NAWSA SUBJECT FILE Butler, Benjamin F.

MAY 13.  THE LIBERATOR.  79
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
   After having labored ineffectually to defer, as far as
was in our power, the critical moment, when the attention 
of the People must inevitably be fixed upon
the selection of a candidate for the Chief Magistracy
of the country ; after having interrogated our conscience 
and consulted our duty as citizens; obeying
at once the sentiment of a mature conviction and a 
profound affection for the common country, we feel
ourselves impelled on our own responsibility to declare 
to the People that the time has come for all independent 
men, jealous of their liberties and of the
national greatness, to confer together and unite to resist 
the swelling invasion of an open, shameless and
unrestrained patronage which threatens to engulf under 
its destructive wave the rights of the People, the
liberty and dignity of the nation.
   Deeply impressed with the conviction that, in a 
time of revolution, when the public attention is turned 
exclusively to the success of armies, and is consequently 
less vigilant of the public liberties, the patronage 
derived from the organization of an army of a
million of men, and an administration of affairs, which
seeks to control the remotest parts of the country in
favor of its Supreme Chief, constitute a danger seriously 
threatening to the stability of republican institutions; 
we declare that the principle of One Term,
which has now acquired nearly the force of law by 
the consecration of time, ought to be inflexibly adhered 
to in the approaching elections. We further
declare that we do not recognize in the Baltimore
Convention the essential conditions of a truly National 
Convention. Its proximity to the centre of all the
interested influences of the Administration, its distance 
from the centre of the country, its mode of convocation, 
the corrupting practices to which it has 
been and inevitably will be subjected, do not permit
the people to assemble there with any expectation 
of being able to deliberate at full liberty. Convinced, 
as we are, that in presence of the critical circumstances 
in which the nation is placed, it is only
in the energy and good sense of the People that the
general safety can be found; satisfied that the only
way to consult it is to indicate a central position to
which every one may go, without too much expenditure 
of means and time, and where the assembled people, 
far from all administrative influence, may consult 
freely and deliberate peaceably, with the presence of
the greatest possible number of men whose known
principles guarantee their sincere and enlightened devotion 
to the rights of the people and to the preservation 
of the true basis of republican government; we
earnestly invite our fellow-citizens to unite at Cleveland, 
Ohio, on Saturday, the thirty-first of May next,
for consultation and concert of action in respect to the
approaching Presidential election.
B. GRATZ BROWN, Missouri.  STEPHEN S. FOSTER, Mass.
AND. VAN ANTWERP, N. York.  BIRD B. CHAPMAN, Ohio.
EZRA C. ANDREWS, Me.  HENRY A. CLOVER, Missouri.
PETER ENGLEMAN, Wis.  CASPAR BUTZ, Illinois.
GEORGE FIELD, New York.  EDWARD GILBERT, New York.
PETER GILLEN, "   "                ISAAC W. HAFF, "    "
WEN. HERRIES, "   "  JAMES HILL, Me.
K. HEINZEN, Mass.   AND. HUMBERT, Penn.
S. P. DINSMORE, Dist. of Col.  J. F. WHIPPLE New York.
L. SIEBOLD, Iowa.  WM. MORRIS DAVIS, Pa.
E. M. DAVIS, Pa.W.   F. JOHNSTON,    "
FRIED. KAPP, New York.  CHARLES E. MOSS, Missouri.
ERNEST PREUSSING, Illinois.  WM. D. ROBINSON, Me.
JOHN J. SAVERY, New York.  E. CLUSERET, New York.
EMIL PRETORIUS, Missouri.  NATH. P. SAWYER, Pa.
ERNEST SCHMIDT, Illinois  JAMES REDPATH, Mass.
WALTER H. SHUPE, Ohio.  WM. H. SMITH,  Me.
P. W. KENYON, New York.   JAMES TAUSS[??], Missouri.
PH. STOPPELBIEN, "    "  SAMUEL TAYLOR, New York.
JAMES S. THOMAS, Missouri.  F. MEUNCH, Missouri.
J. QUIMBY WESTBROOK, Me.
and THEO. OLSHAUSEN, Missouri.
Of the People's Committee.
In connection with the above CALL we publish the 
following
LETTER FROM WENDELL PHILLIPS.
JUDGE STALLO:---Dear Sir,---Since you asked my
judgment as to the course to be taken in nominating a
candidate for the Presidency, I have been requested
to sign a call for a Convention for that purpose, to
meet at Cleveland, in May next.
   Let me tell you the national policy I advocate:----
   Subdue the South as rapidly as possible. The moment 
territory comes under our flag, reconstruct
States thus: confiscate and divide the lands of rebels;
extend the right of suffrage broadly as possible to 
whites and blacks; let the Federal Constitution prohibit 
slavery throughout the Union, and forbid the
States to make any distinction among their citizens,
on account of color or race.
   I shall make every effort to have this policy pursued. 
Believing that the present Administration repudiates 
it, and is carrying us to a point where we
shall be obliged either to acknowledge the Southern
Confederacy or to reconstruct the Union on terms
grossly unjust, intolerable to the masses, and sure
soon to result in another war, I earnestly advise an

THE GREAT CONTEST IN VIRGINIA.
THE BATTLES WEDNESDAY AND THURSDAY.
ACCOUNT BY THE JOURNAL'S CORRESPONDENT
"CARLETON."
WILDERNESS CHURCH, May 5.
To the Editor of the Boston Journal:---
   The Army of the Potomac left its position north of
the Rapidan yesterday morning at daylight, and made
a rapid march to gain the lower fords. The Second
Corps crossed at Ely's ford without opposition, and
reached Chancellorsville at two o'clock. The Fifth
ahd Sixth Corps crossed at Germania Ford. A portion 
of the supply trains crossed at Gold Mine Ford,
between Germania and Ely's. The march was made
in good order. The troops crossed on pontoons.
   Gen. Sheridan with his cavalry pushed beyond 
Chancellorsville, and found Stuart in in force. As
soon as Lee discovered Grant's movement to get between 
him and Richmond, he made a rapid change of 
front during the day and through the night, concentrating 
his force about two miles west of Wilderness 
Church and Tavern, on highly advantageous ground,
pressing in our pickets. The 5th New York Cavalry
lost ten killed and thirty wounded in one volley. Gen.
Grant moved from Germania Ford to establish headquarters 
at Wilderness Tavern, and directed Griffin,
with the first division of the 5th corps, to ascertain
whether the rebels were in force, or whether it was a
small body thrown out to harass his advance.
   Skirmishing commenced about 11 A. M. Griffin's
Division of the Fifth Corps was first engaged. It was
soon ascertained that A. P. Hill and Ewell were in 
front of him. Grant's line faced southwest, his right
resting on the Rapidan, above Germania Ford. Ricketts' 
and Wright's divisions of the Sixth Corps held
the right; the Fifth Corps held the centre; Getty's
Division of the Sixth Corps was sent over to the left
and joined the Second Corps. The Ninth Corps (Burnside's,) 
after an all night's march, reached Germania
Ford at noon, and were placed in reserve on the right.
   Griffin was met by A. P. Hill's entire corps, and
maintained a stubborn fight. The rebels charged on
him, and succeeded in capturing two guns of the Fifth
United States Artillery.
   Wadsworth's division went to aid Griffin, but Ewell's 
Corps was brought in front of him. Griffin was 
then withdrawn, and Robinson sent in. The battle
continued till 4 o'clock without cessation, neither party 
gaining decided advantage. The 11th and 9th 
Massachusetts lost heavily in this fight. Col. Hayes
and Col Guiney were wounded; also Gen. Bartlett, 
commanding the Brigade.
   Finding that Lee had his whole force in front, Gen.
Grant made preparations for a general battle. Gen.
Hancock with the 2d corps moved out on the Orange 
plank road, and engaged the enemy at 4.20 P. M.
Getty's division had the right and was joined by Carr
on the left. The rebels appeared in mass. Everywhere
the forest was so dense and thick with underbrush 
that artillery could not be used, and officers were
obliged to dismount. The fight on the left lasted till
dark, and was one unbroken roll of musketry at close
range.
   There were few bayonet charges. It was a fair 
stand up fight, with both parties. Every inch of ground
was obstinately contested. The engagement was 
wholly unlike any other. There were few flank movements 
or attempts at strategy. The fight was renewed 
on the right at sunset, without much advantage to
either side, both parties holding their lines of the morning, 
except on the left, where Gen. Hancock gained
decided advantage. Gen Alexis Hayes, commanding 
the Second Brigade of Getty's Division, was killed. 
He was hard pressed, and sent word to Hancock that
he must have reinforcements. "Tell him," said Hancock, 
"to hold his ground twenty minutes and he 
shall be relieved"; but before twenty minutes expired 
his body was brought in.
   The forests were so dense that the ammunition 
teams could not get up, and cartridges were sent in on 
the stretchers which brought out the wounded. The
first man killed was Charles Williams, of Franklin, belonging 
to the 8th Mass. The old Bay State has, as
usual, poured out her blood freely to-day.
   The 8th and 9th regiments suffered severely. I cannot 
obtain a list of casualties to night. The battle
will doubtless be renewed to-morrow. The line of
battle to-night is about six miles long, extending from
the Rapidan, along which 200,000 men are in position. 
Six hundred prisoners have been taken.
   The soldiers are enthusiastic to-night, and are confident 
of victory. The battle will be renewed at daybreak. 
Lee began the fight to-day. Grant will probably 
take the initiative in the morning.
BATTLE-FIELD, 10 P. M.
   Everything is quiet, except an occasional volley by
pickets, and the placing of fresh troops in position.
"CARLETON."

Accommodations have been made for the transportation 
of 10,000 wounded, including those of both sides.
   In the War Department, at the White House and in
the headquarters of Gen. Grant here all are cheerful
and hopeful of a brilliant victory.
   It is believed that the combinations on foot will prevent 
the escape of Lee's army from Virginia, and bring
upon it a disastrous and irrevocable defeat, as well as
place in our possession the rebel capital.
   Transports fitted up as hospital boats have been sent 
to Fredericksburg.
   It is stated that Lee's army is retreating rapidly, and
that our army is pushing as rapidly as possible.
REBEL REPULSE ON SATURDAY.
   Under date of Wilderness Tavern, Sunday, the 
World's special says: There was considerable skirmishing 
during yesterday afternoon between the two
armies, and late in the afternoon Gen. Hill made an
attempt to get between Gen. Sedgwick, on our right,
and the Rapidan, but was repulsed, though at one
time it was thought best to let them succeed, as they
surely would have fallen into a trap. The enemy's 
lines towards dark looked weaker, and by 9 o'clock,
P. M. it was discovered that the entire rebel army has
fallen back towards Spottsylvania Court House. Our
cavalry started in pursuit, and by daylight to-day our
corps had commenced to move forward.
SKIRMISHING ON SUNDAY.
   I stop the courier to add that I have just heard that 
our cavalry are skirmishing with Gen. Lee's rear beyond 
Pine Tree Church, near Spottsylvania village.
It is the impression here that unless his presence is 
demanded near Richmond, Lee has fallen back to the
North Anna river for a new defensive line.
   On Monday, there had been some hard fighting at
Spottsylvania Court House, where, (we announce
with pain,) Gen. Sedgwick was killed, and Generals
Robinson and Morris wounded.
DESPATCH FROM GEN. BUTLER.
HEADQUARTERS NEAR BERMUDA LANDING,
May 9, 1864.
To E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War:
   Our operations may be summed up in a few words.
With 1700 cavalry we have advanced up the Peninsula, 
forded the Chickahominy and have safely brought
them to our position. These were colored cavalry,
and are now holding our advance pickets towards
Richmond.
   Gen. Kauntz, with 3000 cavalry from Suffolk, on
the same day with our movement up the James river,
forded the Black Water, burnt the railroad bridge at
Stony Creek below Petersburg, cutting in two Beauregard's 
forces at that point.
   We have landed here, entrenched ourselves, destroyed 
many miles of railroad and got a position,
which with proper supplies we can hold against the 
whole of Lee's army. I have ordered up the supplies.
   Beauregard, with a large portion of his command
was left south of the cutting of the railroad by Kauntz.
   That portion which reached Petersburg under Hill 
I have whipped to-day, killing and wounding many, 
and taking many prisoners after a severe and well
contested fight. Gen. Grant will not be troubled with
any further reinforcements to Lee from Beauregard's
forces.
(Signed)    BENJ. F. BUTLER.
Major General.
FROM GEN. SHERMAN'S ARMY.
WASHINGTON, May 10---7 o'clock, A. M.
To Major General Dix:
   A dispatch from Gen. Sherman, received at midnight, 
states that "we are fighting for the possession
of Rocky Face Ridge, and I have knowledge that
McPherson took the Snake Creek Gap, and was within 
seven miles of Resaca this morning."
   You will remember that on Saturday the rebels were
forced from Tunnell Hill by Gen. Thomas, and took a 
position at Buzzard's Roost, in a bend of Mill Creek,
just north of Dalton.
   This is represented to be a very strong position,
which Gen. Thomas was unable to drive the enemy
from on a former occasion, when he advanced on Dalton; 
but Resaca is a position on the railroad, about
fifteen miles south of Dalton, and this will place
McPherson, with a strong corps of veteran troops, in
the rear of the enemy, while Thomas advanced upon
the front and Schofield closes in upon the flank from
Cleveland.
   It is probable that a great battle was fought on that
line yesterday, and may now be in progress. Gen. Joe
Johnston is in command of the rebel force.
   Nothing since my last dispatch has been heard from
the Army of the Potomac or from Gen. Butler.
EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.
REBEL MOVEMENT IN NEWBERN.

THE ABOLITION AMENDMENT. The following is 
the joint resolution for amending the Constitution, as 
it passed the Senate on Friday the 8th instant :-
Be its resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America, in Congress 
assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, 
That the following Article be proposed to the Legislatures 
of the several States, which, when ratified by 
three-fourths of the Legislatures, shall be valid to all 
intents and purposes, a part of said Constitution, 
namely:
ARTICLE XII. Sec. 1. Neither slavery non involuntary 
servitude, except as a punishment for 
crime whereof the party shall be duly convicted, 
shall exist within the United States, or any place subject 
to their jurisdiction.
Sec. 2. Congress shall have the power to enforce 
the article by appropriate legislation. 
The negative vote of six was composed as follows : 
Davis, of Kentucky; Hendricks, of Indiana ; McDougall, 
of California ; Powell, of Kentucky, and 
Riddle and Salisbury, of Delaware.  It is believed
that the requisite two-thirds vote will be secured in 
the House for this measure.  After that, it will go to 
the President for his approval, when it will be submitted 
to the Legislatures of the different States, the 
assent of three-fourths of which will be necessary to 
give it effect as a part of the Constitution.
JUSTICE TO THE COLORED SOLDIERS.
Both Houses of Congress have voted to give the colored 
soldiers the same pay and privileges as the white. 
Here is the righteous enactment:
"All persons of color who have been or may be mustered 
into the military service of the United States, 
shall receive the same uniform, clothing, arms, equipments, 
camp equipments, rations, medical and hospital 
attendance, pay and emoluments other than bounty, as 
other soldiers in the regular or volunteer forces of the 
United States, of the like arm of the service, from and 
after the first of January, 1864 ; and that every person 
of color who shall hereafter be mustered into the service 
shall receive the same amount of bounty as the 
President shall order in the different States or parts of 
States, not exceeding one hundred dollars.  
Any colored person enlisted and mustered into the 
service as a volunteer, under the call of October 7, 
1863, for three hundred thousand men, who was at the 
time of enlistment enrolled and subject to draft in the 
State in which he volunteered, shall receive from the 
United States the same amount of bounty as was paid 
white soldiers under said call, not exceeding in any 
case one hundred dollars.
All free persons of color who have been or may be 
mustered into the military service shall, from the date 
of their enlistment, receive the same uniform, clothing, 
arms, equipments, camp equipage, rations, medical and 
hospital attendance, pay, emoluments, and bounty as 
others of the regular or volunteer forces of the like arm 
of service, and all enlistments in the regular army may 
be for the term of three years."
The negative votes in the House on this measure 
should be remembered.  They were 49, as follows :
Nays.- Messrs. James C. Allen, Ancona, Brooks 
Brown (W.Va.,) Chanler, Clay, Cox, Dawson Dennison, 
Eden, Eldridge, Finck, Grider, Hall, Harding, 
Harrington, Harris (Ill.,) Herrick, Holman, Kernan, 
King, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Le Blond, Long, Marcy, 
McDowell, McKinney, Miller ( Pa.,) Morris (Ohio,) 
Morrison, Noble, O'Neal (Pa.,) Perry, Robinson, Rollins 
(Mo.,) Ross, Scott, Smith, Steele (N.Y.) Stiles, 
Strouse, Voorhees, Whaley, Wheeler, White, Wood, 
Yeaman -49.
DEATH OF HIRAM WILSON
It is with no ordinary sensations that we announce 
to our readers, (many, if not most of whom were deeply 
interested in him and his Christian labors,) the death 
of Rev. Hiram Wilson, at his home in St. Catharines, 
(C.W.) on the 16th inst., aged 60 years, after a brief 
illness of one week, from inflammation on the lungs.  
The information comes to us in a letter from his son, 
Mr. John J. Wilson, a student in Oberlin College, who
was , providentially, at home, on a visit, just in time 
to witness the sickness and death of this excellent father.
Hiram Wilson was one of the students at Lane Seminary, 
Ohio, who left it in 1834, on account of the order 
of the Trustees to disband their Anti-Slavery 
Society.  He was one of the Delegates to the World's
Anti-Slavery Convention in London.  For many years 
he labored for the benefit of fugitive slaves in Canada, 
and to aid those who had recently arrived there.  This 
labor led hum to travel extensively in the free States 
to obtain the necessary means of supplying their necessities.  
He also interested himself, and many others, 
in efforts for establishing a Seminary of learning, for 
their benefit.  Of late he has labored among the seamen 
on the Welland Canal. Few men connected with 
the anti-slavery labors of the last thirty years have en-

THE LATE LIEUT. COUTHOUY. The following despatch 
from Admiral Porter confirms the report of the 
death of this estimable officer:
MISSISSIPPI SQUADRON, Flag Ship Cricket,}
Off Grand Ecore, La., April 7, 1864.}
SIR: I regret very much to inform you of the death 
of Acting Volunteer Lieut. Joseph P. Couthouy, commanding 
U. S. S. Chilicothe.  This estimable officer 
was picked off by a guerrilla while on the deck of his 
vessel directing his guns on a large body of cavalry ; the 
former were compelled to retreat by the fire of the 
gunboats.  The death of Capt. Couthouy is much regretted 
by officers and men, and by no one more than 
myself, as he was zealous and patriotic officer.  He 
was shot on the 3d inst, and died on the 4th. 
I am, Sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
DAVID D. PORTER, Rear Admiral.
HON. GIDEON WELLES, Secretary of Navy.
GARIBALDI ON OUR WAR. An English correspondent 
says that Garibaldi, in a very straight- forward 
way, called on our Consul at London ( Hon. Freeman 
H. Morse, ) and told him that he would do himself the 
honor of breakfasting with him the following morning, 
when he hoped to meet all who would do him the 
honor of calling on him.  Mr. Morse, of course, was 
delighted with the privilege thus afforded him.  In 
the course of the conversation that ensued, the correspondent 
says :-
" Garibaldi spoke in the most enthusiastic terms of 
General Grant.  He said that he was a brave and efficient 
officer, and commented particularly on his Western 
campaign, saying that it was the most masterly 
military feat that it had been his providence ever to have 
heard of.  He spoke of him as being the 'right man 
in the right place,' and that he above all other was 
the man to command the American armies.
I may mention another item which was part of Gen. 
Garibaldi's conversation.  In speaking of having been 
in London some years ago, before he had become so 
universally known, he said when here he dined with 
the notorious George N. Sanders, then United States 
Consul here. Since that time Sanders has written to 
him, asking him to go over and take up the cause of 
the South , ' which proposition,' and he 
'I scornfully rejected. I did not even answer Sanders communication.'"
REBEL BRUTALITIES IN WEST VIRGINIA. A communication 
from Pendleton county, West Virginia, 
states that a few nights since a party of rebel guerrillas 
visited the house of Capt. E. C. Harper, commanding 
the " Swamp Dragoons," a company organized in the 
neighborhood for home defense.  The Captain and his 
brother were out at the time, and approaching soon 
after, were shot in their tracks, and in the presence of 
their aged parents. The murderers then stripped the 
dead men of their clothes, and after robbing the house, 
proceeded to the dwelling of Mr. Eli Harmon, in the 
neighborhood, whom they also served in the same 
way.  Harmon lived a short time after being shot, and 
during his last moments was taunted by his murderers, 
and refused a drink of water his wife, at his request, 
was about handing him.  The gang committed 
various other outrages, and finally left the connty, 
carrying with them a large amount of plunder. 
CAIRO, May 4. a gunboat from the Red River 
brings information, that finding it impossible to get 
the Eastport off, and being attacked by the enemy 
while endeavoring to lighten her, Admiral Porter ordered 
her to be destroyed, to prevent her falling into 
the hands of the enemy.
It was found necessary to destroy the transports, 
which were burned.  Several of the crew of the ironclads 
were killed and wounded.  Among them was 
Sylvester Pool of Newport, Ky., Executive Officer of 
the Eastport, who had charge of the sharpshooters on 
Fort Hindman. He was struck on the back of the 
head by a 12-pound ball.
THE NEW STATES. Enabling acts have passed the 
House of Representatives for the admission of Nebraska, 
Colorado, and Nevada, into the Union.  For the 
first time in the history of legislation on this subject, 
the enabling acts afford a perfect safeguard for the 
freedom of the new States.  The subjoined provisions 
constitute a part of each act :-
1. That the Constitution [of the new State,] when 
formed, shall be republican, and not repugnant to the 
Constitution of the United States, and the principles 
of the Declaration of Independence.  
2. That said Constitution shall provide by an article, 
forever irrevocable without the consent of the Congress 
of the United States, that slavery or involuntary 
servitude shall be forever prohibited in said State.
The chivalry of the South has exhibited a fresh 
proof of their boasted devotion to woman. Not con-

           WILLIAM WELLS BROWN will speak at Quincy,
on Sunday, May 15, in the afternoon, at 2 o'clock, and
evening at half-past 7.
     Subject : Afternoon-The Infidelity of Reformers. 
Will also speak at Concord, N. H., Sunday, May 22.  
            PARKER PILLSBURY will lecture in Hingham, 
on Sunday evening next, at 7 o'clock. Subject : " The 
Mystery of the War."
            A. T. FOSS will speak at Farmington Corner, N. H., 
on Sunday, 15th inst., during the day and evening.
            LORING MOODY, Agent of the New England Educational 
Commission for Freedmen, will lecture in Maine, 
as follows :-
                       Auburn,                   Sunday,            May 15.
                       Winthrop,                Wednesday,          " 18.
                       Kendall's Mills,        Thursday,              " 19.
                       Bangor,                    Sunday,                  " 22.
" AN APPEAL TO THE PUBLIC." It being a well-known 
fact that the brave men composing the 54th and 
55th Regiments Mass. Vols. have, since they have been in 
their country's service, received no pay, and also, that 
hundreds of them have fallen in defence of the American 
flag, leaving here in our midst their poor, suffering and 
destitute wives and children, the Colored Ladies of Massachusetts, 
knowing the urgent necessity there is, just at 
this time, of doing something for these suffering ones, are 
preparing to hold a Fair in this city at as early a day as 
possible, this being, in their judgement, the most practical 
method of accomplishing their object.  Donations, either 
of goods or money, will be most thankfully received by the 
President, Madam CARTEAUX BANNISTER, 31 Winter street, 
and the Treasurer, Rev. Mrs. GRIMES, 28 Grove street.  
As we have just sent into the field another brave regiment, 
the 5th Cavalry, and their families are left with us, while 
their husbands, brothers and fathers have gone to uphold 
the honor of our flag, there will be a demand for all our 
friends may assist us in raising. 
May 7.
         FRIENDS OF HUMAN PROGRESS.- The Yearly 
Meeting of the Friends of Human Progress will be held 
at the usual place near Waterloo, on Friday, Saturday and 
Sunday, 3d, 4th and 5th days of June next.
         A cordial invitation is extended to all who have ears to 
hear- all especially who prize most Truth and the interests 
of Humanity- who seek, before all else, the life and 
growth of the soul, to join us in this our annual gathering.  
Come, that we may mutually impart and receive counsel, 
encouragement and quickening.
         Rev. SAMUEL J. MAY, A. M. POWELL, C. D. B. MILLS, 
and other able speakers from abroad, will be present to 
participate in the discussions, and lend interest to the occasion.
Communications for the meeting should be addressed to 
PHEBE B. DEAN, Waterloo, N. Y.
                       PHEBE B. DEAN,          HARRIET A. MILLS,
                       ISRAEL LISK,                   HENRY BONNEL,
                       STEPHEN SHEAR,          HUGH D. THORN,
                       MARY DOTY,                  WILLIAM BARNES,
                                                                      Committee of Arrangements.
      Waterloo, March, 1864.
YEARLY MEETING OF PROGRESSIVE FRIENDS.
The Twelfth Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of 
Progressive Friends will be held at LONGWOOD, (near 
Hamorton,) Chester County, Pa., beginning at 10 o'clock, 
A. M., on Fifth- day, the 2d of 6th month, and continuing 
probably, for three days.
This Society demands assent to no system of doctrines, 
acknowledges no priesthood, prescribes no form of worship ; 
but, cherishing the utmost liberty of religious opinion, 
inquiry and speculation, seeks its bond of Union in a common 
love of God as the Universal Father, a common regard 
for mankind as one Brotherhood, common aspirations 
for moral and religious excellence, and common labors 
to redeem the world from ignorance, superstition and 
sin, and introduce the era of universal righteousness and 
peace.  Welcoming and cherishing whatever of truth was 
spoken or recorded in the past, it nevertheless looks continually 
for fresh revelations of the Divine will, and rejoices 
in the assurance that it is the privilege of the pure in 
heart, not less now than in former ages, to hold communion 
with God, and to be guided by the teachings of his Holy

following
LETTER FROM WENDELL PHILLIPS.
   JUDGE STALLO: -- Dear Sir, -- Since you asked my
judgment as to the course to be taken in nominating a
candidate for the Presidency, I have been requested
to sign a call for a Convention for that purpose, to 
meet at Cleveland, in May next. 
   Let me tell you the national policy I advocate:-- 
   Subdue the South as rapidly as possible. The moment
territory comes under our flag, reconstruct
States thus: confiscate and divide the lands of rebels;
extend the right of suffrage broadly as possible to
whites and blacks; let the Federal Constitution prohibit
slavery throughout the Union, and forbid the
States to make any distinction among their citizens,
an account of color or race. 
   I shall make every effort to have this policy pursued.
Believing that the present Administration repudiates
it, and is carrying us to a point where we
shall be obliged either to acknowledge the Southern
Confederacy or to reconstruct the Union on terms
grossly unjust, intolerable to the masses, and sure
soon to result in another war, I earnestly advise an
unpledged and independent Convention, like that proposed,
to consider public affairs, and nominate for the
Presidency a Statesman and a Patriot. 
                            Yours, faithfully, 
                                            WENDELL PHILLIPS.
CONDITION OF THE PRISONERS RELEASED
FROM RICHMOND.
   It was announced, some days since, that a large
number of the Union prisoners, recently released
from Richmond, had been sent to the Jarvis Hospital
in Baltimore, for medical treatment. A correspondent
of the Philadelphia Inquirer, who has visited this hospital,
describes the condition of the men. He says : -- 
  "I had numerous interviews with many of these
prisoners, all of whom gave evidence of having been
fairly educated. One venerable old gentleman, named
Daniel Spear, from East Tennessee, fifty-seven years
of age, has been incarcerated for illegal political offences;
or in other words, because he was a Union
man, and loved his country. 
  Not content with depriving him of all his property,
and driving his wife and children from a comfortable
home, they also sapped the foundation of his life by
cruel incarceration, He appeared to be a truthful,
honest farmer, and declared he saw a Union prisoner
deliberately shot dead by a heartless guard, whilst
eating his scanty ration at the prison window. 
  Another one told me that in General Hospital No.
24, in Richmond, whilst there were five hundred and
eighty prisoners brought in during a single month
alive, five hundred and fifty-five were taken out dead
in the same time.
  Sergeant Thomas James, of the Regular United
States army, who acted as steward of Apothecary in
the same hospital, from the 1st of January to the 1st
of March, says that of twenty-seven hundred patients
in that time, there were the unprecedented number of
fourteen hundred deaths, the greater portion of whom
could have been saved with proper care.
   In Belle Island the suffering was unparalleled. I
saw many---a dozen or more---who had their feet, fingers,
hands and toes frozen off, whilst exposed to the
severe weather in this desolate abode. To keep from
freezing entire they were often compelled to huddle,
dozens together, and change positions as those under
got warm and those outside began to freeze. Death,
the dead and dying, grew familiar to to all, and many
prayed for a hastening of the hour of dissolution. It
was no uncommon thing to see twenty, thirty, forty,
and fifty dead bodies carried out in a day, or to behold
them strewn around like carcasses of dumb animals.
   Dogs and rats were caught when opportunity afforded,
and eaten by prisoners on this island as choice
morsels, and an old bone discovered here was gnawed
as a delicacy. What became of the many gifts of provisions
sent from home, prisoners, with extreme exceptions,
confined here, could not tell, save that they saw
them at times eagerly devoured by the rebels themselves.
   I heard many tales of horror in which there was a
universal concurrence of sentiment from these prisoners,
all of which, together with their forlorn condition
and haggard looks, could not fail in bringing conviction
that they have been inhumanely treated. I speak
from seeing, and know what I assert."
CAPTURE OF SIXTEEN PRISONERS BY THE 54TH
MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT. On the night of Friday,
the 23d inst., the 54th Massachusetts (colored) regiment,
gained for themselves laurels which will be willingly
accorded to them by the other troops in the Department.
On the occasion in question, a party of sixteen
rebels launched boats from James Island with the
evident view of passing down our lines on the west
side on Morris Island, in order to gain a little information
with reference to the disposition of our troops in
that locality.
   The night was quite dark, consequently by no
means unfavorable for the accomplishment of the rebel
design. But as luck would have it, our men doing
picket duty on the creek, were too vigilant for the interest
of the rebels, and as they came down in their
rickety skulls, they were, at a favorable moment, challenged
by a detachment of the 54th. Failing to give
a satisfactory response, they were ordered to lay by
their oars by our pickets, with which command they
readily complied, and, as would be naturally supposed,
it was not long before they were in our possession as
prisoners of war.---Port Royal New South, April, 30.
MAIMED NEGROES. An Alexandria (La.) correspondent 
remarks:----
   "A steamer loaded with negroes has just arrived
from above; not a pleasant sight to see, for among
them are many maimed and diseased men, and all are
ragged and dirty beyond our experience. One cannot
but be surprised at the number of maimed negroes
here. Quartermaster Welch told me yesterday that
his force of laborers consisted of twenty-one negroes,
each having but one eye. How is this to be accounted for?"

cock, "to hold his ground twenty minutes and he
shall be relieved"; but before twenty minutes expired
his body was brought in.
   The forests were so dense that the ammunition
teams could not get up, and cartridges were sent in on
the stretchers which brought out the wounded. The
first man killed was Charles Williams, of Franklin, belonging
to the 8th Mass. The old Bay State has, as
usual, poured out her blood freely to-day.
   The 8th and 9ths regiments suffered severely. I cannot
obtain a list of casualties to night. The battle
will doubtless be renewed to-morrow. The line of
battle to-night is about six miles long, extending from
the Rapidan, along which 200,000 men are in position.
Six hundred prisoners have been taken.
   The soldiers are enthusiastic to-night, and are confident
of victory. The battle will be renewed at daybreak.
Lee began the fight to-day. Grant will probably
take the initiative in the morning.
BATTLEFIELD, 10 PM
   Everything is quiet, except an occasional volley by
pickets, and the placing of fresh troops in position.
"CARLETON."
THE GREAT BATTLE OF FRIDAY.
   NEW YORK, May 9. The Times' Washington despatch,
dated midnight, May 8, says your special correspondent,
writing from Headquarters at the Wilderness
Tavern, Friday night, May 8, gives the following
intelligence of the great battle of Friday :
  The day has closed upon a terribly hard fought field,
and the Army of the Potomac has added another to
its list of murderous conflicts.
  Lee's tactics, so energetically employed at Chancellorsville
and Gettysburg, of throwing his whole army
first upon one wing and then upon another, have
again been brought to bear, but I rejoice to say that
he army of the Potomac has repulsed the tremendous
onslaught of the rebels, and stands to-night solidly
in the position it took this morning.
   The first attempt was made upon Hancock upon the
right, somewhat weakened in numbers by the battle
of yesterday, but the "Iron" 2d Corps stood its
ground. Then the enemy hurled his batteries upon
Gen. Sedgwick and once or twice gained a temporary
advantage, but our veterans were nobly rallied and
the rebels repulsed with awful slaughter.
   About 4.30 P. M., Lee made a feint attack upon the
whole line, and then suddenly fell with his whole
force upon Gen. Sedgwick, driving him back temporarily ;
but the advantage was soon regained, and the
rebels were hurled back with great loss.
  Night had now come on, and it is believed at headquarters,
at this time, that Lee has withdrawn from
our front,
  Although the nature of the ground has been of a
terrible character, most of it being so thickly wooded
as to render the movements all but impossible, and
to conceal entirely the operation of the enemy, yet
he has been signally repulsed in all his attacks, and
nothing but the nature of the battle-field prevented it
from being a crushing defeat.
   The loss on both sides has been very heavy, but at
this time of hasty writing I cannot even give an estimate,
   The Times' Washington despatch says the latest
news from the army received here is up to 7 o'clock
yesterday evening, at which Gen. Grant fully maintained
his position.
   The fighting on Thursday and Friday was very severe,
with skirmishing only Saturday.
  Lee's first onset was made upon our left, but failing,
he then fell upon the centre, and finally upon our
right, where the hardest contest took place.
   Here the rebels charged upon our lines twice, but
were repulsed each time with severe loss. Gen Hancock's
corps charged back twice, and at one time entered
that portion of the enemy's intrenchments commanded
by A. P. Hill, but were at length compelled
to fall back.
  Gen. Seymour's division of Hancock's corps was
badly cut up.
  Generals Wadsworth and Bartlett were badly wounded,
the former having been knocked off his horse by
a spent minie ball.
    The rebels were reported retreating yesterday
morning. The number of wounded is reported at
10,000. The killed at 2000. The loss of the enemy
exceeds this. He left his dead and disabled on the
field in our hands.
   The ambulance corps with its admirable organization
is working up to its full capacity, conveying the
wounded Rappahannock Station. Sixteen trains of
cars, dispatched from Alexandria to-day, will receive
them. It is expected that they will return about daylight
(Monday.) Several car loads of ice were also sent
down for the comfort of the wounded.
  The Sanitary and Christian Commissions are on the
field with a full force and with plentiful supplies, and
everything necessary for the wounded. The Government
has hospital accommodations here for 30,000,
which will probably meet all demands.
  The Herald's Washington dispatch says on Friday
the attack was renewed against Longstreet on the right,
while the rebel troops under A. P. Hill were hurled in
like manner against the left of Gen. Grant's army, composed
of Hancock's corps. The centre was also engaged
in repelling these assaults of the enemy.
 The fight continued, with hardly any intermission,
for two days. But yesterday morning Lee, having
failed completely in his object, withdrew from the engagement,
leaving our Army of the Potomac in possession
of the ground, and of a large number of wounded
and killed rebels.
  It has not been ascertained definitely, whether Lee's
army has retired behind their intrenchments at Mine
Run, or moved to a position nearer Richmond and the
railroad.
  Ample supplies of hospital stores are on their way
from here for the relief of the wounded, many of whom
have already been brought to Rappahannock Station,
and trains of hospital cars have been sent out to bring
them in.
  The result is regarded at the War Department as a
decided success for General Grant, which, if followed
up, will give him a complete victory.
  Grant's loss in the two great battles is estimated by
the Medical Director at 8000. The loss of the rebels is
supposed to be greater.

of Rocky Face Ridge, and I have knowledge that
McPherson took the Snake Creek Gap, and was within
seven miles of Resaca this morning."
   You will remember that on Saturday the rebels were
forced from Tunnell Hill by Gen. Thomas, and took a
position at Buzzard's Roost, in a bend of Mill Creek,
just north of Dalton.
  This is represented to be a very strong position,
which Gen. Thomas was unable to drive the enemy
from on a former occasion, when he advanced on Dalton;
but Resaca is a position on the railroad, about
fifteen miles south of Dalton, and this will place
McPherson, with a strong corps of veteran troops, in
the rear of the enemy, while Thomas advanced upon
the front and Schofield closes in upon the flank from
Cleveland.
  It is probable that a great battle was fought on that
line yesterday, and may be now in progress. Gen. Joe
Johnston is in command of the rebel force. 
  Nothing since my last dispatch has been heard from
the Army of the Potomac or from Gen. Butler. 
EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.
REBEL MOVEMENT IN NEWBORN.
THE ENEMY DRIVEN BACK BY GUNBOATS.
HATTERAS, N. C., May 7. The schooner Eliza Sheldon,
bound for New York, has just arrived here from
Newborn, and reports that the enemy made a demonstration
on Newbern yesterday, cutting off the railroad
communication between that place and Beaufort, and
making his appearance on the south side of the Neuse
river, two miles below the city, with a cavalry force,
accompanied by a battery of four guns, which commanded
the water approaches to Newbern for a period.
The gunboats Commodore Barney and Louisiana suddenly
made their appearance at the points threatened,
and forced the enemy back from the river.  Nothing
was allowed to pass over the railroad from Newbern to
Beaufort yesterday.  As this demonstration was expected,
therefore the enemy failed to sscure a loaded
train of cars.  Capt. White says this movement of the
enemy was only a cavalry dash and not intended as a
general attack on Newbern.
        Information was received at Washington last
Monday, May 9th, that the rebel ram in Albemarle
Sound has been attacked by the U.S steamer Sassacus
and others, and, after a severe contest, forced to
retreat, with damage. 
ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Call to the Friends of Union and Liberty to return thanks
to God for his especial favor. 
                      EXECUTIVE MANSION,}
                      WASHINGTON, MAY 9, 1864.}
To the Friends of Union and Liberty:
Enough is known of army operations within the
last few days to claim our especial gratitude to God.
While what remains undone demands our most sincere
prayers to, and reliance upon, him without whom
all human effort is vain, I recommend that all patriots
at their homes, in their places of public worship, and
wherever they may be, unite in common thanksgiving
and prayer to Almighty God.
                       (Signed)                       ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
A COPPERHEAD VIEW OF THE NEWS. The Courier
says :
      "The  summary of the news from the Army of the
Potomac appears to be that it received a very heavy blow
from Lee's army, as shown by our losses and the absence
of any details of substantial advantages gained
by us."
      Just such a blow as Lee inflicted upon our army at
Antietam.  But in the present instance the General
commanding our forces will not wait for his men to
receive new shoes before ascertaining how much damage
was inflicted on the enemy. - Boston Journal. 
THE FIFTH MASSACHUSETTS COLORED REGIMENT. 
The 5th Regiment of Massachusetts Colored Cavalry,
mounted, armed, equipped, and ready for service,
is organized, and embraces one thousand one
hundred black men.  The first battalion of this regiment
reached New York Friday from Boston, and after
remaining here a few hours, took its departure for
Washington.  More than two-thirds of these men
were originally slaves, who escaped from slavery
either before or since the outbreak of the Rebellion. 
They are skilful horsemen. Some of them acquired
their skill in the management of horses while serving
their master in the rebel service. Major H. N. Weld,
an officer of five years' experience in the Regular
Army, and who participated in the Mexican war, has
command of the 1st Battalion, comprising four of the
twelve companies.  The commanders of the companies
are as follows : Company A, Capt A. R. Howe ;
Company B. Cyrus Emery ;  Company C, Horace
Weld ; Company D, C. C. Parson. Most of the line
officers are white men, and have seen service.  Col
H. S. Russell is commander of the regiment. 
       Evidence that the rebels are determined to
massacre all the black soldiers who may fall into their 
hands is furnished in a letter from Canton, Mississippi,
and published in the Atlanta ( Georgia,) Appeal, of
April 13.  The letter writer says:
  "General Ross broke up a plantation near Snyder's
Bluff, killing some fifty negro soldiers who were
gnarding the workmen.  The killing was applauded.
Take no negro prisoners is the cry in which all join.
It is proper."
   The writer goes on to assign a reason for the murder
of black prisoners of war He says :
"Self-preservation requires that there be no rule
but that of extermination with armed negroes." 
He is not insensible of the logic of this proposition
as he adds :
"It might be well to have no other rule with these
white fellows."
KANSAS FOR LINCOLN.  At the State Convention
held at Topeka, on the 22d instant, delegates to the
Baltimore Convention were elected.  They were instructed
to vote for President Lincoln. 

It is with no ordinary sensations that we announce
to our readers, (many, if not most of whom were deeply
interested in him and his Christian labors,) the death
of Rev. Hiram Wilson, at his home in St, Catharines,
( C. W.) on the 16th inst., aged 60 years, after a brief
illness of one week from inflammation on the lungs. 
The information comes to us in a letter from his son,
Mr. John J. Wilson, a student in Oberlin College, who
was, providentially, at home, on a visit, just in time
to witness the sickness and death of his excellent father. 
Hiram Wilson was one of the students at Lane Seminary,
Ohio, who left it in 1834, on account of their order
of the Trustees to disband their Anti- Slavery Society. 
He was one of the Delegates to the World's
Anti- Slavery Convention in London.  For many years
he labored for the benefit of fugitive slaves in Canada,
and to aid those who had recently arrived there.  This
labor led him to travel extensively in the free States
to obtain the necessary means of supplying their necessities.
He also interested himself, and many others,
in efforts for establishing a Seminary of learning, for
their benefit.  Of late he has labored among the seamen
on the Welland Canal. Few men connected with
the anti- slavery labors of the last thirty years have enjoyed,
in a higher degree, the confidence of the christian
public, of all denominations, or communicated personally,
with a greater number of them.  And no one
has left a deeper impression of his christian benevolence,
sincerity, and piety.  He died, as he had lived,
in the faith of the Gospel, and shared richly in its consolations,
in his last moments. - New York Principia.
THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY SANITARY FAIR.
Our friends at St. Louis are very much interested
in the approaching Sanitary Fair in that city.  A separate
department in aid of the Freedmen and refugees
has been agreed upon. The St. Louis Democrat speaking
of this says :-
"Unless we are grossly deceived, this Department
will be one of the most attractive and pecuniarily successful
of the whole Fair.  The appeals on its behalf
have been widely circulated and have elicited a warmer
response in various parts of the East, than the general
objects of the Fair. The cause of this proceeds from
the fact that so many Fairs have now been held for
sanitary purposes throughout the North, that a majority
of individuals feel that the country has been so
thoroughly drained for assisting sick and wounded
soldiers, that they cannot afford to give anything more
for that object at present ; but here is a new charity,
never before included in Sanitary Fairs. This touches
a new chord of charity, and opens many purse strings
which could not be reached.  This is particularly the
case in the region where the New York, Brooklyn,
Boston, Albany and Buffalo Fairs have exhausted the
charitable offerings of the people-yet for the Union
refugees and freedmen, now suffering for food and
clothing, they can and will give a little more.  The result
is many contributions in money and goods, which
will materially assist in swelling the funds of this excellent
and meritorious department."
Among the distinguished contributors will be found
Mrs. L. M. Child, who has contributed a set of her
works, accompanied by a letter in which she says :-
"Gen. Rosecrans has long been one of my pet heroes. 
His sensible, manly letters are about as admirable as
his activity and courage on the field of battle.  I am
so thankful to see him take the right ground on the
subject of slavery.  * * * I have for many years
predicted that Missouri would be the first of the slave
States to abolish slavery.  But Maryland and Arkansas
have got the start of her.  The fact will shine as a
brilliant gem in the crown of those States.  Posterity
will see the matter in a different light from what we do.
It will in the future be a subject of marvel, that men
could be so reluctant to part with a baneful disease, a
clinging curse.
With thanks for the kind expressions in your letter,
I am cordially yours,
L. MARIA CHILD."
Mr. Long's speech in Congress is published
in the Raleigh Conservative, ( Rebel,) and is spoken of
as "a bold and manly speech, and is in several respects
the most remarkable speech that has been delivered
in Yankeedom."  
The Richmond Sentinel prints Long's treasonable
speech in full, having previously printed a pretty full
synopsis. It says : " As the speech is able, truthful,
deliberate and brave, and as it has excited so much
attention in consequence of the abortive efforts of the
Lincolnites to expel Mr. Long from the House of
Representatives for its utterance, and the barren victory
they won on the motion to censure, we have
thought we could not better use our space than to
copy it in full."
FRANK P. BLAIR. This gentlemen was serenaded
on his return to St. Louis.  In his speech, referring
to the alleged liquor speculation, he said his auditors
all knew that he liked whiskey too well to speculate
in it.  He declared himself still in favor of the emancipation
of the slaves, and their removal from the
country.  He was in favor of their fighting "if they
will," but opposed to giving them the right of suffrage.
He said much more in the same vein.
VICKSBURG. Some 3,000 slaves of all ages and colors
reached here yesterday.  It was one of the saddest
spectacles witnessed for a long time in Vicksburg.
The women and children have almost starved,
and are half naked.  Such a terrible picture of abject
want and squalid misery can neither be imagined nor
portrayed with pen.  Many of the women and children
were sick with fevers, brought on by the great
fatigue and exposure of the long march from Meridian,
Enterprise, Quitman, and other places.  Will not
the friends of freedom and the humane philanthropists
of the North come forward at once, and with
their generous hands rescue these liberated slaves
from premature graves! Shoes and clothing for both
sexes are needed immediately. - Corr. New York Tribune.
    Gold sells at the rate of $1 for $30 of Confederate
money in Georgia.  Flour $300 per barrel.  No
articles of any kind are sold for less than five or ten
dollars. 

which were burned. Several of the crew of the ironclads
were killed and wounded.  Among them was
Sylvester Pool of Newport, Ky., Executive Officer of
the Eastport, who had charge of the sharpshooters on
Fort Hindman. He was struck on the back of the
head by a 12-pound ball. 
THE NEW STATES. Enabling acts have passed the
House of Representatives for the admission of Nebraska,
Colorado, and Nevada, into the Union. For the 
first time in the history of legislation on this subject, 
the enabling acts afford a perfect safeguard for the 
freedom of the new States.  The subjoined provisions 
constitute a part of each act :-
   1. That the Constitution [of the new State,] when
formed, shall be republican, and not repugnant to the 
Constitution of the United States, and the principles
of the Declaration of Independence.
2. That said Constitution shall provide by an article,
forever irrevocable without the consent of the Congress
of the United States,  that slavery or involuntary 
servitude shall be forever prohibited in said State.
          The chivalry of the South has exhibited a fresh 
proof of their boosted devotion to woman. Not content 
with giving her the precedence in the ball-room 
and by the fireside, they would have her take the advance 
on the battle-field also.  These brave Southrons 
rally valorously behind a woman's skirts.  A telegram 
from St. Louis informs us, that at the late fight at 
Paducah, they put their helpless females forward as a 
bulwark of defense against a shower of Federal bullets,
and with a sharpness that even a Yankee would 
not have practiced, availed themselves of a flag of 
truce to restore their shattered lines. In Southern 
parlance this may be chivalrous, but the world will 
unite in pronouncing such atrocity fiendish, and the 
annals of civilized warfare will be searched in vain 
for a parallel for so barbarous an outrage on woman.
          The Baltimore correspondent of the New 
York World says the defenses of Richmond are most 
extensive and formidable.  All the engineering skill 
and defensive ingenuity of the South have been lavished 
and exhausted upon the rebel capital.  Its triple
line of forts, one within the other, defy assault, while 
the James river, from the city down to Fort Darling, a 
distance of eight miles, is one mass of intricate and 
immovable obstructions. Fort Darling is a Gibraltar 
in itself ; but it is only one of the sixteen forts whose 
gaping batteries frown along this part of the river.
REVOLUTION IN NEW YORK SUGGESTED. The 
Richmond Sentinel, noticing the fact that the troops 
garrisoning the fortifications in New York harbor 
were removed to other fields of usefulness, and that 
their places were to be filled by New York State 
troops, says : " This is Seymour's chance to free the 
State, if he has the pluck to us it."
           Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe accompanies 
another sketch sent to the Watchman and Reflector 
with the statement that her permanent residence is 
no longer Andover, Mass. but Hartford, Conn., to 
which Prof. Stowe and his family have already removed.  
PERSONAL. Wm. S. Thayer, United States Consul 
General for Egypt, died at Alexandria on the 10th of 
April, after a long illness.  He was a native of Haverhill, 
in this State, where he was born in 1829, and 
was graduated at Harvard College in the class of 1847.  
Mr. Thayer was formerly connected with the New 
York Evening Post, and was a gentleman of genial 
nature, rare culture, and great executive ability.  His 
early death will carry sorrow to a very wide circle of 
friends, which included all who knew him.  It will 
be remembered that the father of the deceased, a noted
journalist, died recently at Northampton. 
         The late Commander Flusser, of Kentucky, 
recently killed at Plymouth, ( N. C.) by the recoil of a 
shot fired by his own hands against the impenetrable 
sides of a rebel iron-clad, was one of the bravest and 
most efficient officers in the navy.  Though no politician,
he was, in sentiment, like the noble State to 
which he belonged, devoted heart and soul to the 
Union as it existed until party spirit rent it asunder. 
THE FORT PILLOW MASSACRE. A planter near 
Fort Pillow is reported as saying that Forrest informed 
him that his men had already buried three hundred 
and sixty negroes, and that the last one in the fort 
would be buried before they left.  As there were only 
four hundred negroes in the fort, there could be but 
few survivors to this, the most fiendish butchery that 
ever disgraced the world.  
             A barn of John Morgan, Eden, Vt., was 
burnt on the night of 23d of April, with eighteen 
cattle, five sheep, five lambs, nine tons of hay, and 
farming tools.  Asa A. Raymor has been put under 
$5000 bonds for setting this fire.  
             POLITICAL. A despatch from the new Governor 
of Arkansas to President Lincoln says that the
vote for the new free State Constitution is 12,179, and 
against it only 226.  The vote for Governor is 12,430.  
These are the official figures. 
             Rev. Samuel Crowther is shortly to be consecrated 
Bishop of the native churches in Western 
Africa beyond the dominions of the British crown.  
This announcement will shock "our Southern brethren," 
for Rev. Mr. Crowther is a black man, and was 
once a slave boy.  Yet the black slave is now to be 
made a Bishop of the English Church!
             About two acres of the celebrated forest of 
Chantilly, in France, have been destroyed by fire, 
caused, it is supposed, by a lighted cigar thrown into 
some dry grass.
             Nine officers of a colored regiment at Fortress 
Monroe having resigned for insufficient causes at the 
approach of active operations, General Butler has forwarded 
their resignations to the President, with the 
recommendation that they be remanded to their former 
regiments to serve out their time as private soldiers.
             Three proprietors of drinking saloons have 
died at Winsted within a short time ; Oscar F. Hawley, 
the last one, on his death-bed entreated his associate 
to give up the business.

YEARLY MEETING OF PROGRESSIVE FRIENDS.
The Twelfth Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of 
Progressive Friends will be held at LONGWOOD, (near 
Hamorton, ) Chester County, Pa., beginning at 10 o'clock, 
A. M., on Fifth- day. the 2d of 6th month, and continuing, 
probably, for three days. 
This Society demands assent to no system of doctrines, 
acknowledges no priesthood, prescribes no form of worship ;
but, cherishing the utmost liberty of religious opinion, 
inquiry and speculation, seeks its bond of Union in a common 
love of God as the Universal Father, a common regard 
for mankind as one Brotherhood, common aspirations 
for moral and religious excellence, and common labors 
to redeem the world from ignorance, superstition and 
sin, and introduce the era of universal righteousness and 
peace.  Welcoming and cherishing whatever of truth was 
spoken or recorded in the past, it nevertheless looks continually 
for fresh revelations of the Divine will, and rejoices 
in the assurance that it is the privilege of the pure in 
heart, not less now than in former ages, to hold communion 
with God, and to be guided by the teachings of his Holy 
Spirit.  The time of its public assemblies is devoted, not 
to sectarian propagandism, nor to unprofitable strife and 
debate in regard to modes of faith and worship, but to 
the discovery and adoption of the measures best adapted to 
promote the welfare of the human family ; to the application 
of the principles of justice and freedom to individuals, 
communities and nations ; to the promulgation of 
testimonies against every system of oppression and wrong; 
to the cultivation of those sentiments, aspirations, yearnings 
and hopes which proclaim the soul of man immortal 
as his Maker ; and to that exalted fellowship one with 
another which is the fruit of mutual toils and sacrifices 
in the cause of our common humanity. 
             All who feel attracted towards a Religious Society founded 
upon the principles, devoted to the objects, and animated 
by the spirit above described, are heartily invited 
to meet with us, and take part in our deliberations.
             OLIVER JOHNSON,                          ALLEN AGNEW,
             MARY ANN FULTON,                      JENNIE K. SMITH,
             THEODORE D. WELD,                     HANNA COX,
             ALICE ELIZA HAMBLETON,            ANNIE STEMBACH,
             ALFRED H. LOVE,                            DINAH MENDENHALL,
             SARAH M. BARNARD,                     SUSANNA P. CHAMBERS,
             THOMAS HAMBLETON,                 RACHEL WILSON.
Communications for the meeting may be addressed to 
OLIVER JOHNSON, 48 Beekman street, New York, till the 
30th of May ; after that, to Hamorton, Chester Co., Pa.
             Among those who are confidently expected to attend the 
meeting, and who will do so unless prevented by causes 
not foreseen, are GEORGE THOMPSON of England, WILLIAM 
LLOYD GARRISON, and THEODORE TILTON.
             Longwood is about thirty miles west of Philadelphia, 
from which place it is reached by the cars of the Philadelphia 
and Baltimore Central Railroad, which runs each 
way twice a day.  The Progressive Friends are hospitable 
to strangers.
             TO LET, for the Summer season, one of the most 
desirable residences in Lynn, situated on Sagamore Hill, 
free from dust, mosquitos and other annoyance, and within 
three minutes' walk of the Beach.  The house will be 
let with or without the furniture.  Rent reasonable for 
the times.
             Inquire of J. BAILEY, on the premises. 
                                                    SUNSHINE:
A NEW NAME FOR A POPULAR LECTURE ON 
HEALTH. By Mrs. Dall, Author of "Woman's Labor," 
" Woman under the Law," &c. 16mo ; paper, 35 
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Sent free by mail on receipt of the price.
                                                    ALSO,
DR. BARTOL's SERMON COMMEMORATIVE OF REV. 
T. STARR KING. 15 cents. 
THE PHONIC PRIMER AND READER.  A Rational 
Method of Teaching Reading by the Sounds of the Letters, 
without altering the Orthography.  By Rev. J. C. 
ZACHOS. 38 cents. 
                                                   WALKER, WISE & CO.,
                                                              BOSTON.
April 8-1w
THE RED SEA FREEDMEN,
A STIRRING Sermon for the times ; unsectarian, untrammeled 
and progressive, bearing upon the activities 
of the Church and the prosperities of the Nation. 
By Rev. ALEXANDER CLARK, Editor of " Clark's School 
Visitor," and Junior Pastor of the Church of the New Testament,
 Philadelphia. 
A handsome pamphlet. Price 10 cents. $1 a dozen. 
Buy it, read it, and send it to a soldier.  Address
                                                                                           J.W DAUGHADAY
                                                                 1308 Chestnut street, Philadelphia.
April 15.                                                                  3t
GAS FIXTURES.
THE undersigned begs leave to inform his friends and 
the public, that (owing to ill health) he has been 
obliged to leave his situation at Messrs. H.B. Stanwood 
& Co's, now Messrs.  Shreve, Stanwood & Co's, where he has 
been employed for the last fourteen years, the work being 
too heavy for his physical strength, and is now prepared 
to do all manner of 
JOBBING ON GAS FIXTURES,
in the most careful manner. New Fixtures furnished and 
put up, old Fixtures and Glass Drops cleaned, leaks stopped, 
Gas Fixtures done over, and Gas Glasses of all kinds 
furnished at short notice.  Also, Gas Burners of all the 
approved kinds.
Particular attention given to Lighting up for Parties. 
Shop under the Marlboro' Hotel. Orders may be left at 
Messrs.  Hall & Stowell's Provision Store, 132 Charles street, 
Boston.                      NELSON L. PERKINS.
Refers to Shreve, Stanwood & Co. 
Oct. 30- ly

78  THE LIBERATOR.  MAY 13.

negro, who had  been ordered by a rebel officer to
hold his horse, was killed by him when he remonstrated.
Another, a mere child, whom an officer had
taken up behind him on his horse, was seen by Gen.
Chalmers, who at once ordered him to put him down
and shoot him, which was done.

The huts and tents in which many of the wounded
sought shelter were set on fire, both on that night and
the next morning, while the wounded were still in
them, those only escaping who were able to get themselves
out, or who could prevail on others less injured
to help them out, and some of these thus seeking to
escape the flames were met by these ruffians and
brutally shot down, or had their brains beaten out.
One man was deliberately fastened down to the
floor of a tent, face upwards, by means of nails driven
through his clothing and into the boards under him,
so that he could not probably escape, and then the
tent was set on fire. Another was nailed to the sides
of a building outside of the fort, and then the building
was set on fire and burned. The charred remains
of five or six bodies were afterwards found, all
but one so much disfigured and consumed by the
flames that they could not be identified, and the identification
of that one is not absolutely certain, although
there can hardly be a doubt that it was the
body of Lieut. Albertson, Quartermaster of the 13th
Virginia cavalry, and a native of Tennessee. Several
witnesses who saw the remains and who were
personally acquainted with him while living here,
testified that it is their firm belief that it was his body
that was thus treated.

These deeds of murder and cruelty closed when
night came on, only to be renewed the next morning,
when the demons carefully sought among the
dead lying about in all directions for any other
wounded yet alive, and those they found were deliberately
shot. Scores of the dead and wounded were
found there the day after the massacre by the men
from some of our gunboats, who were permitted to go
on shore and collect the wounded and bury the
dead.

The rebels themselves had made a pretence of
burying a great many of their victims, but they had
merely thrown them, without the least regard to care
or decency, in the trenches and ditches about the
fort, or little hollows and ravines on the hillside, covering
them but partially with earth. Portions of heads
and faces were found protruding through the earth
in every direction, and even when your Committee
visited the spot, two weeks afterwards, although parties
of men had been sent on shore from time to time
to bury the bodies unburied and re-bury the others,
and were even then engaged in the same work, we
found the evidences of the murder and cruelty still
most painfully apparent.

We saw bodies still unburied, at some distance
from the fort, of some sick men who had been met
fleeing from the hospital and beaten down and brutally
murdered, and their bodies left where they had
fallen. We could still see the faces and hands and
feet of men, white and black, protruding out of the
ground, whose graves had not been reached by those
engaged in re-interring the victims of the massacre,
and although a great deal of rain had fallen within
the preceding two weeks, the ground, more especially
on the side and at the foot of the bluff where most
of the murders had been committed, was still discolored
by the blood of our brave but unfortunate soldiers,
and the logs and trees showed but too plainly
the evidences of the atrocities perpetrated.

Many other instances of equally atrocious cruelty
might be mentioned, but your committee feel compelled
to refrain from giving here more of the heart-sickening
details, and refer to the statements contained
in the voluminous testimony herewith submitted.
These statements were obtained by them from
eye-witnesses and sufferers. Many of them as they
were examined by your committee were lying upon
beds of pain and suffering, some so feeble that their
lips could with difficulty frame the words by which
they endeavored to convey some idea of the cruelties
which had been inflicted on them and which they
had seen inflicted on others.

In reference to the fate of Major Bradford, who
was in command of the fort when it was captured,
and who had up to that time received no injury,
there seems to be no doubt. The general understanding
everywhere seemed to be that he had been
brutally murdered the day after he was taken prisoner.
And how many of our troops thus fell victims
to the malignity and barbarity of Forrest and
[Next Column]
if they will take the responsibility of them or disavow
them, and relinquish to punishment the perpetrators.

The rebels themselves, have just set an example
of the proper mode of procedure. The found, or
pretended to find, upon the person of Col. Dalgren,
whom they killed, a copy of orders - real or spurious -
detailing the work to be done by his command
when Richmond should be in their hands. Some of
the items were, the taking off of Jeff. Davis, and
sundry acts of burning and devastation; averred
to be contrary to the rules of regular warfare. All
rebeldom has continued to be greatly exasperated
by these orders, which they affirm to be genuine,
but which have been supposed to be forgeries, for
the sake of effect. Their mode of procedure has
been to inquire of our military leaders in Virginia
if such orders were given to Col. Dahlgren; and if
he was carrying out the policy of the United States
Government in the endeavor to act upon them.

Gen. Meade and Gen. Kilpatrick have both replied,
that no such orders were given to Col. Dahlgren,
their mode of procedure was obviously the
proper one in the premises.

If Jeff. Davis avows the act of Forrest, it will
then be necessary to consider the next step. It will
then be for us to decide upon what act of retaliation
we will enter. In that case it might be proper
to proceed to extreme measures at once - even to
the putting to death of prisoners in our hands -
should such a step seem safe and proper. It would
doubtless be lawful.

But if Davis disavows the act, and is ready to accord
some suitable satisfaction, something less of
stringency might be insisted on in our demands.
But in any event the gang which perpetrated the
massacre are the proper subjects of vengeance.
If Davis will give up Forrest, Chalmers and their
bloody crew, very well. If not, a proclamation of
outlawry is the least that can be thought of. They
are no more entitled to protection in case of being
taken prisoners, than a parcel of tigers with the
blood of men upon their jaws.

At all events, we must go far enough to vindicate
justice, and protect our black soldiers in the future. --
Chicago Tribune

RETALIATION.
BY A CONNECTICUT WOMAN.

We cannot pass over the Fort Pillow massacre in
silence. As regard the cruelty to our soldiers and
the insult to our government, we need not notice it;
because deeds like this are always a greater injury
to those who commit, than to those who suffer them.
But this bloody act is another expression, on the part
of the rebels, of their determination never to recognize
the negroes as men, whatever uniform they may
wear—always and everywhere to deny to them the
rights of humanity. Now we have an answer that we
can make to this. The Legislature of Connecticut
will assemble soon. Let it respond to butchery on
the Mississippi, by giving to black men the right of
suffrage, and making them citizens. And let every 
other State, which has not yet yielded to the claims 
of justice, make the same response. Let the Government 
at Washington, that shrinks from a bloody
retaliation, make answer by securing the abolition of 
slavery and the recognition of the black man as the
equal, before the law, of the white. Such a response
would make a deeper impression upon the rebels,
than the execution of three hundred prisoners of
war. By retaliating in kind, we should declare the 
black patriot to be the equal of the white traitor.
But by making the black man a citizen, we should
declare him to be our equal, to whom we restore
rights which we have wrongfully withheld. Such a
response would be a greater protection to the black
soldier; for the rebels, whatever may be their policy,
would feel a greater respect for him if he were a citizen
of the government which he serves, and not a
mere hired soldier, sent for the purpose of saving the
white citizen from the perils of war. It would be a
greater encouragement to him; for it would assure
him that, wherever he could help to carry our flag,
there he would be recognized as a man. It would do
infinitely greater damage to the rebel cause; for it 
would be a blow aimed at its very corner-stone.

We must remember that, while we deny to these
blacks the rights of men, we share in the guilt of those 
who slaughter them like cattle. The Government
[Next Column]
The Liberator.

No Union with Slaveholders!

BOSTON, FRIDAY, MAY 13, 1864

NEW ENGLAND ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION.
The Annual New England Anti-Slavery Convention
will be held in Boston on THURSDAY and FRIDAY,
May 26th and 37th, commencing at 10 o'clock, A.
M., of Thursday.

The meeting on Thursday will be in the MEIONAON,
Tremont Street. On Friday, it will be in the TREMONT
TEMPLE. In addition to the well-known
and long-tried advocates of the Anti-Slavery cause,
who for so many years have sustained the interest of
this memorable series of Conventions, and made it
such a potent agency against the vile and traitorous
schemes of Slavery, we expect this year to have with
us our faithful and honored friend GEORGE THOMPSON,
of England.

Let the New England Anti-Slavery men and women
gather once again in their annual Convention. Let
them not rest content with valiant and telling blows
dealt against the monster Slavery in the past. Every
former labor remains incomplete and defective, until
the last, crowning, mortal blow is given. It is at
hand! A just and irresistible Providence is preparing
the way and summoning this people to enact
Justice throughout the land, and ordain Freedom for 
all. Who will be found backward and wanting now?

Let every State and section of New England be
represented. We respectfully invite delegates from
other States. And let those, who cannot appear in
person, show their remembrance and their love for the
cause by transmitting some contribution in its behalf.

By order of the Board of Managers of the Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery Society,
EDMUND QUINCY, President.
ROBERT F. WALLCUT,
SAMUEL MAY, JR.,
Secretaries.

RETALIATION,
CAN ANY METHOD OF RETALIATION BE FOUND, AT
ONCE ADMISSIBLE, APPROPRIATE AND EFFECTIVE?

When Van den Bosch, a warrior of the coarse and 
brutal class, proposed to Philip Van Artevelde, a leader
of refined sentiments and high civilization, the 
murder of the bearer of a flag of truce, the latter replied—

"Nay, softly, Van den Bosch; let war be war,
But let us keep its ordinances."

This is still the desire of the better class of those
whom circumstances have led to engage in the murderous
trade of war. But, moderate as would be the
relief gained to humanity by the realization of the 
wish in question, even this can rarely be attained.
Humanity is rapidly worn away among those who are
directing, as well as inflicting, the horrors of war.
The commands of a superior officer become the imperative
law, the "duty" (as it is called) of the subordinate.
Even when the superior chooses to go beyond 
the "laws of war" in rigor and cruelty, his
commands are, no less, the imperative rule for all
his inferiors. And whenever the supreme authority
on one side authorized acts forbidden by that
code, such infraction becomes, for all his subordinates,
their imperative law, and the custom of their party.
The commander-in-chief is responsible, indeed, to
public opinion, but his under officers, and the privates
they command, are no less required to obey his orders.
If he has the hardihood to command not only
such killing as war permits, but such as even in its
code is stigmatized as murder, the n the war will be
conducted in that manner; and there seems no help
[Next Column]
Davis and his associates care, even is retaliation in kind were practiced upon this class, the technical equivalents of the victims of their butchery?

I have spoken of the difficulty of our degrading ourselves to the point of inflicting such retaliation.  But even should we overcome this decent self-respect, we should imbrute ourselves for nothing, for the slaveholding class would be entirely unmoved by it ; would feel no concern at the sacrifice of men so much their inferiors.  Before adopted any method of retaliation, we should have some reasonable assurance that it will effect the object.  There is not the slightest probability that the infliction of vengeance upon the men constituting the common soldiers of the South would compel or even tend to induce the rebel government to respect the laws of war. Something must be devised less corrupting, less disgraceful, less infamous to us.  

Perhaps we shall find nothing combining these qualities and at the same time promising efficiency. Nevertheless, this is the thing to be sought for.  Let the wise and experienced search for it.  In the mean time, this is the best suggestion that occurs to me, a hater of was, and every form of murder, including what is commonly called capital punishment.  

The idea of a personal performance of manual labor is as repugnant to Jeff Davis and his class as hanging or flogging are to a northern man. Any real danger of being obliged to work, especially to do such work as they are accustomed to require slaves, would have a strong influence upon them.  Any general plan involving the requisition of such work from the class to which they belong would be felt by them ; felt as a serious evil and danger ; felt as something to be averted by all means to which their power extends.

Without question, the setting of their officers at hard labor, on our fortifications or elsewhere, would be felt by them as a severer reprisal, a more serious misfortune, than the hanging or shooting, or even burning alive, of their common soldiers.  

Why should not this be tried? For every case of ill-treatment of our soldiers beyond that which the "laws of war" permit, let one of their officers, from the rank of Captain upwards, be placed at hard labor, in a penitentiary dress, with half his head shaved. 

There would be special appropriateness in this discipline. This class of men have never earned their own living, but have lived by depredation on the labor of others.  Honest labor for their own support is the thing of all others most hateful to them.  The North own the South this lesson, to make them stop stealing and begin to earn.  The heads of the rebel government are the very persons most in need of this lesson, since they attained their present elevation in virtue of being the greatest robbers of their class. Whenever they seized, compulsory labor, the necessity of earning their own living, in convict's dress, for the rest of their lives, will be precisely the punishment most appropriate for them.  Let us not, even in the cases of Davis and Forrest and Chalmers, when we get them, degrade ourselves by murdering prisoners.  Let imprisonment at hard labor for life be the sentence of all civil and military chiefs of the rebellion who fall into our hands; and let us begin this system (if no better shall be suggested) upon the rebel officers now in onr hands, as the check most likely to be effective against rebel cruelties to federal prisons. 

One other course, the dictate equally of right on our side and of appropriate response to the atrocities practised by the enemy, ought certainly to be taken at once by the President. Just in proportion as the Confederacy makes enemies of the negroes, the United States should make friends of them.  The President should seize this moment, when the world has been shocked by new manifestations of rebel outrage against this unfortunate race, to make reparation for his and the nation's misdeeds towards them. They should be solemnly guaranteed the rights of men, of citizens and of soldiers. Their enlistment in the army should be
[Next Column]
NEW PUBLICATIONS.

STORIES OF THE PATRIARCHS is the title of a charming little book which comes to us from Walker, Wise & Co. It is a collection of Old Testament stories, retold and interpreted for the benefit of children, by that true man and faithful minister, O. B Frothingham, of New York. They were prepared originally for the children of his own Sunday school, because he thought it wrong " that they should miss wholly the wealth of the Old Bible teaching, as it lay concealed under the fanciful symbols." We are glad that he has printed them.  They will be welcome to " children of a larger growth" not less than to the little folks for whom they were written. 

In the literal ad prosaic method of interpreting the Scriptures, too commonly adopted, adherence to the letter takes away the life.  Considered naturally as the outgrowth and expression of the religious wants of a remarkable people,- full of poetry and symbolic of man's inward life and aspiration, the Bible is, in truth, a book of inspiration.  But presented to children as an accurate and infallible history of vent, its contradictory and impossible statements evaded by the teacher, or an attempt made to reconcile what is irreconcilable, the Books bewilders the immature mind and prepares the way for future skepticism. 

"Out from the hear too nature rolled 
The burden of the Bible old"

and he who helps us to read them aright, to appreciate their spiritual and moral significance, without detracting from there charm, is a benefactor.  Who shall deny the title to Mr. Frothingham?

From the same publishers we have also received two other attractive books for youth.  SPECTACLES FOR TWO YOUNG EYES is the appropriate title of one, whose authoress is Sarah W. Lander.  We have read of the Irishman's telescope which brought a pig five miles away, so near that the beholder could hear him squeal, but these spectacles are not less wonderful.  Through them one can look into Switzerland and not only see the mountings and lakes of villages, but heart what the people talk about, and, perchance, find the very questions in his own mind, asked and answered.  The book is colloquial, pleasant and instructive. 

THE FERRY BOY AND FINANCIER is the name fixed to the other book referred to, which is a life of Salmon P. Chase.  We surmise that it was originally written with a view to the next to the next Presidential nomination, but the handsome and patriotic withdrawal of the Hon. Secretary from the list of aspirants, does not make the story less apropos. The people will not be sorry to know more intimately the man whose name, thus far,is the most lustrous one connected with this administration.  If he takes as good care of our finances as he has done, he can afford to bide his time, for the people will not forget him. He is the truest anti-slavery member of the cabinet. 

This story is written for boys, and will serve to inspire them with courage and energy.  Lives of politicians are not usually the most healthy reading, rather the contrary, but Mr. Chase, thought justly open to some censure during his political career, is yet one of the few who has allied himself closely to liberty and justice.-W. L. G. JR.

CHRISTIANITY AND FREEMASONRY ANTAGONISTIC.
A Discourse delivered in the Congregational Church, Peru, N. Y., March 6, 1864, by Moses Thatcher, A. M., Minister of said Church. Published by Request.  Boston: Press of T. R. Marvin & Son, 42 Congress Street.

Mr. Thacher is well known for his able and fearless espousal of the Anti Masonic cause, and was for several years the editor of the Boston Telegraph, a journal partly devoted to that object.  His discourse is called forth forth by an " Address on Freemasonry- its Nature and Claims," by Rev. C. C. Bedell- and as 
[Next Column]
LETTERS FROM NEW YORK. No. VII.

NEW YORK, May 5, 1864.

To the Editor of the Liberator:
The days of conservationism and of reverence for the status quo are well-nigh over.  The energy of the people at this moment is expended in various experiments of reform and reconstruction. A new plan is devised for suppressing the armed remnant of the rebellion ; society is undergoing important changes at the North and at the South ; and it is an open question whether to endure the present Administration for another term, or to endeavor to replace it with a better. The tendency of all these movements is upward, but they are not equally intelligent nor equally promising of good.

The Legislature of Arkansas has organized itself by the election of a Speaker, and has declared the popular vote for a new State Constitution.  Twelve thousand out of less than thirteen thousand votes were cast in its favor. The Virginia Constitutional Convention has just closed its session, but, with a  consciousness of dereliction, it refuses to submit its work to the sense of the people, after the example of those rebellious States in which secession was enacted over the heads of a popular adverse majority. To be sure, it passed an Ordinance " abolishing and prohibiting slavery in the State forever, " but it failed signally, because it was unwilling to secure the political ascendancy of the loyal people against the evil day of the return of the prodigals. Of course, every voted must be white, but apostasy to the Union prior to the first of January current is made no bar to the privilege of suffrage ; and the Legislature is empowered to pass acts restoring the disenfranchised whenever it may seem safe so  to do. The action of the Convention has been characterized as "feeble and irresolute from the first, arrogant and despotic at the close." In spite of the unfair representation of the pro-slavery counties of Maryland, her Constitutional Convention contains a large majority for freedom - 61 to 35, with all Democrats in attendance.  The Hon. Henry H. Goldsborough, a thorough Abolitionist, is President, and the fate of slavery in the State cannot be doubted.  The fate of the black man is not so clear.  The Louisiana Convention drake its slow length along, being chiefly characterized but the spirit of denial with which Mephistophiles stands identified. " No action," "laid on the table ," and "lost," are a summary of its achievements. The Times' correspondent says it means  " to pass the emancipating act, and leave the status of the colored people to the future." The latter assertion, at least, needs no confirmation. 

While the semi-subjugated States are this availing themselves more or less subtly of the Amnesty to hamper the limbs of freedom in its unfamiliar abodes, Congress is groping for a plan of reconstruction to supersede the President's where it can.  The party which lives by demanding " the Union as it was, " strove on Monday last to contain the House to affirm the the Union is just as it was, o, as they phrased it, " that the  [ old ]  Union is not dissolved," and that rebellion is to be crushed without derangement of the domestic institutions, or abatement of the constitutional privileges of the traitorous States.  The House was neither persuaded nor intimidated by Mr. Harding of Kentucky.  On the country, it passed, yesterday, a bill to institute provisional military governments for the conquered territories, until a majority of the population are fit to be trusted with the restoration of States. No Constitution will be recognized which does not embody these particulars :-

"First. No person who has held or exercised any office, either civil or military, State or confederate, except the office be merely municipal, or military below the rank of Colonel, under the usurping power, shall have the right to vote for to be a member of Legislature or Governor.  

Second. Involuntary servitude is forever prohibited, and the freedom of all persons is guaranteed in the said State.

[first column on left]

[???]
diers, and the logs and trees showed but too plainly the evidences of the atrocities perpetrated.
   Many other instances of equally atrocious cruelty might be mentioned, but your committee feel compelled to refrain from giving here more of the heart-sickening details, and refer to the statements contained in the voluminous testimony herewith submitted. These statements were obtained by them from eye-witnesses and sufferers. Many of them as they were examined by your committee were lying upon beds of pain and suffering, some so feeble that their lips could with difficulty frame the words by which they endeavored to convey some idea of the cruelties which had been inflicted on them and which they had seen inflicted on others.
   In reference to the fate of Major Bradford, who was in command of the fort when it was captured, and who had up to that time received no injury, there seems to be no doubt.  The general understanding everywhere seemed to be that he has been brutally murdered the day after he was taken prisoner. And how many of our troops thus fell victims to the malignity and barbarity of Forrest and his followers cannot be definitely known. Two officers belonging to the garrison were absent at the time of capture and massacre of the remaining officers. But two are known to be living, and they are  in the hospital at Mound City.  One of them  (Capt. Porter)  may even now be dead, as the surgeons, when your committee were there, expressed no hope in his recovery.  Of the men, from three hundred to four hundred are known to have been killed at Fort Pillow, of whom at least three hundred were murdered in cold blood after the fort was in possession of the rebels, and our men had thrown down their arms and ceased to offer resistance. Of the surviving, except in the hospital at Mound City and the few who succeeded in making their escape unhurt, nothing definite is known, and it is feared that many have been murdered after being taken away from the fort.
   When your committee arrived at Memphis, Tenn., they found and examined a man (Mr. McLogan) who have been conspired by some of Forrest's forces, but who with other conscripts had succeeded in making his escape.  He testifies that while two companies of rebel troops with Major Bradford and many other prisoners were on their march from Brownsville to Jackson, Tenn., Major Bradford was taken by five rebels- one an officer- led a few yards from he one of march and deliberately murdered in view of all those assembled.  He fell pierced by three musket balls, even while asking the this life might be spared, as he had fought them manfully and was deceiving of a better fate.  The motive for the murder of Major Bradford seems to have been the simple fact that, although a native of the South, he remained loyal to his Government.  
   The testimony herewith submitted contains many statements made by the rebels that they did not intend to treat " home-made Yankees" any better than the negro troops.
   There is one circumstance connected with the events herein named which you committee cannot permit to pass unnoticed. The testimony herewith submitted discloses this most shameful and astounding fact. On the morning of the day succeeding the capture of Fort Pillow, the gunboat Silver cloud, No. 28, the transport Platte Valley and the gunboat new Era, No 7, landed at Fort Pillow under a flag of truce for the purpose of receiving the wounded there and crying the dead. While they were lying there the rebel General Chalmers and other rebel officers came down to the landing and some of them went on the boats. Notwithstanding the evidences of rebel atrocity and barbarity with which the ground was covered, there were some of our army officers on board the Platte Valley so lost to every feeling of honor, decency and self- respect as to make themselves disgracefully conspicuous in bestowing civilities and attentions upon the rebel officers while boastiog of the murders they had there committed.
   Your committee were unable to obtain the names of the officers who those inflicted so foul a stain upon the honor of our army.They are assured, however, by the military authorities, that every effort will be made to ascertain their names and bring them to the punishment they so richly merit. 
-----
RETALIATION.
-----
   President Lincoln, in his remarks at Baltimore, observed, that the mode in which redress was to be sought for the outrage of Fort Pillow, was not yet determined on ; and indicated that it might be a question of some difficulty. We have Confederate prisoners enough in our hands, and it would seem to be easy to select three or four hundred men out of Camp Douglas, by lot or otherwise, and order them shot at once. But it will hardly do for the Government of the United States to proceed with rashness, or to be guilty of any act which may savor of cruelty.  It is hard to say what might be properly done under some conceivable circumstances ; but in seeking redress for a violation of the law, we must proceed lawfully, so as to secure the approbation of civilized nations, and to stop the mouth of the rebels themselves.
   The men who perpetrated the horrible atrocity of murdering men after surrender, were not a parcel of unauthorized guerrillas. Had they been such, we might proceed to hunt and kill them as murderers, without any further ceremony. But they are the regular soldiers of the Confederacy, wearing its uniform, bearing its commission, and receiving its pay- acting this in all respects under its authority.  The first steps in our course are therefore clear.  We must know of the rebel authorities if these acts are done by their orders or permission;

[second column]
 
[???]
slavery and the recognition of the black man as the equal, before the law, of the white. Such a response would make a deeper impression upon the rebels, than the execution of three hundred prisoners of war. By retaliating in kind, we should declare the black patriot to be the equal of the white traitor. But by making the black man a citizen, we should declare him to be our equal, to whom we restore rights which we have wrongfully withheld. Such a response would be greater protection to the black soldier ; for the rebels, whatever may be their policy, would feel a greater respect for him if he were a citizen of the government which he serves, and not a mere hired soldier, sent for the purpose of saving the white citizen from the perils of war. It would be a greater encouragement to him; for it would assure him that, wherever he could help to carry our flag, there he would be recognized as a man. It would do infinitely greater damage to the rebel cause; for it would be a blow aimed at its very corner-stone.
   We must remember that, while we deny to these blacks the rights of men, we share in the guilt of those who slaughter them like cattle. The Government at Washington must remember that, while it recognizes black men only as contrabands, it lends its sanction to Jefferson Davis in his treatment of them; it is not guiltless of the blood of our soldiers slain at Fort Pillow, nor will the most scrupulous retaliation, of itself, suffice to wash away the stain.—N. Y. Independent.              H. M.
   NEW HAVEN, CONN.
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   RETALIATION. President Lincoln has promised that retaliation must follow the act of the rebels in the massacre at Fort Pillow. Every fair-minded man must conceded that retaliation for such barbarities would be an act of justice, but there are many grave objections in the way of it. It must be remembered that the perpetrators stand low in the scale of civilization. They illustrate too truly the "barbarism of Slavery," and their acts of barbarism are not to be imitated. Our civilization, our self-respect, our position in the eyes of the world, prevent us from retaliation in kind. Other modes may possibly be resorted to, which though they may not possibly be restored to, which though they may not possibly be so effectual, will be more in consonance with an enlightened age and country.
   Such retaliation in kind, would bring counter retaliation and the cold blooded slaughter would be terrible in the eyes of the world. The nations of the old world would find justification in an attempt to prevent it, as they did at the time of the cruelties of the Turks to the Greeks. Let me give them no pretext for intervention.
   We are willing to leave the whole matter to the wisdom and sagacity of our President. Perhaps he may deem it best for the black troops to be their own avengers in any future successes we may gain. Whatever he may decide to do of severity will be approved by the loyal men of the republic.—Salem Observer.
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MURDER OF SURGEON FAIRCHILD.
-----
Correspondence of the Leavenworth Conservative.

FORT SMITH, Ark., April 17, 1864.
   The body of Assistant Surgeon S. A. Fairchild, 6th Kansas, brutally murdered after being taken prisoner while on his way to Roseville to attend to the wounded of the fight on the 4th inst., leaves here this afternoon per train to Fort Scott.
   The affair in which Dr. Fairchild lost his life, is one of the most cowardly and brutal, even in the history of bushwhacking. In my last I gave you a brief statement of the fight at Roseville, between Capt. Gardner's command and a force of Texans, under (first reported Gano), as it now appears, Lieut. Col. Battle, 3d Texas Cavalry, of which regiment the attacking force was composed, assisted by 50 bushwhackers.
   On the 5th, Col. Judson sent Lieut. McKibbern and twenty-six men of the 6th as an escort with Dr. Fairchild. At Roseville a number of wounded Texans were in our hands, and ten of our own. When at Charleston, 25 miles south-east, they learned that 100 rebels had camped there the previous night. Six miles further they found a camp just abandoned. Three miles further on they were fired upon by fifty men from a ravine; at the same time a large force appeared in front and both sides of the road. The Lieutenant Commanding ordered a charge for the purpose of breaking through, which he succeeded in doing, and reached Roseville with fifteen men. It was found that the Doctor and eleven men were missing.
   On a return to the scene of the attack, next morning, the bodies of nine men were found in the road, where they fell or were shot down. The evidence was plenty of severe struggling. The bodies were stripped of every article of clothing, and horribly mutilated. Three of them were castrated, and others had their ears cut off. One may lay without a wound on the body, but his head and face so beaten with the buts of guns as to be reduced to a pulp. The features could not be distinguished. The other two men and the doctor's body were found near the road in the timber. The doctor was the only one who was not outraged. He was shot through the head and shoulders, after being taken prisoner. A woman living near the scene of conflict states that Fairchild told his captors the errand he was on and asked for his life. The others begged to be treated as prisoners of war. The reply was brutal oaths, fiendish execrations, and horrible assassinations. It hardly seems possible that such fiends are human.
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   THE SECESH DEJECTED. A Washington despatch says: "One strong indication of the result is the melancholy aspect of the secession sympathizers here."

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derous trade of war. But, moderate as would be the relief gained to humanity by the realization of the wish in question, even this can rarely be attained. Humanity is rapidly worn away among those who are directing=, as well as inflicting, the horrors of war. The commands of a superior officer become the imperative law, the "duty" (as it is called) of the subordinate. Even when the superior chooses to go beyond the "laws of war" in rigor and cruelty, his commands are, no less, the imperative rule for all his inferiors. And whenever the supreme authority on one side authorizes acts forbidden by that code, such infraction becomes, for all his subordinates, their imperative law, and the custom of their party. The commander-in-chief is responsible, indeed, to public opinion, but his under officers, and the privates they command, are no less required to obey his orders. If he has the hardihood to command not only such killing as war permits, but such as even in its code is stigmatized as murder, then the war will be conducted in that manner; and there seems no help for it.
   The thing proposed by way of help for it in our case, the only thing that seems to be thought of by those who are striving to urge our shamefully dilatory government to a decent amount of consideration for those who are fighting its battles, is retaliation in kind; that, the doing on our part of acts precisely like those that we stigmatize as atrocious and infamous in them. We are to commit the same sorts of brutality, and just as many of them. We, who call ourselves Christians, (we will not stop here to enlarge upon the inconsistency of all war with Christianity,) are to return to that Jewish law which Christ denounced and superseded eighteen hundred years ago, and begin a course of infliction of burning for burning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe; and all this even though we know that the acts already waiting for retaliation include the deliberate murder of sick and wounded, women and children, the flogging of men to death, the burying of them alive, the burning of them alive, and the frightful combination of crucifixion with burning.
   Is it seriously proposed that New England officers shall command, and that New England soldiers shall inflict these things? And yet nothing less than all these horrors, and a great many of them, would be the retaliation contemplated. 
   Cruelty "comes easy" to people educated under slavery. The common soldiers of the Southern armies have been accustomed, from their childhood, to the sight, and the infliction, of cruel and brutal actions. They do without concern acts of barbarity, the bare sight of which would make the average Northern man's blood curdle, and his flesh creep. The mass of the rebel force at Fort Pillow, officers and soldiers, did "with alacrity" the infernal work required of them, and enjoyed the torturing and butchery of the prisoners as much as the victory which gave them the opportunity. But can our men easily begin a similar course of act? If a Newburyport, or a Worcester, or a Plymouth officer should command a private from the same town to nail the hands of a wounded prisoner to a shed, and then set the shed on fire—will he do it? If he does it, will those two men ever go home again and look their townsmen and townswomen in the face?
   The very circumstance I have last mentioned shows how unequal would be the contest in question. The women of the South, educated under slavery like the men, have become as cruel as the men. Instead of dissuading their relatives and connections from such barbarities, they inflame and stimulate them. The letters of sisters, wives and sweethearts to the rebel soldiers, contain as many expressions of ferocious hatred towards the "Yankees" as of tenderness to the persons addressed. The idea, the sight, and the infliction of cruelty have become as congenial to the women as to the men. It is hopeless for us to complete with them in that line, even did our moral sense and the tone of public sentiment among us permit. Even those among us who now, in their excitement, call out for a "retaliation," would not do, would not consent that a relative should do, the infernal acts in question.
   There is yet another difficulty in the way of this method of operation, name, it would not influence the rebel leaders to change their course.
   The great slaveholders, who were leaders in secession as they still are in the war growing out of it, are fighting for the assumption that the capitalist ought to own the laborer. They care no more for the rights of interests of the "poor whites" than of the blacks. The more intrepid of them have already advanced the theory that slavery ought not be limited by race, or confined to the negro. They feel the same contempt for the "white trash" as for the slave, and extort service from one as unscrupulously as from the other. Our soldiers are our fellow-citizens; the bone and sinew of our community; a representation of all the classes, professions, occupations and interests among us. Their soldiers are the "poor whites," hangers-on of the slaveholders, a class who consent to guard the institution of slavery that there may be one grade in society lower than themselves, and that, in the absence of all other testimony, their white skins may certify a sort of superiority and distinction, even if it be only superiority over the despised "nigger." What would Jeff.

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ment most appropriate for them. Let us not, even in the cases of Davis and Forrest and Chalmers, when we get them, degrade ourselves by murdering prisoners. Let imprisonment at hard labor for life be the sentence of all civil and military chiefs of the rebellion who fall into our hands; and let us begin this system (if no better shall be suggested) upon the rebel officers now in our hands, as the check most likely to be effective against rebel cruelties to federal prisoners.
   One other course, the dictate equally of right on our side and of appropriate response to the atrocities practised by the enemy, ought certainly to be taken at once by the President. Just in proportion as the Confederacy makes enemies of the negroes, the United States should make friends of them. The President should seize this moment, when the world has been shocked by new manifestations of rebel outrage against this unfortunate race, to make reparation for his and the nation's misdeeds towards them. They should be solemnly guaranteed the rights of men, of citizens and of soldiers. Their enlistment in the army should be encouraged, not only be just pay and good treatment, but by the opportunity of promotion; and their vigor in the service of the country would be stimulated by the very outrages of which we have been speaking.—C. K. W.
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THE WAGER OF BATTLE.
-----
   We go to press this week while the fiercest struggle of the war is pending. Up to this moment, victory has followed the flag of freedom, although at a fearful cost. The armies of Grant, Butler and Sherman, aiming at the common goal of Richmond, are pushing on, from different points, with an energy and concert of action unparalleled in the history of our three years' war. Everywhere they have been met with the most desperate valor and consummate skill, for Slavery dies hard, and its demoniac strength increases with its waning life.
   It is premature yet to indulge in jubilation while the scale of battle is trembling undecidedly. We have seen the apple of apparent victory turn into the ashes of a disastrous defeat, just as it seemed within our certain grasp, too often to take anything for granted. We wait with prayerful solicitude for the result.
   Ours has been a bloody atonement for sharing in the guilt of the oppressor, but has the cup of suffering been commended to our own lips enough, even yet, to teach us that absolute justice is the only safety of the nation? Are we prepared to recognize the equal manhood of the victim we have wronged, and humble ourselves so much as to be willing to indemnify him for the injuries of the past, and throw around him the security of equal rights for the future? Have we rid ourselves sufficiently of the wicked spirit of caste and the inhuman prejudice against color, to deserve the unqualified success we looked for?
   These are pregnant questions, and, until we can honestly answer them in the affirmative, ought we to expect the perfect triumph of our arms?—W. L. G., JR.
-----
> The battles of the week have been desperate and bloody, beyond what is shown in our extracts, and the contest probably continues unabated. What seems certain is that Grant, on one side of Richmond, and Butler on the other, are steadily approaching that city, and that the avenues for supply and reinforcement to it are falling into the hands of our troops. An approximative estimate of the loss of the army of the Potomac is, killed, 3000; wounded, 18,000; missing, 6,000. Total, 27,000. Many are but slightly wounded.
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   ATLANTIC MONTHLY FOR MAY. "Life in the Sea Islands" is a sketch from South Carolina, by a young lady of African blood, well known to many of our readers. There can be no mistake in attributing it to Miss Charlotte L. Forten, a graduate of the State Normal School of Salem, and subsequently an esteemed teacher in the Epes School in that city. John G. Whittier introduces the article by the subjoined note to the Editors of the Atlantic Monthly—

   "The following graceful and picturesque description of the new condition of things on the Sea Islands of South Carolina, originally written for private perusal, seems to me worthy of a place in the "Atlantic." Its young author—herself akin to the long suffering race whose Exodus she so pleasantly describes—is still engaged in her labor of love on St. Helena Island.
J. G. W."

   In this connection we cannot forbear to quote an extract from a speech recently delivered at a great Union meeting in the city of Baltimore, by Ex-Gov. George S. Boutwell, formerly Secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education. In the course of his remarks, Gov. Boutwell, referring to the same young lady, said:—

   "In one of our Normal Schools for the education of young ladies as teachers, I have seen a colored girl with seventy-five or eighty or one hundred young ladies of white complexion, sitting at the same desk, pursuing the same studies, nothing ever occurring which indicated that the white ladies in the school regarded her other than as a sister. I saw her at the graduation of the class to which she belonged, by the vote of her associates of the class elected to write and deliver the closing poem at the graduation of the class. I saw her afterwards a teacher. She is now at Port Royal, off South Carolina."

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   This story is written for boys, and will service to inspire them with courage and energy. Lives of politicians are not usually the most healthy reading, rather the contrary, but Mr. Chase, though justly open to some censure during his political career, is yet one of the few who has allied himself closely to liberty and justice.—W. L. G. JR.

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CHRISTIANITY AND FREEMASONRY ANTAGONISTIC.

A Discourse delivered in the Congregational Church, Peru, N. Y., March 6, 1864, by Moses Thacher, A. M., Minister of said Church. Published by Request. Boston : Press of T. R. Marvin & Son, 42 Congress Street.

   Mr. Thatcher is well known for his able and fearless espousal of the Anti-Masonic cause, and was for several years the editor of the Boston Telegraph, a journal partly devoted to that object. His discourse is called forth by an "Address on Freemasonry—its Nature and Claims," by Rev. C. C. Bedell—and as the institution is claimed to be a religious one by Mr. Bedell, it is the object of Mr. Thatcher to prove the opposite. In treating upon this subject, he says:—

   "Towards Masons, as men, we have none but the kindest feelings; and as caged birds, I deeply commiserate their terrible bondage; in which, if they delight, they are so much the more to be pitied. There are many, nominally connected with the institution, who have for it no fellowship. Such may be useful citizens and devoted Christians. As CHRISTIANS, but not as Masons, I would give them the "right hand of fellowship." Some, could they be divorced from the Order, would as gladly escape "as a bird from the snare of the fowler"; but they see no way in which the snare can be broken. They are conscientious in the belief that their oaths must be binding; they hate the profane and degrading ceremonies of every degree; they feel themselves bound not to speak against the institution; they cannot, they will not speak in its praise. So they bear the burden and the ignominy in silence, until death releases them from their sinful and cruel bondage. With such men we should deal tenderly and charitably. In heart, they are Anti-Mason, and remember, with shame and disgust, when "hoodwinked, cable-towed, neither naked nor clothed, barefoot nor shod," they were led into the lodge and made to pass through the degrading ceremonies of the Order; but through a false apprehension, that even such extra-judicial, barbarous, blasphemous and bloody oaths must be binding; or, perhaps, through apprehension of personal violence, they dare not speak what they think. Many of us remember such sober, conscientious, reflective men of the last generation. They were nominal Freemasons; but they would not advise their sons to join, or their neighbors and other friends. They would, indeed, in some instances, hint it was just as well to keep away from the institution; and it was well known, that a long time had elapsed since they had attended a lodge-"communication." As death approached, and in the arrangement of their secular business they would seem not to forget anything of importance, they would express the most intense solicitude for the future education and prosperity of their sons; but not even an inuendo escaped them, that, on coming of age, those sons would do well to enter the lodge. Some of them would leave express, if not peremptory directions, that they should not be buried with Masonic pageantry. Such even taciturn examples "speak louder than words"l and they speak a language which ought not to be misapprehended."

   The Appendix contains a record of some of the ceremonies and oaths connected with the institution, in proof of its dangerous tendencies.
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RELIGION OF REASON. By Gerrit Smith. 8vo. pp. 103. American News Company.

   We cordially adopt the notice of this work by the New York Tribune:—

   "Without discussing the contents of this volume in their theological relations, which is not our speciality, we may commend it to the attention of the public for its transparent expression of the inmost convictions of its author, and its freedom from the influence of routine, fashion, or traditional authority in the exercise of thought. It is rare that written words so faithfully represent the interior processes of the mind. Such genuine transcripts of life and experience possess a value and attractiveness, irrespective of the results of formal argument, or the peculiar nature of the conclusions which they are intended to support. In the present case, the themes discussed are of the loftiest import; they are treated in the spirit of reverent but unshrinking inquiry; the author evinces a wise appreciation of the demands of the age; he ranks among the most progressive thinkers of the day, but without a particle of scorn or contempt for those whom he leaves behind. The advocates of submitting religious doctrines to the test of reason will find a great deal in the volume to command their approval and sympathy; while those who prefer a more implicit and docile faith may here come in contact with views the opposite to their own set forth with earnestness and simplicity, with clearness and force of reasoning, and often with effective eloquence."
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   THE CHRISTIAN EXAMINER, for May, is received. Its contents are: 1. Victor Hugo: 2. Springer's Art in the Nineteenth Century; 3. The Freedmen and Free Labor in the South; 4. The Evangelist's Debt to the Critic; 5. The American War as an English Question; 6. The Christian Patriot of California; 7. Review of Current Literature. In the list of New Publications are brief criticisms of many of the books named.

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strove on Monday last to constrain the House to affirm that the Union is just as it was, or, as they phrased it "that the [old] Union is not dissolved," and that rebellion is to be crushed without derangement of the domestic institutions, or abatement of the constitutional privileges of the traitorous States. The House was neither persuaded nor intimidated by Mr. Harding of Kentucky. On the contrary, it passed, yesterday, a bill to institute provisional military governments for the conquered territories, until a majority of the population are fit to be trusted with the restoration of States. No Constitution will be recognized which does not embody these particulars:—

   "First. No person who has held or exercised any office, either civil or military, State or Confederate, except the office be merely municipal, or military below the rank of Colonel, under the usurping power, shall have the right to vote for or be a member of Legislature or Governor.
   Second. Involuntary servitude is forever prohibited, and the freedom of all persons is guaranteed in the said State. 
   Third. No debt, State or Confederate, created by or under the sanction of the usurping power, shall be recognized or paid by the State."

   Disenfranchisement is also attached to certain Confederate officers after date. The House sins with the President in excluding the colored man from the polls. Representative Grinnell, of Iowa, with others, i said to have made this a subject of protest while voting for the bill. The Senate has yet to act upon it.
   Tardily, but in time to prevent serious troubles among our colored troops, as the mutiny at Forst Esperanza in Texas, and the disaffection at Fortress Monroe prognosticated, Senate and House have agreed to do justice to our dark-skinned defenders. Their action, however, is, except in regard to bounties, not retrospective beyond Jan. 1, 1864, and must be supplemented by the decision of the Attorney General, sustaining Gov. Andrew against the War Department, and urging, as required by law and by good faith, the full payment of every colored soldier and officer whom the war has called into the service. So far from the employment of black troops depending on the statute of July 17, 1862, he says:—"I do not know that any rule of law, constitutional or statutory, ever prohibited the acceptance, organization and muster of persons of African descent into the military service of the United States as enlisted men or volunteers."
   I have said that Northern as well as Southern society is undergoing a change. The recognition of military equality is a foretaste of civil. An aristocracy of dress cannot last long. It would be absurd for caste to depend upon black cloth when it is annihilated by blue. Still, we are not yet out of the woods. The Senate retracts its Montana amendment, and consents to a free Committee of Conference.
   A month remains before the 7th of June. The political barometer is sensitive to the slightest fluctuations of public opinion and public events. A formal request has been made for a postponement of the nominating Convention, but it will not be heeded. That body will meet as appointed, having, besides other expressions for Mr. Lincoln, that of the Pennsylvania Union Convention rendered a week ago. Meanwhile, the Constitution is searched for dormant commissions, by which a military man may be a legislator till he sees fit to resume his profession, when he may gallop over the Senate on his way to the field. The President, in his Kentucky letter, narrates the various stages of his education during the war, with a candor which does credit to his honesty, though not to his sagacity. He long ago rightly described his only policy by the term—"I drift." Strange that men are predicting a split at Baltimore, when conservatives and radicals will utter but one sentiment concerning Mr. Lincoln, and that, too,—"Let him drift!"
   As I write, the army of the Potomac is in motion. The force whose concentration has cost us our recent disasters—save Banks's—is perhaps already engaging the foe in the most desperate conflict of the war. Before these words are in print, we shall have heard of the issue, which every heart awaits in trembling. A battle now is equal to a campaign. O, people, brace thyself for the final shock!
     "Sta', come torre, fermo!"
              M. DU PAYS.
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> We learn from the New York Evening Post that Rev. Dr. Cheever delivered the address before the Church Anti-Slavery Society at the Church of the Puritans, Union Square, on Sunday evening. He criticised the action of the Administration in regard to slavery, terming it a policy of expediency—not such a policy as justice or National honor demanded—alike dishonoring to the nation and repugnant to the God of justice. He argued that the only way to save the nation was to put an end to slavery forever within all our borders.
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   CORRECTION. In the letter of Mrs. Gage to Mr. May, in last week's Liberator, acknowledging the receipt of $47.53 from Mrs. Anne R. Allen, of Ireland, an error occurred, re regret to say, in giving Mrs. A's address. It should have been, "Brooklawn, Black Rock, county Dublin, Ireland."

Refuge of Oppression
Rebel Rhymes
[Frank Moore, editor of the Record of the Rebellion, has made a collection of Rebel Poetry from which take the following specimens: -]
Whoop! the Doodles have broken loose, 
Roaring round like the very deuce! 
Lice of Egypt, a Hungary pact -
After 'em, boys and drive 'em back!

Bull-dog, terrier, cur, and lice,
Back to the beggarly land of ice! Worry 'em, bite 'em, scratch and tear
Everybody and everywhere!

[The following Moreau is equally charming :-]
With a beard that was filthy and red,
His moth with tobacco bedspread,
Abe Lincoln sat in the gay White House,
A-wishing that he was dead-
Swear! swear! swear!
Till his tongue was blistered o'er;
Then, in a voice not very string, 
He slowly whined the Despot's song:

Lie! lie! lie!
I've lied like the very deuce !
Lie! lie! lie!
As long as lies were of use;
But now lies no longer pay,
l know not where to turn ;
For when I the truth would say,
My tongue with lies will burn,

Drink! drink! drink!
Till my hear feels very queer!
Drink! drink! drink!
Till I get rid of all the fear! 
Brandy, and Whiskey, and gin
Sherry, and champagne, and pop,
I tipple, I guzzle, I suck 'em all in,
Till down dead-drunk I drop.

COPPERHEAD LOYALTY

In the course of his speech in the U.S House of Representatives, Mr. Long, of the Ohio said : -
"I now believe there are but two alternatives- either an acknowledgement of the South (meaning the slaveholders) as an independent nation, or their complete subjection, I prefer the former."
Mr. Harris, of Maryland, backed up Long in a still more soditions speech as follows: -

For when I the truth would say,
My tongue with lies will burn!
Drink! drink! drink!
Till my head feels very queer!
Till I get rid of all fear!
Brandy, and whiskey, and gin,
Sherry, and champagne, and pop,
I  tipple, I guzzle, I suck 'em all in,
Till down dead-drunk I drop.

COPPERHEAD LOYALTY
  In the course of his speech in the U. S. House of Representatives, Mr. Long, of Ohio, said:- " I now believe there are but two alternatives-either an acknowledgment of the South (meaning slaveholders) as an independent nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a people. Of these alternatives, I prefer the former."
  Mr. Harris, of Maryland, backed up Long in a still more seditious speech as follows:-
  "The South ask you to leave them in peace; but no, you say you will bring them into subjection. That is not done yet and God Almighty grant that it never may be! I hope that you will never subjugate the South" -(i.e., the rebel slaveholders.)
  Rogers, of New Jersey, summed up the Copperhead side of the debate, pressing and sustaining the position taken by Long. He closed his speech as follows: 
  "The fanatics and despots, like Burnside, would go down to the grave into endless perdition, and die worse than Napoleon when wrecked on a rock in the ocean. There were men here who would maintain their rights; they were not representatives of Abe Lincoln, but of the free people who sent them hither, who are content while standing by Vallandigham and other true patriots. {Hisses.} 'God bless the exile!' He (Rogers) prayed that the arrow of Heaven would pierce the heart of the despot, (meaning President Lincoln.) You are bringing soldiers  here to  keep old Abe, king of America, from being encroached upon by Jeff. Davis of the Southern Confederacy. This is no longer a country of republicanism, but of monarchy and despotism, and I go for a dissolution of the Union in preference to a war of extermination. This fratricidal and ruinous war should terminate."

Extract from " The Democratic Address to the People of the State of Ohio, and Resolutions":-
  "That we regard the existing fratricidal war of the North and Northwest upon the South to be wholly unconstitutional asa well as fruitless, wasteful, cruel and ruinous to both sections of the United States.
  That the democracy of the State of Ohio have heard with dismay the doctrine of its advocates, and shrink with horror from the sanguinary scenes which have deluged the land by the bands of brethren in brothers' blood. That many democrats were themselves surprised into its qualified support at the beginning; but that long since, seeing their constitutional mistake, and realizing the utter hopelessness of coercion, they have now concluded to make what amends they could, by organizing themselves into one compact, rugged, unflinching peace party, for stopping the war on any terms whatever that would be fair between man and man. They are distinctly for peace and peaceable separation;  for peace and mutual recognition; and they will positively and unanimously resist, by all suitable means, the further destruction of property and of life in such a cause. They take it for granted that each section is united on its policy, and that the border States can hereafter decide for themselves separately; that there will be a fair settlement of the partnership accounts, and the freedom of the Mississippi river."

THE MURDER OF COLORED SOLDIERS
 The Portland Advertiser of Saturday - the PORTLAND Advertiser, a paper published in the loyal, liberty-loving State of Maine, dares to give utterance to the following infamous and atrocious language in extenuation, nay, in direct and unmistakable encouragement, of the inhuman and barbarous act of the rebels in murdering our colored soldiers at Fort Pillow:-
  "Dressing a monkey in the uniform of the government-even epauletts put upon his shoulders-cannot convert the monkey into a real soldier, and attach to him the rights and immunities of a prisoner of war, if captured on the field of battle. Now we don't understand the South as dictating to the North as to what classes of animated nature the latter shall employ as soldiers. When men are so employed, whose very nature and hatred as victors incline them to give no quarter, is it to be expected that they will be accorded quarter in return, when captured?
  Suppose, as under Mr. Van Buren's administration in the Florida war, bloodhounds should be employed to hunt the white men of the South' could rational men expect these bloodhounds, if captured, would be spared? Or, if the man in command  of them, and setting them on, were captured also, would you expect him to be spared by his captors? It would be more than human justice dictates to realize any such expectation.
 Now we must look this matter square in the face. If the United States elect to employ barbarian means and agencies against the South, they must expect barbarian usage in turn, when the opportunity occurs for it, from the South."
under act of Congress passed July 17, 1862, employing persons of African descent in military service of the United States.  The chaplain declines to receive anything less.
You have requested my opinion whether the Paymaster should have paid as demanded, and, if he should, whether it is your duty to order him to do so.
The 54th Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers was organized in the same manner as were other regiments of State Volunteers, under the following order of the War Department, dated January 26, 1863, viz : - 
I do not know that any rule of law, constitutional or statuary, ever prohibited the acceptance, organization, and muster of "persons of African descent " into the military service of the United States as enlisted men or volunteers.  But whatever doubt may have existed on the subject had been fully resolved before this order was issued by the 11th section of the act of 17th July, 1861, chapter 195, which authorized the President as he might deem necessary and  and proper for the suppression of Rebellion, and, for that purpose, to organize and use them in such a manner as he might judge best for the public welfare ; and the 12th section of the act of same date, chapter 201, which authorized the President to receive into the service of the United States, for the purpose of contracting entrenchments, or performing camp service, or any other labor, or any military or naval service, for which they might be found competent, persons of African descent, such persons to be enrolled and organized under such regulations, not inconsistent with the Constitution and laws, as the President might prescribe. 
The 54th Massachusetts regiment was, therefore, organized and mustered into the service of the United States under clear authority of law.  
But the fifteenth section of the act of 17th July, 1862, chapter 201, after directing that all persons who have been or shall be enrolled in the service of the United States under the act, shall receive the pay and rations then allowed by law to soldiers, according to their respective grades, contains this provide, " That persons of African descent who, under this law, shall be employed, shall receive ten dollars per month and one ration, three dollars of which monthly pay may be in clothing."
Whether persons of African descent "enrolled in the service of the United States " as private soldiers are included within the words "persons of African descent who, under this law, shall be employed," thereby limited their pay as soldiers to ten dollars a month, is not the question you have submitted to me.  For Mr. Harrison was not a private soldier, but an officer serving under the commission of the Governor of Massachusetts, the authenticity and validity of which were recognized and admitted by the United States when he was mustered into the service.  But the question is, Can a person of African descent lawfully hold the office and receive they pay of chaplain of a volunteer regiment in the service of the United States?
I have already said that I know of no provision of law, constitutional or statuary, which prohibits the acceptance of persons of African descent into the military service of the United States ; and if they could be lawfully accepted as private soldiers, so also might they lawfully accepted as commissioned officers, if otherwise qualified therefor. But the express power conferred on the President by the eleventh section of the act of 17th of July, 1862, chapter 195, before cited, to employ this class of persons for the suppression of the Rebellion, as he may judge best for the public welfare, furnishes all needed sanction of law to the employment of a colored chaplain for a volunteer regiment of his own race.
Nor is any prohibition of the employment of such person found in the statues which declare the qualification of chaplains. The ninth section of the act to authorize the employment of volunteers, &c., of 22d July, 1861, chapter 9, provides that there shall be allowed to each regiment one chaplain, who shall be appointed by the regimental commander on the vote of the field officers and company commanders on duty with the regiment at the time the appointment shall be made.  The chaplain so appointed must be regularly ordained minister of a Christian denomination, &c. The seventh section of the act of August 5, 1861, chapter 42, for the better organization of the military establishment, declares that one chaplain shall be allowed to each regiment of the army, to be selected and appointed as the President may direct :- Provided, That none but regularly ordained ministers of some Christian denomination shall be eligible to selection or appointment.  The eight section of the act of July 17, 1862, chapter 200, declares that the two sections last cited shall be construed to read as follows :-
That no person shall be appointed a chaplain in the United States army, who is not a regularly ordained minister of some religious denomination, and who does not present testimonials of his present good standing as such minister, with a recommendation for his appointment as an army chaplain from some authorized ecclesiastical body, or not less than five accredited ministers belonging to said religious denomination. 
The closest inspection of these provisions will discover nothing that precludes the appointment of a Christian minister to the office of chaplain because he is a person of African descent.  I therefore conclude that Mr. Harrison was the lawfully appointed and qualified chaplain of the 54th Massachusetts regiment.  
The ninth section of the act of 17th July, 1862, chapter 200, provides that thereafter the compensation of all chaplains in the regular or volunteer service, or army hospitals, shall be one hundred dollars
The thirteenth section declares that when any man or boy of African descent, who, by the laws of any State, shall owe service or labor to any person aiding the Rebellion, shall render such service as that act provides for, he, his mother, wife, and children shall be free thereafter, with certain expectations.  And the fifteenth section fixes their pay as before stated.  Whilst it is true that the words of the twelfth section are broad enough to embrace all persons of African descent who may be received into the military or naval service of the United States, it is yet quite evident from the terms of the whole section, as well as from the promise of freedom held out to such persons who were slaves in the thirteenth section, that, in limiting their pay to ten dollars a month and one ration, Congress had in view the class who were fitted only for the humbler kinds of service referred to, and not persons who, under the authority of other laws, might be appointed to positions requiring higher qualifications and entitles to a higher rate of pay.  To assume that because Mr. Harrison is a person of African descent, he shall draw only the pay which this law establishes for the class it obviously refers to, and be deprived of the pay which another law specifically affixes to the office he lawfully held, would be, in my opinion, a distortion of both laws, not only unjust to him, but in plain violation of the purpose of Congress. I therefore think that the Paymaster should have paid Mr. Harrison his full pay as Chaplain of a Volunteer Regiment.
Your attention having been specifically called to the wrong done in this case, I am also of opinion that your constitutional obligation to take care that the laws be faithfully executed makes it your duty to direct the Secretary of War to inform the officers of the pay department of the army that such is you view of the law ; and I do not doubt that it will be accepted by them as furnishing the correct rule for their action.  I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
EDWARD BATES, Attorney- General. 
To the President.
A STEP IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION.
WASHINGTON, April 30, 1864.  A step has been taken in the right direction. Attorney- General Bates has given his opinion that colored chaplains are entitled to receive the same pay as white chaplains- $100 per month and two rations.  The case in point is that of Rev Mr. Harrison of the 54th Massachusetts, who refused to take the pittance of $10 per month offered by the paymaster, who construed the law for the employment of negro soldiers at $10 per month to include chaplains. Mr. Bates shows conclusively that, under existing laws, colored chaplains are entitled to $100 per month.  But these same laws give the privates and non- commissioned officers $10 a month only.  The colored soldier is expected to do just as much fighting as a white soldier, and not only that, but he is expected to do a great deal more hard work, building roads, digging trenches, wading in swamps.  Why should he not receive as much pay?
On Monday last I saw the colored brigade of the 9th corps, with steady step and soldierly bearing, unsurpassed even by the veterans of that corps, march past the President of the United States amid the loud applause of the multitude.  My cheek mantled for shame as in the evening, alone in my chamber, I reflected upon the event of the day.  The colored soldiers were going out to fight, to die, to be murdered, massacred! They cannot be taken prisoners of war.  They go without bounty.  We ask the to do what we are acknowledge by the terms of the contract that they have no country ! While that column of men was passing the President- that very hour a Senator who calls himself Republican - Doolittle, of Wisconsin - was arguing that colored men should be excluded from exercising the rights of citizenship in a new territory of Montana! We ask them to fight for out country, but deny them a country! We ask them to fight for our flag, when for them to do so is certain death!  We deny them a flag, and our flag is powerless to protect them!  Where is the Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-American, who would shoulder a musket under such circumstance? We call ourselves a Christian nation ; but Christianity implies a love of justice.  We believe that our cause is just, and we confidently expect that a God of justice will give us the victory l and yet we are not only unjust, but selfish, mean and cowardly toward the colored race.
A man near me, while that brigade of colored troops passed by, disgusted with the applause which greeted the freemen, exclaimed with an oath:-"I can't stand that. We make the niggers as good as the white men." Near by was another man with a tinge of African blood in his veins.  He was well dressed, tall, athletic, more Anglo- Saxon than African.  He watched the platoons awhile, and then said to a friend : " Well, I am glad they are going, but I will not shoulder a gun till I have a country to fight for."
As a people, as a government, we give the lie to the Declaration of Independence - our charter of Liberty.  We say by our acts that all men are not equal.  In bravery, in courage, in devotion to the flag, the colored troops have been our equals at Wagner, Port Hudson, Olustee, Paducah and Fort Pillow. I cannot believe this nation has lost its sense of justice- that it is dead to magnanimity.  But so, one as we permit the law of July 12,1862, employing colored troops, to remain unchanged in the states of the nation, how can we lay claim to respect from other nations, or how, if justice is meted out to us by the Moral Governor of the world, can 
[?] to the engendering and dissemination of pestilential diseases here, so soon as their existence is known, shall be at once abated or removes, so far as practicable. It is to be apprehended that serious danger to the health of this city will result from the congregation within its limits of the large numbers of idle negroes which not throng the streets, lanes and alleys, and over-crowd every hotel.  Lazy and profligate, unused to caring for themselves ; thriftless for the present, and recklessly improvident for the future, the most of them loaf idly about the streets and alleys, prowling in secret places, and lounge lazily in crowded hovels, which soon become dens of noisome filth, the hot-beds fit to engender and rapidly disseminate the most loathsome and malignant diseases.  
To prevent these evil effects, it is hereby ordered that after the 1st day of April, 1864, no contraband shall be allowed to remain in the city of Natchez, who is not employed by some responsible white person, in some legitimate business, and who does not reside at the domicile of his or her employer ; and no contraband will be allowed to hire any premises in this city for any purpose whatever, and no other person will be allowed to hire such premises for the purpose of evading this order, nor allowed to hire or harbor any contraband who cannot satisfy the Health Officer that he or she needs to series of said contrabands remaining in the city in contravention of this order after April 1, will be removed to the contraband encampment.  
The word contraband is hereby defined to mean all persons formerly sales, who are not now in the employ of their former owners. 
Any evasion of this order will be punished more severely than the direct infraction of it , and all persons renting building to contrabands will be held responsible. 
Persons drawing rations from the United States Government are not supposed to need many hired servants.  The number allowed to each family will be determined by the undersigned.
By order of
A.W. KELLY, Surgeon and Health Officer.
Approved:
J.M. TUTTLE, Brig. Ge. Commanding District.
If an order had been issued to preserve the health of the city , and for the removal from the city limits the class here spoken of, we would have been the last to object to its execution.  But such was not the nature of this order, as its language evidently shows. These Freedmen, who are not hired, and are supporting themselves in lawful and useful employments, are the best class of the colored people in the city.  But the manifest design of the language is that no freedman, who is not in a state of servitude, shall remain in the city. And in order to live in Natchez, the freedman must not only be hired to some white person, but he must also live at the domicil of his employer.  He must be a servant, and he must live with his master. Though he were hired, yet if he lived across the street from his employer, he must be driven from city. And in the execution of the order, there were the points that special attention was given to.  No regard was shown to character, to age, sex, or condition.  The simple fact that a freedman was honestly supporting himself and family was a sufficient reason for driving him from the city, except in some cases of hack-drivers and draymen and market men, whom Dr. Kelly excepted, as the city could hardly afford to lose them.  In the execution of this order, there seemed to be no regard shown to the marriage or parental relations. If the husband was employed by a white person, and happened to live at his domicile, he might remain, but his wife must leave the city. Or if the wife was so employed, and her husband laboring for himself, he must be driven away from his family. And if the parents were employed, and their children working for the family or themselves, they must leave the place of their brith.  The marriage and parental relations were no more in the way of the execution of this order, than they were in the way of the execution of the order of the auctioneer in the slave market a year ago in this place. Indeed, the days of slavery seemed to have returned again.  There was the yard or pen in which the colored people, driven from the different parts of the city by the soldiers, were places - old men and women, some of whom had lived in the city forty or fifty years, and boys, and girls, and little children, to await the decision of the Doctor, or his subordinates, as to whether they shall be driven from their homes, and be separated forever.  Some old citizens, living here for forty years, say they never saw so much sorrow and distress in Natchez as they saw on the 1st day of April. Many of the freed people were heard to say they never had been so hardly treated by their masters. Whole families had lived together with their masters ; but now they must be separated - some stay in the city, others be driven to the kraal, and from that to the plantation, to be again taken by the rebels.  Hence many who had had kind masters resolved to return to slavery rather than expose themselves to the unknown cruelties of lawless and prowling guerrillas. The consequence is, that so far as this class of persons is concerned, the order of Dr. Kelly, approved and backed by the power of the Brigadier, has defeated the Emancipation Proclamation of the President of the United States. And the oft-repeated recommendation of the Doctor's officials to freedmen, to return to their masters, is some evidence of the design and tendency of this order. 
Another fact in evidence. When persons requested to hire some of the colored people, and to get certificated of employment from the Doctor, the question was usually asked, How many slaves had you before our army came here? The answer was accordingly, If no slaves then, no servants now. If many slaves then, they might have a corresponding number of servants now. And when freedmen applied for papers to defend them from being arrested again, those who had been notorious slaveholders formed his council and determined their fate.
and was not dependent upon some white person, may feel less inclines to hazard his life in the cause of his country now struggling for its life, and may doubt whether the pledges made by the Government to him have been fulfilled. And it seems strange just now, when the Government is fighting for the principles of universal liberty, that a distinction should be made in this district in favor of those who have been slaveholders, and against well-doing and self-supporting freedmen. 
In the execution of the order referred to, the most flagrant wrongs have been inflicted upon the better class of the freed people.  An old woman who has lived fifty years in this city, and was never disturbed before, was driven at the point of the bayonet to the camp. Mothers having young infants and attending to lawful business were arrested, and were not allowed to see their babes.  Many person in the employment of respectable white citizens were drive from their houses, and no time allowed them to obtain certificated of being employed. Many others who had paid their taxes and rents in advance, and who had official and personal security of protection and safety, were suddenly turned out of their neat and comfortable houses, without any time allowed them to arrange their affairs, and driven away from their young children, and children coming out of school were driven away by soldiers without the knowledge of their parents. These wrongs have been inflicted upon a people already sufficiently oppressed and injured, and upon many of them because they are not in a state of servitude, which it is the evident policy and design of the Government to liberate and elevate them.  
Signed by
JAMES WALLACE, Missionary of the Reformed Presbyterian Church. 
J. B. H. FERIS, Missionary of Reformed Presbyterian Church to Freedmen.
S. G. WRIGHT, Missionary American Association, New York.
H. A. MCKELVBY, North Western Freedmen's Aid Commission Chicago.
J. B. WEEKS, North Western Freedmen's Aid Commission, Chicago.
J. G. THORN, Agent Western Freedmen's Aid Commission, Cincinnati, Ohio, and Acting Agent National Freedmen's Relief Association, N. Y. and Western Sanitary Commission.
WILLIAM G. THOMPSON, M. D. , Assistant Surgeon Freemen. 
After the General had read this paper, he said to those who presented it, You appear to think that colored men have a great many more rights than white men. To which it was replied, we do not ; that we have never dreamed of them having more rights that white men, but we simply believed that a colored man or woman who decently and comfortably supported himself or herself in lawful employment, might be permitted to remain in the city. He then referred the paper to Dr. Kelly. 
SPEECH OF PARSON BROWNLOW.
HIS REASONS FOR BECOMING AN ANTI-SLAVERY MAN.
In the East Tennessee Convention, at Knoxville, not he 14th ult., Parson Brownlow delivered one of his characteristic species, of which the following were the principal points : - 
I say that for more than eighty years slavery has ruled this Government, and that for more than three ears, because it could no longer rule, it has sought, with fire and sword, and the assassin's knife, and the dungeon, and the rack, and the state, and every device that hell could suggest, to ruin this Government . Since the foundation of this Government, there have been nineteen Presidents.  OF these the South have had thirteen. The North had in all but six ; and of these six we kidnapped three, and sloughed with them our cotton fields, as we sloughed with them our cotton fields, as we plough with bulls and horses. We have had most of the foreign appointments, and the hind teats of the Federal kine at home ; and these things we had when we were not able to pay our postal expense to the General Government. And why? We did not solicit these things; we demanded them. In the name our superior manhood, our peculiar institution, our high-toned chivalry, we demanded them. 
Whence this arrogance? We got it from the negro. * * * And now I am asked to let him alone as property. I fought Andrew Jackson all his life ; but if my prayers could bring him from his grave, I would have had him at the White House when the negro sent the Southern chivalry to hold a club over the head of that mean, musty, miserable mockery of a man, the Old Public Functionary. Jackson would have raised him ten feet in his boots, and kicked the wretched Pennsylvania through South Carolina into the Atlantic Ocean.  And if he were here to-day, he would kick these Copperhead resolutions into the ground, and grind them to powder under his feet.
Yes, gentlemen, we of the South are responsible for this war. Before God I tell you that we made it necessary, whether or no ; that we forced it upon the country, and this without the shadow of an excuse. I have been a pro-slavery man - the best pro-slavery man in this house. But I am for the Union. So I told the Alabama Legislature, in a speech, five years ago.  They were then prepared for war, and had made an appropriation of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars for arming the State. And further back than that, when Henry A. Wise was Governor of Virginia, he wrote letters to all the Governors in the Southern States, declaring that in the event of the election of Fremont to the Presidency of the United States, he would head an army, march into Washington, and in name of the South seize and posses the Government. 
We of the South have intended this rebellion for more than thirty years. South Carolina and two or more cotton States, have never been republican government. South Carolina would have seceded in in Jackson's 
To hear men rave about the President's violation of the Constitution, who are utterly stupid or knavish that they had never ascertained that the rebellion is a violation of the Constitution. 
To hear men who care not for law- for God nor man- and who live in daily violation of law, prating about law.
To hear men who, were they South, would be treated as the poorest and meanest of " white trash," taunted as "mud sills," a" greasy mechanics," &c., upholding the very men who so degrade labor and despise those who do not own niggers. 
To hear men justifying Jefferson Davis and the South, who have not the manhood and decency to go South, and seek a home which they like so well.
To hear a man who loves slavery more than his country or freedom. 
To hear drunken, leprous, thick-headed, gaunt looking libel upon manhood belching about abolition.
To hear a man talking about peace and compromise, after he has been kicked and spit upon by the South. -Oswego Times.
THE FORT PILLOW MASSACRE.
REPORT OF THE INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE.
WASHINGTON, May 5.  The following is an extract from the report of the Committee on the Conduct of the War on the Fort Pillow Massacre :-
It will appear from the testimony that was taken, that the atrocities committed at Fort Pillow were not the results of passion elicited by the heat of conflict, but were the results of a policy deliberately decided upon and unhesitatingly announced. Even if the uncertainty of the fate of those officers and men belonging to colored regiments who have heretofore been taken prisoners by the rebels, has failed to convince the authorities of our Government of this fact, the testimony herewith submitted must convince even the most skeptical that it is the intention of the rebel authorities not to recognize the officers and men of our colored regiments as entitled to the treatment accorded by all civilized nations to prisoners of war.
The declarations of Forrest and his officers, both before and after the capture of Fort Pillow, as testified to by such of our men as have escaped after being taken by him, the threats contained in the various demands for surrender made at Paducah, Columbus and other places, the renewal of the massacre the morning after the capture of Fort Pillow, the statements made by the rebel officers to the officers of our gunboats who received the few survivors at Fort Pillow, all this proved most conclusively the policy they have determined to adopt.
It was at Fort Pillow that the brutality and cruelty of the rebels were most fearfully exhibited. The garrison there, according to the lsat returns received at Headquarters, amounted to 10 officers and 538 enlisted men, of whom 262 were colored troops, comprising one battalion of the 16th U. S. heavy artillery, formerly the 1st Alabama artillery ( colored ) and a battalion of the 13th Tennessee cavalry, (white,) commanded by Major A. F. Bradford. Major Booth was the ranking officer, and was in command of the fort. 
Immediately after the second flag of truce retires, the rebels made a rush from the positions they had so treacherously gained and obtained possession of the fort, raising the cry of "no quarter." But little opportunity was allowed for resistance. Our troops, white and black, threw down their arms, and sought to escape by running down the steps bluff near the Fort, and secreting themselves behind trees and logs in the brush, and under the brush, some even jumping into the river, leaving only their heads above the water. Then followed a scene of cruelty and murder without parallel in civilized warfare, which needed but the tomahawk and scalping knife to exceed the worst atrocities ever committed by savages.
The rebels commenced an indiscriminate slaughter, sparing neither age not sex, white or black, soldier or civilian. The officers and men seemed to vie with each other in the devilish work. Men, women and children, wherever found, were deliberately shot down, beaten and hacked with sabres. Some of the children not more than 10 years old were forced to stand up by their murderers while being shot. The sick and sounded were butchered without mercy, the rebels even entering the hospital buildings and dragging them out to be shot, or killing them as they lay there unable to offer the least resistance.  All over the hillside the work of murder was going on. Numbers of our men were collected together in lines or groups, and deliberately shot.  Some were shot while in the river, while others on the bank were shot and their bodies kicked into the water, many of them still living, but unable to make exertions to save themselves from drowning. 
Some of the rebels stood upon the top of the hill, or a short distance from tis side, and called to our soldiers to come up to them, and as they approached shot them down in cold blood ; and if there guns or pistols missed fire, forcing them to stand there until they were again prepared to fire.  All around were heard cries of " no quarter," " no quarter," "kill the d_d niggers, shoot them down." All who asked for mercy were answered by the most cruel taunts and sneers. Some were spared for a time only to be murdered under circumstances of greater cruelty
No cruelty which the most fiendish malignity could devise was omitted by these murderers. One white soldier who was wounded in the led so as to be unable to walk, was made to stand up while his tormentors shot him.  Others who were wounded and unable to stand up, were held up and again shot. One 

80 THE LIBERATOR MAY 13.

Poetry.
A WREATH OF SONG
TWINED FOR
MAY-DAY FESTIVAL AND FAIR, 1864.

BY REV. NATHANIEL HALL.

All hail to the SPRING! the fetters are breaking
Which Winter had fasten'd on Nature's great heart ;
In garden and woodland the May-blooms are waking,
At each pore of Creation fresh verdures outstart.

Yet aspects diviner inspire us to-day,
On hopes that fly broader our garlands we fling,
Chains direr than Winter's are falling away,--
Hail hail the new advent of LIBERTY'S SPRING !

Those thousands,--fetterless, indeed,
From bonds that gall the frame,
Yet prison'd still in cruel need,--
Prefer their voiceless claim :

Claim for the culture that shall bring
Their budding hopes to bloom ;
Claim for the bounty that shal fling
New sun-light o'er their gloom,

Oh, give the Freedman gracious ear !
Oh, let the plea he lifts,
In joy and plaint, in hope and fear,
Go echoing back in gifts :

Gifts that shall fall like Spring's warm showers
Upon his waking soul ;
Prophetic of the Summer dowers
That Freedom shall unroll :

Gifts unto HIM who says, from Heaven,
In sweet fraterity,--
"Whate'er to such, in love, is given,
'Tis given unto me."
Dorchester.

THE VICTORY OF LIFE.

BY THEODORE TILTON.

I once made search, in hope to find
Abiding peace of mind.

I toiled for riches--as if these
Could bring the spirit ease !

I turned aside to books and lore,
Still baffled as before.

I tasted then of love and fame
But hungered still the same.

I chose the sweetest paths I knew,
Where only roses grew.

Then fell a voice from out the skies,
With message in this wise :

"O my disciple ! is it meet
That roses tempt thy feet ?

"Thy Master, even for His head,
Had only thorns instead !"

Then, drawn as by a heavenly grace,
I left the flowery place,

And walked on cutting flints and stones.
I said, with tears and groans :

"O Lord ! my feet, where Thou dost lead,
Shall follow, though they bleed !"

And then I saw He chose my path
For discipline, not wrath.

I walked in weakness, till at length
I suffered unto strength.

Nor ever were my trials done, 
But straightway new begun.

For when I learned to case disdain
Upon some special pain,

He gave me sharper strokes to bear,
And pierced me to despair.

Until, so sorely was I pressed,

THE EXPERIMENT OF FREE LABOR.

LETTER TO A FRIEND.

31 INDIA ST. BOSTON, May 2, 1864.
DEAR SIR--Your note of April 30th is before me, and I must thank you for your hearty expression of confidence in me. But I think you place too great stress upon my good intentions in regard to the welfare of the blacks--i.e., I do not regard the philanthropic motives of the employer as of so much importance, in the long run, as various other things, in elevating the condition of the negro ; for on a large scale, they can not be depended upon. If people would read my letter to the Evening Post with candor, they would find that I am not opposed to a policy by which the blacks may come into possession of lands just as fast as they can pay a fair market price for them, and enter into their new position on the same footing as the white settler. In short, I think that any policy which discriminates between the two races, in favor of either, will be productive of mischief, by keeping wide open the social breach created by the slave system. Such a discriminating policy, if in favor of the black, will only tend to make a pet of him--thereby depriving him, in some degree, of the proper stimulus, and exposing him to more odium than he would encounter if let alone. The objections ot the land policy in Port Royal were founded on the above conviction ; for that policy discriminated in favor of a certain number of negroes, allowing them a chance to buy, at a nominal priceabout four times as much land as they could possibly improve with their own hands, while at the same time it left a large majority of the negroes unprovided for. Those few who got the land took it on speculation, and had no means of working one fourth part of it, while the rest got none.
It seems to me, and I think the same view would be taken by any practical man who has had much intercourse with laboring classes, that Industry is the great and by far the most efficient engine to be used for the elevation of the negro. In his present condition, his industry has never been cultivated one bit more than his intellect. His wits have been almost exclusively employed, for generations back, in devising means to shirk labor, for his labor was never rewarded pro rata. Thus he has become a confirmed shirk, and the habit is not to be shaken off in a hurry. Any system of labor by which he can be put at once on his own responsibility, and be required to provide for himself, at the same time paying him exactly in proportion to the amount of labor actually performed, will be the surest way to develop habits of industry, and get rid of the degrading effects of compulsory labor and a position of no responsibility. In this view, I believe our Port Royal system is far better than any system by which the laborer is paid for his time by the day or month. THe very moment he sells his time to mem the negro begins to devise means of spending that time with as little exertion as possible ; and, as mentioned above, the negro has had an education that renders him very expert in this thing. The very strongest incentive to exertion that can be devised is, undoubtedly, to have an interest in the land ; provided a man has sufficient capital to live on while raising a crop for sale, and provided he has sufficient confidence in the future to work for a distant reward, and sufficient knowledge and appreciation of the usages of civilized society to live at peace with his neighbor, and respect his neighbor's rights. In these particulars, the negro of the Sea Islands is sadly deficient, but not incapable of improving. There are instances which are only exceptions to the above, and which tend to confirm the truth of what I here say ; for these instances are taken from the most intelligent and self-reliant negroes, whose natural abilities and former experience as drivers or foremen have diven them constant intercourse with white men, and thereby raised them above the general level of their race.
If the possession of land is the strongest incentive to industry, it should also be regarded as the highest boon, next to citizenship, which a man can


derstood that a true regard to the rights of negroes in this case should necessarily require the capitalists, who have risked their money in it, to come out without reasonable pay for the course they have take. This course seems to be the only one by which the whole transaction can be called a fair commercial one, capable of being imitated elsewhere ; for we cannot always espect (if we do, we shall not find) commercial men or capitalists to employ the millions of freedmen, thrown upon the community in our Southern States, to be actuated by less selfish motives than the average of our race.
Neither do I think it reasonable to expect that the negro, educated in ignorance, taught laziness, suspicion, improvidence, by the necessities of his past position, can at one stride become the enterprising free holder, capitalist, and trader, which is required to develop the resources of the Southern States. He may, doubtless, become so in time ; and you may, now and then, find one man whose past opportunities and natural abilities enable him at once to assume such a position ; but this is rare, and the mass is not fairly represented by such samples, in regard to present condition, though they may be good samples of the negro's capacity.
It is an axiom among intelligent writers on political economy, that when a man holds more land than he can profitably work and improve, he is not a help to the public welfare, but stands in its way. If the whole of the South were divided among the negroes, with a view of compensating them for past services, they would certainly thus stand in the way of their own advancement. If the company which I represent were to continue to hold lands in SOuth Carolina, which they cannot at any time work to as good advantage as somebody else, then the time will have come to dispose of them ; and I trust they will do so with an eye to the true welfare of the community, regardless of any other object.
I began to write in haste, meaning to explain myself to you, personally, in a few words ; but if you think the whole or any portion of what I have here written is of sufficient general interest, you are at liberty to publish it. 
Very truly yours,
EDWARD S. PHILBRICK.

WOMEN'S ESTIMATE OF THEIR SEX.

Extract from an admirable work, entitled "Woman and her Era, by Eliza W. Farnham"--published by A.J. Davis & Co., New York, in two volumes :--
Is there one of the many, many wordly, selfish Women, however eager for her fill of admiration and applause, who would venture anywhere but in the company of fools, to speak light or derogatory words of the obscurest or the most brilliant Woman, whose history, fairly stated before her auditory, has shown a life of earnest, helpful activities ; sympathy for the unfortunate ; wise guidance to the bewildered ; reverence for the rights of all, the lowly as well as the exalted, the depraved as well as the innocent; and ever abiding faithfulness to the truth ? If there be, I have never met her. If you believe otherwise, prove my statement by taking up the cause of any such Woman, in the most external circle where you find her name introduced ; state it with entire fairness but earnestness, and watch the vanishing complacency of the shallow faces, as it grows before them, through your speech ; see the careless eyes droop, and here and there grow dim with the dew of appreciation ; hear the half-breathed or openly avowed assent and approval that will echo your own feeling, and say then if these Women do not in their souls reverence that Woman. I care not that she was scoffed at in the day of her action as "strong-minded," "unsexed," "forgetful of her sphere," "masculine," and so on. Let her but get her work done, and your candid relation of it, with whatever scorn or ridicule it provoked in the doing, shall infallibly command for her and yourself a respectful hearing from any circle of Women. Her scoffers and abusers will be denounced, and she and her narrator will receive acknowledgment and sympathy. Because the female soul,

upon which the approaching revolution is based, are of his discovery ; but it is Woman who must make their application, and follow them up to their high sources, the divine of her own nature, and the higher divine to which she is of nearer kindred than man. It is she who must show of them fairer flowers and more delicious fruit than he could ever find. It is she who, leading the career of inquiry into human nature beyond the point where he stops, arrested by the fineness and subtilety in himself, must carry forward the work in her own behalf, and thus verify the eternal prophecy that who would enjoy freedom must first win it. 
Nothing is clearer than that Woman must lead her own revolution ; not alone because it is hers, and that no other being can therefore have her interest in its achievenment, but because it is for a life whose highest needs and rights, those to be redressed in its success, lie above the level of man's experiences of comprehension. Only Woman is sufficient to state Woman's claims, and vindicate them. Hence the deep heart-joy that is felt in each one of those who, with the courage and firmness of her sex, tempered with its gentleness, stands up in the armor of God's high truths; makes her presence known through them, and announces that she comes to demand emancipation in His name. Victory is hers when she rises. If the sun shines, the air must move, swiftly or slowly. If the stream set out, it must reach the ocean at last. If the sap circulate, the budding life must testify of its trac and motions. Effect must follow cause, and WOMAN, in the attitude of revold against man's sovereignty over her, is as sure a prophet of its overthrow, as the sun of wind, the current of a lower level, and sap of buds, leaves and flowers. Her pretensions and efforts are oftener derided now because of the weakness, apathy, or opposition of selfish, underdeveloped or parasitic women, than for any or all other causes combined. The outward strength and dignity of revolt are in the cohesion and mutual confidence of those engaged in it ; and men, who judge a cause rather by the outward visible signs of its strength, and who are less apt to estimate moral force and gravity of irresistible truth than numbers of supporters and their affilieation, laugh at the idea of a revolt in behalf of Woman, which seven-tenths of the sex reject, and even ridicule more bitterly than themselves.
But it cannot be difficult, I apprehend, for any fair-minded person to see, first, in the mature of the cause the guarantee of its sure success, as founded upon the deepest and highest need of humanity, viz : its need of capacity for spiritual freedom and culture, a capacity everywhere desired, but as yet nowhere realized, save in the souls of a few women and men ; and, second, in the fact of its progress, proof of the rapidly cumulating forces necessary to its accomplishment, the most essential of these being the growing sentiment in women of trust, confidence, and respect toward those of their own sex to whom nature assigns its conduct.

MISCEGENATION BY JEFF. DAVIS.

A certain class of people, seeking to bring opprobrium upon Republicans and Union men, are accusing them of advocating what is termed "miscegenation." There is no truth in the statement. These individuals, however, who are great lovers of Jeff. Davis and his minions, seem to forge t that miscegenation is carried on extensively in the South, or has been in the past. Instances innumerable might be cited. "Perley," the Washington correspondent of the Boston Journal, furnishes to that paper a remarkable instance, from which it appears that Jeff. Davis goes in practically for the doctrine of blending the races. He quotes from a letter from a United States officer, whose veracity is vouched for. The writer says:--
Whilst at Vicksburg, I resided opposite to a house belonging to a negro man who once belonged to Joe Davis, a brother of Jeff.  Learning this, I happened one day to think that he, perhaps, would know something about the truth of a story told in the London Times, that there was a son of Jeff. Davis in our navy, the mother of whom was a slave woman. The next time I met the man, I asked him if he had ever known Maria, who had belonged to Jeff. Davis, and was the mother of some of his children. He replied that he had not known Maria, but that he knew his Massa Joe Davis's Eliza, who was the mother of some


have stood like walls of adamant against the shocks of rebel columns ar Malvern Hill and Cemetery Ridge, and they have swept like tornadoes upon the foe at the Antietam bridge and on the wooded heights of Gettysburg.
The bright sunshine gleams from their bayonets. Above them wave their standards tattered by the winds, torn by cannon ball and rifle shot, stained by the blood of dying heroes. They are priceless treasures--more beloved than houses or lands, riches, honors, ease, comfort, or wife or children. Ask the battle-scarred soldier what he loves best on earth, and he will have but one answer--"The flag ! The dear old flag !" It is their pillar of fire by night, and cloud by day--the symbol of everything worth living for--worth dying for.
I read upon those banners as they flutter in the breeze--"Bull Run, Ball's Bluff, Roanoke, Newbern, Gainsville, Mechanicsville, Seven Pines, Savage Station, Malvern Hill, Frederichsburg, Chancellorsille, Antietam, South Mountain, Knoxville, Vicksburg, Port Hudson, Gettysburg"--all those names are there in golden letters, and others so torn and defaced that I cannot read them.
There is an advancing crowd. The streets are lined with men, women, and children. The grave Senators have left their chambers, and the members of the House of Representatives have taken a recess to gaze upon the defenders of their country once more as they pass through the city--many of them, alas, never to retur. There is the steady tramping of the thousands, the deep heavy jar of the gun carriages on the pavement, the clattering of hoofs, the clanking of sabres, the drum beat, the bugle call, and the music of military bands. Pavement, sidewalk, windows and roofs are occupied by the people. Upon the balcony of the hotel is their corps commander, Gen. Burnside, and by his side the President of the United States, pale, careworn, returning the salutes of the officers and acknowledging the cheers of the soldiers.
A division of veterans pass. And now, with full ranks, platoons extending from sidewalk to sidewalk, are brigades which never have been in battle ; but now, at the call of their country, they are going forth to crush the rebellion. Their country ! They never had a country till the tall man on the balcony, so pale and worn, gave them one.
For the first time they behold their benefactor. They are darker hued than their veteran comrades who have gone before, but they can cheer as heartily as they. "Hurrah for Uncle Abe! Hurrah for Massa Linkun! Three cheers for the President! Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!" There is a swinging of caps, a clapping of hands, a waving of handkerchiefs and banners. there are no cheers more lusty than those given by the redeemed sons of Africa ; there are no responses more hearty than those in return from the admiring multitude. Regiment after regiment of stalwart men--slaves once, but freemen now, with steady step, closed up file and even rank pass down the street, moving on to Old Virginia to certain victory, or certain death ; for while I write, there comes the news of the surrender of Plymouth, and fresh from the telegraph and press are the sickening details of the massacre at Fort Pillow.
Such is the scene. They have gone. The crowd has dispersed, but the even of the day remains. For the first time, the President of the United States has reviewed a division of the corps d'Afrique. It is a fact in history to reain forever. He gave them freedom, he recognizes them as soldiers. Will he protect them? The question comes up in a way which demands an immediate answer. The President must answer it, or the soldiers will. Their law will be blood for blood, life for life, no prisoners. As the troops halt by the road-side, and read the account of the massacres at Fort Pillow and Plymouth, you can see the clenched teeth, you hear the oaths--not altogether profane--that they will be avenged. Not only among the soldiers, but among the citizens you see and hear the determination to have retaliation.
The government must take immediate action, or our future-battle fields will be terrible scenes of carnage. Our savage foe in his hate has placed himself in a position which must soon alienate the sympathies of those who have hitherto supplied him with arms and ammunition. He has placed himself outside the pale of civilization. We cannot afford to follow. Let the Government, and not the common soldier, take retaliation. Let there be an appeal

[first column]

Had only thorns instead!"

Then, drawn as by a heavenly grade, 
I left the flowery place,

And walked on cutting flints and stones.
I said, with tears and groans:

"O Lord! my feet, there Thou dost lead,
Shall follow, though they bleed!"

And then I saw He chose my path
For discipline, not wrath.

I walked in weakness, till at length
I suffered unto strength.

Nor ever were my trials done,
But straightway new begun.

For when I learned to cast disdain
Upon some special pain,

He gave me sharper strokes to bear,
And pierced me to despair.

Until, so sorely was I pressed,
I broke beneath the test,

And fell within Tempter's power;
Yet in the evil hour,

Bound hand and foot, I cried, "O Lord!
Break Thou the three-fold cord!"

And while my soul was at her prayer,
He snatched me from the snare.

I then approached the gate of death,
Where, struggling for my breath,

I knocked my coward knees in fear,
Aghast to stand so near!

Yet while I shivered in the gloom,
Down-gazing in the tomb,

"O Lord!" I cried, "bear Though my sin,
And I will enter in!" 

But He by whom my soul was tried
Not yet was satisfied.

For then He crushed me with a blow
Of more than mortal woe,

Till bitter death had been relief
To my more bitter grief.

Yet, bleeding, panting in dust,
I knew His judgment just;

And as a lark with broken wing
Sometimes has heart to sing,

So I, all shattered, still could raise
To His dear name the praise!

Henceforth I know a holy prayer
To conquer pain and care. 

For when my struggling flesh grows faint,
And clamors with complaint,

My spirit cries, THY WILL BE DONE!
And finds the victory won.
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GOOD BYE TO WINTER.
-----
As some dear friend other climes departing,—
Holding the hands of one he loveth well,—
Looks in his eyes while silent tears are starting,
And without words they speak a mute farewell;

So, ere the Spring across the mountains flying,
Wakes the gray earth from silence and repose,
Let us draw near the hoary monarch dying,
And say good bye to Winter ere he goes.

Think, when he came, his royal robes around him,
Grand in his strength and glorious in his might,
Minstrel and Bard with song and welcome crowned him—
And shall he go without a word to-night?

Then he was strange; no single grief or pleasure
Bound to our lives his presence like a spell:
Now, when he holds our memory's dearest treasure,
Shall we forget to bless, and say farewell?

No,—for though fast her future ties can bind us,
Fair with the light her witchery may cast,
She cannot hide the tender gloom behind us,—
She cannot hush the whispers of the Past!

Yet as we bend to pluck the opening flowers,
We'll think of one, though faded, all more dear;
And while we touch glad chords in joyous hours,
Some broken echo sweeter still we hear.

And in life's paths of honor and of duty,
Each day fulfills the promise of the last:—
He best may hope to win the future's beauty,
Who best has kept the treasures of the past.

Then ere the Spring, across the mountains flying,
Wakes the grim earth from silence and repose,
Let us draw dear the hoary monarch dying,
And say farewell to Winter ere he goes.

MARIE.
—Boston Saturday Evening Gazette.
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THANKSGIVING.
-----
   Burst into praise, my soul! all nature join!
   Angels and men, in harmony combine!
   While human years are measured by the sun,
   And while eternity its course shall run,
His goodness, in perpetual showers descending,
Exalt in songs and raptures never ending!

[second column]

[???]
it has seventy or eighty scholars, in charge of Mrs. Hawkes, assisted by Mrs. Dodge. It is our purpose to institute others soon, hoping to secure the attendance of the children of the "poor white trash," who are needing the advantages of schooling quite as much as the blacks. Even more—for it is very apparent that this important part of Southern society is decidedly inferior in natural developments to the negro—less competent to take charge of the business of society, less business capacity, less integrity and uprightness.
   Of slavery I had learned much before coming South and of its fruits; but of this large class of Southern society, denominated "poor whites," evidently the result of slavery, necessarily I had no adequate conception. But, after mingling with society here as at present constituted, I am almost in doubt who of the victims of slavery most need our pity and assistance—the poor whites or the negroes. Give them an even chance in the race of life, and the negro will come out ahead every time, I am fully persuaded. The negro is willing to work; is ambitious, respectful, zealous to secure education, active in changing positions for the better; while his neighbor, clothed in poverty even as the black man, is quite too proud to associate with him in school, in labor, or in other paths which lead to usefulness and self-advancement—almost too proud of recognize a Yankee as deserving attention from them. Coupled with this pride is a spirit of insolence, impudence and assurance most contemptible, and very pitiable. While we ought, nevertheless, to labor in season and out of season for those on whose limbs we have intentionally fastened the actual chains of slavery, and incurred a debt which can never be discharged till the day of final reckoning; we, surely, cannot honorably "pass by on the other side," leaving these other victims of our criminality, maimed and bruised and helpless, to perish, without balm and oil for their wounds, because in smiting down the negro, the blows which fell on them were accidental, or necessary to the accomplishment of our wicked purpose to the other.
   Do not understand me as having one word of apology for slavery. O, no, not a word! Your teachers we well remembered in all their scathing denunciations of that abominable institution. I am familiar with the terrible power of the weapons you wield, and how it has been used in laying open to public gaze the character of slavery. I came down here, therefore, feeling pretty well acquainted with its hideous form; possibly over-estimating its enormities somewhat, but prepared certainly to witness the dying throes of a repulsive monster. But, alas! alas! how had the power of language failed you to describe, and how incompetent must all find themselves duly to appreciate in all its height and depth, the institution of slavery! Mingle with the people who have been part and parcel of it—those who have partaken of its sweets, if such there be—and those, also, who have drunk of its bitter dregs. Draw the curtains, as we now can, which have hitherto, in some measure, hidden its deformities. Look at its policy, its enormities, its barbarities, its fiendishness, as we find them imprinted on the face of all things which have grown up under the mildew of this terrible scourge. Then shall we say that the half of its enormities has not been told; neither has it entered into the heart of man to conceive the measure of its iniquity.
   I am continually being impressed anew with the hidden mysteries of slavery, as they unroll themselves from day to day; and it fills me with amazement that such iniquities could be practised, without some earthquake of a rebuke, if there is indeed a God of justice, "who rules in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of earth."
   I came down here an Abolitionist, feeling that I had been baptized not by sprinkling, but by deep immersion. Still, I feel that my experience and education, during the past six months, have rebaptized me into eternal hatred to human bondage, and secured me as by a new birth to the work of its extermination. My enlistment in the cause is not for six months or three years, but for the war. Please enroll me on your papers of enlistment as one of the veterans.
   Excuse me for having presumed to occupy your attention with my thoughts on the "sum of all villanies," so poorly expressed. It was far from my purpose in the outset, having been led into it accidentally, as my pen passed hastily along without reflection.
   You know not how much I mourn over the loss of the enjoyment of good meetings at home, which the very acceptable weekly visits of the Liberator assure me are still going on. Mr. Thompson is with you, dispensing the blessings of his eloquence and his wise counsels to the multitudes who throng his pathway, and gather strength for the conflict to which we are all now harnessed, directly or indirectly.
   I remember the Anti-Slavery office and all its inmates, and hope not to be forgotten by them. It would rejoice me to get letters from any of them who have nothing better to do with the leisure half hour. I need good Anti-Slavery counsel from those who are wise in these matters.
   Believe me in work for the extermination of slavery, and the rebuilding of the nation.
       Yours to the end,      J. G. DODGE.

[third column]


strongest incentive to exertion that can be devised is, undoubtedly, to have an interest in the land; provided a man has sufficient capital to live on while raising a crop for sale, and provided he has sufficient confidence in the future to work for a distant reward, and sufficient knowledge and appreciation of the usages of civilized society to live at peace with his neighbor, and respect his neighbor's rights. In these particulars, the negro of the Sea Islands is sadly defiicient, but not incapable of improving. There are instances which are only exceptions to the above, and which tend to confirm the truth of what I here say; for these instances are taken from the most intelligent and self-reliant negroes, whose natural abilities and former experience as drivers or foremen have given them constant intercourse with white men, and thereby raised them above the general level of their race.
   If the possession of the land is the strongest incentive to industry, it should also be regarded as the highest boon, next to citizenship, which a man can acquire in society. It should, therefore, not be indiscriminately given away, but held as the reward for self-imposed exertion. The negro should not be allowed to buy land to the exclusion of whites, any more than the white to the exclusion of the negro. They should both have a fair chance in the race, on the same footing; and then the negro will soon show himself not only capable of earning his homestead, but becoming a citizen too; and I have confidence that this will be granted him in time. Public opinion has already undergone cast changes in regard to the qualifications and deserts of the negro within two years, and will, I trust, end by giving him all his rights.
   The friends of the negro have, in my opinion, made a mistake in wishing to make special enactments in his favor. They thus not only tend to defeat their own ends, by raising to an active condition against him a degree of odium among men who might otherwise let him alone, but, by petting the negro himself, tend to demoralize him by removing from his shoulders a part of the burthen which I verily believe God intended him to bear—viz., the full responsibility of working for his living on an equal footing with other men.
   If the negro's rights were respected so far as to allow him to enter the race fairly, and guarantee him pay for his labor at market rates, the enormous competition for that labor, which is sure to rise throughout the South as soon as property is protected, will, I think, be a sufficient security against his being oppressed by his employers for a long time to come. in the meantime, he will be steadily advancing in intelligence, and acquiring capital in money earned, by which he gradually qualifies himself to become a landholder; and he should have the same opportunity, now, and always, to become such, which is given to other men—no more and no less.
   This healthy competition among capitalists cannot be checked. It is just as sure to come as the next summer's sun wherever and as fast as the tide of war is rolled back, and the arts of peace succeed.
   It has been my object, while in South Carolina, to bring before the world facts to prove that the negro could be economically employed on a fair commercial basis as a free laborer, in order to stimulate at the earliest practicable date such a competition among his employers as would ensure him fair wages. The lands were bought and have been worked with this object in view; and, so far, the experiment has succeeded in proving that free labor is cheaper than slave labor.
   The ultimate disposition of the lands has not yet been determined upon, any further than by the fixed intention of all concerned to so dispose of them as will conduce to the best interests of the whole community when the time shall come. There are several gentlemen interested in them, besides myself, who regard the ultimate welfare of that little colony as of more importance than the pecuniary profits arising therefrom; and I hope that our eyes may not be blinded by any selfish motives in disposing of this land.
   We feel confident that the time has not yet come, when the interests of the negro can be best served by selling all the land to them, and will not come so long as they are surrounded by an armed and powerful enemy, with no law but martial law to protect them, and with the title of the seller to the land still imperfect.
   I am not aware that I have ever committed myself to any definite plans for disposing of this land; but I have not been able to digest or mature any plan satisfactory to myself. But I feel a great responsibility in so managing the concern that the truest and best interests of the community may be served thereby; and if I make a mistake, I hope it will be pardoned.
   It must be remembered that there are other rights to be guarded besides those of the laboring classes; and while guarding them, care should be taken not to infringe upon these others. It should also be remembered that any great industrial experiment, in order to be a complete success, should pay the capital for risks incurred, and a fair profit for its use, as well as a fair rate of wages to the laborer. Moreover, I contend that whatever policy is most profitable to the employer will also be most profitable to the employed, in a well-ordered community; and I do not wish to be un

[fourth column]

[???]
the innocent; and ever abiding faithfulness to the truth? If there be, I have never met her. If you believe otherwise, prove my statement by taking up the cause of any such Woman, in the most external circle where you find her name introduced; state it with entire fairness but earnestness, and watch the vanishing complacency of the shallow faces, as it grows before them, through your speech; see the careless eyes droop, and here and there grow dim with the dew of appreciation; hear the half-breathed or openly avowed assent and approval that will echo your own feeling, and say then if these Women do not in their souls reverence that Woman. I care not that she was scoffed at in the day of her action as "strong-minded," "unsexed," "forgetful of her sphere," "masculine," and so on. Let her but get her work done, and your candid relation of it, with whatever scorn or ridicule it provoked in the doing, shall infallibly command for her and yourself a respectful hearing from any circle of Women. Her scoffers and abusers will be denounced, and she and her narrator will receive acknowledgment and sympathy. Because the female soul, whatever the evidence of the clacking tongue, always responds to noble work and pure purposes, and, seeing, reveres them anywhere, in Woman as well as in man—in her the more that there has never been a day in which she could perform them, no matter what her capacity, on any scale larger than the household or neighborhood one, without having first surmounted almost insuperable difficulties. Thus foolish, thoughtless Women, either the young and untaught of experience, or worse, the old in years, yet still untaught by that matchless teacher, may upon provocation speak lightly, or even bitterly, of the contemporary near Woman who disturbs the stagnant waters about them; but their real, inner sentiment is not expressed in such speech. They utter that in calmer hours of deeper feeling; moments of finer insight which come, if ever so rarely, to all; seasons when the perceptions, the intellect and the affections shine unclouded, as they will temporarily at the worst, out of the lives of all Women; and more than all—more profoundly, sacredly, and above every manner of question, do Women prove their trust in and love for their sex, in their appeal to it for sympathy and understanding in their higher and rare experiences, whether happy or unhappy. However assiduously and unscrupulously they may court the praises or strive for the affection of men; however they may dance idly for their admiration, and become, as many do, mere glittering insects in its shining; the time comes ultimately when they turn away, sick and unsatisfied, yearning for the sympathy of a life capable of addressing itself more deeply and religiously to their interior nature. And thus in their hours of deep grief or profound happiness, when they mount the peaks flushed with the warm light of Hope, or descend into the valleys still and dark with the twilight of suffering, ALL WOMEN make their appeal to Woman. It is ever her hand they reach to clasp in theirs; ever a Woman's eye which they yearn with aching heart to look into; ever a Woman's bosom on which they long to lean for support in their anguish, and repose in their happiness. Though the lover's homage move her, or the husband's noble, pure affection make her count herself the blest among women; though the brother's abiding, protective love, or the son's reverent, watchful care, enrich and content her—every Woman still craves another as the sharer of her feelings; of these no less than any. The best man, and the noblest friend she can possess in the other sex, outside of these relations, is insufficient for those sacred experiences, which, as they can come only to Women, can also only by Women be understood and appreciated. And she will accept an inferior female, if none other be near, before a noble man, for many such confidences, because into the kingdom of her life, whither she must invite and sit down with the friend of that hour, he cannot enter. It must be a sister Woman who comes there.
   Moreover, as the slavery of women becomes modified through the spread of more liberal ideas of them, and a consequent braver self-assertion by the good and true, the whole body of intelligent faith in Women toward their sex becomes year by year broader, more firmly knitted, more clear, persistent, unwavering and sustaining.
   If we consider that in a perpetuated slavery like ours, many of the tendencies to falseness and moral dislocation are cumulative from age to age, growing into every generation from its own practical experiences, and descending by inheritance from each to the next; that not only the natural sentiments and feelings have become thus perverted in themselves, but that the courage to speak out what social bondage bids us hide, can hence be moved, in the mass of Women, only by a support which assures them of sympathy; and that we have but just reached that point of Revolution within the second quarter of this Nineteenth century when Ideas can come to our aid and emancipation, no earnest lover of our sex can fail to find in its position, to-day, abundant cause for rejoicing, and rich inspiration to noble faith in its future. Within fifty years, to go no farther back, Woman has done for herself a vast work—an initiative work, of which the consequence can, at present, be but imperfectly estimated by the most prophetic soul. And, while we cannot forget that this Revolution has its foundations in the preceding labors of man—the discoveries, sciences, arts and systems which he has developed—so neither ought it to be forgotten that our deepest need of it also springs from him—his selfishness, his love of power, his coldness to justice—the professed law of his era—and his forgetfulness of equal rights. The systems and conditions to be revolutionized arc the fruits of his sovereignty, and the remote truths

[fifth column]

[???]
These individuals, however, who are great lovers of Jeff. Davis and his minions, seem to forget that miscegenation is carried on extensively at the South, or has been in the past. Instances innumerable might be cited. "Perley," the Washington correspondent of the Boston Journal, furnishes to that paper a remarkable instance, from which it appears that Jeff. Davis goes in practically for the doctrine of blending the races. He quotes from a letter from a United States officer, whose veracity is vouched for. The writer says:—
   
   Whilst at Vicksburg, I resided opposite to a house belonging to a negro man who once belonged to Joe Davis, a brother of Jeff. Learning this, I happened one day to think that he, perhaps, would know something about the truth of a story told in the London Times, that there was a son of Jeff. Davis in our navy, the mother of whom was a slave woman. The next time I met the man, I asked him if he had ever known Maria, who had belonged to Jeff. Davis, and was the mother of some of his children. He replied that he had not known Maria, but that he knew his Massa Joe Davis's Eliza, who was the mother of some of Massa Jeff's children. I then inquired if she had a son in the navy. He replied that she had—he knew him—they called him Purser Davis. He said that Eliza was down the river some thirty miles at work on a plantation.
   The next day, as I was walking down street, I met the man, who was driving his mule team, and he stopped to tell me that Eliza had returned. A few moments afterward, he came back, and pointing to one of two women who came walking about, he said that she was the one of whom he had been talking. When she came up, I stopped her, and inquired whether she had not a son who would like to go North. She replied yes, and added that she would like to go too. I told her that I only wanted a lad. She said that her son had gone up the Red River on board the gun boat Carondelet, but that when he returned, she would be pleased to have him go. "Well," said I, "some say that Jeff. Devis is your son's father—do you suppose it's so?" "Suppose!" she exclaimed, with offended pride, "I's no right to suppose what I knows am certain so. Massa Jeff. was the father of five of my children, but they're all dead but that boy, and then I had two that he wasn't the father of. There's no suppose about it."
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RELEASE OF REV. CALVIN FAIRBANK.
-----
"A little brief authority" was never more happily or humanely exercised than in the instance recorded below:—

LOUISVILLE, Ky., April 19.
   Rev. Calvin Fairbank, who was implicated with Delia Webster in enticing slaves from Kentucky, several years since, who had served twelve of a sentence of fifteen years in the Frankfort Penitentiary, was pardoned by Lieut.-Governor Jacobs, while performing executive duties during Governor Bramlette's absence from the State.
   The case of Mr. Fairbank was remarkable for its exhibition of the merciless despotism of slavery and for the contempt of laws and boundaries which it involved. On a false charge, the victim of slave-holding vengeance was kidnapped in the free State of Ohio, dragged across the river to Kentucky, there mocked with a trial, and consigned to a prison for the term above indicated. It was an atrocious occurrence, whether we regard the alleged offence as real, and admit that M.r Fairbank lent aid to refugees from the house of bondage, in obedience to human instincts and the divine behests; or, whether we consider the audacity of the slave-power on the one hand, and the humiliating submissiveness of an outraged State on the other. Ohio went down on her knees to Kentucky, as Massachusetts had formerly done to South Carolina—each impotent to protect its citizens, white or black, from unconstitutional statutes and from lawless violence. To-day it is Kentucky, and not Ohio, which intervenes to shorten the affliction of the sufferer for righteousness' sake. While Gov. Bramlette is in Washington, seeking to perpetuate slavery by preventing the enrollment of slaves in his fine old neutral State, his Lieut.-Governor undoes, as far as is possible at this late day, a cruel wrong of the system in the plenitude of its insolent strength. Slavery is no longer in its prime, but men who ought to be the champions of liberty are still worshipping the setting sun. Legislators who deny equal suffrage to colored citizens of Montana; who refuse to pay what is just to our colored patriots in the field; and, above all, who vote to retain the most ancient of our fugitive slave laws, are possess of the same spirit which prostrated Ohio in the dust before a slave-aristocracy, and doomed Fairbank to an incarceration of twelve long, painful, despairing years.—N. Y. Independent.
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AN IMPRESSIVE SPECTACLE.
-----
WASHINGTON, April 25, 1864.

To the Editor of the Boston Journal:
   From the window of the Journal room here in Washington, I look out upon columns of men marching down Fourteenth street on their way to the theatre of war in the Old Dominion. Sit with me here, and behold the scene—platoons, battalions, companies, regiments, brigades, divisions. The men are bronzed by the rays of a Southern sun, and by the wild March winds. Some of them have been at Newbern, Roanoke, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Knoxville, Gettysburg, and a dozen other fields. They are old soldiers. They know all about hardship, suffering, privation, want. You can tell them nothing about iron hail and leaden rain. They

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[???]
States has reviewed a division of the corps d'Afrique. It is a fact in history to remain forever. He gave them freedom, he recognizes them as soldiers. Will he protect them? The question comes up in a way which demands an immediate answer. The President must answer it, or the soldiers will. Their law will be blood for blood ,life for life, no prisoners. As the troops half by the road-side, and read the account of the massacres at Fort Pillow and Plymouth, you can see the clenched teeth, you hear the oaths—not altogether profane—that they will be avenged. Not only among the soldiers, but among the citizens you see and hear the determination to have retaliation.
   The government must take immediate action, or our future-battle fields will be terrible scenes of carnage. Our savage foe in his hate has placed himself in a position which must soon alienate the sympathies of those who have hitherto supplied him with arms and ammunition. He has placed himself outside the pale of civilization. We cannot afford to follow. Let the Government, and not the common soldier, take retaliation. Let there be an appeal to them moral sense of nations, and let the retribution be terrible and sure. There must be no hesitation. I write from observation. If the government does not take retaliation, the soldiers will. 
CARLETON.
-----
BURIAL OF A COLORED SOLDIER.
-----
Correspondence of the New York Tribune.

PHILADELPHIA, April 29, 1864.
   A novel and interesting fact occurred in this city yesterday. Military ceremonies and honors were paid, for the first time in this city, to the remains of a colored man. Sergt. Major Robert Bridges Forten of the 43d U. S. Colored Infantry was buried with military honors due his rank.
   James Forten, the father of the deceased, was long known in this city, and respected by all the business community with whom he came in contact. He was a friend of the late Louis Clopier and Stephen Girard. The prison ships of 1776 were his residence for a long period, and his son inherited his love of country from a loyal and earnest friend of liberty in the infancy of our nation. While in London doing business, where the prejudice of color would not prevent a man of the highest culture in every respect from advancing, he heard the call of his native country for her sons of color to rally for the defence of the "Old Flag." In it he recognized a call for the lovers of Freedom to do their duty now in the "trial-day" of its existence. Slavery, the curse of his race, was about to die, and Mr. Forten left lucrative business enjoyments in England to do what he could to help hasten its death. Being about fifty years of age, and never accustomed to the hardships of life, he against the advice of friends enlisted in the ranks when he found that there was no higher position for him, though he had the talent, character and education which, had he been white, would have secured him the position of a field officer, at least, in any of the volunteer regiments. His country, he said, asked her colored children to rally for her defence, and those of them who had been blessed with education should be foremost in responding to the call. Actuated by these motives, he joined the 43d, and was immediately made Sergeant-Major, and ordered to report to Col. S. M. Bowman, chief mustering and recruiting officer for colored troops in the State of Maryland. In the many speeches he made to those of his race in Baltimore, so full of logic and true eloquence, he in a great measure contributed to the great success which has attended Col. Bowman's efforts during the last two months. That officer, in reporting to the Philadelphia Supervisory Committee, commended him as a soldier and a gentleman. His last duties were performed with such zeal and devotion that when sickness set in, it was soon seen that his end was near, as his constitution seemed undermined by his prolonged labor. He died suddenly of erysipelas. His wife and one son are in London, and his daughter is a teacher in the camp of the freedmen at Port Royal. Appropriate remarks were made at his residence by J. Miller McKim, Esq., long known as Secretary of the Philadelphia Anti-Slavery Society; Thomas Webster, Esq., Chairman of the Supervisory Committee for the recruiting of Colored Troops, and Mrs. Lucretia Mott. The remains were then escorted to St. Thomas's Church, on Fifth, below Walnut street, by an escort of sixteen of his late comrades, commanded by a Sergeant. Following in the long and respectable train were many prominent citizens and a large number of commissioned officers, who thus showed their respect for a noble and devoted friend of his race. After the rites in the church, his remains were deposited in the family vault in view of curious and wondering thousands. The three volleys which were fired over the grave of Sergeant-Major Forten in the heart of this great city was a lesson not to be forgotten.          P. E. G.
-----
VALUABLE PUBLICATION.
   PROCEEDINGS of the American Anti-Slavery Society, at its Third Decade, held in the City of Philadelphia, Dec. 3d and 4th, 1863. With an Appendix, and a Catalogue of Anti-Slavery Publications in America, from 1750 to 1863. This is an octavo pamphlet of 175 pages; just published and for sale at the Anti-Slavery Office, 221 Washington Street, Boston. Price, Fifty cents.
   May 6.                tf
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BOARDING.
   MRS. R. A. SMITH would inform her friends and the public generally, that she has taken house No. 42, Grove Street, Boston; where Board, transient and permanent, may be obtained on reasonable terms. A share of the public patronage, is respectfully solicited.

[newspaper header]

[top left box]

THE LIBERATOR
-IS PUBLISHED-
EVERY FRIDAY MORNING,
-AT-
887 WASHINGTON STREET, ROOM No. 6.
-----
ROBERT F. WALLCUT, GENERAL AGENT.
-----
> TERMS-Three dollars per annum, in advance.
> Four copies will be sent to one address for TEN DOLLARS, if payment is made in advance.
> All remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed, (POST PAID,) to the General Agent.
> Advertisements of a square and over inserted three times at five cents per line; less than a square, 75 cents for three insertions.  Yearly and half yearly advertisements inserted on reasonable terms.
> The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are authorised to receive subscriptions for THE LIBERATOR.
> The following gentlemen constitute the Financial Committee, bu are not responsible for any debts of the paper, viz:—WENDELL PHILLIPS, EDMUND QUINCY,EDMUND JACKSON< and WILLIAM L. GARRISON, JR.
——————
WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor.
-----
VOL. XXXIV. NO. 37.

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[***frontispiece for The Liberator, a handdrawn illustration of a slave auction on the left, a circle in the middle with a savior that says "I come to break the bonds of the oppressor." and  a banner below it that says "Love They Neighbor." On the right is a barn with slaves being freed from it.***] THE LIBERATOR.
——————
Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind.
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BOSTON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1864.

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"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all the inhabitants thereof."
-----
   "I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that military authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST; and that, under the state of things, so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive management of the subject, not only the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, but the COMMANDER OF THE ARMY, HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVES. . . . . From the instant that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, CIVIL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers of CONGRESS extend to interference with the institution of slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED WITH, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to a foreign power. . . . It is a war power. I say it is a war power; and when your country is actually in war, whether it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, ACCORDING TO THE LAWS OF WAR; and by the laws of war, an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institutions swept by the board, and MARTIAL POWER TAKES THE PLACE OF THEM. When two hostile armies are set in martial array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate all the slaves in the invaded territory."—J. Q. ADAMS.
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J. B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers.
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WHOLE NO. 1753.

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Refuge of Oppression.
———————
A SAMPLE OF REBEL BILLINGSGATE.
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   Whatever may turn out to be the meaning of the fact, the fact itself begins to shine out clear—that Abraham Lincoln is lost; that he never will be President again; not even President of the Yankee remnant of States, to say nothing of the whole six and thirty—or how many are there, counting "Colorado" and "Idaho," and other Yahoo commonwealths lately invented? The obscene ape of Illinois is about to be deposed from the Washington purple, and the White House will echo to his little jokes no more. It is in no spirit of exultation we contemplate this coming event; for Abraham has been a good Emperor for us; he has served our turn; his policy has settled, established, and made irrevocable the separation of the old Union into nations essentially foreign; and we may be almost sorry to part with him. He was, in the eyes of all mankind, an unanswerable argument for our secession; he stood there a living justification, seven feet high, of the steadfast resolution of these States to hold no more political communion with a race capable not only of producing such a being, but of making it a ruler and king.
   Certainly his elevation to that position astonished the world; but it amused nobody so much as the creature himself. He knew he was neither rich nor rare, and wondered how the devil he got there; or, as he expressed it himself the other day to a Canadian editor, "It seems to be strange that I, a boy born as it were in the woods, should be drifted into the apex of this great event." Why strange? One may be drifted into any apex, if he only embarks upon a chain of circumstances; and those who sneer at Abraham's figure are desired to observe that Noah's ark did actually drift to an apex; and it contained, together with every other beast after his kind, a pair of baboons. If they drifted to an apex, so may he. However that may be, he is certainly now about to come down, even to be dragged or kicked down. The prognostications of last Spring were infallible—that "the rebellion" must be crushed this year—at least, very signal and decisions results must be gained over it—or else the war could no longer be carried on under Lincoln's Government; let what might come of the war and the Union, he would get no more armies to fling into the red pit of Virginia for slaughter. 
   Now, to put aside, for the present, the total loss of what Yankees fondly believed to be their conquests in the trans-Mississippi pretermitting also
[???]

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of honorable peace. At least it will be sure to endeavor to baffle rather than promote the peculiar war policy of Lincoln, because it believes that his war policy is equally directed against the liberty of the North and the independence of the South. Let us await patiently the results of that Convention before finally committing ourselves to any specific terms of peace; for they have much to fear from that result, we nothing to apprehend from it. It may impede, thwart or embarrass the plans and purposes of the war party at the North. It may make their situation worse, but cannot affect ours.
   Let us await, too, the experiment of the impending draft. If it fails, the North will be almost without an army, and we should be sure of better terms of peace than we could now even hope for. That it will fail, at least partially, seems to be expected or apprehended by all parties, seems to be expected or apprehended by all parties, even among themselves. It may give rise to mobs, riots, revolutionary outbursts and civil war in that section. It will certainly increase and exacerbrate the hatred of New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and the Northwest towards New England.
   The former States and sections sustain this war as a matter of honor, New England as a source of wealth. She is growing richer and richer every day by its prosecution, while they are being impoverished by it. We believe, according to the duello code, the requirements of honor are satisfied when blood (however little) has been drawn. These States and that section have shed whole oceans of it. Neither the code of honor nor the dictates of the most generous magnanimity require that they should shed more. To do so would be savage brutality, not generous chivalry.
   They should say, and might say most truly to New England, "You brought on this war. It is your war. You have made millions of money by it. We made common cause with you, for we felt that the storming of Fort Sumter was an insult, and one which New England men and measures compelled the South to offer us. We have shed enough blood, and lost or expended enough treasure, to wipe off a thousand such insults. We can bear and suffer no more to satiate your hatreds and build up your wealth, whilst by so doing we are wasting our own lives, wasting our own treasure, ruining ourselves, and entailing hopeless poverty on our posterity. This draft we will not bear!"
   Even if any one State should take the stand we suggest, the further prosecution of the war would be hopeless, for other States would soon follow the example.
   But suppose the draft succeeds. It will only put 
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Selections.
———————
THE DEMOCRATIC ADDRESS.
-----
   In the Address to the People of the United States, on which we recently commented, the Democratic party, which is now bidding for office, has come forward with certain pro-slavery principles, which were once dominant in America, but which will never, we trust, be dominant there again. Those who imagine that something would be gained by the defeat of Mr. Lincoln, and the accession to power of a Democratic Administration, should read that Address. We are ver far from thinking that Mr. Lincoln's Government has acted in all respects as it ought to have done. But, at any rate, it has assumed an attitude towards slavery which ought to command the profound sympathies of the British people. Within the past three years, it has directed against this foul system every force which it could find in the Constitution, and every weapon which the war has put into its hands. It began by abolishing slavery in the only part of the States which properly belonged to the Central Government. Subsequently, it decreed the exclusion of slavery, for ever, from the Territories of the United States; it ratified a treaty with this country for the suppression of the tlave trade; and it was the first Administration in America to put the righteous law in force that condemns the slave-trader to be hanged as a pirate. It also devised a plan for getting rid of slavery by making compensation to the slaveholders in any State that might adopt it. Finally, it issued the great Emancipation Edict of 1863, which converted every Federal force into an army of liberation, and has already been the means of emancipating tens of thousands of slaves. No doubt this way of precipitating freedom upon the slaves is about the worst form that emancipation can assume. The history of our West India Colonies has taught us that. But it happens to be the only way open to the Federal Government; and it is due to the people of the north to say that they have exerted themselves actively and generously in attempting to mitigate its evils. Moreover, if sudden abolition has its dangers, what shall we say of slavery? It were surely difficult to find a cure worse than that disease. Of two evils, the Washington Government has wisely preferred the least. The very latest manifesto that Mr. Lincoln has issued breathes the same spirit of inflexible adherence to the policy of emancipation. "The integrity of the Union and the abandonment of slavery" are the two terms which [?] [?] to the Confederate Envoys writing
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   It is not difficult to discern in such language a design to clear the way for the return of the Southern States into the Union, by cancelling, as far as possible, the emancipation policy of the Republican party, and offering fresh securities to slavery. The South, however, is fighting, not for concessions but for independence; and as the Democrats, equally with the Republicans, seem resolved on the restoration of the Union, both parties, unhappily, are committed to war. The world is wearying for peace. But, if we must have war, let us at least have it conducted by men who recognize in slavery the tap-root of American discord, and are determined on its eradication. It is sad enough to see a slaveholding Confederacy in the South. Shall we desire now to see the North also governed by a party committed to the degradation of the negro, committed to the protection of slavery, and avowedly favorable to the extension of this accursed system into the Territories of the United States?—Glasgow Herald.
———————
"PEACE."
-----
   It is evident that the copperheads and democrats are proposing, in the coming presidential campaign, to conjure with the word "Peace." Availing themselves of the hardships, discontents and high prices incident to the war, they hope to secure a sufficient support for their candidate, by spreading the impression that we cannot have peace under Mr. Lincoln, and by promising it, more or less explicitly, under some other candidate. The plan is well devised, and the fathers of it probably could not place themselves on any stronger basis. Poor men, who are paying twice and three-fold what they ever paid before for the necessaries of life, who are little used, perhaps, to reflect upon the causes of things, and who are apt to think that any change, in these times, is likely to be an improvement, may, possibly, be only too easily led away by the seductive word "Peace." But it would be a pity, indeed, if any such wretched sophistry as this could succeed. There is no man in the country, probably, more heartily desirous of peace than Mr. Lincoln,—unless it be Gen. Grant or Gen. Sherman. The loyal people of this country are, and, throughout this war, have been eager for peace. What then is meant by the copperhead or the democrat when he calls himself a friend of peace? He means, if he means anything in particular, that he is in favor of conceding to the rebels the right of secession, or of laying down arms like the king of Denmark, and making such terms as we can with the enemy. Mr. Lincoln, on the other hand, is in favor of compelling the rebels to lay down

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cessions to traitors,—merely because they begin, for the first time, to be pressed by hardships not one quarter so severe as those which our heroes of the army and navy have borne with joy and pride for more than three years.—Boston Daily Advertiser.
———————
THE LATE PEACE INTERVIEW---CIRCULAR FROM THE REBEL STATE DEPARTMENT.

   The following circular from the Rebel State Department will explain itself:

   DEPARTMENT OF STATE, RICHMOND, Va., Aug. 25, 1864.—SIR: Numerous publications which have recently appeared in the journals of the United States on the subject of informal overtures for peace between two Federations of States now at war on this Continent render it desirable that you should be fully advised of the views and policy of this Government on a matter of such paramount importance. It is likewise proper that you should be accurately informed of what has occurred on the several occasions mentioned in the published statements.
   You have heretofore been furnished with copies of the manifesto issued by the Congress of the Confederate States, with the approval of the President, on the 14th June last, and have, doubtless, acted in conformity with the resolution which requested that copies of this manifesto should be laid before foreign Governments. "The principles, sentiments, and purposes, by which these States have been, and are still actuated," are set forth in that paper with all the authority due to the solemn declaration of the legislative and executive departments of this Government, and with a clearness which leaves no room for comment or explanation. In a few sentences it is pointed out that all we ask is non-interference with our internal peace and prosperity, "and to be left in the undisturbed enjoyment and those inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, which our common ancestors declared to be the equal heritage of all parties to the social compact. Let them forbear aggressions upon us, and the war is at an end. If there be questions which require adjustment by negotiation, we have ever been willing, and are still willing, to enter into communication with our adversaries in a spirit of peace, of equality, and manly frankness."
   The manifesto closed with the declaration that "we commit our cause to the enlightened judgment of the world, to the sober reflections of our adversaries themselves, and to the solemn and righteous arbitrament of Heaven."
   Within a few weeks after the publication of this manifesto, it seemed to have met with a response from President Lincoln. In the early part of last
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they admitted that proposals ought to come from the North, and that they were prepared to make these proposals by Mr. Lincoln's authority; that it was necessary to have a sort of informal understanding in advance of regular negotiations, for if commissioners were appointed without some such understanding, they would meet, quarrel, and separate, leaving the parties more bitter against each other than before; that they knew Mr. Lincoln's views, and would state them if pressed by the President to do so, and desired to learn his in return.
   I again insisted on some evidence that they came from Mr. Lincoln; and in order to satisfy me, Mr. Gilmore referred to the fact that permission for their coming through our lines had been asked officially by General Grant in a letter to General Lee, and that General Grant in that letter had asked that this request should be preferred to President Davis. Mr. Gilmore then showed me a card, written and signed by Mr. Lincoln, requesting Gen. Grant to aid Mr. Gilmore and friend in passing through his lines into the Confederacy. Colonel Jaques then said that his name was not put on the card for the reason that it was earnestly desired that their visit should be kept secret; that he had come into the Confederacy a year ago, and had visited Petersburg on a similar errand; and that it was feared if his name should become known, that some of those who had formerly met him in Petersburg would conjecture the purpose for which he now came. He said that the terms of peace which they would offer to the President would be honorable to the Confederacy; that they did not desire that the Confederacy should accept any other terms, but would be glad to have my promise, as they gave theirs, that their visit should be kept a profound secret if it fail to result in peace; that it would not be just that either party should seek any advantage by divulging the fact of their overture for peace, if unsuccessful. I assented to this request, and then, rising, said: "Do I understand you to state distinctly that you come as messengers from Mr. Lincoln, for the purpose of agreeing with the President as to the proper mode of inaugurating a formal negotiation for peace, charged by Mr. Lincoln with authority for stating his own views and receiving those of President Davis?" Both answered in the affirmative, and I then said that the President would see them at my office the same evening, at 9 P. M.; that, at least, I presumed he would; but if he objected, after hearing my report, they should be informed. They were then recommitted to the charge of Colonel Ould, with the understanding that they were to be reconducted to my office at the appointed hour, unless otherwise divested.
[???]

to an apex, so may he.  However that may be, he is certainly now about to come down even to be dragged or kicked down. The prognostications of last Spring were infallible-that "the rebellion" must be crushed this year-at least, very and decisive results must be gained over it

[header] [left] 148  [center] THE LIBERATOR.  [right] SEPTEMBER 9.

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Poetry. 
——————
THE BATTLE-FIELD OF TRUTH. 

Be true, be strong, the battle rings around, 
The forms of fallen warriors strew the ground; 
Martyrs and victors, slain but not to die, 
They give to us the noble rallying cry, 
Be true to death, and more. 

No fiery charger shakes the quivering sod, 
The marshalled forces are the soul and God; 
Nature and Right 'gainst Error fierce at bay, 
The powers immortal yield not, but delay, 
Eternal Truth can wait. 

No bannered host does mighty Truth display, 
No armies drawn in serried, strong array; 
But solitary warriors, with her shield 
And shining sword, made ready for the field; 
These, and no more. 

Thus to the field against the phalanx strong, 
Error's great army, drawn in columns long, 
Countless, unnumbered, bristling to the front
With motley armor and with clanging trump, 
Victory is theirs to-day. 

But whose to-morrow, when with swords in rest, 
The silent soldiers pass the solemn quest? 
The inquest of the future, when the hours, 
Clear and impartial, call the warring powers 
To judgement and to sentence? 

And who is worthy of the tested shield, 
The proven sword, the arms that cannot yield? 
They, and they only, who, forswearing all, 
Present and future, at that battle-call, 
Seek God alone and right. 

For none but such could dare so dread a fight, 
Where victory waits not upon hope or life; 
But dimly gleams remotely and afar; 
When with the dread its faded champions are. 
But so to die is life. 

'Twas here the sons of science strove and fell; 
How nobly let ourselves and children tell; 
Facing the world's stern ignorance they fought, 
Contending aidless, inch by inch, and bought 
Our light with worse than death. 

'Twas here the patriots, earnest of their time, 
Invoked the children of their race and clime 
So oft in vain to freedom; here they led 
Where few would follow, for no victor's tread 
Wakes the silent field. 

'Twas here the sages, prophets of our race, 
Piercing the shadowy future, sought to trace 
The heights and depths of knowing, and thus kept 
Watch on the outposts while the nations slept 
Untroubled sleep, but dark. 

Nobly and worthy then to perish here, 
Though seeming vanquished in the combat were, 
The holocaust to duty bravely done, 
The conflict waged till death, though still unwon, 
And ages kept the rest. 
——————
WRITTEN ON THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1864. 
-----
BY ALICE CARY.
-----
Once more, despite the noise of wars, 
And the smoke gathering fold on fold, 
Our daisies set their stainless stars 
Against the sunshine's cloth of gold. 

Lord, make us feel, if so thou will, 
The blessings crowning us to-day, 
And the yet greater blessing still, 
Of blessings thou hast taken away. 

Unworthy of the favors lent, 
We fell into apostacy; 
And, lo! our country's chastisement 
Has brought her to herself and Thee! 

Nearer by all this grief than when 
She dared her weak ones to oppress, 
And played away her State to men 
Who scorned her for her foolishness.
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THE LIBERATOR. 
——————
THE CURRENT OF EVENTS AND THE DRIFT OF THE ADMINISTRATION. 
[CONTINUED.] 
-----
MORE WORK FOR ABOLITIONISTS. 
-----
DORCHESTER, Aug. 28, 1864. 
   As we have already said, the right of the majority
to rule is acknowledged to be the fundamental principle of republican government. Each of the rebel States wheeled out of the Union in sufficient numbers to control the loyal men within their respective borders. Let them return to their allegiance in sufficient numbers to hold in check the rebels in each, before they claim the right to be reinstated as members of the Union; and, if the legal voters of 1860 are to be the basis of reconstruction, the people of the loyal States have a right to demand, and out to insist upon it, that at least a majority of the voters within its limits shall constitute the nucleus of the new State. On what authority or on what principle has the President proclaimed that one tenth of them may do so? Surely there was no military necessity for it; and it was a palpable violation of the fundamental principle of republicanism, even on the basis of legal voters. Why, upon this principle depends the validity of Mr. Lincoln's own election, and his legitimate right to exercise the functions of President of the United States, which the people of eleven States "rose in rebellion to oppose"! 
   But I object to the quality of the basis, which would be the same, whether the nucleus were composed of ten per cent. or one hundred per cent. of the legal voters of 1860. Even supposing them to be thoroughly loyal, (a most violent supposition, of course,) still all the black men, including many intelligent and wealthy individuals, who are taxed without representation, and in many of the States, a large majority of white men, would be wholly disfranchised. 
   But of the two plans for reconstruction which are before us, we must prefer that of Congress. It is at least republican in form. Both, however, propose to reconstruct the rebel States upon an aristocratic basis. Neither of them looks to the enfranchisement of the 
colored man; both are opposed to it. On either plan, he is to be left to the tender mercies of those who, from his toil and sweat, have hitherto wrung the means of luxurious self-indulgence, and only wait the opportunity to renew their customary extortions and oppression; and wherever they shall be restored and installed as the constituency and exclusive legislators for the new States, however they may disguise themselves under the name and forms of republicanism, who can doubt that the subject race will continue to be lawful prey? 
   And what power shall interpose to save them from the disastrous results to which, on either plan, they will be imminently exposed? What but the power of the Federal Government, vested in Congress, the Supreme Court, and the President of the United States? But the views, sentiments, will and purposes of the President and of Congress are sufficiently indicated by the measures we have just been considering. The disposition of Congress is perhaps still more strongly manifested by the late bill organizing the Territory of Montana. In that bill, so far from providing for, they carefully exclude the right of negro 
suffrage. Only white male citizens are allowed to vote. And these views and purposes can be changed or swayed only as public sentiment and the will of the people are brought to bear upon them. 
   But the difficulty is, public sentiment and the will of the people, even in the loyal States, corroborate and sustain, or substantially coincide with, those of Congress and the Executive; and to move them, the people must be moved. While the people of Kansas, who have won a place in the galaxy of Free States, through the stern discipline of war, retain among them a Constitution and laws which were intended 
[???]

[third column]

Selections. 
——————
GEORGE THOMPSON. 
-----
   About twenty-seven years ago, if our memory serves us right, George Thompson, the friend of universal humanity, and the eloquent champion of freedom throughout Europe, first came to this country. How was George Thompson received in this boasted asylum of the oppressed of all nations? Scorn and reproach were his portion. Northern institutions were in the interests of slavery. Wealth and position paid homage to it, and bowed low in the dust for its pretended favors. It reigned supreme in civil offices and in the sanctuaries of religion. No place so high, none so low, that it did not reach. The mob spirit, the willing tool of slavery, was everywhere rampant, and England's apostle of freedom was forced to leave our shores, in order to save his life. The bloodhounds of slavery were on his track, and he could find no safety in all our borders. 
   The Governor of New Hampshire, Hon. Isaac Hill, who ruled that State democratically for more than twenty-five years, declared George Thompson a "fugitive from justice." Charles G. Atherton, a Senator from that State, ever ready to do the bidding of slavery, pronounced him a "miscreant who had fled from the indignation of an outraged people." Rev. Wilbur Fisk, D.D., who gave to slavery much "offered" service, said that he was "bankrupt in character and in purse." And it is to be remembered that Dr. Fisk was then President of Wesleyan University, where not long ago George Thompson received the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. How unlike the time when the Moloch of slavery reigned supreme in the land, and he was hunted from city to city, from town to town, with no place in all this fair land, like Noah's dove, to rest the soles of his feet! How changed was the scene! The 
venerable President, with all the dignity of his position, rose in his place, and for once made a dead language eloquent in praise of him who, for long years and in a righteous cause, had received nothing but opprobrium and proud scorn!--humanitatis et hominis amicus, apostolos libertatis eloquens, catenorum ruptor, oppressorum laetitia--the friend of humanity and of man, the eloquent apostle of liberty, the breaker of chains, the joy of the oppressed. 
   In 1850, George Thompson visited this country again. It was our good fortune to hear him speak. It was a Hicksite Quaker meeting-house in Farmington, New York. Garrison was there, and spoke most eloquently for the down-trodden and oppressed. George Thompson, the poor man's friend in England, followed him. His theme as most eloquent, and yet he was more eloquent than his theme. Never shall we forget how our heart was moved, as he pleaded the cause of the poor slave. That broad-brimmed synagogue was filled by its hundreds to overflowing, and a spirit moved the hearts of every one of them, until they swayed to and fro like the mountain oak in a tempest. 
   George Thompson has come again, for the third, and mayhap the last time. What wondrous change time has wrought in our affairs! Where once were peace and plenty, civil feuds are now distracting the land. Evil spirits are striving to rend the government in twain, that they may build upon its ruins a Republic whose corner-stone is human slavery. 
   George Thompson is with us once again, and instead of being hunted for very life, as in days of yore, he is honored and respected by all liberty-loving hearts. Cabinets and courts seek to do him homage. Oh that he could behold us a happy, united people, with no stain of slavery upon our fair soil! Then joyous songs of freedom would rise on every breeze, and the eloquence of George Thompson would be heard throughout the length and breadth of a land delivered from the thraldom of slavery.—Galesburg Free Democrat. 
——————
WHAT FRANKLIN DID. 
-----
   The following compact summary of the actual fruits of Dr. Franklin's varied career, taken from the life of this distinguished man by Parton, just published by Mason Brothers, is a striking illustration of the amount of beneficent achievement that may be crowded into a single life-time:-- 

   Franklin was one of those who had the force to earn his own leisure, and the grace to us it well. At the age of forty-two he was a free man: that is 
[???]

[fourth column]

   He was the author of the first scheme of uniting the colonies; a scheme so suitable that it was adopted, in its essential features, in the Union of the States, and binds us together to this day. 
   He assisted England to keep Canada, when there was danger of its falling back into the hands of a reactionary race. 
   More than any other man, he was instrumental in causing the repeal of the Stamp Act, which deferred the inevitable struggle until the colonies were strong enough to triumph. 
   More than any other man, he deducted the colonies up to independence, and secured for them in England that sympathy of support of the Brights, the Cobdens, the Spencers, and Mills of that day. 
   He discovered the temperature of the Gulf Stream. 
   He discovered that northeast storms begin in the southwest. 
   He invented the invaluable contrivance by which a fire consumes its own smoke. 
   He made important discoveries respecting the 
causes of most universal of all diseases-- colds. He pointed out the advantage of building ships in water-tight compartments, taking the hint from the Chinese. 
   He expounded the theory of navigation which is now universally adopted by intelligent seamen, and of which a charlatan and a traitor has received the credit. 
——————
CAPTAIN SEMMES, THE PIRATE. 
-----
Semmes, the infamous, has published a book, entitled "The Cruise of the Alabama and the Sumpter," from his private journals. A notice of it, from the London Athenaeum, which hitherto bestowed its sympathy upon the rebels, alters its tone in his article. It denies the possibility of making a creditable story of Semmes' career. It denies that his conduct has been that of a gentleman, far less of a hero. It shows him to be a cowardly, shuffling, lying braggadocio. It exhibits him as "a rebel in his own city, a deserter from the service, a traitor to his country." It denies, on personal knowledge, his assertion that the Kearsarge had any armor; "over a part of her side hang a few common chain cables, affording her engines a slight protection, not much more than a man would find in action from having hung a dozen 
watch chains round his neck." It shows how, in the action off Cherbourg, the Alabama really was "slightly superior to her rival, having one gun more in battery." It denies that Semmes could have become a rebel out of patriotism, and asks, "Can it be an insane hatred of the negro race, as such, and a monstrous desire to found a new Slave Empire?" Such a criminal scheme, it affirms, would "put the men who entertained it out of pale of social laws." 
   The Athenaeum is purely a literary and scientific journal of high character and very large circulation. It is chiefly read by persons of education and certain station. Among its writers are some of the keenest intellects in Europe. Here is what it says, with earnest emphasis, on the true issue involved in our civil war: "We can have no toleration of slavery, in any shape, under any excuse. We can have no friendship with slaveholders. We can have no peace with a slave empire." It affirms that, should that empire try to revive the trade in human beings, 
it would be the duty and the right of England to resist it with all her force. This remarkable article concludes with these words: "It is only on condition of the Confederate States abandoning the principle for which Captain Semmes appears to be an ardent advocate, that England can ever consent to admit them into the fellowship of nations." We firmly believe that this is the opinion of the thinking portion of the British nation. They cannot submit, having smitten down Slavery in their own colonies, to see it dominant in this great country. We commend the Athenaeum article to the careful attention of our readers.--Philadelphia Press.
——————
COLORED TROOPS.
-----
   Among the eleven hundred prisoners taken by our forces last Saturday before Petersburg, two hundred were negroes, many of them, perhaps all of them, stolen or runaway slaves. If any advertisement has yet been published in the papers, calling upon persons who have lost slaves to come forward and identify their property and take it away, we have not observed such advertisement.
[???]

[fifth column]

   Upon entering the prison, every man is deliberately stripped of money and other property; and as no clothing or blankets are ever supplied to their prisoners by rebel authorities, the condition of the apparel of the soldiers, just from an active campaign, can be easily imagined. Thousands are without pants or coats, and hundreds without even a pair of drawers to cover their nakedness.
   To these men, as indeed to all prisoners, there are issued three-quarters of a pound of bread or meal, and one-eighth of a pound of meat per day. This is the entire ration, and upon it the prisoner must live or die. The meal is often unsifted and sour, and the meat such as in the North is consigned to the soapmaker. Such are the rations upon which Union soldiers are fed by the rebel authorities, and by which they are barely holding on to life. But to starvation and exposure, to sun and storm, add the sickness which prevails to a most alarming and terrible extent. On an average one hundred die daily. It is impossible that any Union soldier should know all the facts pertaining to this terrible mortality, as they are not paraded by the rebel authorities. Such statement as the following, made by ----- -----, speaks eloquent testimony. Said he: 'Of twelve of us who were captured, six died: four are in the hospital, and I never expect to see them again. There are but two of us left." In 1862, at Montgomery, Alabama, under far more favorable circumstances, the prisoners being protected by sheds, from diarrhoea and chills, out of seven hundred. The same per centage would give seven thousand sick at Andersonville. It needs no comment, no efforts at word painting, to make such a picture stand out boldly in most horrible colors.
   Nor is this all. Among the ill-fated of the many who have suffered amputation in consequence of injuries received before capture, sent from rebel hospitals before their wounds were healed, there are eloquent witnesses of the barbarities of which they are victims. If to these facts is added this, that nothing more demoralizes soldiers and develops the evil passions of man than starvation, the terrible condition of the Union prisoners at Andersonville can be readily imagined. They are fast losing hope, and becoming utterly reckless of life. Numbers, crazed by their sufferings, wander about in a state of idiocy; others deliberately cross the 'dead line," and are remorselessly shot down."
——————
THE LATEST "TRAP TO CATCH GULLS."
-----
   The Boston Post of the 6th inst. has a leader, stating that "There is one thing of which our people may be assured,—the leading rebels of the South do not desire anything more than the re-election of Abraham Lincoln. They wish the republican party to remain united, and to re-elect their candidate.
   Do the copperhead leaders seriously expect that this canard will take with the people? Bah! Every intelligent citizen knows that the rebel leaders are in sympathy with the northern leaders who oppose the administration of Mr. Lincoln. The Atlanta Appeal of July 20th (a leading secession paper) says:

   "The greatest battle of the war will probably be fought in the immediate vicinity of Atlanta. Its result of determines that of the pending northern presidential election. If we are victorious, the peace party will triumph, Lincoln's administration is a failure, and peace and southern independence are the immediate results."

   Notice here the rebel grounds of hope—a rebel victory—the "triumph of the northern peace party" (democratic)—the "failure of Lincoln's administration"—"peace and southern independence."
   There is a wonderful coincidence in the language of the rebel papers and the copperhead journals. Both denounce Mr. Lincoln as a usurper—both denounce his administration as a failure. The copperhead papers speak of the despotism of the administration—the rebel papers represent Mr. Lincoln as a tyrant.
   The rebel journals insist that they are fighting for their independence—the Boston Post of August 3d says, "The country is beginning to realize that it has undertaken a bigger job than it can perform,—it is beginning to realize that the rebels have rights which we are bound to respect, and which we must respect before we can bring them to their allegiance." Bold assumptions!
   "The rebels" who are guilty of the [???]

[sixth column]

tented, and ambitious persons,—the disloyal and the factious, may increase or lessen the chances of one or the other of these candidates by the course they may pursue. They can do nothing more. This is the simple matter of fact.
   Mr. Lincoln was the choice of a Convention fairly representing the loyal men of the country. He is supported with enthusiastic approbation by the great body of the loyal people of the country. It is mere folly and factiousness in loyal men to promote the disorganization of the Republican party and the success of their opponents, by attempting to spread the impression that Mr. Lincoln is to be abandoned, or by doing anything but striving earnestly to secure his reelection.—Boston, Daily Advertiser.
——————
"LAY OF THE MODERN KONSERVATIV."

I go for the vigorous conduct ov war,
(Of course with a decent regard tu tiggers,
So ez not tu inkresse aur national debt,)
And, abuv all, not to free the niggers,
I'd rather the North hed not pulled a trigger,
Than see a traitor shot down by a nigger.

Yes, I am a real Konservativ;
I stand by the Konstitushun, I du!
Ef enny wun sez I'm frends with teh Saouth,
I'll swear by hokey it isn't true!
I an't a rebel; but he—m!—speak low—
I kinder believe in Vallandigham, though!
-----
A PARODY—AFTER LEIGH HUNT.
BY UPSON DOWNS.

Jefferson Davis (may his tribe decrease!)
Awoke one night with ague in his knees; 
Seeing within the moonlight of his room
A female form resplendent as the moon;
Columbia, writing in a book of gold,
Exceeding brass had made Jeff. Davis bold,
And to the presence in the room he said:
"What writest thou?" The vision raised its head,
And with a look all dignity and calm,
Answered: "The names of those who love our Uncle Sam."
"And is mine one?" said Davis. "Nay, not so,"
Replied Columbia. Davis spoke more low,
But cheerily still, and said: "I pray thee, then,
Write me the names of those who hate their fellow-men."

Another parody on the same poem reads as follows:—

ABOU BEN BUTLER.

Abou Ben Butler (may his tribe increase!)
Awoke one night down by the old Belize,
And saw, outside the comfort of his room,
Making it warmer for the gathering gloom,
A black man shivering in the winter cold.
Exceeding courage made Ben Butler bold,
And to the presence in the dark he said:
"What wantest thou?" The figure raised its head,
And with a look made of all sad accord,
Answered—"The men who'll serve the purpose of the Lord."
"And am I one?" said Butler. "Nay, not so,"
Replied the black man. Butler spoke more low,
But cheerily still; and said: "As I am Ben,
You'll not have cause to tell me that again!"

The figured bowed and vanished. The next night 
It came once more, environed strong in light.
And showed the names whom love of Freedom blessed,
And, lo! Ben Butler's name led all the rest.
——————
   GLIMPSES OF LIFE AT THE SOUTH. Among a party of forty-five rebel prisoners, who arrived at New Orleans from Mobile Bay, was an intelligent rebel officer, whose statements are thus reported in the New Orleans Era:

   That officer states "that many of the officers as well as private soldiers were heartily sick and tired of the rebellion. He has a wide and three children, and the last time he heard from them, his wife had sold her last valuable dress to obtain bread for the children. He says the people are suffering terribly, and that Georgia, his native State, is almost ruined by the rebellion. He was satisfied that if Jeff. Davis and those acting with him as leaders in the rebellion were only made to suffer one half what the people of the rebel States have had to undergo, they would have long since ceased their diabolical work of inciting and driving a portion of our people, whose authority they have usurped, into a state of cruel and hopeless rebellion against the Constitution and laws of the land."
——————
   THE MONITOR TECUMSEH. The following is a list of persons, saved from the monitor Tecumseh, when she sunk in the [?] of Mobile [???]

[first column on left]

Our daisies set their stainless stars
Against the sunshine's cloth of gold.

Lord make us feel, if so thou will,
The blessings crowning us to-day,
And the yet greater blessing still,
Of blessings thou hast taken away.

Unworthy of the favors lent,
We fell into apostacy;
And, lo! our country's chastisement
Has brought her to herself and Thee!

Nearer by all this grief than when 
She dared her weak ones to oppress,
And played away her State to men
Who scorned her for her foolishness

O bless for us this holiday
Men keep like children loose from school,
And put it in their hearts we pray,
To choose them rulers fit to rule;

Good men, who shall their country's pride
And honor to their own prefer;
Her sinews to their hearts so tied
That they can only live through her!

Men sturdy—of discerning eyes,
And souls to apprehend the right;
Not with their little light so wise
They set themselves against thy light;

Men of small reverence for names,
Courageous, and of fortitude
To put aside the narrow aims
Of faction for the public good;

Men loving justice for the race,
Not for the great ones and the few;
Less studious of outward grace
Than careful to be clean all through;

Men holding State, not self, the first;
Ready, when all the deep is tossed
With storms, and t worst is come to worst,
To save the ship at any cost;

Men upright, and of steady knees,
That only to the truth will bow;
Lord, help us choose such men as these,
For only such can save us now!
——————
A PORTRAIT OF SHAKESPEARE.
BY HIMSELF.

   [At the recent fete for the benefit of the Dramatic College in London, the following ingeniously prepared card was sold in the stalls:]

A sweeter or more lovable creature,
Framed in the prodigality of nature,
The spacious world cannot contain again.
His life was gentle, and the elements so mixed in him,
That nature might stand up and say,
To all the world, This was a man!
He was ever gracious, had a tearop, fr?ity
And a hand open as day for melting charity!
His bounty was as boundless as the sea,
His love as deep; the more he gave, the more
He had, for he was infinite.
Hear him but reason in divinity,
And all admiring with an inward wish,
You would desire to see him made a prelate;
Hear him debate on commonwealth affairs,
You'd say it hath been all in all his study.
List his discourse on war, and you shall hear
A fearful battle rendered you in music.
Turn him to any course of policy,
The Gordian know of it he will unloose,
Familiar as his garter. And when he speaks of love!
The air, a chartered libertine, is still;
And the mute wonder lurketh in men's ears
To steal his sweet and honeyed sentences.
Our poet's eye, in a fine frenzy rolling,
Did glance from heaven to earth, from earth to heaven;
And as imagination bodied forth
The form of things unknown, our poet's pen
Turned them to shapes, and gave to airy nothing
A local habitation and a name;
Found tongues in trees, books in the running brooks, 
Sermons in stones, and good in everything.
——————
THINGS REQUISITE.

Have a tear for the wretched—a smile for the glad;
For the worthy, applause—an excuse for the bad;
Some help for the needy—some pity for those
Who stray from the path where true happiness flows.

Have a laugh for the child in her play at thy feet;
Have respect for the aged, and pleasantly greet
The stranger that seeketh for shelter from thee—
Have a covering to spare if he naked should be.

Have a hope in thy sorrow, a calm in thy joy;
Have a work that is worthy thy life to employ;
And, oh! above all things on this side the sod,
Have peace with thy conscience, and peace with thy God

[second column]

strongly manifested by the [???] organizing Territory of Montana. In that bill, so far from providing for, they carefully exclude the right of negro suffrage. Only white male citizens are allowed to vote. And these views and purposes can be changed or swayed only as public sentiment and the will of the people are brought to bear upon them.
   But the difficulty is, public sentiment and the will of the people, even in the loyal States, corroborate and sustain, or substantially coincide with, those of Congress and the Executive; and to move them, the people must be moved. While the people of Kansas, who have won a place in the galaxy of Free States, through the stern discipline of war, retain among them a Constitution and laws which were intended to exclude the colored man from their soil, and while the whole range of border Free States,—Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New York,—forbid by statute his right to vote, tax him without representation, exclude him from their schools, leaving him to grow up in ignorance, doomed, almost, to drudge through weary life in a condition only less degrading than that of slavery itself, it were hardly reasonable to expect their representatives, much less those of the Border Slave States, to go for his entire enfranchisement in the new States, whether established in Territories now free, or in those which are to be reclaimed and conquered from the rebel States.
   Here, then, it would seem, a new field of labor is opened to us. In truth, it is a very old one; only the time has come when the energies which for years have been devoted to the abolition of slavery should be turned, with fresh earnestness and zeal, to the destruction of some of its bitter fruits. The demon of Oppression has planted his thorns and sown his tares upon it, and from their tangled roots has sprung a tough and sturdy growth, which calls upon us, without delay, to break up the soil anew, and turning under the prejudice and hate of former years, to plant and nurture in their place the generous seeds of righteousness and peace.
   It is an imperative duty, we think,—one which patriotism and philanthropy conspire to urge,—that, with all the power we can command, we call upon the people,—legislators and their constituency alike,—and first of all upon those of the nominally Free States,—to expunge from their statute-books the unjust and wicked enactments which impose special disabilities upon colored men, as incompatible alike with the great charter of republican equality, the Declaration of American Independence, and with the laws of Christian brotherhood, as revealed by the New Testament.
   Whether we agitate for the prohibition of slavery by an alteration of the Constitution, or for the repeal of the infamous Black Laws, which are so common in the Free State, our field of labor for the present must be the same. We must encounter the senseless prejudice and hostile feelings of the people in the Border Free States, or of their representatives in Congress, at every step. Here, then, the moral conflict must go on. For the present, we must "fight it out on the line." Let this be done, and, in the regeneration, the people of the rebel States will have no occasion to say to those of the free, "Physician, heal thyself!" but, stimulated by their example, will make haste to purify themselves as those are pure. Till this be done, with what face can be insist upon equality before the law as an indispensable condition of reconstruction in the rebel States?            H. W. C.
———————
   LOYALTY OF THE ARMY. "The army will be faithful to the end," writes an officer from the extreme front, who adds—"I wish I could believe the same of the whole North." He may well speak thus doubtingly as he reads the resolutions of the Copperhead Conventions, denouncing as atrocious tyranny the Government of the country, and having not one strong word to say in condemnation of the treasonable military despotism of Richmond, or one generous word of commendation for the brave and devoted soldiers of the Federal army. Sham on such home cowards!
———————
> The money article of the New York World every day is devoted to attacks upon the financial policy of the Administration, and to attempts to destroy public confidence in the solvency of the nation. That is the Democratic way of serving one's country.
———————
> Postmaster General Blair, in a letter to Hon. A. Wakeman, denounces as a falsehood in every particular the statement that a regular espionage has been kept on letters of Democrats passing through the Post Office. "Roorbacks" of this kind will multiply until the day of the election, and may not always mee? with so prompt a denial.

[third column]

[???]
would be heard throughout the length and breadth of a land delivered from the thraldom of slavery.—Galesburg Free Democrat.
———————
WHAT FRANKLIN DID.
-----
The following compact summary of the actual fruits of Dr. Franklin's varied career, taken from the life of this distinguished man by Parton, just published by Mason Brothers, is a striking illustration of the amount of beneficent achievement that may be crowded into a single life-time:—

   Franklin was one of those who had the force to earn his own leisure, and the grace to use it well. At the age of forty-two he was a free man; that is, he had an estate of severn hundred pounds a year. He became, successively, the servant of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, the Colonies, England, France, the United States, and mankind. It was a proof of unusual ability that he should have fairly won his leisure at forty-two; it was an evidence of his goodness and good sense, that he should have made a free gift of it to the public. If nothing is more demoralizing than philanthropy pursued as a vocation, for money, nothing is nobler than the devotion to it of well-earned leisure. Howard inherited an estate, Franklin earned one, and the Master of both had an equivalent in being able to dispense with a place wherein to lay his head.
   "It is incredible," wrote Franklin once, "the quantity of good that may be done in a country by a single man who will make a business of it, and not suffer himself to be diverted from that purpose by different avocations, studies, or amusements."
   As a commentary upon this remark, I will present here a catalogue of the good deeds of Franklin himself, beginning at the time of his regeneration.
   He established and inspired the Junto, the most sensible, useful, and pleasant club of which we have any knowledge.
   He founded the Philadelphia Library, parent of a thousand libraries, an immense and endless good to the whole of the civilized portion of the United States, the States not barbarized by slavery. 
   He edited the best newspaper in the Colonies, one which published no libels and fomented no quarrels, which quickened the intelligence of Pennsylvania, and gave the onward impulse to the press of America.
   He was the first who turned to great account the engine of advertising, an indispensable element in modern business. 
   He published Poor Richard, by means of which so much of the wit and wisdom of all ages as its readers could appropriate and enjoy was brought home to their minds in such words as they could understand and remember forever.
   He created the post-office system of America; and forbore to avail himself, as postmaster, of the privileges from which he had formerly suffered.
   It was he who caused Philadelphia to be paved, lighted, and cleaned.
   As fuel became scarce in the vicinity of the colonial towns, he invented the Franklin Stove, which economized it, and suggested the subsequent warming inventions, in which America beats the world. Besides making a free gift of this invention to the public, he generously wrote an extensive pamphlet explaining its construction and utility.
   He delivered civilized mankind from the nuisance, once universal, of smoking chimneys.
   He was the first effective preacher of the blessed gospel of ventilation. He spoke, and the windows of hospitals were lowered; consumption ceased to gasp, and fever to inhale poison.
   He devoted the leisure of seven years, and all the energy of his genius, to the science of electricity, which gave a stronger impulse to scientific inquiry than any other event of that century. He taught Goethe to experiment in electricity, and set all students to making electrical machines. He robbed thunder of its terrors, and lightning of its power to destroy.
   He was chiefly instrumental in founding the first high school of Pennsylvania, and died protesting against the abuse of the funds of that institution in teaching American youth the language of Greece and Rome, while French, Spanish and German were spoken in the streets, and were required in the commerce of the wharves. 
   He founded the American Philosophical Society, the first organization in America of the friends of science.
   He suggested the use of mineral manure, introduced the basket willow, and promoted the early culture of silk.
   He lent indispensable assistance of his name and tact to the founding of the Philadelphia Hospital.
   Entering into politics, he broke the spell of Quakerism, and woke Pennsylvania from the dream of unarmed safety.
   He led Pennsylvania in its thirty years' struggle with the mean tyranny of the Penns, a rehearsal of the subsequent contest with the king of Great Britain.
   When the Indians were ravaging and scalping within eighty miles of Philadelphia, Gen. Benjamin Franklin led the troops of the city against them.

[fourth column]

of the [?] [?]. They cannot [?] [?] smitten down Slavery at their own colonies, to see it dominant in this great country. We commend the Athenoeum article to the careful attention of our readers.—Philadelphia Press. 
———————
COLORED TROOPS.
-----
   Among the eleven hundred prisoners taken by our force last Saturday before Petersburg, two hundred were negroes many of them, perhaps all of them, stolen or runaway slaves. If any advertisement has yet been published in the papers, calling upon persons who have lost slaves to come forward and identify their property and take it away, we have not observed such advertisement.
   Lately, there were many negroes recovered from the raiding party of Kautz and Wilson; their names were very properly published, and their owners informed where they could come and take them. The two hundred black rascals taken alive in the Petersburg trenches, (most improperly taken alive, as they proclaimed "No quarter,") now that they are in our hands, are worth half a million. It may be hoped that strict examination will be made among them, and due notice given to such as have lately been robbed of such property, with a view of making restitution of such of them as are slaves.
   The right of the Yankee Government is undoubted to enlist, or to draft, or to procure how they can, free negroes whose residence is at the North. They would have a perfect right to make war upon us with elephants, or to stampede us with wild cattle, or to set dogs upon us—and our men an equal right to kill them; a perfect right, therefore, to employ negroes as soldiers.
   But they have no right to steal a man's negro, and arm him against his master; and his master, wherever he may find that stolen or runaway negro, is entitled to reclaim him. On this point, our Government is happily committed; and it can by no means evade the plain duty of restoring recaptured slaves to their owners, unless, indeed, it recognizes the validity of the Emancipation Proclamation, as well as of the Confiscation Act; but this is not to be supposed. 
   It was not, however, making a good beginning to march up these two hundred negroes along with nine hundred white men, as prisoners of war, through the streets of Petersburg, instead of separating them, and driving them into a pen by themselves until their status could be ascertained, and their owners, if any, found.
   "Two hundred genuine Ebo-skins sprinkled among the crowd of prisoners," and placed on the same footing, was a sight, the moral effect of which on the slaves of Petersburg could not be wholesome; and it is mainly upon that ground we disapprove of the exhibition—not because they were not good enough company for the Yankees they marched with.
   Without, however, going further into that matter at present, it is enough to remark that we have not, as yet, heard of any of those two hundred negroes being restored to their owners, nor met with any advertisement that they await identification.
   Any one who has lost slaves, however, need not await the invitation, but ought to go at once, demand to pass the whole squad in review, and if he recognizes a stolen or runaway slave of his own or any neighbor, to reclaim him or take possession of him. Any such planter going to reclaim his slave, if he meets with any difficulty, had better not be discouraged, but demand to see one superior officer after another until he comes to General Lee. If, after all, he cannot get back his slave, or if he is not allowed to examine the "prisoners," to see whether his slave is among them, then let them communicate all the facts to the public, through the newspapers.—Richmond Dispatch, Aug. 5th.
———————
TREATMENT OF PRISONERS.
-----
   Four representatives of the Union soldiers, now prisoners of war to the rebels and concentrated at Anderson, Georgia, have just proceeded to Washington, to state their condition to the Government, and see if some measures cannot be instituted for their speedy exchange. In their memorial, our soldiers state that

   "Col. Hill, Provost Marshal Genera, Confederate States Army, at Atlanta, stated to one of the undersigned that there were thirty-give thousand prisoners at Andersonville, and by all accounts from the United States soldiers who have been confined there, the number is not overstated by him. These thirty-five thousand are confined in a field of some thirty acres, enclosed by a board fence, heavily guarded. About one-third have various kinds of indifferent shelter; but upwards of thirty thousand are wholly without shelter, or even shale, of any kind, and are exposed to the storms and rains which are of almost daily occurrence; the cold dews of the night, and the more terrible effects of the sun, striking with almost tropical fierceness upon their unprotected heads. This mass of men jostle and crowd each other up and down the limits of their enclosure, in storm or sun, and others lie down upon the pitiless earth at night, with no other covering than the clothing upon their backs, few of them having even a blanket.

[fifth column]

[???]
   There is a wonderful coincidence in the language of the rebel papers and the copperhead journals. Both denounce Mr. Lincoln as a usurper—both denounce his administration as a failure. The copperhead papers speak of the despotism of the administration—the rebel papers represent Mr. Lincoln as a tyrant.
   The rebel journals insist that they are fighting for their independence—the Boston Post of August 3d says, "The country is beginning to realize that it was undertaken a bigger job than it can perform,—it is beginning to realize that the rebels have rights which we are bound to respect, and which we must respect before we can bring them to their allegiance." Bold assumptions!
   "The rebels," whoa re guilty of the greatest crime known to the laws of God or man, who have waged and prosecuted a cruel war against their rightful government, who have made themselves obnoxious to the provisions of the Constitution which declare in such case a forfeiture of all civil rights, and of life even—yes, according to the above assertion, "the rebels have rights which we are bound to respect."
———————
RATIFICATION MEETING IN NEW ORLEANS.
-----
   A large and enthusiastic meeting was held in New Orleans on the 16th, to ratify the nomination of Abraham Lincoln. The meeting was held in Lafayette square, which was thronged long before the hour of opening. The New Orleans Times says of the meeting:

   "The square was thronged, and that portion over which the voices of speakers could be heard was packed as herrings are packed in a barrel. The crowd surged to and fro; hats were crushed like eggshells, and corns crushed with impunity. Men never suffer such personal inconvenience in a cause they have not at heart. One thing about it struck impartial spectators as worthy of comment; it was composed of men—civilians—voters. The taunt so often hurled at loyal men that their meetings are composed of soldiers and women, received a straight out and out, square denial. We did not know there were half so many voters in the city. They were all there, and with heart and soul ratified the nomination of Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson."

   E. H. Durell presided, and the list of Vice Presidents was largely composed of natives and old residents of New Orleans. Capt. John L. Swift, now Adjutant General of Louisiana, made the speech of the evening. The following extract will show the character of his speech, which was warmly applauded:

   "This is the golden moment to take the initiative. We have hedged and higgled on this matter of slavery until continued hesitation would be the height of folly. The immutable decrees of fate, the unyielding logic of events, call upon us to trifle no longer with God or our own welfare. We have purred the backs of semi-secessionists, have dandled the phantasm of the South returning to its sense and allegiance, till no man, fit to be outside of a lunatic asylum, now entertains the delusion. Governmental offers of pardon have been haughtily rejected, its amnesties have been grossly abused, and all attempted movements in favor of peace have been juggleries on the part of the South, and puerile inanities on the part of the North. It is time to stop the play. Independence is the fixed and iron purpose of the leaders of the South. Invincible and inviolable nationality is the war-cry of loyalty. If the South are to fight for their object at the risk of extermination, we are as inflexibly determined to march our last man and spend our last dollar for the integrity of the Republic. When the South is tired of fighting, it will be as tired of slavery; when it is ready to lay down its arms, it will be ready to lay down slavery with them. The path of freedom is the only highway to an indestructible Union—a hearty co-operation between the sections and the immeasurable glory that awaits a common government and a common destiny."
———————
> We publish elsewhere a singular correspondence between several worthy radical gentlemen and Mr. Fremont. It is sufficiently ludicrous to see the way in which Mr. Stearns and his comrades seek to elevate the Fremont movement into importance by gravely proposing the withdrawal of Mr. Lincoln, and, as an offset and sort of quid pro quo, the withdrawal of the infinitesimal small claims and chances of Mr. Fremont. It seems, however, that the latter is disposed to carry the joke still farther, and accordingly, with all the soberness in the world, he declines to withdraw his name, but proposes a new Convention.
   This would be all very good and refreshing as matter of joke in this warm weather, if the election of a President for the next four years were not so serious a matter. We cannot bear such trifling at the hands of men who ought to be earnestly at work supporting the chosen candidate of the loyal men of the country. The party represented at Baltimore and the party to be represented at Chicago are the only parties whose candidates demand any man's serious attention. Indiscreet, discon-

[sixth column]

[???]
last time he heard from them, his wife had sold her last valuable dress to obtain bread for the children. He says the people are suffering terribly, and that Georgia, his native State, is almost ruined by the rebellion. He was satisfied that it Jeff. Davis and those acting with him as leaders in the rebellion were only made to suffer one half what the people of the rebel States have had to undergo, they would have long since ceased their diabolical work of inciting and driving a portion of our people, whose authority they have usurped, into a state of cruel and hopeless rebellion against the Constitution and laws of the land."
———————
   THE MONITOR TECUMSEH. The following is a list of persons saved from the monitor Tecumseh, when she sunk the harbor of Mobile Bay: Acting Master Chas. F. Langley, Acting Ensign G. Cottrell, Acting Ensign Chas. H. Pennington, Captain's Clerk Josiah Conley, Quartermaster's mate Samuel H. Shinn, Quarter Gunner James Guield, seaman Wm. O'Brien, ordinary seaman Richard Collins, landsman Peter Parker.
   Captain Craven succeeded in getting out of the vessel before she went down, but is supposed to have been drawn into the downward current produced by the sinking vessel.
———————
> The survivors of the iron-clad Tecumseh, sunk by a torpedo near Mobile, unite in a statement as follows:
   "Our gallant captain's intention was to butt the ram and fire the two solid shot at the same time, but ere he could give the order to revolve the turret, a torpedo or infernal machine exploded under us, causing the water to rush up into the berth-deck and turret chamber, where nothing but confusion and despair reigned. The gun's crews and those that were in the pilot house succeeded in getting out before she settled down beneath the waves. We had three boats towing alongside, two of which were immediately filled and swamped. We succeeded in cutting the painter of the third one, and commenced to pull as fast as we could for the fleet."
———————
> Guerillas have been fearfully active all along Gen. Sheridan's recent line of march. Mosby is making his name more and more atrocious. Several of our men shot by his band her found hung by the legs, and others with sheep-skins stuffed in their mouths. After a hundred men, belonging to the 1st, 9th and 7th Michigan Cavalry, and the 6th New York Cavalry, were literally murdered by Mosby's gang on Thursday night of last week, some having been found with their throats cut. Mosby has raised the black flag, and woe to those who have to be retaliated upon, as our soldiers declare that shall be the rule whenever chance or opportunity offers.
———————
   PIERCE'S PATENT SLATE SURFACE. A new blackboard surface has lately been very extensively introduced into the schools of the Commonwealth, which the "Massachusetts Teacher"—the best authority—says is a great improvement, and bears a perfect resemblance to real slate. It can readily be applied to any smooth surface, hardens speedily, does not crack or peel off, cannot be softened by any known liquid, receives readily-crayon or pencil marks on its perfectly dead surface, which will allow marks made on it to be seen clearly from any angle of position, and never becomes glossy. A thorough test has satisfied the authorities of Cambridge that over 2000 square feet of it must be used in the new high school-house there.—Boston Journal.
———————
> The aggregate amount of all the real estate in Boston for 1864 is estimated by the Assessors at $182,072,200; amount of personal estate, $150,377,660—total amount of real and personal estate, $332,449,900. The number of polls is 32,832, or 786 less than last year. Augustus Hemmenway is the largest taxpayer, being taxed for $161,400 real estate, and $2,000,000 personal estate, making a total of $2,161,400, and being $61,000 more than the amount he was taxed for last year.
———————
> It is charged upon some of our black soldiers that, in a recent raid, they didn't even respect the persons of Southern white women. Very wrong in them, and they should have been shot; but, after all that was done or can be said, wherein was their conduct worse than that of Southern white women for these two hundred years and more? The black soldiers only followed the chivalric example of the "superior race." Slavery is not a school in which to learn forbearance and fairness.—Traveller.
———————
   RAISING THE PRICE OF NEWSPAPERS. The price of the Boston daily newspapers has been raised from three to five cents per copy, and to yearly subscribers a corresponding increase. This has been rendered necessary by the great increase in the price of paper, and other materials used in the making of them, as well as in the price of labor. The papers published weekly in that city have also been increased in price, as they have also in many other cities and towns in the country.
———————
 > John A. Lewis of Boston, who has recently visited Hilton Head, has reported to Gov. Andrew the sanitary condition of the 54th and 55th regiments. He says that nowhere in the rebel States are regiments better located, and the number of sick in camp hospitals is smaller than in other departments. The scurvy, however, is manifesting itself, and a great increase is feared unless vegetables are furnished.

146  THE LIBERATOR.  SEPTEMBER 9.
date, between Messrs. C. C. Clay and J. P. Holcombe, 
Confederate citizens of the highest character 
and position, and Mr. Horace Greeley, of New 
York, acting with authority of President Lincoln. It 
is deemed not improper to inform you that Messrs. 
Clay and Holcombe, although enjoying in an eminent 
degree the confidence and esteem of the President, 
were strictly accurate in their statement that 
they were without any authority from this Government 
to treat with that of the United States on any 
subject whatever. 
   We had no knowledge of their conference with
Mr. Greeley, nor of their proposed visit to Washington, 
till we saw the newspaper publications. A significant 
confirmation of the truth of the statement 
of Messrs. Gilmore and Jaques, that they came as
messengers from Mr. Lincoln, is to be found in the 
fact that the views of Mr. Lincoln, as stated by them 
to the President, are in exact conformity with the 
offensive paper addressed to "Whom it may concern," 
which was sent by Mr. Lincoln to Messrs. 
Clay and Holcombe by the hands of his private secretary, 
Mr. Hay, and which was properly regarded
by those gentlemen as an intimation that Mr. Lincoln 
was unwilling that this war should cease while in his 
power to continue hostilities. 
     I am, very respectfully, 
        Your obedient servant, 
            J. P. Benjamin, 
               Secretary of State. 
HON. JAMES M. MASON, Commissioner of the Continent, 
&c., &c., &c., Paris.
(From the London Evening Star, Aug. 17.)
MR. LINDSAY, M. P., ON AMERICA.
Mr. Lindsay, M. P., met his constituents at Sunderland 
on Monday evening. After a brief allusion 
to home politics, the honorable gentleman went at 
length into the question of the American war. After 
showing that he had predicted that the Union 
would never be restored, and that American politicians 
had declared that when once dissensions arose 
in the States, the Union was gone, he proceeded as 
follows:—
   Now, the first impression of the Northern people, 
and of many in this country, was, that this rebellion, 
as it was called, would soon be put down; that 
the slaves would rebel, and the Northern people 
would obtain a large supply of cotton; and that 
the insurrection or rebellion was not general. Now, 
in regard to the first question, the stoppage of the 
rebellion. There have been now three years and 
more of the most terrible war the world ever saw, and 
the slaves have not rebelled. I wish you to understand 
that I for one would like to see the slaves obtain 
their freedom. (Hear hear.) Not that I 
would like to see them obtain it by rebellion, by the 
massacre of their masters and mistresses. God forbid 
that that day should ever arrive! (Hear, hear.) 
But I have said more than once to those gentlemen 
who represent in Europe the Southern Confederacy, 
that I wished they could devise some means 
whereby this institution of slavery—which I for one 
could not uphold—that some means might be devised 
whereby this institution might in time be abolished. 
(Cheers.) Now, while I do not and cannot 
approve of that system, I would say that the state 
of the slaves cannot have been so bad as it has been 
described. (Hisses, and cries of "Put him out!") 
If it were so, (renewed hisses and uproar, which 
continued for several minutes, Mr. Lindsay, being 
interrupted again and again when he attempted to 
proceed)—if it were so, (he continued,) they would 
long since have rebelled. (Cheers, and renewed
hissing.) Therefore it is not right to give us exaggerated 
pictures of what these men are suffering.
 (Put him out! The masters are tyrants.) But if 
I saw Northern men as earnest as some of them profess 
to be for the abolition of the institution of slavery
—and I am anxious to see that institution 
abolished—I would support them, because there 
would be no Fugitive Slave Law then, (cheers,) 
and the oppressed slaves would find a way across 
the frontier into the land of freedom. The Southern 
people would be brought into direct communication 
with this country, and they would thereby 
learn that it was not for their interest to maintain 
this institution. They would find that if they were 
desirous of living on good terms with Europe, it 
would be their interest to abolish that institution by 
degrees. (Cheers.) But it is not the abolition of 
slavery that the Northern people desire. (Loud applause.) 
It is empire, and nothing but empire. 
(Hear, hear.) The North asks our sympathy with
them, but we say, "We know you too well."
[???]

[???]ing but a fruitless waste of life and treasure, accumulated
debt, overwhelming taxation, and national 
ruin to both sections." In sending to me that resolution, 
a member of the Federal Congress writes to 
me that meetings are being held through the West 
and adjoining States, for securing peace and separation, 
and he asks me to make known these meetings 
in this country; and he adds, "There must be a 
Western as well as a Southern Confederacy, for the
party who advocates this course grows stronger and 
stronger every day."
   I am glad to see that feeling arising in the Southern 
States, and the feeling is increasing in the West. 
A very distinguished statesman, a member of the 
Senate, writing to a friend of mine—a statesman 
who occupies a very high position in Europe, and 
was a Minister of the United States Cabinet—
writes:—"We are tumbling to pieces fast, and unless 
Europe steps in and saves what is left, we shall 
go headlong to destruction." These words are too 
true, and I do hope that their statesmen will see it 
in time, and use their best exertions to restore peace. 
It is perfectly true that there are still a number of 
gentlemen who believe that the Union can be restored. 
For instance, I was reading the other day 
a letter from a gentleman in high position in the 
Western States, and president of one of the most 
important lines of railway, who was writing to a 
friend of mine in regard to the war, and he writes to
my friend, whom he must have supposed to be a very 
good-natured and simple-minded man, "It is quite 
true that Grant has not gone so well as one anticipated; 
but the truth is, Grant never intended to 
take Richmond. His sole object was to get to the 
South and cut off the supplies; but, as to taking 
Richmond, that was preposterous. You would be
surprised at the exchange, but I hope it will be up 
to 500. When it is, we will have no imports from 
foreign countries." Now, that is the rubbish which
that man wrote to a member of Parliament. I hope 
you don't believe it. At least, there are very few 
in this country who do believe that Grant had very
little hope of taking Richmond.
   Now, it is quite true that our Government has 
taken no part in the war, and very properly. (Hear, 
hear.) I, however, regret that they have not at 
least offered their friendly offices—simply offered—
because I fear that the North and South are so exasperated 
with each other that they will never be 
able to settle the question amongst themselves. The 
Government of France has long been of opinion 
that the friendly offices not only of England and
France, but of the other great European Powers, 
would be acceptable, and would aid the Government 
of America in solving the difficulty and restoring 
peace. ("Hear, hear," and applause.) Lord Palmerston, 
however, thought differently, and he no 
doubt acted on the opinion and advice he received 
from Lord Lyons who would no doubt say to him 
that America was not prepared to receive the advice 
of Europe; and although the Government might 
not be prepared to receive the good offices of Europe, 
I believe the people are. (Applause.) If such an 
offer had been made by England, it would greatly 
strengthen the position of the peace party, and 
would influence the return of a President at the ensuing 
election. My fear is, that if either Mr. Lincoln 
or Colonel Fremont is elected, the war may 
continue for many years to come; but I believe 
that if another were elected, who was not pledged 
to war, this year would see an end of the war and 
all its miseries. (Applause.) Now, by Britain refusing 
to express an opinion, the Northern people 
were led to suppose that the Union could be re-established, 
and Britain thus encouraged them to continue 
the war, and we dishearten them by not expressing 
an opinion to the peace party in the Northern 
and Western States.
   Now, as I have said, I have no interest in this war; 
and my sole interest is my desire for peace. (Hear.) 
I have lost by the expression of opinion on this
question to which I have referred in my speech—I 
lost my friends in the North whom I esteem, and 
who were all very angry with me. I know that it 
has been said that I am engaged largely in the trade 
with the Southern ports. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) 
Mr. Adams himself wrote a dispatch to Lord 
Russell in which he mentioned a list of twenty-four 
suspected blockade-runners, and he actually put 
down twenty of them as belonging to me. (Hear, 
hear, and laughter.) I went to Lord Russell and 
said this was a most extraordinary statement, as I
had never even heard of one of those vessels. I declared 
that I had no interest, directly or indirectly, 
in [?] the Southern States. It 
was perfectly true that I had been offered a very 
large amount of business with them, but considering 
my position [???]

The Liberator.
No Union with Slaveholders!
BOSTON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1864.
AN ENGLISH "PEACE-PARTY" COPPERHEAD.
   Mr. Lindsay, an English member of Parliament for 
the town and port of Sunderland, has recently addressed 
a meeting of his constituents on the subject 
of the rebellion and war in America. We give the 
speech a place in our columns, and bespeak for it the 
attention of our readers. It was, we have reason to 
believe, intended for the edification of the House of 
Commons, on the occasion of a motion in favor of mediation 
in the struggle now convulsing this country. 
That motion, however, was not discussed; and the 
member for Sunderland, reluctant that his rebel 
friends at the South and their sympathizers at the
North should lose the benefit of the oration he had 
prepared in their belief, took measures to secure for 
himself a hearing before another, though less distinguished 
audience. Accordingly, on the 15th of last 
month, Mr. Lindsay stood before an assembly in the
town he represents, and spoke as elsewhere reported.
   What special object, it may be asked, did the ex-ambassador 
to the Emperor Napoleon propose to himself 
in seeking to induce the British government to 
make an offer of "their friendly offices" to the two 
contending parties on this continent? Mr. Lindsay, 
with great ingenuousness, answers the question. "If 
such an offer were made by England, it would greatly 
strengthen the position of the PEACE PARTY, 
and would influence the return of a President at the 
ensuing election."
   The people of America now know, upon the testimony 
of one of the staunchest English allies of Jefferson 
Davis, with what purpose the motion that was 
so long upon the Notice paper of the House of Commons
was brought forward. It was to aid the Democratic 
peace party in the United States—that party 
which combines within itself all the disloyal, negro-hating, 
pro-slavery and mobocratic elements of the
States not actually in open rebellion. Mr. Lindsay 
frankly confesses that he greatly fears that, if Mr. 
Lincoln should be reëlected, the war will be indefinitely 
prolonged; but he believes that, should another 
man be elected—that is to say, the nominee of the 
anti-Lincoln party—"this year would see an end of 
the war and all its miseries."
   Mr. Lindsay, it seems, is in friendly and close communication
with a party in this country who are not 
only in sympathy with those who are in armed rebellion 
in the South, but who are plotting and promoting 
the further dismemberment of the Union by the separation 
of the Western States. The Hon. gentleman 
read to the meeting a resolution which had been passed 
by a Peace meeting in Ohio, and then said:—"In 
sending me that resolution, a member of the Federal 
Congress writes to me that meetings are being held 
through the West, and adjoining States, for securing 
peace and separation, and asks me to make known 
these meetings in the country; and he adds, 'There 
must be a Western as well as a Southern Confederacy; 
for the party who advocates this course grows
stronger and stronger every day.'  I am glad to see 
that feeling arising in the Southern States, and the 
feeling is increasing in the West."
   Mr. Lindsay is good enough to favor his audience 
with one more very interesting item of transatlantic 
intelligence; to wit, that "a very distinguished statesman, 
a member of the Senate," has written a letter 
to a friend of his, (Mr. Lindsay's,) which same friend 
is also "a statesman, who occupies a very high position
 (not in Paris or London, merely, but) in Europe, 
and was a Minister of the United States Cabinet," to 
say—" We are tumbling to pieces fast; and unless 
Europe steps in and saves us, we shall go headlong 
to destruction." This impending fate Mr. Lindsay 
professes to deprecate, while at the [?] state [?] 
presses his satisfaction to the prospect of a new [?] [???]

Few men in Great Britain understand better than himself 
what are the sympathies and aims of men like Vallandigham 
and Wood, and the party of which they are 
the principal leaders; and what are the principles and 
objects of men like those who have supported Mr. 
Lincoln in his anti-slavery measures, and are now 
seeking with all their influence and energies to consummate
the great work of human freedom, by obtaining 
such an amendment of the Constitution, as 
shall abolish and prohibit slavery forever. Mr. Lindsay 
must, therefore, have known at the time he delivered 
his speech, that the citizens of the Northern 
States are divided into two great political parties:—
that one of those parties is seeking the utter, universal 
and perpetual extinction of slavery, and is for 
the prosecution of the war until the great object shall 
be achieved; and that the other is a party favorable 
to a reëstablishment of the Union upon the basis of 
recognizing the rightfulness and constitutionality of 
slavery. He must have known that the former party 
embraced all the true friends of human liberty, while 
the latter were in favor of an indissoluble league and 
covenant with men who hold slavery to be the normal 
condition of the laboring class, and the corner-stone 
of the republican edifice. Yet, knowing this, Mr.
Lindsay proclaims himself the advocate of the latter, 
and the opponent of the former. Such proceeding on 
the part of a British legislator—shameful and base 
though it be—is what may be expected from one who 
deems it expedient to conciliate the London Times, 
by bestowing praise upon its correspondents in America, 
and especially upon "the able correspondent residing 
at New York, who has displayed an ability, an
 honesty, (!) and a love of truth, (!!) which commends 
itself (the grammar is Mr. Lindsay's) to our admiration" (!!!)
   To the Lindsays, Gregorys, Rosebucks id genius 
omne, of the British Senate, we would respectfully 
commend the couplet of Darwin,—
"Hear it, ye Statesmen! hear this truth sublime:
He who allows oppression shares the crime!"
—G. T.
THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.
   The resolutions adopted by the Convention, lately 
assembled at Chicago, of the party calling itself Democratic, 
were printed in last week's Liberator. They 
gave remarkable and instructive evidence respecting 
the political, intellectual and moral condition of the 
American people.
   The Democratic party, so called—let it be said here 
once for all, that there is neither accuracy nor justice 
in its use of this name—has generally represented the 
majority in this country. Perhaps it still represents 
the majority in the States that remain loyal to the 
Union. It is therefore discreditable to the intelligence 
and moral sense of the country at large, that a document 
so false, shallow and base, should be put forth
as the political platform of so large a proportional
part of its population. To many of the adherents of 
the old monarchical governments of Europe the first 
thought must be, on reading it—Is this what comes of 
popular education, universal suffrage, freedom in religious 
opinion, and freedom of political action? Do 
these Northern Democrats deliberately prefer slavery, 
and oppose themselves to the providential movement 
that has gone so far towards overthrowing it?
   The pervading spirit of the whole document is partisanship 
with the rebels, plainly expressed by censure 
of the United States government for what it has 
done against the rebellion, with no censure whatever 
against the rebellion itself.
   The criticism frequently made by Abolitionists upon 
this same government is on the ground of its not having 
done enough against the rebellion; on the ground 
that, interfering with slavery on the plain dictate of 
military necessity, it interfered enough only to maim, 
not to crush, only to limit, not to extinguish it; that, 
having used a small proportion of blacks as soldiers, 
it did not use more; that, having given to this small 
proportion of colored men the dress and the arms of 
soldiers, it did not give them the immense additional [???] 
consideration [???]

[???]tion, the suppression of the freedom of speech and of 
the press, the denial of the right of asylum, and the
open and avowed disregard of State rights—are precisely 
the offences which were habitually committed 
before the war, in the interest of slavery, and by private 
citizens and public officers in every one of the
slave States, against the constitutional rights of the 
free States and their citizens. The most outrageous 
wrongs against the liberty, property and life of Northern 
men have been habitually committed by the people 
and functionaries of the slave States; and these 
unjust and injurious acts have been perpetrated in 
time of peace, by just such persons as are now 
fighting in the rebel armies, and against just such 
persons as now fight in the armies of the Union; 
they were perpetrated with opinion and audacious 
disregard both of the individual rights of the sufferers, 
and of the rights of those Northern States 
to which they belonged; and even where the Constitution 
and laws of the country clearly offered 
indemnity or retribution by legal process, that process 
has been forcibly prevented. Against all 
these things, systematically perpetrated by their 
Southern allies in time of peace, these Democrats 
make no objection, and never have made any. But 
when a great war, originated by these very allies 
against the legitimate government of the country, 
obliges that government to make military movements, 
and substitute martial for civil law, these sympathizers
with rebellion raise a howl of protest against it.
   An appropriate culmination to the absurdity of this 
platform is made in the last resolution, where "the 
sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and 
earnestly extended to the soldiers of our army." 
(Our army! The impudent rascals!) Be it noted 
that these soldiers, most of them volunteers, are the 
very persons who have been carrying on the war for 
which the Administration is complained of. They 
wish, and for many years have been trying to conquer 
the rebels. The Chicago Convention proposes to 
stop the process of conquest, the substitute alliance 
with the rebels. The soldiers have taken Newbern 
and Port Royal, New Orleans and Vicksburg, Chattanooga 
and Atlanta, and are far advanced towards the 
capture of Mobile, Charleston and Richmond. The 
Chicago Convention wish to sue for peace to an enemy 
three-quarters conquered, and by the act of sueing 
to give him opportunity to demand the immediate surrender 
of those trophies of Northern valor gained in 
a just cause. The soldiers were patient with McClellan 
while he kept them inactive before the enemy, 
or set them to digging instead of fighting. What 
will they say now, when he proposes to them to give 
up the contest? to withdraw from the field, and ask 
Jefferson Davis to dictate terms of peace? To speak 
of sympathy with the soldiers in connection with such 
a plan for undoing their work, and sacrificing that 
which the lives of their comrades were given to save, 
is a mere addition of insult to injury.
   I repeat it. The concoction of such a platform by 
the leaders, and its acceptance by the members, of a 
party so large as the one in question, cannot fail, in 
the eyes of intelligent foreigners, to injure the cause 
of free government, and put back the tide of political 
reform. But the success of such a party upon such a 
platform, the acceptance of such a position by an actual 
majority of the Northern people, would be a disgrace 
deep and irreparable, as far as the present generation 
is concerned. If a century's toleration of slavery 
shall prove to have brought the nation to this 
depth of infamy, it will be a specimen of God's retributive
justice not less conspicuous than His punishment 
of Egyptian oppression.—C. K. W.
UNDER WHICH KING?
   Whatever of doubt may have existed in the minds 
of loyal men concerning the candidate to be supported 
in the coming Presidential election, it must have
vanished since the Chicago Convention. The first 
phase of the contest, with its conscientious differences 
and divided duties, has passed, and the second 
presents itself with unmistakable clearness ind??????
[???]

THE FANEUIL HALL MEETING.
   On the evening of Tuesday, the 6th inst., a large 
and enthusiastic meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, to
celebrate the recent decisive victories of our army
and navy at Atlanta and Mobile. The galleries were 
filled with ladies and other at an early hour, and the 
Brigade Band entertained them with patriotic airs until
the time of opening the meeting, and in the intervals 
of speaking afterwards. So great was the interest 
excited by the occasion, that many ladies, arriving 
too late to find places in the gallery, stood on the floor 
below through the protracted exercises. The hall was 
densely crowded long before the opening of the meeting, 
and thousands outside vainly sought admission.
   Prolonged applause followed the entrance of the officers 
and speakers of the evening. The meeting was 
called to order by Hon. Alpheus Hardy, who announced 
the officers of the occasion, and introduced
 John A. Andrew, Governor of the Commonwealth, as 
the President. Governor Andrew was received with 
enthusiastic shouts, and the warmest applause followed 
his mention of the brave officers whose exploits had 
given occasion to the meeting. In closing his prefatory 
remarks, the Governor called for three hearty 
cheers for the President and the flag of the United 
States of America, which were vigorously given.
   Letters of congratulation and sympathy from Hon. 
A. H. Bullock, John W. Bowen of Kentucky, and Hon. 
Edward Everett, were then read by Charles W. Slack, 
Esq.
   Resolutions prepared for the occasion were then read 
by Hon. Edward S. Tobey, President of the Board of 
Trade. They express the exultation and joy which 
the recent victories of our army and navy are suited 
to excite in patriotic hearts; declare that the thanks 
of the whole nation are due to the brave officers and 
men who have won these victories; express the firm
conviction that the only road to peace is by victory 
over the authors of the war; declare that Massachusetts 
pledges to the Federal Government her utmost 
resources of means and men, until the rebellion shall 
be suppressed; condemn as vicious and fatal the doctrines 
set forth by the Chicago platform, and especially 
the idea of an armistice in our present circumstances, 
and declare that the unconditional advocacy of 
peace at once injures the nation's cause, and gives aid 
and comfort to the enemy. The last of these resolutions,
relating to the President's Emancipation Proclamation, 
is as follows:—
   Resolved, That the President's Proclamation of 
Emancipation was sanctioned by the usages of civilized 
war, by the law of nations, and is in accordance 
with the spirit of the Constitution of the United 
States, which contains full power for the preservation 
of the government in time of war as of peace; that it 
recognized in those to whom it applied "an inalienable
right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," 
and pledged the whole power of the Federal Government 
to maintain that right; that that pledge cannot 
be forfeited without bringing down upon us national 
humiliation, the execrations of the Christian world, 
and, as we reverently fear, the judgments of Almighty 
God!
     The President of the meeting then introduced Hon. 
Mr. Rice, of the Massachusetts delegation in Congress. 
His reference to the fixed determination of the Government 
to maintain "Liberty and Union, now and forever," 
was received with immense applause.
   George Sennott, Esq., a member of the Suffolk bar, 
was next introduced by the Governor as a member of 
the War Democracy.
   While Mr. Sennott was speaking, three cheers for 
McClellan were called for my some one in the audience, 
and given with vigor, by a considerable number of 
voices, and afterwards three cheers for the Democracy.
   Mr. Sennott assured those who had raised these 
shouts that he had evidence, from an extensive knowledge 
of the Southern people, that the men most 
despised by those people are the Peace Democrats.
   Hon. George S. Boutwell, of the Massachusetts delegation 
in Congress, was the next speaker. He read 
a resolution of the Chicago Convention, recommending
 immediate peace, and, declaring that the rebels of
 [???]

generated pictures of what these men are suffering. 
(Put him out! The masters are tyrants.) But if 
I saw Northern men as earnest as some of them profess 
to be for the abolition of the institution of slavery 
—and I am anxious to see that institution 
abolished—I would support them, because there 
would be no Fugitive Slave Law then, (cheers,) 
and the oppressed slaves would find a way across
the frontier into the land of freedom. The Southern
people would be brought into direct communication
with this country, and they would thereby
learn that it was not for their interest to maintain
this institution. They would find that if they were
desirous of living on good terms with Europe, it
would be their interest to maintain this institution by
degrees. (Cheers.) But it is not the abolition of
slavery that the Northern people desire. (Loud applause.)
It is empire, and nothing but empire.
(Hear, hear.) The North asks our sympathy with
them, but we say, "We know you too well."
(Laughter and cheers.) You cannot have our sympathy,
because you are not in earnest in the object you
profess to have. Well, as I have said, the object of the
war was the restoration of the Union, and the subjugation
of the South. Now, what does the subjugation
of the South mean? Well, it is dreadful to
contemplate. It means, in fact, because it has come
to this—the massacre of eight millions of white people,
to give liberty to three millions of blacks.
That is what is subjugation practically means.

Well, then, as to the restoration of the Union.
The first call of Mr. Lincoln was for 70,000 men.
You know what these 70,000 men effected at Bull's
Run. (Laughter and cheers.) I need not go into the
details of this questions, for we have in the correspondents
of the London press able men who furnish
us with all particulars at New York for the London
Times—(hisses)—who has displayed an ability, an
honesty—(hisses)—and a love of truth—(renewed
hissing)—considering that he resides in New York,
and that his articles are republished in that country
—I say that he has conducted himself in a manner
which commends itself to our admiration. (Hissing
and cheering.) Well, then, 70,000 men did not restore
the Union: and since that time, Mr. Lincoln
has called out no less than 2,300,000 men, in addition
to 450,000 militia men, who have been enrolled
and on pay; but the subjugation of the South is as
far off as ever; but the subjugation of the South is as
far off as ever. He has raised in money for that object
something tremendous. I saw an estimate the
other day, and the sum which has been raised was
somewhere between three thousand and four thousand
millions of dollars. (Hear, hear.) Now, from
the information which I receive, I would say this,
that if the war were to close on the 1st of September
next, and all the accounts were brought in—taking
into consideration the funded debt which appears
in the books of the United States, the liabilities of
the Government to the army, to contractors and others
—I should say that it is not an exaggeration when
I put the amount down at four thousand millions of
dollars, or upward of eight hundred millions sterling.
(Hear, hear.) And yet after that vast sum has been
raised, and that mighty army has been called forth,
the restoration of the Union is further off than ever.
In fact, is there any appearance of the Union being
restored? (No.) In truth, at the present moment,
the capital of the North seems to be in greater
jeopardy than that of the South. It is not in more
danger of being captured than Richmond is? (Hear,
hear.)

Now, I think it behooves all men to take their opportunity
of calling attention to these facts, for every
thoughtful man must see that this war is not only
doing a great injury to the people of America, but
also doing an immense amount of injury to the people
of Europe; and when they see this vain war, it
is their duty at every opportunity to protest against
the continuance of it. Why, sir, if no other motive
ought to actuate us, the feelings of humanity ought
to do so, considering the horrible sacrifices of life.
But if this war continues, great as the sacrifice has
been, I fear that it is nothing to what it will be.
(Hear, hear.) Now, sir, it is very dreadful to contemplate;
but I have reason to believe that if the
South be driven to extremities, they will—but only
when driven to extremities—arm the slaves and call
them out. (Hear, hear.) But it awful to think
about. Bear in mind that most of these slaves have
been brought up on the estates of their masters, and
their fathers before them. Their young masters are
now fighting under arms for the South; and if these
masters go down to their estates and train their 
slaves in companies or divisions, these slaves will follow
their masters wherever they lead. I say it is 
low. The very rivers will run with the blood of
thousands; but we, in the name of humanity, ought
to lift our voices against this terrible state of things.
(Hear, hear.)

I am glad, however, to find that there is throughout
the Northern and Western States, a feeling
arising that this war is in vain for the objects it has
in view; that thoughtful men are beginning to think
and speak openly about this. Various meetings are
being held at present throughout the Northern
States, and I will read a resolution which was passed
last month in Ohio, where a very large meeting was
held. The words are these:—"That in the further
prosecution of war, by whomsoever conducted,
or from whatsoever object, we behold nothing

Now, as I have said, I have no interest in this war;
and my sole interest is my desire for peace. (Hear.)
I have lost by the expression of opinion on this
question to which I have referred in my speech—I
lost many friends in the North whom I esteem, and
who were all very angry with me. I know that it
has been said that I am engaged largely in the trade
with the Southern ports. (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Mr. Adams himself wrote a dispatch to Lord
Russell in which he mentioned a list of twenty-four
suspected blockade-runners, and he actually put
down twenty of them as belonging to me. (Hear,
hear, and laughter.) I went to Lord Russell and
said this was a most extraordinary statement, as I 
had never even heard of one of those vessels. I declared
that I had no interest, directly or indirectly,
in anything connected with the Southern States. It
was perfectly true that I had been offered a very
large amount of business with the, but considering
my position as a member of Parliament and as a
public man, I felt it would have been very wrong in
me to take any steps contrary to the proclamation
that had been issued by my Queen. (Hear, hear.)
That proclamation forbid my rendering any material
aid to any of the belligerents. Therefore I felt it
would be setting a bad example to the people if I 
had aided either the Northern or the Southern
States. (Hear, hear.) Consequently, I have refrained
from all transactions of a commercial or pecuniary
character with the Southern or the Northern
States of America. (Hear, hear.) So much so,
that more than twelve months ago, when the firm of
which I was the head did engage as brokers for one
or two vessels, the object of which, I believe, was
the running of the blockade, I warned my partners,
and said that I could have nothing to do with this;
and, as you are all aware, I retired from the head of
that firm more than twelve months ago. I have now
no interest whatever, either directly or indirectly, in
any of their transactions. I wish to have no other
interest, because it lowers me as a public man, it lowers
me in your estimation—(applause)—and I prize
that estimation—(cheers)—it must lower me with
you if it is supposed that I have advocated the South
for any object of my own.

Now, sir, as I have said, the sole object with me
was peace. (Hear.) Many of you here know how
urgent I have been for peace—many of you know
that during the Crimean war, though my ships were
largely employed in that war, and though I was a
large gainer by it—I must own that in the war
against Russia I ever protested against it—that in
the House, and out of the House, I spoke against
that war—though it was for my interest as a shipowner
to see that war continued. The feeling that 
has actuated me is a detestation of war and all its
horrors; and that has induced me to express myself
as I have done with regard to this American question.
I have expressed myself so not merely in regard
to the interests of the South, but also of the 
North; for I cannot but sympathize with people who
have sprung from the same land with ourselves, who
speak the same language as ourselves, whose history
is our history, and who worship the same God. (Hear,
hear.) We must have kind feelings for them, although
they may speak angry words against us; and
I, for one, shall never speak any angry words against
them. (Hear.) I may use words of regret and
sorrow, but I will not return the words that they too
often send across the Atlantic to myself; and I 
would particularly say to their President:—"Remember
the words of your namesake, Old Abraham,
to Lot—'Let there be no strife, I pray thee, between
thee and me, and between thy herdsmen and my
herdsmen; for we be brethren. Is not the whole 
land before thee? Separate thyself, I pray thee,
from me. If thou wilt take the left hand, then I will
go to the right, or if thou depart to the right hand,
then I will go to the left.'" (Applause.)

At the conclusion of his speech, a vote of thanks
was given to Mr. Lindsay.

The efforts of various persons to create ill-will
between the friends of Mr. Lincoln and Mr.
Chase, or to produce the impression that Mr. Chase
is party to some movement for a new Union Presidential
Convention, or to bolster up the crazy story
that Mr. Chase is privy to the negotiation, for the
overthrow or withdrawal of Mr. Lincoln, are conclusively 
met and answered by a private letter from 
Mr. Chase to friends who asked his advice. This
important letter bears date Aug. 12, and the portion
of public interest is as follows:—

"I do not see any reason for believing that the
great cause to which we are all bound can be promoted
any better, or as well, by withdrawing support
from the nomination made at Baltimore, and no
cause of dissatisfaction, however strong, will warrant
any sacrifice of that cause. What future circumstances
may require or warrant, cannot now be foreseen
and need not be considered. I particularly desire
that my friends should do nothing and say nothing
that can create the impression that there is any
personal difference between Mr. Lincoln and myself,
for there is none. All the differences that exist
are on public questions, and have no private bearing.

An officer from the Army of the Potomac says,
that when the rebels heard of McClellan's nomination,
they were distinctly heard to give three cheers.


stronger and stronger every day.' I am glad to see
that feeling arising in the Southern States, and the
feeling is increasing in the West."

Mr. Lindsay is good enough to favor his audience
with one more very interesting item of transatlantic
intelligence; to wit, that "a very distinguished statesman,
a member of the Senate," has written a letter
to a friend of his, (Mr. Lindsay's,) which same friend
is also "a statesman, who occupies a very high position
(not in Paris or London, merely, but) in Europe,
and was a Minister of the United States Cabinet," to
say—"We are tumbling to pieces fast; and unless
Europe steps in and saves us, we shall go headlong
to destruction." This impending fate Mr. Lindsay
professes to deprecate while at the [?]
presses his satisfaction in the prospect of a new secession, 
and the existence, before long, of a Western as
well as a Southern Confederacy. We should like to 
hear Mr. Lindsay explain the method by which he
reconciles these opposite feelings.

To propitiate his audience, many of whom appear
to have been sensitive on the subject of slavery, the
speaker deems it necessary to say—"I wish you to
understand that I, for one, would like to see the
slaves obtain their freedom;" but, he adds, "the
state of the slaves cannot be as it has been described,"
because, "if it were so, they would long
since have rebelled. Therefore it is not right to give
us exaggerated pictures of what these men are suffering."
Mr. Lindsay would like to see the slaves
obtain their freedom; yet he avows his desire to see
the government of this country transferred to the
hands of men amongst whose first acts, if in power,
would be the acknowledgment of the right claimed
by the rebels of the South to their property in the
bones and sinews, the souls and progeny of those who
have been declared free by Proclamation of the President
and the statues of Congress. "Slavery is not
as bad as it has been described to be, because the unhappy 
victims of slavery have not rebelled." Is Mr.
Lindsay ignorant of the nature of the fate that awaits
the slave in the South, it but suspected of a desire
to be free? Has he heard nothing of the brutal massacre 
of slaves for the crime of being in possession
of a copy of Mr. Lincoln's Proclamation of Freedom?
"Exaggerated pictures" of slavery! We commend
to Mr. Lindsay's perusal the evidence taken by the 
Commission recently appointed to collect evidence
touching the true character of American slavery, as
revealed in the experience of those who have been
made free by the Union army. Let him learn from
the Report of those Commissioners that slavery "has
been darkening in its shadows of inhumanity and
moral degradation from year to year, exhibiting more
and more increased cruelty, a more marked crushing
out of the humanizing relations of civilized life, and
a closer approach, in practice, to the monstrous maxim
laid down by a slaveholding judge, that the negro
has no rights which the white man is bound to respect."

"If," says Mr. Lindsay, "I saw Northern men as
earnest as some of them profess to be for the abolition
of the institution of slavery, I would support them,
because there would be no Fugitive Slave Law, and
the oppressed would find a way across the frontier to
the land of freedom." If this be so, we ask, in the
first place, how it happens that Mr. Lindsay in the 
companion and coadjutor of the author of the infamous
law, and the friend and indefatigable agent of
those who profess to have gone into rebellion can account,
amongst other things, of the opposition of the 
people of the North to the execution of that law We
ask, in the second place, how it is that he is ignorant
of the fact, that since the war broke out, that law has
been a dead letter; and further, how he came to conceal
from his hearers the additional and important
fact, that every trace of a fugitive slave law had been
obliterated from the statute book before the adjournment
of the late session of Congress? But, admitting
the possibility of his being uninformed on these matters,
we now call up Mr. Lindsay to support those
Northern men whose earnestness he has suspected. We
take him at his word, and leave him, by his acts, to
prove whether he is an honest man or a hypocrite

Knowing, as we do, the abundant and rare opportunities
this gentleman has had of ascertaining the true
state of politics and parties in this country, his speech
appears to us a glaring instance of the suppressio veri,
and a most unworthy attempt to pervert the judgments 
of those whom he addressed. Mr. Lindsay has
been more than once in the United States. In England,
(and we do not speak without authority,) he has
been long and constantly in contact with men who
have repeatedly supplied him with the amplest and
most trustworthy evidence relating to the principles
and designs, the policy and the plans, both of the supporters
and opponents of the present administration.


[?tisanship] with the rebels, plainly expressed by censure
of the United States government for what it has 
done against the rebellion, with no censure whatever
against the rebellion itself.

The criticism frequently made by Abolitionists upon 
this same government is on the ground of its not having
done enough against the rebellion; on the ground
that, interfering with slavery o the plain dictate of 
military necessity, it interfered enough only to maim,
not to crush, only to limit, not to extinguish it; that,
having used a small proportion of blacks as soldiers,
it did not use more; that, having given to this small
proportion of colored men the dress and the arms of
soldiers, it did not give them the immense additional
stimulus to [emc?ncy] or such pay, such respected
consideration, such protection against special barbarities
on the part of the enemy, and such guardianship
against the ill-treatment of unfriendly commanding
officers, as is usually given to white troops; in
short, that, by the recklessness of its dealing with a 
black Southern population large enough to have furnished
four hundred thousand acclimated soldiers for
the war, it has left that population so in doubt whether
it could safely come over to our side, as to have
secured only one quarter of that number for the
United States, leaving the rest to do immensely efficient
compulsory service for the rebellion.

The ensure directed by the Chicago Convention
against the Administration is the very opposite of 
this. It means, if it means anything, that we ought
not to have interfered with the rebels at all. Its complaint
of the government seems to include what it
has done against the armies of the rebels, as well as
its action in regard to their slaves. While a war of
unparalleled magnitude is waging, begun by the South
in flagrant violation of the Constitution, this Convention
has no complaint to make except of the Government
of its own country. Judged by its standard, the
rebels should have been met with proposals of peace,
and nothing else, when they attacked Fort Sumter,
when they menaced Washington, when they invaded
Pennsylvania, as well as not, when they are three-quarters
conquered.

The language and the purport of the Chicago Convention
are as absurd in regard to the rebels as they
are monstrous in regard to the Government. They
seriously propose to reckon without their host, and to
prove that two can walk harmoniously together in absolute
disagreement.

They are entirely satisfied with the old Union under
the Constitution, declaring it to have been "equally
conducive to the prosperity of the States, both
Northern and Southern." And they propose a Convention,
for the restoration of that Union, to the very
persons who restored to aggressive war, nearly four
years ago, as the means of escaping from that Union,
who have ever since been cursing and reviling it, and
whose highest authorities have just declared their
irrevocable determination never to reënter it. Even
if they succeed in ousting Lincoln and electing McClellan,
how will they compel the South to return to
the Union? Can they force the Southern mule to
 drink, and to drink water instead of whiskey? It
may be a question (supposing McClellan to be elected)
whether the Democratic North will wish, and will
be permitted, to join the Confederacy. It is no longer 
a question whether the Southern rebels will voluntarily
join the Union. They have thoroughly decided
that question in the negative. They may be compelled
to succumb to Northern arms; they will never
again form a fraternal union with Northern flunkeys.

Advancing even at the slow rate (slow compared
with our possibilities and duties) of the last three
years, it seems probable that we shall have taken
Richmond before the fourth of March next. Suppose
McClellan to be elected; suppose his first act, as 
President and Commander-in-Chief, to be a request
to the rebels to dictate the terms of peace; and suppose
the reply of Jefferson Davis to be—"Withdraw
your army and navy; acknowledge our separation
and independence; and pay our debt"—what will
our Democratic administration do next? Will they
concede these points? Will they give up that "unwavering
fidelity to the Union under the Constitution,"
of which their first resolution boasts? If they
have not given it up, what have they gained, and
what will be their next step? If they are ready to 
give it up, why not say so now, and reveal the true
position of the party called Democratic?

The next most noticeable thing in the mass of absurdity
called the Chicago platform is that the very
specifications it makes of alleged wrongs on the part
of the Administration, namely—the usurpation of extraordinary
and dangerous powers not granted by the 
Constitution, the subversion of civil law, the arbitrary
arrest, imprisonment, trial and sentence of American
citizens have laws not known to the Constitution


very shall prove to have brought the nation to this
depth of infamy, it will be a specimen of od's retributive
justice not less conspicuous than His punishment
of Egyptian oppression.—C. K. W.

UNDER WHICH KING?

Whatever of doubt may have existed in the minds
of loyal men concerning the candidate to be supported
in the coming Presidential election, it must have
vanished since the Chicago Convention. The first
phase of the contest, with its conscientious differences
and divided duties, has passed, and the second
presents itself with unmistakable clearness, indicating
but one course, definite and inevitable. The discussion
is now transferred from men to principles. It
is lifted by events above the bewildering level of personality
to the clear atmosphere of ideas.

Two men are offered for the suffrage of the people
next November. It matters little who they are. The
accident of this great revolution has raised them to
conspicuous places, and from it, alone, they derive
their significance. Doubtless, abler and better men
than Mr. Lincoln walk in the shadow of humble life,
but uncontrollable circumstances make him at this
hour, the representative of human rights, and in his
person, Liberty is to be exalted if he succeeds, debased
if his opponent triumphs.

Since the foundation of the government, there has
been no election so momentous as the pending one—
never a canvass in which the lines were so distinctly
drawn as in this. At the inception of the campaign,
there was room for honest differences of opinion regarding
the fit leader to be chosen; it was properly
a question of individuals, and no complaint is to be 
made that zealous friends of the slave advocated other
candidates in preference to Mr. Lincoln. But the 
loyal people to whom the question was referred have
decided in his favor, and from them there is no appeal.
The issue is simple and direct. It is Baltimore or
Chicago. Free government, universal freedom, equal
rights, hope for the future, rest on the triumph of the 
first. If the latter shall prevail, hell from beneath
will rejoice. It promises new life and bounds to slavery,
the subversion of republican institutions, anarchy,
long years of fearful strife. 

There is no doubt that, numerically, the loyal people
far exceed the traitorous allies of Jefferson Davis
who were represented by the Chicago conclave, but
let it not be forgotten that while the latter are desperate,
indomitable, united, there is apathy, division, indifference
in the loyal ranks, and the contest, therefore,
is not unequal. The danger is imminent, and
no time is to be lost. While we indulge in personal
preferences and delay cooperation, the enemy is working
with satanic energy. The safety of the nation
demands that everything but the commonweal be forgotten.
It is idle to dream of electing a third candidate,
and to labor for any other man than Mr. Lincoln
is to serve McClellan, and make glad the South. Divide
and conquer is the Democratic programme, and to
this end the Democratic journals have, with adroitness 
and hypocrisy, fostered every symptom of a
breach among the Republicans. It is time to block
that game. He will have much to answer for who
throws his political weight into the adverse scale in 
such a crisis.

And were there ever grander issues to be met?
Never before could anti-slavery men go into a presidential
canvass with unfettered tongues, discuss the
sublimest moral truths, and be welcomed by multitudinous 
gatherings with eager attention. The harvest
is ripe for the sickle; and the people hunger for education
and light. What scope for anti-slavery speeches?
What opportunities for missionary work! Principles
are to be explained and enforced, arguments refuted,
sophistries unveiled. Eloquence, Logic and Reason
could wish for no worthier themes.

We urge the election of Mr. Lincoln, not for his
personal merits, (many though they unquestionably
are,) but because Liberty has chosen him for her
standard bearer, and Slavery, with sure instinct, singles
him out for intensest hatred. Around him
the shock of battle is to meet. In his front lies, "the
imminent, deadly breach." To transcend personal
preferences and support him with aggressive strength
is a duty, and "the path of duty is the way to glory."
—W. L. G., JR.

The U. S. frigate Brandywine, the store-ship
for the North Atlantic squadron, and containing more 
articles of value than any other of our ships, to the
amount of, perhaps, $1,000,000, was entirely destroyed
by ire, at Norfolk, on the 3d instant. Cause
of the fire unknown. 


the War Democracy.

While Mr. Sennott was speaking, three cheers for
McClellan were called for by some one in the audience,
and given with vigor, by a considerable number of 
voices, and afterwards three cheers for the Democracy.

Mr. Sennott assured those who had raised these
shouts that he had evidence, from an extensive knowledge
of the Southern people, that the men most
despised by those people are the Peace Democrats.

Hon. George S. Boutwell, of the Massachusetts delegation
in Congress, was the next speaker. He read
a resolution of the Chicago Convention, recommending
immediate peace, and, declaring that the rebels of 
the South and their sympathizers in the North approved
that resolution, offered his time upon the platform
to any one of that class who was disposed to defend
it.

Referring to the claim that negotiation should be
commenced with the rebel government, Gove. Boutwell
thought that the only safe negotiators were Generals
Grant and Sherman. This sentiment received great
approbation from the meeting.

Hon. Henry Wilson, the next speaker, was received
with immense applause, followed by three hearty
cheers. He declared himself to be among those who
go for "our country, right or wrong," and he felt confident
that the country must be saved by war, and only
by war. Gen. Wilson made a vigorous and telling
speech, and closed by introducing to the audience Gen.
Cutler, a native of Massachusetts, but a citizen of Wisconsin,
an officer who has taken an active part in the 
war, and whose face bore the marks of recent encounter
with the enemy.

Gen. Cutler's appearance was the signal for enthusiastic
and prolonged cheering. He represented that 
although McClellan had been very popular with the 
army of the Potomac, they could not and would not
vote for him on the Chicago platform. He spoke of 
the absurdity of supposing that permanent peace 
could come from the acceptance of the doctrines of
that platform, and said that we could send back to 
slavery neither the brave colored soldiers who have
been fighting our battles, nor the fugitives who, in
the event of our close proximity to a slaveholding
Confederacy, would be all the time crossing our 
Southern border. Peace with the rebels, he was assured,
could be obtained in no possible way but by 
subjugating them. The peace which he wished for
was one which would guarantee freedom for all;
which would be no disgrace to us and our children.

At this point a telegram, just received from Edwin
M. Stanton, Secretary of War, in response to one sent
to Washington by Gov. Andrew at the commencement
of the meeting, was read to the audience. It
 contained news of the death of the rebel guerrilla,
Morgan, and the capture of a portion of his force,
and reciprocated the patriotic sympathies of Boston.

Hon. Charles Sumner was next introduced, and
received with great cheering, and the prolonged waving
of hats and handkerchiefs. We make the following
extract from his speech, as reported in the
Journal:— 

"As the wise Solomon clearly saw that the woman
who was ready to see her child divided in two was a
false mother, so we may all clearly see that those
who are ready to see their country divided in two are
false. Fellow citizens, these Northern criminals, (I
like to call things by their proper names, and I thank
my honored friend who preceded me for his exposition
on that subject, telling how near they came to
being traitors)—these Northern traitors are nothing
else than unarmed guerrilla bands of Jefferson Davis, 
marauding here at the North. (Loud cheers.)

They cry out Peace, but , fellow citizens, are we 
not all for peace? Sir, are you not for peace, are not 
all of the honored gentlemen by whom I am surrounded 
for peace? For myself, peace is the longing
sentiment and passion of my life. Not Falkland in
the bloody days of the English civil war cried out
"Peace, peace, peace," more fervently than I do now.
The day beings with me, continues and ends with 
this aspiration; but it is precisely because I am thus
determined for peace that I now insist at all hazards
that this rebellion shall be crushed and trampled out
totally, entirely, and utterly, so that it shall never
again break forth in blood. (Loud cheers.) Therefore,
in the name of peace, and for the sake of the
"good will among men" promised us by the angelic
choir, do I now insist that this rebellion shall be so
completely annihilated that it shall leave behind no 
relic or remnant which may become the seed of any
future war.

But, fellow-citizens, let me be frank with you, for
that is my habit here or whatever else I have the
honor to speak. It is vain for you to expect to crush
the rebellion unless you crush slavery, (applause,) for
slavery, let me tell you, is but another name for this
rebellion. The two are synonymous; they are convertible
terms. If you please, then, rebellion, as I
have often said, is slavery in arms; it is slavery on
horseback; or, if you please, it is belligerent slavery,
warring to establish a wicked empire. If you are
against me, you must be against the other. If you
essay to strike rebellion, you must be ready to strike

SEPTEMBER 9.  THE LIBERATOR.   147

slavery ; if you are ready to strike slavery, you must be ready to strike the rebellion. Therefore the President was clearly right when, in a recent letter, declared that he should accept no terms of peace which did not begin with the abandonment of slavery. ('Good,' and cheers.)
   The Union cannot live with slavery. If slavery dies, the Union lives; if slavery lives, the Union
 dies. And now, fellow-citizens, it only remains that you should comprehend the grandeur of the cause and of the occasion. Consider well the Thermopylae pass in which you now stand battling for liberty—not only here at home, but everywhere throughout the globe; and do not forget that, if you save liberty, you save everything. (Loud cheers.)"
   Mr. Ticknor, of St. Louis, a native of New England, was the next speaker. He spoke with great heartiness, in the Western manner, testifying that the only peace measures to which Missouri would consent were such as would be obtained by conquering the rebellion.
   The last speaker was Mr. C. C. Coffin, more widely known as "Carleton," one of the war correspondents of the journal. He gave an interesting account of the movements of Gen. Grant, and of the present position of his forces on the Weldon Railroad, from which he augured our speedy possession of Richmond.
   After voting the passage of the resolutions, the meeting adjourned at a late hour, the hall remaining crowded till its close.—C.K.W.
———————
LETTER FROM MISS HOLLEY.
-----
ROCHESTER, (N.Y.) Aug. 29, 1864.
   DEAR MR. GARRISON,—Last evening, I heard SOJOURNER TRUTH. It is thirteen years since I used to hear in Ohio. She must be seventy years old. I was surprised and delighted to see her still so vigorous—her voice deep and strong and rich as when I last heard her. There "she stood, calm and erect as one of her own native palms, waving alone in the desert." We called on her this morning; and as I recalled these words of Mrs. Stowe, describing her at
her house in Andover among the ministers, Sojourner said, " Mrs. Stowe got it all mixed up -- making me born in Africa, and she thought it was me." I do not at all wonder Mrs. Stowe should have so identified her with the land of shadow and mystery, she is so unlike anything American. Original, yet representative enough to suggest to an artist a modern sphynx.
   How beautiful genius is! First, here is this strange, powerful woman -- Africa transplanted in America, hardly naturalized. Then there is poet-souled authoress of "Uncle Tom," with her Hebrew Scripture taught imagination and feeling, perceiving the singular, mystical nature of this queenly woman, and reporting it with such captivating power to the artist, Mr. W. W. Story, over in Rome, that he moulds and chisels these wonderful depths of being and feeling into beautiful symbolic marble of the Lybian Sybil! The statue goes to the London Exhibition, and an admiring Englishman's gold welds it to some British estate. We will hope with Mrs.
Stowe, that a copy of it will some day adorn the Capitol at Washington.
   So she held us last night by the spell of her rude, native eloquence -- full of wit, pathos, pungent common sense, and an awing, prophetic cast of thought. We felt it was rare privilege to hear her. She began by telling how her mission "wasn't so much to black people as out of pity for de white people, and to help dem out of der degradation." And as she told
over their crimes to her people, some of which she said hated to take into her mouth to name, you felt she was right in being thankful that she did not belong to their race, so guilty and cruel to a long suffering, patient, inoffensive people. She spoke with withering scorn of the Northern churches that had welcomed slaveholders to the communion table in past
years. She said, "I would sooner eat with de hogs out of de trough dan sit down at de sacrament with [???]


THE CHICAGO CONVENTION.
-----
CHICAGO, Aug. 30, 1864.
WILLIAM L GARRISON:
   MY FRIEND,—This city, since Friday, the 26th, has swarmed with men gathered from all parts of the land to attend the Convention of the Peace Democracy, that began its sessions here yesterday, with a view to nominate a candidate for the Presidency. On Friday night, the 26th, speeches were made till past midnight to crowds in the street, by Rynders, Seymour 
and Wood, of New York, Vallandigham, Cox, and others, of Ohio, and by many others. Saturday, an ex parte Convention, headed by Amos Kendall, was held, to forestall the action of the general Convention, and compel it to nominate McClellan. Saturday night Sunday night, till past midnight, the leaders of the Peace Democracy, as they call themselves, were making speeches to the crowds assembled round the various hotels, and in Court-House
yard. I heard many of their speeches, and have read them all, as far as they were reported by the Chicago organ of that party, The Times.
   Yesterday, the 29th, the Convention met in a building holding some thousand, at noon, and in due time chose Horatio Seymour, of New York, President. Today, they have been at work on the platform, drawn up by Vallandigham, and on the candidate. The McClellan party had imported about one thousand of the Roughs of New York city, headed by Isaiah Rynders, to clamor for McClellan. Some five hundred of the same class were imported from Philadelphia, headed by the same Rynders, to aid in compiling the Convention to nominate McClellan.—Many Leaders of guerrilla bands in Missouri and other Slave States are here, brought on to see to it that the Convention is true to the Southern rebels, and also to see what can be done to relieve the rebels now held as prisoners in Camp Douglas.
   I have just come from the Convention. I have witnessed many public gatherings in various cities in Europe and America, but never before have I witnessed a gathering of so large a number of brutal, drunken ferocious men as I have seen gathered from all parts of the nation in this city the past four days. Multitudes of them are armed with revolvers and
bowie knives, and they make no secret of the fact. It is computed that there are fifteen thousand here from abroad. The watchwords that have been put forth in speeches made in and out of the Convention, and which have been endorsed by silence and otherwise, are such as the following-" Down with Lincoln by ballots or by bullets! " " Subjugation of the 
North to slaveholders and their allies by ballot or by bullets! " " The government  shall be placed in the hands of the Democratic party by ballots or by bayonets! " " Burn, desolate and devastate, wherever a partisan of Lincoln dare show his head! " " Cut the throat of every d-d Lincolnite !" This was repeated over and over in speeches made in front of the Tremont House, and the question was put to the multitude, " Will you help us?" " Yes, yes, yes, we 
will!" was the response made by many in the crowd. " A free ballot or a free fight! " This has been the favorite motto put forth by all the leaders , and as they have explained it, the simple meaning is, : The election of our candidate, or a civil war at the North." This has been avowed in words by many of the speakers, and this idea pervades all that has been said in and out of the Convention. " A free ballot !" is the cry, when the majority is for slavery and the Democratic party ; but if the majority is in favor of freedom and loyalty, then they will have " a free fight! " This has been the cry of the South for thirty years. " So long as the free ballot gives the majority to slavery and slave-breeders and slave-holders, we will accept it ; but if the free ballot, liberty triumphed over slavery in the election of Lincoln, this Peace Democracy ( which is but the debris or sediment of the old Compromise party) started for a 
free fight ; inaugurated a war of bullets, solely, as [???]


and organized to meet the Peace Democrats in a death struggle, should they attempt a riot and a release of rebel prisoners.
   One spirit has pervaded all the speeches and pro needing of the Peace Democracy, of all parties and opinions, ever since they began to assemble in this city, to wit, a spirit of hostility to the present Administration and its policy to save the Republic by crushing the rebellion and abolishing slavery, and a determination to overthrow it, if not by ballots, then by BULLETS. If they cannot fain this end at the ballot-box in November, they have determined on a civil war at the North. This has been the animating spirit of this Convention of Peace Democrats. It has been repeated over and over in their speeches. It is their fixed purpose to aid the slave-mongers to subjugate the North to slavery and slave labor,  by a war of bullets at the North, if they fail in their attempt to secure their end by ballots. The Democracy has no hope but in once more subjugating the nation to slavery and in the triumph of the rebellion. So surely as the rebellion and slavery are put down, the Democratic party dies. Its only hope of life is in the triumph of the rebellion, and in the subjugation of the North to the slave-mongers. Hence their motto—" A free ballot or a free fight!" i. e., " Give us victory
at the ballot box, or we will seek it on the battle-field." " RULE OR RUIN " is the one single cry of the Peace Democracy! " Victory by ballots or by bullets !" They may fail in both.
HENRY C. WRIGHT.
———————
ERRATA.
-----
DORCHESTER, Aug. 29, 1864.
MR. GARRISON :
   DEAR SIR—The articles I have offered for the Liberator, though sometimes altered, have usually been so promptly and accurately published, that I have had more reason to rejoice than to complain. But, in my last, on the fourth page of last week's Liberator, the sense is so blurred, and a meaning given so different from my own, that I am sure you will not think me 
captious if I ask for a correction.
   Thus, in the fourth line of the fourth paragraph, the word restitution is substituted for restoration. Again, in the last line but three of the same paragraph, the same error occurs. You will make ample restitution by restoring the word used in the manuscript.
   In the sixth line of the sixth paragraph, the word inactions is substituted for insurrections. The change is not trifling. It kills the whole paragraph. It wounds the cause in which I was writing, and me with it. The Constitution, in enumerating the powers of Congress, speaks of repelling invasions and of suppressing insurrections. Had Franklin Pierce been half as ready to repel invasions of border ruffians as to suppress insurrections of Free State men, the town of Lawrence had never been sacked. I was speaking of the power of Congress to prevent as well as to suppress internal disturbances, and the folly of allowing a State to cherish institutions which breed insurrections, while Congress was bound to suppress them; and I am sure I could not have used the word invasions in that connection.
   Very respectfully, your friend and servant,
H. W. C.

> Our esteemed correspondent, " H. W. C.," is assured that the altercations which he points out in his last communication were not designedly made. We regret that they should have so marred the sense of his argument.—Ed. Lib. 
———————
ANTI- SLAVERY LECTURES IN MAINE. 
-----
   ANDREW T. FOSS, an Agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, will spend a short time in the State of Maine, speaking on the great questions of Emancipatron and a Free and Just Union. He will be glad to receive calls to lecture from any of the Anti-Slavery friends in Maine.
   His address, for the present, is, Care of S. Waterhouse, Esq., Ellsworth, Me. 
[???]


MODERN DEMOCRACY.

   At a " Peace Meeting" held in the northeast corner of Franklin County, a short time since, the proceedings of which the Crisis publishes with its approval, among other bright and shining democratic lights who addressed the meeting were George L. Converse, and J. G. Edwards, members of the Legislature from Franklin County, from whose speeches we give samples below:

   JOHN G. EDWARDS. " If I am arrested for speaking my opinion to day as becomes a free American citizen, will you go home to your workshops, and your fields as if nothing had happened ? - [ 'No, No !'] - or will you shoulder your guns, take knives and pitchforks and fight? [Cries of ' We will.'] I believe you will, and I will stand by you until the last drop of blood
flows from my veins. [Cheers.]
   * * * There is courage in the masses, and the great hope is that the people will rise in their strength and hurl the depots from their places. [ Immense applause.] Go home fully impressed, fellow citizens, that the hour has come that you have got to strike for your liberty. Are we going to allow Vallandigham to be torn from his home again as he was once ? [ Cries of ' No, never.'] Five hundred thousand more men are called for ; are you ready to go? [ Cries of ' No, No.'] I am satisfied you are not. I am satisfied you will resist with your lives, and to your death all further encroachments on your lives and liberties. The spark shown out today, notwithstanding it may be ridiculed as Lord North ridiculed the first effort of our
Revolutionary sires, may spread and burn until the last vestige of despotism is blotted out. It must start at some place, and I believe it will start today. I see in your faces the stern determination to put an end to the oppression. Petition, remonstrate, denounce, but when 
all possible means fail, be prepared to defend your rights with your strength. * * * *  The people are sovereigns, and if we don't assert our sovereign rights, we are cowards. Everything remains for the people to be set right. You know how, and if you don't do it, you are only fit to be slaves. [Cheers.] Don't let another man be taken out of your country by
despotic power."

   GEO. L. CONVERSE. " Men, do not think of sending your sons to the army! Women, do not allow your husbands to be taken to augment the slaughter! Make up your minds to have peace, take nothing else, and under all circumstances keep your powder dry. [Cheers.] There are mad dogs in the country, or sheep killing dogs, and plenty of burglars. He who would steal away a man is to be treated like any other third or robber. I must put one question to you, - Shall President Lincoln again be allowed total Vallandigham from his home, as he did before? [ Prolonged cries of ' No, never ! we'll fight first.' ] I thought you were of the right temper—let it always be so. - Akron (Ohio) Beacon.
———————
CAPTURE OF ATLANTA.
WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, Sept. 4, 1864 - 8 P. M.

Major General Dix :

   Gen. Sherman's official report of the capture of Atlanta has just been received by this Department. It is dated twenty-six miles south of Atlanta, 6 o'clock yesterday morning, but was detained by the breaking of the telegraph lines, mentioned in my dispatch of last night :
   " As already reported, the army withdrew from about Atlanta, and on the 30th, had made a break on the West Point road, and reached a good position from which to strike the Macon road, the right ( Howard) near Jonesboro' , the left ( Scofield) near Rough and Ready, and the centre ( Thomas) at Couch's. 
   Howard found the enemy in force at Jonesboro' , and intrenched his troops, the salient within half a mile of the railroad. The enemy attacked him at 3 P. M., and was easily repulsed, leaving his dead and wounded. Finding strong opposition on the road, I advanced the left and centre rapidly to the railroad, made a good lodgment and broke it all the way from Rough and Ready down to Howard's left near Jonesboro' , and by the same movement, I interposed my whole army between Atlanta, and the part of the enemy intrenched in and around Jonesboro'.
   We made a general attack on the enemy at Jonesboro', on the 1st of September, the 14th corps, General Jeff. C. Davis, carrying the worlds handsomely with ten guns and about a thousand prisoners. In the night, the enemy retreated South, and we have followed him to another of his hastily constructed lines near Lovejoy Station.
   Hood, at Atlanta, finding me on his road - the only one that could supply him—and between him and a considerable part of his army, blew up his magazines in Atlanta and left in the night time, when the 20th corps, Gen. Slocum, took possession of the place. So
Atlanta is ours, and fairly won. 
   Since the 5th of May, we have been in one constant battle or skirmish, and need rest.
   Our losses will not exceed 1200, and we have possession of over 300 rebel dead, 250 wounded, and over [???]

MCCLELLAN AND HIS PLATFORM. The New York Herald says : 

   " For three years past the Herald has sustained and defended the hero of Antietam. We have done full justice to his generalship, his statesmanship, his honesty, and his patriotism. But when McClellan takes his stand upon a cowardly peace platform, we are at a loss how to follow him and defend him. This the General has not yet done, and we hope the the will
never be foolish enough to do it. We advise and urge him to come out boldly and declare that his only platform is his past record as a Union general, and that his sentiments are those expressed in his letter from Harrison's Landing, and his oration at West Point.  If he hesitates to do this he is lost. There must be no prevarication nor equivocation."

The New York Tribune says :

   " We learn that Gen. McClellan declares privately among his friends that he cannot and will not indorse the Peace platform constructed for him at Chicago. What is the use of such humbug? He was nominated on that platform ; he was nominated after that platform had been adopted with but few dissenting votes, and those mostly of men who wished it made more abject than it is ; and he would not have been nominated if it had been understood that he would not accept that platform. The candidates and the platform are indivisible ; the principles are of far more consequence than the men."

> In the vicinity of Paducah and Mayfield, Ky., there are over 100 widows and families of Union men murdered by guerrillas. Gen. Paine intends appropriating from the fund assessed on rebel cotton and tobacco for that purpose five thousand dollars each for these people. 

> Officials reports show that one hundred and fifty female recruits have been detected, and made to resume the garments of their sex.

> The New York State Inspector General estimated the number of persons killed in New York 
city, during the riots, last year, at fully 1000.

   THE RHODE ISLAND SOLDIERS' VOTE. Complete returns of the voting on the Conditional amendment extending the suffrage to the Rhode Island soldiers in the field show its passage by three-fifths majority.

> The official list in the office of the Commissary General of Prisoners indicates that we hold an excess of rebel prisoners rising 40,000 men.

> The vote of North Carolina for Governor shows 54, 323 for Vance, Jeff. Davis's war candidate, and 20, 488 for Holden, whom the rebels call a submissionist—making a total vote of 74, 771.

> A sarcophagus of marble, after the old English style and cruciform in shape, is to be placed over the grave of the late Rev. Thomas Starr King by the Unitarian parish in San Francisco. The transfer of the remains and the erection of the monument will take place during the stay of Rev. Dr. Bellows in California, and the services on the occasion will be conducted by him.

> A Republican Convention at Ravenna, Ohio, passed a resolution censuring Senator Wade, and requesting him to vacate his seat in the Senate.

> It has been decided that the heirs of men who die or are killed while in the three months' service are entitled to pensions the same as the heirs of those who enlisted for a longer term. 

   PERSONAL. Madison University gives the degree of LL. D. to Geo. Wm. Curtis.

> Negro soldiers are to be paid to same wages, bounty and clothing as whit soldiers, in accordance with the late decision of the Attorney General. 

> A treaty of amity, commerce and navigation between the Netherlands and Liberia, has just been ratified. 
———————
   DEATH OF ANDREW L. RUSSELL. The community were surprised and deeply saddened at the sudden death of Andrew L. Russell, on Friday of last week. He had been sick with dysentery, but partially recovered from the attack. His system, however, was too far reduced, and he continued to sink calmly to his final rest. Mr. Russell was born in Plymouth, May 16, 1806, and was, at the time of his death, 58 years of age. He was graduated at Harvard in 1828, and for many years was connected in the business of N. Russell & Co. He was a man of most genial sympathies, generous impulses , and charitable spirit. Not a few are indebted to him for pecuniary aid and that cheering encouragement that gives the young man confidence in himself, and courage to act in life. He was deeply in- [???]

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to private houses, Sunday Schools, and smaller churches, all that the larger pipe organs are to large churches. In addition to this, they are admirably adapted to the performance of secular as well as sacred music.
   The Cabinet Organ is essentially different from and a very great improvement upon all instruments of the Melodeon or Harmonium kind. Its superior excellence consists in many important characteristics, among which are:
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   2. It has greatly more power and volume of tone in proportion to its cost.
   3. By the employment of a very simple and beautiful invention, its capacity for expression is made vastly greater than has ever before been attained in such instruments. This invention is especially valuable, because scarcely any practice is necessary to render it available. Any ordinary performer can master it in an hour or two.
   4. It admits of great rapidity of execution, adapting it to the performance of a great variety of lively secular music.
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Feb. 26—6m
———————
Young Ladies' Boarding-School.

DIO LEWIS, A. M., M. D., will open a Boarding-School at Lexington, Mass., on the first day of October, 1864.
ISAAC N. CARLETON, A. M., for several years teacher of

[first column on left]

black people as out of pity for de white people, and to help dem out of der degradation." And as she told over their crimes to her people, some of which she said she hated to take into her mouth to name, you felt she was right in being thankful that she did not belong to their race, so guilty and cruel to a long-suffering, patient, and inoffensive people. She spoke with withering scorn of the Northern churches that had welcomed slaveholders to the communion table in the past years. She said," I would sooner eat with de hogs out of de trough dan sit down at de sacrament with dem Southerns--dem devils, dat have been whippin', and burning', and huntin' and tearin' wid bloodhounds, my own brodders and sisters for a century!"
   She thinks, yes, she is full of assurance that, after the blood and smoke and storm of battle are gone, this country will be beautiful with justice and freedom. She seemed, as Mrs. Stowe said, "to impersonate the fervor of Ethiopia, wild, savage, hunted of all nations, but burning after God in her tropic heart, and stretching her scarred hands towards the glory that is to be revealed." She is on her way to Washington to visit Abraham Lincoln.
   After her, there arose a great call for "Douglass!" "Douglass!" He spoke grandly, responding to Sojourner's thankfulness that she wasn't white. He had always said he would rather be the most whip-scarred slave in all the South than the haughtiest slave-master; and then he recited, in his rich-toned voice, that exquisite verse of Cowper's -- 

"I would not have a slave till my ground,
To carry me, to fan me while I sleep,
And tremble when I wake, for all the wealth
That sinews bought and sold have ever earned.
No; dear as freedom is, and in my heart's
Just estimation prized above all price,
I had much rather be myself the slave,
And wear the bonds, than fasten them on him."

He faithfully entreated the colored people to help themselves--to improve their own minds--to strive for knowledge, and a better condition in every respect. He told them how gradually their cause was gaining. The time was when, in Boston even, a colored man, though he might have the intellect of Webster, the literature of Channing, the piety of Fenelon, or the eloquence of Clay, could not ride in the omnibus or railroad car with the white man. He paid 
a splendid passing tribute to Wendell Phillips, who, he said, was always true. He had known him to come down from Andrew Robeson's handsome coach in New Bedford, take the arm of black man, and walk into the Jim-Crow car. That was the way this unjust proscription was broken up in Massachusetts. He thought the slaves had made a mistake in staying so long in rebel lines. They misapply Moses' command to the Israelites, under different circumstances—"Stand still, and see the salvation of God." He feared they had waited too long, and that a peace would be made, and they remain slaves to the end of their days. He remembered when, some years ago, he was saying, in an anti-slavery meeting, he felt that about all had been converted by the [mo?l] suasion who would be brought to accept anti-slavery truth; 
and there was no other way than for the slaves with their own right arms to take their freedom in blood; when Sojourner, who was present, said, "Frederick, is God dead?" He asked Sojourner what she thought about it now. Wasn't he right then?
SALLIE HOLLEY.
———————
> Mr. Goldwin Smith, Professor of Modern History in Oxford University, England, and author of a valuable work entitled, "Does the Bible sanction American Slavery?" has recently arrived in this city. Professor Smith is one of the firmest and most intelligent of the English friends of this country. The cause of freedom and our national cause have alike been promoted by his influence at home; and it may be hoped that such things as he may observe and express
here will have a further influence in forwarding the same great ends. Whoever can aid his purposes or contribute to his comfort here, will be but paying a part of the national debt.—C. K. W.
———————
> The Journal of Commerce publishes, with strong commendation, the prayer with which Bishop Whitehouse of Illinois opened the sessions of the Chicago Convention, and says-- "It adds solemnity to the deliberations of any body to commend itself, at the outset to Divine guidance in its consultations."
   No doubt; and this is the very reason why such a body, assembled for such a purpose, found it indispensable to adopt, in advance, the attitude and the language of piety. The pursuit of evil ends by evil means needs and aspect of solemnity to make it pass current.—C. K. W. 

[second column]

[???]
freedom and loyalty, then they will have "a free fight!" This has been the cry of the South for
thirty years. "So long as the free ballot gives the majority to slavery and slave-breeders and slave-traders, we will accept it; but id the free ballot is in favor of freedom and free institutions, then we will have a free fight." So when by a free ballot, liberty triumphed over slavery in the election of Lincoln, this Peace Democracy (which is but the debris of sediment of the old Compromise party) started for a free fight; inaugurated a was of bullets, solely, as
Jeff. Davis says, "to get rid of the rule of the majority." While the majority was for slavery, the Democratic party, as a party, submitted to it. So soon as it turned in favor of freedom by excluding slavery from all free territory, that same Peace Democracy flew to arms, and began a bloody and exterminating war. So in Kansas, the same party, headed by Pierce and
Buchanan, went for "a free ballot or a free fight." By a free ballot they meant the destruction of the ballot-box, forged votes, and any and every thing necessary to get a majority for slavery; and when they were defeated, they called in the border-ruffians, and had a "free fight;" i.e., plundered and murdered as they could. So, if this Peace Democracy, headed by Seymour, Rynders, Wood, and Vallandigham & Co., are defeated at the election in November, they are determined on a civil war in the North aided by Missouri, Kentucky, Virginia, and Maryland border-ruffians.
   A "FREE SPEECH" party, headed by Isaiah Rynders! At three different times have I met this New York bully and ruffian, on a platform of the Anti-Slavery Society, revolved in hand, to prevent all discussion of the question of slavery. This is the man who, side by side and cheek by jowl with Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York, is pleading for free speech! But who is Horatio Seymour? The very man who, one year ago, hounded on the New York rioters, all reeking with innocent blood, by calling them his dear good friends, and "honored constituents"; the very man who said in Utica, if the Republic cannot be saved without abolishing slavery, let the Republic die; and who said, The Constitution of the Confederacy is preferable to the Constitution of the Republic, and we have netter keep peace by adopting it. And this man is the President of this Convention of traitors! A fit man for such an office!
And Fernando Wood, who refused to protect freedom of speech in New York--who as Mayor of the city gave up conventions to the tender mercies of Isaiah Rynders and his gang of cutthroats--who proposed to the city of New York to secede from the State and adopt the Montgomery Constitution--who wrote a letter to Robert Toombs, of Georgia, saying if he
had the power, he would send him guns and ammunition to aid the rebellion--who proposed to Congress to divide the Union into four Confederacies, leaving all the Slave States a unit, that they might make the others and easy prey; Vallandigham, who escaped
the traitor's doom by the clemency of Lincoln--who now stands before the world with the stamp of Benedict Arnold on his brow--these are the men who, with the rest of the leaders and speakers of the Peace Democracy now assembled in Chicago, have declared their fixed purpose to resort to civil war, to plunder and murder, to prevent a draft in favor of freedom
and free labor.
   By the way, there was a practical definition of Democratic freedom of speech given to-day on the platform or floor of the great Convention of the Peace Democracy. Ex-Governor Harris, of Maryland, made a telling and unanswerable speech against McClellan, holding him up as the man who had inaugurated arbitrary arrests by scooping up and imprisoning the entire Democratic Legislature of Maryland, and who had struck down habeas corpus, free speech and free press, and trampled on the people's rights. The McClellanites hooted, yelled, roared, hissed against him, and insisted he should be thrust out of the Convention. One man called Harris a d—d traitor. Harris knocked him down. The Plug Uglies from Baltimore rushed forward to sustain Harris; the Roughs of New York, headed by Rynders, rushed forward to sustain "Little Mac"; but a large body of policemen present saved the Convention from becoming a regular slaughter pen of the Peace Democracy, at the hands of Peace Democrats. 

   Some ten or twelve thousand United States troops are in Chicago, or within a few hours' ride of the city, to meet the occasion should an attempt be made to get up a riot and to release the prisoners at Camp Douglas. Many of the citizens of Chicago are armed

[third column]

ANTI-SLAVERY LECTURES IN MAINE.
-----
   ANDREW T. FOSS, an Agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, will spend a short time in the State of Maine, speaking on the great questions of Emancipation and a Free and Just Union. He will be glad to receive calls to lecture from any of the Anti-Slavery friends in Maine.
   His address, for the present, is, Care of S. Waterhouse, Esq., Ellsworth, Me.
   WM. WELLS BROWN, an Agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, has gone to the State of Maine, where he will spend four or five weeks. His addresses on the entire emancipation of the slaves, and the recognition of the rights of men without regard to color, will no doubt interest the people.
———————
   NEW BOARDING SCHOOL FOR YOUNG LADIES.—Dr. Dio Lewis, as will be seen by reference to our advertising columns, is about to open a Boarding School for Young Ladies, at Lexington, Mass. He will be assisted by Theodore D. Weld, for many years the revered Principal of the Eaglewood School in New Jersey, and by I. N. Carleton, A. M., for several years Professor Classics in Phillips's Academy at Andover, Mass. Mrs. LEwis, Mrs. Carleton and several other capable ladies, will act as teachers in the new school. Our friends having daughters of delicate health, who seek for them the best mental, moral and physical training, are referred to the advertisement.
———————
THE PRESIDENT'S VIEW OF THE DEMOCRATIC POLICY.

   The Grant County (Wis.) Herald contains a very interesting letter from Hon. John T. Mills, Judge of the Fifth Judicial Circuit, giving an account of a recent interview with Mr. Lincoln, with a report of the remarks of the latter in regard to the consequences which would follow the adoption of the war policy, urged by the friends of Gen. McClellan. We give the President's expressed views, omitting the preliminary account of the interview:
   "I don't think it is personal vanity or ambition, though I am not free from these infirmities, but I cannot but feel that the weal or woe of this great nation will be decided in November. There is no programme offered by any wing of the Democratic party, but that must result in the permanent destruction of the Union."
   "But, Mr. President, General McClellan is in favor of crushing out the rebellion by force. He will be the Chicago candidate."
   "Sir," said the President, "the slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove to any man that the rebel armies cannot be destroyed with Democratic strategy. It would sacrifice all the white men of the North to do it. There are now in the service of the United States near 200,000 able-bodied colored men, most of them under arms, defending and acquiring Union territory. The Democratic strategy demands that these forces be disbanded, and that the masters be conciliated by restoring them to slavery. The black men who now assist Union prisoners to escape, they are to be converted into our enemies in the vain hope of gaining the good will of their masters. WE shall have to fight two nations instead of one.
   You cannot conciliate the South if you guaranty to them ultimate success; and the experience of the present war proves their success is inevitable, if you fling the compulsory labor of millions of black men into their side of the scale. Will you give our enemies such military advantages as insure success, and then depend on coaxing, flattery and concession to get them back into the Union? Abandon all the posts now garrisoned by black men, take 200,000 men from our side and put them in the battle field or corn field against us, and we would be compelled to abandon the war in three weeks.
   We have to hold territory in inclement and sickly places; where are the Democrats to do this? It was a free fight, and the field was open to the War Democrats to put down this rebellion by fighting against both master and slave long before the present policy was inaugurated. 
   There have been men base enough to propose to me to return to slavery the black warriors of Port Hudson and Olustee, and thus win the respect of the masters they fought. Should I do so, I should deserve to be damned in time and eternity. Come what will, I will keep my faith in with friend and foe. My enemies pretend I am now carrying on this war for the sole purpose of abolition. So long as I am President, it shall be carried on for the sole purpose of restoring the Union. But no human power can restore this rebellion without the use of the emancipation policy, and every other policy calculated to weaken the moral and physical force of the rebellion.
   Freedom has given us 200,000 men raised on Southern soil. It will give us more yet. Just so much it has substracted from the enemy, and instead of alienating the South, there are now evidences of a fraternal feeling growing up between our men and the rank and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my enemies prove to the country that the destruction of slavery is not necessary to a restoration of the Union; I will abide the issue."

[fourth column]

[???]
the enemy retreated South, and we have followed him to another of his hastily constructed lines near Lovejoy Station.
   Hood, at Atlanta, finding me on his road—the only one that could supply him—and between him and a considerable part of his army, blew up his magazines in Atlanta and left in the night time, when the 20th corps, Gen. Slocum, took possession of the place. So Atlanta is ours, and fairly won.
   Since the 5th of May, we have been in one constant battle or skirmish, and need rest.
   Our losses will not exceed 1200, and we have possession of over 800 rebel dead, 250 wounded, and over 1500 well.
   (Signed)        W. T. SHERMAN, Maj. Gen."

   A later dispatch from Gen. Slocum, dated at Atlanta, Sept. 6, 9 P. M., states that the enemy, on evacuating Atlanta, destroyed 7 locomotives, and 81 cars loaded with ammunition, small arms and stores, and left 14 pieces of artillery, most of them uninjured, and a large number of small arms. Deserters are constantly coming into our lines.
   (Signed)       EDWIN M. STANTON,
                             Secretary of War.
———————
PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE PEACE COMMISSIONERS.

   The National Republican says:—"We are authorized and requested to announce that notwithstanding all that has been said on the subject, neither Mr. Gilmore nor Col. Jaques on the one hand, nor Mr. Greeley on the other, ever have been or are now authorized to express any desires, views or opinions of the President of the United States, either in Canada or Richmond, on the subject of negotiations for peace, beyond what he has plainly and carefully written over his own signature; that the mission to Richmond was initiated and executed by Messrs. Gilmore and Jaques on their own private account; that they had no authority to speak for the President of the United States officially or unofficially, or for Abraham Lincoln unofficially or privately.
   If Mr. Benjamin's report of the sayings of Messrs. Gilmore and Jaques while in Richmond is correct, they assumed a responsibility not given them, and made statements wholly untrue.
   While on this subject, it is proper to state that the President, after repeated solicitations, consented to give Messrs. Gilmore and Jaques a pass through our military lines.
   He did not request Gen. Grant to open a correspondence with Gen. Lee to give them a safe conduct to Richmond and return. Gen. Grant did that upon his own responsibility.
   The President's request was merely that General Grant would pass them through his military lines, nothing more."
———————
IMPORTANT OFFICIAL ANNOUNCEMENT.

WASHINGTON, Sept. 2, 1864.
To Major Gen. Dix, New York:
   It is ascertained with reasonable certainty that the naval and other credits, required by the act of Congress, will amount to about 200,000, including New York, which has not yet been reported to the Department, so that the President's call of July 18th is practically reduced to three hundred thousand men, to meet and take the place of, first, the enlistments in the navy, second, and casualties of battle, sickness, prisoners, and desertion, and third, the hundred-days' troops, and all others going out by the expiration of service this fall.
   One hundred thousand new troops promptly furnished, is all the General Grant asks for the capture of Richmond, and to give a finishing blow to the rebel armies yet in the field.
   The residue of the call would be adequate for garrisons in forts and cities, and to guard all the lines of communication and supply, free the country from guerrillas, give security to trade, protect commerce and travel, and establish peace, order, and tranquility in every State.           EDWIN M. STANTON,
                          Secretary of War.
———————
   SEIZURE OF THE PIRATE GEORGIA. The frigate Niagara seized the rebel pirate steamer Georgia, twenty miles off Lisbon, put a prize crew on board, and sent her to New York. The Niagara landed the captain and crew of the Georgia at Dover. The Georgia when seized was under the British flag, and her captain entered a protest against the seizure. The event excites much controversy. It was rumored that the capture was effected under the consent of the British Government.
———————
   DEFEAT AND DEATH OF JOHN MORGAN. An unofficial dispatch received by the War Department, Sept. 6, from Lexington, states that Gen. Gellen had officially reported the surprise and defeat of Morgan at Greenville, that Morgan was killed and his staff captured, that from fifty to one hundred rebels were killed, seventy prisoners taken, and one gun captured. This report being confirmed by the Richmond Examiner, there is no room to doubt its truth.
———————
> Benjamin Boardley, once a slave in Maryland, having attracted the attention of some gentleman by the ingenuity displayed in constructing a miniature steam engine of about six fly power, was purchased an emancipated by them, and now has the sole charge of the philosophical apparatus of the Naval Academy, at Annapolis.—Scientific American.

[fifth column]

[???]
with dysentery, but partially recovered from the attack. His system, however, was too far reduced, and he continued to sink calmly to his final rest. Mr. Russell was born in Plymouth, May 16, 1806, and was, at the time of his death, 58 years of age. He was graduated at Harvard in 1828, and for many years was connected in the business of N. Russell & Co. He was a man of most genial sympathies, generous impulses, and charitable spirit. Not a few are indebted to him for pecuniary aid and that cheering encouragement that gives the young man confidence in himself, and courage to act in life. He was deeply interested in all the interests and associations of Plymouth, and especially was his whole soul absorbed in the great principles of liberty and free government, for which the nation sacrifices its dearest idols. A beautiful harmony existed in his family, softening all its relations with a benign influence of most touching, confiding affection. Yet he kept not back the cherished ones from the battle-field and the frightful carnage. The friend of everybody, and without enemies, he has passed away, not only overshadowing his family with the deepest grief, but his constant presence in the street and kindly word for all will be greatly missed.
   A large concourse gathered at his residence to pay the last respects to the departed friend and Christian citizen, and as we looked out on the beautiful lawn and shrubbery, and the bay beyond, calm with its ebbing sunset tide, we could not but think that the tranquil spirit of him who loved the scene was still present, though the hand that gathered such beauty about his home was palsied forever. Of him, in a special and particular sense, may it be said, When the good man dieth, the people layeth it to heart.—Plymouth Memorial.
———————
A CALL
FOR A NATIONAL CONVENTION OF COLORED CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES.

   FELLOW-CITIZENS: The present state of our country, together with the claims of humanity and universal freedom, and the favorable developments of the Providence of God, pointing to the liberation and enfranchisement of our race, demand of us to be united in council, labor and faith.
   The nation and the age have adjudged that the extinction of slavery is necessary to the preservation of liberty and republicanism, and that the existence of the Government itself is contingent upon the total overthrow of the slaveholders' oligarchy and the annihilation of the despotism which is inseparably connected with it.
   Brethren, the present time is immeasurably more favorable than any other period in our history to unite and act for our own most vital interests. If we are to live and grow, and prove ourselves to be equal to the exigencies of the times, we must meet in council, and labor together for the general welfare of the people. Sound morality must be encouraged; education must be promoted; temperance and frugality must be exemplified, and industry, and thrift, and everything that pertains to well-ordered and dignified life, must be exhibited to the nation and the world. Therefore, the strong men of our people, the faithful and the true, are invited to meet in a National Convention, for the advancement of these objects and principles, on Tuesday, the 4th day of October, A. D. 1864, at 7 o'clock, P. M., [place will be named at an early day,] in the city of New York. The progressive and liberty-loving people of the loyal States are invited to send delegates, properly and regularly chosen. Let them come from the cities, towns, hamlets and districts of every section of the country, and lay the foundation of a superstructure, broad and deep, which in the future shall be a stronghold and defence for ourselves and our posterity.
   [Signed by Henry HIghland Garnet, Washington; Robert Hamilton, New York; Amos G. Beman, Jamaica; William Rich, Troy; J. W. Loguen, Syracuse; Wm. H. Johnson, Albany; J. W. B. Smith, Williamsburg; Louis H. Putnam, Brooklyn; Moses Viney, Schenectady; O. C. Gilbert, Saratoga Spa; Geo. Weir, Jr., Buffalo; George H. Washington, George Henry, John T. Waugh, James Jefferson, Providence; Peter H. Nott, Hardford; Robert J. Cowes, New Haven; Jno. F. Floyd, Middletown; Abraham J. Morrison, New Milford: Charles Lenox Remond, Salem: Alexander W. Wyman, WIlliam E. Matthews, H. H. Webb, Baltimore: J. D. Harris, M. D., Portsmouth, VA.: Sampson White, Hiram H. Arnold, Alexandria: James Lynch, Abraham Murchison, Jacob Robertson, Beaufort, S. C.: Charles Heads, Vicksburg, Miss.: Wm. Steward, Florida: Clinton B. Pearson, Newbern, N. C.: A. H. Galloway, Beaufort, do.: J. W. Ellis, Adrian, Michigan: James L. Campbell, Saginaw, do.: Joseph Ferguson, M. D., Detroit, do.: L. Gross, John Waugh, Uniontown, Pa.: Hiram S. Fry, Grayson S. Nelson, Reading, do.: Wm. H. Riley, Alfred M. Green, Ebenezer D. Bassett, Philadelphia: Peter D. Hedges, Newark, N. J.: Joseph H. Barquet, Illinois: Ransom Harris, Alfred Menefee, Peter Lowry, Nashville, Tenn.: and many other representative colored men in the various States.]

[sixth column]

[???]

   ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUES, with [?] particulars, free to any address.

   WAREROOMS, } 274 Washington Street, Boston,
                             } 7 Mercer Street, New York.
   Feb. 26—6m
———————
Young Ladies' Boarding-School.

   DIO LEWIS, A. M., M. D., will open a Boarding-School at Lexington, Mass., on the first day of October, 1864.
   ISAAC N. CARLETON, A. M., for several years teacher of Latin, Greek and Mathematics in Phillips's Academy, Andover, Mass., will be the Resident Principal, and will devote himself wholly to the work of instruction. Mrs. CARLETON, a tried and successful teacher, will instruct in French.
   MR. THEODORE D. WELD, for many years Principal of the Eagleswood School in New Jersey, will have charge of an important department.
   In all the approved features of the best schools nothing will be wanting, while it is Dr. Lewis's special aim to illustrate the possibilities in the department of physical training.
   Parents having daughters of delicate constitutions to educate are invited to send to Dr. DIO LEWIS, Lexington, for a Circular.
   Lexington, Sept. 8.
———————
GAS FIXTURES.

   THE undersigned begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that (owing to ill health) he has been obliged to leave his situation at Messrs. H. B. Stanwood & Co's, now Messrs. Shreve, Stanwood & Co's, where he has been employed for the last fourteen years, the work being too heavy for his physical strength, and is now prepared to do all manner of

JOBBING ON GAS FIXTURES,

n the most careful manner. New Fixtures furnished and put up, old Fixtures and Glass Drops cleaned, leaks stopped, Gas Fixtures done over, and Gas Glasses of all kinds furnished at short notice. Also, Gas Burners of all the approved kinds.
   Particular attention given to Lighting up for Parties.
   Shop under the Marlboro' Hotel. Orders may be left at Messrs. Hall & Stowell's Provision Store, 132 Charles street, Boston.                  NELSON L. PERKINS.
   Refers to Shreve, Stanwood & Co.
   Oct. 30 — 1y
———————
The True Temperance Platform.
BY R. T. TRALL, M. D.

   THE best and most scientific temperance document ever published.
   The errors of Temperance Reformers and the medical profession, and the effects of alcohol on plants, animals and man, are here for the first time plainly pointed out.
   Price, per mail—paper, 60 cents; cloth, 85 cents.
          MILLER & BROWNING,
              15 Leight Street, New York.
   July 15.     3m
———————
Portrait of Mr. Garrison.

      JOHNSTON'S Crayon Portrait of Mr. Garrison is on exhibition at the store of Williams & Everett, 234 Washington street, and elicits warm approval. It will be lithographed by Mr. Johnston, and published early in September.  Price $1.50 per copy.
              C. H. BRAINARD.
   > Subscriptions received by R. F. WALLCUT, Anti-Slavery office, 221 Washington street. July 29. 
———————
Proclamation of Freedom.
   
   FINE Photographs, 18 by 13 inches, of Paine's Pen-and-Ink Drawing of the Emancipation Proclamation, handsomely illustrated. The original was donated to the Brooklyn Sanitary Fair, and by a subscription of $500 presented to the President of the United States. A single copy sent by mail on receipt of $3.00. A liberal discount allowed to dealers or canvassers. It is a beautiful and artistic work.
   Canvassers wanted for every section of the country.
   Copy-right secured. Apply to
          ROWLAND JOHNSON,
     54 Beaver st., New York, 119 Market st., Phila. August 19.
———————
A. J. GROVER,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW,
ST. PAUL, MINNESOTA.

   > Special attention given to securing and collecting claims for Eastern Merchants.
   References:
                        WENDELL PHILLIPS, Esq., Boston.
                        A. L. PAINE, Esq., Suffolk Bank, do.
                        FARWELL, FIELD & Co., Chicago, Illinois.
                        STEVENS & BARNUM, Washington, D. C. 
   May 20.              tf
———————
\ \ | | / / — —
( ( ( ( ) ) ) ) 
( ) / () ) ) ( /

   ALL interested in Phonographic Shorthand should send for the PHONOGRAPHIC VISITOR, No. 4, seven center. Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4 now ready, 22 cents.
       Address      ANDREW J. GRAHAM
                            491 Broadway, New York.
   June 24.      tDec. 1.


The Liberator 
is published
every Friday monring,
at 
221 Washington Street, Room No. 6
Robert F. Wallcut, General Agent.

Terms - Three dollars per annum, in advance.
Four copies will be sent to one address for ten
dollars, if payment is made in advance.
All remittances are to be made, and all letters
relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be
directed, (post paid,) to the General Agent.
Advertisements of a square and over inserted three
times at five cents per line; less than a square, 75 cents
for three insertions. Yearly and half yearly 
advertisements inserted on reasonable terms.
The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, 
Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator.
The following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, bu[t] are not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, viz: - Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy,
Edmund Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Jr.

The Liberator. Thou Shalt Love Thy Neighbor As Thyself
I come to break the bonds of the oppressor.
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Editor.  Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind. J.B. Yerrinton & Son, Printers.

"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all 
the inhabitants thereof."
"I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that 
military authority takes, for the time, the place of all
municipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST;
and that, under that state of things, so far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive
management of the subject, not only the President of
the United States. but the Commander of the Army,
HAS THE POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL 
EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVESS. . . . . From the instant
that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war,
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with the institution of
slavery, in every way in which it can be interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or 
destroyed, to the cession of the States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power. . . .It is a war power. I say it is a war
power; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, 
according to the laws of war; and by the laws of war,
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal
institutions swept by the board, and martial power takes the
place of them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, the commanders of both armies have power to 
emancipate all the slaves in the invaded territory." -- J.Q. Adams.

Vol. XXXIV. No. 49.   Boston, Friday, December 2, 1864.   Whole No. 1765.

Selections.
Slavery and the rebellion one and 
inseparable.
[We give the second portion of Mr. Sumner's Argument
on the Reconstruction of the Union in his admirable Speech
at New York, Nov. 5, 1864:] -
Surrender by acknowledging Slavery.
II. I have said enough of surrender by the 
recognition of the slave States, or, in other words, of the
Slave Power out of the Union. It remains now that 
I should ask your attention to that other form of
surrender which proposes the recognition of the
Slave Power in the Union. Each is surrender. The
first, as we have already seen, abandons a part of
the Union to the Slave Power; the other subjects
the whole Union to the Slave Power.
[Bullltn - Bulletin?]
It is proposed that the rebel States should be
tempted to lay down their arms by a recognition of
slavery in the Union, with new guarantees and
assurances of protection. Slavery cannot exist in any 
country which it does not govern. Therefore, we are
to ask the rebel slave-masters to come back, and 
consent to govern us. Such, in plain terms, is the 
surrender proposed. For one, I will never consent to
any such intolerable rule.
But the whole proposition is not less pernicious 
than that other form of surrender; nor is it less
shameful. It is insulting to reason, and offensive to 
good morals.
Impossible, because it is a Compromise.
(1.) I say nothing of the ignominy it would 
bring upon the country; but call attention at once
to its character as a Compromise. In the dreary
annals of Slavery, it is by Compromise that the
slave-masters have succeeded in warding off the
blows of liberty. It was a compromise by which
that early condemnation of the slave trade was
excluded from the Declaration of Independence; it
was a compromise which surrounded the slave trade
with protection in the National Constitution; it was
a compromise which secured the admission of 
Missouri as a slave State; and, without stopping to
complete the list, it is enough to say that it was a 
compromise by which the atrocious Fugitive Slave Bill
was fastened upon the country, and the Slave
Power was installed in the National Government. And
now, after the overthrow of the Slave Power at the 
ballot-box, followed by years of cruel war, another
compromise, greatest of all, is proposed, by which
belligerent Slavery, dripping with the blood of our
murdered fellow citizens shall be welcomed to [more?...]

[break in text]

night he enters forcibly into the house of another;
he is highway robber, for he stops another on the 
road, and compels him to surrender his purse; he is
pickpocket, for he picks the pocket of his slave; he
is sneak, for there is no pettiness of petty larceny
which he does not employ; he is horse-stealer, for 
he takes from his slave the horse that is his; he is
adulterer, for he takes from the slave the wife that
is his; he is the receiver of stolen goods on the 
grandest scale, for the human being that has been 
stolen from Africa he foolishly calls his own. When
I describe a slave-master, it is simply as he describes
himself in the law which he sanctions. All crime 
is in Slavery, and so every criminal is reproduced in 
the slave-master. And yet it is proposed to give to 
this whole class not only new license for their crimes,
but a new lease of their power. Such a surrender
would be only the beginning of long-continued, 
unutterable troubles, breaking forth in bloodshed and
sorrow without end.
Impossible, because Slavery is the Rebellion.
(5.) But, lastly, this surrender cannot be made
without surrender to the rebellion. Already I have
exhibited the identity between Slavery and the 
Rebellion; and yet it is proposed to recognize Slavery
in the Union. Such a recognition will be the 
recognition of the Rebellion.
The whole thing is impossible, and not to be 
tolerated. Too much blood has been shed, and too
much treasure has been lavished, to allow this war to 
close with any such national stultification. The
Rebellion must be crushed, whether in the guise of war
or under the alias of Slavery. It must be trampled
out so that it can never show itself again, or prolong
itself into another generation. Not to do this 
completely, is not to do it at all. Others may do as they
please, but I wash my hands of this great
responsibility. History will not hold such surrender
blameless. "An orphan's curse would drag to hell a spirit
from on high:" but the orphans of this war must 
heap their curses heaven-high upon the man who
would consent to see its blood and treasure end in
nought.

Although the Presidential Election is over, the
following letter is worth printing in the Liberator, in order
that the personal record of General Butler, in regard to
slavery and the rebellion, may be complete.
LETTER FROM GENERAL BUTLER.
[highlight mark]
Headquarters Department of 
Virginia and North Carolina,
In the Field, Va., Oct. 30, 1864
Hon. Wm. Claflin, Chairman of the Republican

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MARYLAND.
"Come in, thou blessed of the Lord."
Maryland is free! free by a fair vote. It was
fair to exclude the ballots of outright rebels, and
the oath prescribed by the Convention was meant 
to exclude them. It was fair to let the soldiers who
were fighting the battles of the country vote; who
dare say it was not? If the old constitution made
no direct provision for their vote, it was certainly
within the power of a convention appointed directly 
by the people, for the reconstruction of the 
fundamental law of the State, to see well to it that the
soldier's patriotism should not rob him of his
franchise. And the Convention did it. It would have
been base and pusillanimous not to do it. The lower
counties rolled up wonderful majorities against the
constitution, but Baltimore city and the upper 
counties and the soldiers out-voted them. It was a
close contest, hardly and stubbornly fought; but
Freedom and the Union have clearly and rightfully
won, and the good old State rids herself of the 
life-long incubus of slavery.
Such a thing once done, is done forever. -
However it may be with small-pox, slavery once
medicated out of the constitution of a State never
attacks it again; like lightning, it never strikes
twice in the same place. The work might have
been done more easily and by a greatly increased
vote, but such a gain would have been met by a 
much greater loss. If provision had been made for
the compensation of loyal owners of slaves, if the
school system had confined education to white
children, if the representation of the slave counties in
the legislature had not been reduced, multitudes of
votes which were cast against the constitution
would have been given for it. The Convention was
one of reform; nay, of revolution. They went to 
the bottom of the State's ills. Their aim was to 
get rid of slavery, and as the enemies of "the 
great evil," they were but little inclined to 
propitiate its lovers and upholders. They were
determined not only to destroy it, but to sponge out its
marks, and to make a fundamental law suited 
throughout to the new order. To accomplish this,
a readjustment of the ratio representation was
necessary; and this took power away from the slave
counties, and gave it to Baltimore and to the 
counties which are populous with whites.
The question thus became one of power as well
as of slavery, and the friends of slavery had thus
another weapon placed in their hands. Besides,
the new free State must, as far as possible, ignore
the prejudice against its freed men, and hence the
constitution must provide for education, irrespective
of color. This gave the Maryland rebels [as then?]

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THE LIBERAL SPIRIT OF THE NORTH.
It is one of the many curious contrasts which our
civil war has brought into distinct relief, that while
the South, professing to be composed of
high-minded, chivalric, refined and well-educated gentlemen,
has exhibited a thoroughly savage, cruel and 
malignant spirit, the North, which is made up so largely
of the mere industrial classes, is animated by the
most kindly and gentle sentiments towards its
opponents. From the beginning of the war, from the 
time of the rout at Bull Run, where, according to a 
Committee of the Senate, the most disgusting
barbarities were perpetrated upon our dead and 
wounded, up to this hour, in which the re-election of Mr. 
Lincoln provokes from the Southern journals an 
almost fetid efflux of ill-will towards him and all our
people, we have had occasion to remark upon this
violent distinction.
Our readers will recall the many expositions we
have had, from returned soldiers and others, of the 
heartless treatment that has so often been inflicted
upon our poor prisoners of war in the various jails,
dungeons and camps of the South; and particularly
the impressive and almost heart-rending accounts 
collected by the Sanitary Commission, and lately
published in a pamphlet. It is true that Jefferson
Davis and his Secretary of War, in their late 
messages to the Confederate conclave at Richmond, 
accuse our authorities of neglect and severity in their
treatment of Southern prisoners, but this we know
to be untrue; we have the evidence before our eyes;
and it is in the power of any respectable inquirer
to verify the facts for himself--to learn, as he may 
easily do, that the unfortunate captives from the 
rebels are housed, clothed, fed and disciplined with 
as much humanity as was ever before extended to
persons in their condition. In fact, we believe that 
a more generous spirit animates us in this respect
than was ever shown by any other nation.
It is no self-flattery to say that in all other respects
the North has evinced the greatest magnanimity
throughout the war. When the Richmond journals
cry out, as they now do, commenting on the recent
election, that we are bent on purposes of ruthless
strife and desolation, that we "have vowed to 
destroy them, to ravage their fields, to burn their
houses, to beggar their children, and brand their 
names with infamy forever," they do it in order to 
"fire the Southern heart," not because they believe 
it. Our purpose is to assert the supremacy of the 
constitution and the laws against armed violence,
and to maintain the national integrity at all hazards;
and in order to reach these ends we shall use 
the strongest and sternest of military measures: 

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pears in the rebellion, which is a terrible and 
truthful illustration of that wickedness. Justice never
could appeal from the ballot-box to the sword. But,
on the absurd supposition that she was forced so to
appeal, then would popular government be a 
failure, and her appeal would be just. If the rebellion
is right, it must so be because slavery is right and the
rule of the people wrong. The identity of the Union
cause with popular government, with the life of the
Republic, and with the spirit of liberty, is perfect.
The identity of the rebellion with armed hostility
to popular government, with the mortal enmity to the 
life of the Republic, and with the spirit of slavery,
is as perfect. The popular intelligence and instinct
has grasped the fact, forced upon its attention in a
thousand modes, and has refused to accept any false
interpretation or be diverted by any ingenious 
disguising of the fact. The fact is that slavery is 
substantially the rebellion, and the rebellion slavery.
They are one. The treason has come from nothing
except slavery, and was always latent in it.
The argument has all been heard. The decision
is in. Abraham Lincoln is commissioned, even if
he were not before, to execute the rebellion root
and branch. At Baltimore the people declared this
the duty to be done. In his response he avowed 
his readiness to perform the duty. It is now laid
upon him. He had need be of stern stuff to stand 
unshrinkingly up to the very task he has invited.
Will he shrink from it? We pray that he may not.
The people have chosen him in faith that he will not.
They demand that he do not. --Missouri Democrat.

HOW DO WE VOTE FOR PRESIDENT?
Every Presidential election revives to some
extent the discussion, or at least the apprehension, of
the anti-Republican absurdities of our mode of
choosing the highest officers of the Government.
We profess to choose our rulers by the voices of a
majority of electors; but the facts are quite
different. We interpose between the voter and his
choice a cumbrous machine, called the Electoral
College--a machine in fact, according to later
usage; and if a machine, or what possible use can
it be? We go through the forms of executing a
power of attorney to have done what we could do
in a hundredth part of the time ourselves, and, of 
course, far more satisfactorily.
Let us see how this machinery works. Were the
electors equal in number only to the members of
the House of Representatives, the case would not
be so bad; were they thus apportioned and elected
as Members of Congress are, singly, there would be 

[break in text]
that direct voting by the people is not only desirable,
but essential. We want the qualifications for 
voters to be based upon intelligence and good 
character, and such qualifications to be uniform
throughout the nations; and then let every man cast a 
simple ballot for Abraham Lincoln or George B.
McClellan, as his judgment may dictate. Let every
vote count direct; let every ballot, after one
canvass, be taken up to Washington under seal, and if
there is doubt concerning the result, re-canvass 
them there, and make a bonfire of them in honor of
the successful candidate.
The next Congress will, in all probability, 
undertake to amend the constitution so as to abolish 
slavery. Let it also reform this absurd system of 
choosing our chief magistrate--a system under 
which, as we have shown, an insignificant minority
of the people may rule and ruin the nation.--
N.Y. Independent.

BROWNLOW ON PRENTICE
A STINGING REVIEW OF FAMILY HISTORY--
PRENTICEANA PERFORATED.
From the Knoxville Whig.
To George D. Prentice:
Since the opening of the Presidential campaign,
I have been repeatedly assailed through your paper,
either editorially or by such dismissed officers and 
humbugs as Wolford. I have never replied, either
to your editorial attacks, or the attacks of different
correspondents. I have felt assured that you
desired to make some little capital for your Constitutional-
Conservative-States-Rights-Peace-on-any-terms
ticket, and it has gratified me a little to know that
my blows have been felt somewhere. In noticing
your attacks at this late day, it will be apparent to
all that I address myself to you, and not to the odds
and ends of all God's creation, who compose the
newly-organized party of Democrats and traitors 
with whom you are associated.
In your paper of the 30th October, you state, 
editorially, that "Brownlow, having received office
from Lincoln, he now declares his approbation, as
we understand, of all that Lincoln has done, and all
that he may hereafter do. Every such man has his
price."
This, Mr. Prentice, is a direct charge of bribery
and corruption, and needs to be ventilated by a 
statement of facts, after which I propose to contrast
my record with yours, and to take a brief view of
the relations your family and mine sustain to this
rebellion.






that early condemnation of the slave trade was excluded
from the Declaration of Independence; it 
was a compromise which surrounded the slave trade 
with protection in the National Constitution; it was 
a compromise which secured the admission of Missouri
as a slave State; and, without stopping to complete
the list, it is enough to say that it was a compromise
by which the atrocious Fugitive Slave Bill
was fastened upon the country, and the Slave Power
was installed in the National Government. And
now, after the overthrow of the Slave Power at the
ballot-box, followed by years of cruel war, another
compromise, greatest of all, is proposed, by which
belligerent Slavery, dripping with the blood of our
murdered fellow-citizens, shall be welcomed to more
than its ancient supremacy. Where is national
honor that the criminal pettifoggers are not at once
repudiated? Where is national virtue that such a
surrender should be proposed?

This proposition is as specious in form as baleful
in substance. It is said that the rebel slave-masters
should have their "rights under the Constitution."
To this plausible language is added the phrase, "the
Constitution as it is." All this means Slavery, and
nothing else. It is for Slavery that men resort
to this odious duplicity. Thank God! the game is understood.

Impossible, because Slavery has fallen, legally and
constitutionally.

(2.) But any compromise which shall recognize
Slavery in the rebel States is impossible, even if you
were disposed to accept it. Slavery, by the very act
of rebellion, ceased to exist, legally or constitutionally.
It ceased to exist according to principles of
public law, which also according to a just interpretation
of the Constitution; and having once ceased to
exist, it cannot be revived.
When I say that it ceased to exist legally, I found 
myself on an unquestionable principle of public law,
that Slavery is a peculiar local institution, without
any origin in natural right, and deriving its support
exclusively from the local government; but if this
be true--and it cannot be denied--then Slavery
must have fallen without that local government.
When I say that it ceased to exist constitutionally,
I found myself on the principle that Slavery is of
such a character that it cannot exist within the exclusive
jurisdiction of the Constitution, as for instance
in the National territories, and that, therefore, it
died constitutionally when, through the disappearance
of the local government, it fell within the
exclusive jurisdiction of the Constitution.
The consequences of these two principles are most
important. Taken in conjunction with the rule,
"once always free," they illustrate the impossibility
of any surrender to belligerent Slavery in the
Union.

Impossible, on account of Proclamation of Emancipation.

(3.) If, in the zeal of surrender, you reject solemn
principles of public law and Constitution, then
let me remind you of the Proclamation of Emancipation,
where the President, by virtue of the power
vested in him as Commander-in-Chief of the Army
and Navy of the United States, ordered the the 
slaves in the rebel states "are and henceforward
shall be free," and the Executive Government, including
the military and naval authorities, are 
pledged to "recognize and maintain the freedom of 
such persons." By the terms of this instrument, it is 
applicable to all the slaves in the rebel States; not
merely to those within the military lines of the 
United States, but to all. Even if the President were 
not bound in simple honesty to maintain this Proclamation 
to the letter, he has not the power to undo it.
He may make a freeman, but he cannot make a slave.
Therefore he must reject all surrender, inconsistent
with this Act of Emancipation.
It is sometimes said that the Court will set aside
the Proclamation. Do not believe it. The Court
will do no such thing. It will recognize this act 
precisely as it recognizes other political and military
acts, without presuming to interpose any unconstitutional
veto, and it will recognize it to the full extent,
as it was intended, accorded to its letter, so that
every slave in the rebel States will be free. But
even if courts should hesitate, there can be no hesitation
with the President or with the country, bound
in sacred honor to the freedom of every slave in the
rebel States. Therefore, against every effort of
surrender, the Proclamation presents and insuperable
barrier

Impossible, because it would not bring Peace.

(4.) But if you are willing to descent to the unutterable
degradation of renouncing the Proclamation,
then in the name of peace do I protest against
any such surrender. So long as Slavery exists in
the Union, there can be no peace. The fires which
seem to be extinguished will only be covered by
treacherous ashes, out of which another conflagration 
may spring to wrap the country in war. This must not be.
It is because Slavery is not understood, that people
are willing to tolerate it. See it as it is, and
there can be no question. Slavery has in it all common
crimes. The slave-master is burglar, for by



heap their curses heaven-high upon the man who
would consent to see its blood and treasure end in
nought.

Although the Presidential Election is over, the following
letter is worth printing in the Liberator, in order
that the personal record of General Butler, in regard to 
slavery and the rebellion, may be complete.
LETTER FROM GENERAL BUTLER.
HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF
VIRGINIA AND NORTH CAROLINA,
In the Field, Va., Oct. 30, 1864. 
Hon. Wm. Claflin, Chairman of the Republican
State Committee, Boston, Mass. :
DEAR SIR:- I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your complimentary invitation to address
the people of Massachusetts at Faneuil Hall
upon the issue of the present canvass, and should be
pleased if my duties in the field would permit a
visit to my home, to confer with my fellow-citizens
upon the great questions which are to be settled at
the coming election.
Specially am I desirous to do so because I am fully
convinced that the election determines the place of
my country among the nations for all coming time;
and were it possible, as your Committee are kindly
disposed to believe, that anything I might do or say
in Massachusetts could influence that result, it would
be my duty, laying aside all else, to repair at once
to the field where, in my judgment, the whole contest
will be decided on the 18th of November.
But in such case if I had such power, I would not
go to Massachusetts, for "they that are whole need
no physician, but they that are sick," and I cannot
believe for a moment that there can be any considerable
portions of the citizens of Massachusetts so
misled in their judgment, so blinded by their prejudices,
so unreasoning in their party ties, and so unpatriotic
in the effect of their misjudged action as
to sustain by their votes the principles enunciated 
in the Chicago platform, specially as the canvass
differs from every other in this-- that the life
or death of the nation asa power on earth depends on
the action of the hour.
A vote to forget our manhood; to abandon the 
doctrines of our fathers; to give up the hope of republican
liberty forever; to check at once and forever
the American nation in its great missionary
march of civilization, progress and Christian freedom;
to abandon the hopes of millions yet to be,
can never be given by Massachusetts, or the country.
It is the profoundest conviction of my judgement
that such is the effect of the vote demanded by
those who seek to establish the principles of the
Chicago resolutions.
We are asked to yield all our most cherished convictions,
to give up our principles, to stultify our
reason, to abandon the graves of our brothers and 
sons on every battle-field, to proclaim their lives a 
failure, and their deaths as nought! And for what?
To open negotiations with those who refuse to negotiate
--to try the not doubtful experiment of 
meeting with diplomacy those armed to the teeth 
for a fight-- to make friends with those who have
declared themselves enemies, and to extend the hand
of fellowship and take the hands of those who are
reeking of our brothers' blood.
This I will never consent to do.
When by repentance and "works meet for repentance"
the rebels acknowledge the wrong they 
have done the country and mankind, and submit to
the laws of the country; when they have assumed
their constitutional obligations and fulfilled their duties
under the constitution, then will be the time for
them and their friends to ask for their constitutional 
rights. 
When they come bringing the olive branch of 
peace, let them be received in peace. When they
come with the rifle and the bayonet, let them be recieved
in war.
Thus have I ever read the glorious legend emblazoned
on the shield of Massachusetts, "By the
sword she seeks calm peace with liberty."
It has been said by the opponents of the government
that the army vote would decide this contest.
I earnestly and reverently pray God that it may;
for if expressed without the intervention of fraud
or deceit, it will end the contest by about the same
majority over the opponents of the government
that will be found of the true men in the ranks of
the army over the skulkers in the day of battle.
In any manner connected with the State issues at
home, if there are any, there must be still less use
of my being with you.
No one can doubt of the re-election of the present
Executive Government of Massachusetts, for I
believe no one has ever questioned the ability, patriotism 
and zealous energy of the present Chief
Magistrate. Although differing with him in some
matters of policy and expediency, I have never,
nor have the people of the Commonwealth ever
questioned his fitness for his position, or the ability
and integrity with which he has sustained it.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
BENJ. F. BUTLER,
Major General.



[-]tiate its lovers and upholders. They were determined
not only to destroy it, but to sponge out its
marks, and to make a fundamental law suited 
throughout to the new order. To accomplish this,
a readjustment of the ratio representation was necessary;
and this took power away from the slave 
counties, and gave it to Baltimore and to the counties 
which are populous with whites.
The question thus became one of power as well 
as of slavery, and the friends of slavery had thus
another weapon placed in their hands. Besides,
the new free State must, as far as possible, ignore
the prejudice against its freed men, and hence the
constitution must provide for education, irrespective
of color. This gave the Maryland rebels another
advantage. "The accursed negro was to be educated," 
and therefore elevated, and, to the apprehension
of a certain class of white people, this was a 
crime of almost unimaginable dimensions. Now,
add to these the total refusal of any sort of compensation,
even to the most loyal masters, and you have
the forces which the Convention threw in the way
of emancipation, that their work might be thorough,
and you have at the same the magnitude and
value of the victory.
Maryland is, therefore, thoroughly free; the 
work has been done from the very root. The State
whose old constitution contained a clause expressly
forbidding the legislature to "abolish the relation of 
master and slave;" the state which in 1859, under
the lead of the immortal Jacobs, earnestly discussed
the question of re-enslaving the free blacks, and
which, under the same inglorious leadership, allowed
several counties to vote upon the question of
expelling these free people from their borders, has
turned upon the dragon and slaughtered him. Instead of
re-enslaving the free, she has loosed every 
bond; instead of driving the black man out, she
has provided a system of education which embraces
him without invidiously naming him; instead of
securing his master the right of property in him,
she frees him, and refuses to give compensation.
The war for the Union has brought its evils.
Homes and hearts have been desolated without stint,
wealth has been sacrificed, but whatever other States
may have suffered, Maryland has gained incalculably.
The rebellion meant to secure and advance 
slavery, and yet, by its aid, Maryland rends her fetters.
What ages of peace would have been required
to accomplish, the rebellion, sorely against its
will, effects in a few months. In the very heart of
the nation, her vacant lands stood asking for culture
and population, her marshes for draining, her mountains
to be relieved of their wealth of minerals, her
bays and rivers and creeks of their abundant supplies
of fish and oysters. "Remove from your soil that
black and dishonoring cloud of slavery," said the
waiting emigrants, "and we come." "That," said
the aristocrat, "is our glory; the proof of our blood, 
the test of our nobility; and our State shall become
a wilderness sooner than we will come down, and
mingle with the slaveless and rabble mass." But
the war raised a counter cloud, whose gusts of
power and freedom have swept the other from the
whole sky, and made her rich and prosperous in her
own despite.
The immigrant already contemplates an assault.
The hedges of caste and prejudice that slavery had
built up around Maryland are all down. The
doors and gaps on all sides are open wide for the
coming population. Baltimore will take a position
worthy of the noble majority she has just cast for
freedom. Cumberland will send before long a
thousand tons of coal to one of her present trade.
The Patapsco will be, like the Hudson, covered
with villas and villages and gardens, down to where
she pours her tide into the noble Chesapeake. The
Chesapeake, several times as large as the bay of
New York and quite as beautiful, shall rival it in
fame, and its tributaries, now almost unknown,
shall become famous in song and in story. And
who can tell what may be the fortunes of sparsely
populated lower counties? Their population, stimulated
by the tone of freedom and elbowed by Northern 
enterprise, may soon wake up to the wealth of
land and water around them, and yield to the voices
which invite them to thrifty labor. The towns of 
that lower country may grow to respectable dimensions.
Even Port Tobacco and Upper Marlborough 
may yet become villages, and Annapolis may grow 
to be more than a capital; it may reach the dignity
of a city.
We hail Maryland with delight. We say to her
as Laban said to Eleazer: "Come in, thou blessed
of the Lord!" Come into the circle of the free
States; come purified, into a purified Union; come
into the spirit of the old Declaration of Independence;
come, beyond the possibility of faltering, into
the great conflict for the Union; come into the 
glorious competition of free labor, of free science;
come into the world-group of liberal thinkers and
noble actors and tyranny haters; come in, and call
your true children with you. Let us have a song.
Your new birth has stirred all the pulses of rythm
in the national heart. "What shall be the song?"
say you. We answer, your own--the Star-Spangled 
Banner.  We give it out. Now sing! Sung 
lustily! Let the whole choir sing, and the congregation
of the nation join! -- N. Y. Methodist.



It is no self-flattery to say that in all other respects
the North has evinced the greatest magnanimity
throughout the war. When the Richmond journals
cry out, as they now do, commenting on the recent
election, that we are bent on purposes of ruthless
strife and desolation, that we "have vowed to destroy
them, to ravage their fields, to burn their
houses, to beggar their children, and brand their 
names with infamy forever," they do it in order to
"fire the Southern heart," not because they believe
it. Our purpose is to assert the supremacy of the
constitution and the laws against armed violence,
and to maintain the national integrity at all hazards;
and in order to reach these ends we shall use
the strongest and sternest of military measures; 
but there is in this no animosity towards the South,
no bitterness of dislike growing out of our ancient 
intercourse, and least of all a feeling of revenge
for any wrongs, real or imaginary, it may have inflicted
upon us. We are impelled solely by the determination
to vindicate the majesty of the government,
and to put down the fatal and wretched experiment
of rising in arms against a popular vote.
On that line we mean to fight it out if it takes, not
only all summer, but all the years. Further
than that, however, we have no designs.
Our people are entirely conscious of their liberal
feelings in regard to the deluded masses engaged in
the war; but it will give them none the less pleasure
to mark how distinctly disinterested and observant
strangers have been impressed by this characteristic.
One of the finest passages in the graceful
address of Professor Goldwin Smith of Oxford, at
the Union League Club, which we published in full
yesterday, was this:

"I would, too, that the English people could witness
as I witness the spirit of humanity which retains
its power over all the passions of civil war, notwithstanding
the greatest provocations; and the absence,
which has most forcibly struck me during my
residence here, of any blood thirsty sentiment or any
feeling of malignant hatred towards those who are
now your antagonists in a civil war, but whom,
when they shall have submitted to the law, you will
again eagerly welcome as fellow-citizens, and recieve
back into the full communion of the free.
Many a prejudice, many an error would be dispelled,
many a harsh judgement would be cancelled, many a 
bitter word recalled, if only my countrymen could behold
with their own eyes what I have beheld and
now behold."

What is here said of the English public is no less
applicable to the Southern public; but the leaders,
alas! will not suffer the Southern public to know
the truth of the matter.
No man in this war has occupied a more extreme 
position than General Butler; he has been vilified 
at the South with a more reckless and atrocious contumely
than any other prominent person; and there
are circles here at the North in which he is supposed
to be a savage and cruel soldier, consumed with
black passions and thirsting for blood; and yet in
his speech at the Fifth Avenue Hotel last night, he proclaimed
that our first duty now towards the South 
was to hold out the olive branch. He did not mean
that the sword should be at once sheathed, or the 
slightest reconciliation impair the energies of war,
but that the amplest opportunity for reconstruction,
return adjustment, in short, for every overture and 
work of peace, should be afforded to those who 
had broken away from the old ties; who, in a fit of
madness, had cast off their inheritance, abandoned
the wise methods of their fathers, set fire to the paternal
home, and insanely sought the embraces of 
distant but designing and ambitious strangers. Let
them come back, and we will forgive their folly, and
welcome them as the Prodigal Son was welcomed.
That is the spirit of the people towards all, except
the guilty deluders of the South in their awful
game of bloodshed and crime. -- N. Y. Post

THE PEOPLE TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

There is no mistaking the verdict of the people
last Tuesday. They did infinitely more than re-elect
Mr. Lincoln. They proclaimed radical war
against the rebellion--against not only the trunk
and branches, but the roots of the fell crime. The
Union sentiment of the country is hearty and intense.
The strong and great soul of the nation is 
all in it. Not opinion, however potent, but rapt devotion
to country, has just spoken at the ballot-box.
The mighty spirit of a great people engaged in a 
terrible and terribly protracted war can make no
subtly false distinction. It can tolerate no special 
pleadings. It deals, and will deal, only with the 
naked fact as it stands plain to view, despite all the
clouds of sophistry that bad men can raise around
it.
Slavery made the war. It made it, not as a 
thinking and accountable personality, but as, in the
nature of things, the efficient cause. Its guilt
--so to speak--consists not in causing war, but in making 
atrocious war, and the war is atrocious solely 
because slavery made it in its own behalf, itself being
a crime. If slavery be right, the rebellion is
right. All the wickedness of the rebellion it takes
from slavery. Yet the wickedness of slavery ap-


We profess to choose our rulers by the voices of a 
majority of electors; but the facts are quite different.
We interpose between the voter and his
choice a cumbrous machine, called the Electoral
College--a machine in fact, according to later
usage; and if a machine, of what possible use can 
it be? We go through the forms of executing a
power of attorney to have done what we could do
in a hundredth part of the time ourselves, and, of
course, far more satisfactorily.
Let us see how this machinery works. Were the 
electors equal in number only to the members of
the House of Representatives, the case would not
be so bad; were they thus apportioned and elected
as Members of Congress are, singly, there would be
a vast improvement. But we add for each state
two senatorial or electors at large, thus directly invading
the representative system, and giving the 
smallest states the greatest proportion of power.
For instance: In 1860, there were fifteen states--
Oregon, Florida, Delaware, Kansas, Rhode Island, 
Minnesota, South Carolina, Vermont, Arkansas,
New Hampshire, MissIssippi, Louisiana, California,
Texas, and Connecticut-- having a white population
of 3,872,761, only 40,000 morethan the single
state of New York. These fifteen states were entitled
to 42 members of the House of Representatives,
while New York had but 31--the balance being
made up by slave representation. This vast disproportion
is bad enough, one would naturally say;
but look at the electoral power. The fifteen states
named would cast 42 votes for their representatives
and 30 for their senators, making 72 votes, or nearly
one-third of the whole number in the country;
while New York, with nearly as much population,
must be content with 33 votes. If anything could
be more absurdly anti-democratic, it would be the
contingency (which might easily happen) in which
these 15 states should be carried by small majorities,
or even pluralities, while the state of New York
might vote solid the other way. For instance: The
15 states respectively choose McClellan electors by
say 100 majority in each state, on an aggregate
vote of 700,000; that would give McClellan 351,500
votes, to 347,500 for Lincoln. Now suppose
Lincoln gets all the votes of New York--say 700,000;
he would have in the 16 states 1,047,500 votes
to 351,500 for McClellan, a Union majority of 696,000.
But in the Electoral College, Lincoln gets
but 33 votes, while McClellan gets 72--exactly reversing
the decision of the people. And this is
effected by allowing senatorial electors mainly, and
in part by choosing them in lumps rather than on a 
general ticket.
The reader may imagine that this is the worst
phase of an absurd system: but it is not. The
provision for electing a President in Congress, in
case the Electoral College makes no decision, is
even more undemocratic and absurd than what we
have just described. Should the election devolve
upon the House of Representatives, each state is to
have but one vote (to be decided among its members),
and a majority of such votes or state shall elect.
For example: in 1860, six states-- New York,
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, and Massachusetts--
contained 13,000,000, or half the white 
population of the Union, and were entitled to 108
representatives and 120 electoral votes. There
were six other states--Oregon, Florida, Delaware,
Kansas, Rhode Island, and Minnesota--having
672,000 white people, with 8 representatives in
Congress and 20 electoral votes. Yet these petty
states, in a vote for President of the United States
in the House of Representatives, have exactly the
same voice as the six great states above named.
The 671,000 people scattered here and there in the
western wilderness vote down thirteen millions of
other people; and, to carry out the illustration on
this line, we may elect 17 states, having but 53
representatives and but 87 votes in the Electoral
College, with less than 5,000,000 of white population,
that would elect a President in spite of the
fifteen other states, having (in 1860) 188 members
in Congress, 218 electoral votes, and 21,000,000 of
free white population.
We have based these calculations upon the Congress
of 1860, rejecting the three-fifth slave representation,
and assuming that all the white people of 
the country north and south might be interested in
a Presidential election--as they may be at no distant
day. We profess to have a republican form of
government. But what sort of republicanism is
that in which not only property votes, but where
there are a dozen standards of qualifications for
electors, where immense majorities are neutralized
by state lines, and where one fortieth of the voters
can impose their candidates and their policy upon
the other thirty-nine fortieths, and all in strict accordance
with the laws of the land?
We must vote directly for the President. To say
nothing of the absurdities above exposed, what
guaranty have the people that the electors will fulfill
their expectations? What is there now to prevent
the men just chosen from electing Valllandigham
or Jeff Davis, instead of Abraham Lincoln?
they are sovereigns in their functions--they are
human; they are not likely to do anything of the 
sort--but what if they should? There is no law to
punish them, no tribunal save the irresponsible
people, where they could be arraigned. We repeat



and ends of all God's creation, who compose the
newly-organized party of Democrats and traitors
with whom you are associated.
In your paper of the 30th October, you state, editorially,
that "Brownlow, having received office
from Lincoln, he now declares his approbation, as
we understand, of all that Lincoln has done, and all
that he may hereafter do. Every such man has his
price."
This, Mr. Prentice, is a direct charge of bribery
and corruption, and needs to be ventilated by a 
statement of facts, after which I propose to contrast
my record with yours, and to take a brief view of
the relations your family and mine sustain to this rebellion.
I hold an office in the Treasury Department, 
which was conferred upon me by Mr. Chase without
my seeking it, or any friend applying for me. The
pay is not equal to the labor performed, and at no
time has paid the board of my small family, with my
two sons in the army. I have retained the position
because I desired to serve my friends in East Tennessee,
and to unite with them in restricting the benefits
of trade to the loyal men of the country.
During the first eighteen months of the war, you
associated with others, held office under Lincoln, or,
if you please, were mixed up with some contracts; and
when I last saw you, in Nashville, summer was a year 
ago, you was staving and puffing along, to and from
the front, moving heaven and earth to secure some
big contracts to supply the army of the Cumberland,
and writing the most sickening and flattering notices
of Gen. Rosecrans, in the hope of winning upon
him and his officials. But all your flattery failed,
and all the letters you presented failed to secure for
you the contracts you sought; and thus refusing to
give you your "price," you bolted from the support of
Lincoln's administration. While you were interested
in contracts under the Government, you was as 
good a Lincoln man as I was.
To be candid with you, Mr. Prentice, you figured
badly in your scramble after contracts and clamor
for extra privileges--others, associated with you, and
making a tool of you, and using your position as a
journalist, to worm themselves into positions where 
they could swindle the Government. Indeed, I
heard the remark made by men who had always
been your admirers, that it was humiliating, nay,
mortifying and disgraceful, to see a poor old man, in
his dotage, and under the influence of liquor and an
inordinate love of money, in such a drive as you
were in, going and coming to Rosecrans' headquarters,
and calling at the St. Cloud Hotel,  Nashville, 
to muster up additional backers.
While I was North, after I had spoken extensively,
and my speeches were reported equally extensively,
and I was made to say to the world what I 
really did say--that I endorsed Lincoln's entire war
policy, and the putting down of the rebellion even
at the cost of exterminating the Southern population--
you wrote to me, and proposed to join me in
partnership in starting a new Union paper in Nashville--
an offer I politely declined. It is due to you
to state that, at that time, you were receiving your
"price," and my principles were not offensive to
you. You are the last man in America to talk about
men having their "price," and selling out to Lincoln.
There is a slight difference in the positions occupied
by your family and mine, and, as a ncessary
consequence, your principles and mine must differ.
My wife and little children, after I had been incarcerated
for three months and sent out of the country,
were unceremoniously forced to pack up and vacate
their house and home, and go North, at their
own expense, upon thirty-six hours' notice, and thus
thrown upon my hands North, while my property
remained here for the use of the Confederacy. I
thought all the time, and still think, that the government
ought to have done something more for me
than to confer upon me this small office, although I
have not expressed this opinion before.
My two sons entered the Federal army, and one
of them is now at home on crutches, because of
wounds received in leading his regiment of cavalry
in a charge upon Wheeler's forces in Middle Tennessee.
My other son is in General Gillem's command,
and was in the fight when the Great Kentucky
horse-thief, Morgan, was killed, under whom
and with whom your sons have been fighting against 
the government upon whose bounty their rebel mother
and contract-hunting father are living. One of
your sons was killed in Kentucky while on a horse-stealing
expedition under rebel officers. Your other
son is now on trial in Virginia for the murder of a 
brother rebel by the name of White. Your wife is
an avowed rebel, and ought to be sent South by the
Federal authorities; and you are but one degree removed
from a rebel and a traitor, having completely
played out. There is not a true-hearted Union man 
in your office, unless he be some one of the employees.
Your paper is no longer Union authority, but
is rapidly sinking into disrepute, and meeting with
that contempt its treason merits.
With pity for the sorrows of a poor old man, I
am, &c. W. G. BROWNLOW.
November 5, 1864.

New change of Base. Gen. McClellan still
draws his supplies from New Jersey.

196   THE LIBERATOR.  DECEMBER 2.

Poetry.
———————
BRYANT'S SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY.
-----
BY OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES.
-----
O even-handed Nature! we confess
This life that men so honor, love and bless,
Has filled thine olden measure. Not the less

We count the precious seasons that remain ;
Strike not the level of the golden grain,
But heap it high with years, that earth may gain

What heaven can lose—for heaven is rich in song :
Do not all poets, dying, still prolong
Their broken chants amid the seraph throng,

Where, blind no more, Ionia's bard is seen,
And England's heavenly minstrel sits between
The Mantuan and the wan-cheeked Florentine ?

This was the first sweet singer in the cage
Of our close-woven life. A new-born age
Claims in his vesper song its heritage.

Spare us, oh, spare us long our heart's desire !
Moloch, who calls our children through the fire,
Leaves us the gentle master of the lyre.

We count not on the dial of the sun
The hours, the minutes that his sands have run ;
Rather, as on those flowers that one by one

From earliest dawn their ordered bloom display
Till evening's planet with her guiding ray
Leads in the blind old mother of the day.

We reckon by his songs, each song a flower,
The long, long daylight, numbering hour by hour,
Each breathing sweetness like a bridal bower.

His morning glory shall we e'er forget ?
His noontide's full-blown lily coronet ?
His evening primrose has not opened yet.

Nay, even if creeping Time should hide the skies
In midnight from his century-laden eyes,
Darkened like his who sang of Paradise,

Would not some hidden song-bud open bright
As the resplendent cactus of the night,
That floods the gloom with fragrance and with light ?

How can we praise the verse whose music flows
With solemn cadence and majestic close,
Pure as the dew that filters through the rose ?

How shall we thank him that in evil days
He faltered never,—nor for blame, nor praise,
Nor hire, nor party, shamed his earlier lays ?

But as his boyhood was of manliest hue,
So to his youth his manly years were true,
All dyed in royal purple through and through !

He for whose touch the lyre of Heaven is strung
Needs not the flattering toil of mortal tongue :
Let not the singer grieve to die unsung !

Marbles forget their message to mankind :
In his own verse the poet still we find,
In his own page his memory lives enshrined,

As in their amber sweets the smothered bees,—
As the fair cedar, fallen before the breeze,
Lies self-embalmed amidst the mouldering trees.

Poets, like youngest children, never grow
Out of their mother's fondness. Nature so
Holds their soft hands, and will not let them go,

Till at the last they track with even feet
Her rhythmic footsteps, and their pulses beat
Twinned with her pulses, and their lips repeat

The secrets she has told them, as their own :
Thus is the inmost soul of Nature known,
And the rapt minstrel shares her awful throne !

O lover of her mountains and her woods,
Her bridal-chamber's leafy solitudes,
Where Love himself with tremulous steps intrudes,

Her snows fall harmless on thy sacred fire :
Far be the day that claims thy sounding lyre
To join the music of the angel choir!

Yet, since life's amplest measure must be filled,
[???]

For he, our earliest minstrel, fills
The land with echoes, sweet and long,
Gives language to her silent hills,
And bids her rivers move to song.

The Phosphor of the Nation's dawn,
Sole risen above our tuneless coast,
As Hesper, now, his lamp burns on—
The leader of the starry host.

He sings of mountains and of streams,
Of storied field and haunted dale;
Yet hears a voice through all his dreams
Which says, "The good shall yet prevail."

He sings of Truth, he sings of Right;
He sings of Freedom; and his strains
March with our armies to the fight,
Ring in the bondmen's falling chains.

God, bid him live, till in her place
Truth, crushed to earth, again shall rise—
The "mother of a mighty race," 
Fulfil her poet's prophecies !

(Oh, fair young mother ! on thy brow
Shall sit a nobler grace than now,
Deep in the brightness of thy skies ;
The thronging years in glory rise, etc. etc.
         Bryant's Poems.)
———————
The Liberator.
———————
THE CRISIS-WEEK.
-----
   (We are kindly permitted to print the following portion 
of an excellent Sermon which was preached to his people 
on the Sunday after the late Presidential Election, by 
REV. NATHANIEL HALL, of Dorchester.)
-----
   REV. 19 : 6. "And I heard as it were the voice of a 
great multitude, and as the voice of many waters, and as 
the voice of mighty thunderings, saying, Alleluia : for the 
Lord God omnipotent reigneth."

   I know not how it may be with others, but I cannot 
stand in my place to-day, and not give voice to feelings 
which the great public event of the week past 
has excited within me. Nor can I feel that I am 
slighting interests which claim here a predominant 
regard, if, taking your thoughts where I assume to 
find them, I attempt to lead them up and on to the 
higher aspects and broader relations of the event 
referred to, and to express and emphasize, before 
the God as well of Providence as of Grace, its sacred 
lessons. God's teachings, my friends,—as I have 
often said to you,—are not confined to a Book. Not 
alone through Prophet and Apostle and his Christ 
does He speak to us. Providence is a Holy Bible. 
Events are the pictorial representations of the Heavenly 
Hill. And the pulpit is no less true to its mission 
when it seeks to interpret these, in the light of 
His special revelations, than when it makes those 
revelations its direct and only theme.
   I see a Providence, I see God, I see a divine significance, 
I see cause for religious exultation, in the 
result of that crisis-week, towards which we have so 
long been looking, in mingled hope and fear ; in view 
of which loyal millions of our land have given their 
thoughts and care and labor, in the persuasion that 
Heaven had for them, for the time, no higher work. 
And while the spirit of our exultation should soar far 
above all mere party considerations—as if religious it 
must—it need not be restrained because of any personal 
reflections, of a rebukeful character, it may impliedly 
have. I will not so far distrust the magnanimity 
of any around me as to believe that they will 
object, for this, to honest, heartfelt utterances from 
the higher plane of thought and reflection ; as to believe 
that the disappointment of defeat is not more 
than overcome by the consideration, that, in the judgments 
of such multitudes of the wise and good, if not 
their own, the cause of their country has triumphed.
   The crisis-week, so long looked forward to, by hoping, 
fearing, anxious millions, is to-day looked back 
upon; and we are allowed to see,—how should our 
hearts rise therefor in earnest gratitude !—a country 
saved, and its institutions standing in their integrity,

dom, failing in arms, sought to ensure its nefarious 
ends,—and who can tell how far reaching, how long-
enduring, how afflictive the results!
   We can never know, indeed, the evils we have escaped
—the measure or duration of them. They 
might have been less than our fears. They could 
hardly have been greater. And never, I think, were 
predictions based on grounds more rational. It were 
a risk of mighty magnitude, when the Ship of State 
is rolling and plunging in the billows of bloody treason, 
and bracing itself, with all available force, in order 
to live through its sweeping storm, then, to change 
helmsman,—with a new policy, a new aim, a new constellation 
to steer by. Let the estimate of him of the 
friends of the unsuccessful candidate be just,—it 
would not have been he that would have stood at that 
high post, save nominally. But the majestic craft, and 
he himself, would have been in possession of those 
whom only the insaneness of charity could make less 
than the worst and wickedest that figure in the politics 
of the land; or could credit with a single throb of 
patriotism, still less of condemnation of that iniquity 
which made the war, and whose extinction alone can 
end it. We cannot know the evils we have escaped 
from; but we do know him who, called by Providence 
and a people's will from his obscure Western home 
to the helm of State, through these tempestuous years 
has so bravely stood there. And we know that, whatever 
his deficiencies, he has a heart to seek the right, 
and a will to do it; has no ends lower than country, 
and no counsellor nearer than God. Behold—as he 
stands, in his high place, while the nation's verdict is 
borne to him, and the cheers of congratulating thousands 
are rising around—with what a calm dignity, 
with what a childlike simplicity, with what an unaffected 
humbleness, he accepts it all; as less a tribute 
to himself, than a vindication of his policy; receiving 
with no throe of self-elation the laurel of success; indulging 
in no exultations over his opposers, no taunts 
towards his defeated maligners; returning not "railing 
for railing, but contrariwise blessing'—an example 
to us all of a Christian high-mindedness, and tolerance, 
and charity.
   Friends, the event of the week, with its accompanying 
circumstances, may well increase our faith in the 
capacity of the people for self-government, our hope 
for free institutions. To what a test has that capacity, 
have those institutions, now been put! There could 
not have been a more terrible and fiery one. The 
whole war has been an ordeal such as no other people 
was ever subjected to; demanding a measure unprecedented 
of heroism, of sacrifice of endurance. And 
how it has been met, let the thousands upon thousands 
who have gone forth, on field and wave, from loved 
and peaceful and prosperous homes, unforced, but by 
the stress of patriotic and conscientious impulse, to 
give their lives, if need were—and how many have 
given them—for the country's rescue; let the uncomplaining 
willingness to meet the increased taxation 
which the vast expenditures in the prosecution of 
the war has necessitated; let the free and munificent 
outpourings of private bounty, from every town and 
village and dwelling of the land,—let these answer. 
But a severer ordeal was that through which the 
country is just emerging, in the glory of a proved sufficiency. 
Was ever such witness given, by a great 
nation, of heroic strength, of manly principle, of patriotic 
loyalty, as when—in the face of a gigantic and 
accumulating debt; in view of bereaved homes, and 
aching hearts, and a lengthening death-roll; with universal 
longings for peace; longings for the return to 
their homes of the exposed and endangered, and their 
longings of return—when, against all this, the question 
was put to the whole people—virtually, though not in 
terms,—"Shall the war go on—with more treasure, 
more blood, more suffering, indefinitely more, as its inevitable 
cost, rather than be abandoned for a false, 
treacherous, unstable peace; in an ignoble compromise 
with an organized barbarism, in criminal and bloody 
revolt?—the people answered,—freely, intelligently,
deliberately, they answered, —"YES!" Two or three 
weeks ago, a noble Englishman—Goldwin Smith—in 
the course of a lecture, before an immense auditory,
[?????}

of man, shall never suffer for lack of what we may 
give it!
   That cause must triumph. The event of the past 
week proves that it is dear to the American heart; 
that it will not be abandoned; that the sword drawn 
for it, by the clear mandate of Heaven, will be sheathed 
but with victory. The future of our country is 
full of hope. The great experiment, for which God 
chose it as the theatre, has not failed. The blood of 
its children has not been shed in vain. Its valleys 
and mountains shall again be vocal with the songs of 
Peace; aye, of a Peace that shall not be broken—
for Righteousness shall have gone before it, and rent 
each fettering chain.
———————
WELCOME TO GOLDWIN SMITH.
-----
   Professor Goldwin Smith, so well known in this 
country for his eloquent vindication of our cause in 
England, was entertained on Saturday, 12th inst., by 
a large number of the most distinguished citizens of 
New York, at the rooms of the Union League Club in 
that city, where an elegant breakfast was served.
  Among the persons present were Major-General 
Butler, Bishop Potter, Professor H. B. Smith, John 
C. Hamilton, Professor J. W. Dwight, Charles Butler, 
Dr. Willard Parker, Henry Ward Beecher, John 
Jay, Professor Draper, George Bancroft, Rev. Drs. 
Cox and Osgood, W. J. Hoppin, Dr. Francis Lieber, 
George T. Strong, William C. Bryant, George Griswold, 
William Allen Butler, Dr. Horace Webster, 
S. B. Ruggles, John A. Stevens, ex-Governor Morgan, 
Jonathan Sturges, A. A. Low, John C. Green, 
William H. Webb, President Barnard, C. P. Kirkland, 
Dr. Bellows, H. J. Raymond, Colonel McKaye, 
G. W. Curtis, Parke Godwin, Wm. M. Evarts, Rev. 
Dr. Prentiss, W. T. Blodgett, Charles H. Marshall, 
Peter Cooper, Rev. Dr. Ferris, Wm. E. Dodge, Prof. 
Vincenzo Botta, and others, about seventy in all, representing 
nearly every Profession, and the best classes 
of society in this country, particularly the literary, 
commercial and benevolent institutions.
  The gentlemen present were introduced to Prof. 
Smith in the Library; and at half past 10 o'clock the 
company sat down to breakfast.
   Mr. Charles Butler presided. At his right, Prof. 
Smith was seated, and at his left, General Butler. 
At the conclusion of the breakfast, the welcoming 
address to Prof. Smith, on behalf of the company, 
was delivered by Mr. John Jay.
   It was in excellent taste and spirit; and the reply of 
Prof. Smith was very felicitous. The most significant 
portion of it we gave in the last number of the 
Liberator. It gave high satisfaction, and was warmly 
applauded. 
   A letter from Gen. Halleck was read, and Gen. 
Butler was then called on to make an address on behalf 
of the army. When he rose, there was great 
applause, the company rising.

SPEECH OF GENERAL BUTLER.
   General Butler said, that before paying that respect 
and the kindness of feeling which he was sure he 
could represent from the army of the United States to 
the distinguished guest, he would accept, not for himself, 
the kind greeting which the company had offered. 
(Applause.)
   Our army,—the General continued,—of all those 
who have ever gone from home to battle for the right, 
is essentially a reading and thinking army, (loud applause,) 
and the fact that the men who, in the halls 
of science and learning, are calmly examining the 
course of events, and are approving and sustaining 
the army in that determined conflict of mankind, 
adds new courage to the heart, new strength to the 
arm. (Enthusiastic applause.) And therefore, he 
said, he could well give his thanks as the representative 
of the soldiers in the field, to our distinguished 
friend, (Professor Smith,) who was among the few 
that seemed to bid them God-speech. (Renewed applause.)
   General Butler added his assurance that if the Professor, 
before leaving New York, would, as they say 
in the army, come down to the front, he would there 
[????]

not, and, therefore, ought not to be everywhere the 
same, we all know how much we could borrow with 
advantage from your institutions being ourselves a 
democratic people. We all admire your habits of self-
government; we admire your powerful organization 
of parties, founded on that principle, and which, in 
the absence of an aristocratic class, are your means 
of transmitting great political traditions; we admire 
your public schools, your municipal institutions; we 
admire the ingenuity of your people in all branches 
of industry and agriculture.
   Having so much to borrow from you, let me say 
that we have also something to give in return. Travelling 
over your great country, I have been sometimes 
surprised to find traces of French influence 
where I had least expected to find them. In the far 
West, I have seen a new house-roof built after the 
fashion of our great architect Mansard. Entering 
your houses, I see everywhere reminiscences of 
French art, of French fashion—that kind of art 
which we call industrial art, and in which I may say, 
without false pride, that my countrymen excel, is peculiarly well adapted to the wants and habits of a 
good democratic community like yours. Let us not 
despise those humble efforts to bring an aesthetic influence 
into the channels of daily life. But, if I go 
to a higher sphere, I will say also, that it gave me 
great pleasure to see how those of your literary and 
scientific men, with whom it has been my good fortune 
to associate, are well acquainted with the works 
of our writers; of our philosophers, of our historians. 
Well, may all communication, personal, scientific, 
literary, commercial, become day by day more numerous; 
may soon the Atlantic swarm with vessels 
going from your shores to the shores of my beautiful 
country; may, above all, our tri-colored flag and 
your stars and stripes always most, as always they 
have met, to bring tidings of love and good-will!
   Addresses were also delivered by Wm. M. Evarts, 
Esq., Rev. Dr. Cox, Hon. George Bancroft, George 
W. Curtis, Esq., Peter Cooper, Esq., Rev. Mr. Putnam 
of Brooklyn, Wm. E. Dodge, Esq., Rev. Dr. 
Osgood, and Rev. Jonathan Sturgis.
   During the proceedings, letters from President 
Lincoln, Secretary Fessenden, General Halleck, Attorney-
General Bates, General Dix, Edward Everett, 
W. M. Meredith, Professor Tayler Lewis, and others 
who could not be present, were read.
———————
CHRONICLES.
-----
BY C. C. P. MOODY.
-----
Delivered at the Town Hall, Malden, Mass., Nov. 15, 
1864, on the occasion of the celebration of the victory at 
the late Presidential Election.
   Abraham hath triumphed gloriously! The horse 
and his rider he hath overthrown in the midst of the 
slime pits of the Confederacy. 
   On a set day—even the 8th day of the 11th month
—the battle was put in array: Abraham and his loyal 
legions against Mac and the powers of darkness. 
   And it came to pass, that before the sun went down 
that day, the man Mac was discomfited with a great 
confusion: and the men of Chicago have fallen into 
the pit their own hands have digged; and the platform 
they framed shall grind them to powder,—yea, 
they shall be abhorred as a stench in the nostrils of 
all loyal men, because they lifted up their hands 
against the government, and were in sympathy with 
those in rebellion against it.
   Now Abraham was a just man—one who feared 
God and eschewed evil.
   But wicked men envied him, and sought false witnesses 
against him, and said, We will cast him down, 
that he shall no more be ruled over the land.
   And some cried one thing, and some another; but 
they could find none occasion against him, except 
that he was merciful to the poor, and made proclamation 
to let every bondman go free.
   Now there were certain rabid democrats of the 
baser sort—and they waxed exceeding hot against 
him; in the West there were two, Vall and Voorhies
—in the East there were two, Seymour and Wood:
[????]

SCIENCE AND SCRIPTURE.
-----
TESTIMONY OF ENGLISH SCIENTIFIC MEN.
-----
   A number of the leading scientific men of England, 
in view of the present biblical agitations 
there, have signed the following
DECLARATION.
   "We, the undersigned students of the natural 
sciences, desire to express our sincere regret that 
researches into scientific truth are perverted by some 
in our own times into occasion for casting doubt 
upon the truth and authenticity of the Holy Scriptures. 
We conceive that it is impossible for the 
Word of God as written in the book of nature, and 
God's word written in Holy Scripture, to contradict 
one another, however much they may appear to 
differ. We are not forgetful that physical science 
is not complete, but is only in a condition of progress, 
and that at present our finite reason enables 
us only to see as through a glass darkly, and we 
confidently believe that a time will come when the 
two records will be seen to agree in every particular. 
We cannot but deplore that natural science should 
be looked upon with suspicion by many who do 
not make a study of it, merely on account of the 
unadvised manner in which some are placing it in 
opposition to Holy Writ. We believe that it is the 
duty of every scientific student to investigate nature 
simply for the purpose of elucidating truth, 
and that if he finds that some of his results appear 
to be in contradiction to the Written Word, or 
rather to his own interpretations of it, which may 
be erroneous, he should not presumptuously affirm 
that his own conclusions must be right, and the 
statements of Scripture wrong; rather leave the 
two side by side till it shall please God to allow us 
to see the manner in which they may be reconciled; 
and instead of insisting upon the seeming differences 
between science and the Scriptures, it would be as 
well to rest upon the points in which they agree.
   "Upwards of two hundred and ten names have 
already been received, including thirty F. R. S.'s, 
forty M. D.'s, etc. Among them are the following: 
Thomas Anderson, M.D., J. H. Balfour, M.D., 
Thomas Bell, J. S. Bowerbank, LL. D. Sir David 
Brewster, James Glaisher, Thomas Remer Jones, 
James P. Joule, LL. D., Robert Main, Lieutenant 
Colonel Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, Thomas Richardson, 
Ph. D., Henry D. Rogers, LL. D., Adam Sedgwick, 
M. D., Alfred Smee and John Stenhouse, 
LL. D."
   Two eminent men, an astronomer and an author, 
have, however, declined to sign the declaration, and 
write as follows:
LETTER FROM SIR JOHN HERSCHEL.
COLLINGWOOD, September 6, 1864.
   "Sir: I received some time ago a declaration for 
signature, identical with its wording, or at all events 
in its obvious purport, with that you have sent me. 
I considered that the better course was to put it 
aside without notice. But since it is pressed upon 
me, and to prevent the repetition of a similar appeal, 
it becomes necessary for me distinctly to decline 
signing it; and to declare that I consider the 
act of calling on me publicly to avow or disavow, 
to approve or disapprove, in writing, any religious 
doctrine or statement, however carefully or cautiously 
drawn up, (in other words, to append my name 
to a religious manifesto,) to be an infringement of 
that social forbearanc which guards the freedom of 
religious opinion in this country with especial 
sanctity. At the same time, I protest against my 
refusal to sign your 'Declaration' being construed 
into a profession of atheism or infidelity. My sentiments 
on the mutual relations of the Scripture 
and science have long been before the world, and I 
see no reason to alter or add to them. But I consider 
this movement simply mischievous, having a 
direct tendency (by putting forward a new shibboleth, 
a new verbal test of religious partisanship) to 
add a fresh element of discord to the already too 
discordant relations of the Christian world. I do 
not deny that care and caution are apparent on the 
face of the document I am called on to subscribe. 
But no nicety of wording, no artifice of human 
language will suffice, to discriminate the hundredth 
part of the shades of meaning it which the most 
world-wide differences of thought on such subjects 
may be involved; or prevent the most gently 
worded and apparently justifiable expression of regret,
so embodied, from grating on the feelings of

Out of their mother's fondness. Nature so
Holds their soft hands, and will not let them go,

Till at the last they track with even feet
Her rhythmic footsteps, and their pulses beat
Twinned with her pulses, and their lips repeat

The secrets she has told them, as their own :
Thus is the inmost soul of Nature known,
And the rapt minstrel shares her awful throne !

O lover of her mountains and her woods,
Her bridal-chamber's leafy solitudes,
Where Love himself with tremulous steps intrudes,

Her snows fall harmless on thy sacred fire: 
Far be the day that claims thy sounding lyre 
To join the music of the angel choir!

Yet, since life's amplest measure must be filled,
Since throbbing hearts must be forever stilled,
And all must fade that evening sunsets gild,

Grant, Father, ere he close the mortal eyes
That see a Nation's reeking sacrifice,
Its smoke may vanish from these blackened skies!

Then, when his summons comes, since come it must,
And, looking heavenward with unfaltering trust,
He wraps his drapery round him for the dust,

His last fond glance will show him o'er his head
The Northern fires beyond the zenith spread
In lambent glory, blue and white and red,—

The Southern cross without its bleeding load,
The milky way of peace all freshly strowed,
And every white-throned star fixed in its lost abode!
———————
BRYANT ON HIS BIRTH-DAY.
-----
BY JOHN G. WHITTIER.
-----
We praise not now the poet's art,
The rounded beauty of his song ;
Who weighs him from his life apart
Must do his nobler nature wrong.

Not for the eye, familiar grown
With charms to common sight denied—
The marvellous gift he shares alone
With him who walked on Rydal-side ;

Not for rapt hymn nor woodland lay,
Too grave for smiles, too sweet for tears,
We speak his praise who wears to-day
The glory of his seventy years.

When Peace brings Freedom in her train,
Let happy lips his songs rehearse ;
His life is now his noblest strain,
His manhood better than his verse !

Thank God! his hand on Nature's keys
Its cunning keeps at life's full span;
But, dimmed and dwarfed, in times like these,
The poet seems beside the man !

So be it! let the garlands die,
The singer's wreath, the painter's meed ;
Let our names perish, if thereby
Our country may be saved and freed !
———————
BRYANT.

Not thine, O poet, is the song
Whose melody is heard afar,
Like music falling from a star 
Upon a rude and heedless throng!

But like the sunshine and the air,
As healthfully as nature thrives,
Thy verse is woven in our lives,
And breathes around us everywhere.

Thy potent art is like to his
Who rears a statue in the mart,
And brings the people heart to heart
With being's dearest mysteries.

Thy genius is the living blaze
That burns at the great Mother's shrine,
In peace and war alike divine,
And most in these last awful days.

For thee the fountain flows again,
Whose waters lend enduring youth ;
Thou drinkest, and, in deed and truth,
Art young at threescore years and ten.

St. John, New Brunswick.
———————
WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT.
A CHANT FOR HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY.
-----
BY BAYARD TAYLOR—SET TO MUSIC BY LOUIS LANG.
-----
One hour be silent, sounds of war !
Delay the battle he foretold ,
And let the bard's triumphant star
Pour down from heaven its mildest gold.

Let Fame, that plucks but laurel now
For loyal heroes, turn away,
And twine, to crown her Poet's brow,
The greener garland of the bay .

And while the spirit of our exaltation should soar far
above all mere party considerations—as if religious it 
must—it need not be restrained because of any personal 
reflections, of a rebukeful character, it may impliedly
have. I will not so far distrust the magnanimity
of any around me as to believe that they will
object, for this, to honest, heartfelt utterances from
the higher plane of thought and reflection ; as to believe
that the disappointment of defeat is not more
than overcome by the consideration, that, in the judgments
of such multitudes of the wise and good, if not
their own, the cause of their country has triumphed .
   The crisis-week, so long looked forward to, by hoping,
fearing, anxious millions, is to-day looked back 
upon; and we are allowed to see,—how should our
hearts rise therefor in earnest gratitude ! —a country 
saved, and its institutions standing in their integrity ,
unscathed, unshaken on their immortal pedestal—the
golden sunlight beaming upon them, through the
rifted cloud, more brightly than before . The hour has 
struck—greatest in our country's history, if not the 
world's—whose peal was listened for by the ear of nations; 
it has struck—and the watchmen on a thousand 
towers report, as the deep vibrations die away 
over valley and mountain and lake, "All is well." 
Aye, and did not celestial watchers, think you, say it 
to the listening spirits that went up from bloody 
graves, the love of country warm within their hearts,
—"All is well—not vainly have ye died"? And the 
spirits that preceded them,—the fathers of the republic, 
the apostles of liberty, the martyrs for humanity, 
to whom our case broadens into that of universal man, 
did they not bend to catch the welcome tidings,—"all 
is well"; while, "as with the voice of a great multitude, 
and as the voice of many waters," they sang, 
anew, "Alleluia, for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth." 
The hour has struck; —and the great heart 
of the nation beats on, with steady throb, with emboldened 
hope, and feels the coursing of new life within 
her war-depleted veins.
   Do I magnify the event's importance and significance? 
I do not believe so. I know the common 
proneness to exaggerate crises that impend. They 
loom, by their nearness, into deceptive proportions. 
But the issue which the nation was summoned, by its 
Constitution on the 8th of November, to meet, was 
too palpably solemn and momentous for the possibility 
of deception. The self-same issue it had met in 
arms, was met in that bloodless encounter. Shall the 
nation, as a nation—free, united—live or die? Shall 
the institutions the fathers planted, the highest product 
of a Christian civilization; the nearest approximation 
the world has known to that point of social 
and political advancement to which Christ, by his religion, 
would lead the nations; institutions under 
which, as under no others, the natural, inalienable, 
God-given rights of man, as men, are acknowledged 
and secured,—shall they, with all their privileges and 
benefits, and hopes and promises, be reverently sustained, 
or trampled on and trampled out; be maintained 
in their integrity, be lifted to a higher perfection, 
or be surrendered—not directly, but surely—to 
the enemies and hates of them—foes of truth and 
man, of human rights and human progress? This 
was, virtually, the issue presented. Not, of course, 
in so many words; not understood or seen as such, 
strangely, by many, who, otherwise, would never 
have met it as they did; but, nevertheless, really this. 
Can the importance of that act well be exaggerated in 
which such an issue was deliberately and directly 
met; in which the nation's decision with reference 
to it was definitely and enduringly made and recorded, 
entered on the scroll of history—a fixed, an unchallengable, 
an ineffaceable fact? that act in and by 
which the nation set the seal to its destinies, for an 
unmeasured future; resolved whether to be true to 
the cardinal principles of its institutional life, or recreant 
to them; whether to keep on whither the star 
of its "high calling" leads—star flamed from Bethlehem's, 
or turn to the false lights which beckon backwards 
into darkness and shame? No decision of mere 
local and temporary interest—its consequences limited 
to ourselves, and bounded within a presidential 
term—is that which the nation has just risen, in its 
majesty, to record. Tell me of a people, of a tribe, 
of an isle of the sea, that is not remotely affected by 
it. Let this republic, providentially elected to occupy 
the van of the advancing civilizations; to which 
is committed the trust for a world's behalf of free institutions, 
which has been called to test before the 
gaze of the nations the competency of the people for 
self-government, called to bear aloft the sacred torch 
of constitutional liberty—a rebuke to the oppressor, 
a hope to the oppressed, promise and pledge to millions 
of hearts of a better future;—let it have proved 
false in this might trial hour to its glorious mission; 
let it have suffered itself to be displaced from its God-
given position by the secret plottings and sophistical 
reasonings and sordid appeals, through which slave-

triotic loyalty, as when—in the face of a gigantic and 
accumulating debt; in view of bereaved homes, and 
aching hearts, and a lengthening death-roll; with universal 
longings for peace; longings for the return to 
their homes of the exposed and endangered, and their 
longings to  return—when, against all this, the question 
was put to the whole people—virtually, though not in 
terms,—"Shall the war go on—with more treasure, 
more blood, more suffering, indefinitely more, as its inevitable 
cost, rather than be abandoned for a false, 
treacherous, unstable peace; in an ignoble compromise 
with an organized barbarism, in criminal and bloody 
revolt?—the people answered—freely, intelligently, 
deliberately, they answered, --"YES!" Two or three 
weeks ago, a noble Englishman—Goldwin Smith—in 
the course of a lecture, before an immense auditory, 
in Boston Music Hall, asked, in substance,—"Had you 
known all the costs and sacrifices of your war, would 
you have gone into it?" and, in spontaneous shout, 
they answered,—"YES." They answered for the country. 
And the country, to the question put to it, on 
Tuesday last,—"Whatever the future costs and sacrifices 
of the war, will you go on with it? answered 
for itself,—"YES."
   And it is a fact most notable and significant, that 
this result, which so many had made, for months, most 
strenuous and determined efforts to prevent, was attended 
and followed, in all the length and breadth of 
the land, by no one deed of disturbing violence. It 
was the voice of the majority; and as such respected. 
And the sun that went down upon that stern decision, 
went down in the stillness in which it rose—save sounds 
of irrepressible gladness; and these with no tone of 
taunt in them, and eliciting no angered response. The 
intense and passionate excitement of that momentous 
campaign culminated in quietness! Who now will 
doubt the capacity of the American people for self-
government? Who now will question the stability of 
our free institutions? What trial can they be subjected 
to severer than they have borne?
   Friends, how can we help but rejoice at these things, 
and give God thanks? Not that a party has been defeated
—O no—but that a country has been saved;—
a country as dear, I will not doubt, to many in connection 
with that party as to myself, or any. Let 
our thoughts ascend, and our hearts with them, above 
the low plane of temporary antagonisms and partial 
disagreement, to the broad table-land of Patriotism, 
where we are all one. Let us be willing to forget 
every thing personal, in the blessed fact that we have 
a country to love, to serve, to live for and die for; 
worthy our love, our service, our life; dearer for 
the perils through which it has been brought—for the 
perils which yet besiege and threaten, but through 
whose remaining waves the Good Providence that has 
thus far guided and guarded, shall still guide and 
guard, until the hour of Peace be reached, and her 
recreant tribes come back to their dishonored loyalty, 
and rally again to her sacred flag.
   Aye, a Good Providence. Gratefully, reverently, 
be it recognized and praised, in the crisis past, and its 
train of antecedents. It is difficult, impossible, to 
trace the workings of a Power that works in and by 
human wills and agencies; to demonstrably prove that, 
here and there, in specific instances, what seemed accidental 
was brought about by influences whose hiding 
is with God. But who can doubt that a Divine Superintendence 
and Overrule has been graciously granted, 
in all this mighty conflict, for the salvation of the 
nation, against those who would divide and destroy 
it?—causing defeat to be better than triumph, failure 
the condition of a higher success; causing the weakness 
of personal ambition and the cunning of party 
intrigue to redound to patriotic ends; causing hostile 
machination to effect friendly aid, and plotted 
mischief availing good—the very things that were to 
tell against the country's cause, in innumerable instances 
actually promoting it; strengthening loyal 
sentiment, increasing loyal numbers.
   It was a faith that God was with us, that He loved 
our country, loved its cause, and would at length 
succeed it, which has been the strength of many a 
heart, and the brightness of its hope, in the frequent 
darkness through which the crisis drew on, amidst 
the noise and boast an unscrupulous effort and reckless 
assertion of an electioneering contest. And now 
that he has succeeded it; now that against all, at 
home and abroad, which had been brought to oppose 
it, our cause—the country's cause—has so signally triumphed, 
while we may well feel rebuked for past 
despondency and distrust, we should be inspired with 
new confidence in His protecting Providence. We 
shall need it in the future. God only knows through 
what scenes, through what discipline, we, as a nation, 
are to pass; to what further tests of our fidelity we are 
to be subjected.  May He make us equal to our day! 
May he breathe into us a spirit of self-devotion, so 
that the cause of country, the cause of freedom and

who have ever gone from home to battle for the right,
is essentially a reading and thinking army, (loud applause,)
and the fact that the men who, in the halls
of science and learning, are calmly examining the
course of events, and are approving and sustaining 
the army in that determined conflict of mankind,
adds new courage to the heart, new strength to the
arm. (Enthusiastic applause.) And therefore, he
said, he could well give his thanks as the representative
of the soldiers in the field, to our distinguished
friend, (Professor Smith,) who was among the few
that seemed to bid them God-speed. (Renewed applause.)
   General Butler added his assurance that if the Professor,
before leaving New York, would, as they say
in the army come down to the front, he would there
be greeted with cheers to which those of the company 
were but faint murmurs -- (loud applause) -- murmurs
in comparison with the grand chorus which 
should speak.
   In a few weeks, or a few months, the General continued,
there would remain as visible marks of our
great conflict a few green mounds, a few unsightly
lines of earth. But all would not have passed away.
The heroism, the bright example of our glorious dead
should forever furnish new teachings of right to coming
generations.
   General Butler, in conclusion, renewed his invitation 
to Professor Smith to visit the army, speaking of
his own early return.
SPEECH OF MR. LAUGEL.
   Mr. Laugel, one of the prominent writers for the
Revue des Deux Mondes in Paris, and whose eloquent
pen has often been used in defence of the Union cause
before the tribunal of European opinion, spoke in the
following pertinent and touchiug words: --
   "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: Never before
did I address an audience in another language but
my own, but I feel that I must answer in a few words
the remarks that have been made, and thank you for
the manner in which you have received them. There
is nothing for me to add to the high and well-deserved
tribute which has been paid to your distinguished 
guest. You may well say of him what our great heroine
of Arc said of the oriflamme at the coronation of
her king: "As it has been with me in battle, let it be
with me at the hour of triumph. For this is an
hour of triumph. You have shown to the world that
the North is united and in earnest, that your people
are determined not only to re-establish the Union,
but to extirpate that only germ of disunion among
you, slavery. You have shown that your institutions
can bear the most severe test; I mean the renovation
of the Executive in times of civil war and under conditions
of uncontrolled liberty. Leaving these topics,
I must beg permission from your distinguished guest
and from yourselves, gentlemen, to turn a moment to
my own position among you. It is not often that a
Frenchman has occasion to address an American audience.
Allow me to seize this opportunity, and to 
explain to you, in a few words, what I consider to be
the feelings of my people in regard to the great struggle
in which you are engaged. Let me first draw a 
distinction between the French government and the
French people. I will not here open an attack 
against the government of my country, but this I
may say, because it is a mere fact, that government,
especially in what concerns its foreign relations, is
armed with an uncontrolled authority. I have not
always been satisfied with its policy. I have deeply
deplored the unnecessary haste with which it recognized
the rebels of the South as belligerents; but that
being once done, I owe it to justice, and I think you 
owe it to justice, to acknowledge that, whatever may
have been its sympathies, it has adhered to the rules
of neutrality. Leaving the government, I turn to
the people. Here I feel more at home, and am happy
to assure you that the sympathies of my countrymen
are almost unanimously on your side. Ask a 
hundred Frenchmen if they believe in a restoration 
of the Union, and one in the number, I will admit it,
will tell you that he does not; but ask these unbelievers
if they desire the disruption of your Union, and
all will tell you "No."
   Your cause has had that singular privilege among
us to unite people of the most conflicting parties; it
has enlisted legitimists, who remember that the last
glorious act of the dynasty they still adhere to has
been to help you in the conquest for your independence;
it has enlisted Catholics, who see the Catholic
churches flourishing among your tolerant people
and under the protection of your laws; it has enlisted
all the liberals, Orleanists or Rebublicans; it
has enlised such men as Laboulaye, Gasparin, Cochin,
Berryer, our greatest orator; Prevost-Paradol,
Forcade, Lanfrey, our best journalists; Henri Martin,
our popular historian; and how many others could I
not name! Though the forms of government can-

all loyal men, because they lifted up their hands 
against the government, and were in sympathy with 
those in rebellion against it.
   Now Abraham was a just man—one who feared 
God and eschewed evil.
   But wicked men envied him, and sought false witnesses 
against him, and said, We will cast him down, 
that he shall no more be ruled over the land.
   And some cried one thing and some another; but 
they could find none occasion against him, except 
that he was merciful to the poor, and made proclamation 
to let every bondman go free.
   Now there were certain rabid democrats of the 
baser sort—and they waxed exceeding hot against 
him; in the West there were two, Vall and Voorhies
—in the East there were two, Seymour and Wood; 
and they stirred up the people with many lies.
   But Abraham feared them not, for he was a righteous 
man. He said, I am content; let the people cast 
lots. Howbeit, there were certain brave men who 
stood by him, ready to hold up his hands; and he 
called for one Benjamin, surnamed Butler, a valiant 
captain of his hosts.
   And Abraham said—Behold that great Babylon, 
New York, the mother of harlots and every abomination; 
she sitteth as a queen in her iniquity, and saith, 
Who shall discomfort me, or make me afraid? Am I 
not mistress of the great Empire State?
   Moreover, Abraham said unto Benjamin—Leave 
thou thy hosts for a time on the south river, even thy 
habitation at Dutch Gap, and come thou, stand in the 
gate of that great city, whose transgression is Seymour, 
and whose iniquity is Wood; draw thou thy 
sword from his sheath, and if any man lifteth up himself 
against the government, or opposeth the laws, 
hew him down, that there be neither root nor branch 
left. 
   Then Benjamin said, So be it done unto me, and 
more also, if I let one of them escape that maketh insurrection, 
or opposeth the laws; for thy servant is 
not a man to deal softly with the enemies of thy country, 
as thou knowest well, oh Abraham!
   Then Benjamin girded on his sword, and came and 
stood in the gate of the city: and every Ishmaelite, 
and the heathen of every nation, and uncircumcised 
Philistines, and all the plug-uglies, and demons, and 
devils of every shape, gnashed their teeth, and were 
filled with rage exceeding great. And they said, Thy 
head shall fall from thy body, and the fowls of the air 
shall feed upon the carcase. 
   Howbeit, they laid no hands upon him, neither did 
they set themselves to break the laws, for they feared 
before him.
   Now when it was found that the lot fell on Abraham 
to be ruler over the land, there went up a great 
shout from all the people, and they took up this 
song:—
   The men of Mac are discomfited with a great overthrow, 
whereof we are glad; their chariot wheels are 
broken, and they sank as lead in the Dead Sea.
   Lift up your heads, oh ye four winds, and blow the 
trump of liberty!
   Sing aloud, How hath the righteous prospered, because 
he regardeth the poor, and hateth oppression!
   But the name of the wicked shall rot, because he 
did magnify himself against the government, and cast 
contempt upon Abraham the just.
   He that upholdeth the poor shall smite the oppressor, 
and the bondman shall be more honorable than 
his master.
   Rejoice, oh ye waters, wherein go the mighty ships; 
for they shoot out fire, and smoke of brimstone, and 
hail of iron upon the rebellious cities of the South.
   And ye mighty hills and mountains, how beautiful 
are the feet of Sherman and Sheridan! Their horses 
are swift—they neigh for the battle—they bring tidings 
of good.
   Ulysses, a mighty captain and a valiant man, lifteth 
up his spear, and maketh all the men in Richmond to 
tremble; for they remember all their wickedness that 
they have done in that they have rebelled with a very 
grievous rebellion.
   Then Abraham, and all his hosts, and the inhabitants 
of the land, with the priests and Levites, the 
singers and principal men, sang with a loud voice,
   "We are marching along, we are marching along—
Glory, glory, hallelujah!"
———————
   EX-GOVERNOR James H. Hammond of South Carolina, 
whose death was recently announced, was the 
blackguard who, in a public speech, declared that free 
laborers of all classes were "the mudsills of society;" 
for which insult the "Natick cobbler" sewed 
up his mouth so effectually, that he never opened 
it again in the Senate in scurrilous abuse of the 
North. He was an original nullifier and secessionist, 
and had been Governor of South Carolina, and a 
Representative as well as Sanator at Washington.

into a profession of atheism or infidelity. My sentiments 
on the mutual relations of the Scripture 
and science have long been before the world, and I 
see no reason to alter or add to them. But I consider 
this movement simply mischievous, having a 
direct tendency (by putting forward a new shibboleth, 
a new verbal test, of religious partisanship) to 
add a fresh element of discord to the already too 
discordant relations of the Christian world. I do 
not deny that care and caution are apparent on the 
face of the document I am called on to subscribe. 
But no nicety of wording, no artifice of human 
language will suffice to discriminate the hundredth 
part of the shades of meaning in which the most
world-wide differences of thought on such subjects 
may be involved; or prevent the most gently 
worded and apparently justifiable expression of regret, 
so embodied, from grating on the feelings of 
thousands of estimable and well-intentioned men 
with all the harshness of controversial hostility.
        I am, sir, your obedient servant,
                    J. F. W. HERSCHEL.
   Capel H. Berger, Esq."

LETTER FROM SIR JOHN BOWRING.
"CLAREMONT, Exeter, August 27. 
   "Dear Sir—In the general spirit of the document 
to which my adhesion is asked, I cordially concur. 
That all truth must ultimately harmonize
—that one truth cannot be inconsistent with 
another truth, are propositions—axioms, rather—
which cannot be contested; to proclaim an approval 
of them is as much a work of supererogation as it 
would be to publish an avowal of agreement with 
the demonstration of a mathematical problem. But 
it appears to me the period has arrived when we 
should endeavor to emancipate ourselves from the 
tyranny of all dogmatizing creeds—all enforced 
confessions, all foregone conclusions, all compromising 
declarations; perseveringly carrying out to their 
necessary consequences our own investigations and 
convictions, and encouraging others to exercise the 
same right and discharge the same duty. I do not 
know how the course of truth and the interests of 
religion can be better served than by allowing the 
utmost latitude to inquiry. It is not possible—nor, 
if possible, desirable—to prevent comparisons between 
the historical revelations of the past and the 
scientific discoveries of the present time. The 
Bible must be brought into the broad daylight—out 
of the darkness to which ancient authority condemned 
it; it must be tested by inquiring knowledge, 
and taken from the custody of contending 
ignorance; it must be cleared from its cobwebs, 
and purged from its corruptions. Nothing less 
ought reasonably to satisfy those who believe; 
nothing more can fairly be demanded by those who 
doubt; but this much may be asked in the interest 
of all. There is no 'presumption' in giving to the 
world conclusions soberly, seriously, and reverently 
formed, be those conclusions what they may. The 
best resting place for 'faith," or hope, or comfort, 
will, after all, be found in allowingto the intellectual 
faculties with which God has blessed us their 
widest influence and action over the whole field of 
thought. By 'proving all things,' we shall be able 
to 'hold fast that which is good,' and we may be 
fully assured that the great verities which have 
stood the storms and shocks of agitated centuries 
will remain unbroken through coming ages. 
   I am, dear sir, your obedient, humble servant,
           JOHN BOWRING.
   Professor Stenhouse, F. R. S., &c., London.
———————
THE VOTE OF BALTIMORE.
-----
   Where all have done their best, and many have 
done so well, it may seem right to avoid invidious 
distinctions. The Union victory in Baltimore, however, 
viewed in connection with antecedent events, 
is so remarkable, so magnificent, as to challenge especial 
commendation. Four years ago, Abraham 
Lincoln, then, as now, the constitutionally elected 
Chief Magistrate of the United States, on his way 
to the seat of government, to be inaugurated, was 
obliged to pass through Baltimore, in the way Nicodemus, 
"for fear of the Jews," came to the World's 
Redeemer, viz: "by night." He actually reached 
Washington in disguise, so well founded were the 
apprehensions that in the "Monumental City" assassination 
stared him in the face. Subsequently, 
when it was found necessary to summon some regiments 
of soldiers from the North, to prevent the 
seizure of the capital by armed rebels, they met the 
fate, in that city, which only the President's well-timed 
prudence averted from himself. They were 
murdered, in cold blood, and under the gaze of the 
noon-day sun, in the streets of that city. Compare 
with those events the result of last Tuesday. Now, 
this same Abraham Lincoln, in that identical city, 
receives between twelve and thirteen thousand votes 
of a majority for re-election, and the Maryland 
brigade of loyal soldiers, composed chiefly of Baltimoreans, 
gives him 1,224 votes, against 44 for his 
opponent! And, still better, Baltimore is the commercial 
emporium of a Free State, within whose borders 
the chains of slavery have forever ceased to 
clank! Verily, the world still moves. If any one 
doubts it, let him look at the election returns of the 
city of Baltimore.—Philadelphia Press.

[header] [left] 194  [center] THE LIBERATOR.  [right] DECEMBER 2.

[first column on left]

REBEL COMMENT ON SEWARD'S AND BUTLER'S SPEECHES.

   The Richmond Whig says, the firm hold which the impression that Lincoln's re-election would be the signal for the whole Southern Confederacy to ground arms and submit without conditions, has taken the Yankee fancy, is one of the strangest phenomena it has ever heard of, and hoes on to criticise the speeches of Mr. Seward and Gen. Butler in the following refined and courteous style:

    "Seward goes before others in his credulity. He thinks we will not only knock under, but will give up the principal rebels, the ringleaders in this 'unnatural war,' as the defence of our homes is styled by certain politicians.
   The Army of Northern Virginia, for example, paralyzed by the tremendous announcement that Abe Lincoln is re-elected, are expected to deliver up, bound hand and foot, that glorious chief who has so often led them to victory, that he may endure the extreme of Yankee vengeance. And to whom is it expected to deliver him? To that flogged, kicked, bastinadoed, disgraced Army of the Potomac, which it has made run so often that it has at last become almost disgraceful to flog it. To that horde of assassins, thieves, and houseburners, for which Botany bay would be far too good a home of refuge, and which deserves nothing on earth but the gallows. That 'old flag,' the Yankee buzzard and gridiron, which has witnessed more disgrace than all the banners united that ever floated above the heads of armies, is to witness, at last, this humiliating of the Confederate Army.
   Butler seems to be not less firmly convinced of the paralyzing effect which Lincoln's election was destined to have upon the Confederacy than Seward. Butler is a thief in his heart. The first idea that comes across his mind in connection with this anticipated surrender is the rich spoils it will afford. He is for giving the Confederacy a chance, a nominal one, just enough to save appearances. He is for naming a day, not a long day, to allow sufficient time for parts of the Confederacy to be heard from, but a day six weeks off. He is confident that the time is too short, and that the surrender cannot be made effectual within that period. Then, if it be not made, comes the plundering.
   All the lands and goods of all the people of the Confederacy are to be taken from them, and to be divided among the Yankees. What an Eldorado is opened to the avarice of that mighty race! What a source of wealth to Butler himself! We shall hear of Yankee proprietors owning whole counties! Or Yankee merchants and bankers outdoing Rothschild and the Barings. Not a shadow of doubt seems to disturb this beatific vision. Wait, says this arbiter of the fate of nations, until we hear from Sherman. Wait until Sherman has astonished the universe and the rest of the Yankee nation. Then it will be time enough to hold out the sword and the olive branch. Then we will be in time to show 'our Southern brethren' that though we hate them, we love their property.  
   'Come back come back now,' he tell us, 'and quit feeding on husks, and love with us on the fat of the land.' But until we want to associate with felons and outcasts, thieves, robbers, and murderers, we shall, we think, decline the gentle invitation. Husks, after all, though not a very generous diet, will keep us up for a time; and they are at least preferable to all the fat of Yankee land, if we have to live on that in Yankee company. It was kind, perhaps, in Butler to offer us the good things of his country; but he ought not to have had the impudence to offer to sit down with us at the same table."
———————
SECRETARY CHASE IN CINCINNATI.

   Secretary Chase spoke recently at Mozart Hall, Cincinnati. We extract a few passages from his speech:

REBELLION NOTHING TO HOPE FOR.

   Again: This victory will assure the rebels that they have nothing to hope for from division in the loyal States. They will no longer lay the flattering unction to their souls, that by divisions among us they may conquer. Every rebel officer, civil and military, and every rebel soldier, will have the news of this great victory, and it will take from him one half his strength; while every Union soldier, having participated themselves in this great decisions of the people, hearing the result announced, will feel that they are twice the men they were before.
[???]

[second column]

GEN. HOOKER ON THE ELECTION---HIS WAR DEMOCRACY.

   General Hooker was at Toledo on the 10th, making a hurried examination of the harbor for defensive purposes. The Blade says:

   On his way from the depot to the tug, he stopped at the Board of Trade rooms to get a chart of the river and bay. As soon as he entered the room, it was filled with citizens, and he completely flanked. Seeing no way of escape, he surrendered handsomely, in a neat and patriotic little speech. Upon being introduced to the gathering by Harry Chase, Esp.,, president of the Board of Trade, he spoke substantially as follows:

   GENTLEMEN: I am glad to meet you here today. My time and attention are entirely occupied with official duties. I was called from Chicago to Sandusky, and now stop here for a few hurried examinations, and must then pass on.
   I said I was glad to meet you. I am specially glad to do so under such favorable auspices. Everything looks brighter for our country. The work which the people accomplished the day before yesterday will do more to put down this rebellion than anything done before. It was the greatest victory of the war. The hopes based upon the Peace party of the North have long been the chief prop of the rebels. They have been struggling along against defeats and difficulties for a long time, in the hope that the Presidential election of 1864 would bring them relief. They well know that armistice and negotiations mean nothing less than separation and dissolution of the Union, and hence their dependence upon the Peace party. 
   The managers of the Chicago Convention are dangerous men. Ohio sent one who claims to have put into the platform of that convention the declaration that the war was a "failure." That man claims to be a Democrat. I never was anything else than a Democrat, but I repudiate all such as him. He never had a drop of Democratic blood in his veins. I am satisfied, from what I heard in Chicago, that one half of the convention that nominated McClellan might be indicted for treason. The name of Jeff Davis was cheered there oftener than McClellan's. The Democratic party never failed to stand by its country in time of trail and danger, and never will. The only Democracy now existing in this country was represented at the recent meeting of War Democrats in New York. They spoke my sentiments. 
   I do not rejoice in this results because I am so much a friend to the President, as I do for the success of the cause he represents, and I would support any man for the sake of that cause. 
   Gentlemen, I thank you for your kindness on this occasion. I have already said more than I intended to say. 
———————
ANDREW JOHNSON'S LATEST SPEECH.
-----
   The Vice President elect made a speech at a recent flag-raising in Nashville, in the course of which he said:

   "Copperhead papers and speakers at the North had charged him with selfish motives in the course he had pursed. If losing all his negroes, if being robbed forty thousand dollars in bonds, if sacrificing all that he had to sacrifice was selfishness, then he had been selfish. But the Government had been sustained in all its integrity, and he was more than recompensed. He had always been a democrat, but in its true sense. True democracy meant the elevation of the masses. He was a democrat, but at the same time and aristocrat; but his aristocracy was the aristocracy of labor, the men whose brains and muscle had planned and wrought out those great achievements that had made the laboring classes of America the true chivalry of the world. The men who sneered at 'greasy mechanics' and 'small-fisted farmers' as the 'mudhills of society,' were the very men who had brains to conceive or ability to execute a plan. Labor was dignity, dignity was manhood, and manhood was aristocracy. Society was to-day in a chaotic state. The time had come to lay broad and deep the foundation of the new aristocracy, and by the blessing of God and the will of the laboring men it was to be done. 
   As for emancipation, he could say he was for it. The institution of slavery must go down like all other iniquities, but he was not only for emancipating the black man, but for emancipating and
[???]

[third column]

The Liberator.
———————
No Union with Slaveholders!
———————
BOSTON, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 2, 1864.
 ———————
RECONSTRUCTION.
-----
   The recent Presidential election has has shown that it is the unfaltering determination of the people-- no matter at what cost of treasure or blood-- to put down the rebellion, and perpetuate the unity of republic. The steadily advancing triumphs of the traitorous Confederacy, demonstrate that the bloody struggle is drawing to a close. There is no doubt, therefore, in a military point of view, as to the final result. The Government will be victorious; every rebellious State will be brought under its authority, to the full constitutional extent; Jeff. Davis and his cabinet, together with the rebel Congress, will have to seek safety in ignominious flight or foreign exile, unless captures, and subjected to the penalty of their flagitious crimes. Then will follow a task as momentous as it will anomalous-- to recreate or reconstruct loyal out of disloyal States, and to admit to the Union as though they had but just emerged from territorial condition. For those States having thrown off their allegiance to the General Government, and for a period of four years acted as independently of it as though they were in Europe or Asia, are under general outlawry for high treason, and therefore have forfeited their relationship and terminated their existence as States, within the constitutional meaning of the term. There is no part of the Constitution to which they either can or do appeal for justification or clemency; they repudiate and scornfully trample upon it, in the concrete and in detail; they have ceased to be represented in Congress, and nullified all the old pro-slavery guaranties embodied in the three-fifths slave representation, the fugitive rendition clause, and the government duty to interpose, if need be, for the suppression of domestic insurrection. How they can either theoretically or practically be considered within the Union, while waging deadly war against it and violating all its obligations, they have never undertaken to show: of such folly and effrontery they have not been guilty. This monstrous paradox has been left to their Northern pseudo Democratic sympathizers to frame and advocate in their behalf. For themselves, they ask no pardon, acknowledge no criminality, propose no surrender, claim no exemption from any liabilities they have occurred, proclaim eternal hostility. If they are overcome, they expect to pay the penalty; and if they succeed, it will be by the recognition of their independence.
   Assuming that their subjugation is certain, and not far distant, the condition on which they may be restored to the Union become a matter of the gravest importance. Whatever distinction, by way of grace or pardon, may be made by the President or by Congress between the rebel leaders and the more or less deluded rank-and-file of the rebel army, there must be no consideration extended to the rebel States, as such, whereby they shall be recognized as legitimately organized, or possessing governmental functions. They are in a state of misrule, anarchy, chaos, out of which order and constitutional relations are to be evolved by the fiat of Congress, which alone has the rightful power to determine the fact of the existence of a State. No amnesty of President Lincoln, whether as civil ruler or under the war power, can lawfully transform the rebellious into loyal States. Before they can be in a suitable condition for the political action which must be precedent to their reconstruction, the rebellion within their limits must be effectually suppressed, slavery abolished, and the supremacy of the Federal Government acknowledged. It must be for Congress to determine the limitation of military control, even after resistance has ceased; and also at [???]

[fourth column]

LETTERS FROM M. D. CONWAY.
-----
28 NOTTING HILL SQUARE, }
BAYSWATER, LONDON W.   }

To the Editor of the National Anti Slavery Standard:
   I have only to-day (Oct. 13) seen your reply to my letter about the black Sergeant and other matters, published in your issue of Aug. 27. This was on account of absence from London. Even if it were not too late to make a discussion useful, I would not care to prolong it. Mr. Garrison and those who agree with him have doubtless by this time seen the accomplishment of their object; and time will show whether they were wise or otherwise. But there are two points I am compelled to notice in your reply.
   1. You say: "Mr. Conway appears to have a very inadequate idea of the nature of his mistakes in the correspondence with Mason." "Want of deference for diplomatic forms and proprieties was of little consequence compared with the lack of deference for truth which he exhibited when he deliberately wrote these words: ' I have authority to make the following proposition' (a proposition, viz: that if the Confederate States would abolish slavery, the Abolitionists would immediately oppose the prosecution of the war for the restoration of the Union) on behalf of the leading anti-slavery men of America, who have sent me to this country (England.)" "Now, (you say,) in the first place, it was not true that the leading anti-slavery men of America sent Mr. Conway to England; and in the next place, they had not authorized him to make any proposition whatever to Mr. Mason."
   Permit me, in reply, to say that the Editor of the Standard appears to have a very inadequate idea of what he is talking about in writing thus. The leading anti-slavery men of America did send me to England, paying my expenses hither, and giving me such [?] as would secure my representing the American cause before English audiences. Wendell Phillips first proposed the trip to me, and Mr. Garrison at once sanctioned it, and with some twenty letters of introduction gave me much instruction and advice as to how I should work, attending me to the station as I was departing. If I misrepresented the opinions of Mr. Garrison and other leading Abolitionists, in saying that they would not support the war apart from the question of Freedom—that if the slaves were all free, they would not approve the slaughter of human beings for mere empire—why will not some of them come out and say that he would support the war were emancipation not at all so involved? If they—the leading Abolitionists—will not say that, it proves that I interpreted them rightly; that I correctly represented in my letter the motives with which they support the war, and commend it to anti slavery Englishmen. If they will come out and say that they would support the war were the freedom of no slave involved, I will then acknowledge my mistake, and try to show sufficient reasons for my making that mistake. Until then, I affirm that I had authority to declare, on behalf of "the leading Abolitionists who sent me here," that their support was given to this war only because it is a war of emancipation. Then you say that, "in the next place," they had not authorized me to make any proposition whatever to Mr. Mason. The terms of my letter do not assume that I had authority to make that proposition to Mason. The form in which I made it—the person to whom I made it—were of my own choice and on my own responsibility. I had again and again said in public addresses, that the South had only to abolish slavery to disarm Abolition support of the war, long before I wrote to Mason—a proposition I had authority to make. I asked you if you would support this carnage for a less principle: you refused to reply, calling it "hypothetical." It is not hypothetical to me, for it involves the question whether you have justly branded me with falsification: you are bound to reply, or else retract the charge that I made an unauthorized statement of the motives of Abolitionists in America on that correspondence, I have heard of no repudiation of the principle, but on [?] being embodied in a proposition to the rebel [???]

[fifth column]

he was neither sent by the Abolitionists, nor is in any sense their agent. And while we have not the slightest doubt of Mr. Conway's zealous intentions to serve the cause of impartial liberty, at home and broad; while we esteem him for what he has said and done so heroically and effectively in behalf of the millions in bondage, to his own outlawry from his native State,—and believe the sole object of his correspondence with Mr. Mason was to unmask more clearly to the people of Europe the slaveholding designs of the Confederate States as the only ground and motive of their rebellion,—we, nevertheless, utterly repudiate his action in this particular as ill-judged and unwarrantable; deeming our Government wholly in the right in this struggle, and its success the best hope for all races and all interests on this continent; and regarding any other overture to the Confederate States, except that of immediate and unconditional submission, to be equally uncalled for and mischievous."

   Also, by the following resolutions, unanimously adopted at an immense mass meeting of the Abolitionists of Massachusetts, held at Framingham on the 4th of July, 1863:—

   "Resolved, That this assembly of anti-slavery men and women, gathered from every part of New England, repudiates the act of Mr. M. D. Conway, in seeking any negotiation with James F. Mason, of Virginia, father of the Fugitive Slave Law, and now agent in England of slavery and the rebellion; and we declare that in this whole matter he entirely misunderstands and misrepresents the anti slavery people and sentiment of America.
   Resolved, That neither as Americans nor as Abolitionists, in both of which characters we stand openly before the world without compromise or concealment of any principle or purpose, we will never consent that Peace shall be asked of Jefferson Davis, or of any of his slave-breeding associates; and we earnestly hope our Government will never stop to treat with them in any other character than that of rebels, traitors and murderers."
   
   Notwithstanding these emphatic denials and disclaimers, UNANIMOUSLY recorded, Mr. Conway has the assurance to reiterate that his untruthful declaration to Mr. Mason was based upon verity! And how does he attempt to make out his case? First, by saying that "Wendell Phillips first proposed the trip to me." Whether he did or not, Mr. Phillips assented to the resolutions we have already quoted. Suppose he did make the proposal, what then? To suggest to a friend a trip to England is one thing; to clothe him with official authority to make any kind of overtures to the rebel Mason, or to any other rebel, in behalf of himself personally or of the Abolitionists generally, is quite another. If Mr. Phillips did the first, (and we know not whether he did,) he certainly did not the second; nor was it dreamed of by any one that Mr. Conway would act in this unjustifiable manner.
   Secondly, Mr. Conway, pleads that we gave him sundry letters of introduction to Anti-Slavery friends in England. We certainly did so, at his quest, and as a matter of good-will, thinking that as a Virginian, the son of a slaveholder, familiar with the workings of slavery from his childhood, and ostracised from his native State for his abolition sentiments, he might be very serviceable as a competent witness to the cause of freedom and humanity abroad; and especially in exposing the true character and diabolical designs of the leaders of the rebellion. He says that we gave him much instruction and advice as to how he should work. We sorely regret that he did not follow our friendly and well-considered counsel. He "sent" himself to England, and made personal appeals far and near to procure the means to defray his expenses—and that is the whole of it. Commenting upon his letter, an esteemed friend in Philadelphia, in a private note, writes to us as follows:—

   "Mr. Conway insists that he 'was sent' to England. Now, the less he has to say on this point, the better. It was a pardonable euphemism in him at first, when speaking of this subject he put himself in the passive voice; but when he comes to treat it as a matter of fact, and to argue from it other things not less questionable as matters of fact, it is time for those who wish him well to suggest a caveat. If Mr. 'D. R.,' his newly converted friend—who some months ago thought that black was not white, but now on reflection, looking at the thing from another point of view, inclines to an opposite opinion—were as wise as he is zealous, he would let this part of Mr. Conway's history pass into oblivion.

[sixth column]

PARKER FRATERNITY LECTURES.
-----
   The seventh lecture of this course was delivered on Tuesday, evening last, at the Music Hall, by Rev. Charles G. Ames, of Albany, N. Y. It was entitled "The American Experiment."
   We, the people of the United States, said Mr. Ames, are going to school and learning about public affairs.
   So many and so great are the public benefits that have grown out of our existing struggle that we may truly say—"It is good for us that we have been afflicted."
   Society stimulates mental activity. The highest forms of virtue as well as of intelligence are impossible to a hermit. Nobleness of soul comes from the fulfilment of our obligations to our fellow-men. It is nobler to live for thirty millions than for one. The unity of this nation, formerly latent, and little more than nominal, has now become real and apparent. The very word Union has experienced religion, and now receives the right hand of fellowship from sympathizing millions. "E pluribus unum" has taken that place in our hearts which it held in the hearts of our fathers. We must retain and cherish this enthusiasm. The Republic is mighty only as the faith, hope and love of the people are mighty.
   The decision of the 8th of November has sealed the fate of the Confederate conspiracy. But even in the midst of Thanksgiving, we must call to mind the new dangers and new duties of the hour. The prophecies of our ruin so confidently made by the English aristocracy should stimulate us to spare no effort and omit no precaution.
   Not only our institutions but ourselves have been on trial. We trembled as each annual election approached; must more at a Presidential canvass. Now we thank God and take courage. We march forward to meet the future with a security of confidence never felt before. Let the old nations extol their monarchies. We believe that whatever a wise and good king may do, a wise and good people may do.
   It is our system, and no man, that has saved us. We need, not a man, but men. God would not allow this great country to be made merely a frame for a Major General's face—though there were not wanting Major Generals ambitious of such a position. It was necessary that our idols should be smashed. The late dynasty (the lecturer said that the connection required him to accent the second syllable of that word)—the late dynasty has shown us with what despicable idols the people sometimes content themselves.
   It was said of Washington that he counselled much, pondered much, resolved slowly, executed surely. Lincoln is in these respects like Washington. The tallest man now in the world is Abraham Lincoln, standing on a monument wrought from broken chains. Lincoln and his associates grew on this soil, amidst our institutions, the product of those institutions. Thence came Butler's capacity, sagacity and audacity. Liberty has created her own defenders.
   The tides of divine virtue rise highest in the character of a free people. Force, faculty and public spirit, combined with a love of freedom, can do wonders in the work of human advancement. Washington, Jefferson and Madison, though slaveholders, were not committed to slavery. They saved their souls alive by the intensity and heartiness of their labors for freedom. Our political and social system make American life a sohool for the public education of the people. And the war proves that our system works well.
   John Stuart Mill has said that the advantage of Democracy is that it will not permit the people to be passive. We must move, we must move forward. Even should we fail int he present crisis, no argument thence arises against Republican institutions. Our Republic, from the beginning, was vitiated by admixture with slavery. Ours has not yet been a free government. Our evils have arisen from this foreign and hostile element. When a vicious humor appears upon the surface in ugly blotches of rebellion, what quackery would it be to drive it back for the purpose of "restoring the original status?" Yet this is the desire and proposition of some of our political doctors.

dence to offer to sit down with us at the same table.

SECRETARY CHASE IN CINCINNATI.

     Secretary Chase spoke recently at Mozart Hall,
Cincinnati. We extract a few passages from his
speech:
REBELLION NOTHING TO HOPE FOR
     Again: This victory will assure the rebels that
they have nothing to hope for from divisions in the
loyal States. They will no longer lay the flattering 
unction to their souls, that by divisions among us
they may conquer. Every rebel officer, civil and
 military, and every rebel soldier, will have the news
of this great victory, and it will take from him one
half his strength; while every Union soldier, having
participated themselves in this great decision
of the people, hearing the result announced, will
feel that they are twice the men they were before.
So that while victory divides the rebels' strength, it
doubles ours. [Cheers.]
     There is another thing: The news of this victory
is already crossing the great deep, and in a few
days it will reach the shores of Europe, and it will
put and end to all doubt there. There will be no
question hereafter in the British Ministry, whether
America is to remain united or be rent asunder.
They will feel in their inmost convictions, that a 
people who could vote and decide as this people has
done, cannot be divided in any legitimate object
they undertake, [Cheers.] The same convictions
will be felt in France, and everywhere where
there is an unfriendly sentiment to this country.
Even our enemies will be obliged to respect the
majesty of the people of America. We shall hear
no more of intervention. No foreign power will 
hereafter venture to question either the will or the
ability of this people to subdue rebellion.
LINCOLN'S LITTLE PLATFORM
     What else do we gain? We gain the opportunity
for Mr. Lincoln to apply in practice that little
platform which he made, and which I am going to
read to you. It is addressed to you, because it concerns
you, and it is addressed, "To all whom it may 
concern." It was written about the 18th of July,
which you may remember was a pretty dark time;
but the President didn't flinch from what he thought
his duty. You may remember, too, the Chicago
platform was being arranged about that time at
Niagara, [cheers,] and that certain gentleman from
Richmond had a part in it. And it was not long
after that time when there was a council of the so-
called Sons of Liberty held in Chicago, at which
we are told by one Horace Heffron who has become
evidence for the Government, and who has been,
and may ow be, State Senator from Indiana, every
State but four was represented. This would include
seven or eight rebel States. Mr. Lincoln was
applied to sanction some terms of peace with rebels,
and asked to give safe conduct for these persons to
come to us, these rebels who were at Niagara on
business very interesting to them. At that time,
Mr. Lincoln just said this, and I think it was one of
the noblest utterances he ever made:
                                          EXECUTIVE MANSION, }
                                         Washington, July 18
To whom it May Concern:
     Any proposition which embraces the restoration of
peace, the integrity of the whole Union, AND the
abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with
an authority that can control the armies now at war
with the United States, will be received and considered
by the Executive Government of the United
States, and will be met  by liberal terms on other substantial
and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers
thereof will have safe conduct both ways.
                                                        A. LINCOLN
     This is a little platform of itself; a little platform
with big ideas. What are they? First, peace we
all want. Second, the integrity of the Union.
Third, freedom for all; the abandonment of slavery.
[Applause.]
     These are the ideas for which we have been
contending, in this campaign for union and freedom, as 
the essential conditions of peace, and the only sure
road to peace. Mr. Lincoln said well, "that when
these preliminaries are obtained, then we can be
liberal, and will be liberal, upon other questions."
     I do not know how far tat liberality will be
carried. I do not think that some of the men who 
have sinned so deeply against the people, and 
against the nation, and against God, will be likely
to receive much lenity from him. But toward all
those who have been drawn into rebellion by the
overshadowing influence of the leaders-who have
gone into it unwillingly, or even willingly, under
mistaken apprehensions-to all except those who
have formed, plotted, arranged, carried out this
rebellion-to all except these criminals I suppose a 
liberal spirit may be shown. But upon the essential
conditions there can be no change. And those
conditions ae the Union and freedom. The Union,
embracing every foot of the old republic. Union
under the old flag, floating everywhere, freedom for
all men, so that wheresoever the flag shall float,
it will float over no master and no slave. [Ap-
plause.]
     This victory, then, gives him the opportunity of
carrying out that just and liberal platform, and I
have no doubt he will do it. I have no doubt he
will fulfill the expectations he has excited in that
regard, because I have heard him say that when he
has put his foot down, even if it is not in exactly
the right place, he did not like to take it up again.


democrat, but at the same time an aristocrat; but
his aristocracy was the aristocracy of labor, the
men whose brains and muscle had planned and
wrought out those great achievements that had 
made the laboring classes of America the true 
chivalry of the world. The men who sneered at
'greasy mechanics' and 'small-fisted farmers' as
the 'mudsills of society,' were the very men who
had not brains to conceive or ability to execute a
plan. Labor was dignity, dignity was manhood,
and manhood was aristocracy. Society was to-day
in a chaotic state. The time had come to lay broad
and deep the foundation of the new aristocracy,
and by the blessing of God and the will of the
 laboring men it was to be done.
     As for the emancipation, he could say he was for
it. The institution of slavery must go down like
all other iniquities, but he was not only for emancipating
the black man, but for emancipating and
elevating the white men of the country. The
democracy had parted of the 'Rail-splitter' and
the 'Boorish Tailor.' He had been a tailor, and
was said to have been a good one; he made close
fits, did his work well, got it done according to
promise, and had the best class of customers. It
used to be said that it took nine tailors to make a
man. Let them wait a while, and they will learn 
that it takes more than nine men of their stripe to
make a tailor. The 'Rail-splitter' and the 'Boorish
Tailor'  might some day have something to  say
about the affairs of the country."

ABOLITION!
     "Abolition," the howling term with which Demo-
crat's have frightened their children to bed, and
with submission for the last quarter of a century! 
What is the use of being afraid of it now, when
rebels propose to go into the measure to achieve 
Independence? They will abolish slavery rather
than yield. To dissolve the Union, they will con-
sent to abolition. Cannot all northern men, as the
negro is to go free by one or the other parties to
the strife, be reconciled to his freedom in a restored 
government, rather than to his freedom in a dismem-
bered Union? Cannot Northern democrats go 
abolition for their country when slavites, their
former political yoke-fellows, go for it to destroy
the government? Will they still hang to slavery,
to benefit their party, when assured that the slave-
holders care more for independence, which now
means escape from the halter, than they do for
 either the copperhead fraternity, now badly "out
in the wet," or their slaves either? They are nearing
the last gasp with their slave confederacy.
Will you prolong their gasping, still blindly striking
for what you have undone yourselves, politically,
in trying to win for them, or will you let them go
on with their dying as fast as possible, that a new
and better superstructure may rise upon the old
solid foundation of Union and Liberty?
     Candid Democrats, you can damn yourselves
deeper; you cannot beat back the tide flowing
strong and deep for freedom to all men. - Fond du
Lae Commonwealth. 

ROBERT C. WINTHROP.
     If there is one man in the nation who will con-
template with more bitterness than another the re-
sult of the election on Tuesday, that man is Robert
C. Winthrop. Starting in life with every possible
advantage, social and political, he has sacrificed his
principles, ruined his last hope of advancement, and
sullied his name as a patriot, by the course he has
pursued in this Presidential election. Mr. Winthrop
was once high in public favor. He commenced life
with the most wholesome political views. He stood
up for New England ideas well in the House of
Representatives at Washington, and nobly in his short
term of service in the Senate. Had he followed out
consistently the career thus commenced, his would
have been one of the most honored names in the 
State. But Charles Sumner and Henry Wilson
crossed his path, and he could not forgive them. To
gratify personal antipathies, he turned his back on
the entire body of Anti-Slavery Whigs, with whom
he had acted, and went into alliance with their worst
enemies. Gradually, from that moment, he passed 
out of the public mind. But an opportunity at
length came to retrieve his reputation. The war, in
its fusing fire of patriotism, melted away the remembrance
of old errors. Mr. Winthrop might then
have placed himself by the side of Everett, and all
his sins would have been forgiven. It is sad for him 
that the demon of prejudice conquered the good
spirit of patriotism. When Butler had led the wat,
and Cushing and Loring and Heard were preparing
to follow, from the ranks of a party which even they
had been brought to realize was no longer a place
for patriots, Robert C. Winthrop deliberately went
over to it, and signalized the event by appearing on
a platform with Isaiah Rynders and Fernando Wood. 
But one thing could then have saved him even in 
appearance-the success of the men with whom he
had allied himself. Instead of success, they have
met the most crushing defeat on record. Alas for
the once honored name of Winthrop! Alas for the
perversity of the man who bears it in the present
generation! Mr. Winthrop has lost his last opportunity.
He has finally forfeited public respect and 
confidence, and has gone down politically past the
hope of resurrection. - Roxbury Journal.
  
     such, whereby they shall be recognized as legitimately
organized, or possessing governmental functions.
They are in a state of misrule, anarchy, chaos, out of
which order and constitutional relations are to be
evolved by the fiat of Congress, which alone has the
rightful power to determine the fact of the existence
of a State. No amnesty of President Lincoln, whether
as civil ruler or under the war power, can lawfully
transform the rebellious into loyal States. Before
they can be in a suitable condition for the political action
which must be precedent to their reconstruction,
the rebellion within their limits must be effectually
suppressed, slavery abolished, and the supremacy of
the Federal Government acknowledged. It must be
for Congress to determine the limitation of military
control, even after resistance has ceased; and also at 
what time, and upon what conditions, a civil government 
may be organized by the inhabitants-taking
special care to guard the ballot box, so that those who
may be still treasonable in spirit and design shall not
find access to it; and so that the truly loyal and the 
emancipated may not come under the State rule of
their blood-thirsty enemies. No other course can give
repose or security, or make atonement for the horrible
excesses of those revolted portions of the country.
     Though the amnesty proclamation of the President,
in regard to the reorganizing of loyal State governments
in rebel territories, was unquestionably well-in-
tended n the service of freedom, still it was at best
only permissive, and evidently to meet a present emergency
in the pathway of returning loyalty, without 
assuming to be absolute or final as against the action
of Congress. However it may be interpreted, it cannot
contravene the constitutional powers of Congress,
nor place in the Union a bona fide State without the
sanction of the of that body. If in Louisiana and Arkansas,
State governments in the amnesty-namely, the abolition
of slavery, and the number of persons voting being
not less than one-tenth the number of the votes 
cast in those States at the Presidential election in
1860-and if they have proved to be of local service,
nevertheless, they must first receive the sanction of
Congress, or give way to some other forms before being represented
in either branch of that assembly. The President
was careful to remind those to whom the amnesty
was addressed,  "that whether members sent to Congress
from any State shall be admitted to seats, constitutionally 
rests exclusively with the respective Houses, AND
NOT TO ANY EXTENT WITH THE EXECUTIVE." Let
Congress therefore act independently, and up to its
full prerogative, and at the same time to aim to preserve
as much unity of action as possible with the Executive. 
     THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY for December contains
the following: - The Highland Light, by Henry D. 
Thoreau; English authors in Florence, by Miss Kate
Field; a Tobacconalian Ode; Haleyon Days, by Caroline
Cheesebro; On Translating the Divina Commedia,
by H. W. Longfellow; House and Home Papers,
XI., by Harriet Beecher Stowe; On the Columbia
River, by Fitz Hugh Ludlow; Our Last Day in Dixie,
by Edmund Kirke; The Vanishers, by J. G. Whittier;
Ice and Esquimaux, by D. A. Wasson; The 
Process of Sculpture, by Harriet Hosmer; Bryant's 
Seventieth Birthday, by O. W. Holmes; Leaves
from an Officer's Journal, II., by T. W. Higginson;
England and America, by Goldwin Smith; We are a 
Nation, by J. T. Trowbridge; Reviews and Literary
Notices. Tickner and Fields, Publishers.

     THE CONTINENTAL MONTHLY, for December, offers
the following table of contents; - 1. An Army; its 
Organization and Movements. Fifth paper. By 
Lieut. Col. C. W. Tolles, A. Q. M. 2. Aphorisms. By
Rev. Asa L. Colton. 3. Aenone. Chapters XVI. and
XVII. 4. The Vision. By George B. Peck. 5. The 
Undivine Comedy. A Polish Drama. Part IV. By
Count Sigismund Krasinksi. Translated by Martha
Walker Cook. 6. Self-Sacrifice. Analect from Richter.
7. Shanghai: its Streets, Shops and People. By
Henry B. Auchiccloss. 8. On Hearing a Trio. By
Mary Freeman Goldbeck. 9. The Ideal Man for
Universal Imitation; or, the Sinless Perfection of
Jesus. A positive Reply to Strauss and Renan.
10. Sketches of American Life and Scenery. VI.-
To Saranac and Back. By Lucia D. Pychowska.
11. Tidings of Victory. By C. L. P. 12. The Esthetics
of the Root of all Evil. By George P. Upton.
13. Miracles. By Rev. Asa L. Colton. 14. 
Letter of Hon. R. J. Walker in favor of the Re-election
of Abraham Lincoln. 15. Genius. By Richard
Bowen. 16. Literary Notices-Editor's Table.
     This is a very interesting number.
     John F. Trowbridge, Publisher, 50 Greene Street,
New York. 

 choice and on my own responsibility. I had again
and again said in public addresses, that the South had
only to abolish slavery to disarm Abolition support of
the war, long before I wrote to Mason-a proposition
I had authority to make. I asked you if you would
support this carnage for a less principle: you refused
to reply, calling it "hypothetical." It is not hypothetical
to me, for it involves the question whether you 
have justly branded me with falsification; you are 
bound to reply, or else retract the charge that I made
an unauthorized statement of the motives of Abolitionists 
in sustaining this war. In this connection, let
me remind you that among all the criticisms made by
Abolitionists in America on that correspondence, I
have heard of no repudiation of the principle, but only
[o??ts] being embodied in a preposition to the rebel
Envoy-and that Mr. Phillips (who doesn't evade plain 
questions) earnestly and publicly endorsed that principle,
without rebuke from the leading Abolitionists on
the platform by his side.
     2. I must protest against what is implied in the following;
"In this he illustrates the spirit and practice
of his school-a spirit which makes no allowances
for honest differences of opinion, which gives an
inch the importance of a mile, makes a mountain of
every molehill, gives to that which is only incidental and
temporary the attention due only to what is primary
and fundamental, and holds dissent from the blindest
extravagancies of speech and action tantamount to a
betrayal of the cause." I protest that it is simply absurd
to represent the difference between those Abolitionists 
who supported and those who opposed Mr. 
Lincoln's re-election as superficial and not fundamental. 
Mr. Lincoln was opposed because he was deemed faithless 
to the cause of Freedom in its very ordeal. Is it
a molehill to have over a half million of men and women,
legally free, held in serfdom with danger of
re-enslavement for a year, or for one day? Does Col.
McKaye's report tell of only "an inch" of wrong
done under Banks, which Mr. Lincoln might have 
prevented (and has not) by a word? "Incidental and
temporary;" The compromisers who made the 
Constitution so declared servitude in the South, and the
slave trade-but we know how incidental and temporary
they turned out to be. Those negroes of New 
Orleans are now held by Gen. Banks as a fund from
which Mr. Seward may presently wish to help buy
back the old Union. He can easily throw the odium
of the work on the Supreme Court. Then perhaps 
you will acknowledge that the policy which so retained
them in danger, instead of letting them go,
though they starved when restoration to slavery would
have been impossible, was a fundamental wrong. It
was but the delay of six hours on the part of Earl
Russell that resulted in all the depredations of the
Alabama. I trust and pray that it may turn out that
these fears are groundless, though there seems to me
a heavy cloud for the anti-slavery cause ahead; but it
is absurd to say that it is a light question-and not
fundamental, whether in this tremendous crisis the
helm shall be given to a friend or foe of immediate and
entire emancipation. If-and here I bow to the justice
of your indictment-I voted for Mr. Lincoln, I
surely ought to try my best to undo the wrong I then
did.                      Yours, truly,
                                                     M. D. Conway.
     REMARKS. We give Mr. Conway the benefit of
the publication of his defensory letter to the Editor of
the Anti-Slavery Standard, though not requested to
copy it. Its confident assertions excite our astonishment,
and his persistency makes any palliation of his
conduct difficult even for the broadest charity. 
     In his absurd and ill-judged letter to the Confederate
traitor, J. M. Mason, last year, he explicitly declared
-"I have AUTHORITY to make the following
proposition on behalf of the leading Anti-Slavery men
of America, WHO HAVE SENT ME to this country."
That proposition was, that the Confederate States
should abolish slavery; in which case Mr. Conway
pledged the Abolitionists of the North, that they
would "immediately oppose the prosecution of the
war on the part of the United States Government,"
and induce "the immediate withdrawal of every kind
of support from it."
     How this extraordinary announcement was regarded
by the Abolitionists, as soon as it was received,
may be seen by reading the following preamble and
resolution, unanimously adopted by the Executive
Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society :-
     "Whereas, the public may infer from his statement,
that Mr. Conway represents or is authorized to speak
for the Abolitionists of this country, we deem it our
duty to declare that he has no authority from this Society,
nor, as we believe, from any member of it, or
any sympathize with it, to make any such offer-or,
indeed, to enter into any conference with any one on
national affairs, and that his visit to England, as far as
we can learn, was entirely of his own motion, and that


and near to procure the means to defray his expenses
-and that is the whole of it. Commenting upon his
letter, an esteemed friend in Philadelphia, in a private
note, writes to us as follows: -
     "Mr. Conway insists that he 'was sent' to England.
Now, the less he has to say on this point, the
better. It was a pardonable euphemism in him at
first, when speaking of this subject he put himself in
the passive voice; but when he comes to treat it as a 
matter of fact, and to argue from it other things not
less questionable as matters of fact, it is time for those
who wish him well to suggest a caveat. If Mr.
'D. R.,' his newly converted friend-who some
months ago thought that black was not white, but
now on reflection, looking at things from another
point of view, inclines to an opposite opinion-were
as wise as he is zealous, he would let this part of Mr.
Conway's history pass into oblivion.
     Mr. Conway's mission-rhetorically so called-has
a private as well as a public history. I happen to be
one of those who know who was most earnest in
urging the importance of this mission; and I happen
also to be one of those who know who was most persistent
in raising funds to defray the expense of this
mission. I therefore say to Mr. Conway and his 
friends, the less said on this point of being 'sent' the
better."

A CHEERING WORD FROM A PROMINENT
FRIEND OF OUR CAUSE IN ENGLAND
41 DORSET  STREET, HULME, MACHESTER,
(England,) Nov. 9, 1864.
WM. LLYOD GARRISON, Esq. :
     MY DEAR SIR-By this date I hope the people
have declared, by an unmistakable majority, that the
Constitution shall be so amended as to preclude for-
ever the possibility of slavery cursing your land
again. I rest content that it is so, for my conviction,
come to by patient and incessant study of their character,
is very settled on that point. I am, nevertheless,
impatient to hear the glad tidings, and I know all
the friends of America are also waiting anxiously for
the mail that shall gladden the heart and raise the 
cheers of a multitude on this side of the Atlantic.
     The course you have taken in the Presidential contest
has given great satisfaction to all your friends
here, and, for one, I fell that it has been a crown of
honor to your long career of suffering, watching,
teaching, and faith. The mistaken views of some of
your friends, and their withdrawal of support from the
Liberator, only causes more to come into the ranks
than you expected, and the vacant places to be supplied
by new names, but old and earnest friends.
They will live to regret their position, and to honor
yours. 
     Here, as the day approached for election, all the engines
of the Slave Power were pouring their bitter
streams on the public mind, trying to engender hatred,
disgust and enmity towards the patriotic free-
men of the States. Your people could afford to treat 
with contempt the adversaries of freedom, and we
have likewise allowed them to have their way, keeping
steadily and consistently ours. The administration
most suited to the crisis being secured, and their
course settled by the people, the way is clear for the
future. 
     Still a great work has to be done. The education
of people and Congress and President must go on.
The dangerous time is yet to come. When the rebellion
is crushed, the ambition of the leaders thereof
blasted by the withered lightning of a people's power,
and the people of the slave States are on their knees,
suppliants for freedom, re-union, pleading loyalty and
obedience, then will be the crisis. Firmness almost
supernatural will be required, and a vivid recollection
of the past will be needed to illumine the minds of
those in whose hands reconciliation and reconstruction
ae placed, so that the causes of the fearful rebellion
may be clear and distinct, and their sagacity, foresight 
and judgment in full vigor, sound and severely 
equitable. To do this, it will take all the forces of
the free press, free speech, free platform and pulpit to
accomplish, and therefore it is that I say, the great
work is yet to do. 
     In the first flush of the returning prodigal, mercy
and forgiveness may overcome justice and principle-
that justice to the free who have been so outraged by
the Slave Power for generations, and to whom there
must be such a constitutional guarantee as shall, for
all time, give to a free people security to property,
person and speech throughout the entirety of the
United States.
     The last few years have indeed revolutionized the
mind of your people, and the next four years will
need all the Garrisons, the Beechers, the Sumners,
the Chases in your land to direct, guide and support
the people in the new era of freedom in your history.
     With ram remembrances to our George Thompson
and yourself, allow me to remain,
             Yours very faithfully,
                                       JOHN W. ESTCOURT.

Our political and social system make American life a 
sohool for the public education of the people. And
the war proves that our system works well.
     John Stuart Mill has said that the advantage of
Democracy is that it will not permit the people to be
passive. We must move, we must move forward.
Even should we fail in the present crisis, no argument
thence arises against Republican institutions. Our
Republic, from the beginning, was vitiated by admixture
with slavery. Ours has not yet been a free government.
Our evils have arisen from this foreign and
hostile element. When a vicious humor appears upon
the surface in ugly blotches of rebellion, what quackery
would it be to drive it back for the purpose of 
"restoring the original status!" Yet this is the desire
and proposition of some of our political doctors.
     We will return good for evil to the rebellious
South. Instead of the three-fifths representation, we
will give her representatives in proportion to her
whole population. And she will have his further advantage,
that the added members will not misrepresent
their constituents.
     It is a lofty level to which we have been lifted.
Impartial liberty, protected by impartial law, this has
been the vision we have seen. Every man for the
Republic, the Republic for every man. This is the
pattern which has been shown us in the Mount. Can
we still parley with the deceitful Satan who would
persuade us to relinquish it?
     The question is not whether a Republic is possible
but whether it is possible for such a people as we. War
is a test which tries us, and will assign us our appropriate
place among us nations. Let us not shrink from the
fiery trial. Only dross perishes in the fire. If we
prove unworthy of liberty, the best thing for us is to be
placed under masters. This is the best thing for 
those who show themselves unfit for any better.
     Even if we repress the rebellion, many other dangers
remain to be averted. What kills  Republic is
ignorance. The ballot is a two-edged tool. No man 
has a right to vote till he can give a reason for his
vote. We cannot realize the full benefit of free society
until we have sense enough to put the right man
in the right place.
     Another great danger is of governing the Republic
to death. We want a government omnipotent for certain
purposes, and powerless beyond them. In war or
in peace, the sphere of government should be limited
to absolutely necessary things. The more lawlessness
there is, the more law there must be. When the wild
turkeys become tame, through allowing men to provide
their food instead of seeking it themselves, they lost 
the power of flying, and incurred other obvious dis-
advantages. A people too much provided for by their
government have a tendency to sink into mere poultry. 
Legislators should strive to reduce the amount of legislation.
In this country, as well as in England, we
have a vast number of laws, many of them a dead letter.
Now laws dead but not buried have a pernicious
effect on the atmosphere. National legislation should 
be restricted to national affairs. Especially must we
take care that philanthropy does not ride the hobby of
legislation.
     We are yet, however, to see an advanced system of
social order. The man of noble character is above
the laws. Let us teach justice and self-control, and
seek to grow towards the position, both as individuals
and a nation, of following the right for its own sake.
     The brilliant lecture of which the above is but an
imperfect sketch, lasted nearly an hour and a half, and 
received close attention and occasional applause from
a large audience. the lecture next Tuesday evening
will be given by Wendell Phillips.-C.K.W.
TO THE BENEVOLENT
Thomas F. Small, formerly a slave, and for more
than a year in the service of the United States, at
the battles of Williamsburg, Malvern Hill, Fair Oaks
and other places, having, while sick, been left without
help or care, froze his foot so that amputation became
necessary; and not having been regularly enlisted, 
cannot receive a pension or pay from the Government;
he, therefore, appeals to the sympathy of
the kind-hearted to help him in his efforts to obtain
a sum sufficient to procure himself a pair of artificial 
legs-as in his present situation he can only move 
himself upon his knees. A portion of the sum needed
for this purpose has been kindly subscribed by certain 
benevolent people in North Bridgewater; and it is
very desirable that the whole amount should be made
up speedily. Any donations sent to the Editor of the
Liberator, or to Robert F. Wallcut, Anti-Slavery office,
221 Washington Street, Boston, will be gratefully
acknowledged. This unfortunate but deserving young
man is about 20 years old, and his crippled condition
demands the most compassionate consideration. 











DECEMBER 2.  THE LIBERATOR.    195

"EDUCATION."

BY RALPH WALDO EMERSON.

   On Sunday evening last, at the Melodeon, Mr. Emerson
read the first of a course of six lectures which
have been engaged from him by the Parker Fraternity . 
The subject o[f] the opening lecture was "Education."
Before touching upon that subject, however, 
he congratulated his audience on the good omens of 
the hour. 

   He rejoiced with them on the fact that a large proportion
of the people of the United States have deliberately 
given their voices in favor of social and statute 
order ; have decided that this nation shall be a nation,
and not a casual assembly of travellers who may
remain or separate as the freak takes them ; and have 
decided that a nation like this is not to be trifled with . 
Its character and position involve interests so momentous 
that it is an intolerable crime to treat them with 
levity.  These relations should be held binding as 
marriage, binding as contracts of property, binding 
as the laws that guard the life and honor of the 
citizen . The people have decided thus.  They have 
resolved that the unity of this nation shall be held by
force against any attempt to break it by force ; and 
they protest in arms against the violation of their 
rights by any minority , smaller or greater, proceeding 
by stealth and violence to disrupt the nation . 
This is not to decide that in no circumstances ,  and for 
no cause, shall there be a separation.  But such separation, 
if it ever occur, must be a solemn and deliberate 
act, with the clearest expression of the will of 
the whole people , and with mutual guaranties and
compensations . 

   Mr. Emerson proceeded to enumerate some advantages
which have already grown out of the struggle 
in which we are engaged.  True, the war has 
cost us many valuable lives ,  but it has made many
lives valuable that were not so before , through the 
start and expansion it has given them.   It has taught
liberality to selfish old men, and devotion to thoughtless
young ones. The papers tell us that it has demoralized 
many rebel regiments, but certainly it has moralized
many loyal ones.   See its effect on Maryland, on 
Tennessee, on Missouri, on the border Free States. It 
has enlarged the vision and expanded the hearts of the
whole Northern population.   In every one of their 
houses hangs , unrolled and daily studied, the map of 
the United States.   The towns, rivers, hills and plains
of our country are known now to each citizen as never 
before, and that map on the house wall indicates that
the whole country is added to his thought.   Men 
study the condition ,  the means ,  and the future of this
continent .   America means opportunity ,  freedom , 
power .   The genius of this country has marked out 
her true policy ;  opportunity—doors wide open—every
port open .   If I could ,  I would have free trade 
with all the world, without toll or custom-house . 
Let us invite every nation, every race, and every skin ;
white man ,  black man ,  red man ,  yellow man .   Let
us offer hospitality ,  a fair field and equal laws ,  to all. 
The land is wide enough , the soil has food enough for
all . 

   The lecturer then spoke of the immense importance 
of early education, both for our children and for those 
of our immigrant population. We should cling 
to the common school, and enlarge and extend the opportunities
it offers. Let us educate every soul .
Every native child , and every foreign child that is 
cast on our coast should be taught, at the public cost, 
first the rudiments of knowledge, and then, as far as 
may be, the ripest results of art and science. 

   The careful explanation of elements is the first office 
of education ; the second is, incessant drill and 
practice in applying those elements. Wherever nature 
has supplied zeal and enthusiasm in the learner, 
the school and the college should be at hand to answer 
questions, to afford facilities. Not only the knowledge 
existing in the minds of trained persons is requisite, 
but skill in the art of conveying that knowledge is indispensable. 
A college is or should be a society of experts 
of men selected for their skill in each department 
of art, and for skill and readiness in communicating 
what they know. Severity of training also is 
[???]

   After the close of the evening service, J. E. Griffith 
was again called upon to make some remarks upon 
slavery, as it existed in former days. He gave the 
history of Maryland, from 1810 to 1864, and it showed 
some of the most barbarous transactions of modern 
days. The speaker retired amid great applause ; after 
which, a resolution was passed as follows :—

   That a committee of three be appointed. Samuel 
Molson, James Richeson, and J. L. Griffith were appointed 
said Committee. 

   The following resolutions were adopted :—

   Resolved, That the present Administration is the 
true meaning and spirit of the Declaration of Independence, 
that all men are created free and equal.
 
   Resolved, That Abraham Lincoln, the President 
of the United States, is the friend of the oppressed 
and a rod of chastisement to the enemy, and a friend 
to the Free Constitution.
 
   Resolved, That we will support the Government 
of the United States and the present Administration, 
whether at war or in peace.
 
Resolved, that with fifty-four of our colored fellow-soldiers 
who left this county and borough to fight for 
the Union, we will do all that we are able to support 
their cause at home, standing up, at all times, in favor 
of the Union and free government.
 
   Resolved, That Generals U. S. Grant, Butler, Burnside, 
Hooker, Sherman, Rosecrans, Sheridan and others, 
in whose hands our sons, fathers, cousins and 
brothers have trusted their lives, will never sheathe 
their swords until the old flag shall wave over all 
the States of this Union. 
HELEN E. MOLSON, Secretary. 
———————
THE HYGIENIC COOK-BOOK ; containing Receipts for 
making bread, Pies, Puddings, Mushes  and Soups, 
with directions for cooking Vegetables, canning 
Fruit, &c. to which is added an  Appendix, containing 
valuable suggestions in regard to washing, 
bleaching, removing ink, fruit, and other stains from 
garments, &c. By Mrs. Mattie M. Jones. New 
York : Miller &  Browning, Publishers, 15 Laight 
Street. 1864. 

   The author of this little work well says that a 
cook-book containing directions for preparing a variety 
of hygienic dishes, which shall be at the same time 
practical, concise, and in a form cheap enough to bring 
it within the means of every family, seems a desideratum 
hitherto unattained. But we think she has made 
a successful effort ; and we have no doubt it will prove 
of practical value to those desirous of learning a more 
healthful method of living. 
———————
☞ PLEDGES made to the American or the 
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Societies are now payable ; 
and it is earnestly requested of all who may be owing 
such to forward the amount of their pledges, without 
delay, to the Treasurers of those Societies respectively, 
or to SAMUEL MAY , Jr., 221 Washington Street, 
Boston.
———————
GEORGE THOMPSON AT THE WEST.

   Our eloquent coadjutor, George Thompson, Esq. is 
lecturing very acceptably at the West. He has spoken 
at Oberlin, at Chicago, and other places. The 
Chicago Journal of Nov. 23d makes the following reference 
to him :—

   GEORGE THOMPSON. There need be no feeling 
of surprise, much less of mortification, on the part of the 
Hon. George Thompson, by reason of the smallness 
of his audience last evening ; as it was owing solely 
and exclusively to the fact that he was not sufficiently 
advertised. The matter was managed with unaccountable 
carelessness. 

   The audience which did assemble, however, last 
evening, at Byron Hall, was highly gratified and 
deeply interested. Mr. Thompson gave a most eloquent 
and searching resume of our history, and the 
history of the anti-slavery agitation, (his own and 
ours,) with which he has been zealously and influentially 
identified for the last five and thirty years.

   We are glad to learn that our citizens are to have 
another opportunity of hearing this veteran English 
champion of human rights and the American Republic. 
We bid him welcome to the Northwest, and bespeak 
for him the attentive hearing and hearty hospitality 
of our people. 
[????]



PLOT TO BURN NEW YORK.

   NEW YORK, Nov 26. The St. James, Lovejoy's
and Belmont hotels were on fire last night, but suffered 
no serious damage. 
   The fires last night were made with phosphorus, 
and it is thought for the purpose of robbery.  In Barnum's 
Museum, the panic struck audience was robbed 
most thoroughly, in the great smoke and confusion
that ensued. In the hotels the robbers did not succeed
 so well. A woman hailing from Baltimore was 
arrested at the Metropolitan Hotel, under circumstances
 that involve her in serious suspicion. She strongly
 protests innocence. Several other arrests were also 
made. 
   The manner in which the fires were produced showed
 a preconcerted plot. In the hotels, the beds, clothes, 
trunks, &c., were covered with phosphorus. Matches 
were also scattered in the beds. The fires were then 
set and the rooms locked. As in the July riots, the 
thieves swarmed about the hotel doors, ready to rush 
in and plunder when the fire was underway. But the 
timely appearance of the police prevented this portion 
of the program from being carried out. 
   The panic at the Museum was intense, but fortunately
 the fire was quickly subdued. The bottle containing
 the phosphorus was found, and is like those
 used by incendiaries elsewhere. 
   At the Winter Garden, a terrible panic was created 
by some one simply crying fire. 
   The entire fire department was aroused, and together
 with the police measures were adopted for the safety
 of life and property for the remainder of the night. 
   The attempt which was really well planned has failed.
 It has shown what might be done here and elsewhere,
 and will inspire increased vigilance throughout
the North. 
   At Barnum's Museum, a quantity of phosphorus 
was thrown on the floor and stairs to the upper story, 
and a fire was kindled, but soon extinguished. There 
was considerable alarm and several ladies fainted. The 
giantess became so alarmed that she ran down the 
main stairs into the street, and took refuge in a neighboring
 hotel.
   Several hay barges were also set on fire Friday night,
phosphorus being used in every instance. 
   According to the theory of the police, it is supposed 
that the marauders numbered from fifteen to twenty-
 four, and were mostly commissioned officers in the rebel
 army—lieutenants, captains, &c. The plot probably 
originated in Canada. 
———————
   The following letter was yesterday received at the 
Adjutant General's office for Mrs. Bixby, the lady of 
this city referred to in General Schouler's communication
to the Journal of Monday evening last, as having
 " sent five sons into this war, every one of whom
has fallen nobly in battle." It appears that she has
also sent another son to the war, who is now suffering
from wounds, at the United States General Hospital 
at Readville. On learning of her case, President Lincoln
 immediately forwarded this letter:

                                    EXECUTIVE MANSION,     }
                          WASHINGTON, Nov. 21, 1864.  }
   DEAR MADAM : I have been shown in the files of 
the War Department a statement of the Adjutant 
General of Massachusetts, that you are the mother of 
five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. 
   I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of
mine, which should attempt to beguile you from the
grief of a loss so overwhelming ; but I cannot refrain
from tendering to you the consolation that may be 
found in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. 
   I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the
anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the 
cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn 
pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice
 upon the altar of Freedom.
      Yours, very sincerely and respectfully, 
   MRS. BIXBY.               A. LINCOLN.

   The names of Mrs. Bixby's sons who have fallen in 
battle are as follows : Sergt. Charles W. Bixby, Co. 
D, 20th Massachusetts Vols., killed at Fredericksburg 
May 3, 1863 ; Private Edward Bixby, 22d, died of 
wounds in hospital at Folly Island, S. C. ; Privates 
Oliver C. Bixby, E, 58th, and Geo. W. Bixby, B, 56th, 
killed before Petersburg July 30, 1864.-Journal. 

   > Geo. W. Bixby, of Co. B, 56th regiment, one 
of five brothers reported as killed in this war, was not 
killed, as has been supposed, before Petersburg, the 
30th of July last, but was captured unhurt by the 
rebels. His mother has mourned his death for four 
months.
———————
   A WHOLESALE MASSACRE. The Home Guards of 
Georgia have met a horrible fate. It is thus described
 by the Chattanooga paper:

   "A company bearing the title of the Georgia Home 
Guard has been rendering good service to the Union 
cause in the upper counties of Georgia during the
past six months. The band was composed of principally 
of deserters from the rebel army, men who had 
been conscripted into the rebel ranks and subsequent-
[???]


   The Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle of the 9th contains the 
following appeal to Georgians by Senator Hill:—

RICHMOND, Va., Nov. 18, 1864.
   To the People of Georgia: You have now the best 
opportunity ever yet presented to you to destroy the 
enemy. Put everything at the disposal of our generals.
Remove all provisions from the path of the invaders,
and put all obstructions you can in his way. 
Every citizen with his gun, and every negro with his 
spade and ax, can do the work of a good soldier. You 
can destroy the enemy by retarding his march. Georgians,
be firm, act promptly, and fear not.
      (Signed)              D. H. HILL.
   I most cordially approve of the above.
      (Signed)              JAMES A.SEDDON, 
                                       Secretary of War.

   > Eight escaped Union officers from Columbia 
prison came up in the Arago, who state that great 
consternation exists in Charleston, Savannah, &c., in 
consequence of Sherman's advance, and that while
 secreted in the woods and swamps, they daily saw 
email bodies of troops marching towards Savannah.

   > At the session of the Georgia Legislature, at 
Milledgeville, on the 17th inst., the public funds were 
ordered to be removed to a place of safety, and measures
taken for a speedy adjournment. On the 18th 
there was a general stampede of the members, and 
most of them had gone home, or were wandering 
about studying out the problem how to get there.
———————
   > A vote was taken among the Union prisoners 
confined in Columbia, S. C., for President, when the 
vote stood as follows:

                                       Lincoln.          McClellan.
Massachusetts,               48                       5
Maine,                              25                       0
New Hampshire,             7                         0
Vermont,                          29                       1
Connecticut,                    34                       3
Rhode Island,                  17                       0
                                          -----                    -----
                                          160                      9

   > Of sixty-four counties in Iowa thus far reported,
only five give Democratic majorities, only one of 
them having a majority above 100.
   Lincoln's majority on the home vote of Ohio is 
27,752, being a gain of 1511 over the Union majority 
in October.
   The soldiers from the Western Reserve District, 
Ohio, gave General Garfield, Union, for Congress,
 2033 votes, and his Democratic competitor eight. Gar-
field's majority in the district is twelve thousand.

   POLITICAL. The Chicago Tribune says of the election
of that State, that the total vote is 345,786, with a 
majority for Lincoln of 31,088. In 1860, the entire 
vote footed up 349,693, and a majority for Lincoln of 
11,946. The vote of 1864 is 13,907 less than in 1860. 
Illinois has at least 50,000 voters in front of the enemy,
who were not permitted to vote.
   Ten counties in East Tennessee cast 10,259 votes for 
Lincoln. It is a large vote, considering the numbers 
absent in the Union army.
   The number of documents printed and circulated by 
Union Congressional Committees during the Presidential
campaign was only seven million one hundred 
thousand!

   WASHINGTON, Nov. 26. Information from the Army
of the Potomac is to the effect that Thanksgiving 
day was truly a festive occasion among the soldiers.
   Since the news of President Lincoln's re-election, 
desertion from the rebel army has increased largely.
   It is said by deserters that the number of rebel soldiers
known to be watching for a favorable opportunity
to escape is astonishing; and the demoralization 
is so general, that the officers fear to trust any of their 
troops on picket. They have lost confidence even in 
South Carolina and Virginia troops.

   > Earl Russell had been installed Rector of 
the Aberdeen University. In the course of his
speech he said: "There is another portion of the 
globe where we still have to lament scenes of 
bloodshed; we still have to lament that the bloody arbitrament
of war has not been brought to a close; and 
if there is any bright spot in the dark scene, it is for 
the African race. But I cannot but believe that the 
civil war in America, whichever way it may end, 
whether the States again unite or whether there is to 
be a final separation, I cannot but believe that out of 
these events the African race will receive their free-
dom."

   > Major General Dana has reserved the plantations
of Jeff. Davis and his brother, and General 
Quitman, for the use of freed slaves. These estates 
lie together in an easily defended "bend" of the 
Mississippi, called Palmyra Bend. They contain 
about ten thousand acres of arable land, and it is intended
that cotton speculators shall be kept away from 
this point, which the negroes can defend, and where 
they can live in security and maintain themselves 
without expense to the government.

   > By a Brazilian decree of the 24th of September [???]


THE TRIBUNE for 1865.
-----
PROSPECTUS.
-----
   The Military and Naval successes of 1864, with the auspicious
result of our Presidential contest, have lifted a 
heavy weight from the breasts of the Loyal Millions of 
our countrymen. It is now felt, even by those who have 
been distrustful and faint-hearted, that the Union is to 
emerge triumphant from the deadly strife whereinto she 
was so wickedly precipitated by her assailants, and that 
Slavery, her relentless foe, is to encounter the fate of 
Haman. The perils of foreign intervention and of Western
insurrection are safely passed; ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
no longer assailable as the choice of a minority, holds the 
no helm of State for four years longer; the Rebellion, palpably weakened by its defeats and losses during the year 
now closing—with its credit so reduced that its purse-bearer 
officially declares that its Treasury Notes can only be exchanged
for coin at the rate of twenty-five for one, while
 its bonds command but six cents on the dollar—but awaits 
the blow which shall soon strike the sword from its parricidal
hand, and remit its master-spirits to the justice, or it 
may be the clemency, of a sorely wronged and justly incensed,
but forbearing and magnanimous People. Such
are the auspices which justify our faith that the year soon 
to open will see the Stars and Stripes float unchallenged 
from every battlement in the Republic, and the perfect 
law of Liberty for All immovably imbedded in the Constitution
of our Union.
   The NEW YORK TRIBUNE, founded in 1843, will enter 
upon its twenty-fourth year with quickened hopes and 
enlarged means of usefulness. Its principles need no restatement:
its aims are the diffusion of Intelligence and 
the inculcation of a spirit of Freedom and Humanity. 
When this truth shall have been generally recognized and 
established as the basis of our institutions and policy, that
injustice to the poorest, the weakest, the most despised, is 
a fearful mistake—that no community or State can afford
to wrong even the humblest member—then will our land 
bask once more in the calm sunshine of peace and prosperity.
   THE TRIBUNE has for the last year been published without
profit to its proprietors, solely because of the depreciation
of our currency below the specie standard, compelling
us to buy paper and other materials at a cost considerably
above the full amount received from our subscribers.
On our Weekly edition, the net loss has amounted
 to many thousands of dollars; while our large receipts 
from Advertising have been wholly absorbed by the extraordinary expenses of Correspondence, Telegraphing, 
&c., devolved on us by the war. As we do not suppose our 
patrons desire that we should work for them at our own 
cost, and prefer not to be patronized by any who may desire
it, we have somewhat advanced for the ensuing year 
the prices of our Semi-Weekly and Weekly, as we had already
done with those of our Daily editions. This increase 
is purely nominal: there never before was a time when 
the farmers of our country could buy THE TRIBUNE for so 
little of their own products or labor as they can by the 
following

TERMS:

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Single copy - - - - - - 4 cents.
Mail subscribers, 1 copy, 1 year—312 numbers, $10 00

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Mail subscribers, 1 copy, 1 year—104 numbers, 4 00
do. 2 copies, do. do. 7 00
do. 5 copies or over, in one address, for each copy, - - - - 3 00

WEEKLY TRIBUNE.
Mail subscribers, single copy, 1 year, 52 numbers, 2 50
do. Clubs of five, to one address, 10 00
Persons remitting $20 for 10 copies, to one address, will receive
one copy extra, gratis.
Persons remitting $40 for 20 copies, to one address, will receive
one copy Semi-Weekly, gratis.
Persons remitting $80 for 40 copies, to one address, will 
receive one copy Daily, gratis.

   Drafts on New York payable to the order of "THE TRIBUNE,"
being safer, are preferable to any other mode of 
remittance. But where drafts cannot be conveniently procured,
United States or National Bank bills are the next 
best, and may be sent by mail; but in case of loss, THE 
TRIBUNE will not be responsible, unless furnished with a 
full description of the bills, including the name of the 
bank, denomination and number, and the time and place 
of the mailing of the letter with the enclosures. Address
        THE TRIBUNE, New York.
———————
THE PIRATE FLORIDA SUNK.
[???]


   > WM. LLOYD GARRISON will deliver a lecture 
on the State of the Country, in the Universalist Church, 
at North Hanson, on Monday evening next, Dec. 5th, at 
half past 7 o'clock.
———————
   DIED—In Lawrence, (Kansas,) Oct. 26, of bilious fever,
EDWIN HUTCHINSON, of West Randolph, (Vt.) aged 24 
years.
———————
MR. GARRISON'S PORTRAIT.

   THE Portrait of Mr. Garrison, the publication of 
which has been delayed in consequence of the severe 
and protracted illness of the artist engaged in transferring
it to stone, is nearly ready, and will be furnished
to subscribers in the course of a few days. Orders may 
be addressed to R. F. WALLCUT, Esq., Liberator office, or to 
the Publisher. Price $1.50 per copy.
                C. H. BRAINARD, Publisher.
   Nov. 25         tf
———————
A FARM OF 1500 ACRES
FOR SALE.

   THE St. Mary's Lake Farm, 3 1-2 miles North from the 
city of Battle Creek, Calhoun county, Michigan, is 
offered for sale. The proprietor wishing to retire, offers 
this Farm for sale on reasonable terms as to price and 
time of payments. The Farm consists of 1500 acres of as 
rich agricultural land as can be found in the Northern 
States; 1000 acres of which are improved in the best manner.
There are on this road thirty-seven miles of rail and 
board fence, mostly new. St. Mary's Lake is one of the 
most beautiful sheets of clear crystal water in the country, 
and one of the finest fishing lakes in the State. This 
lake is in the centre of the farm, and is a mile and quarter
long by one third of a mile wide. The surroundings 
of this lake are unsurpassed for beauty of scenery. There 
are some eight or ten beautiful sites for residences on 
either side of the lake. No low marshy grounds connected 
with the shore of the lake. There are about 400 acres of 
timber, and 100 acres of the best marsh meadow land on
the west side of the farm. The buildings are, the large 
Farm House, 88 by 56 feet, elevated 50 feet above the 
lake, commanding a view of a great portion of the farm 
and of the lake; also, a large frame Boarding-House, and 
even frame Tenements; two large Barns, 153 by 70 feet 
each, with stabling below for 130 head of cattle; also, 
four other Barns, 50 by 40 feet; also, a Steam Circular 
Saw Mill, 80 by 60 feet—said to be one of the best mills 
in the State; an Orchard of 800 apple and 1200 of the 
choicest peach trees, all in fine bearing order; 350 standard
pear trees, a large number of plums, cherries, quinces, 
and a great quantity of grapes and small fruits, too numerous
to mention. Perhaps there is not a 1500 acre farm in 
the Union better adapted to cattle and sheep-raising than 
is this farm, every field of which has never-failing water. 
The land is moderately rolling, and no outlay need ever 
be made for manures. There is one of the most extensive 
Brick-yards on this farm in the interior of the State. 
A more beautiful residence cannot be found than is on this 
farm. A gentleman having sons to settle around him 
could arrange to make six or eight beautiful farms, each 
having a large front on the lake, with a beautiful sandy 
beach. Battle Creek City is one of the best markets in 
the State, and is 120 miles west and 162 miles east from 
Chicago on the Great Michigan Central Railroad. No 
situation is or can be more healthy. All the water on the 
farm is clear as crystal, soft and excellent. The farm affords
a rare chance to one wishing to go into stock and 
sheep raising; it is now seeded down to clover and timothy.
The farm, with all the stock, sheep, house utensils 
and 250 tons of clover and timothy hay, is offered at the 
greatest bargain.
   Letters of inquiry, addressed to me at Battle Creek, will 
receive prompt replies. I refer to Henry C. Wright, 
Charles C. Burleigh and Parker Pillsbury, who have visited
the St. Mary's Lake Farm.
                    HENRY WILLIS.
   Battle Creek, Nov. 18, 1864.
———————
SENATOR WILSON'S BOOK,
ON THE CONDITION OF THE NEGRO POPULATION AS CONNECTED WITH THE REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT 
IN REBEL STATES.

   SHOWING what the present Administration has accomed
for freedom. Being a

History of the Anti-Slavery Measures of the 37th 
and 38th Congresses.

CONTENTS.

Slaves used for Insurrectionary purposes made Free.
Fugitive Slaves not to be returned by Persons in the Army.
The Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia.
President's Proposition to Aid States in the Abolishment of 
Slavery.
Prohibition of Slavery in the Territories.
Certain Slaves to be made Free.
Hayti and Liberia.
Education of Colored Youth in the District of Columbia.
The African Slave-Trade.
Additional Act to Abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia.
Colored Soldiers.
[???]

may be, the ripest results of art and science.
   The careful explanation of elements is the first office 
of education; the second is, incessant drill and 
practice in applying those elements. Wherever nature 
has supplied zeal and enthusiasm in the learner, 
the school and the college should be at hand to answer 
questions, to afford facilities. Not only the knowledge 
existing in the minds of trained persons is requisite, 
but skill in the art of conveying that knowledge is indispensable. 
A college is or should be a society of experts; 
of men selected for their skill in each department 
of art, and for skill and readiness in communicating 
what they know. Severity of training also is 
of the highest importance. When once the power of 
learning is secured, the pupil can learn anything that 
it is important for him to know.
   Mr. Emerson found some objection to the large proportion 
of time devoted, in our colleges, to the higher 
mathematics. He wished that the living breath of 
America might blow through the present formularies 
of study, and effect large improvements. The professor 
ought to prove his claim to his chair. The 
scholar should prove his claim to every step of advancement. 
The student should prove his claim to 
scholarships and fellowships. And the class should 
have a certain share in the election of the professor, 
even if only this, the making their attendance on his 
lectures voluntary. The democratic sense which 
abides in this country ought to act upon all the departments 
of education.
   Mr. Rarey might well be offered the diploma of 
Doctor of Laws. He has turned a new leaf in civilization. 
The Board of Education of Massachusetts 
would take a wise step by engaging that master to go to 
each College and Teachers' Convention in the 
State, exhibiting his pupils and explaining his treatment. 
What force, what excellence in his fundamental 
maxim, that he who would manage a horse must 
know neither fear nor anger! Mr. Rarey seems to be 
a sly satirist, reading sarcastic lessons to Colleges and 
Universities when he pretends to be thinking merely 
of stables. He knows horses and likes them. The 
horses see that he is a solid good fellow, up to all their 
ways, and a little better than they are in their own 
way. The schoolmaster or the professor should stand 
in as real a relation to his pupils.
   Whatever else a boy learns, Mr. Emerson thought, 
he should learn to harness a horse, to row a boat, to 
camp in the woods, and to cook his own supper. These 
are the first steps to power. The first duty of the 
man of thought is to secure his own independence. 
The questions which the world asks of every young 
person are—What are you?—What do you?—What 
is your talent?—What is your contribution to the common 
weal?—Is there any decided tendency in your 
own life?—Can you help any other soul?
   Mr. Emerson always has a good audience in Boston. 
On this occasion they filed the Melodeon, and listened 
for more than an hour with the deepest interest. 
The second lecture of the course, on "Social Aims," 
will be given next Sunday evening.—C. K. W.
———————
COLORED PEOPLE'S JUBILEE.
-----
LEWISTOWN, (Pa.) Oct. 31, 1864.
   A mass meeting of the colored people assembled 
at the A. M. E. Church, to take into consideration the 
emancipation of the State of Maryland, and its great 
benefits to the people of African descent.
   The object of the meeting being made known by 
Samuel Molson, the Rev. Wm. Hollen was called upon 
as the President, and James Ritcheson and Samuel 
Molson as Vice Presidents. Helen E. Molson was 
chosen Secretary.
   J. E. Griffith was invited to address the meeting, 
which invitation he accepted, and occupied the attention 
of the audience one hour and a half. He depicted 
the sufferings and ill-treatment of the colored people 
whilst bound under hard taskmasters and tyrants. 
He also read the laws of Maryland, in reference to 
slavery and our race, showing the evil effects of slavery 
in general. He also painted a delightful picture 
of the former conduct of the citizens of Maryland, 
and the present conduct under the new and free Constitution.
   After the lecture, a vote of thanks was returned to 
the soldiers and citizens of Maryland for their hearty 
support of the Union and the President of the United 
States; and also to Gov. Bradford and all the leaders 
and framers of the new Constitution, which is now 
to be the rule and guide of the State of Maryland.
   The meeting then adjourned till 7 o'clock, P. M.
   Rev. Wm. Hollen was appointed to deliver a sermon 
on the occasion, which he did in a most masterly 
style. The church was densely crowded.

and exclusively to the fact that he was not sufficiently 
advertised. The matter was managed with unaccountable 
carelessness.
   The audience which did assemble, however, last 
evening, at Byron Hall, was highly gratified and 
deeply interested. Mr. Thompson gave a most eloquent 
and searching resume of our history, and the 
history and the anti-slavery agitation, (his own and 
ours,) with which he has been zealously and influentially 
identified for the last five and thirty years.
   We are glad to learn that our citizens are to have 
another opportunity of hearing this veteran English 
champion of human rights and the American Republic. 
We bid him welcome to the Northwest, and bespeak 
for him the attentive hearing and hearty hospitality 
of our people.
   The same paper has also the followings proceedings 
of the Chicago Board of Trade:—
   The proceedings on 'Change, at noon, to-day, 
were rendered unusually interesting by the presence of 
Governor Richard Yates, General John A. Logan, 
and Hon. George Thompson. The Governor was 
first introduced, and in a few remarks, highly complimentary 
to the Board and to the unflinching patriotism 
of Gen. John A. Logan, prepared the way for the 
reception of the latter. Throughout his brief address, 
the Governor was highly applauded.
   On taking the floor, Gen. Logan was received with 
three rousing cheers. He said that he had but few 
opportunities of becoming acquainted with the citizens 
of Chicago, and was happy to meet them on this 
occasion. While all men looked with interest and 
pride upon the soldiers in the field, the labor and patriotism
of such associations as the Board of trade at 
home should not be forgotten. It has furnished noble
regiments and a battery for the war; it has never
neglected any opportunity for serving the soldiers;
it has done so much and so well against the rebellion
that it is honored and revered among soldiers. And
it could well afford to do so much, for unless the integrity
of the Government is preserved, this association
would amount to but little; and this thought
should be an incentive to other demonstrations of patriotism. 
He believed that in the suppression of rebels 
in the field and of traitors everywhere (applause) 
lies the permanent peace of this Government, 
which has the power to restore its integrity. But unity 
of sentiment and action, without regard to party, 
is necessary, for we can have no peace till every 
rebel shall lay down his arms. He had a duty to 
perform in the field; we, at home, have also duties 
to perform, and he believed that we should perform 
them until American arms shall accomplish union and 
freedom, giving us one flag, one country and one God, 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Lakes to 
the Gulf.
   The General retired amid loud plaudits, when Hon. 
George Thompson, M. P., of England, and one of the 
strongest advocates of our Government there, was 
introduced, and received with much applause.
   Mr. Thompson said, that if he ever had an unfriendly 
feeling towards this country, he would blush to 
meet so patriotic an assemblage as that before which he 
now appeared. But he never had. On the contrary, 
he had been its unflinching friend; and although there 
are those in England who are opposed to the success 
of your Republican institutions, they are not numbered 
with the democracy—the toiling, thinking millions 
of England—who cherish the names of Farragut, 
Grant, Sherman, Logan, (applause,) and awaited with 
interest the day when we shall attain our "Liberty 
and Union—one and inseparable—now and forever!"
(Applause.) He desired the speedy restoration of the 
Union to its integrity. He had watched, with deep 
interest, the progress of the recent election, and seen 
in its results much that will soon lead to our national 
success and an unbroken Union.
   The speaker retired, followed by enthusiastic applause.
———————
   BUST OF CHARLES SUMNER. Millmore, a young 
sculptor of more than common promise in his art, has 
just finished a most admirable bust of Senator Sumner. 
The artist has succeeded in representing the 
essential spirit of his subject, as he will be recognized 
historically, when seen by those sufficiently removed 
by distance to do justice to his power and his 
aims. Courage and dignity, tempered by the humanity 
of a large and commanding nature, are expressed 
with great fidelity. It is no ordinary achievement 
for the artist to mould a representative man so that 
the idea or principle, which is the substance of his 
life, should shine through the form. In this, Millmore 
seems so carefully to have studied his subject as to 
have succeeded. If, thus early in his career, he 
evinces to strong a hold on the spiritual requirements 
of his art, it is not too much to predict that he will 
eventually rank among its eminent masters.—Transcript.
   We fully endorse the above appreciative notice of 
Mr. Millmore's admirable work. Copies of the bust 
are on sale at the store of Williams & Everett, together 
with those of the poet Longfellow, by the same artist.
———————
   NARROW ESCAPE OF GENERAL BUTLER. The Journal 
has a dispatch from Washington, as follows:
   Yesterday as Gen. Butler and staff were on their 
way from Bermuda Hundred to Fort Monroe, in his 
dispatch boat, the Greyhound, the head of the boiler 
blew-out, and the boat was enveloped in flames. Rafts 
were hastily constructed of settees and doors, on one 
of which Gen. Butler escaped, and all the passengers 
and crew were saved, being picked up by a passing 
tug. The boat sank in thirty minutes after the flames 
broke out. Gen. Butler lost his horses and nearly 
all of his personal effects.

   > Geo. W. Bixby, of Co. B, 56th regiment, one 
of five brothers reported as killed in this war, was not 
killed, as has been supposed, before Petersburg, the 
30th of July last, but was captured unhurt by the 
rebels. His mother has mourned his death for four 
months.
———————
   A WHOLESALE MASSACRE. The Home Guards of 
Georgia have met a horrible fate. It is thus described 
by the Chattanooga paper:
   "A company bearing the title of the Georgia Home 
Guard has been rendering good service to the Union 
cause in the upper counties of Georgia during the 
past six months. The band was composed principally 
of deserters from the rebel army, men who had 
been conscripted into the rebel ranks and subsequently 
escaped, and a number of citizens of Murray, 
Walker and Catoosa counties, Georgia, and were commanded 
by Col. Ashworth, of Walker county. They 
had been out on a scout for several days, and had 
captured and picked up several squads of rebel prisoners, 
among whom was a colonel. On their return 
they did not preserve as good order and discipline as 
they should have done, and the homes of many of 
them being in that section of country, considerable 
straggling ensued. When near Elijah, about sixty-
five miles northeast of Dalton, on last Friday, they 
were surprised by a force of rebels under the command 
of Tom Polk Edmonson. This rebel force is 
composed in the greater part of members of the First 
Tennessee Infantry, who got cut off from their main
 army at the beginning of the campaign last spring, 
and have remained in that county ever since. The 
Home Guard numbered one hundred and twenty-five 
men, while the rebel force consisted of over three 
hundred. Finding that they were surrounded, and 
that escape was impossible, that Home Guard surrendered, 
and then ensued the fearful part of the tragedy. 
The most of these men being deserters from the rebel 
army, as we stated above, and all of them being well 
known as having acted as guides for our forces, the 
rebels determined to show them no mercy. Taking 
the prisoners off into the woods a short distance, their 
inhuman captors shot or hung all but twenty-one of 
them! After the commission of this savage and unparalleled 
butchery, the monsters departed for their 
retreat in the mountains, taking their remaining prisoners
—including Col. Ashworth—with them. On the 
road one of these prisoners managed to escape, and 
made his way into Dalton, where he made the above 
statement to the Provost Marshal. It is supposed 
that our authorities will be able to effect an exchange 
of Col. Ashworth for the rebel colonel whom the 
Home Guard had captured, and sent into Calhoun. 
A flag of truce for that purpose was to have left Calhoun 
last Sunday."
   REBEL CRUELTY. BALTIMORE, Nov. 26. The correspondent 
of the Baltimore American, writing from 
Annapolis last evening, says such was the wretched 
state of our prisoners who have just arrived from Savannah, 
that our surgeons were appalled at the awful 
sight.
   Not a man among the number but that had to be 
sent to the hospitals, many to leave them only for the 
grave. Surgeons Vanderkief and Parker, and their 
assistants, evinced the deepest interest in the poor fellows, 
and are doing all in their power to mitigate their 
sufferings.
   > The Yorkville Enquirer's correspondent at 
Florence, South Carolina, states that there are over 
ten thousand prisoners in the stockade there, and that 
one thousand have died from scurvy. They exchange 
rings, pipes, inkstands and straw hats for potatoes, 
which are the only vegetables to be had. On election 
day they opened polls, 1284 voting for Lincoln, and 19 
for McClellan.
———————
   DEATH OF PROFESSOR SILLIMAN. The country 
has lost the pioneer of physical science on its present 
basis in America, and one of its most effectual promoters 
by pen and tongue. Benjamin Silliman was 
born in North Stratford, Conn., Aug. 8, 1779. He 
graduated at Yale College—as his father and grandfather 
had before him—in 1796. After teaching 
awhile, he began the study of the law, and was practising 
in New Haven when he was induced to accept 
the Professorship of Chemistry at Yale, tendered in 
1802. He took two years to prepare himself for his 
new duties, upon which he entered in 1804. The 
next year he visited Europe, and on his return began 
a series of lectures on mineralogy and geology, to 
which subjects he was mainly devoted ever after. 
He was the author of two books on travel, and the 
compiler or editor of several scientific works. In 
1818 he originated the "American Journal of Science," 
which is still in the full tide of usefulness, owing 
in great part to the able editorship of himself and 
his accomplished son.
   From the date of his first appointment in Yale College 
till within a few years, Professor Silliman continued 
his duties as lecturer on physical science. In 
that capacity he will be fondly remembered by many 
thousands of graduates. "Of a commanding figure," 
says writer describing him, "serene, open, and 
pleasant countenance, musical and manly voice, the 
utmost self-possession and composure, great coolness 
and dexterity of manipulation, and a high power of 
language both as to choice and flow of words, he was 
the very prince of lecturers." His enthusiasm over 
a fossil or a mineral was apt to provoke merriment 
among those who listened to him for the first time; 
but that nature must have been cold and stubborn indeed, 
that did not soon find his love of nature contagious 
and inspiring. He was a man that would 
have won distinction in any walk of life; but it is 
questionable if in any other he could have left behind 
him a more beneficent influence and a more honorable 
name than he has now done.—Boston Journal.

civil war in America, whichever way it may end, 
whether the States again unite or whether there is to 
be a final separation, I cannot but believe that out of 
these events the African race will receive their freedom."
   > Major General Dana has reserved the plantations 
of Jeff. Davis and his brother, and General 
Quitman, for the use of freed slaves. These estates 
lie together in an easily defended "bend" of the 
Mississippi, called Palmyra Bend. They contain 
about ten thousand acres of arable land, and it is intended 
that cotton speculators shall be kept away from 
this point, which the negroes can defend, and where 
they can live in security and maintain themselves 
without expense to the government.
   > By a Brazilian decree of the 24th of September, 
all of "free Africans" existing in the empire were 
emancipated, whether in the service of the State or 
in that of private individuals, thus annulling the decree 
No. 1803 of the 28th of December, 1853, which 
exacted fourteen years' service from that date.
   > Western Copperhead papers are rapidly going 
by the board. The Illinois State Register, Bloomington, 
(Ill.,) Democrat, Madison, (Wis.,) Patriot, 
Evansville, (Ind.,) Times, Peoria, (Ill.,) Mail, and 
Lincoln (Logan county, Ill.,) Courier, have all become 
defunct. The people have no further use for 
copperheadism.
   > Mrs. Jeff. Davis was an unconscious contributor 
to the National Sailor's Fair at Boston; a box of clothing 
which was captured on the blockade-runner Hope, 
intended for her, having been presented to the Fair.
    > More than one hundred lives have been lost in 
the Northern States alone, since October 31st, and 
nearly as many persons have been more or less injured, 
many of them for life, by railroad accidents. 
In nearly every case, these accidents might have been 
avoided by such precaution as the merest common 
sense would dictate.
   > The Richmond Dispatch recommends Congress 
to call General Lee before them, and ask his opinion 
on the great military question of the day, the 
recommendation of the President to employ forty 
thousand slaves as laborers in the armies, thereby releasing 
nearly the same number of fighting men.
   > Wood is selling at Richmond for one hundred 
dollars a cord, and scarce at that.
   > Gen. Butler, in an order dismissing Second 
Lieutenant John Clancy, of the Colored Light Artillery, 
from the service, says : "He was in a state of intoxication, 
which is reported as beastly, but that is evidently 
a mistake, as beasts do not get drunk."
   > Mrs. Joshua R. Giddings died at Jefferson, 
Ashtabula County, Ohio, on the 15th inst.
   WASHINGTON, Nov. 25. Charles Williams, a colored 
U. S. soldier, was executed by hanging in the yard 
of the Old Capitol Prison, to-day, for killing a colored 
woman near Casey a short time ago.
   > A missionary, who travelled some forty miles 
with Price in Arkansas, reports that Price told him he 
lost over 10,000 men in killed, wounded and deserters, 
and that his expedition into Missouri had been most 
disastrous.
   > An Irishman was challenged at the polls in 
Windsor, Vt., and his naturalization papers demanded. 
After much hesitation, he handed over a paper 
that proved to be a bill against him for two barrels 
of whiskey.
   > The receipts of the National Sailors' Fair 
at Boston, have not been correctly and clearly ascertained, 
but will exceed $200,000.
   PRUDENCE OF THE NEGRO. A bundle of bank deposit 
books of the savings of Co. H. 35th Regiment 
U. S. Colored Troops, Lieut. H. W. Batcheller commanding, 
now stationed at Jacksonville, Florida, has 
been exhibited to us. The deposits were made in one 
of the savings banks of this city. We can be consider 
this as a curious development of the times, and 
a striking evidence of the advance from slavery and 
ignorance of knowledge and civilization of the blacks 
of the South. The amount deposited is about $2000.
—Boston Journal.
   >Monticello, the former residence of Thomas 
Jefferson, in Albemarle County, Virginia, was sold 
at auction, a few days ago, under the sequestration act, 
for $80,500. Benjamin F. Ficklin, purchaser.
   > Wm. Burr, the inventor of the casemate ironclad system, 
died a few days since at Greenfield Hill, 
Ct. It was from the stolen plans of Mr. Burr that 
the rebel ram Merrimack was built.
   WASHINGTON, Nov. 28. Seth Kinman, a California 
trapper, presented a chair made of buck horns to 
the President this morning, receiving Mr. Lincoln's 
thanks for the gift in a few pleasant remarks.
   > Mrs. Sarah Hutchins, a leading Baltimore 
sympathizer with the rebels, has been convicted of 
having sent a sword to Harry Gilmer, and sentenced 
to pay a fine of $5000, and to be imprisoned for five 
years at hard labor in the Fitchburg, Mass., House of 
Correction.
   NEGROES IN KANSAS. Not less than 10,000 negroes 
are said to have gone to Kansas from Missouri 
and Kansas. They now form an indispensable laboring 
population in that State. No complaints are made 
of them either as to pauperism or crime.
    > Mrs. Nancy Rhodes of Breman, Maine, had 
six sons in the army—four have been killed in action, 
another is made a cripple for life, the sixth is still in t
he service.

Persons remitting $40 for 20 copies, to one address, will receive 
one copy Semi-Weekly, gratis.
Persons remitting $80 for 40 copies, to one address, will 
receive one copy Daily, gratis.
   Drafts on New York payable to the order of "THE TRIBUNE," 
being safer, are preferable to any other mode of 
remittance. But where drafts cannot be conveniently procured, 
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of the mailing of the letter with the enclosures. Address
         THE TRIBUNE, New York.
———————
THE PIRATE FLORIDA SUNK.
Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy:
   I have just received a telegram from the commander 
of the prize steamer Florida, informing me that 
she had sunk in nine fathoms of water. She had 
been run into by an army steamer, and badly damaged. 
I have not heard the particulars. I will inform 
the Department when I receive the written 
report.
       (Signed)              DAVID D. PORTER,
                                                  Rear Admiral.
———————
   NO COMPROMISE. The Washington correspondent 
of the Boston Journal pertinently says:—
  " While Grant and Sherman are in the field, battling 
stalwartly against the foes of the Union, those 
in civil life should see that they are fully sustained at 
home. The plots and artifices of professed 'peace' 
men should be carefully scanned, and their deceptive 
plans for the betrayal of the Republic should be 
frustrated ere they ripen to maturity. Although a 
majority of the voters of the loyal States have unmistakably 
pronounced against the continuance of 
slavery, the cause of the rebellion, mischievous plotters 
(masked behind olive branches) are planning how 
to preserve what remains of their idolized "institution." 
They talk of compromise and of conciliation, 
but the PEOPLE want first to conquer a peace, and 
secondly to destroy the accursed cause of this cruel 
war. The able arguments of Senator Sumner, in 
his recent speech before the Young Men's Republican 
Union of New York, are hailed here as the keynote 
to the action of true men during the coming 
season of Congress. The rebellion is but belligerent 
slavery—destroy that, and we shall have the desired 
peace."
———————
   WASHINGTON REJUVENATED. A Washington correspondent 
gives the following cheering view of the 
change for the better at the Capital:—

   "Although lamentations for the days of auld lang 
syne are heard from the worshippers of slavery aristocracy 
who used to rule the metropolis, signs of real 
progress are visible on every hand. There are pleasant 
visiting circles of agreeable and educated people 
as well as the diplomatic, the army, the navy, and 
the secesh "sets." Churches of all denominations 
are well attended—so are two theatres and several 
concert halls. Nearly four thousand pupils are taught 
in sixty-three public schools. The horse railroad cars 
run regularly, and a new horse railroad is being built 
from the Baltimore depot past the patent office to the 
equestrian statue of Washington. Stores are kept 
closed on Sundays, pavements have been mended, 
water is abundant, gas ditto, (for illuminating and for 
oratorical effect,) and the steamers are summoned to 
fires by the electrical telegraph fire alarm. In short, 
the national metropolis is fast becoming a city worthy 
of the great republic of which it is the capital, with 
all the modern conveniences."
———————
   GOOD FOR DENNIS CONNELLY. A hackman of 
the name of Dennis Connelly had the honor of driving 
Lieut. Gen. Grant from the residence of Col. Hillyer, 
in New York, to the Astor House, last Sunday 
night. After depositing his illustrious passenger, 
Dennis of course took a drink, and gave his friends 
the following toast: "Here to myself, Dennis Connelly, 
the biggest man in Ameriky but one. I've 
driven the Lieutenant General of the United States, 
and it's more than Bobby Lee ever did."
   > The Danish question has at least been settled. 
A treaty was agreed to on the 30th of October, and 
the German troops were to leave Jutland before the 
close of November, greatly to the pleasure of the people 
of that ill-used country.
   > One hundred thousand dollars were obtained 
in Liverpool in aid of Southern prisoners, by the Fair 
held in that city of slave-traders.
    > The Electors of President and Vice President 
meet on the first Wednesday of December, at capitals 
of their respective States, to cast their votes, 
which are sent to the President of the Senate, and 
counted before both houses of Congress on the second 
Wednesday of February.
   > The most popular lyceum lecturers have raised 





their prices this winter. Beecher and Gough have 
$150 an evening, and the gentlemen who formerly 
asked $50 now demand $100.
   > Fred. Douglass delivered an address last 
Thursday night to an immense audience at the Bethel 
Church on Sharp street, Baltimore. HE was accompanied 
by his sister, a freed Maryland slave, whom 
he had not seen since he made his escape, thirty 
years ago. A number of white persons were present, 
and the enthusiasm of the colored population was 
raised to the highest pitch of excitement. His advice 
to them was most excellent.—Baltimore American.

History of the Anti-Slavery Measures of the 37th 
and 38th Congresses.
CONTENTS.
Slaves used for Insurrectionary purposes made Free.
Fugitive Slaves not to be returned by Persons in the Army.
The Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia.
President's Proposition to Aid States in the Abolishment of 
Slavery.
Prohibition of Slavery in the Territories.
Certain Slaves to be made Free.
Hayti and Liberia.
Education of Colored Youth in the District of Columbia.
The African Slave-Trade.
Addition Act to Abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia.
Colored Soldiers.
Aid to the States to Emancipate their States.
Amendment of the Constitution.
Confinement of Colored Persons in the Washington Jail.
Negro Testimony.
The Coastwise Slave-Trade.
Color no Disqualification for Carrying the Mails.
No Exclusion from the Cars on Account of Color.
         12 MO.—EXTRA CLOTH—$2.
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By E. L. & A. L. Frothingham. 1 vol. 8vo. elegant. $3.50.
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PUBLISHERS,
245 Washington Street, - - - BOSTON,
Oct. 21.      2w
———————
Proclamation of Freedom
   FINE Photographs, 18 by 13 inches of Paine s Pen-
and-Ink Drawing of the Emancipation Proclamation 
handsomely illustrated. The original was donated to the 
Brooklyn Sanitary Fair, and by a subscription of $500 presented 
to the President of the United States. A single 
copy sent by mail on receipt of $3.00. A liberal discount 
allowed to dealers or canvassers. It is beautiful and artistic work.
   Canvassers wanted for every section of the country.
   Copy-right secured. 
                 ROWLAND JOHNSON,
      54 Beaver st., New York, 119 Market st., Phila.
———————
A SCHOOL MAGAZINE FREE!
CLARK'S SUNDAY SCHOOL VISITOR—Vol. IX.—1865.
SEVENTY-FIVE CENTS A YEAR.
Readings, Dialogues, Speeches, Music, Poems, Mathematics, 
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                       C. M. PLUMB & CO., Publishers,
Oct. 21.                 274 Canal street, New York.
———————
"FREE LOVE,"
      OR a Philosophical Demonstration of the non-exclusive 
nature of Connubial Love. To which is added, a Review 
of and Reply to the exclusive phase in the writings of 
the Fowlers, Adin Ballou, H. C. Wright, and A. J. Davis, 
on the Love and Marriage question. Price, (post-paid,) 50 
cents, or to the poor, in paper, 35 cents. Sold by the Author
—AUSTIN KENT, East Stockholm, St. Lawrence Co., 
N. Y.                 Sept. 30.
———————
BOARDING.
   MRS. GIAGER wishes to insorm her friends and the 
public, that she has taken house 41 Washington st,, 
Cambridgeport, where she can accommodate a few boarders 
or lodgers. References exchanged.
   Dec. 2.          tf
———————
GAS FIXTURES.
   THE undersigned begs leave to inform his friends and 
the public, that (owing to ill health) he has been 
obliged to leave his situation at Messrs. H. B. Stanwood 
& Co's, now Messrs. Shreve, Stanwood & Co's, where he has 
been employed for the last fourteen years, the work being 
too heavy for his physical strength, and is now prepared 
to do all manner of 
JOBBING ON GAS FIXTURES.
in the most careful manner. New Fixtures furnished and 
put up, old Fixtures and Glass Drops cleaned, leaks stopped, 
Gas Fixtures done over, and Gas Glasses of all kinds 
furnished at short notice. Also, Gas Burners of all 
the approved kinds.
   Particular attention given to Lighting up for Parties.
   Shop under the Marlboro' Hotel. Orders may be left at 
Messrs. Hall & Stowell's Provision Store, 132 Charles street, 
Boston.          NELSON L. PERKINS,
   Refers to Shreve, Stanwood, & Co.
   Oct. 30—1y

THE LIBERATOR 
— IS PUBLISHED — 
EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, 
— AT — 
221 WASHINGTON STREET, ROOM No. 6.

ROBERT F. WALLCUT, GENERAL AGENT.

   TERMS- Three dollars per annum, in advance.
Four copies will be sent to one address for TEN 
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"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all 
the inhabitants thereof."

   "I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that military 
authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal 
institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST; 
and that, under that state of things, so far from its being 
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive 
management of the subject, not only the PRESIDENT OF 
THE UNITED STATES, but the COMMANDER OF THE ARMY, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION 
OF THE SLAVES..... From the instant 
that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, 
CIVIL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers 
of CONGRESS extend to interference with the institution of 
slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED 
WITH, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, 
to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power.... It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, ACCORDING 
TO THE LAWS OF WAR; and by the laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institutions 
swept by the board, and MARTIAL POWER TAKES THE 
PLACE OF THEM. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate 
all the slaves in the invaded territory." -- J. Q. ADAMS.

SLAVES.
HORSES,                                                 FREEDOM
& OTHER 
CATTLE                                                                       EMANCIPATION
IN LOTS TO 
SUIT
PURCHASE
"I COME TO BREAK THE BONDS OF THE OPPRESSOR."
HARTWELL
THOU SHALT LOVE THY NEIGHBOR AS THYSELF.
THE LIBERATOR.

WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor.
Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind.
J. B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers.

VOL. XXXIV. NO. 49.
BOSTON, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 2, 1864.
WHOLE NO. 1765.

Selections.
SLAVERY AND THE REBELLION ONE AND 
INSEPARABLE.
[We give the second portion of Mr. Sumner's Argument 
on the Reconstruction of the Union in his admirable Speech 
at New York, Nov. 5, 1864 :]—

Surrender by acknowledging Slavery.
   II.  I have said enough of surrender by the recognition 
of the slave States, or, in other words, of the 
Slave Power out of the Union.  It remains now that 
I should ask your attention to that other form of 
surrender which proposes the recognition of the 
Slave Power in the Union.  Each is surrender.  The 
first, as we have already seen, abandons a part of 
the Union to the Slave Power; the other subjects 
the whole Union to the Slave Power.
   It is proposed that the rebel States should be 
tempted to lay down their arms by a recognition of 
slavery in the Union, with new guarantees and assurances 
of protection.  Slavery cannot exist in any 
country which it does not govern.  Therefore, we are 
to ask the rebel slave-masters to come back, and consent 
to govern us.  Such, in plain terms, is the surrender 
proposed.  For one, I will never consent to 
any such intolerable rule.
   But the whole proposition is not less pernicious 
than that other form of surrender; nor is it less 
shameful.  It is insulting to reason, and offensive to 
good morals.

Impossible, because it is a Compromise.
   (1.) I say nothing of the ignominy it would 
bring upon the country; but call attention at once 
to its character as a Compromise.  In the dreary 
annals of Slavery, it is by Compromise that the 
slave-masters have succeeded in warding off the 
blows of Liberty.  It was a compromise by which 
that early condemnation of the slave trade was excluded 
from the Declaration of Independence; it 
was a compromise which surrounded the slave trade 
with protection in the National Constitution; it was 
a compromise which secured the admission of Missouri 
as a slave State; and, without stopping to complete 
the list, it is enough to say that it was a compromise 
by which the atrocious Fugitive Slave Bill 
was fastened upon the country, and the Slave Power 
was installed in the National Government.  And 
now, after the overthrow of the Slave Power at the 
ballot-box, followed by years of cruel war, another 
compromise, greatest of all, is proposed, by which 
belligerent Slavery, dripping with the blood of our 

night he enters forcibly into the house of another; 
he is highway robber, for he stops another on the 
road, and compels him to surrender his purse; he is 
pickpocket, for he picks the pocket of his slave; he 
is sneak, for there is no pettiness of petty larceny 
which he does not employ; he is horse-stealer, for 
he takes from his slave the horse that is his; he is 
adulterer, for he takes from the slave the wife that 
is his; he is the receiver of stolen goods on the 
grandest scale, for the human being that has been 
stolen from Africa he foolishly calls his own.  When 
I describe a slave-master, it is simply as he describes 
himself in the law which he sanctions.  All crime 
is in Slavery, and so every criminal is reproduced in 
the slave-master.  And yet it is proposed to give to 
this whole class not only new license for their crimes, 
but a new lease of their power.  Such a surrender 
would be only the beginning of long-continued, unutterable 
troubles, breaking forth in bloodshed and 
sorrow without end.

Impossible, because Slavery is the Rebellion.
   (5.) But, lastly, this surrender cannot be made 
without surrender to the rebellion.  Already I have 
exhibited the identify between Slavery and the Rebellion; 
and yet it is proposed to recognize Slavery 
in the Union.  Such a recognition will be the recognition 
of the Rebellion.
   The whole thing is impossible, and not to be tolerated.  
Too much blood has been shed, and too 
much treasure has been lavished, to allow this war to 
close with any such national stultification.  The Rebellion 
must be crushed, whether in the guise of war 
or under the alias of Slavery.  It must be trampled 
out so that it can never show itself again, or prolong 
itself into another generation.  Not to do this completely, 
is not to do it at all.  Others may do as they 
please, but I wash my hands of this great responsibility.  
History will not hold such surrender blameless.  
"An orphan's curse would drag to hell a spirit 
from on high:" but the orphans of this war must 
heap their curses heaven-high upon the man who 
would consent to see its blood and treasure end in 
nought.
   Although the Presidential Election is over, the following 
letter is worth printing in the Liberator, in order 
that the personal record of General Butler, in regard to 
slavery and the rebellion, may be complete.
LETTER FROM GENERAL BUTLER.
HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF 
VIRGINIA AND NORTH CAROLINA,
In the Field, Va., Oct.  30, 1864.
Hon. Wm. Claflin, Chairman of the Republican

MARYLAND.
"Come in, thou blessed of the Lord."
   Maryland is free! free by a fair vote.  It [?was] 
fair to exclude the ballots of outright rebels, and 
the oath prescribed by the Convention was meant 
to exclude them.  It was fair to let the soldiers who 
were fighting the battles of the country vote; who 
dare say it was not?  If the old constitution made 
no direct provision for their vote, it was certainly 
within the power of a convention appointed directly 
by the people, for the reconstruction of the fundamental 
law of the State, to see well to it that the 
soldier's patriotism should not rob him of his franchise.  
And the Convention did it.  It would have 
been base and pusillanimous not to do it.  The lower 
counties rolled up wonderful majorities against the 
constitution, but Baltimore city and the upper 
counties and the soldiers out-voted them.  It was a 
close contest, hardly and stubbornly fought; but 
Freedom and the Union have clearly and rightfully 
won, and the good old State rids herself of the lifelong 
incubus of slavery.
   Such a thing once done, is done forever.— 
However it may be with small-pox, slavery once 
medicated out of the constitution of a State never 
attacks it again; like lightning, it never strikes 
twice in the same place.  The work might have 
been done more easily and by a greatly increased 
vote, but such a gain would have been met by a 
much greater loss.  If provision had been made for 
the compensation of loyal owners of slaves, if the 
school system had confined education to white children, 
if the representation of the slave counties in 
the legislature had not been reduced, multitudes of 
votes which were cast against the constitution 
would have been given for it.  The Convention was 
one of reform; nay, of revolution.  They went to 
the bottom of the State's ills.  Their aim was to 
get rid of slavery, and, as the enemies of "the 
great evil," they were but little inclined to propitiate 
its lovers and upholders.  They were determined 
not only to destroy it, but to sponge out its 
marks, and to make a fundamental law suited 
throughout to the new order.  To accomplish this, 
a readjustment of the ratio representation was necessary; 
and this took power away from the slave 
counties, and gave it to Baltimore and to the counties 
which are populous with whites.
   The question thus became one of power as well 
as of slavery, and the friends of slavery had thus 
another weapon placed in their hands.  Besides, 
the new free State must, as far as possible, ignore 
the prejudice against its freed men, and hence the 
constitution must provide for education, irrespective 
of color. This gave the Maryland rebels a [?] 

THE LIBERAL SPIRIT OF THE NORTH.
   It is one of the many curious contrasts which our 
civil war has brought into distinct relief, that while 
the South, professing to be composed of high-minded, 
chivalric, refined and well-educated gentlemen, 
has exhibited a thoroughly savage, cruel and malignant 
spirit, the North, which is made up so largely 
of the mere industrial classes, is animated by the 
most kindly and gentle sentiments towards its opponents.  
From the beginning of the war, from the 
time of the rout at Bull Run, where, according to a 
Committee of the Senate, the most disgusting barbarities 
were perpetrated upon our dead and wounded, 
up to this hour, in which the re-election of Mr. 
Lincoln provokes from the Southern journals an almost 
fetid efflux of ill-will towards him and all our 
people, we have had occasion to remark upon this 
violent distinction.
   Our readers will recall the many expositions we 
have had, from returned soldiers and others, of the 
heartless treatment that has so often been inflicted 
upon our poor prisoners of war in the various jails, 
dungeons and camps of the South; and particularly 
the impressive and almost heart-rending accounts 
collected by the Sanitary Commission, and lately 
published in a pamphlet.  It is true that Jefferson 
Davis and his Secretary of War, in their late messages 
to the Confederate conclave at Richmond, accuse 
our authorities of neglect and severity in their 
treatment of Southern prisoners, but this we know 
to be untrue; we have the evidence before our eyes; 
and it is in the power of any respectable inquirer 
to verify the facts for himself—to learn, as he may 
easily do, that the unfortunate captives from the 
rebels are housed, clothed, fed and disciplined with 
as much humanity as was ever before extended to 
persons in their condition.  In fact, we believe that 
a more generous spirit animates us in this respect 
than was ever shown by any other nation.
   It is no self-flattery to say that in all other respects 
the North has evinced the greatest magnanimity 
throughout the war.  When the Richmond journals 
cry out, as they now do, commenting on the recent 
election, that we are bent on purposes of ruthless 
strife and desolation, that we "have vowed to destroy 
them, to ravage their fields, to burn their 
houses, to beggar their children, and brand their 
names with infamy forever," they do it in order to 
"fire the Southern heart," not because they believe 
it.  Our purpose is to assert the supremacy of the 
constitution and the laws against armed violence, 
and to maintain the national integrity at all hazards; 
and in order to reach these ends we shall use 
the strongest and sternest of military measures:

pears in the rebellion, which is a terrible and truthful 
illustration of that wickedness.  Justice never 
could appeal from the ballot-box to the sword.  But, 
on the absurd supposition that she was forced so to 
appeal, then would popular government be a failure, 
and her appeal would be just.  If the rebellion 
is right, it must so be because slavery is right and the 
rule of the people wrong.  The identity of the Union 
cause with popular government, with the life of the 
Republic, and with the spirit of liberty, is perfect.  
The identity of the rebellion with armed hostility 
to popular government, with mortal enmity to the 
life of the Republic, and with the spirit of slavery, 
is as perfect.  The popular intelligence and instinct 
has grasped the fact, forced upon its attention in a 
thousand modes, and has refused to accept any false 
interpretation or be diverted by any ingenious disguising 
of the fact.  The fact is that slavery is substantially 
the rebellion, and the rebellion slavery.  
They are one.  The treason has come from nothing 
except slavery, and was always latent in it.
   The argument has all been heard.  The decision 
is in.  Abraham Lincoln is commissioned, even if 
he were not before, to execute the rebellion root 
and branch.  At Baltimore the people declared this 
the duty to be done.  In his response he avowed 
his readiness to perform the duty.  It is now laid 
upon him.  He had need be of stern stuff to stand 
unshrinkingly up to the very task he has invited.  
Will he shrink from it?  We pray that he may not.  
The people have chosen him in faith that he will not.  
They demand that he do not.—Missouri Democrat.

HOW DO WE VOTE FOR PRESIDENT?
   Every Presidential election revives to some extent 
the discussion, or at least the apprehension, of 
the anti-Republican absurdities of our mode of 
choosing the highest officers of the Government.  
We profess to choose our rulers by the voices of a 
majority of electors; but the facts are quite different.  
We interpose between the voter and his 
choice a cumbrous machine, called the Electoral 
College—a machine in fact, according to later 
usage; and if a machine, of what possible use can 
it be?  We go through the forms of executing a 
power of attorney to have done what we could do 
in a hundredth part of the time ourselves, and, of 
course, far more satisfactorily.
   Let us see how this machinery works.  Were the 
electors equal in number only to the members of 
the House of Representatives, the case would not 
be so bad; were they thus apportioned and elected 
as Members of Congress are, singly, there would be 

that direct voting by the people is not only desirable, 
but essential.  We want the qualifications for voters 
to be based upon intelligence and good character, 
and such qualifications to be uniform throughout 
the nation; and then let every man cast a 
simple ballot for Abraham Lincoln or George B. 
McClellan, as his judgment may dictate.  Let every 
vote count direct; let every ballot, after one canvass, 
be taken up to Washington under seal, and if 
there is doubt concerning the result, re-canvass 
them there, and make a bonfire of them in honor of 
the successful candidate.
   The next Congress will, in all probability, undertake 
to amend the constitution so as to abolish 
slavery.  Let it also reform this absurd system of 
choosing our chief magistrate—a system under 
which, as we have shown, an insignificant minority 
of the people may rule and ruin the nation.—N. 
Y. Independent.

BROWNLOW ON PRENTICE.
A STINGING REVIEW OF FAMILY HISTORY—PRENTICEANA 
PERFORATED.
[From the Knoxville Whig.]
To George D. Prentice:
   Since the opening of the Presidential campaign, 
I have been repeatedly assailed through your paper, 
either editorially or by such dismissed officers and 
humbugs as Wolford.  I have never relied, either 
to your editorial attacks, or the attacks of different 
correspondents.  I have felt assured that you desired 
to make some little capital for your Constitutional-
Conservative-States-Rights-Peace-on-any-terms 
ticket, and it has gratified me a little to know that 
my blows have been felt somewhere.  In noticing 
your attacks at this late day, it will be apparent to 
all that I address myself to you, and not to the odds 
and ends of all God's creation, who compose the 
newly-organized party of Democrats and traitors 
with whom you are associated.
   In your paper of the 30th October, you state, editorially, 
that "Brownlow, having received office 
from Lincoln, he now declares his approbation, as 
we understand, of all that Lincoln has done, and all 
that he may hereafter do.  Every such man has his 
price."
   This, Mr. Prentice, is a direct charge of bribery 
and corruption, and needs to be ventilated by a 
statement of facts, after which I propose to contrast 
my record with yours, and to take a brief view of 
the relations your family and mine sustain to this rebellion.

that early condemnation of the slave trade was excluded from the Declaration of Independence; it was a compromise which surrounded the slave trade with protection in the National Constitution; it was a compromise which secured the admission of Missouri as a slave State; and, without stopping to complete the list, it is enough to say that it was a compromise by which the atrocious Fugitive Slave Bill was fastened upon the country, and the Slave Power was installed in the National Government. And now, after the overthrow of the Slave Power at the ballot-box, followed by years of cruel war, another compromise, greatest of all, is proposed, by which belligerent Slavery, dripping with the blood of our
murdered fellow-citizens, shall be welcomed to more than its ancient supremacy. Where is national honor that the criminal pettifoggers are not at once repudiated? Where is national virtue that such a surrender should be proposed?
   This proposition is as specious in form as baleful in substance. It is said that the rebel slave-masters should have their "rights under the Constitution." To this plausible language is added the phrase, "the Constitution as it is." All this means Slavery, and nothing else. It is for Slavery that men resort to this odious duplicity. Thank God! the game is understood. 

Impossible, because Slavery has fallen, legally and constitutionally.

   (2.)  But any compromise which shall recognize Slavery in the rebel States is impossible, even if you were disposed to accept it. Slavery, by the very act of rebellion, ceased to exist, legally or constitutionally. It ceased to exist according to a just interpretation of the Constitution; and having once ceased to exist, it cannot be revived.
   When I say that it ceased to exist legally, I found myself on an unquestionable principle of public law, that Slavery is a peculiar local institution, without any origin in natural right, and deriving its support exclusively from the local government; but if this  be true -- and it cannot be denied -- then Slavery must have fallen with that local government.
   When I say that it ceased to exist constitutionally, I found myself on the principle that Slavery is of such a character that it cannot exist within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Constitution, as for instance in the National territories, and that, therefore, it died constitutionally when, through the disappearance of the local government, it fell within the
exclusive jurisdiction of the Constitution.
   The consequences of these two principles are most important. Taken in conjunction with the rule, "once free always free," they illustrate the impossibility of any surrender to belligerent Slavery in the Union.

Impossible, on account of Proclamation of Emancipation

   (3.)  If, in the zeal of surrender, you reject solemn principles of public law and Constitution, then let me remind you of the Proclamation of Emancipation, where the President, by virtue of the power vested in him as Commander.in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, ordered that the slaves in the rebel States "are and henceforward shall be free," and the Executive Government, including the military and naval authorities, are pledged to "recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons." By the terms of this instrument; it is
applicable to all the slaves in the rebel States; not merely to those within the military lines of the United States, but to all. Even if the President were not bound in simple honesty to maintain this Proclamation to the letter, he has not the power to undo it. He may make a freeman, but he cannot make a slave. Therefore he must reject all surrender, inconsistent
with this Act of Emancipation.
   It is sometimes said that the Court will set aside the Proclamation. Do not believe it. The Court will do no such thing. It will recognize this act precisely as it recognizes other political and military acts, without presuming to interpose any unconstitutional even if courts should hesitate, there can be no hesitation with the President or with the country, bound in sacred honor to the freedom of every slave in the rebel States. Therefore, against every effort of
surrender, the Proclamation presents an insuperable barrier;

Impossible, because it would not bring Peace.

   (4.)  But if you are willing to descend to the unutterable degradation of renouncing the Proclamation, then in the name of peace do I protest against any such surrender. So long as Slavery exists in the Union, there can be no peace. The fires which seem to be extinguished will only be covered by treacherous ashes, out of which another conflagration may spring to wrap the country in war. This must not be.
   It is because Slavery is not understood, that people are willing to tolerate it. See it as it is, and there can be no question. Slavery has in it all common crimes. The slave-master is burglar, for by 


heap their curses heaven-high upon the man who would consent to see its blood and treasure end in nought.
———————
   > Although the Presidential Election is over, the following letter is worth printing in the Liberator, in order that the personal record of General Butler, in regard to slavery and the rebellion, may be complete.

LETTER FROM GENERAL BUTLER.
-----
HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF }
VIRGINIA AND NORTH CAROLINA,  }
In the Field, Va., Oct. 30, 1864.         }

Hon. Wm. Claflin,, Chairman of the Republican State Committee, Boston, Mass.:
   
   DEAR SIR: -- I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your complimentary invitation to address the people of Massachusetts at Faneuil Hass upon the issue of the present canvass, and should be pleased if my duties in the field would permit a visit to my home, to confer with my fellow-citizens upon the great questions which are to be settled at the coming election.
   Specially am I desirous to do so because I am fully convinced that the election determines the place of my country among the nations for all coming time; and were it possible, as your Committee are kindly disposed to believe, that anything I might do or say in Massachusetts could influence that result, it would be my duty, laying aside all else, to repair at once to the field where, in my judgment, the whole contest will be decided on the 18th of November.
   But in such case if I had such power, I would not go to Massachusetts, for "they that are whole need no physician, but they that are sick," and I cannot believe for a moment that there can be any considerable portions of the citizens of Massachusetts so misled in their judgment, so blinded by the prejudices, so unreasoning in their party ties, and so unpatriotic
in the effect of their misjudged action as to sustain by their votes the principles enunciated
in the Chicago platform, specially as the canvass differs from every other in this -- that the life or death of the nation as a power on earth depends on the action of the hour.
   A vote to forget our manhood; to abandon the doctrines of our fathers; to give up the hope of republican liberty forever; to check at once and forever the American nation in this great missionary march of civilization, progress and Christian freedom; to abandon the hopes of millions yet to be, can never be given by Massachusetts, or the country. It is the profoundest conviction of my judgement that such is the effect of the vote demanded by
those who seek to establish the principles of the Chicago resolutions.
   We are asked to yield all our most cherished convictions, to give up our principles, to stultify our reason, to abandon the graves of our brothers and sons on every battle-field, to proclaim their lives a failure, and their deaths as nought! And for what? To open negotiations with those who refuse to negotiate -- to try the not doubtful experiment of
meeting with diplomacy those armed to the teeth for a fight -- to make friends with those who have declared themselves enemies, and to extend the hand of fellowship and take the hands of those who are reeking with our brothers' blood.
   This I will never consent to do.
   When by repentance and "works meet for repentance" the rebels acknowledge the wrong they have done the country and mankind, and submit to the laws of the country; when they have assumed their constitutional obligations and fulfilled their duties under the constitution, then will be the time for them and their friends to ask for their constitutional
rights.
   When they come bringing the olive branch of peace, let them be received in peace.  When they come with the rifle and the bayonet, let them be received in war.
   Thus have I ever read the glorious legend emblazoned on the shield of Massachusetts, "By the sword she seeks calm peace with liberty."
   It has been said by the opponents of the government that the army vote would decide this contest. I earnestly and reverently pray God that it may; for if expressed without the intervention of fraud or deceit, it will end the contest by about the same majority over the opponents of the government that will be found of the true men in the ranks of the army over the skulkers in the day of battle.
   In any manner connected with the State issues at home, if there are any, there must be still less use of my being with you.
   No one can doubt of the re-election of the present Executive Government of Massachusetts, for I believe no one has ever questioned the ability, patriotism and zealous energy of the present Chief Magistrate. Although differing with him in some matters of policy and expediency, I have never, nor have the people of the Commonwealth ever
questioned his fitness for his position, or the ability and integrity with which he has sustained it.
   I have the honor to be, very respectfully,
      Your obedient servant,
                                BENJ. F. BUTLER,
                                      Major General.
———————

[???]
tiate its lovers and upholders.  They were determined not only to destroy it, but to sponge out its marks, and to make a fundamental law suited throughout to the new order. To accomplish this, a readjustment of the ratio representation was necessary; and this took power away from the slave counties, and gave it to Baltimore and to the counties which are populous with whites.
   The question thus became on of power as well as of slavery, and the friends of slavery had thus another weapon placed in their hands. Besides, the new free State must, as far as possible, ignore the prejudice against its freed men, and hence the constitution must provide for education, irrespective of color. This gave the Maryland rebels another
advantage. "The accursed negro was to be educated," and therefore elevated, and, to the apprehension of a certain class of white people, this was a crime of almost unimaginable dimensions. Now, add to these total refusal of any sort of compensation, even to the most loyal masters, and you have the forces which the Convention threw in the way of emancipation, that their work might be thorough, and you have at the same time the magnitude and value of the victory.
   Maryland is, therefore, thoroughly free; the work has been done from the very root. The State whose old constitution contained a clause expressly forbidding the legislature to "abolish the relation of master and slave;" the State which in 1859, under the lead of the immortal Jacobs, earnestly discussed the question of re-enslaving the free blacks, and
which, under the same inglorious leadership, allowed several counties to vote upon the question of expelling these free people from their borders, has turned upon the dragon and slaughtered him. Instead of re-enslaving the free, she has loosed every bond; instead of driving the black man out, she has provided a system of education which embraces him without invidiously naming him; instead of securing his master the right of property in him, 
she frees him, and refuses to give compensation.
   The war for the Union has brought its evils. Homes and hearts have been desolated without stint, wealth has been sacrificed, but whatever other States may have suffered, Maryland has gained incalculably. The rebellion meant to secure and advance slavery, and yet, by its aid, Maryland rends her fetters. What ages of peace would have been required to accomplish, the rebellion, sorely. against its will, effects in a few months. In the very heart of the nation, her vacant lands stood asking for culture and population, her marshes for draining, her mountains to be relieved of her wealth of minerals, her bays and rivers and creeks of their abundant supplies of fish and oysters. "Remove from your soil that black and dishonoring cloud of slavery," and the waiting emigrant, "and we come." "That," said the aristocrat, "in our glory; the proof of our blood, the test of our nobility; and our State shall become a wilderness sooner than we will come down, and mingle with the slaveless and rabble mass." But the war raised a counter cloud, whose gusts of power and freedom have swept the other from the whole sky, and made her rich and prosperous in her own despite.
   The immigrant already contemplates an assault. The hedges of caste and prejudice that slavery had built up around Maryland are all down. The doors and gaps on all sides are open wide for the coming population. Baltimore will take a position worthy of the noble majority he has just cast for freedom. Cumberland will send before long a thousand tons of coal to one of her present trade. The Patapsco will be, like the Hudson, covered with villas and villages and gardens, down to where she pours her tide into the noble Chesapeake. The Chesapeake, several times as large as the bay of New York and quite as beautiful, shall rival it in fame, and its tributaries, now almost unknown, shall become famous in song and in story. And who can tell what may be the fortunes of sparsely populated lower counties? Their population, stimulated by the tone of freedom and elbowed by Northern enterprise, may soon wake up to the wealth of land and water around them, and yield to the voices which invite them to thrifty labor. The towns of that lower country may grow to respectable dimensions. Even Port Tobacco and Upper Marlborough may yet become villages, and Annapolis may grow to be more than a capital; it may reach the dignity of a city.
   We hail Maryland with delight. We say to her as Laban said to Eleazer: "Come in, thou blessed of the Lord!" Come into the circle of the free States; come purified, into a purified Union; come into the spirit of the old Declaration of Independence; come, beyond the possibility of faltering, into the great conflict for the Union; come into the glorious competition of free labor, of free science; come into the world-group of liberal thinkers and noble actors and tyranny hates; come in, and call your true children with you. Let us have a song. Your new birth has stirred all the pulses of rythm in the national heart. "What shall be the song?" say you. We answer, your own—the Star-Spangled Banner. We give it out. Now sing! Sing lustily! Let the whole choir sing, and the congregation of the nation join!—N. Y. Methodist.


[???]
   It is no self-flattery to say that in all other respects the North has evinced the greatest magnanimity throughout the war. When the Richmond journals cry out, as they now do, commenting on the recent election, that we are beat on purposes of ruthless strife and desolation, that we "have vowed to destroy them, to ravage their fields, to burn their houses, to beggar their children, and brand their names with infamy forever," they do it in order to "fire the Southern heart," not because they believe it. Our purpose is to assert the supremacy of the constitution and the laws against armed violence, and to maintain the national integrity at all hazards; and in order to reach these ends we shall use the strongest and sternest of military measures; but there is in this no animosity towards the South, no bitterness of dislike growing out of our ancient intercourse, and least of all a feeling of revenge for any wrongs, real or imaginary, it may have inflicted upon us. We are impelled solely by the determination to vindicate the majesty of the government, and to put down the fatal and wretched experiment of rising in arms against a popular vote. On that line we mean to fight it out if it takes, not only all the summer, but all the years. Further than that, however, we have no designs.
   Our people are entirely conscious of their liberal feelings in regard to the deluded masses engaged in the war; but it will give them none the less pleasure to mark how distinctly disinterested by this characteristic. One of the finest passages in the graceful address of Professor Goldwin Smith of Oxford, at the Union League Club, which we published in full yesterday, was this:

   "I would, too, that the English people could witness the spirit of humanity which retains its power over all the passions of civil war, notwithstanding the greatest provocations; and the absence, which has most forcibly struck me during my residence here, of any blood thirsty sentiment or any feeling of malignant hatred towards those who are now your antagonists in a civil war, but whom, when they shall have submitted to the law, you will again eagerly welcome as fellow-citizens, and receive back into the full communion of the free. Many a prejudice, many an error would be dispelled, many a harsh judgment would be cancelled, many a bitter word recalled, if only my countrymen could behold with their own eyes what I have beheld and now behold."
   
   What is here said of the English public is no less applicable to the Southern public; but the leaders, alas! will not suffer the Southern public to know the truth of the matter.
   No man in this war has occupied a more extreme position than General butler; he has been vilified at the South with a more reckless and atrocious contumely than any other prominent person; and there are circles here at the North in which he is supposed to be a savage and cruel soldier, consumed with black passions and thirsting for blood; and yet in his speech at the Fifth Avenue Hotel last night, he proclaimed that our first duty now towards the South was to hold out the olive branch. He did not mean that the sword should be at once sheathed, or the slightest reconciliation impair the energies of war, but that the amplest opportunity for reconstruction, return, adjustment, in short, for every overture and work of peace, should be afforded to those who had broken away from the old ties; who, in a fit of madness, had cast off their inheritance, abandoned the wise methods of their fathers, set fire to the paternal home, and insanely sought the embraces of distant but designing and ambitious strangers. Let them come back, and we will forgive their folly, and welcome them as the Prodigal Son was welcomed. That is the spirit of the people toward all, except the guilty deluders of the South in their awful game of bloodshed and crime.—N. Y. Post.
———————
THE PEOPLE TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
-----
   There is no mistaking the verdict of the people last Tuesday. They did infinitely more than re-elect Mr. Lincoln. They proclaimed radical war against the rebellion—against not only the trunk and branches, but the roots of the fell crime. The Union sentiment of the country is hearty and intense. The strong and great soul of the nation is all in it. Not opinion, however unanimous and clear; not self-interest, however potent, but rapt devotion to country, has just spoken at the ballot-box. The mighty spirit of a great people engaged in a terrible and terribly protracted war can make no subtly false distinction. It can tolerate no special pleadings. It deals, and will deal, only with the naked fact as it stands plain to view, despite all the clouds of sophistry that bad men can raise around it.
   Slavery made the war. It made it, not as a thinking and accountable personality, but as, in the nature of things, the efficient cause. Its guilt—so to speak—consists not in causing war, but in making atrocious war, and the war is atrocious solely because slavery made it in its own behalf, itself being a crime. If slavery be right, the rebellion is right. All the wickedness of the rebellion it takes from slavery. Yet the wickedness of slavery ap


We profess to choose our rules by the voices of a majority of electors; but the facts are quite different. We interpose between the voter and his choice a cumbrous machine, called the Electoral College—a machine in fact, according to later usage; and if a machine, of what possible use can it be? We go through the forms of executing a power of attorney to have done what we could do in a hundredth part of the time ourselves, and, of course, far more satisfactorily.
   Let us see how this machinery works. Were the electors equal in number only to the members of the House of Representatives, the case would not be so bad; were they thus apportioned and elected as Members of Congress are, singly, there would be a vast improvement. But we add for each state two senatorial or electors at large, thus directly invading the representative system, and giving the smallest states the greatest proportion of power. For instance: In 196, there were fifteen states—Oregon, Florida, Delaware, Kansas, Rhode Island, Minnesota, South Carolina, Vermont, Arkansas, New Hampshire, Mississippi, Louisiana, California, Texas and Connecticut—having a white population of 3,872,761, only 40,000 more than the single state of New York. These fifteen states were entitled to 42 members of the House of Representatives, while New York had but 31—the balance being made up by slave representation. This vast disproportion is bad enough, one would naturally say; but look at the electoral power. The fifteen states named would cast 42 votes for their representatives and 30 for their senators, making 72 votes, or nearly one-third of the whole number in the country; while New York, with nearly as much population, must be content with 33 votes. If anything could be more absurdly anti-democratic, it would be the contingency (which might easily happen) in which these 15 states should be carried by small majorities, or even pluralities, while the state of New York might vote solid the other way. For instance: The 15 states respectively choose McClellan electors by say 100 majority in each state, on an aggregate vote of 700,000; that would give McClellan 351-500 votes, to 347,000 for Lincoln. Now suppose Lincoln gets all the votes of New York—say 700000; he would have in the 16 states 1,047,500 votes to 351,500 for McClellan, a Union majority of 696,000. But in the Electoral College, Lincoln gets but 33 votes, while McClellan gets 72—exactly reversing the decision of the people. And this is effected by allowing senatorial electors mainly, and in part by choosing them in lumps rather than on a general ticket.
   The reader may imagine that this is the worst phase of an absurd system: but it is not. The provision for electing  a President in Congress, in case the Electoral College makes no decision, is even more undemocratic and absurd than what we have just described. Should the election devolve upon the House of Representatives, each state is to have but one vote (to be decided among its members), and a majority of such votes or state shall elect. For example: In 1860, six states—New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, and Massachusetts—contained 13,000,000, or half the white population of the Union, and were entitled to 108 representatives and 120 electoral votes. There were six other states—Oregon, Florida, Delaware, Kansas, Rhode Island, and Minnesota—having 672,000 white people, with 8 representatives in Congress and 20 electoral votes. Yet these petty states, in a vote for President of the United States in the House of Representatives, have exactly the same voice as the six great states above named. The 671,000 people scattered here and there in the western wilderness vote down thirteen millions of other people; and, to carry out the illustration on this line, we may select 17 states, having but 53 representatives and but 87 votes in the Electoral College, with less than 5,000,000 of white population, that would elect a President in spite of the fifteen other states, having (in 1860) 188 members in Congress, 218 electoral votes, and 21,000,000 of free white population.
   We have based these calculations upon the Congress of 1860, rejecting the three-fifth slave representation, and assuming that all the white people of the country north and south might be interested in a Presidential election—as they may be at no distant day. We profess to have a republican form of government. But what sort of republicanism is that in which not only property votes, but where there are a dozen standards of qualifications for electors, where immense majorities are neutralized by state lines, and where one fortieth of the voters can impose their candidates and their policy upon the other thirty-nine fortieths, and all in strict accordance with the laws of the land?
   We must vote directly for President. To say nothing of the absurdities above exposed, what guaranty have the people that the electors will fulfill their expectations? What is there now to prevent the men just chosen from electing Vallandigham or Jeff Davis, instead of Abraham Lincoln? They are sovereigns in their functions—they are human; they are not likely to do anything of sort—but what if they should? There is no law to punish them, no tribunal save the irresponsible people, where they could be arraigned. We repeat


[???]
and ends of all God's creation, who compose the newly-organized party of Democrats and traitors with whom you are associated.
   In your paper of the 30th October, you state, editorially, that "Brownlow, having received office from Lincoln, he now declares his approbation, as we understand, of all that Lincoln has done, and all that he may hereafter do. Every such man has his price."
   This, Mr. Prentice, is a direct charge of bribery and corruption, and needs to be ventilated by a statement of facts, after which I propose to contrast my record with yours, and to take a brief view of the relations your family and mine sustain to their rebellion.
   I hold an office in the Treasury Department, which was conferred upon me by Mr. Chase without my seeking it, or any friend applying for me. The pay is not equal to the labor performed, and at no time has paid the board of my small family, with my two sons in the army. I have retained the position because I desired to serve my friends in East Tennessee, and to unite with them in restricting the benefits of trade to the loyal men of the country.
   During the first eighteen months of the war, you associated with others, held office under Lincoln, or, if you please, were mixed up with contracts; and when I last saw you, in Nashville, summer was a year ago, you was staving and puffing along, to and from the front, moving heaven and earth to secure some big contracts to supply the army of the Cumberland, and writing the most sickening and flattering notices of Gen. Rosecrans, in the hope of winning upon him and his officials. But all your flattery failed, and all the letters you presented failed to secure for you the contracts you sought; and thus refusing to give you your "price," you bolted from the support of Lincoln's administration. While you were interested in contracts under the Government, you was as good a Lincoln man as I was.
   To be candid with you, Mr. Prentice, you figured badly in your scramble after contracts and clamor for extra privileges—others, associated with you, and making a tool of you, and using your position as a journalist, to worm themselves into positions where they could swindle the Government. Indeed, I heard the remark made by men who had always been your admirers, that it was humiliating, nay, mortifying and disgraceful, to see a poor old man, in his dotage, and under the influence of liquor and an inordinate love of money, in such a drive as you were in, going and coming to Rosecrans' headquarters, and calling at the St. Cloud Hotel, Nashville, to muster up additional backers.
   While I was North, after I had spoken extensively, and my speeches were reported equally extensively, and I was made to say to the world what I really did say—that I endorsed Lincoln's entire war policy, and the putting down of the rebellion even at the cost of exterminating the Southern population—you wrote to me, and proposed to join me in partnership in starting a new Union paper in Nashville—an offer I politely declined. It is due to you to state that, at that time, you were receiving your "price," and my principles were not offensive to you. You are the last man in America to talk about men having their "price," and selling out to Lincoln.
   There is a slight difference in the positions occupied by your family and mine, and, as a necessary consequence, your principles and mine must differ. My wife and little children, after I had been incarcerated for three months and sent out of the country, were unceremoniously forced to pack up and vacate their house and home, and go North, at their own expense, upon thirty-six hours' notice, and thus thrown upon my hands North, while my property remained here for the use of the Confederacy. I thought all the time, and still think, that the government ought to have done something more for me than to confer upon me this small office, although I have not expressed this opinion before.
   My two sons entered the Federal army, and one of them is now at home on crutches, because of wounds received in leading his regiment of cavalry in a charge upon Wheeler's forces in Middle Tennessee. My other son is in General Gillem's command, and was in the fight when the Great Kentucky horse-thief, Morgan, was killed under whom and with whom your sons have been fighting against the government upon whose bounty their rebel mother and contract-hunting father are living. One of your sons was killed in Kentucky while on a horse-stealing expedition under rebel officers. Your other son is now on trial in Virginia for the murder of a brother rebel by the name of White. Your wife is an avowed rebel; and ought to be sent South by the Federal authorities; and you are but one degree removed from a rebel and a traitor, having completely played out. There is not a true-hearted Union man in your office, unless he be some one of the employees. Your paper is no longer Union authority, but is rapidly sinking into disrepute, and meeting with that contempt its treason merits.
   With pity for the sorrows of a poor old man, I am, &c.       W. G. BROWNSLOW.
   Nov. 5, 1864.
———————
   NEW CHANGE OF BASE. Gen. McClellan still draws his supplies from New Jersey.

196   THE LIBERATOR.   DECEMBER 2.

Poetry. 
———————
BRYANT'S SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY.
-----
BY OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES.
-----
O even-handed Nature! we confess
This life that men so honor, love and bless,
Has filled thine olden measure. Not the less

We count the precious seasons that remain;
Strike not the level of the golden grain,
But heap it high with years, that earth may grain

What heaven can lose- for heaven is rich in song:
Do not all poets, dying, still prolong
Their broken chants amid the seraph throng,

Where, blind no more, Ionia's bard is seen,
And England's heavenly minstrel sits between
The Mantuan and the wan-cheeked Florentine?

This was the first sweet singer in the cage
Of our close-woven life. A new-born age
Claims in his vesper song its heritage.

Spare us, oh, spare us long our heart's desire!
Moloch, who calls out children through the fire,
Leaves us the gentle master of the lyre.

We count not on the dial of the sun
The hours, the minutes that his sands have run;
Rather, as on those flowers that one by one

From earliest dawn their ordered bloom display
Till evening's planet with her guiding ray
Leads in the blind old mother of the day.

We reckon by his songs, each song a flower, 
The long, long daylight, numbering hour by hour,
Each breathing sweetness like a bridal bower.

His morning glory shall we e'er forget?
His noontide's full-blown lily coronet?
His evening primrose has not opened yet.

Nay, even if creeping Time should hide the skies
In midnight from his century-laden eyes,
Darkened like his who sang of Paradise,

Would not some hidden song-bud open bright
As the resplendent cactus of the night, 
That floods the gloom with fragrance and with light?

How can we praise the verse whose music flows
With solemn cadence and majestic close,
Pure as the dew that filters through the rose?

How shall we thank him that in evil days
He faltered never,- nor for blame, nor praise,
Nor hire, nor party, shamed his earlier lays?

But as his boyhood was of manliest hue,
So to youth his manly years were true,
All dyed in royal purple through and through!

He for whose tough the lyre of Heaven is strung
Needs not the flattering toil of mortal tongue:
Let not the singer grieve to die unsung!

Marbles forget their message to mankind:
In his own verse the poet still we find,
In his own page his memory lives enshrined,

As in their amber sweets the smothered bees,-
As the fair cedar, fallen before the breeze,
Lies self-embalmed amidst the mouldering trees.

Poets, like youngest children, never grow
Out of their mother's fondness. Nature so
Holds their soft hands, and will not let them go,

Till at the last they track with even feet
Her rhythmic footsteps, and their pulses beat
Twinned with her pulses, and their lips repeat

The secrets she has told them, as their own:
Thus is the inmost soul of Nature known,
And the rapt minstrel shares her awful throne!

O lover of her mountains and her woods, 
Her bridal-chamber's leafy solitudes,
Where Love himself with tremulous steps intrudes,

Her snow fall harmless on thy sacred fire:
Far be the day that claims thy sounding lyre
To join the music of the angel choir!

Yet, since life's amplest measure must be filled,
[???]


For he, our earliest minstrel, fills
The land with echoes, sweet and long,
Gives language to her silent hills,
And birds her rivers move to song.

The Phosphor of the Nation's dawn,
Sole risen above our tuneless coast,
As Hesper, now, his lamp burns on-
The leader of the starry host.

He sings of mountains and of streams,
Of storied field and haunted dale;
Yet hears a voice through all his dreams
Which says, "The good shall yet prevail."

He sings of Truth, he sings of Right;
He sings of Freedom; and his strains
March with our armies to the fight,
Ring in the bondmen's falling chains.

God, bid him live, till in her place
Truth, crushed to earth, again shall rise-
 The "mother of a mighty race,"
Fulfil her poet's prophecies!

[Oh, fair young mother! on thy brow
Shall sit a nobler grace than now,
Deep in the brightness of the skies;
The thronging years in glory rise, etc. etc.
Bryant's Poems.]
———————
The Liberator.
———————
THE CRISIS-WEEK.
-----
   [We are kindly permitted to print the following portion
of an excellent Sermon which was preached to his people
on the Sunday after the late Presidential Election,  by
Rev. Nathaniel Hall, of Dorchester.]
-----
   REV. 19:6. "And I heard as it were the voice of a great multitude, and as the voice of many waters, and as the voice of mighty thunderings, saying, Alleluia: for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth."

   I know not how it may be with others, but I cannot stand in my place to-day, and not give voice to feelings which the great public event of the week past has excited within me. Nor can I feel that I am slighting interests which claim here a predominant regard, if, taking your thoughts where I assume to find them, I attempt to lead them up and on to the higher aspects and broader relations of the event referred to, and to express and emphasize, before the God as well of Providence as of Grace, its sacred lessons. God's teachings, my friends,—as I have often said to you,- are not confined to a Book. Not alone through Prophet and Apostle and his Christ does He speak to us. Providence is a Holy Bible. Events are the pictorial representations of the Heavenly Hill. And the pulpit is no less true to its mission when it seeks to interpret these, in the light of His special revelations, than when it makes those revelations its direct and only theme.
   I see a Providence, I see God, I see a divine significance, I see cause for religious exultation, in the result of that crisis-week, towards which we have so long been looking, in mingled hope and fear; in view of which loyal millions of our land have given their thoughts and care and labor, in the persuasion that Heaven had for them, for the time, no higher work. And while the spirit of our exultation should soar far above all mere party considerations- as if religious it must—it need not be restrained because of any personal reflections, of a rebukeful character, it may impliedly have. I will not so far distrust the magnanimity of any around me as to believe that they will object, for this, to honest, heartfelt utterances from
the higher plane of thought and reflection; as to believe that the disappointment of defeat is not more than overcome by the consideration, that, in the judgements of such multitudes of the wise and good, if not their own, the cause of their country has triumphed.
   The crisis-week, so long looked forward to, by hoping, fearing, anxious millions, is to-day looked back upon; and we are allowed to see,- how should our hearts rise therefor in earnest gratitude!—a country saved, and its institutions standing in their integrity, [???]


dom, failing in arms, sought to ensure its nefarious ends,—and who can tell how far reaching, how long-enduring, how afflictive the results!
   We can never know, indeed, the evils we have escaped—the measure or duration of them. They might have been less than our fears. They could hardly have been greater. And never, I think, were predictions based on grounds more rational. It were a risk of mighty magnitude, when the Ship of State is rolling and plunging in the billows of bloody treason, and bracing itself, with all available force, in order to live through its sweeping storm, then, to change
helmsman,- with a new policy, a new aim, a new constellation to steer by. Let the estimate of him of the friends of the unsuccessful candidate be just,—it would not have been he that would have stood at that high post, save nominally. But the majestic craft, and he himself, would have been in possession of those whom only the insaneness of charity could make less than the worst and wickedest that figure in the politics of the land; or could credit with a single throb of patriotism, still less of condemnation of that iniquity which made the war, and whose extinction alone can end it. We cannot know the evils we have escaped from; but we do know him who, called by Providence and a people's will from his obscure Western home to the helm of State, through these tempestuous years has so bravely stood there. And we know that, whatever his deficiencies, he has a heart to seek the right, and a will to do it; has no ends lower than country, and no counsellor nearer than God. Behold—as he
stands, in his high place, while the nation's verdict is borne to him, and the cheers of congratulating thousands are rising around—with what a calm dignity, with what a childlike simplicity, with what an unaffected humbleness, he accepts it all; as less a tribute to himself, than a vindication of his policy; receiving with no throe of self-elation the laurel of success; indulging in no exultations over his opposers, no taunts towards his defeated maligners; returning not "railing for railing, but contrariwise blessing"—an example to us all of a Christian high-mindedness, and tolerance, and charity.
   Friends, the event of the week, with its accompanying circumstances, may well increase our faith in the capacity of the people for self-government, our hope for free institutions. To what a test has that capacity, have those institutions, now been put! There could not have been a more terrible and fiery one. The whole war has been an ordeal such as no other people was ever subjected to; demanding a measure unprecedented of heroism, of sacrifice, of endurance. And how it has been met, let the thousands upon thousands who have gone forth, on field and wave, from loved and peaceful and prosperous homes, unforced, but by
the stress of patriotic and conscientious impulse, to give their lives, if need were- and how many have given them—for their country's rescue; let the uncomplaining willingness to meet the increased taxation which the vast expenditures in the prosecution of the war has necessitated; let the free and munificent outpourings of private bounty, from every town and village and dwelling of the land,—let these answer. But a severer ordeal was that through which the country is just emerging, in the glory of a proved sufficiency. Was ever such witness given, by a great nation, of heroic strength, of manly principle, of patriotic
loyalty, as when- in the face of a gigantic and accumulating debt; in view of bereaved homes, and aching hearts, and a lengthening death-roll; with universal longings to return—when, against all this, the question was put to the whole people- virtually, though not in terms,—"Shall the was go on- with more treasure, more blood, more suffering, indefinitely more, as its inevitable cost, rather than be abandoned for a false, treacherous, unstable peace; in an ignoble compromise with an organized barbarism, in criminal and bloody revolt?—the people answered- freely, intelligently, deliberately, they answered,—"YES!" Two or three
weeks ago, a noble Englishman—Goldwin Smith—in the course of a lecture, before an immense auditory, [???]

of man, shall never suffer for lack of what we may give it!
   That cause must triumph. The event of the past week proves that it is dear to the American heart; that it will not be abandoned; that the sword drawn for it, by the clear mandate of Heaven, will be sheathed but with victory. The future of our country is full of hope. The great experiment, for which God chose it as the theatre, has not failed. The blood of its children has not been shed in vain. Its valleys and mountains shall again be vocal with the songs of
Peace; aye, of a Peace that shall not be broken—for Righteousness shall have gone before it, and rent each fettering chain.
———————
WELCOME TO GOLDWIN SMITH.
-----
   Professor Goldwin Smith, so well known in this country for his eloquent vindication of our cause in England, was entertained on Saturday, 12th inst., by a large number of the most distinguished citizens of New York, at the rooms of the Union League Club in that city, where an elegant breakfast was served.
   Among the persons present were Major-General Butler, Bishop Potter, Professor H. B. Smith, John C. Hamilton, Professor J. W. Dwight, Charles Butler, Dr. Willard Parker, Henry Ward Beecher, John Jay, Professor Draper, George Bancroft, Rev. Drs. Cox and Osgood, W. J. Hoppin, Dr. Francis Lieber, George T. Strong, William C. Bryant, George Griswold, William Allen Butler, Dr. Horace Webster, S. B. Ruggles, John A. Stevens, ex-Governor Morgan, Jonathan Sturges, A. A. Low, John C. Green, William H. Webb, President Barnard, C. P. Kirkland, Dr. Bellows, H. J. Raymond, Colonel McKaye, G. W. Curtis, Parke Godwn, Wm. M. Evarts, Rev. Dr. Prentiss, W. T. Blodgett, Charles H. Marshall, Peter Cooper, Rev. Dr. Ferris, Wm. E. Dodge, Prof. Vincenzo Botta, and others, about seventy in all, representing nearly every Profession, and the best classes of society in this county, particularly the literary, commercial and benevolent institutions.
   The gentlemen present were introduced to Prof. Smith in the Library; and at half past 10 o'clock the company sat down to breakfast.
   Mr. Charles Butler presided. At his right, Prof. Smith was seated, and at his left, General Butler. At the conclusion of the breakfast, the welcoming address to Prof. Smith, on behalf of the company, was delivered by Mr. John Jay.
   It was in excellent taste and spirit; and the reply of Prof. Smith was very felicitous. The most significant portion of it we gave in the last number of the Liberator. It gave high satisfaction, and was warmly applauded. 
   A letter from Gen. Halleck was read, and Gen. Butler was then called on to make an address on behalf of the army. When he rose, there was great applause, the company rising.
   
SPEECH OF GENERAL BUTLER.

   General Butler said, that before paying that respect and the kindness of feeling which he was sure he could represent from the army of the United States to the distinguished guest, he would accept, not for himself, the kind greeting which the company had offered. (Applause.)
   Our army,—the General continued,—of all those who have ever gone from home to battle for the right is essentially a reading and thinking army, (loud applause,) and the fact that the men who, in the halls of science and learning, are calmly examining the course of events, and are approving and sustaining the army in that determined conflict of mankind, adds new courage to the heart, new strength to the arm. (Enthusiastic applause.) And therefore, he said, he could well give his thanks as the representative of the soldiers in the field, to our distinguished friend, (Professor Smith,) who was among the few that seemed to bid him God-speed. (Renewed applause.)
   General Butler added his assurance that if the Professor, before leaving New York, would, as they say in the army, come down to the front, he would there
[???]


not, and, therefore, ought not to be everywhere the same, we all know how much we could borrow with advantage from your institutions, being ourselves a democratic people. We all admire your habits of self-government; we admire your powerful organization or parties, founded on that principle, and which, in the absence of an aristocratic class, are your means of transmitting great political traditions; we admire your public schools, your municipal institutions; we admire the ingenuity of your people in all branches of industry and agriculture.
   Having so much to borrow from you, let me say that we have also something to give in return. Travelling over your great country, I have been sometimes surprised to find traces of French influence where I had least expected to find them. In the far West, I have seen a new house-roof built after the fashion of our great architect Mansard. Entering your houses, I see everywhere reminiscences of French art, of French fashion—that kind of art which we call industrial art, and in which I may say, without false pride, that my countrymen excel, is peculiarly well adapted to the wants and habits of a good democratic community like yours. Let us not despise those humble efforts to bring an aesthetic influence into the channels of daily life. But, if I go to a higher sphere, I will say also, that it gave me great pleasure to see how those of your literary and scientific men, with whom it has been my good fortune to associate, are well acquainted with the works of our writers; of our philosophers, of our historians. Well, may all communication, personal, scientific, literary, commercial, become day by day more numerous; may soon the Atlantic swarm with vessels going from your shores to the shores of my beautiful country; may, above all, our tri-colored flag and your stars and stripes always meet, as always they have met, to bring tidings of love and good-will!
   Addresses were also delivered by Wm. M. Evarts, Esq., Rev. Dr. Cox, Hon. George Bancroft, George W. Curtis, Esq., Peter Cooper, Esq., Rev. Mr. Putnam of Brooklyn, Wm. E. Dodge, Esq., Rev. Dr. Osgood, and Rev. Jonathan Sturgis.
   During the proceedings, letters from President Lincoln, Secretary Fessenden, General Halleck, Attorney-General Bates, General Dix, Edward Everett, W. M. Meredith, Professor Tayler Lewis, and others who could not be present, were read.
———————
CHRONICLES.
-----
BY C. C. P. MOODY.
-----
Delivered at the Town Hall, Malden, Mass., Nov. 15, 1864, on the occasion of the celebration of the victory at the late Presidential Election.

   Abraham hath triumphed gloriously! The horse and his rider he hath overthrown in the midst of the slime pits of the Confederacy.
   On a set day—even the 8th day of the 11th month—the battle was put in array: Abraham and his loyal legions against Mac and the powers of darkness.
   And it came to pass, that before the sun went down that day, the man Mac was discomfited with a great confusion: and the men of Chicago have fallen into the pit their own hands have digged; and the platform they framed shall grind them to powder,—yea, they shall be abhorred as a stench in the nostrils of all loyal men, because they lifted up their hands against the government, and were in sympathy with those in rebellion against it.
   Now Abraham was a just man—one who feared God and eschewed evil.
   But wicked men envied him, and sought false witnesses against him, and said, We will cast him down, that he shall no more be ruled over the land.
   And some cried one thing and some another; but they could find none occasion against him, except that he was merciful to the poor, and made proclamation to let every bondman go free.
   Now there were certain rabid democrats of the baser sort—and they waxed exceeding hot against him; in the West there were two, Vall and Voorhies—in the East there were two, Seymour and Wood: [???]


SCIENCE AND SCRIPTURE.
-----
TESTIMONY OF ENGLISH SCIENTIFIC MEN.
-----
   A number of the leading scientific men of England, in view of the present biblical agitations there, have signed the following

DECLARATION.

   "We, the undersigned students of the natural sciences, desire to express our sincere regret that researches into scientific truth are perverted by some in our own times into occasion for casting doubt upon the truth and authenticity of the Holy Scripture, to contradict one another, however must they may appear to differ. We are not forgetful that physical science is not complete, but is only in a condition of progress, and that at present our finite reason enables us only to see as through a glass darkly, and we confidently believe that a time will come when the two records will be seen to agree in every particular. We cannot be deplore that natural science should be looked upon with suspicion by many who do not make a study of it, merely on account of the unadvised manner in which some are placing it in opposition to Holy Writ. We believe that it is the duty of every scientific student to investigate nature simply for the purpose of elucidating truth, and that if he finds that some of his results appear to be in contradiction to the Written Word, or rather to his own interpretations of it, which may be erroneous, he should not presumptuously affirm that his own conclusions must be right, and the statements of Scripture wrong; rather leave the two side by side till it shall please God to allow us to see the manner in which they may be reconciled; and instead of insisting upon the seeming differences between science the Scriptures, it would be as well to rest in faith upon the points in which they agree.
   "Upwards of two hundred and ten names have already been received, including thirty F. R. S.'s, forty M. D.'s, etc. Among them are the following: Thomas Anderson, M. D., J. H. Balfour, M.D., Thomas Bell, J. S. Bowerbank, LL. D. Sir David Brewster, James Glaisher, Thomas Remer Jones, James P. Joule, LL. D., Robert Main, Lieutenant Colonel Sir. Henry C. Rawlinson, Thomas Richardson, Ph. D., Henry D. Rogers, LL. D., Adam Sedgwick, M. D., Alfred Smee and John Stenhouse, LL. D."

   Two eminent men, an astronomer and an author, have, however, declined to sign the declaration, and write as follows:

LETTER FROM SIR JOHN HERSCHEL.

COLLINGWOOD, September 6, 1864.

   "Sir: I received some time ago a declaration for signature, identical with its wording, or at all events in its obvious purport, with that you have sent me. I considered that the better course was to put it aside without notice. But since it is pressed upon me, and to prevent the repetition of a similar appeal, it becomes necessary for me distinctly to decline signing it; and to declare that I consider the act of calling on me publicly to avow or disavow, to approve or disapprove, in writing, any religious doctrine or statement, however carefully or cautiously drawn up, (in other words, to append my name to a religious manifesto,) to be an infringement of that social forbearanc which guards the freedom of religious opinion in this country with especial sanctity. At the same time, I protest against my refusal to sign your 'Declaration' being construed into a profession of atheism or infidelity. My sentiments on the mutual relations of the Scripture and science have long been before the world, and I see no reason to alter or add to them. But I consider this movement simply mischievous, having a direct tendency (by putting forward a new shibboleth, a new verbal test of religious partisanship) to add a fresh element of discord to the already too discordant relations of the Christian world. I do not deny that care and caution are apparent on the face of the document I am called on to subscribe. But no nicety of wording, no artifice of human language will suffice to discriminate the hundredth part of the shades of meaning in which the most world-wide differences of thought on such subjects may be involved; or prevent the most gently worded and apparently justifiable expression of regret, so embodied, from grating on the feelings of [???]

[first column on left]

Poets, like youngest children, never grow
Out of their mother's fondness. Nature so
Holds their soft hands, and will not let them go,

Till at the last they track with even feet
Her rhythmic footsteps, and their pulses beat
Twinned with her pulses, and their lips repeat

The secrets she has told them, as their own :
Thus is the inmost soul of Nature known,
And the rapt minstrel shares her awful throne!

O lover of her mountains and her woods,
Her bridal-chamber's leafy solitudes,
Where Love himself with tremulous steps intrudes,

Her snow falls harmless on thy sacred fire :
Far be the day that claims thy sounding lyre
To join the music of the angel choir !

Yet, since life's amplest measure must be filled,
Since throbbing hearts must be forever stilled,
And all must fade that evening sunsets gild,

Grant, Father, ere he close the mortal eyes
That see a Nation's reeking sacrifice,
Its smoke may vanish from these blackened skies !

Then, when his summons comes, since come it must,
And, looking heavenward with unfaltering trust, 
He wraps his drapery round him for the dust,

His last fond glance will show him o'er his head
The Northern fires beyond the zenith spread
In lambent glory, blue and white and read.-

The Southern cross without its bleeding load,
The milky way of peace all freshly strowed,
And every white-throned star fixed in its lost abode !
———————
BRYANT ON HIS BIRTH-DAY.
-----
BY JOHN G. WHITTIER. 
-----
We praise not now the poet's art,
The rounded beauty of his song ;
Who weighs him from his life apart
Must do his nobler nature wrong. 

Not for the eye, familiar grown
With charms to common sight denied-
The marvellous gift he shares alone
With him who walked on Rydal-Side ;

Not for rapt hymn nor woodland lay, 
Too grave for smiles, too sweet for tears, 
We speak his praise who wears to-day
The glory of his seventy years. 

When peace brings freedom in her train,
Let happy lips his songs rehearse ;
His life is now his noblest strain,
His manhood better than his verse !

Thank God ! his hand on Nature's keys
Its cunning keeps at life's full span ;
But, dimmed and dwarfed and dwarfed, in times like these,
The poet seems beside the man !

So be it ! let the garlands die, 
The singer's wreath, the painter's meed ; 
Let our names perish, if thereby
Our country may be saved and freed !
———————
BRYANT.

Not thine, O poet, is the song
Whose melody is heard afar,
Like music falling from a star
Upon a rude and heedless throng !

But like the sunshine and the air,
As healthfully as nature thrives,
Thy verse is woven in our lives,
And breathes around us everywhere.

Thy potent art is like to his
Who rears a statue in the mart,
And brings the people heart to heart
With being's dearest mysteries. 

Thy genius is the living blaze
That burns at the great Mother's shrine,
In peace and war alike divine,
And most in these last awful days.

For thee the fountain flows again,
Whose waters lend enduring youth ;
Thou drinkest, and, in deed and truth,
Art young at threescore years and ten.
St. John, New Brunswick.
———————
WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT.
A CHANT FOR HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY.
-----
BY BAYARD TAYLOR-SET TO MUSIC BY LOUIS LANG. 
-----
One hour be silent, sounds of war!
Delay the battle he foretold,
And let the bard's triumphant star
Pour down from heaven its mildest gold.

Let Fame, that plucks but laurel now
For loyal heroes, turn away,
And twine, to crown her Poet's brow,
The greener garland of the bay.

[second column]

And while the spirit of our exultation should soar far above all mere party considerations—as if religious it must—it need not be restrained because of any personal reflections, of a rebukeful character, it may impliedly have. I will not so far distrust the magnanimity of any around me as to believe that they will object, for this, to honest, heartfelt utterances from the higher plane of thought and reflection; as to believe that the disappointment of defeat is not more than overcome by the consideration, that, in the judgments of such multitudes of the wise and good, if not their own, the cause of their country has triumphed.
   The crisis-week, so long looked forward to, by hoping, fearing, anxious millions, is to-day looked back upon; and we are allowed to see,—how should our hearts rise therefor in earnest gratitude!—a country saved, and its institutions standing in their integrity, unscathed, unshaken on their immortal pedestal—the golden, sunlight beaming upon them, through the rifted cloud, more brightly than before. The hour has struck—greatest in our country's history, if not the world's—whose peal was listened for by the ear of nations; it has struck—and the watchmen on a thousand towards report, as the deep vibrations die away over valley and mountain and lake, "All is well." Aye, and did not celestial watchers, think you, say it to the listening spirits that went up from bloody graves, the love of country warm within their hearts,—"All is well—not vainly have yet died"? And the spirits that preceded them,—the fathers of the republic, the apostles of liberty, the martyrs for humanity, to whom our case broadens into that of universal man, did they not bend to catch the welcome tidings,—"all is well"; while, "as with the voice of great multitude, and as the voice of many waters," they sang, anew, "Alleluia, for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth." The hour has struck;—and the great heart of the nation beats on, with steady throb, with emboldened hope, and feels the coursing of new life within her war-depleted veins.
   Do I magnify the event's importance and significance? I do not believe so. I know the common proneness to exaggerate crises that impend. They loom, by their nearness, into deceptive proportions. But the issue which the nation was summoned, by its Constitution, on the 8th of November, to meet, was too palpably solemn and momentous for the possibility of deception. The self-same issue it had met in arms, was met in that bloodless encounter. Shall the nation, as a nation—free, united—live or die? Shall the institutions the father planted, the highest product of a Christian civilization; the nearest approximation the world has known to that point of social and political advancement to which Christ, by his religion, would lead the nations; institutions under which, as under no others, the natural, inalienable, God-given rights of man, as men, are acknowledged and secured,—shall they, with all their privileges and benefits, and hopes and promises, be reverently sustained, or trampled on and trampled out; be maintained in their integrity, be lifted to a higher perfection, or be surrendered—not directly, but surely—to the enemies and haters of them—foes of truth and man, of human rights and human progress? This was, virtually, the issue presented. Not, of course, in so many words; not understood or seen as such, strangely, by man, who, otherwise, would never have met it as they did; but, nevertheless, really this. Can the importance of that act well be exaggerated in which such an issue was deliberately and directly met; in which the nation's decision with reference to it was definitely and enduringly made and recorded, entered on the scroll of history—a fixed, an unchallengable, an ineffaceable fact? that act in and by which the nation set the seal to its destinies, for an unmeasured future; resolved whether to be true to the cardinal principles of its institutional life, or recreant to them; whether to keep on whither the star of its "high calling" leads—star flamed from Bethlehem's, or turn to the false lights which beckon backwards into darkness and shame? No decision of mere local and temporary interest—its consequences limited to ourselves, and bounded within a presidential term—is that which the nation has just risen, in its majesty, to record. Tell me of a people, of a tribe, of an isle of the sea, that is not remotely affected by it. Let this republic, providentially elected to occupy the van of the advancing civilizations; to which is committed the trust for a world's behalf of free institutions, which has been called to test before the gaze of the nations the competency of the people for self-government, called to bear aloft the sacred torch of constitutional liberty—a rebuke to the oppressor, a hope to the oppressed, promise and pledge to millions of hearts of a better future;—let it have proved false in this mighty trial hour to its glorious mission; let is have suffered itself to be displaced from its God-given position by the secret plotting and sophistical reasonings and sordid appeals, though which slave-

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triotic loyalty, as when—in the face of a gigantic and accumulating debt; in view of bereaved homes, and aching hearts, and a lengthening death-roll; with universal longings for peace; longings for the return to their homes of the exposed and endangered, and their longings to return—when, against all this, the question was put to the whole people—virtually, though not in terms,—"Shall the war go on—with more treasure, more blood, more suffering, indefinitely more, as its inevitable cost, rather than be abandoned for a false, treacherous, unstable peace; in an ignoble compromise with an organized barbarism, in criminal and bloody revolt?—the people answered,—"YES!" Two or three weeks ago, a noble Englishman—Goldwin Smith—in the course of a lecture, before an immense auditory, in Boston Music Hall, asked, in substance,—"Had you known all the costs and sacrifices of your war, would you have gone into it?" and, in spontaneous shout, they answered,—"YES." They answered for the country. And the country, to the question put to it, on Tuesday last,—"Whatever the future costs and sacrifices of the war, will you go on with it?" answered for itself,—"YES."
   And it is a fact most notable and significant, that this result, which so many had made, for months, most strenuous and determined efforts to prevent, was attended and followed, in all the length and breadth of the land, by no one deed or disturbing violence. It was the voice of the majority; and as such respected. And the sun that went down upon that stern decision, went down in the stillness in which it rose—save sounds of irrepressible gladness; and these with no tone of taunt in them, and eliciting no angered response. The intense and passionate excitement of that momentous campaign culminated in quietness! Who now will doubt the capacity of the American people for self-government'? Who now will question the stability of our free institutions? What trial can they be subjected to severer than they have borne?
   Friends, how can we help but rejoice at these things, and give God thanks? Not that a party has been defeated—O no—but that a country has been saved;—a country as dear, I will not doubt, to many in connection with that party as to myself, or any. Let our thoughts ascend, and our hearts with them, above the low plane of temporary antagonisms and partial disagreement, to the broad table-land of Patriotism, where we are all one. Let us be willing to forget every thign person, in the blessed fact that we have a country to love to serve, to live for and die for; worthy our love, our service, our life; dearer for the perils through which it has been brought—for the perils which yet besiege and threaten, but through whose remaining waves the Good Providence that has thus far guided and guarded, shall still guide and guard, until the hour of Peace be reached, and her recreant tribes come back to their dishonored loyalty, and rally again to her sacred flag.
   Aye, a Good Providence. Gratefully, reverently, be it recognized and praised, in the crisis past, and its train of antecedents. It is difficult, impossible, to trace the workings of a Power that works in and by human wills and agencies; to demonstrably prove that, here and there, in specific instances, what seemed accidental was brought about by influences whose hiding is with God. But who can doubt that a Divine Superintendence and Overrule has been graciously granted, in all this mighty conflict, for the salvation of the nation, against those who would divide and destroy it?—causing defeat to be better than triumph, failure the condition of a higher success; causing the weakness of personal ambition and the cunning of party intrigue to redound to patriotic ends; causing hostile machination to effect friendly aid, and plotted mischief availing good—the very things that were to tell against the country's cause, in innumerable instance actually promoting it; strengthening loyal sentiment, increasing loyal numbers.
   It was a faith that God was with us, that He loved our country, loved its cause, and would at length succeed it, which has been the strength of many a heart, and the brightness of its hope, in the frequent darkness through which the crisis drew on, amidst the noise and boast and unscrupulous effort and reckless assertion of an electioneering contest. And now that he has succeeded it; now that against all, at home and abroad, which had been brought to oppose it, our cause—the country's cause—has so signally triumphed, while we may well feel rebuked for past despondency and distrust, we should be inspired with new confidence in His protecting Providence. We shall need it in the future. God only knows through what scenes, through what discipline, we, as a nation, are to pass; to what further tests of our fidelity we are to be subjected. May He make us equal to our day! May he breathe into us a spirit of self-devotion, so that the cause of country, the cause of freedom and

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who have ever gone from home to battle for the right, is essentially a reading and thinking army, (loud applause,) and the fact that the men who, in the halls of science and learning, are calmly examining the course of events, and are approving and sustaining the army in that determined conflict of mankind, adds new courage to the heart, new strength to the arm. (Enthusiastic applause.) And therefore, he said, he could well give his thanks as the representative of the soldiers in the field, to our distinguished friend, (Professor Smith,) who was among the few that seemed to bid them God-speed. (Renewed applause.)
   General Butler added his assurance that if the Professor, before leaving New York, would, as they say in the army, come down to the front, he would there be greeted with cheers to which those of the company were but faint murmurs—(loud applause)—murmurs in comparison with the grand chorus which should speak.
   In a few weeks, or a few months, the General continued, there would remain as visible marks of our great conflict a few green mounts, a few unsightly lines of earth. But all would not have passed away. The heroism, the bright example of our glorious dead should forever furnish new teachings of right to coming generations.
   General Butler, in conclusion, renewed his invitation to Professor Smith to visit the army, speaking of his own early return.

SPEECH OF MR.  LAUGEL.

   Mr. Laugel, one of the prominent writers for the Revue des Deux Mondes in Paris, and whose eloquent pen has often been used in defence of the Union cause before the tribunal of European opinion, spoke in the following pertinent and touching words:—

   "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: Never before did I address an audience in another language but my own, but I feel that I must answer in a few words the remarks that have been made, and thank you for the manner in which you have received them. There is nothing for me to add to the high and well-deserved tribute which has been paid to your distinguished guest. You may well say of him what our great heroine of Arc said of the oriflamme at the coronation of her king: "As it has been with me in battle, let it be with me at the hour of triumph." For this is an hour of triumph. You have shown to the world that the North is united and in earnest, that your people are determined not only to re-establish the Union, but to extirpate that only germ of disunion among you, slavery. You have shown that your institutions can bear the most severe test; I mean the renovation of the Executive in times of civil war and under conditions of uncontrolled liberty. Leaving these topics, I must beg permission from your distinguished guest and from yourselves, gentlemen, to turn a moment to my own position among you. It is not often that a Frenchman has occasion to address an American audience. Allow me to seize this opportunity, and to explain to you, in a few words, what I consider to be the feelings of my people in regard to the great struggle in which you are engaged. Let me first draw a distinction between the French government and the French people. I will not here open an attack against the government of my country, but this I may say, because it is a mere fact, that government, especially in what concerns its foreign relations, is armed with an uncontrolled authority. I have not always been satisfied with its policy. I have deeply deplored the unnecessary haste with which it recognized the rebels of the South as belligerents; but that being once done, I owe it to justice, and I think you owe it to justice, to acknowledge that, whatever may have been its sympathies, it has adhered to the rules of neutrality. Leaving the government, I turn to the people. here I feel more at home, and am happy to assure you that the sympathies of my countrymen are almost unanimously on your side. Ask a hundred Frenchmen if they believe in a restoration of the Union, and one in the number, I will admit it, will tell you that he does not; but ask these unbelievers if they desire the disruption of your Union, and all will tell you "No."
   Your cause has had that singular privilege among us to unite people of the most conflicting parties; it has enlisted legitimists, who remember that the last glorious act of the dynasty they still adhere to has been to help you in the conquest for your independence; it has enlisted Catholics, who see the Catholic churches flourishing among your tolerant people and under the protection of your laws; it has enlisted all the liberals, Orleanists or Republicans; it has enlised such men as Laboulaye, Gasparin, Cochin, Berryer, our greatest orator; Prévost-Paradol, Forcade, Lafrey, our best journalists; Henri Martin, our popular historian; and how many others could I not name! Though the forms of government can-

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all loyal men, because they lifted up their hands against the government, and were in sympathy with those in rebellion against it.
   Now Abraham was a just man—one who feared God and eschewed evil.
   But wicked men envied him, and sought false witnesses against him, and siad, We will cast him down, and he shall no more be ruled over the land.
   And some cried one thing and some another; but they could find none occasion against him, except that he was merciful to the poor, and made proclamation to let every bondman go free. 
   Now there were certain rabid democrats of the baser sort—and they waxed exceeding hot against him; in the West there were two, Vall and Voorhies—in the East there were two, Seymour and Wood; and they stirred up the people with many lies.
   But Abraham feared them not, for he was a righteous man. He said, I am content; let the people cast lots. Howbeit, there were certain brave men who stood by him, ready to hold up his hands; and he called for one Benjamin, surnamed Butler, a valiant captain of his hosts.
   And Abraham said—Behold that great Babylon, New York, the mother of harlots and every abomination; she sitteth as a queen in her iniquity, and saith, Who shall discomfort me, or make me afraid? Am i not mistress of the great Empire State?
   Moreover, Abraham said unto Benjamin—Leave thou thy hosts for a time on the south river, even thy habitation at Dutch Gap, and come thou, stand in the gate of the great city, whose transgression is Seymour, and whose iniquity is Wood; draw thou thy sword from his sheath, and if any man lifteth him up himself against the government, or opposeth the laws, hew him down, that there be neither root nor branch left.
   Then Benjamin siad, So be it done unto me, and more also, if I let one of them escape that maketh insurrection, or opposeth the laws; for thy servant is not a man to deal softly with the enemies of thy country, as thou knowest well, oh Abraham!
   Then Benjamin girded on his sword, and came and stood in the gate of the city: and every Ishmaelite, and the heathen of every nation, and uncircumcised Phillistines, and all the plug-uglies, and demons, and devils of every shape, gnashed their teeth, and were filled with rage exceeding great. And they said, Thy head shall fall from thy body, and the fowls of the air shall feed upon thy carcase.
   Howbeit, they laid no hands upon him, neither did they set themselves to break the laws, for they feared before him.
   Now when it was found that the lot fell on Abraham to be ruler over the land there went up a great shout from all the people, and they took up this song:—
   The men of Mac are discomfited with a great overthrow, whereof we are glad; their chariot wheels are broken, and they sank as lead in the Dead Sea. 
   Lift up your heads, oh ye four winds, and blow the trump of liberty!
   Sing aloud, How hath the righteous prospered, because he regardeth the poor, and hateth oppression!
   But the name of the wicked shall rot, because he did magnify himself against the government, and cast contempt upon Abraham the just.
    He that upholdeth the poor shall smite the oppressor, and the bondman shall be more honorable than his master.
   Rejoice, oh yet waters, wherein go the mighty ships; for they shoot out fire, and smoke of brimstone, and hail from iron upon the rebellious cities of the South..
   And ye mighty hills and mountains, how beautiful are the feet of Sherman and Sheridan! Their horses are swift—they neigh for the battle—they bring tidings of good.
   Ulysses, a mighty captain and a valiant man, lifteth up his spear, and maketh all the men of Richmond to tremble; for they remember all their wickedness that they have done in that they have rebelled with a very grievous rebellion.
   Then Abraham, and all his hosts, and the inhabitants of the land, with the priests and Levites, the singers and principal men, sang with a loud voice,

"We are marching along, we are marching along—
Glory, glory, hallelujah!"
———————
   EX-GOVERNOR James H. Hammond of South Carolina, whose death was recently announced, was the blackguard who, in a public speech, declared that free laborers of all classes were "the mudsills of society;" for which insult the "Natick cobbler" sewed up his mouth so effectually, that he never opened it again in the Senate in scurrilous abuse of the North. He was an original nullifier and secessionist, and had been Governor of South Carolina, and a Representative as well as Senator at Washington.

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into a profession of atheism or infidelity. My sentiments on the mutual relations of the Scripture and science have long been before the world, and I see no reason to alter to add to them. But I consider this movement simply mischievous, having a direct tendency (by putting forward a new shibboleth, a new verbal test of religious partisanship) to add a fresh element of discord to the already too discordant relations of the Christian world. I do not deny that care and caution are apparent on the face of the document I am called on to subscribe. But no nicety of wording, no artifice of human language will suffice to discriminate the hundredth part of the shades of meaning in which the most world-wide differences of thought on such subjects may be involved; or prevent the most gently worded and apparently justifiable expression of regret, so embodied, from grating on the feelings of thousands of estimable and well-intentioned men with all the harshness of controversial hostility.
    I am, sir, your obedient servant,
             J. F. W. HERSCHEL.
   Capel H. Berger, Esq."

LETTER FORM SIR JOHN BOWRING.

"CLAREMONT, Exeter, August 27.
   "Dear Sir—In the general spirit of the document to which my adhesion is asked, I cordially concur. That all truth must ultimately harmonize—that one truth cannot be inconsistent with another truth, are propositions—axioms, rather—which cannot be contested; to proclaim an approval of them is as much a work of supererogation as it would be to publish an avowal of agreement with the demonstration of a mathematical problem. But it appears to me the period has arrived when we should endeavor to emancipate ourselves from the tyranny of all dogmatizing creeds—all enforced confessions, all foregone conclusions, all compromising declarations; perseveringly carrying out to their necessary consequences our own investigations and convictions, and encouraging others to exercise the same right and discharge the same duty. I do not know how the course of truth and the interests of religion can be better served than by allowing the utmost latitude to inquiry. It is not possible—nor, if possible, desirable—to prevent comparisons between the historical revelations of the past and the scientific discoveries of the present time. The Bible must be brought into the broad daylight—out of the darkness to which ancient authority condemned it; it must be tested by inquiring knowledge, and taken from the custody of contending ignorance; it must be cleared from its cobwebs, and purged from its corruptions. Nothing less ought reasonably to satisfy those who believe; nothing more can fairly be demanded by those who doubt; but this much may be asked in the interest of all. There is no 'presumption' in giving to the world conclusions soberly, seriously, and reverently formed, be those conclusions what they may. The best resting place for 'faith,' or hope, or comfort, will, after all, be found in allow to the intellectual faculties with which God has blessed us their widest influence and action over the whole field of thought. By 'proving all things,' we shall be able to 'hold fast that which is good,' and we may be fully assured that the great verities which have stood the storms and shocks of agitated centuries will remain unbroken through coming ages.
   I am, dear sir, your obedient, humble servant,
                     JOHN BOWRING.
   Professor Stenhouse, F. R. S., &c., London.
———————
THE VOTE OF BALTIMORE.
-----
   Where all have done their best, and many have done so well, it may seem right to avoid invidious distinctions. The Union victory in Baltimore, however, viewed in connection with antecedent events, is so remarkable, so magnificent, as to challenge especial commendation. Four years ago, Abraham Lincoln, then, as now, the constitutionally elected Chief Magistrate of the United States, on his way to the seat of government, to be inaugurated, was obliged to pass through Baltimore, in the way Nicodemus, "for fear of the Jews," came to the World's Redeemer, wiz: "by night." He actually reached Washington in disguise, so well founded were the apprehensions that in the "Monumental City" assassination started him in the face. Subsequently, when it was found necessary to summon some regiments of soldiers from the North, to prevent the seizure of the capital by armed rebels, they met the fate, in that city, which only the President's well-timed prudence averted from himself. They were murdered, in cold blood, and under the gaze of the noon-day sun, in the streets of that city. Compare with those events the results of last Tuesday. Now, this same Abraham Lincoln, in that identical city, receives between twelve and thirteen thousand votes of a majority for re-election, and the Maryland brigade of loyal soldiers, composed chiefly of Baltimoreans, gives him 1,224 votes, against 44 for his opponent! And, still better, Baltimore is the commercial emporium of a Free State, within those borders the chains of slavery have forever ceased to clank! Verily the world still moves. If any one doubts it, let him look at the election returns of the city of Baltimore.—Philadelphia Press.

Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.