I could.
No law has been put on the statute book of Colorado for the benefit of women and children that has been put there by the women. The child labor law went through independently of the women's vote. The hours of working-women have not been shortened; the wages of school-teachers have not been raised; the type of men that got into the office has not improved a bit.
Frankly, this experiment is a failure. It has done Colorado no good. It has done woman no good. The best thing for both would be if to-morrow the ballot for women could be abolished."
Mrs. Francis W. Goddard,
President of the Colonial Dames of Colorado.
December, 1910.
Printed by the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women.
Pamphlets and leaflets may be obtained from the Secretary, Room 615, Kensington Building, 687 Boylston Street, Boston, Massachusetts.
January, 1911.

AN ANTI-SUFFRAGIST CREED.
(Adapted from an article by the late Octavia Hill, the noted English philanthropist.)
I believe that men and women help one another because they are different, have different gifts and different spheres--and that the world is made on the principle of mutual help.
I believe that a serious loss to our country would arise if women entered into the arena of party struggle and political life. So far from their raising the standard, I believe they would let the power of helping to keep it up by their influence on the men who know and respect them.
I believe that political power would militate against their usefulness in the large field of public work in which so many are now doing noble and helpful service.
I believe this service far more valuable than any voting power would possibly be. You can double the number of voters and achieve nothing, but you have used up, in achieving nothing, whatever thought and time your women voters have given to such duties.
I believe that if women spend their time and heart and thought in the care of the sick, the old, the young and the erring; if they seek for and respect the out-of-sight, silent work which really achieves something, a great blessing is conferred on our country.
I believe there is enough of struggle for place and power, enough of watching what is popular and will win votes, enough of effort to secure majorities. If woman would temper this wild struggle let her seek to do her own work steadily and earnestly, looking rather to the out-of-sight, neglected sphere, and she will, to my mind, be filling the place to which by God's appointment she is called.
I believe that there are thousands of silent women who agree with me in earnestly hoping no Woman Suffrage measure will pass.
-----------------
All women in Cambridge over twenty-one years of age, who are opposed to woman suffrage are urged to ally themselves with this movement by sending their names for membership to the Secretary, 59 Fayerweather St.
An annual subscription of $1.00 constitutes a supporting membership.
The subscription price to the quarterly publication, The Remonstrance, 25 cents.
Supporting members receive The Remonstrance without charge.

1915
Women's Anti-Suffrage Association of Massachusetts
Cambridge Branch
Executive Committee
Mrs. Frank Foxcroft, Chairman, 25 Hillside Avenue.
Mrs. B. L. Robinson, 1st Vice Chairman.
Mrs. George Sheffield, 2nd Vice Chairman.
Miss Alberta M. Houghton, Treas., 58 Garden St.
Mrs. Charles B. Gulick, Sec'y., 59 Fayerweather St.
Miss Annie E. Allen
Mrs. Albert S. Apsey
Mrs. Wm. A. Bancroft
Mrs. Chas. F. Batchelder
Mrs. Sumner A. Brooks
Mrs. C. J. Bullock
Mrs. Edward S. Chapin
Mrs. John H. Corcoran
Mrs. George L. Dow
Mrs. A. W. Dudley
Mrs. Wm. B. Durant
Mrs. Richard B. Earle
Mrs. Woodward Emery
Mrs. Wolcott Fay
Mrs. C. W. Gerould
Mrs. J. J. Greenough
Mrs. Frank B. Hawley
Mrs. Phineas Hubbard
Mrs. Byron S. Hurlbut
Mrs. A. W. Jackson
Mrs. Chas. H. Lake
Mrs. Frank W. Merriman
Mrs. J. B. Millett
Mrs. Edgar Pierce
Mrs. Geo. W. Pierce
Mrs. Forrest C. Rivinius
Mrs. F. B. Sanborn
Mrs. Huntington Saville
Mrs. Seth Sears
Mrs. C. B. Seagrave
Miss Flora Benton Smith
Miss Katherine V. Spencer
Mrs. Harry N. Stearns
Mrs. C. P. Strong
Mrs. Edward C. Whiting
Mrs. J. Bertram Williams
Miss Emily Williston
Mrs. Harry J. Wood
Mrs. C. H. C. Wright

SUPPORTING MEMBERS
Miss Gertrude H. Aldrich
Miss Annie E. Allen
Miss Chrissie Ella Anderson
Mrs. Albert S. Apsey
Miss Helen W. Aubin
Miss Margaret Aubin
Mrs. H. R. Bailey
Mrs. Wm. A. Bancroft
Mrs. E. T. Barker
Mrs. Henry Bartlett
Mrs. Charles F. Batchelder
Miss Mary E. Batchelder
Mrs. Samuel Batchelder
Mrs. E. L. Beard
Mrs. Joseph J. Bedloe
Mrs. Stoughton Bell
Mrs. J. Q. Bennett
Miss Ruth Bennett
Miss Sarah C. Bent
Miss Caroline Bill
Mrs. Amos Benney
Mrs. C. H. Blackall
Mrs. Horae B. Blackmer
Mrs. Clarence J. Bodfish
Mrs. Warren K. Blodgett
Mrs. Edwin P. Boggs
Mrs. Frank Bolles
Mrs. Charles E. Boyd
Miss Anna A. Bradford
Miss E. H. Bradford
Miss Mary G. Bradford
Mrs. Elvira G. Brandau
Miss Jennie F. Brooks
Miss Sumner A. Brooks
Mrs. H. R. Brown
Mrs. Silas E. Buck
Mrs. C. J. Bullock
Miss Josephine F. Bumstead
Mrs. C. F. Bush
Mrs. Geo. W. Bunton
Mrs. Charles Butcher
Mrs. Charles H. Butcher
Mrs. Charles T. Carruth
Mrs. Hans L. Carstein
Mrs. Edward S. Chapin
Mrs. E. W. Childs
Miss Emily D. Chapman
Miss Annie B. Chapman
Mrs. Anna L. Cheney
Mrs. A. H. Child
Mrs. Edgar W. Childs
Mrs. H. L. Clark
Miss Eleanor Clarke
Mrs. George K. Clarke
Mrs. G. E. Close
Mrs. G. O. G. Coale
Mrs. M. H. Coburn
Miss Ruth Coit
Mrs. Frank G. Cook
Mrs. J. H. Corcoran
Miss Fanny Cushing
Miss Edith W. Cushman
Miss Sarah B. Cutler
Mrs. Frederick S. Cutter
Mrs. H. O. Cutter
Mrs. E. A. Darling
Miss Edith Davis
Mrs. Lewis Dawes
Miss Mary A. Day

Miss Helen E. Day
Miss Grace L. Deering
Mrs. H. C. Delano
Mrs. Arthur E. Denison
Miss Ellen M. Dennie
Mrs. George W. Dexter
Miss Mary D. Dexter
Mrs. D. T. Dickinson
Mrs. George L. Dow
Mrs. A. F. Drinkwater
Mrs. Augustus W. Dudley
Mrs. Charles T. Duncklee
Mrs. Warren H. Dunning
Mrs. Wm. B. Durant
Mrs. Warren P. Dustin
Mrs. Henry H. Edes
Mrs. H. O. Edgerton
Mrs. Walter Ela
Miss Mary Helen Ellis
Miss Marian C. Eliot
Mrs. Woodward Emery
Mrs. Frank T. Eustis
Mrs. Wolcott Fay
Mrs. Charles H. Fellows
Miss Cornelia B. Fiske
Mrs. John Fiske
Miss S. W. Fosdick
Mrs. Jabez Fox
Mrs. Frank Foxcroft
Miss Mary G. Foxcroft
Mrs. Frederick M. French
Mrs. Harriet Sears Fullerton
Mrs. C. W. Gerould
Mrs. W. P. Gerrish
Mrs. W. E. Gilmour
Mrs. Henry R. Glover
Mrs. Geo. L. Goodale
Mrs. F. M. Gray
Miss Caroline S. Greene
Mrs. J. B. Greenough
Mrs. J. J. Greenough
Mrs. Chester W. Grover
Mrs. Charles B. Gulick
Miss Jennie L. Hamilton
Mrs. Paul H. Hanus
Mrs. L. S. Hapgood
Mrs. F. W. Hastings
Mrs. Lewis M. Hastings
Mrs. Lester G. Hathaway
Mrs. Frank B. Hawley
Mrs. L. J. Henderson
Mrs. J. F. Hill
Mrs. W. H. Hill
Miss Augusta Hinkley
Miss G. Hinkley
Mrs. E. Y. Hincks
Mrs. John A. Hinsdale
Mrs. Lewis F. Hite
Mrs. W. B. Hodsdon
Miss Katherine Horsford
Miss Augusta M. Houghton
Miss Alberta M. Houghton
Mrs. H. O. Houghton
Mrs. James C. Houghton
Mrs. A. A. Howard
Miss Catherine McP. Howe
Mrs. Richard T. Howes
Mrs. Phineas Hubbard
Mrs. B. S. Hurlbut

Mrs. Jane G. Hutchinson
Miss E. P. Hyde
Mrs. A. W. Jackson
Mrs. Patrick Tracy Jackson
Mrs. H. J. Jaquith
Mrs. Frances W. Jenkins
Mrs. Reginald H. Johnson
Mrs. Walter G. Keene
Mrs. Stillman F. Kelley
Mrs. Ralph Keniston
Mrs. F. S. Kershaw
Miss Adelaide P. Kinnear
Mrs. G. L. Kittredge
Mrs. J. A. La Bonte
Mrs. C. H. Lake
Mrs. F. U. Lamson
Miss Harriette J. Landerkin
Mrs. Fred H. Leavitt
Miss Helen Leavitt
Mrs. Charles W. Locke
Mrs. Oscar R. Talon L'Esperance
Mrs. W. P. P. Longfellow
Mrs. A. Lawrence Lowell
Mrs. Elizabeth G. Lyon
Mrs. W. J. Mandell
Mrs. M. F> Marsters
Miss Georgie Marsters
Mrs. W. S. Martin
Mrs. Isaac McClean
Miss Elizabeth McCracken
Mrs. Edward McKernon
Miss Florence Michener
Mrs. A. L. Miles
Mrs. J. B. Millett
Mrs. John Mitchell
Mrs. Emily G. Moody
Mrs. Charles S. Moore
Mrs. Edward C. Moore
Miss Mary E. Moore
Miss Alice M. Morgan
Mrs. W. H. Murphy
Mrs. J. S. Murray
Mrs. George A. Nash
Mrs. Charles H. Nason
Mrs. Edward H. Newbegin
Mrs. James L. Paine
Miss Sarah Palfrey
Mrs. C. P. Parker
Miss Katherine Parsons
Miss Lucy A. Paton
Mrs. Bliss Perry
Mrs. Bradford H. Peirce
Mrs. Edgar Pierce
Mrs. George W. Pierce
Mrs. Charles F. Pousland
Miss Theresa Power
Mrs. David Proudfoot
Mrs. A. L. Rand
Mrs. Edward K. Rand
Mrs. Henry E. Raymond
Miss Eliza W. Redfield
Mrs. T. W. Richards
Mrs. W. M. Richardson
Mrs. Forrest C. Rivinius
Mrs. B. L. Robinson
Mrs. J. A. Rockwell
Mrs. E. H. Rudd
Mrs. J. B. Russell
Mrs. F. B. Sanborn
Mrs. Martin W. Sands
Mrs. W. F. Saul
Miss Carrie H. Saunders

Mrs. Henry M. Saville
Mrs. Huntington Saville
Mrs. Colin A. Scott
Mrs. C. B. Seagrave
Mrs. Seth Sears
Miss Theodora Sedgwick
Mrs. George Sheffield
Mrs. F. H. Sleeper
Miss E. L. Sleeper
Miss Alice D. Smith
Mrs. H. Porter Smith
Mrs. Walter C. Smith
Mrs. L. P. Soule
Mrs. James F. Spalding
Mrs. J. J. Spalding
Mrs. Walter R. Spalding
Mrs. H. M. Spelman
Mrs. C. W. Spencer
Miss Katherine V. Spencer
Miss Emma O. Stannard
Miss Genevieve Stearns
Mrs. Harry N. Stearns
Mrs. E. L. Stebbins
Mrs. Edmund H. Stevens
Mrs. Horace P. Stevens
Mrs. W. F. Stevens
Miss Elizabeth W. Storer
Mrs. Charles P. Strong
Mrs. G. A. Strong
Miss Harriet M. Swasey
Mrs. E. F. Taft
Mrs. F. W. Taylor
Miss Mabel Thomas
Miss Gertrude A. Thurston
Mrs. J. M. Thurston
Mrs. Thomas B. Ticknor
Miss A. Eugenia Tilton
Mrs. R. N. Toppan
Mrs. Crawford H. Toy
Mrs. Samuel Usher
Mrs. Horace J. Van Everen
Mrs. Benjamin Vaughan
Miss Bertha Vaughan
Miss Ethel Vaughan
Mrs. Charles Walcott
Mrs. Anna A. Walker
Mrs. R. DeC. Ward
Mrs. Herbert Langford Warren
Miss Winnifred B. Warren
Mrs. George B. Wason
Mrs. Wm. E. Weld
Miss Louise Wells
Miss Elizabeth L. Wentworth
Mrs. R. D. Weston
Mrs. Chas. B. Wetherell
Mrs. George C. Whipple
Mrs. Charles E. Whitemore
Mrs. Leo Wiener
Mrs. Edward R. Williams
Mrs. Henry M. Williams
Mrs. J. Bertram Williams
Miss Emily Williston
Mrs. George G. Wilson
Mrs. Lewis G. Wilson
Mrs. Harry J. Wood
Mrs. Walter Woodman
Mrs. J. A. Woolson
Mrs. C. H. C. Wright
Mrs. E. L. Wright
Mrs. Bruce Wyman
Mrs. Stephen E. Young

Vote NO on Woman Suffrage
BECAUSE 90% of the women either do not want it, or do not care.
BECAUSE it means competition of women with men instead of co-operation.
BECAUSE 80% of the women eligible to vote are married and can only double or annul their husbands' votes.
BECAUSE it can be of no benefit commensurate with the additional expense involved.
BECAUSE 53,000 more voting women than voting men will place the government of Massachusetts under feminine control.
BECAUSE it is unwise to risk the good we already have for the evil which may occur.

Household Hints
FROM
Women's Anti-Suffrage Association of Massachusetts
687 Boylston Street, Boston
Mrs. James M. Codman, President
Mrs. Charles P. Strong, Secretary
Votes of Women can accomplish no more than votes of Men. Why waste time, energy and money, without result?

Housewives! You do not need a ballot to clean out your sink spout. A handful of potash and some boiling water is quicker and cheaper. If new tinware be rubbed all over with fresh lard, then thoroughly heated before using, it will never rust. Rub vaseline into your patent leather shoes. It will preserve and polish them. N.B. Patent leathers are not suitable for hikes! Use oatmeal on a damp cloth to clean white paint. Control of the temper makes a happier home than control of elections. When boiling fish or fowls, add juice of half a lemon to the water to prevent discoloration. Celery can be freshened by being left over night in a solution of salt and water. Good cooking lessens alcoholic craving quicker than a vote on local option. Why vote for pure food laws, when you can purify your ice box with saleratus water? To shine cut glass, rub it over with a freshly peeled potato and then wash. Common sense and common salt applications stop hemorrhage quicker than ballots. Clean your mirrors with water to which a little glycerine has been added. This prevents steaming and smoking. Sulpho napthol and elbow grease drive out bugs quicker than political hot air. To drive out mice, scatter small pieces of camphor in cupboards and drawers. Pedlers and suffs are harder to scare. To remove shine from serge, sponge with hot water and vinegar and press in usual manner. Clean houses and good homes, which cannot be provided by legislation, keep children healthier and happier than any number of laws. Butter on a fresh burn takes out the sting. But what removes the sting of political defeat? Clean dirty wall paper with fresh bread. If an Anti swallows bi-chloride, give her whites of eggs, but if it's a suff, give her a vote. When washing colored hosiery, a little salt in the water will prevent colors from running. 
Spot Removers
The following methods for removing spots and stains will be found efficacious. There is, however, no method known by which mud-stained reputations may be cleansed after bitter political campaigns. 
Grass stains may be removed from linen with alcohol. Fruit stains may be removed in the same way, but hot alcohol works quicker. To remove axle grease, soften first with lard. Kerosene removes vaseline marks. Sour milk removes ink spots. Discolorations and stains on bath enamel may be removed by turpentine. Leather stains on light colored hosiery may be removed by borax. 

Man- Anti- suffrage cam

Of What Benefit to Woman?
The First Question
THE question of woman suffrage cannot be treated with indifference-- it is a practical question. If women are to assume the duty of suffrage, they must either add it to their other duties or lay aside other duties to take up this new duty. Would either be a good thing for women or for the community at large? "Rights" is a word of much sound, but little meaning-- since each one's rights stop where another's begin, if there be a conflict between them. We are to consider a question of rights, woman's rights, the suffragists call it, but let us look into it and we see a three-fold aspect: The rights demanded by the women who advocate suffrage; the rights of those women who oppose the movement; the rights of the community at large, the Commonwealth, the nation.
What the Suffragists Claim
The suffragists claim the franchise for women on the following grounds:-- First, That the right to vote is a natural and inherent one, of which they are deprived. Second, That women are taxed but not represented, contrary to the principles of free government. Third, That society would gain by the participation of women in government, in that they would purify politics; the cause of temperance would be promoted by their vote; woman's voice would abolish war; the franchise would be to woman an educational factor. Fourth, That women are physically and intellectually as capable of the duties of the franchise as are men. Fifth, That the fact that a majority of women do not wish the franchise is no reason for depriving a minority of an inborn right. 
Suffrage not a Natural Right
The first two proposals come under one head-- justice; the rest under a second-- expediency; and so we will consider them. As to the justice of their claim to an inherent, natural right of which they are deprived, we answer that the right of suffrage is not inherent or inalienable. Suffrage cannot be the right of the individual, because it does not exist for the benefit of the individual, but for the benefit of the state itself. A gift from nature must be absolute and not contingent upon

2
that state to prescribe qualifications, the possession of which shall be 
the test of right of enjoyment; and no restrictions of age or education 
could be put upon it, such as now exist. In prescribing limitations, 
the framers of the Constitution showed that they did not consider
suffrage an inherent right. The article of the bill of rights which 
refers to inalienable rights has nothing whatever to say about suffrage. 

The Ballot Needs Force Behind It 

     The suffragists claim that women are taxed without representation. 
Those advancing this argument exhibit their entire lack of understanding 
of the theories of taxation and suffrage. We have founded our 
government on manhood suffrage, not because our male citizens own 
more or less property, or any property at all, but because they are 
men; because behind the law must be the power of enforcing it. The 
insuperable objection to woman suffrage is fundamental and functional, 
and nature alone is responsible for it, since she has created 
man combatant and woman non-combatant. 
     The reason we have adopted as the basis of our political system 
the principle that the will of the majority must prevail over that of 
the minority is that we recognize the fact that the majority can, if the 
minority rebel, compel them to acquiescence. Therefore, suffrage has 
been given to men, because they can back laws by force enough to 
compel respect and observance. 

Voting Has Nothing To Do With Taxation 
     The possession of the ballot is in no sense dependent upon the 
fact that the voter pays taxes or owns property. A man who has no 
property has the same voice in voting as a millionaire. Property of 
a town, city, or state is justly liable for the current expenses of the 
government which protects such property. Woman's property receives 
exactly the same protection as man's, and she benefits as much thereby; 
there is therefore no injustice to her. A vote would not protect 
her property, since two women with no property interests could more 
than annul her vote by theirs. There is not a single interest of woman 
which is not shared by men. What is good for men - what protects 
their interests also protects woman's interests. 

The Question of Expediency 
     Since women have not - for men have not - any natural right to 
vote, and cannot claim it on the ground of taxation without representation, 
it remains to be seen whether they can demand it on the ground 
of expediency. Will the franchise extended be women - first, benefit 
the whole community? second, gain definite benefits for women, which 
cannot be obtained in the existing order of things? 
     The remonstrants to woman's suffrage cannot find stated in all the 
suffragists' arguments one definite, certain benefit to result to either 
state or women. On what grounds of expediency do the suffragists

3
demand the ballot? First, that society would gain because woman 
would reform politics. The cause of temperance would be promoted 
by their vote. Woman's voice would abolish war. Second, that 
women would gain, since the ballot would be to them an educational 
factor, and that through the ballot the problem of woman's wages 
would be solved. 

Would Women Reform Politics? 
     Would women reform politics? Let us see! In our country where 
manhood suffrage exists it follows that, if suffrage belongs to women 
at all, it belongs to all; suffrage must be given to all women or none, 
and such is the final proposition of the suffragists. If the franchise 
were granted to women in the United States, all women of legal age, 
sound mind, and not disfranchised for special causes (now applying 
to men) could vote; not only the intelligent and those unburdened 
by home and business duties, but all women without respect to 
character or intelligence. 

What Would Women Gain? 
     We come to the question of the gain to woman personally. Is there 
anything to be gained which cannot be brought about with the existing 
franchise? The suffragists say: First Women will be educated by 
the ballot. Second, The problem of woman's wages will be solved. In 
regard to their first claim we need only ask, Has the ballot proved of 
much educational value to men; then what are the probabilities as 
regards women? 

As To Woman's Wages 
     The problem of woman's wages! The ballot could not help the 
working girl in the way the suffragists claim, since legislation affects 
the business of the country only in a general way, helping or hurting 
all the workers alike in any special industry. The question of wages 
is one of supply and demand simply! So the general wages of the women 
will always depend greatly on the amount of skill acquired by 
the mass of them. What especially affects woman's wages is the temporary 
character of her work! 49 3/10 per cent. of female workers are 
under 25 years of age; 32 4/10 per cent. of female workers are under 21 
years of age, as determined by government investigation. You see 
what this means, that the ranks are constantly being filled up with 
raw, untrained girls, while those who have attained some degree of 
skill are constantly dropping out. The natural expectation of every 
normal girl should be that sooner or later she will marry and leave 
her work; therefore, there is not that incentive that men have to 
become highly skillful. 
     The problem, therefore, resolves itself into this - how to regulate 
justly the distribution of wages between a sex which works throughout 
life and a sex which works with only temporary expectations, 

4
looking toward withdrawal in a few years from the labor market, and
withdrawing to take with it its acquired skill, leaving only inexperience
in its stead. The wiser of the suffragists acknowledge that the
suffrage will not of itself solve the problem of wages, dependent as it 
is on other than political considerations.

The Majority or the Minority

There remains one argument for granting woman the suffrage,
namely, that the fact that a majority of women do not wish to vote
is no sufficient reason for depriving a minority of an inborn right.
This argument contains the gist of the whole question, that is,
wherein the demands of the suffragists and the anti-suffragists clash.
We have shown their error in claiming the franchise as an inherent
right, but even were we to grant that such a right existed, it would 
still be perfectly within the power of the State to deprive women of
this right, if by granting it the general good would be imperiled. The
State holds authority to deprive citizens of the right of property, of
liberty, of life itself, if the common weal demand it. The family is the
safeguard of the State, and the granting of the suffrage to women
tends to weaken this mainstay of the nation by bringing into it elements
of discord and disunion; therefore, the State would be more 
than justified in denying women even an inherent right which might
prove thus disastrous.

Why the Majority of Women do not Want the Ballot

We contend that a majority of women believe that their inherent
rights and privileges would suffer if the duty of voting were imposed
upon them, for the following reasons: Because suffrage involves office-
holding, which is inconsistent with the duties of most women; because
they feel that their obvious duties and trusts --- as sacred as any on
earth --- already demand their best efforts; because the duties cannot
be relegated to others; because political equality will deprive woman
of special privileges hitherto accorded to her by law; because they
hold that the suffrage would lessen rather than increase their influence
for good.
Suffrage involves office-holding. If women vote, they ought also
to hold office, and assume the working duties incident to office. A
system which tends to the dissolution of the home is more perilous to
the general good than any other form of danger, and office-holding is,
on the face of it, incompatible with woman's proper discharge of her
duties as wife and mother.
Many women there are, it is true, who are not wives and mothers;
and, if women vote, there will be more of them, but laws are made for
the average individual, and the average woman is occupied in her house
with the cares of a wife, a mother, and a home-maker.
The trusts of woman now are as sacred as any on earth, and man
cannot relieve her of them. If, therefore, he demands of her participation
in such duties, political or general, as his natural constitution

5
fits him for, while he cannot relieve her of those most necessary
duties which nature demands of her, he commits toward her a monstrous
injustice. This is what imposing the suffrage on women would
amount to; for if woman may vote she must vote. It is a mere
sophism to say that the simple dropping of a ballot is all that is required
of her. If the suffrage is extended to women, they must accept
it as a duty, bringing to bear on it the conscientious spirit which they
bring to bear on their present life problems.

Rights and Exemptions Given by Massachusetts Law to 
Women and not to Men (1909).

Under the Common Law and the Laws of the United States and of
Massachusetts many rights and exemptions are given to women which
are not given to men.
Citizenship is acquired more easily by women than by men, as "All
persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the
jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State
wherein they reside" (U. S. Const. 14th Am.), and "Any woman who
is now and may hereafter be married to a citizen of the United States
and who might herself be lawfully naturalized shall be deemed a citizen."
--- U. S. Compiled Statutes, sec. 1994.
Women are not obliged to do jury duty.--- R. L. ch. 176, sec. I.
Women are not allowed to do military duty.--- Acts 1905, ch. 465,
sec. 2.
Women are not obliged to pay a poll tax. --- R. L. ch. 12, sec. I.
The property of a widow or of an unmarried woman above the age
of twenty-one years to the amount of $500 is exempt from taxation
provided her whole taxable estate does not exceed $1000. --- R. L. ch.
12, sec. 5, cl. 9.
Women, by residing in a city or town for five consecutive years, and
married women if their husband have settlements, will gain settlements,
entitling them to support in case of need in such city or town,
although they have paid no taxes. Men, on the other hand, must pay
taxes three out of five consecutive years of residence in order to gain
such settlement. --- R. L. ch. 80, sec. I, cls. 1 & 6.
Women who are employees are exceptionally provided for and protected 
by the statutes regulating labor. --- R. L. ch. 106, secs. 36-41;
Acts 1904, ch. 397; Acts 1907, ch. 413; Acts 1908, ch. 645.
In general the welfare of women and children has been increasingly
regarded. - Acts 1905, ch. 251; Acts 1905, ch. 269; Acts 194, ch 
397; Acts 1907, ch. 413; Acts 1907, ch. 367.
Women are exempt from arrest in civil actions except for tort, but
after judgment has been obtained against them they may be committed
for contempt of court upon failure to pay. --- R. L. ch. 168, sec. 3.
Married women are exempted from punishment for many criminal
and tortious acts committed by them in the presence of their husbands,
there being "a presumption of law that acts done by the wife in the
immediate presence of her husband are done by her under coercion

6
from him." In the absence of evidence to rebut this presumption the
husband is held and the wife excused. --- 145 Mass. 307.
A husband is bound to support his wife and children, and is liable
for debts incurred by his wife in the purchase of necessaries. --- 101
Mass. 78; 114 Mass 424. See also R. L. ch. 212, sec. 45 as amended
by Acts 1905, ch. 307.
During the pendency of a libel for divorce, the court may require
the husband to pay into court an amount which will enable the wife
to defend or maintain the libel, and may require him to pay the wife
alimony during the pendency of the libel. --- R. L. ch. 152, sec. 14.
A justice of the Superior Court may, if he deems it advisable, appoint
an attorney to investigate and report to the Court in relation to
any suit for divorce or any suit to have a marriage declared void, and
may direct such attorney or any other attorney to defend the suit. ---
Acts 1907, ch. 390.
The rights of the husband and wife in relation to the control of their
minor children have been made substantially equal, and now in any
controversy between the parents relative to the final possession of the
children, the welfare and happiness of the children shall determine
their custody or possession. --- R. L. ch. 152, sec. 28.
A married woman may now hold both real and personal property
free from the control and debts of her husband. --- R. L. ch. 153, secs.
1 & 7.
A married woman may now make contracts and sue and be sued,
except that husband and wife cannot make contracts between themselves
or sue each other. --- R. L. ch. 154, secs. 2-6.
A married woman may now carry on business on her own account.
--- R. L. ch. 153, sec. 10.
The wife upon the decease of her husband may remain in his house
for six months without being chargeable for rent. --- R. L. ch. 140,
sec. I.
The wife upon the decease of her husband may be given an allowance
for necessaries out of his property. The amount of this allowance
is fixed by the Probate Court according to her circumstances and
condition in life, and is paid to her in preference to the payment of his
debts. --- R. L. ch. 140, sec. 2.
Aside from these advantages to the wife, the rights of the surviving
husband or wife in the property of the one who has deceased are now
practically the same. If there is no will, or if the provisions of the
will have been waived, the husband or wife, if there are issue
surviving, will take one third of the personalty and realty; if there are no
issue surviving, then the husband or wife will take $5000 and one half
of the residue of the personalty and one half of the realty. --- R. L.
ch. 140, sec. 3. See 201 Mass. 59.
Woman's Influence Without The Ballot
From this summary it will be seen that without the ballot women
have obtained more than mere justice.
We oppose the suffrage for women, because we feel that we have 
more influence without it. There is not a single subject in which

7
woman takes an intelligent interest in which she cannot exert an influence
in the community proportionate to her character and ability.
If the suffrage movement were to disband to-day and no woman ever
vote, not a single great interest would suffer. None of woman's wife
philanthropies would be harmed; women's colleges would be unaffected;
the professions would continue to give diplomas to qualified women;
tradesmen would still employ women; good laws would not be repealed,
and bad laws would be no more likely to be framed; literature
would not suffer; homes would be no less secure; woman's civic work
would not cease.
The influence of woman standing apart from the ballot is immeasurable.
Men look to her then (knowing that she has no selfish, political 
interests to further) as the embodiment of all that is truest and
noblest. She has influence with all parties alike; if a voter, she would
have only the influence of her own party, even the women's vote being
divided against itself. We believe that it is of vital importance that
our sex should have no political ends to serve.
In whatever tends to protect and elevate woman, to secure her 
rights in the true sense of the word, to open up to her new paths of
usefulness, all true-hearted men will join with women. In such work
there is no difference of purpose.
Childhood is hers to influence and mold; and what greater power
for good could there be given her? Let all true women, loyal citizens
of our republic, look to the best performance of the private and public
trusts which are naturally theirs, striving for no false "equality," since
there is no question of comparison between men and their duties and
women and theirs. They are not "like in like" but "like in difference,"
each supplementing the other, rising or falling, but always
together.
---
Issued by the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension
of Suffrage to Women.
Pamphlets and leaflets may be obtained from the Secretary,
Room 615,
Kensington Building,
687 Boylston Street, Boston, Mass.

Mrs. Shaw
LIBRARY.
Boston Equal Suffrage Association for Good Government 6 MARLBOROUGH STREET. BOSTON. XII
A NEW OBJECTION. ONE REASON WHY WOMAN SUFFRAGE WOULD MAKE TROUBLE. (From the BOSTON HERALD.)
Friends of town government should think twice before they encourage the movement in favor of granting municipal suffrage to women. Most of the discussion on this subject assumes that the duty of women admitted to the suffrage would be merely to vote, by ballot, for municipal officers. In cities, this would be the case. In towns, however, the voter does much more than this. His principal duty is to attend town meetings, and to take part in discussion and in legislation on town affairs. To admit women to the suffrage would be to double the number of voters in every town. The effect of this on government by town meeting would be disastrous. Towns may become cities when they have attained a population of 12,000. This means a voting list of between 1,500 and 2,000. When the number of voters exceeds 1,500, the number attending town meeting is liable to be too great for the efficient management of affairs, and relief is sought by a change in the form of government. At present, every place of over 12,000 inhabitants, except one, has become a city. To double the number of voters would necessitate a change in the limits from 12,000 to 6,000. This could not be done without amending the Constitution of the State. Until this is done, towns of moderate size, of from 8,000 to 10,000 inhabitants, would suddenly find themselves with a list of 2,000 to 3,000 voters. Even if only the usual proportion attended town meeting,-- and it is impossible to tell how many women would do their duty, and whether more or fewer men would go on account of the attendance of the women,-- town government under these conditions would be next to impossible. The town halls would not be large enough to contain the voters. If made large enough, they would be too large for the purpose. Intelligent discussion of town affairs by a body of 1,000 men and women is an impossibility. If the Constitution were amended, so as to allow towns of 6,000 inhabitants to become cities, the situation would be equally grave. There are now thirty-eight towns of over 6,000 inhabitants; by the time this amendment could take effect there would doubtless be fifty. Even if only forty of these were forced to become cities, these, added to the present thirty-two, would make seventy-two cities in Massachusetts-- more than a fifth of the 353 cities and towns. Has town government proved such a failure, and city government such a success, that this serious change should be forced upon the leading towns of the Commonwealth?-- C.
Printed by the Massachusetts Association opposed to Extension of Woman Suffrage. Pamphlets and leaflets may be obtained from the Secretary of the Association, MRS. ROBERT W. LORD, 56 St. Stephen Street, Boston

PUBLIC LETTER BOX THE TOY THEATRE EPISODE.
To the Editor of The Herald: Your suggestion in the editorial concerning "Mr. Crocker's Anxiety," that a brief letter throwing any light upon the subject would be welcome gives me courage to come out with a public apology to the committee in charge of the anti-suffrage entertainment recently given at the Toy Theatre. I have already apologized privately. Anything more than a friendly joke was never intended. As 90 per cent, at least, of my friends are antis, including my husband and favorite sister, it has never occurred to me to consider the difference as anything to quarrel about. Really "suffrage literature" was not "circulated," only a little slip was offered in the foyer, headed "Compliments of the Management, etc.," and reading: the The conservative element in the community in incalculably valuable. It consists almost exclusively of those fortunate persons who have had the best of the opportunities and privileges which the present order has to offer. Cultivation, refinement and sensitive taste are its qualities. When the radicals win for all women the right and responsibilities of full citizenship, this conservative element will continue to be immeasurably useful and precious. The chairman of the committee asked that it should not be given out next day, as it said such nice things about the antis she feared that there would be confusion in people's minds-- they would think she had written it! JANE W. GALE. Boston, March 23.
On Tuesday, March 16, 8 p.m. At CITY HALL Dr. Ernest Bernbaum Of Harvard University Will Tell You "WHY THE MEN OF MASS. WILL DEFEAT EQUAL SUFFRAGE" At the Polls 
You are interested if you are "on the fence." 
"" "" "" a suffragist.
"" "" "" an anti-suffragist.
"" "" "" a woman.
"" "" "" a man. 
You are of necessity included in one of these classifications, so YOU ARE INTERESTED, and cordially invited to hear this talk. Mass. Assn. Opposed to Further Extension of Suffrage to Women. 8-11-12-15

AN ANTI-SUFFRAGIST CREED
(Adapted from an article by the late Octavia Hill, the noted English philanthropist.)
I believe that men and women help one another because they are different, have different gifts and different spheres-- and that the world is made on the principle of mutual help. I believe that a serious loss to our country would arise if women entered into the arena of party struggle and political life. So far from their raising the standard, I believe they would lose the power of helping to keep it up by their influence on the men who know and respect them. I believe that political power would militate against their usefulness in the large field of public work in which so many are now doing noble and helpful service. I believe this service far more valuable than any voting power would possibly be. You can double the number of voters and achieve nothing, but you have used up, in achieving nothing, whatever thought and time your women voters have given to such duties. I believe that if women spend their time and heart and thought in the care of the sick, the old, the young, and the erring; if they seek for and respect the out-of-sight, silent work which really achieves something, a great blessing is conferred on our country. I believe there is enough of struggle for place and power, enough of watching what is popular and will win votes, enough of effort to secure majorities. If woman would temper this wild struggle let her seek to do her own work steadily and earnestly, looking rather to the out-of-sight, neglected sphere, and she will, to my mind, be filling the place to which by God's appointment she is called. I believe that there are thousands of silent women who agree with me in earnestly hoping no Woman Suffrage measure will pass. Issued by the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women. Pamphlets and leaflets may be obtained from the Secretary, Room 615, Kensington Building, 687 Boylston Street, Boston, Mass. MAY, 1914. 
15

A PESSIMISTIC VIEW 
To the Editor of The Herald: 
     An interesting example of how politics 
is being purified and is likely to be 
purified by the participation of women 
is furnished by the controversies now 
going on between the two parties 
into which the women of Boston are for 
the moment divided. 
     The suffragists have issued statements 
in the daily papers to the effect 
that the anti-suffragists have been playing 
"dirty tricks" upon them by accusing 
them of giving indecent dances. The 
anti-suffragists have issued similar 
statements, accusing the suffragists of 
playing "dirty tricks" upon them, and 
of a breach of a contract by the circulation 
of suffrage literature at an anti-suffrage 
entertainment  in a theatre 
hired by the antis from a prominent 
suffragist. 
     This reminds one of the old times 
when one male party in a caucus accused 
the other of "holding the rail" 
and of other "dirty tricks." 
     Such happenings as this make one 
hesitate to accept at full value the 
claims of those ladies who assert that 
if the ballots is given to them their undivided 
attention and energies will be 
given to reform and the purification of 
politics.  GEORGE U. CROCKER. 
Boston, March 22. 

Mass. Ass. O.T.F.E of S. to W

Mrs. Florence Kelley.
Mrs. Kelley is a prominent leader of the Women's Lobby and was chairman of its Sub-Committee for the Maternity Act. She has been President of the Inter-collegiate Socialist League (now calling itself the League for Industrial Democracy) which has done so much to spread socialist and communist propaganda in our colleges. She has been a member of the faculty of the Rand School of Socialism. She was trained in Europe in the principles of Communism by Friedrich Engels, co-founder with Karl Marx of modern communism, and has translated his writings. The Workers' Monthly (Communist) published in October and November 1925 and December 1926, a series of letters written by Engels to Mrs. Kelley in 1886 instructing her how Communism should be developed in the United States. In May 1887 she delivered a powerful communist address to the New York Collegiate Alumnae, urging them to prepare themselves for philanthropic work by a study of its underlying philosophy, in the writings of Marx, Engels and Bebel, the three great European Communists whose books contain the most vicious attacks on the institution of the family every published until Madame Kollontay came on the scene in Soviet Russia.
A cause may be judged by its leaders. The fact that the Woman's Lobby selects these women as the representatives by which it wishes to be judged is significant.
Are organized women satisfied with this leadership?
Are you content to be represented at Washington as supporting measures sponsored by this Lobby and backed by socialists and communists throughout the country?
If not, make it known to the local, state and national leaders of the organizations to which you belong.
It is high time for a new
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
by the organized women of the United States.
Speaking of the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the "Cincinnati Enquirer," Sunday, February 27, 1927 says:
"Women are beginning to realize what damage can be done in the name of the greatest woman's organization in this country. On the contrary, this great organization can be made to make a mighty contribution for good in American life today. As has been said in this column before, the granting of suffrage to women changed the face of women's clubs all over the country and made of them mighty potentialities in the political life of America. Under the influence of the unscrupulous or even that of an enemy of this country, the women's clubs of America could wreck the greatest experiment in representative government made upon the face of the earth."
(Issued by the Massachusetts Public Interests League, Inc. 210 Newbury St., Boston, Mass., March, 1927).

WHAT EVERY WOMAN SHOULD KNOW
A MESSAGE TO ORGANIZED WOMEN
THE average woman knows nothing about the Women's Lobby at Washington, although she may belong to one or more organizations which are a part of it, and although it may claim to represent her as one of its constituents in urging measures before Congress of which she has never heard.
This condition is a menace to good government, and it is therefore of serious importance that organized women should know the facts, and realize their own responsibility in relation to this lobby.
Much valuable information is contained in a pamphlet issued by this lobby, (which calls itself the Women's Joint Congressional Committee) under the title:
"ORGANIZED WOMEN AND THEIR LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM, 
AS REPRESENTED BY THE WOMEN'S JOINT 
CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE
by
Mrs. Maud Wood Park, Former Chairman,
with foreword by
Mrs. John D. Sherman, Chairman."
It cites the following 22 organizations as belonging to the Women's Joint Congressional Committee:
American Association of University Women.
American Federation of Teachers.
American Home Economics Association.
American Nurses Association.
Council of Women for Home Missions.
General Federation of Women's Clubs.
Girls' Friendly Society in America.
Institute Fraternity, Medical Women of the American Institute of Homeopathy.
Medical Women's National Association.
National Association of Colored Women.
National Committee for a Department of Education.
National Congress of Parents and Teachers.
National Consumers' League.
National Council of Jewish Women.
National Council of Women.
National Education Association.
National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs.
National League of Women Voters.
National Women's Christian Temperance Union.
National Women's Trade Union League.
National Board of Young Women's Christian Associations.
Service Star Legion.

This pamphlet says: "Whenever any piece of legislation is called for by five or more organizations, a sub-committee, composed of the legislative representatives of the supporting organizations is formed for the promotion of that bill." It states that the Sheppard Towner Act (Maternity Act) was passed owing to the efforts of women's organizations. Mrs. Florence Kelley was chairman of the sub-committee which worked for the Maternity Act, which after five years' trial has been repealed. 
     The pamphlet says that the Lobby is at work in behalf of the Child Labor Amendment and a Department of Education with federal aid to the states. 
     The passage of these two measures would mean an enormous increase in size, power and expense of the Bureaus at Washington which are already a heavy burden on the tax payers and a serious menace to local self-government. They would place the entire youth of the United States in the power of bureaus created by political appointment and responsible to no one!
     The demand of the Federal Department of Education first appeared in the Socialist Party Platform for 1908. 
     Prof. J. Gresham Machen of Princeton has well said: "If Liberty is not maintained with regard to education, there is no use trying to maintain it in any other sphere. If you give the bureaucrats the children, you might just as well give them everything else." 
     This pamphlet issued by the Lobby attacks the critics of the Lobby for "trying to destroy the faith of the women of America" in such leaders as Mrs. Raymond Robins, Miss Grace Abbott, Miss Jane Addams and Mrs. Florence Kelley, "with the epithet of 'bolshevist' or 'communist.'"
A glance at the record of these women sheds light on the justice of this charge of Communism, as well as on their qualifications for leadership of American women. 

Mrs. Raymond Robins.
     The Chicago Tribune of May 20, 1907 said: "Mrs. Raymond Robins led thirty seven hundred cheering, boisterous Socialist, Anarchists, trade unionists, members of liberal societies and sympathizers through down town streets in a demonstration designed to create sympathy for W. D. Haywood, Charles Moyer, George Pettibone, leaders of the Western Federation of Miners of trial in Idaho charged with the murder of former Governor Sternberg." 
     This demonstration by Mrs. Robins was so radical that, according also to the Chicago Tribune, John Fitzpatrick, the radical leader of Chicago, declined to take part in it.
     Mrs. Robins has been President of the National Women's Trade Union League which according to testimony of James P. Holland, President of the New York State Federation of Labor in 1919, had "adopted resolutions in favor of the Soviet government" and for the previous year or two had been "a tail to the Socialist kite." 
     Mrs. Robbins has served as chairman of the "Women In Industry" committee of the 
League of Women Voters. 

Miss Jane Addams.
     Miss Addams is President of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. Many of the foreign women connected with this organization are radical leaders in their own countries. The League has declared itself for "the gradual abolition of property privileges." At its International Congress in Zurich, it adopted a resolution urging women to refuse to support their own governments in case of war. On page 8 of "Resolutions passed at the Third Congress of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, Vienna, July 10-17, 1921," (published by the League itself), these words occur: "This Congress expressly declares that it abides by Resolution 37 of the Zurich Congress, namely that: This International Congress of Women, recognizing that a strike of women against war of all kinds can only be effective if taken up internationally, urges the National Sections to work for an international agreement between women to refuse their support of war in money, work, or propaganda." This is widely known as the "slackers' oath."
     Hull House, the Chicago Settlement founded by and presided over by Miss Addams, is a great gathering place for socialists and communists. On May 17, 1926 Miss Addams presided at an anti-militarist conference at Hull House, attended by delegates from her own League (the W. I. L.), the Young Workers' League, (communist) Freiheit Youth, (communist) Inter-Racial Youth Forum, (communist) and other radical organizations. On March 13, 1927 a mass meeting was held at Hull House under the auspices of the Centralia Defense Committee of the I.W.W. This meeting was to urge the release of the I. W. W.'s imprisoned for the murder of members of the American Legion at Centralia, Washington. Miss Addams' name may be seen on the letterhead of many radical organizations among those of such socialists and communists as Eugene V. Debs, William Z. Foster, Victor Berger, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Morris Hillquit and others. 
     The Chicago Herald of May 8, 1917 quoted Miss Addams as saying: "We should have a central distribution system for the world, administered by a commission located at Athens, Greece. This commission should have charge of the food of the world and should prescribe the treatment of the people of the world." This would mean a world wide dictatorship, directed from Athens instead of Moscow. 

Miss Grace Abbott.
     Miss Abbott was trained under Jane Addams at Hull House. She is consultative member of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. She is head of the Children's Bureau which has administered the Maternity Act, recently repealed by Congress. She favors the doing away with the fortifications of the Panama Canal. For further information about Miss Abbott, see the Congressional Record of May 31. 1924.

Northampton.
Mrs. A. L. Williston, Mrs. L. Clark Seelye.

Orange.
Mrs. J. W. Wheeler.

Peabody.
Miss H. C. Allen, Mrs. F. C. Merrill,
Mrs. H. K. Foster, Mrs. J. C. Rogers,
Mrs. G. H. Little, Mrs. G. F. Sanger.
Mrs. Samuel Crane Lord,

Pittsfield.
Miss Anna L. Dawes, Mrs. H. M. Plunkett.

Quincy.
Mrs. John Quincy Adams, Mrs. Thomas A. Whicher.

Salem.
Mrs. S. E. Peabody, Mrs. Chas S. Tuckerman.
Mrs. John Pickering,

Sandwich.
Mrs. Jonathan Leonard.

Sheffield.
Mrs. Charles O. Dewey, Mrs. Catherine C. Leonard.
Miss Mary R. Leonard,

South Lancaster.
Mrs. John Ware.

Springfield.
Mrs. Clara T. Leonard.

Swampscott.
Miss Katherine L. Lodge.

Taunton.
Mrs. Charles T. Hubbard, Miss Sarah B. Williams.
Miss Harriet Newbury,

Waltham.
Mrs. William E. Bright.

Williamstown.
Mrs. O. M. Fernald.

Worcester.
Miss Josephine Aldrich, Mrs. Elizabeth T. Lincoln,
Mrs. Frederick J. Barnard, Mrs. Winslow S. Lincoln,
Miss Isabel Crompton, Miss Lucy Lewisson,
Mrs. Edward L. Davis, Mrs. Thomas C. Mendenhall,
Mrs. Francis A. Gaskill, Mrs. Charles F. Marble,
Mrs. W. S. B. Hopkins, Mrs. Nathaniel Paine,
Mrs. Frank C. Huidekoper, Miss Mary Thurston Rice,
Miss Sarah B. Hopkins, Mrs. Samuel Utley,
Mrs. Francis B. Knowles, Miss Sarah Weiss,
Miss Frances M. Lincoln, Mrs. John D. Washburn.

[*Mrs. Shaw P 05 15*]

1897
Standing Committee of Massachusetts Association Opposed to Further Extension of Suffrage to Women.

Amherst.
Mrs. William F. Stearns, Mrs. Benj. W. Emerson.

Andover.
Mrs. Egbert C. Smyth, Mrs. George Harris.

Belmont.
Mrs. John G. Palfrey.

Beverly.
Miss E. P. Sohier, Miss Asenath Woodberry.

Boston
Mrs. Robert Amory, Miss Amy M. Homans,
Mrs. C. W. Amory, Miss Susan Hale,
Mrs. T. B. Aldrich, Miss E. R. Hooper,
Mrs. P. C. Brooks, Mrs. E. M. Hartwell,
Mrs. Causten Browne, Mrs. Reuben Kidner,
Mrs. Martin Brimmer, Mrs. Channing Lilly,
Mrs. J. L. Bremer, Mrs. Francis C. Lowell,
Miss Sarah H. Crocker, Mrs. A. Lawrence Lowell,
Mrs. Charles R. Codman, Mrs. James J. Minot,
Mrs. B. F. Calef, Miss Madeleine C. Mixter,
Mrs. George G. Crocker, Mrs. S. J. Mixter,
Miss Katherine E. Conway, Mrs. Henry Parkman,
Mrs. James M. Crafts, Mrs. William L. Parker,
Mrs. Charles P. Curtis, Miss Frances C. Prince,
Miss Helen Collamore, Miss E. S. Parkman,
Miss Mabel D. Clapp, Mrs. James Reed,
Mrs. J. Randolph Coolidge, Mrs. Robert S. Russell,
Mrs. J. Randolph Coolidge, Jr. Mrs. Thomas Russell,
Mrs. Lorin F. Deland, Mrs. G. H. Shaw,
Miss Mary E. Dewey, Mrs. Philip H. Sears,
Mrs. George Derby, Mrs. William T. Sedgwick,
Mrs. L. S. Dabney, Mrs. Henry Saltonstall,
Mrs. Walbridge A. Field, Mrs. Frederick C. Shattuck,
Mrs. R. H. Fitz, Mrs. R. M. Staigg,
Mrs. J. Murray Forbes, Mrs. Francis P. Sprague,
Miss Alice Farnsworth, Mrs. Darwin E. Ware,
Mrs. Curtis Guild, Mrs. Nathaniel Walker,
Mrs. Curtis Guild, Jr, Mrs. Charles T. White,
Miss Frances C. Goodwin, Mrs. F. A. Whitwell,
Mrs. John C. Gray, Mrs. Kate Gannett Wells,
Mrs. I. T. Hoague, Mrs. Frederick Winsor,
Mrs. R.M. Hodges, Miss Mary P. Winsor,
Mrs. J. F. Hunnewell, Mrs. Barrett Wendell,
Miss Heloise E. Hersey, Miss Lucy R. Woods.

LIBRARY
Boston Equal Suffrage Association
for Good Government
6 MARLBOROUGH STREET, BOSTON.
XII 1 [??] 1897

Braintree.
Miss Elizabeth Johnson,
Mrs. S. W. Thorndike
Brookline.
Mrs. J. Elliot Cabot,
Mrs. James M. Codman,
Mrs. Frederick Cunningham,
Mrs. Prentiss Cummings,
Miss Emily G. Denny,
Mrs. Charles E. Guild,
Mrs. A. J. George,
Mrs. R. H. Howe,
Mrs. Theodore Lyman,
Mrs. A. H. Latham,
Mrs. Edward S. Philbrick,
Miss Agnes Blake Poor,
Miss Lucy T. Poor,
Mrs. David Hall Rice,
Mrs. William W. Swan,
Miss Bessie Scudder,
Mrs. James A. Saxe,
Miss Susan T. Storey,
Miss Maria Storrs,
Miss Adele G. Thayer,
Mrs. Moses Williams,
Mrs. Henry M. Whitney,
Mrs. Charles P. Ware.
Cambridge.
Miss Maynard Butler,
Mrs. Charles Eliot,
Mrs. James C. Fisk,
Mrs. John Fisk,
Mrs. Frank Foxcroft,
Miss Mary B. Foote,
Mrs. Arthur Gilman,
Mrs. William W. Goodwin,
Miss E. .H Houghton,
Miss Sarah S. Jacobs,
Miss M. A. McIntire,
Miss Carrie H. Saunders.
Chestnut Hill.
Mrs. Arthur B. Denny,
Mrs. Richard M. Saltonstall.
Chicopee.
Mrs. George D. Robinson.
Clinton.
Mrs. Henry N. Bigelow.
Cohasset.
Mrs. William S. Bryant,
Mrs. Charles A. Gross.
Danvers.
Mrs. E. W. Atkins,
Mrs. William C. Endicott,
Mrs. E. A. Kemp,
Mrs. Francis Peabody,
Mrs. E. J. Powers,
Mrs. Arthur S. Rogers,
Miss Natalie Rice,
Mrs. L. P. H. Turner.
Dedham.
Miss Mary Balch Briggs,
Mrs. Waldo Colburn,
Mrs. Winslow Warren.
Dorchester.
Miss Ann A. Bradford,
Mrs. Charles F. Dewick,
Miss Cornelia H. Meyrick,
Mrs. Wm. H. Sayward.
Falmouth.
Mrs. Henry Herbert Smythe.
Fitchburg.
Mrs. Charles E. Ware.
Framingham.
Mrs. Z. B. Adams,
Miss M. E. Holbrook,
Miss Susan J. Hart,
Mrs. Adelia M. Parker.
Gloucester.
Mrs. J. W. C. Downs, 
Mrs. J. O. Proctor.

Greenfield.
Mrs. George Twitchell.
Groton.
Mrs. John Lawrence,
Mrs. Nelson Shumway,
Mrs. Endicott Peabody.
Miss Elizabeth K. Caryl.
Hingham.
Miss A. M. Bradley,
Miss Lucy Lewis,
Mrs. J. H. Robbins,
Mrs. John Winthrop Spooner.
Hopedale.
Mrs. C. H. Colburn
Mrs. Eben S. Draper.
Holyoke.
Mrs. C. W. Ranlet.
Jamaica Plain.
Miss Hannah A. Adam,
Miss Phebe G. Adam,
Miss Elizabeth B. Comyns,
Mrs. Herbert L. Harding,
Mrs. Henry R. Stedman.
Kingston.
Mrs. Henry M. Jones.
Lawrence.
Mrs. Harold Melledge.
Lexington.
[Mrs. George S. Jackson.]
Lowell.
Mrs. J. P. Bradt.
Lynn.
Miss Maria L. Johnson.
Marblehead.
Mrs. B. W. Crowninshield.
Mattapan.
Miss Anna Farrar Clary.
Medford.
Mrs. W. B. Lawrence.
Melrose.
Mrs. George L. Morse.
Milton.
Mrs. Francis S. Fiske,
Mrs. Horace A. Lamb
Mrs. Oliver W. Peabody,
Miss Emma F. Ware.
Nahant.
Mrs. J. T. Wilson.
New Bedford.
Miss Julia Delano.
Newburyport.
Mrs. John F. Pearson.
Newton.
Mrs. Isaac T. Burr,
Mrs. Chas. C. Burr (Auburndale),
Mrs. Robert R. Bishop (Newton Centre),
Mrs. H. E. Bothfeld,
Mrs. John W. Carter, (West Newton),
Mrs. George Linder,
Mrs. T. B. Lindsay (West Newton),
Mrs. Robert W. Lord,
Mrs. Lincoln R. Stone,
Miss M. C. Worcester (Newtonville),

LIBRARY.
Boston Equal Suffrage Association
for Good Government
6 Marlborough Street, Boston.
Imao  1897

[* [?] Shaw
P
05
6*]

Second Annual Report
of the
Massachusetts Association Opposed to the
Further Extension of Suffrage to
Women.
1897.

MASSACHUSETTS ASSOCIATION OPPOSED
TO THE
FURTHER EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE TO WOMEN.

OFFICERS:
President, Mrs. J. ELLIOT CABOT, Clyde Street, Brookline, Mass.
Vice-Presidents, Mrs. CHARLES E. GUILD, Edge Hill Road, Brookline, Mrs. HENRY M. WHITNEY, Boylston Street, Brookline.
Secretary, Mrs. ROBERT W. LORD, 56 St. Stephen St., Boston.
Treasurer, Mr. LAURENCE MINOT, 39 Court Street, Boston.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:
Mrs. JAMES M. CODMAN, Walnut Street, Brookline, Mass.
Mrs. C. H. COLBURN, 228 Beacon Street, Boston.
Mrs. J. RANDOLPH COOLIDGE, 147 Beacon Street, Boston.
Miss SARAH H. CROCKER, 319 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston.
Mrs. JAMES C. FISK, 32 Quincy Street, Cambridge, Mass.
Mrs. C. D. HOMANS, 184 Marlborough Street, Boston.
Miss ELIZABETH HOUGHTON, 1000 Massachusetts Avenue, Cambridge.
Miss ELIZABETH JOHNSON, Weymouth, Mass.
Mrs. FRANCIS C. LOWELL, 159 Beacon Street, Boston.
Mrs. PHILIP H. SEARS, 85 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston.
Mrs. G. H. SHAW, 23 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston.
Miss E. P. SOHIER, 79 Beacon Street, Boston.

HONORARY MEMBERS OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:
Mrs. OLIVER W. PEABODY, Milton, Mass.
Mrs. JAMES M. CRAFTS, 59 Marlborough Street, Boston.
The present membership of this Association is 3575, representing 121 cities and towns.


REPORT OF THE SECRETARY
TO THE STANDING COMMITTEE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS ASSOCIATION OPPOSED TO THE FURTHER EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE TO WOMEN.
AT the close of this, the second year of the existence of the Association, it is certainly a matter for mutual congratulation that we can truly say we made no mistake in organizing. The result has justified those who took the initiative in calling for a Standing Committee; and the general and prompt response of that Standing Committee gave the first impetus to the work that has been carried on by your Executive and other committees since that time. What might have been considered in the first months of its existence in the nature of an experiment is no longer one, but an accomplished fact,--a force to be met, a power to be considered, an organization recognized both East and West, wherever the subject of woman suffrage comes before the people or the State.
To many of you this may seem an extreme statement; for our legislative work, from its very nature, must be done by the few, and therefore is less well known than our educational and constructive work, which can be done by the many. But this statement may be justified by facts later on. These three divisions are the main lines by which the work has been carried on. There is always an opportunity for educational and constructive work, but the legislative work is generally a matter of special exigency, requiring prompt and careful action. The first matter of great importance that came before your Executive Committee, after the annual meeting of 1896, was with regard to sending a representative to the Republican National Convention at St. Louis. Mrs. Pruyn, of Albany, President of the First Auxiliary Society of the New York State Association, felt the great importance of some opposition being made to the woman suffragists, who were there in large numbers to petition the Committee on Resolutions. On her own responsibility she induced Mrs. Crannell, of Albany, to appear for the anti-suffragists. The New York State Association promptly supported her

2
by telegrams to their New York delegates; and we did the same by sending to the delegates from Massachusetts our approval of Mrs. Crannell's position. She appeared alone before the Committee on Resolutions; and by her courage in representing the opponents of women suffrage, and her skill in stating her arguments, she enlisted the sympathy and interest of the committee; and a mere general approval of woman's work was substituted for the more special woman suffrage resolution originally offered to the committee.
A great number of woman suffragists were in St. Louis at the time holding conventions; but they had divided counsels, and many of them were entirely surprised at the opposition of the Eastern societies, as expressed by Mrs. Crannell. She therefore accomplished a double object, by direct opposition to woman suffrage, and by making our cause known. Encouraged by her success, the New York and Massachusetts Associations agreed that her appearance before the Committee on Resolutions at the Chicago convention was also important; and Mrs. Crannell went there, where she was even more successful than at St. Louis, no recognition whatever being given to the suffragists.
During the summer and early fall, the correspondence of your secretary was mainly with a view to more active work in the winter. The necessity of a more thorough organization of Boston and its suburbs had been realized for some time, but had been delayed by the pressure of work in other parts of the State. The membership for Boston proper was very small in comparison with some of the other cities and towns. A Suffolk County Committee was formed and took this matter in charge, and the result is an excellent Boston Committee, and also one in Dorchester, Their work is just begun, but already shows signs of success. The formation of these committees has been brought about partly by personal interviews and correspondence and partly as the result of parlor meetings.
These parlor meetings are an important factor in our work; and next to gaining new members for our Association, no one, perhaps, can do more for the cause than by giving us an opportunity to have such a meeting in her neighborhood. There have been four meetings held in private houses in Boston since January, and also a large meeting at the Vendome, where Mrs. Crannell gave a graphic account of her visit at St. Louis, and also read an interesting paper.

3
In Brookline, Cambridge, Auburndale, Wellesley, Dorchester, Taunton, Worcester, Amherst, Andover, and Groton, meetings have been arranged for us by ladies in those towns who sympathized with the anti-suffrage cause; and we owe them special thanks for the opportunity of presenting our views and making known our aims and object. In every instance interest has been aroused, new members gained, and the seed sown which may bear fruit yet more abundantly. We have also immediate prospect of holding meetings in Ashmont, Clinton, Framingham, and other places.
Before leaving the subject of meetings, the chairmen's meeting held in March should be mentioned. Many useful hints as to methods of work were gained from those ladies who have been most active on the Branch Committees. From one branch we have adopted the twenty-name card; from another, the idea of a time limit when giving out postal cards; from another, the excellent plan of asking members of a Branch Committee to report regularly once a month t their secretary; from another, the possible canvassing of towns, according to the postal routes. We commend these methods to your notice.
Several of our Branch Committees have been very active this winter, notably Worcester, where, up to last fall, for various reasons, comparatively little had then been effected. At that time the energetic and able chairman of the committee took up the work, and in these few months a strong interest has been aroused in what has been supposed to be a strong suffrage centre, several meetings have been held, and there is a large and still growing membership.
The committee in Taunton have done also a great deal of most thorough and systematic work in canvassing the town to find those women who are opposed to woman suffrage, and report 915 as so opposed.
Newton continues the work begun there two years ago. Her list of annual subscribers, by which she was enabled to send the sum of fifty dollars to the treasurer last fall, after paying local expenses, should have special mention.
Brookline and Cambridge have also held several meetings, and added materially to their members.
The year has been fruitful in adding to our literature a number of new and important papers, some of them so timely, as regards the present status of woman suffrage, and so well adapted for

4
general reading, that they have been printed in quantities for wide
distribution, and may always be obtained from the secretary.
Many of you know "Tested by its Fruits," "Arguments for
Woman Suffrage Considered," "Some Remarks on the Pending
Propositions for Presidential, Municipal, and License Suffrage for
Women, made before the Committee on Election Laws." Besides
these, there have been practical and thoughtful papers written by
members of the Association, which are read at the parlor meetings,
and always arouse the interest, and often the deepest sympathy,
of the hearer. To those men and women who have given
us of their time and thought we owe a large debt.
The great event of the year - the crucial test of our influence,
of our ability for active work - comes when the Legislature meets.
Each year the woman suffragists appear on Beacon Hill and ask
for the ballot, in one form or another; and it is our duty to meet
and oppose them until such time as our legislators become convinced
that the majority of women do not want to vote, or until
that happy day comes when the suffragists themselves cease to
appear. But we must not depend on that, for Miss Blackwell
herself said this winter that they had been coming there for
thirty years, and should come every year until they were given
what they asked for; therefore, if we ever hope to rest from our
labors, it must be by becoming an organization so strong in numbers
and influence as to be practically masters of the field. To
this end we work, and for this end we hope.
As I have said, the legislative work is generally of pressing
exigency and requires most careful thought. During the present
session of the Legislature - 1897 - several distinct and separate
suffrage measure have been brought before the House: first, one
for a constitutional amendment striking out the word "male,"
which was reported favorably by the committee, and was defeated
by so small a vote in the House, that the suffragists took much
heart and petitioned again for municipal and license suffrage,
the most difficult of all questions to meet. At the hearing given
to the petitioners before the Election Laws Committee, members of
your Executive Committee and others of the Association appeared
as remonstrants, - a necessity most repugnant to all their instincts
and habits, but a duty which they cheerfully and successfully
fulfilled; for the committee reported adversely to the petition
of the suffragists. and. when voted by the House, the vote was
larger in opposition than on the constitutional amendment.

5
The preparation for, and the appearing at, these hearings does
not, however, represent a tithe of the legislative work that must
be done every year in bringing our Association before the Legislature
as a body to be reckoned with; and this brings me back to
the statement made earlier in this report, that we are a force to
be met, a power to be reckoned with, and an organization recognized
both East and West. The facts that prove this are that the
"Remonstrance," our yearly paper, has been sent to the Legislatures
of Arizona, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois,
Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska,
Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Dakota, Ohio, Pennsylvania,
South Dakota, Minnesota; to the constitutional convention
of Delaware, the newspapers throughout Iowa and Massachusetts,
- to the number of 3588. Besides this, other pamphlets to
the Legislatures of South Dakota, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana,
and the Senates of California and Missouri; also to the Boston,
New York, Illinois, and Massachusetts daily papers, - to the
number of 1308, besides all the documents supplied to our own
Legislature. This represents a large scheme of work and a wide
circulation of literature, but does not include the correspondence
of your secretary and of other members of the Executive Committee
with people in other States, who often write, asking for
information and for the publications of the Massachusetts Association.
Your Executive Committee have felt the need in their work of
a more definite form of organization than we have had heretofore.
To this end a committee was appointed from the Executive to
frame a code of By-Laws for the better government of the Association.
They have given much time and thought to this most
important work, and the result will be presented for your approval
this afternoon. The State Organization Committee, the Educational
Committee, and the Press Committee have all worked
actively throughout the year; and by thus systematizing and
separating the different kinds of work better results have been
obtained. Reports from these committees will be offered for your consideration. 
The statistics of the Association, as it exists at present, are
as follows: Total membership 3575, representing 121 cities and
towns; 13 branch committees, with their own officers.
Mrs. Charles E. Guild, the secretary of the Association, has
been obliged to resign her office; but as a member of the Executive

6
tive and the Press Committees, and chairman of the Suffolk
County Committee, we still have the aid of her valuable counsel 
and advice. 
Our hope for the coming year is a large increase of our Branch 
Committees in cities and towns, who will reach out to other towns
in their immediate neighborhood, and so thoroughly organize the
whole State. This is most imperative and necessary, in order that 
we may be so organized at home that we may feel justified in
extending our work to other States, where there is great need of 
just such an association, and where the women apparently are
ready for it, and only lack the encouragement and the help that
this Association might give if it had more workers and larger
funds. The necessity for continued and active work will also be
recognized by every one who realizes the constant and increasing
efforts of the suffragists,-their large organization, with its many
branches. To meet their efforts we must be instant in season
and out of season. We deplore the necessity for the semi-public
position that we must take in order to preserve for ourselves the 
right to live apart from public life; but the necessity is here, and
no woman should remain passive in the face of a matter of such 
vital importance, not only to herself, but to the whole State. We
need the courage of our convictions, and, to quote from an able
paper by one of our members, "it perhaps takes as much courage 
to be conservative in these days as it required to be progressive 
twenty-five years ago."

Our opportunities are all about us : all we need is a little zeal 
and courage to say the first word. The response is often immediate, 
and we find sympathy where we perhaps least expected it. 

To our own Standing Committee we must appeal for aid in this
constructive and educational work. Two hundred women can do
eight times the work that twenty-five can do; and if we could
adopt the chain system of each woman pledging herself to interest
one other woman, we might soon find Massachusetts completely
organized, and be able to extend a helping hand to our sisters in 
other States. Are we not justified in hoping that another year
will put us on such a footing?
ELLA G. LORD, 
Secretary


7
TREASURER'S REPORT.
DR. 
Salaries . . . $846 50
Printing . . . 362 36
Typewriter . . . 100 00
Expenses of Speakers . . . 99 73
Traveling Expenses . . . 6 83
Room Rent . . . 61 00
Expenses of Literary Work . . . 111 34
Copying . . . 6 45
Postage, Stationery, and Miscellaneous . . . 166 50
Balance, cash on hand . . . 25 70
$1786 41

CR. 
Balance, May 1, 1896 . . . 294 28
Subscriptions of $100 . . . 300 00
Subscriptions of $50 . . . 250 00
Subscriptions of $25 . . . 225 00
Subscriptions from $10 to $20 . . . 228 50
Subscriptions less than $10 . . . 89 00
Miscellaneous . . . 123 63
Thos. Russel, Treasurer Mass. Suffrage Ass. . 276 00
1786 41
LAURENCE MINOT, 
Treasurer. 

May 6, 1897.    E. & O. E. 
BY-LAWS. 
1. The name of the society shall be: The Massachusetts Association 
Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women. 

MEMBERS.
2. Any woman living in Massachusetts, and over twenty-one
years of age, may become a member of the Association by sending 
her name to the General Secretary, or to the Secretary of any
Branch Association.

STANDING COMMITTEE.
3. There shall be a Standing Committee of all persons who
signed the original call for the Association, of the Officers and

8
Executive Committee, of the Chairmen of the several Branch Committees, and of such other persons throughout the State as may be approved by the Executive Committee. 
The Standing Committee shall meet annually in May to hear the reports of the Executive Committee and of the Treasurer; for the election from their own number of Officers, and an Executive Committee for the ensuing year and for such other business as may come before them.
OFFICERS.
4. The Officers shall be a President, two Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, and a Treasurer.
The President shall call meetings when necessary, shall preside at them, and shall have the general oversight of the work. In case of the absence or disability of the President and Vice-Presidents, a Chairman pro tempore may be appointed, The President shall be ex officio a member of the various committees.
The Secretary shall keep records of all meetings, shall send notices of the Annual and of Executive Committee meetings, take notes of the same, either herself or by an assistant, correspond with Branch Committees, and in general be the means of communication between Executive Officers and Committees.
The Treasurer of the Association shall be elected annually at the meeting of the Standing Committee, shall receive all money contributions, shall pay bills duly approved by the Secretary, shall make an annual report to the Association, and present a statement to the Executive Committee quarterly, or oftener if requested. The Treasurer may have authority to appoint an Assistant Treasurer, subject to the approval of the Executive Committee.
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
5. The Executive Committee shall hold office for one year, or until their successors are appointed, shall conduct the business of the Association, shall hold meetings monthly, or as often as shall be deemed necessary, and shall appoint sub or special committees at discretion.
A vacancy may be filled by the vote of a majority of the Executive Committee, who shall appoint a special committee to nominate a new member and report at the next meeting. 
Five shall constitute a quorum, unless otherwise ordered.


9
The officers of the Executive Committee shall be the President, the Vice-Presidents, and the Secretary of the Association.
Members of the Committee who have served two years or more, and who do not desire reëlection, may be regarded as Honorary Members of the Executive Committee.
SUB-COMMITTEES.
6. Three Sub-Committees, on Organization, Printing, and Education, shall be appointed yearly by the Executive Committee and specials committees may also be appointed at any time.
BRANCH COMMITTEES.
7. Branch Committees may be formed in cities and towns at the discretion of the Executive Committee.
Each Committee shall have a Chairman and a Secretary, who shall report to the General Secretary at intervals agreed upon between the Secretary and each Branch Committee.
8. These By-Laws may be amended at the request of the Executive Committee at any Annual Meeting, or at a special meeting of the Standing Committee called for the purpose by the President, Due notice of any proposed change must be sent at least a week before the meeting to each member of the Standing Committee, and not less than twenty-five members must vote upon the proposed amendment.

Pamphlets and leaflets may be obtained from the Secretary of the Association.
MRS. ROBERT W. LORD,
56 St. Stephen Street, Boston.

[*Mrs. Shaw*]
[*P*]
[*05*]
[*A 25*]

MASSACHUSETTS ASSOCIATION OPPOSED
TO THE
FURTHER EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE TO WOMEN.

OFFICERS:
President, Mrs. J. ELLIOT CABOT, Clyde Street, Brookline, Mass.
Vice-Presidents, Mrs. CHARLES E. GUILD, Edge Hill Road, Brookline,
Mrs. HENRY M. WHITNEY, Boylston Street, Brookline.
Secretary, Mrs. ROBERT W. LORD, 56 St. Stephen St., Boston.
Treasurer, Mr. LAURENCE MINOT, 39 Court Street, Boston.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:
Mrs. JAMES M. CODMAN, Walnut Street, Brookline, Mass.
Mrs. C. H. COLBURN, 228 Beacon Street, Boston.
Mrs. J. RANDOLPH COOLIDGE, 147 Beacon Street, Boston.
Miss SARAH H. CROCKER, 319 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston.
Mrs. JAMES C. FISK, 32 Quincy Street, Cambridge, Mass.
Mrs. C. D. HOMANS, 184 Marlborough Street, Boston.
Miss ELIZABETH HOUGHTON, 1000 Massachusetts Avenue, Cambridge.
Miss ELIZABETH JOHNSON, Weymouth, Mass.
Mrs. FRANCIS C. LOWELL, 159 Beacon Street, Boston.
Mrs. PHILIP H. SEARS, 85 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston.
Mrs. G. H. SHAW, 23 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston.
Miss E. P. SOHIER, 79 Beacon Street, Boston.

HONORARY MEMBERS OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:
Mrs. OLIVER W. PEABODY, Milton, Mass.
Mrs. JAMES M. CRAFTS, 59 Marlborough Street, Boston.

on is 3574, representing 121 cities

LIBRARY.
Boston Equal Suffrage Association
for Good Government
6 MARLBOROUGH STREET, BOSTON.
XII, b

2
The officers of the Association are a president, two vice-presidents,
a secretary, and a treasurer, who, with an Executive Committee, are
elected annually by the Standing Committee, which meets in May.
This Standing Committee consists of the members who signed the
original call to the Association, the chairmen of the Branch Committees,
and any other persons who, for special interest or service,
may be elected as members.
This Association was formed to oppose the further extension of
political duties to women. It represents the belief that the ballot is
not necessary to equality of position or of influence; that nature has
established the basis for the present division of labor between men and
women; and that the general suffrage of women would involve a dangerous 
political change and social readjustment. The Association is
in full sympathy with the highest ideals of educational and professional
opportunities for women, and it claims that these can best be
attained without her ballot.
Believing it to be the duty of every woman who is opposed to
woman suffrage to testify to her opinion, this Association gives her the
opportunity.
Three Kinds of work.
 The work of this Association is of three kinds. The
legislative, which provides that the views of the opponents
of women suffrage shall be properly presented to
Legislative work.
members of the Legislature, and includes the sending
to them of literature; the appearance of speakers befaré
special legislative committees; the employment of
counsel when necessary to oppose suffragist petitions;
and the endeavor on the part of constituents to keep
their legislators informed of the anti-suffrage opinions
of their own neighborhood.
Educational work.
The educational work seeks to increase general
interest in this subject, and to educate and stimulate
public opinion to an opposition based on intelligent
conviction, by means of articles in the public press and
magazines, by short addresses or lectures, and the gathering
of audiences to listen to them, or to extemporaneous
speakers, and by the collection and distribution
of these articles and addresses in printed leaflets
and pamphlets.
Constructive work.
The constructive work, which must include more or
less educational work, aims to extend the organization
throughout the State by increasing the membership,
and establishing a system of Branch Committees which
shall work, each in its particular locality, in any and all
of these three lines of activity, and pre-eminently for
the increase of membership, as it is most important that 
the latent anti-suffrage sentiment of the State, in order
to be effective, should make itself felt through a strong
and formal organization.

3
Membership.
Any woman of twenty-one or over may join the Association,
and thereby only pledges herself as in sympathy
with its creed and work. In joining, no publicity
is incurred, as the names of members are kept on file
for reference only.
Fees, subscriptions, and donations. 
No annual fee is required for membership. Every
member is, however, urged, when it is within her power,
to give some active aid to the Association, either in
gaining new members or in money contribution. Any
sum, however small, will be most gratefully received;
and annual subscribers are particularly desired, as
thereby a certain fixed income is assured.
How to organize and form a committee.
The best way to start a committee in any locality
has been found to be as follows: To first call together,
by personal invitation or note, in some private house, a
small number of women (who may previously have been
interested in the subject by reading literature or by
conversation) to listen to an explanation of the aim and
work of the Association, by a speaker whom the Executive
Committee will gladly send. As a result of
that meeting (either at the time or later) a committee
called a "Branch Committee" of three or more should
be chosen, with power to add to their number, two of
whom will consent to serve as chairman and secretary.
The best number for a Branch Committee is not less
than three nor more than seven. When practicable, it
is wise to have a representative from every church in
the community on this committee, as thereby the communication
with the whole people is more easily established.
It is also recommended that the committee have
regular monthly or bi-monthly meetings, to which the
active associate workers shall be expected to send a
report of work done. These Branch Committees should
be to surrounding towns and villages what the Executive
is to the Branch Committees, - a centre for reference
and information.
Further steps in organization.
A larger meeting should soon be called, where again
the Executive Committee would provide speakers, to
which the women of the community, except the pronounced
suffragists, should very generally be asked;
and at that meeting those present should be urged to become
members, and to take membership postal cards
to gain new members. A paper for signatures of those
present, membership postal cards, and literature for distribution
should be provided, and will be furnished by
the secretary to any applicant.
Membership cards.
The membership postal cards are of two sizes, one
having room for twenty and the other for ten names,

4
and contain explicit directions for their use.  In giving 
out these cards it is advisable to a set a definite date for 
their return ; and if a name or two can be obtained to 
head the list, it may often be easier for a new worker to 
get the card filled.

Solicitation of 
names of members.
   In the systematic canvass of any locality for membership, 
it is desirable to divide it into definite parts (the 
postal routes for example, have been successfully used 
in one town), to call in sufficient number of helpers, 
and to have a carefully prepared list of suffragists.  By 
these means the visitors are spared the awkwardness of 
calling on people who are unknown to them, or whose 
sentiments are not known. 

Finances.
  It is hoped that the Branch Committees may find it 
possible to raise money enough to pay their own expenses, 
and to send an annual contribution, however 
small, to the general treasury.

Hints of methods 
of work.
   All unnecessary friction with suffragists is deplored. 
Public debates have been tried, and the result, in the 
judgment of the Executive Committee, has been to 
excite ill feeling, and to make few converts for either 
side.  Our work must be pushed steadily and quietly, 
without malice toward those who differ from us ; and 
out aim must be to gain our members, not through instinct 
or prejudice, but from intelligent conviction ; and 
our converts should be from every walk in life, -- the 
professional woman, the bread-winning woman, as well 
as the so-called woman of leisure. 

The relation of 
the Executive to 
Branch Committees 
and members. 
  The Executive Committee wishes to leave its Branch 
Committees and the members of the Association the 
widest liberty for work and action compatible with a few 
very broad and general limits.  They are ready at any 
time to give any member advice or help, to send literature 
and speakers on application, and to take a hearty 
interest in the work and workers everywhere.  They 
will have regular communication with Branch Committees 
through quarterly reports made by those committees, 
and will also welcome informal and unofficial 
correspondence. 

By-Laws and annual 
publications.
    A copy of the By-Laws of the Association will be 
sent to any member on application.  And a paper, "The 
Remonstrance," and a Report are printed yearly and 
sent to every member of the Association.

   The present membership of this Association is 3575, representing 
121 cities and towns.
   Pamphlets and leaflets can be obtained from the secretary, Mrs. 
Robert W. Lord, 56 St. Stephen Street, Boston.

Massachusetts Association Opposed to the 
Further Extension of Suffrage to Women 
Members Name
............................
Street 
............................
Town
...........................
Returned by 
............................
Return to Room 615, Kensington Building, Boston.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
WEST NEWTON
   Mrs. Enoch C. Adams
   Mrs. John S. Alley
   Mrs. Charles H. Ames
   Miss Josephine Carpenter
   Mrs. John W. Carter
   Mrs. W. B. H. Dowse
   Miss Dorothy Dowse
   Mrs. Clifton H. Dwinnell
   Mrs. George Hutchinson 
NEWTON
   Mrs. H. H. Bothfeld
   Mrs. Charles H. Breck
   Mrs. Andrew B. Cobb
    Mrs. John T. Lodge
   Mrs. Frank. W. Stearns
   Mrs. Lincoln R. Stone
   Mrs. Alonzo R. Weed
   Miss Grace Weston
NEWTONVILLE
   Mrs. Wallace C. Boyden
   Mrs. Calvert Crary
   Mrs. Edward K. Hall
   Mrs. E. E. Hopkins
    Mrs. Ellen P. Kimball
   Mrs. W. H. Luca
   Mrs. W. C. Richardson 
   Mrs.George H. Talbot
   Mrs. George H. Wilkins
NEWTON CENTRE
   Mrs. Arthur C. Badger
   Mrs. Joshua M. Dill
   Mrs. Frank M. Forbush
   Mrs. George A.Holmes
   Mrs. Charles E. Kelsey
   Mrs. Elmer W. Nutting
   Mrs. Frederick S. Woods

OFFICERS 
President
MRS. JAMES M CODMAN
Vice- Presidents
MISS ANNA L. DAWES, MISS AGNES IRWIN, MRS. CHARLES E. GUILD, MRS. FRANCIS C. LOWELL, MRS. CHARLES D. HOMANS, MRS. ROBERT S. RUSSELL, MRS. HENRY M. WHITNEY
Treasurer. pro tem.
MRS. JAMES M. CODMAN
Recording Secretary
MISS E.C. POST
Corresponding Secretary 
MRS. CHARLES P. STRONG
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
THE OFFICERS AND MISS MARY S. AMES, MRS. HENRY P. KIDDER, MRS. ROBERT S. BRADLEY, MRS. HERBERT LYMAN, MRS. J RANDOLPH COOLIDGE, MRS. WILLIAM L. PUTNAM, MRS. EDWARD B. COLE, MRS. B.L. ROBINSON, MISS SARAH H. CROCKER, MRS. R.M. SALTONSTALL, MISS ELIZABETH H. HOUGHTON, MISS EVELYN SEARS, MISS ELIZABETH JOHNSON, MISS ELIZABETH P. SOHIER, MRS. BARRETT WENDELL
Members must be 21 years of age or over. For pamphlets and information address the Secretary. Room 615, Kensington Building, 687 Boylston St., Boston, Mass. 

THE West Newton, Newtonville, Newton and Newton Centre branch committees of the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women, request the pleasure of your company on Monday evening, May 26th, at 8 o'clock, in Players' Hall, West Newton. Addresses will be made by the Hon. John A. Sullivan, of Boston, and Mrs. A.J. George, of Brookline, in the interest of Anti-Suffrage. Mr. Charles E. Kelsey, of Newton Centre will preside. Mrs. JOHN W. WEEKS, Chairman for West Newton, Mrs. MARCUS MORTON, Chairman for Newtonville, MRS. FRANK A. DAY, Temporary Chairman for Newton, Mrs. ELLIS SPEAR< JR., Chairman for Newton Centre (OVER)

ON TUESDAY, APRIL 20th, 1915, at the HOTEL SOMERSET, at 1 o'clock, there will be a Luncheon immediately preceding the Annual Meeting of the Anti-Suffrage Association. This Luncheon will be for Members only. Tickets may be had by applying to Mrs. A. H. PARKER, Room 615, 687 Boylston Street.

1909
Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women
MEMBERS IN 245 CITIES, TOWNS AND VILLAGES OF THE STATE
THIRTY-FIVE BRANCH COMMITTEES
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
PRESIDENT
Mrs. G. HOWLAND SHAW.
VICE-PRESIDENTS
MRs. J. RANDOLPH COOLIDGE.
Miss ANNA L. DAWES.
Mrs. CHARLES E. GUILD.
Mrs. CHARLES D. HOMANS.
Miss AGNES IRWIN- Radcliffe Dean
Mrs. HENRY M. WHITNEY.
TREASURER
Mrs. JAMES M. CODMAN, Brookline.
RECORDING SECRETARY
Miss ELIZABETH JOHNSON.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY
MRs. CHARLES P. STRONG.


EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE - Continued

Miss MARY S. AMES.
Miss E. MCCRACKEN.
Miss SARAH H. CROCKER. 
Miss L.C. POST.
Mrs. GORHAM DANA. 
Mrs. B.L ROBINSON.
Miss KATHARINE E. GUILD.
Mrs. R.M. SALTONSTALL.
Miss ELIZABETH H. HOUGHTON. 
Miss ELIZABETH P. SOHIER. 
Miss SARAH E. HUNT. 
Mrs. HENRY M. THOMPSON. 

HONORARY MEMBERS OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Mrs. JAMES M. CRAFTS
Mrs. OLIVER W. PEABODY.
Mrs. FRANCIS C. LOWELL.
Mrs. PHILIP H. SEARS. 
Mrs. WM. T. SEDGWICK. 

     This Association has been organized by women who believe that a systematic resistance should be made to the appeals and claims of woman suffragists, and who desire to educate public opinion to an opposition based on intelligent conviction. 
     The work of the Association includes the collection and distribution of pamphlets on the subject, the promotion of publicity by means of lectures and written articles, as well as the presentation to the legislature, when occasion demands, the remonstrances against the passage of suffrage measures. 
     In view of the decisive vote of November, 1895, when only four per cent of the women of Massachusetts called for the suffrage, it seems not unfair to say that the vast majority of the women of the state, indifferent or unwilling, is in danger of having the ballot thrust upon it by a minority numerically insignificant. This minority is, however, outspoken and aggressive. Women who neglect to express their dissent from suffrage views must expect to find themselves misrepresented by their more active opponents. It becomes of the utmost importance, therefore, that those who believe that the enfranchisement of woman is undesirable, should make themselves heard. 
     All women in Massachusetts over twenty-one years of age, who are opposed to woman suffrage, are urged to ally themselves with this movement by sending their names for membership to the Secretary, 615 Kensington Building, Boston. An annual fee of twenty-five cents entitles each member to the quarterly publication of the Association, The Remonstrance. 
2


STANDING COMMITTEE

Amherst.
Mrs. George Harris. 
Mrs. Edward Hitchcock. 

Andover.
Mrs. George W.W. Dove. 
Miss Emily A. Means. 
Mrs. Harold Melledge. 
Mrs. Alfred E. Stearns. 

Arlington.
Mrs. I.T. Hunt

Barnstable. 
Mrs. David Crocker. 

Barre.
Miss L.E. Jenkins. 

Bedford. 
Mrs. George B. Blinn. 

Belmont. 
Mrs. Edwin F. Atkins. 
Mrs. H.A. Clark. 
Mrs. George P. Gilman
Mrs. C.F. Hartt. 
Mrs. M. B. Horne. 
Mrs. John G. Palfrey. 

Beverly. 
Mrs. W.C. Boyden. 
Mrs. Francis Norwood. 
Miss E.P. Sohier. 
Miss Asenath Woodbury. 

Billerica (North). 
Mrs. Frederick C. Clark. 

Boston.
Mrs. T.B. Aldrich. 
Mrs. Thomas Allen. 
Mrs. C.W. Amory. 
Mrs. Robert Amory. 
Mrs. Judith W. Andrews. 
Miss Jessie F. Beale. 
Mrs. Arthur M. Blair. 
Mrs. John L. Bremer. 
Miss Anna N. Brock. 
Mrs. P.C. Brooks. 
Mrs. Herbert W. Burr. 
Mrs. B.S Calef. 
Miss Julia Carey. 
Mrs. M.L. Cate. 
Mrs. Robert F. Clark. 
Miss Anna Farrar Clary. 
Mrs. Benjamin E. Cole. 
Miss Helen Collamore. 
Miss Lisbeth B. Comins. 
Miss Katharine E. Conway. 
Mrs. J. Randolph Coolidge. 
Miss Mary E. Corbett. 
Mrs. James M. Crafts. 
Mrs. George G. Crocker. 
Miss Sarah H. Crocker. 
Mrs. S.V.R. Crosby. 
Mrs. Charles P. Curtis
Mrs. Charles P. Curtis, Jr. 
Mrs. Lorin F. Deland. 
Miss Mary E. Dewey. 
Mrs. Charles F. Dewick. 
Miss Frances J. Dyer. 
Miss Alice Farnsworth. 
Mrs. Walbridge A. Field. 
Mrs. R.H. Fitz. 
Mrs. J. Murray Forbes. 
Mrs. Julia F. Francis. 
Miss Frances C. Goodwin. 
Mrs. John C. Gray. 
Mrs. Curtis Guild, Jr. 
Miss Susan Hale. 
Mrs. Herbert L. Harding. 
Mrs. E.M. Hartwell. 
Mrs. James A. Hathaway. 
Miss Heloise E. Hersey. 
Mrs. F.L. Higginson. 
Mrs. Charles D. Homans. 
Mrs. J.F. Hunnewell. 
Mrs. Reuben Kidner. 
Mrs. Channing Lilly. 
Mrs. Frederick Taylor Lord. 
Mrs. A. Lawrence Lowell. 
Mrs. Francis C. Lowell. 
Mrs. J.B. Millett. 
Miss Madeline C. Mixter. 
Mrs. S.J. Mixter. 
Mrs. James G. Mumford. 
Miss Clara J. Nickels.

3

Boston - Continued
Mrs. William L. Parker
Mrs. Henry Parkman. 
Mrs. Wm. K. Porter, Jr. 
Miss L.C. Post. 
Miss J.C. Prendergast.
Mrs. Josiah H. Quincy. 
Mrs. James Reed. 
Mrs. James Ford Rhodes. 
Mrs. Robert S. Russell. 
Mrs. Thomas Russell. 
Mrs. George P. Sanger. 
Mrs. Wm. H. Sayward. 
Mrs. Philip H. Sears. 
Mrs. Frederick C. Shattuck. 
Mrs. G. Howland Shaw. 
Mrs. Nelson Shumway. 
Mrs. Henry H. Sprague. 
Mrs. R.M. Staigg. 
Miss Adele G. Thayer. 
Mrs. Charles S. Tuckerman. 
Mrs. W.W. Vaughan. 
Mrs. Darwin E. Ware. 
Mrs. Kate Gannett Wells. 
Mrs. Barrett Wendell. 
Mrs. Charles T. White. 
Mrs. F.A. Whitwell. 
Miss Mary P. Winsor. 

Bourne. 
Mrs. W.A. Nye. 

Braintree. 
Miss Elizabeth Johnson. 

Brewster. 
Mrs. Roland Nickerson. 

Bridgewater (East).
Mrs. Robert O. Harris. 

Brockton. 
Mrs. F.E. White. 

Brookline. 
Mrs. George F. Arnold. 
Mrs. Henry M. Bigelow. 
Miss Ann A. Bradford. 
Mrs. Causten Browne. 
Mrs. Samuel J. Bullock. 
Miss Alice G. Cobb. 
Mrs. James M. Codman. 
Mrs. J. Randoph Coolidge, Jr. 
Mrs. Frederic Cunningham. 
Mrs. Gorham Dana. 
Mrs. Emily G. Denny. 
Mrs. James R. Dunbar. 
Mrs. Charles Eliot. 
Mrs. A.J. George. 
Mrs. Charles Eliot Guild. 
Miss Katherine E. Guild. 
Mrs. R.H. Howe. 
Mrs. A.H. Latham. 
Mrs. George Linder. 
Mrs. Guy Lowell. 
Mrs. Theodore Lyman. 
Miss Caro F. Neal. 
Mrs. G.W. Nowell. 
Mrs. Edward S. Philbrick. 
Miss Agnes Blake Poor. 
Miss Lucy T. Poor. 
Mrs. David Hall Rice. 
Mrs. W.T. Sedgwick. 
Mrs. Wm. P. Shreve. 
Mrs. Henry R. Stedman. 
Miss Susan T. Storey. 
Miss Maria Storrs. 
Mrs. William W. Swan. 
Mrs. Charles P. Ware. 
Mrs. Henry M. Whitney. 
Mrs. Moses Williams. 

Cambridge.
Miss Annie E. Allen. 
Mrs. John Fiske. 
Miss Mary B. Foote. 
Mrs. Frank Foxcroft. 
Mrs. Arthur Gilman. 
Mrs. William W. Goodwin. 
Miss E. H. Houghton. 
Miss Lucy Leonard. 
Miss Elizabeth McCracken. 
Miss M.A. McIntire.
Mrs. Hugo Munstenberg. 
Mrs. Benjamin L. Robinson. 
Mrs. Joseph B. Russell. 
Miss Carrie H. Saunders. 
Mrs. Charles P. Strong. 
Mrs. Thomas B. Ticknor. 

Chatham. 
Mrs. F.H. Bond. 

Chestnut Hill. 
Mrs. Allston Burr. 
Mrs. Arthur B. Denny.
Mrs. Richard M. Saltonstall. 

Chicopee. 
Mrs. George D. Robinson.
4


Clinton. 
Mrs. S. Ives Wallace. 

Cohasset. 
Mrs. William S. Bryant. 
Mrs. Charles A. Gross. 
Mrs. Oliver H. Howe. 

Concord.
Mrs. Charles Adams, 2d. 
Mrs. Prescott Keyes. 
Mrs. Daniel Lothrop. 

Danvers. 
Mrs. Henry F. Batchelder. 
Mrs. William C. Endicott. 
Mrs. Charles W. Hood. 
Miss Margaret Howe. 
Mrs. Henry Newhall. 
Mrs.  Charles W. Page. 
Mrs. Francis Peabody. 

Dedham.
Mrs. J. Varnum Abbott
Mrs. Waldo Colburn. 
Mrs. A.J. Garceau. 
Mrs. Alfred Hewins. 
Mrs. George A. Nickerson
Mrs. Winslow Warren. 

Easton (North). 
Miss M.S. Ames

Essex. 
Miss H.E. Choate. 

Fairhaven.
Mrs. Edmund Anthony, Jr. 
Mrs. W.P. Winsor. 

Fitchburg. 
Mrs. Adams Crocker.
Mrs. G.H. Crocker. 
Miss Lucy Fay. 
Miss Mary E. Jaquith. 
Mrs. Charles E. Ware. 

Framingham. 
Mrs. Z.B. Adams. 
Mrs. E.F. Bowditch. 
Mrs. W.I. Brigham. 
Mrs. George H. Gordon. 
Miss Abigail F. Taylor. 

Framingham (South).
Mrs. H.A. Dutton

Franklin. 
Mrs. William F. Ray.

Georgetown. 
Mrs. H.H. Noyes

Gloucester. 
Mrs. J.W.C. Downs. 
Miss Helen Mansfield. 
Mrs. J.O. Proctor, Jr. 

Great Barrington. 
Mrs. Henry M. Whiting. 

Greenfield. 
Mrs. George Twitchell. 

Groton. 
Mrs. F. Lawrence Blood. 
Mrs. John Lawrence. 
Mrs. Endicott Peabody. 
Mrs. George E. Whittier

Hamilton. 
Mrs. Augustus P. Gardner. 

Haverhill.
Miss Mary E. Moody. 
Mrs. J. Otis Wardwell. 

Hingham. 
Miss A.M. Bradley. 
Miss Lucy Lewis. 
Mrs. Henry A. Miles
Mrs. J. H. Robbins.
Mrs. John Winthrop Spooner. 

Holliston. 
Mrs. Zephaniah Talbot. 

Holyoke. 
Mrs. C.W. Ranlet. 

Hopedale. 
Mrs. Eben D. Bancroft. 
Mrs. Eben S. Draper. 
Mrs. Frank J. Dutcher.
5

Hyannis.
Miss Martha N. Soule.

Kingston.
Mrs. Henry M. Jones.

Lancaster.
Mrs. Bayard Thayer.

Lancaster (South).
Mrs. Herbert Parker.

Lawrence.
Mrs. Lewis P. Collins.

Lexington.
Mrs. Robert P. Clapp.
Mrs. James P. Munroe.

Lowell.
Mrs. Charles H. Allen
Mrs. J. P. Bradt.
Mrs. H. M. Thompson

Lynn.
Miss Maria L. Johnson.

Medford.
Mrs. Wm. B. Lawrence.

Melrose.
Mrs. George L. Morse.

Milford.
Mrs. William H. Cook.
Mrs. Charles A. Dewey.

Milton.
Mrs. Munroe Chickering.
Mrs. Francis S. Fiske.
Mrs. Horace A. Lamb.
Mrs. Albert A. H. Meredith.
Mrs. Oliver W. Peabody.
Mrs. Felix Rackemann.
Mrs. C. Minot Weld.
Mrs. Ellerton P. Whitney.

Nahant.
Mrs. J. T. Wilson.

Natick. 
Mrs. Charles Q. Tirrell.

New Bedford.
Miss Julia Delano.

Newburyport.
Mrs. John F. Pearson
Mrs. Edward P. Shaw.

Newton.
Mrs. H. E. Bothfeld.
Mrs. Chas. C. Burr.
Mrs. Isaac T. Burr.
Mrs. John W. Carter.
Mrs. C. M. Lamson.
Mrs. T. B. Lindsay.
Mrs. Lincoln R. Stone.
Mrs. John W. Weeks.
Mrs. Justin Whittier.

Northampton.
Miss Mary Breese Fuller.
Miss Mary A. Jordan.
Mrs. Alonzo Kimball.
Mrs. L. Clark Seelye.
Mrs. A. L. Williston.

Northbridge.
Mrs. Harry T. Whitin.

Orange.
Mrs. J. W. Wheeler.

Peabody.
Miss H. C. Allen.
Mrs. H. K. Foster.
Mrs. G. H. Little.
Mrs. Samuel Crane Lord.
Mrs. F. C. Merrill.
Mrs. J. C. Rogers.
Mrs. G. F. Sanger.

Pittsfield.
Miss Anna L. Dawes

Plymouth.
Mrs. Arthur Lord.

Provincetown.
Mrs. Raymond A. Hopkins.
Miss L. C. Paine.
6

Quincy.
Mrs. John Quincy Adams.
Mrs. Theodore Hardwick.

Rehoboth.
Mrs. Charles Perry.

Salem.
Mrs. Edward C. Battis.
Miss Sarah E. Hunt.
Mrs. S. E. Peabody.
Mrs. John Pickering.
Miss P. M. Waldo.

Sandwich.
Mrs. Jonathan Leonard.

Sheffield.
Mrs. Charles O. Dewey.
Mrs. Catherine C. Leonard.
Miss Mary R. Leonard.

Somerville.
Mrs. Robert Luce.

Springfield.
Mrs. Lawton S. Brooks.
Mrs. Matthew D. Field.
Miss Katherine H. Leonard.

Stockbridge.
Miss Agnes Canning.
Miss Caroline T. Lawrence.
Miss Grace S. Parker.

Swampscott.
Mrs. Charles W. Sargent.

Taunton.
Mrs. Charles T. Hubbard.
Miss Harriet Newbury.
Miss Kate I. Sanford.
Miss Sarah B. Williams.

Tisbury.
Mrs. C. E. Banks.

Topsfield.
Miss Mary O. Hodges.

Tyringham.
Mrs. Robb de P. Tytus.

Waltham.
Mrs. William E. Bright.

Wellesley.
Mrs. Henry F. Durant.
Mrs. J. J. E. Rotheray.

Westwood.
Mrs. Lindsley Loring.

Weymouth (South).
Mrs. Henry B. Reed.

Whitinsville.
Mrs. G. M. Whitin.

Williamstown.
Mrs. J. Franklin Carter.
Mrs. O. M. Fernald.

Worcester.
Miss Josephine C. Aldrich.
Mrs. Frederick J. Barnard.
Mrs. Edward Brigham.
Miss Isabel Crompton.
Mrs. Edward L. Davis.
Mrs. Edgar A. Fisher.
Miss Sarah B. Hopkins.
Mrs. W. S. B. Hopkins.
Mrs. Francis B. Knowles.
Miss Lucy Lewisson.
Miss Frances M. Lincoln.
Mrs. Winslow S. Lincoln.
Mrs. Charles F. Marble.
Mrs. Nathaniel Paine.
Miss Mary Thurston Rice.
Mrs. A. B. R. Sprague.
Mrs. Samuel Utley.
Mrs. John D. Washburn.
Miss Sarah Weiss.

Yarmouth.
Mrs. George R. Agassiz.
Miss Alice B. Crowell.
Miss Louise Hallett.
Mrs. F. C. Swift.
7

LIST OF PAMPHLETS SUGGESTED
Some of the Reasons Against Woman Suffrage.
Francis Parkman
Of What Benefit to Woman?
Why I am Opposed to Woman Suffrage.
Miss Jeanette L. Gilder
Letter to Legislative Committee. Mrs. Clara T. Leonard
Argument before Committee. Mrs. Kate Gannett Wells
How Woman Can Best Serve the State.
Mrs. Barclay Hasard
Woman's Progress versus Woman Suffrage.
Mrs. Rossiter Johnson
The Blank Cartridge Ballot. Rossiter Johnson
Municipal Suffrage for Women. Why? Frank Foxcroft
Taxpaying Suffrage. Charles R. Saunders
Suffrage and Anti-Suffrage. M.E. Simkins
Rights and Exemptions Given by Massachusetts Law to Women and Not to Men.
Opinions of Eminent Persons Against Woman Suffrage.
Printed by the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women.
Pamphlets and Leaflets may be obtained from the Secretary of the Association,
ROOM 615 KENSINGTON BUILDING
687 BOYLSTON STREET, BOSTON, MASS.
8


COMPLIMENTS
OF THE
MANAGEMENT
The conservative element in the community is incalculably valuable.
It consists almost exclusively of those fortunate persons who have had the best of the opportunities and privileges which the present order has to offer.
Cultivation, refinement and sensitive taste are its qualities.
When the radicals win for all women the right and responsibilities of full citizenship, this Conservative Element will continue to be immeasurably useful and precious.
Toy Theatre
March 16

Anti

MASSACHUSETTS ASSOCIATION
OPPOSED TO THE FURTHER EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE TO WOMEN

OFFICERS
President 
Mrs. James. M Codman
Vice-Presidents 
Miss Anna L. Dawes
Mrs. Charles E. Guild
Mrs. Charles D. Homans 
Miss Agnes Irwin
Mrs. Francis C. Lowell 
Mrs. Robert S. Russell 
Mrs. Henry M. Whitney 
Treasurer, pro tem. 
Mrs. James M. Codman 
           Walnut Street, 
                Brookline, Mass. 
Recording Secretary
Miss E. C. Post 
Corresponding Secretary 
Mrs. Charles P. Strong 

Room 615, Kensington Building 
Boylston and Exeter Streets 
Boston
Telephone No. 3468 Back Bay 
Education and Organization Committee 
Chairman 
Mrs. William Lowell Putnam 
County Committee 
Chairman 
Mrs. A. H. Parker 
Publicity Committee 
Chairman 
Mrs. Henry Preston White 
Finance Committee 
Chairman 
Mrs. John Balch 
Field Secretary, Mrs. A. J. George 

Executive Committee 
The Officers and 
Miss Mary S. Ames
Mrs. John Balch
Mrs. Robert S. Bradley 
Mrs. Edward B. Cole
Mrs. J. Randolph Coolidge 
Miss Sarah H. Crocker 
Miss Elizabeth H. Houghton
Miss Elizabeth Johnson
Mrs. Henry P. Kidder
Mrs. Herbert Lyman
Mrs. Augustin H. Parker 
Mrs. William Lowell Putnam
Mrs. Benjamin L. Robinson 
Mrs. Richard M. Saltonstall 
Miss Evelyn Sears 
Miss Elizabeth P. Sohier 
Mrs. Barrett Wendell 
Mrs. Henry Preston White

PATRONESSES
Mrs. Chas. F. Adams, 2d
Mrs. Brooks Adams
Mrs. Thomas Allen
Mrs. Thomas Bailey Aldrich
Mrs. Charles B. Amory
Mrs. Harcourt Amory
Mrs. John S. Ames
Mrs. Edwin F. Atkins
Mrs. W. H. Aspinwall
Mrs. John Balch
Mrs. Robert H. Bancroft
Mrs. C. B. Barnes
Mrs. J. L. Batchelder
Mrs. Walter C. Baylies
Miss Mary F. Bartlett
Mrs. W. A. L. Bazeley
Mrs. Boylston A. Beal
Mrs. Henry F. Bigelow
Miss A. A. Bigelow
Miss A. D. Blake
Mrs. J. M. Bell
Mrs. Francis T. Bowles
Mrs. S. Parker Bremer
Mrs. J. Lewis Bremer
Mrs. E. D. Brandegee
Mrs. Leverett Bradley
Mrs. Robert S. Bradley
Miss Ellen Bullard
Miss Helen Burnham
Mrs. Chandler Bullock
Mrs. Heman Burr
Mrs. Henry D. Burnham
Mrs. I. Tucker Burr
Mrs. Arthur S. Cabot
Mrs. Henry B. Chapin
Mrs. Robert F. Clark
Mrs. James M. Codman
Mrs. C. A. Coolidge
Mrs. H. J. Coolidge
Mrs. F. S. Coolidge
Mrs. J. R. Coolidge
Mrs. J. R. Coolidge, Jr.
Miss Elizabeth Crafts
Mrs. G. U. Crocker
Mrs. Caleb L. Cunningham
Mrs. Roger W. Cutler
Mrs. E.G. Cutler
Mrs. Henry W. Cunningham
Mrs. Frederic Cunningham
Mrs. Louis Curtis
Miss Margaret Cushing
Mrs. Charles Davis Jr.
Mrs. Edward L. Davis
Mrs. Horace Davis
Mrs. Phillip DeNormandie
Mrs. Richard Devens
Mrs. Franklin Dexter
Mrs. Frederic Dexter
Mrs. Phillip Dexter
Mrs. Wm. E. Dexter
Mrs. Charles Eliot
Mrs. Howard Elliott
Mrs. W. C. Endicott, Jr.
Mrs. Henry C. Everett
Mrs. John W. Farlow
Mrs. H. H. Fay
Miss Alice Farnsworth
Miss Marion Fenno
Mrs. W. Scott Fitz
Mrs. C. H. W. Foster
Mrs. Elisha Flagg
Miss Dorothy Forbes
Mrs. Stephen S. FitzGerald
Mrs. S. H. Fessenden
Mrs. G. Tappan Francis
Mrs. Thos. B. Gannett, Jr.
Mrs. R. H. Gardiner
Mrs. Wm. A. Gaston
Mrs. George P. Gardner
Mrs. C. P. Greenough
Mrs. C. P. Greenough, 2d
Mrs. David S. Greenough
Mrs. Edward S. Grew
Mrs. Henry S. Grew
Mrs. Henry S. Grew, Jr.
Miss Frances Goodwin
Mrs. Henry V. Greenough
Miss Charlotte Guild
Miss Katherine Guild
Mrs. Swan Hartwell
Mrs. Samuel Hammond
Mrs. Dudley R. Howe
Miss Heloise E. Hersey
Mrs. F. L. Higginson
Mrs. Samuel Hoar
Mrs. Henry S. Hunnewell
Mrs. Edward W. Hutchins
Mrs. Clement Houghton
Miss Elizabeth Houghton
Mrs. Woodward Hudson
Mrs. Chas. P. Holyoke
Mrs. John C. Inches
Mrs. Oscar Iasigi
Mrs. James M. Jackson
Miss Helen Jaques
Mrs. Wolcott Johnson
Mrs. Charles H. Joy
Mrs. W. O. Kimball
Mrs. Henry P. Kidder
Mrs. T. St. J. Lockwood
Miss Julia Lyman
Mrs. Herbert Lyman
Mrs. Ronald Lyman
Mrs. Robert W. Lovett
Mrs. Lindsley Loring
Mrs. W. C. Loring
Mrs. John Lowell
Mrs. James A. Lowell
Miss Mary Lothrop
Mrs. James Lee
Mrs. John Lawrence
Mrs. H. A. Lamb
Mrs. Alexander Martin
Mrs. Meredith
Mrs. Josiah B. Millet
Mrs. S. J. Mixter
Mrs. G. H. Mifflin
Mrs. W. L. McKee
Mrs. Frederick S. Moseley
Miss M. C. Mixter
Mrs. E. Preble Motley
Mrs. Thomas Motley
Miss Sophie Moen
Mrs. George S. Mumford
Mrs. W. Jason Mixter
Mrs. George M. Nowell
Miss Elizabeth S. Osgood
Mrs. Robert Treat Paine
Mrs. R. T. Paine, 2d
Mrs. W. L. Parker
Mrs. A. H. Parker
Mrs. Henry Parkman
Mrs. Endicott Peabody
Mrs. W. Rodman Peabody
Mrs. Thomas Nelson Perkins
Mrs. John C. Phillips, Jr.
Mrs. R. F. Perkins
Mrs. Hamilton Perkins
Mrs. Charles F. Perry
Mrs. Dudley Pickman
Miss Julia Prendergast
Miss Mary O. Porter
Mrs. Dwight M. Prouty
Mrs. W. L. Putnam
Mrs. Chas. S. Pierce
Mrs. W. B. Rogers
Mrs. Neal Rantoul
Mrs. John P. Reynolds
Miss Anna S. Reynolds
Mrs. Benjamin L. Robinson
Mrs. A. L. Rotch
Mrs. Robert S. Russell
Miss Emma Rodman
Miss Katherine E. Silsbee
Mrs. George K. Sabine
Mrs. R. M. Saltonstall
Mrs. Winthrop Sargent
Mrs. E. C. Stanwood
Miss Evelyn Sears
Mrs. W. T. Sedgwick
Mrs. H. E. Sheldon
Mrs. George S. Selfridge
Mrs. J. J. Storrow
Mrs. H. H. Sprague
Miss E. P. Sohier
Mrs. Henry R. Stedman
Mrs. Charles P. Strong
Mrs. Matthew Sullivan
Mrs. F. H. Tappan
Mrs. Ezra Thayer
Mrs. C. Linzie Tilden
Mrs. John L. Thorndike
Mrs. Geo. Quincy Thorndike
Mrs. Paul Thorndike
Mrs. Leverett Tuckerman
Mrs. Tyson
Mrs. W. W. Vaughan
Mrs. Henry E. Warner
Mrs. Lowell E. Warren
Mrs. Francis S. Watson
Mrs. Grant Walker
Mrs. W. A. Wadsworth
Mrs. Edwin S. Webster
Mrs. A. Winsor Weld
Mrs. C. Minot Weld
Mrs. Alfred R. Weld
Mrs. Stephen M. Weld
Mrs. Wm. G. Wendall
Mrs. Barrett Wendell, Jr.
Mrs. Wm. C. West
Mrs. Wm. C. Wharton
Mrs. Charles J. White
Mrs. John T. Wheelwright
Mrs. Geo. Wigglesworth
Mrs. George Scott Winslow
Mrs. Arthur Winslow
Mrs. Henry M. Whitney
Mrs. S. Huntington Wolcott
Mrs. Franz E. Zerrahn

USHERS
Miss Eleanor Baker
Miss Gertrude Lovett
Miss Margaret Lyman
Miss Elizabeth Peabody
Miss Margaret Revere
Miss Susan Revere
Miss Barbara Rice
Miss Margaret Rotch
Miss Katherine Thatcher
Miss Ruth Whittier



A Century of Fashions
1815
1915
A FASHION FETE
PRESENTED BY
The BOSTON COMMITTEE of THE MASSACHUSETTS ASSOCIATION OPPOSED TO THE FURTHER EXTENSION of SUFFRAGE TO WOMEN
For the Benefit of the Committee and of the Public Interests League
TOY THEATRE
TUESDAY and WEDNESDAY, MARCH 16 and 17, 1915
AT THREE O'CLOCK
After the Performance there will be DANCING on the Stage and TEA will be served in the Chinaya.

GROUP I — 1815-1825
A MUSICAL PARTY
SONGS . . . . . Mrs. Arthur B. Chapin
VIOLIN . . . . . . . . Miss Marie Nichols
HARPSICHORD . Mr. C. W. Adams
Gowns loaned by         Gowns worn by
Mrs. Rob't H. Bancroft. Miss Eliz. Coolidge 
Mrs. Rob't H. Bancroft. Miss Amey Peters
Mrs. Rob't H. Bancroft. . . . Miss D. Jordan
Mrs. W. W. Vaughan . . Miss Adele Thayer
Mrs. Barrett Wendell . . . . . Miss Mary Lord
Mrs. Inches . . . . . . . . . . . . Miss Edith Elliott
Mrs. Inches . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miss Amy Bradley
Miss Kimball . . . . . . . . Miss Harriett Dexter
(This gown belonged to the Empress
Josephine)
Mrs. C. L. Cunningham. Miss Helen Thomas
Mrs. J. F. Thaxter. Miss Elizabeth Bennett
(This gown was worn at the Lafayette
Ball)
Mrs. J. F. Thaxter. . . Miss Clare Hartwell
Miss Anna Cutler. . . .Miss Anna Cutler
Mrs. Pollard. . . . Miss Pauline Pollard
(This gown was worn at the Lafayette
Ball)
Mrs. H. P. Jayner. . Miss Elizabeth Jayner
(Worn at President Madison's 
Inauguration)
Mrs. Malcolm Donald. Mrs. Malcolm Donald
(This gown belongs to Dolly Madison)
Chairman, Mrs. Bancroft

GROUP II -- 1825-1840
CONTRA DANCES
Mr. Adams at the Harpsichord

Gowns loaned by  .... Dancers
Mrs. Greely Curtis. . Miss Dorothy Howard
Mrs. J. F. Thaxter. . .Miss Pauline Bosson
Mrs. W. S. Fitz. . . Miss Mary Nash
Miss Briggs, Pittsfield. . Miss Elise Robins
Mrs. John C. Gray. . . Miss Juliet Robins
Mrs. Greenough . . .  Miss Mary Greenough

Other gowns worn by Mrs. Fisher Nesmith,
Miss Katherine Partridge, Miss
Aimee Lamb, Miss Alice Lee, Miss
Josephine Johnson, Miss Amelia M.
Harper, Mrs. Talbot Aldrich, Miss
Elizabeth L. Clark, Miss Frances R.
Porter.   Loaned by Mrs. Chester
Inches, Mrs. Horatio Lamb, Mrs. F.
W. Lee, Mrs. Samuel Johnson, Miss
Harper, Mrs. T. B. Aldrich, Miss
Emma Rodman, Mrs. Caleb Cunningham

Chairman, Miss Mary O. Porter


GROUP III -- 1840-1855

SINGING CLASS

Led by Mr. Charles Fonteyn Manney
The Singers are: Miss Louisa Bazeley,
Miss Marian Weld, Miss Rosamond
Eliot, Mrs. Dudley Howe, Mrs. C. P.
Greenough 2nd, Miss Margaret Bradley,
Miss R. Eliot, Miss E. C. Post,
Miss R. Lamb, Miss M. E. Vaughan,
Miss Margaret Blaney.  The gowns
are loaned by:  Mrs. Vaughan, Mrs.
Greeley Curtis, Mrs. John Lawrence,
Mrs. H. A. Lamb, Mrs. Chester Inches,
Mrs. W. L. Parker, Mrs. Mixter and
Miss Crocker
Chairman, Miss Mary Vaughan

GROUP IV -- 1855-1870

SENTIMENTAL SONGS
by Mrs. Anne Roberts Barker
At the Piano, Miss Isabelle Moore

Gowns worn by:  Miss Margaret Thompson,
Miss Marjorie Chapin, Miss Margaret
Weld, Miss Edith Sigourney,
Miss Margaret Bennett, Miss Ruth
Faulkner, Miss Edith McHenry, Mrs.
Philip Coyle, Miss Lucy Comins

Gowns loaned by: Miss Margaret Cushing,
Miss F. P. Mason, Miss Sarah
Crocker, Mrs. Morris Gray, Mrs. W.
C. Endicott, Mrs. John Lawrence, Mrs.
J. H. Morison
Chairman, Miss Marjorie Crocker

GROUP V -- 1870-1885

A GAME OF WHIST

Gowns worn by:  Miss Frances Bradley,
Mrs. Danielson, Mrs. Chas. H. Osborne,
Miss Josephine Sturgis, Mrs. John B.
Swift, Mrs. George A. Lyon, Miss Maud
Windeler, Miss Constance Wharton,
Miss Helen Winsor, Miss Doris Taylor,
Miss Christine Snelling, Mrs.
Henry P. Kidder

Gowns loaned by:  Mrs. R. S. Bradley,
Miss F. Mason, Mrs. Wendell,  Mrs. W.
C. Thomas, Mrs. F. W. Lee, Mrs. W.
L. McKee, Mrs. Greeley Curtis, Miss
Sarah Crocker, Mrs. S. J. Mixter, Mrs.
Dwight Blaney
Chairman, Mrs. R. S. Bradley


GROUP VI -- 1885-1900

A CUP OF TEA WITH FRIENDS

Gowns worn by:  Mrs. Robert Dodge, Mrs.
David Greenough, Mrs. Austin Wadsworth,
the Misses Councilman, Eleanor
Allen, Augusta Converse, Dorothy
Allen, Rebecca Lord, Anne Williams,
Nancy Hubbard, Helen Cushing, Caroline
Foster, Isabel Coolidge, Emily
Thomas, Emily Bullard, Miriam Shaw,
Constance Morss, Augustine van Nickle,
Anna Wheeler, Priscilla White, Mrs.
Wm. Perry, Miss Annie Nourse

Gowns loaned by:  Mrs. Robert Bradley,
Mrs. Tucker Burr, Mrs. Dwight Blaney,
Miss Crocker, Mrs. D. H. Coolidge,
Mrs. Councilman, Mrs. H. W. Cushing,
Mrs. W. C. Endicott, Mrs. Sidney
Hosmer, Mrs. C. W. Hubbard, Mrs. McKee,
Mrs. James Means, Mrs. Austin
Wadsworth, Miss Willson, Miss Colt,
Pittsfield, Mrs. Greeley Curtis, and
Mrs. Wolcott Johnson
Chairman, Mrs. S. J. Mixter

GROUP VII -- 1900-1914

AN EVENING LECTURE
"The Soul of the Subconscious"

Lecturer: M. le Vicomte de Belair--Mr. G.
Harrison Mifflin, Jr.

Audience: Miss Julia Coolidge, Miss Mary
Coolidge, Mrs. Lindsley Loring, Miss
Newell, Mrs. A. H. Parker, Mrs. W.
L. Putnam, Mrs. Richard Storey, Miss
Martha Thorndike, Miss Mary Thorndike,
Mrs. Francis S. Watson, Mrs.
Charles J. White
Chairman, Mrs. I. Tucker Burr


GROUP VIII

A CENTURY OF BRIDES
Mr. Manney at the Organ

    Gowns loaned by     Gowns worn by
1824 Mrs. Pickering, Salem. Miss Pickering
1830 Mrs. E. S. Grew
1831 Mrs. Arthur Cabot. Miss Dorothy Ball
1837 Mrs. Amory.  Miss Mary Copley Amory
1845 Mrs. C. H. W. Foster. . Miss B. Foster
1859  Mrs. C. H. W. Foster. . Miss H. Foster
1866 Mrs. F. W. Lee. . Miss Susan Lee
1870 Mrs. H. H. Fay. . Mrs. Thos. Motley, Jr.
1881 Mrs. R. S. Bradley. . Miss M. Watson
1891 Mrs. R. M. Morse. . Mrs. Daniel Lee
1912 Mrs. Roger W. Cutler. . Mrs. Cutler
1915 Mrs. James Millar. . Mrs. Millar
Chairman, Mrs. R. S. Bradley

GROUP IX -- 1915

A GARDEN PARTY

Gowns worn by    Gowns loaned by
Miss Laura Amory. . . Driscoll
Miss Frances Hoar . . . Driscoll
Miss Grace Lockwood . . . Driscoll
Miss Mary Sayles . . . Driscoll
Miss Elinor Fabyan . . . Driscoll
Miss Beverly Richards. . Wilson
Miss Grace Elliot. . . Eames
Miss Helen Bullard. . Eames
Miss Eleanor Cole . . . Devlin
Miss Jane Peters . . . Devlin
Mrs. Barrett Wendell, Jr. . . Ruby
Mrs. Chas F. Ayer . . . Devlin
Mrs. Donald Cutler in Riding Clothes
Chairman, Mrs. S. Reed Anthony

The Committee is indebted to Mr. E. B. Dane for kindly loaning his harpsichord,
to Chickering & Sons for the square piano, and to all the musicians who have
given their services for the incidental music.

Properties have been loaned by:  Mrs. Bancroft, Miss Cutler, Miss Goodwin, Mrs.
L. H. Kimball, Mrs. W. Otis Kimball, Mr. J. M. Little and Mrs. Mixter.

The Committee acknowledges with grateful thanks the assistance of Mrs. Linzie
Tilden in many capacities, the members of the Committees on Costumes, Properties,
Tickets, Music, Patronesses, Ushers, Tea, and Publicity, and all those who
have so kindly loaned the gowns and who have taken part in the performance.

[*Antis   1881-2*]

TO THE HONORABLE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF
       MASSACHUSETTS:
    We the undersigned respectfully remonstrate against the imposition of further political duties
upon women.
        
                                                                           CAMBRIDGE.
Mrs. Emory Washburn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Quincy St.
Mrs. Francis J. Child . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Mrs. Henry W. Paine  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Mrs. John C. Dodge  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Sparks St.
Mrs. George Sanger  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Broadway.
Mrs. James Greenleaf  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. Charles Deane  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Mrs. Joel Parker  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Craigie St.
Mrs. Charles F. Choate  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. Chas. Theo. Russell  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Mrs. Alexander McKenzie  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  Garden St.
Mrs. George Zabriskie Gray  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mason St.
Mrs. Charles F. Walcott  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Mrs. Henry O. Houghton  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Mrs. James C. Fisk  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Quincy St.
Mrs. George Putnam  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Quincy St.
Mrs. William James  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Quincy St.
Mrs. W. P. P. Longfellow  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. Jeanie W. Paine  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Mrs. Anne E. Buttrick  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Mrs. Edward S. Dodge  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Miss Mary Deane  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Mrs. George Dexter  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Buckingham St.
Mrs. John K. Paine  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Frisbie Pl.
Mrs. William W. Wellington  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Temple St.
Mrs. George Livermore  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dana St.
Mrs. Henrietta A. S. Channing  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Mrs. William M. Vaughan  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Craigie St.
Mrs. I. M. Spelman  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Mrs. D. G. Haskins  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Mrs. E. S. Dixwell  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Mrs. Francis G. Peabody  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shepard St.
Mrs. Henry Greenough  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cambridge St.
Mrs. Joseph Lovering  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Mrs. J. B. Thayer  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holmes Pl.
Mrs. M. E. Simmons  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holmes Pl.
Mrs. William Brewster  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Mrs. J. Willard Tuckerman  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Harvard St.
Mrs. William E. Stone  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hawthorne St.
Mrs. William Gannett  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dana St.
Mrs. Charles McClure  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Miss Katherine Parsons  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Miss Annie Ashburner  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Miss Grace Ashburner  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Mrs. James P. Melledge  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Harvard St.
Miss Alberta M. Houghton  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Miss Kate Horsford  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Craigie St.
Miss Mary M. Wyman  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. E. V. Van Brunt  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Miss M. Van Brunt  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. C. E. Vaughan  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Mrs. Joel Hayden  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Craigie St.
Miss A. E. Tower  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Buckingham St.
Mrs. M. E. Demeritt  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concord Ave.
Mrs. M. B. Hartt  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concord Ave.
Miss Eva Lovering  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Mrs. John M. Batchelder  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Divinity Ave.
Miss Isabel Batchelder  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Divinity Ave.
Mrs. J. W. Bemis  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Walker St.
Mrs. J. Gardner White  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phillips Pl.
Mrs. Howard Sargent  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Follen St.
Miss E. B. Van Brunt  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. H. A. Hagen  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Putnam St.
Mrs. Warren A. Locke  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Putnam St.
Miss Sarah B. Odiorne  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dana St.
Mrs. William Heywood  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Harvard St.
Mrs. Thomas G. Rice  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Harvard St.
Mrs. Edward Custer  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Miss B. McClure  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Miss Mary Melledge  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Harvard St.
Mrs. George Colburn  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dana St.
Mrs. Hiram Brooks  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dana St.
Miss M. C. Haskins  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Mrs. C. C. Everett  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Miss Caroline L. Parsons  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Mrs. C. A. Winthrop  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shepard St.
Mrs. Caroline P. Bulfinch  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Church St.
Miss Ellen S. Bulfinch  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Church St.
Mrs. John Wilson  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Miss Cordelia Riddle  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arrow St.
Miss Alice Durant Smith  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Broadway.
Miss Maria Sedgwick  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Miss Theodora Sedgwick  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Mrs. John M. S. Williams  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Mrs. Samuel B. Rindge  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Harvard St.
Mrs. Frank A. Kennedy  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Highland St.
Mrs. Francis Bowen  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Follen St.
Mrs. Charles F. Dunbar  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Highland St.

                                                                           CAMBRIDGE.
Mrs. Henry Van Brunt  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. John Read  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appleton St.
Mrs. Charles Lamb  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. Edward Wyman  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Craigie St.
Mrs. Benjamin Vaughan  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concord Ave.
Mrs. Norton Folsom  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Berkeley St.
Mrs. Walter Deane  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concord Ave.
Mrs. Mary M. White  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Miss Susan Wyman  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. William Read  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appleton St.
Mrs. Mary E. Piper  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concord Ave.
Mrs. Joseph B. Russell  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. A. R. Bayley  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Austin St.
Miss A. H. Mitchell  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Austin St.
Miss Annie E. Gregory  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maple Ave.
Mrs. George P. Carter  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Austin St.
Mrs. Justin A. Jacobs  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Austin St.
Mrs. William W. Manning  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Quincy St.
Miss F. G. Haskins  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Miss M. C. Rice  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Harvard St.
Mrs. Edward Richardson  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Miss Clara W. Harrington  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Harvard St.
Miss E. H. Houghton  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main St.
Mrs. Thomas H. Emerson  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Harvard St.
Mrs. John L. Ross  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Miss Elizabeth Bond  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holyoke Pl.
Mrs. John Bartlett  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Miss Margaret C. Wyman  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Craigie St.
Mrs. G. W. C. Noble  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Concord Ave.
Mrs. George Sheffield  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Craigie St.
Mrs. J. A. Henshaw  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Craigie St.
Miss Sarah J. Chase  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shepard St.
Miss Catherine Harris  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holyoke Pl.
Mrs. Leonard S. Jones  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Miss Alice M. Jones  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Berkeley St.
Miss Sarah L. Wells  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Berkeley St.
Mrs. J. P. Kettell  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sparks St.
Miss Catherine E. Bond  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holyoke Pl.
Mrs. M. E. Chase  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shepard St.
Miss Virginia M. Chase  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shepard St.
Mrs. Arthur Gilman  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Waterhouse St.
Mrs. T. William Harris  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holyoke St.
Mrs. Ferdinand Bocher  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holyoke Pl.
Miss Margaret Little  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holyoke Pl.
Miss E. F. Harris  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holyoke Pl.
Miss Fannie C. Carter  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Austin St.
Miss Nellie M. Carter  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Austin St.
Miss G. H. Folger  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Austin St.
Miss Maria L. Heywood  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Austin St.
Mrs. F. Maguire  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Austin St.
Miss C. E. Peirce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland Pl.
Mrs. J. F. Spaulding  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Follen St.
Mrs. Horatio S. Smith  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Broadway.
Mrs. N. Hoppin  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Broadway.
Mrs. F. W. Holland  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Everett St.
Miss Susan C. Batchelder  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kirkland St.
Mrs. S. D. Sargeant  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ware St.
Miss Eleanore M. Gilmour  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ware St.
Mrs. Lucius L. Hubbard  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Craigie St.
Mrs. John Brewster  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. James Murray Howe  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Miss Mary E. Howe  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Mrs. Charles B. Tower  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Waterhouse St.
Miss Maria D. Fay  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Miss Margaret A. Claghorn  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Mrs. Harriet H. Greenough  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
Mrs. Sumner Albee  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Essex St.
Mrs. Henry N. Tilton  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prospect St.
Mrs. Benj. Tilton  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prospect St.
Mrs. E. D. Goodrich  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Broadway.
Mrs. C. B. Grover  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prospect St.
Mrs. L. B. Grover  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Broadway.
Mrs. H. N. Loveland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Broadway.
Mrs. Hannah White  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Broadway.
Mrs. Robert Douglass  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Columbia St.
Mrs. Wm. P. Duncan  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Essex St.
Mrs. J. Mellen  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Essex St.
Mrs. I. A. Mellen  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Essex St.
Mrs. C. A. Wood  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Broadway.
Mrs. E. S. Fiske  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Clinton St.
Mrs. Samuel Batchelder  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hilliard St.
Miss Mary Whitney  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ash St.
Mrs. Susan F. Nichols  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. George F. Arnold  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . James St.
Mrs. Purviance  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Putnam Ave.
Mrs. Ernest W. Longfellow  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brattle St.
Mrs. W. Brandt Storer  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garden St.
           
           And many others.

Names of
Mass Remonstrants
1881-?-

Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.