NABWSA    SUBJECT FILE   Butler, Benjamin F.

200 THE LIBERATOR.  DECEMBER 9.

Poetry.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
One cloudy day that ended in October,
When winds were calm, and leafy woods were still,
Clad in their colors gorgeous, rich and sober,
While yet their tints surpassed the painter's skill,
I stood upon the brow of Muldrow Hill,
Where scattered cedars, slight and smooth and slim,
Rose green with life, no frost could kill or chill :
I saw below the childhood haunts of him
Whose fame and wreath and name long ages may not dim.

The man who now has nations for beholders,
Who dared to say his Government was made
To lift the weights from off of all men's shoulders,
Though for a time its purpose was delayed ;
While Treason's banded millions were arrayed,
He had become the chosen Chief of State,
Displayed the art that made those hosts afraid :
While others wavered, traitors were elate,
He calmly used his might to rule our nation's fate.

Born in a region famed in song and story,
Where rugged hills have lovely vales between,
Where pure, cold streams, like gleams of transient glory,
At once will burst from bluffs that gape and lean,
And sink again to hide their crystal sheen,
Where cedars cluster in the forest shades,
Their green boughs screen the deep, unseen ravine,
Where brooks will wind and sparkle through the glades,
Or fall like molten silver brightly in cascades.

A poor man's son, his lot was one of rigor ;
But toil and training in his early youth
Gave mind and body their unwonted vigor,
Imbued his soul with honesty and truth ;
He was the man he seemed to be in sooth,
A patriot such as could never feel
That ruth for Treason with its serpent tooth
Which shameless scoffers often will reveal,
And haters of our land can never well conceal.

His dwelling places, like his callings, vary,
But helped to mould him as he was designed ;
On wooded hills, or in the grassy prairie,
He gained that nature, double in its kind,
The statesman's with the woodman's tact combined ;
Led by a judgment passion cannot cloud,
A mind whose like we rarely ever find,
With that uncommon common sense endowed,
That lastly overmatches genius bright and proud.

He timely came, when Treason was defiant, 
From prairie lands beneath the sunset glow,
Our champion, and our rugged Western giant,
To deal the traitor Southron such a blow
That yet shall cause his utter overthrow ;
A living type of Freedom's cause and creed,
Whose foe shall yet be baffled and laid low,
The man most fit to do that glorious deed,
And guide the "Ship of State"  in peril's hour and need.

Few would have thought who heard him telling stories,
And jokes that rustic hearers might applaud,
That he would be one of our country's glories,
And live to send those edicts far abroad
That made enslavers tremble and be awed,
And meet the punishment they well deserved
For fraud and crime they long had loved to laud ;
That power which other rulers tamely served,
He ventured to defy, and have its arm unnerved.

Firm as that hill upon its wall of boulders,
His faith was that our fathers had this aim :
To lift the weights from off of all men's shoulders,
And that their sons, if worthy of the name,
Would live and strive and battle for the same ;
One glorious boon their valor should retain ;
He came to just conclusion to proclaim
Words that shall loose the bondman from his chain,
And leave our country free from one huge guilt and stain.

Though called to govern in our darkest season,
He vaunted nothing by a mere display ;
Not only had he to contend with Treason,
But with the loyal faint with one dismay ;
Much was accomplished by a wise delay
In his attack upon a power and wrong
Which they were long accustomed to obey ;
[?]


Faith in that promise makes my eyes to see
Peace rising through the smoke of victory ;
And as the cloud of battle drifts away,
I see the white dawn of a future day.

Above the din of war I seem to hear
From tower and roof the sweet-toned bells of cheer
Ring out the welcome tidings to the skies,
While joyful pæans on the air arise.

I see bold Freedom with a giant's stroke
Hurl to the earth the bondman's heavy yoke ;
I see her strike from off his horny hands
The galling chains and fetters where he stands.

I see a temple ; from its dome on high
A glorious banner greets the broad blue sky ;
The starry emblem of a mighty land,
Whose people all are one in heart and hand.
—Harper's Weekly.

The Liberator.

RATIONALISM IN THE CHURCH.

A RATIONALIST ASSOCIATION AND ANNUAL CONVENTIONS
PROPOSED.

MR. EDITOR :  DEAR SIR—Rationalism is the subject
of  much mistake and misconception, and friends
of truth will be glad to have it assume definite and
intelligible positions, and explain itself distinctly to 
the world.  Worcester defines it—"[Theol.] Interpretation
of Christian truth on the principle of human
reason, or the adoption of human reason as a 
sole and sufficient guide, exclusive of tradition and
revelation."  The word is variously used in different
works.  Those Christians who accept it as descriptive
of the religious systems which they embrace,
may be allowed to show in what sense they accept it.
The writer of this article speaks for himself, and he
thinks that professed Christian Rationalists throughout
the world concur in his views on the subject.
Every denomination of religionists, and every school
both of religion and philosophy, is allowed to define
its own positions and principles, and is entitled to be 
judged from its own showings.  Hostile critics cannot
define religious denominations and schools correctly.
With the best intentions, they will often grossly caricature
and misrepresent them.

Christian Rationalism is distinguished from all traditionary
and arbitrary systems of Christianity , on the 
one hand ; and from all systems of infidelity and skepticism
on the other.  It departs widely from the opinions
of Augustine, Calvin, Wesley, and others who
follow them, as well as from the Roman and Greek
Churches, and it deviates still more from the infidelity
and skepticism of the English and French Deists,
Pantheists and Atheists of the seventeenth century.
It has many dogmas in common with the Orthodox,
and receives the whole body of Orthodox truth and 
knowledge, but rejects the so-called Orthodox delusions ;
and it has some doctrines in common with all 
honest and intelligent Infidels and Skeptics ; but differs
widely from both.  It is in no danger of being
taken for Orthodoxy, or confounded with it ; and nothing
can be more incorrect or unjust than to confound
it with Deism, Pantheism, Infidelity and Skepticism.
The common charges of Deism, Infidelity, Pantheism
and Skepticism, which are made against it, are
false and slanderous.  Christian Rationalists are neither
Deists, Infidels, Pantheists nor Skeptics.  Deism
exalts Natural Religion against Christianity,
which it rejects and disparages ; Infidelity rejects 
Christianity, either with or without a substitute, and
Skepticism adopts principles subversive of all historic
faith and knowledge of the invisible and remote.
Pantheism confounds God with his works.  From all
these systems of error, delusion and ignorance, Christian
Rationalism declares off, and stands aloof.  It receives
all that is proved, and all that is known to be
true, and rejects only beliefs known to be erroneous.
As long as opinions are doubtful, it admits them as
doubtful, and only accepts them where all doubt is dispelled.
It has in it, therefore, no element of Infidelity. 
Skepticism rejects valid evidence, and refuses to
[?]

Every man who embraces the first principle of
Christian Rationalism, to judge of the Bible and interpret
it agreeably to evidence, is a rationalist.  Every
man who understands the divine laws of faith and
knowledge must submit to them, and honor them.
They come home to the soul with irresistible effect,
and command its unhesitating assent and love.
Rationalism is deemed by many to be destructive
and disorganizing, and is hated and opposed as an enemy
to true religion.  All the true religion there is
in Christendom is of the Rationalistic kind.  Rationalism
is disorgaizing as Jesus was, and as all the sons of
God have been.  It destroys errors and shams, and detects
and unmasks impositions and usurpations, but is
profoundly reverent and conservative of all truth.  It
repudiates all fictions and sham miracles, but acknowledges
with infinite delight the stupendous and
true miracles of creation and Providence.  These it
finds in all ages and countries, and they speak to us 
of God and his power with irresistible effect.  It
finds no facts and holds no dogmas subversive of piety
and virtue, but, on the contrary, all its faiths minister
to both.  The living and everywhere present God is
the object of its great idea, ever present and acting ;
speaking to men face to face as of old, meeting them
on the earth's high places, and visiting them in its
calm and secluded retreats, challenging love and
good will by his present doings ; and the present
rewarder of all human well-doing.  Man stands
out to the eye of Christian Rationalist the noblest
of God's terrestrial works, capable of infinite adornments,
and of inconceivably exalted gifts and glories ;
in a high degree admirable and estimable for what
he is, but infinitely more so for what he is capable of
becoming under God's benevolent tutelage and loving
paternal care.
Professed and declared Rationalists are few, compared
with the millions that abjure [Rationalism?].
Many silently embrace its leading principles, and
allow their divine light to shine but dimly.  Professed
Rationalists are found, however, in considerable
numbers among the Lutherans in Germany and Reformed
Churches of Switzerland, France, and Holland,
and the Unitarians of Great Britain and the United
States.  Several clergymen and many laymen in the
Church of England embrace Rationalistic views, and 
are either partially or generally Rationalistic.  Some
laymen and a few ministers among the Episcopalians
and Universalists in the United States are Rationalists.
The Clerical profession is proverbially conservative 
in all denominations.  If it were more independent, 
it would be less conservative, and more progressive.
Independent conditions favor independent
and manly thinking, and dependence tends in the opposite
direction.  Good men will resist it as well as
they can, and truly brave souls will seek and accept 
the truth, whatever crosses it may impose, and at
every cost.
We have said that Christian Rationalism is yet a
school, and not a sect.  What is to be its future ? Is
it to continue a school ? or to emerge into a sect?  Is
it to decline and die, as many Christian schools and
sects have done ?  or is it to become general, permanent
and dominant ?  We think it is to become general,
permanent, and dominant ; and advise good men
to prepare for its progress, and clear its track.  It has
all the elements of progress and power.  It is the kingdom
of truth and of God, and all its influences on
men are benignant and elevating.  The weapons of
its war are mighty, and the ages are its inheritance.
All things serve it, all sciences, all arts, and all good
men.  Its truths are precious and valuable.  They
are the gems and pearls of the universe.  They are
too valuable and too much needed to be laid aside
in napkins, and buried out of human sight with decaying
carcasses ; and demand the open field of conflict
and victory.  Its lights call for light-stands, and cannot
be allowed to continue indefinitely under beds
and bushels.
But Rationalists have something to do to publish
their great salvation, and make it effective.  They
cannot afford to stop with barren negatives; they must
work with high and ennobling positive truths.  Their
great implements of labor, like those of all true reli-
[?]

THE BRYANT FESTIVAL.
We are permitted to publish (says the Chicago Tribune)
the following letter, received by a gentleman of this
city, from a lady who was a participant in the honors paid
to WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, the venerable poet and patriot.
The charming sketchy description of the occasion
will cause it to be read with interest :

NEW YORK, Nov. 10, 1864.
MY DEAR DOCTOR :—I believe that I promised
in the summer to write you from Long Branch, but
I found the fascinations of seaside life too many for 
me.  My old accustomed pen-pleasure was entirely
thrown in the shade, while as for reading or any
other intellectual enjoyment, the only thing of the 
sort which I indulged in was an occasional perusal
of the newspapers or the last Atlantic.  One evening,
however, we had in our large drawing-room
a literary treat which I shall not soon forget.  Daniel
Dougherty—one of the most brilliant members of
the Philadelphia Bar—and as genial a man as I ever
met, recited us several dramatic pieces, including a 
very powerful ballad of the Irish Rebellion by Richard
Larol Shiel.
The audience was profoundly attentive, and I observed,
even among grey-haired men, several who
were moved to tears, as they might well be, for the
reciter's pathos and eloquence were thrilling.  His
dramatic power was wonderful ; and did I not know
his eminence in his profession, I might say that a superb
actor had been spoiled in the lawyer ; but it is 
only fair to suppose that he could excel in either position.
Speaking of actors—Edwin Forrest, who 
spent a week at our hotel, also gave us some recitations.
I was not fortunate enough to hear him, having 
through sheer fatigue done an unwonted thing—retired
for the night at half-past nine—but if one
might judge from the most boisterous applause and
the general satisfaction expressed, the next morning,
I should say he was at least as entertaining as Mr.
Dougherty.  I was again reminded of the latter last
night in a conversation with George Boker, par excellence
the poet of Philadelphia.  We were joining
in regrets that Mr. Dougherty's absorption in the
engagements of the political campaign prevented
his participation in the entertainment we were then 
enjoying—the festival in honor of William Cullen
Bryant's 70th Birthday, given by the members of 
the Century Club in this city.
As might easily be imagined, this was an event of
great interest.  Not only were the best representatives
of our own most cultivated society present, but
Boston, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Albany, and other
towns, contributed some of their most distinguished
citizens to honor the anniversary and enliven the
evening.
I have appended a copy of the programme which 
was followed on the occasion :—

ORDER
OF THE
BRYANT FESTIVAL,
AT THE
ROOMS OF "THE CENTURY,"
NOV. 5, 1864.
[Mr. Bryant was 70 years old on the 3d of November,
but the celebration was appointed for the 5th, that being
the regular monthly meeting of the club.—Not by your
correspondent.]
1.  Address to Mr. Bryant by the President of the Century.
2.  Response of Mr. Bryant.
3.  A chant for his 70th birthday.  By Bayard Taylor.
Music by Louis Lang.
4.  Responses and recitals of Poems, by the guests of the 
Century.
5.  Presentation to Mr. Bryant of a portfolio, to contain
finished sketches by more than forty artists, members of 
the Century.
6.  Letters from absent friends, and further responses by
guests.
7.  Intermission for conversation and refreshments.
8.  Addresses by guests and members of the Century.

This programme was carried out to the letter, and
seemed to give great satisfaction.  We were fortunate
enough to arrive in time for the opening of the 
exercises, and pushed our way through a crowd as
bejewelled and perfumed, as beautiful and artistic
as one ever sees in the most aristocratic of our salons,
to the great drawing-room of the club house, where
the centre of attraction was standing on the platform,
listening with quiet dignity to the address of
the President, Mr. Bancroft.  Around the bard, in
all directions upon the walls, hung handsome decorations
in natural flowers, drapery and gilding—including
several quotations from Mr. Bryant's poetry
surrounded by wreaths, and a harp hung with garlands
bearing the letters W. C. B.  For these as
[?]

edibles were spread in appetizing array—one extremity
of the hall being occupied by a table containing
brimming Knickerbocker bowls of century
punch, (Father Prout would have given his oldest
breviary for the recipe,) claret punch and lemonade,
flanked by all the trickeries of the French cakebaker.
These constituted a permanent base of supplies
for anybody who chose to help himself or a 
lady.

At the opposite end of the hall, a table ran entirely
across, loaded with the delicacies for which the
century cuisine is so famous—oysters, raw, scolloped
and stewed ; lobster and chicken salad, boned turkeys,
Perigord pies ; a variety of ices, creams, jellies
and pastry ; sandwiches, coffee and chocolate.

In some instances, these fascinating delicacies invited
us to our doom no less than to their own.  I
know that I suffered, myself ; for a dress fabricated
"for this occasion only," as they say of the star combinations,
came out of the hungry crowd a perfect
bill of fare.  The chicken salad, as if it wished to 
avenge the shades of all the fowls sacrificed on Mr.
Bryant's altar, made me the vicarious sufferer of
enough dyspeptic remorse to have atoned for all the
wrongs of the hen-roost since the present salad's respected
progenitress clucked her way out of the Ark.
In spite of my having yielded to it, to my minding the
century salad is so delicious that were I a lobster or
a chicken, I should look forward to this as my apotheosis,
and after ascertaining that I was intended for
the Century, should interpose no resistance when
taken out of the lobster-pot or coop.
There are so many delightful things about the
Club that I don't wonder gentlemen like to pass evenings
there.  The dining-room was pleasant, even
after most of the guests had either retired or re-ascended
to the saloon, where telling speeches were 
delivered by Drs. Osgood and Bellows, and Mr.
Evarts, and Stoddard,  Street and Buchanan Read
had been invited to deliver poems.  Stoddard's contribution
was read by Taylor.  Street read his own;
but owing to a miscalculation of time, Mr. Read
concluded himself compelled to reserve his poem until
it should be published in the Memorial—a decision
deeply regretted by all who were present, and
expecting to hear him.  The poems that were read
were graceful tributes, and received sincere applause.

Those of us who had felt too weary to return up
stairs, and had been satisfied with the attractions of
the supper room, moved like myself and Mr. L—
into a good sized ante-chamber at the left of the entrance
hall, brilliantly lighted, hung as full as the
walls could hold with pictures by our first artists belonging 
to the Club, and enlivened by groups of appreciative 
spectators.
Le Clear, one of our strongest portrait painters, 
exhibited a head, modelled with his characteristic
vigor. There was another head—a charming ideal
of Stone's—that of a beautiful girl, with dreamy blue
eyes and golden-brown hair.  The flesh tints of the
picture, always managed with the tenderest feeling
by this artist, were unusually delicate and real.  In
the warm, palpitating light thrown from overhead,
the lips seemed almost to glow and the shapely chest
to undulate with the breath of a fresh young life.
Hennessey, who has lately perfected some lovely pictures
taken from studies made while he was one of 
our party last summer at Long Branch, exhibited a 
perfect gem of genri art.  Everything about it was
beautiful—the pose of the lovely girl's figure just
coming from a walk across the autumn-tinted fields ;
a wreath of bright frost-turned leaves swinging carelessly
from her down-dropped listless hand ; the
clouds above—the earth beneath.  But that portion
of the picture which held me spell-bound was a
pure stretch of amber sky, so exquisitely delicate
and significant, that it irradiated the entire view 
with both tender light and pensive sentiment.  I had
previously seen it in the Artist's own studio, where
it showed to still better advantage by the sunlight
which came through a quaint Gothic window, and
fell across an ivy clambering from a pot carved with
the legend,
"Je meurs ou jem ' attache,"
to the top of the sash, whence it drooped in a graceful
maze of tendrils.  Kensett, Gifford, Haseltine,
Whittredge, Lang, C. P. Cranch, Cropsey, and a
number of our other prominent artists were also well
represented on the Century walls upon this occasion.
The monthly meeting nights of the Century are always
honored by such a display on the part of artists, 
the Century being the first public to which the
members show their first accomplished work of art.
As nearly all our eminent painters and sculptors are 
centurions you can imagine how I envy my gentle-
[?]

GREAT RAILROAD DISASTER.
We have to record the most extensive and fatal
casualty ever known in this country.  Yesterday
morning, at an early hour, a very large train left
Orange, N. J., en route for the White House, Washington,
D. C., under the charge of chief engineer, 
George B. McClellan.  It was expected to make
the trip through in twelve hour.  The train was
very heavily laden with merchandise shipped by a
New York Jew house,  August Belmont, agent.
All the copperheads in the country were passengers,
besides a few innocent people who had been deluded
into taking an excursion trip by the offer of
deadhead tickets.  Horatio Seymour, of New York, 
was the conductor, assisted by Franklin Pierce, C.
L.  Vallandigham and Joel Parker.  Ben.  Wood
was appointed to hold all the money received for
fares, and wore a hatband marked conspicuously,
4-11-44.
For convenience and comfort, the passengers
were classified in the cars ; the fogies under the
charge of Robert C. Winthrop and Millard Fillmore,
the short boys under John Van Buren and
Capt. Rynders, the mountebanks and minstrels led
by Jack Rogers and Marble, editor of the World, 
and a few clergymen marshaled by the very Rev.
C. Chauncy Burr and H. J. Van Dyke.  There 
were several cars that were intended to be attached
to the train that did not make the connection—one
from Canada with George N. Saunders conductor,
and a roomy one from New York, filled with Gov.
Seymour's "friends," were both detained by the 
unwarrantable interference of a man named Benjamin
F. Butler, who came to New York last week
to stop a spell.  The cars were gorgeously decorated
with such elegant mottoes as the following:
"Butter has riz," "Abe Lincoln is a gorilla,"
"Little Mike's the b'y, be Jabers," "Niggers for
slaves, Irishmen for our masters." "We are coming, 
brother Jeff."  "Let us change our base."
"Here's your spaniels for you, Massa Davis."
They moved out of the Orange depot gaily to 
the tune of Dixie, though the engineer hesitated, 
when the final moment of departure came, about
stepping on the platform, and was at last only got
on board by a little experiment of Fernando Wood,
who pulled him into the train backwards by his
coat tail.  Engineer McClellan was dressed in the
full rig of a Major General, for which his Uncle
Sam paid.  He was very nervous, and remarked
that he should prefer a gunboat to a ride on such a 
locomotive.  The engine was a new one, built at 
Chicago last August, but on a plan designed by
Benedict Arnold, and subsequently improved by
Aaaron Burr and John C. Calhoun.  It was built
to the order of Jeff Davis, and bore the engaging
name of "Cessation," which was adopted as a slight
change from the original designation "Secession."
It occasioned a good deal of remark that hardly
any soldiers took passage on the train.  There were
some men named Grant, Sheridan, Sherman,
Hooker and Dix around, who very ungenerously
expressed doubts as to the safety of the track and
the ability of the engineer, and it is supposed this
prejudiced the "blue coat boys."  Besides, the
conductor of the train refused to have an American
flag on the engine, and the soldiers have a stubborn
feeling of prejudice on that subject.  Notwithstanding
these slight drawbacks the train moved off, 
with the good wishes and cheers of all the rebel
soldiers in Lee's army, all the British aristocrats, 
and the pirate Semmes and his friends.  From all
that can be learned from the incoherent talk of the 
few survivors of the sad catastrophe, it appears that
there was trouble from the very start.
The engineer and his fireman Pendleton quarreled, 
all the trip, about the method of firing up ;
and the conductors and the fare taker were constantly
giving contradictory orders to the brakemen,
and nervous conservative old gentlemen pulled
frantically at the bell-rope, giving engineer McClellan
no end of trouble.  Just how the accident 
happened, no one can tell now, but certainit is that
before the train got half way through, there was
a shocking smash-up.  The locomotive exploded,
the cars were all piled up in fragments, the track
was torn up, and such a multitude of passengers
fatally injured that it is doubtful if their names can
ever be ascertained.  Some assert that an old Illinois
joker, familiarly called old Abe, caused the
disaster by putting a rail on the track ; others that
the fireman Pendleton let too much water out of 
the peace tank upon the fire McClellan's boiler ;
others that Vallandigham ran the train off the
track by dropping an "O. A. K." stick of timber

[*Butler*]

That power which other rulers tamely served,
He ventured to defy, and have its arm unnerved.

Firm as that hill upon its wall of boulders,
His faith was that our fathers had this aim :
To lift the weights from off of all men's shoulders,
And that their sons, if worthy of the name,
Would live and strive and battle for the same ;
One glorious boon their valor should retain ;
He came to just conclusion to proclaim
Words that shall loose the bondman from his chain,
And leave our country free from one huge guilt and stain.

Though called to govern in our darkest season,
He vaunted nothing by a mere display ;
Not only had he to contend with Treason,
But with the loyal faint with one dismay ;
Much was accomplished by a wise delay
In his attack upon a power and wrong
Which they were long accustomed to obey ;
Despite their prejudice unduly strong,
To even fight for Right he aptly won this throng.

Before that rest, wherein the body moulders,
May he and we behold the brighter day
That lifts the weight from off of all men's shoulders,
And takes the strength of Treason quite away,
And gives to Freedom all her rightful sway.
May he remain a man of rarer mould,
His ray be light that never leads astray,
His heart be warm, his judgment calm and cold,
Our chosen Chief of State, who wisely could be bold !
CYRUS WICK,
Company F, 17th Regt. Ind. Vols., Louisville, Ky.
Silver Springs, Wilson Co., Tenn., Nov. 8, 1864.

MARYLAND IS FREE.

Raise me a little higher, boys ;
Cap., read it o'er to me ;
"We helped to wash away the stain,
And Maryland is free !"
Yes, that was it ; say, was it not ?
Pray, comrades, tell to me,
Just once again before I die,
That Maryland is free !

We helped to knock her shackles off,
We helped regenerate,
And wash away the awful sin
Of our dear native State.
Thank God He let me live so long
This happy day to see ;
I care not, boys, how soon I die,
For Maryland is free !

She is my only mother, boys,
My own is in the grave ;
I'm glad she said before I died,
She'd no more hold a slave :
The air around seems purer, boys—
The sky seems bright to me ;
A heavy weight seems off my heart,
For Maryland is free !

I will not last much longer, boys ;
So listen, if you can ;
Please tell the folks at home how I
Fought with Phil Sheridan ;
Just say I was no coward, boys,
That I loved liberty ;
And that I died upon the day
That Maryland was free !

I hope to see this fight fought out,
And treason get its due ;
But if He had not taken me,
He might have taken you ;
No, I am satisfied to die—
He has been kind to me,
And let me fall upon the day
That Maryland was free !

The air seems growing darker, boys,
My life is ebbing fast,
And every breath I draw now, boys,
Feels as it were the last.
Dear Captain, read it o'er again—
Our Father ! pity me—
Forgive my sins—yes, that was it ;
My Maryland—I'm free !
S.
–Baltimore American.

NOVEMBER 8, 1864.

We breathe more freely now the struggle's done,
Now that the glorious victory is won ;
The grandest civil triumph which shall stand 
Recorded in the annals of the land.

We trusted in the cause—we knew that Right
Must conquer Wrong, however hard the fight  ;
That not in vain by patriots had been shed
The precious blood with which our soil is red.

No, not in vain ; to-day the pledge we give, 
That by that blood the Union yet shall live ;
And from the strong lips of the loyal North
In thunder tones the promise now goes forth.


it with Deism, Pantheism, Infidelity and Skepticism.
The common charges of Deism, Infidelity, Pantheism
and Skepticism, which are made against it, are
false and slanderous.  Christian Rationalists are neither
Deists, Infidels, Pantheists nor Skeptics.  Deism
exalts Natural Religion against Christianity, 
which it rejects and disparages; Infidelity rejects
Christianity, either with or without a substitute, and
Skepticism adopts principles subversive of all historic
faith and knowledge of the invisible and remote.
Pantheism confounds God with his works.  From all
these systems of error, delusion and ignorance, Christian
Rationalism declares off, and stands aloof.  It receives
all that is proved, and all that is known to be
true, and rejects only beliefs know to be erroneous.
As long as opinions are doubtful, it admits them as
doubtful, and only accepts them where all doubt is dispelled.
It has in it, therefore, no element of Infidelity.
Skepticism rejects valid evidence, and refuses to
believe much that is fully proved.  This is not Christian
Rationalism, but unchristian Irrationalism.  Christian 
Rationalism admits evidence of every kind, and
draws its inferences and conclusions from the broadest
fields of observation, and the most complete aggregates
of facts and evidences.   It has in it, therefore,
no element of Skepticism.  It accepts all normal 
and virtuous faith in Christianity ; pursues all possible
knowledge, both of its facts and principles ; and
only disbelieves where unbelief is a duty, and faith a 
sin.  It is willingly ignorant only where knowledge is
impossible or useless.

Christian Rationalist are a school ; they are not
yet organized as a sect ; whether they ever will be,
remains to be seen, and will depend somewhat on the
course of events.  No founder of Rationalism as an organic
body has yet arisen.  Rationalism in its present
attitude makes no war on any sect or denomination ;
it offers its divine light and love to all, and proposes
to benefit and serve all.  In a few denominations
it is freely tolerated, in most it is resisted and
disparaged, and in not a few is hunted out and expelled.
Rationalists are an unorganized party in all
sects in which they are tolerated, and would quickly
be found in all sects, if tolerated in all.  This is well
understood by the anti-Rationalist, and a thorough
discipline and prompt exclusion of Rationalists from
their respective bodies is publicly advocated as indispensable 
to the preservation of the anti-rationalistic 
faiths.  This admission is constantly met with in
Quarterlies, Sermons and Reviews, and deserves to
be well considered.  It is a virtual acknowledgment
of the impotence of Orthodoxy and the power of Rationalism.
Rationalism asks no factitious aids, and 
scorns them.  It is perfectly tolerant of the old opinions,
and only asks leave to reason them down.
Against the truth, reason has no power, and no hostility.
Rationalism arises naturally in all sects where it 
is tolerated ; its disciples are numerous and increasing,
and it would quickly appear in strength in all
sects, if tolerated in all.  It is a great blunder in any
not to tolerate it.  When not tolerated, occasionally it
appears in independent and earnest minds ; and some
that might otherwise be lights and pillars in their orders ;
become, like Jesus among the Jews, stones of 
stumbling and rocks of offence and disquietude to 
their neighbors.

The sole first principle of Rationalism is respect for
evidence as a ground of faith.  Rationalism loves
faith, and seeks to aid and strengthen it, but admits
only a faith according to evidence.  It is careful and 
anxious to believe all that is proved, and is just as 
careful and anxious not to believe the unproved.  It
takes the Scriptures and traditions of the Church for
all they are, and all they teach, but only admits their
legitimate showings.  Any assumptions beyond these
it repudiates and resists.  On examining the Scriptures,
it does not find them to be in all cases authentic
productions of the persons to whom they are generally
attributed, and judges them accordingly.  It 
finds some to be supernatural divine inspirations.  In
much that they teach, it finds them infallibly correct,
and their teachings divine ; in some of their teachings,
it finds them erroneous, and the opinions of their 
writers requiring to be revised and corrected by the
more extended and accurate information and discriminating
judgement of later times, and more advanced
stages of human society and culture.

The supernaturalisms of the Bible it finds to be fictitious,
equally with those of the Greek and Roman 
poets and historians, and rejects them on the same
grounds.  It finds the miracles of the Bible entirely
destitute of any valid evidence in their favor, and bearing
decisive marks of fiction.  It does not reject 
them from the category of facts on infidel or skeptical
grounds, as has been often done, but on those of the
most logical and convincing evidence.  Its conclusions
cannot be permanently discredited or resisted.  We 
know the Bible miracles to be fictitious by the same
rules by which we know any thing, and with the same
certainty.

to prepare for its progress, and clear its track.  It has
all the elements of progress and power.  It is the kingdom
of truth and of God,  and all its influences on 
men are benignant and elevating.  The weapons of
its war are mighty, and the ages are its inheritance.
All things serve it, all sciences, all arts, and all good
men.  Its truths are precious and valuable.  They 
are the gems and pearls of the universe.  They are 
too valuable and too much needed to be laid aside 
in napkins, and buried out of human sight with decaying
carcasses ; and demand the open field of conflict
and victory.  Its lights call for light-stands, and cannot
be allowed to continue indefinitely under beds 
and bushels.

But Rationalists have something to do to publish
their great salvation, and make it effective.  They
cannot afford to stop with barren negatives; they must
work with high and ennobling positive truths.  Their
great implements of labor, like those of all true religionists, 
are true doctrines of God and of his laws.
These must be noted and wielded by the Rationalist
soldier.  They are the sword of the divine spirit, and
the ax and hammer for the erection of its magnificent
edifice of regenerated souls.  God and his laws must
be cried in all ears, exhibited to all eyes, and everywhere
loved, honored, and adored.  'Rationalists, as
such, have not begun to work out their highest service,
nor make proof of their divine ministry of happiness.
But the time has come when this must be 
done ; the age calls for it.

If Luther had done no more for Lutheranism than
Rationalists have yet done for Rationalism, where
would have been the Protestant Reformation ?  Without
another Luther, it would have been nowhere.  If
Wesley had done no more for Methodism, Methodism
as a watchword of piety and progress might have
slumbered with the dead of old ; and its untold
triumphs have been unattained.  If John Robinson
had done no more for Congregationalism, Congregationalism
might have never established itself in
America, nor inaugurated the reconstruction of all human
social order on the basis of justice and equality
in the independent and free Republican government 
of the United States.

Lutheranism, Methodism, and Congregationalism
started from small beginnings at a recent period, but
have accomplished mighty works.  A still mightier
and nobler work is on the hands of Rationalism.
Shall that also be done ?  Time will show ; and as in
the past, some of its developments will be matters of
great surprise to those uninitiated into the mysteries
of the future.  But the future is not all a blank.
From the beginning of the world, and all along the
tract of ages, great events have cast long and portentous
shadows before.  It is so now.  The testimony
of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy, and has some
glimpses of things to come.  Rationalism must live
and grow with the ages, and gild them with divine
glories.  It must perform its divinely appointed task,
and fill the world with light and love.  It is the complement
of Lutheranism, Congregationalism, Methodism, 
and all other imperfect systems of Christianity,
that have preceded it, and must accomplish fully what
they have attempted and failed to effect.  Let us then
be known as Rationalists, and make our principles
known ; let us demonstrate their efficiency and power
by applying them to their appropriate ends of human
elevation and advancement.  If they will not make
nobler, braver, better men then the traditionary delusions
which they seek to displace and supersede, they
are also shams, and should be given up ; but if they
meet man's necessities fully, and lift him up to the
Godlike and divine, they are themselves of God.  Let
them be put to the test of an experiment.

Finally, let us have a Rationalist association and
convention, and come together from our different denominations
of Christians, during the next anniversary
week in Boston, shake hands together, compare
views, consider questions of policy, truth and duty,
and address ourselves to saving (at last) the world ;
the true end and object of the mission of Jesus, and of
all true Christianity.
Yours, most truly,
LEICESTER A. SAWYER

'TIS WELL.  Mr. Lincoln is the first citizen of the
North, whom the honor of a re-election to the Presidential
office has ever been conferred.  The preceding
two-term Presidents have been Washington, Jefferson,
Madison, Monroe—all from Virginia—and Jackson
of Tennessee.

Theodore D. Weld, as was predicted, gave
his hearers on Sunday at Florence, a rich intellectual
and moral treat.  His affluent and forcible diction, his
splendid bursts of eloquence, and his sublime and elevating
thoughts, stamped him and intellectual king.

A confectioner in New York got up a Thanksgiving
cake for the Ladies' Home Mission, which was
20 feet long, 22 inches wide, and 16 inches thick.  To 
make it it took 1000 eggs, 175 pounds of flour, 125
pounds ot sugar, and 80 pounds of butter.  Rather expensive.


5.  Presentation to Mr. Bryant of a portfolio, to contain 
finished sketches by more than forty artists, members of
the Century.
6.  Letters from absent friends, and further responses by
guests.
7.  Intermission for conversation and refreshments.
8.  Addresses by guests and members of the Century.

This programme was carried out to the letter, and
seemed to give great satisfaction.  We were fortunate
enough to arrive in time for the opening of the 
exercises, and pushed our way through a crowd as
bejewelled and perfumed, as beautiful and artistic
as one ever sees in the most aristocratic of our salons,
to the great drawing-room of the club house, where 
the centre of attraction was standing on the platform,
listening with quiet dignity to the address of
the President, Mr. Bancroft.  Around the bard, in 
all directions upon the walls, hung handsome decorations
in natural flowers, drapery and gilding—including
several quotations from Mr. Bryant's poetry
surrounded by wreaths, and a harp hung with garlands
bearing the letters W. C. B.  For these as
well as the other artistic adornments of the Anniversary, 
we had to thank Messrs.  John H. Gomlie
and Louis Lang, together with other artists and 
men of culture in the Club, who had assisted the 
Committee on Art and Literature.

Though a great historian, Mr. Bancroft is not an 
eloquent or agreeable speaker.  His evident love of
the object of his eulogy, and his admiration for him, 
redeemed the congratulatory address from the charge
of dullness ; still we were agreeably relieved by the
graceful response of Mr. Bryant.  This was delivered
with as much vigor of voice and manner, with as 
much humor and geniality as if he had been thirty
years younger.

If fact, despite Mr. Bryant's silver hairs, it is difficult
to think of him as an old man, which, by the way,
said in as many different forms as the English language
or human ingenuity make possible, was the
substance of Mr. Bancroft's speech.  He exhausted
his vocabulary in his use of adjectives, and at the 
close of every eulogistic period the audience responded
with bursts of applause.  He constantly
assured Mr. Bryant that though this was praise—
"great praise," it was not flattery, in acknowledgment
of which the latter bowed with a modesty, and 
replied with a coolness, which to me, seemed positively
wonderful.  With charming easy and raillery,
he facetiously warded off all the compliments which
had been thrust at him, and skilfully drifted into a
beautiful acknowledgement of the American genius
which either present or absent on this occasion had 
been connected with his own career, referring particularly
to those who joined in the festival by presence 
or letter.  He spoke of his early friends, the 
Poets Dana, Fitz Greene Halleck and Pierpont;
then of Longfellow, Lowell and Whittier, detained
at home but sending regrets ; then of Emerson and
Holmes and Street, who were present, and finally of
our younger poets, Bayard Taylor, Stoddard, Willis,
Boker, Stedman, Aldrich, and that brilliant artist-bard,
Buchanan Read.

The chant, with words by Taylor and music by 
Lang, was now sung by three little Trinity choristers
in pages' dress and plumed turbans.  The voices of
these boys were remarkable for resonance and purity.
Their execution of the sweet and appropriate,
but somewhat difficult music was very good.  They
sang with a harp accompaniment, in a little gallery
or "chamber on the wall" projecting above the door
of the saloon, and attracted much attention by the 
singularity both of their position and their costume.

Mr. Emerson was next called upon for a speech.
He began in his usual conversational, deliberate and 
almost hesitating manner, but his thoughts soon flowed
into the smoothest channels of speech and he
made an address as beautiful as it was characteristic.
In fact, if I had heard no one but himself, and seen
no one else, I should have felt repaid for the trouble
of preparing to attend the festival.  Among other
exquisitely graceful and appropriate figures or similes
used by him was this, which I give nearly in his own 
words.  Addressing Mr. Bryant, he said:

"You, sir, are regarded by this brilliant audience
as the modestest of men.  The American people
would generally be astonished to hear you called a
braggart.  Yet you are the most arrogant of men—
the king of egotists.  Like that wicked Phidias, who
carved his own name so deep on the shield of his 
Athene that it was found impossible to efface it without
destroying the statue, you have engraved your
name over the rocks and the valleys, and the forest
portals and the granite walls of our whole American 
scenery, so that your personal associations tyrannize
over us everywhere, and hold us in willing vassalage."

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe was next, if I may use 
such a common-place expression, "called upon the
stand."  She looks the very embodiment of my ideas
of a Pythoness.  I am sure she would have adorned
the tripod if she had been born in that station of life.
She has just the pathetic and well-measured voice
for oracular manifestations ; and while reading one of
her own poems, as on this specific occasion, looks remarkably
inspired.  She was received with much
applause ; and was followed by Mr. Boker and Dr. 
Holmes, whose characteristic and charming verses
were so much the poetic feature of the evening that
I should deeply regret not having time to get you
copies of them now, were they not shortly to be printed
in a pamphlet memorial, with all the other contributions
to the occasion.

By this time the guest were very glad to adjourn
to the large supper saloon and sitting-room, thrown
open into each other, down stairs.  Here the choicest


of the picture which held me spell-bound was a
pure stretch of amber sky, so exquisitely delicate
and significant, that it irradiated the entire view 
with both tender light and pensive sentiment.  I had
previously seen it in the Artist's own studio, where
it showed to still better advantage by the sunlight
which came through a quaint Gothic window, and
fell across an ivy clambering from a pot carved with
the legend,

"Je meurs ou jem ' attache,"

to the top of the sash, whence it drooped in a graceful
maze of tendrils.  Kensett, Gifford, Haseltine,
Whittredge, Lang, C. P. Cranch, Cropsey, and a
number of our other prominent artists were also well
represented on the Century walls upon this occasion.
The monthly meeting nights of the Century are always
honored by such a display on the part of artists, 
the Century being the first public to which the
members show their first accomplished work of art.
As nearly all our eminent painters and sculptors are 
centurions, you can imagine how I envy my gentlemen
friends in the club their monopoly of æsthetic
"first sensations."

From the pictures we went back to the rooms
where we had taken supper—enjoyed a pleasant talk
with that most genial of conversationists, the autocrat
of an earlier repast—and for half an hour before
going home, mingled in the crowd and listened
to the gentlemen who were unrestrainedly talking to
each other, while they supped untrammelled with 
the care of ladies' dresses, or provision for their
plates.

During this period, I became convinced of a fact
which I have long held in privacy, but will now confide
to you.

The dear men who laugh at women's fondness for
praise, demand just as much flattery as we do, and
like it full as well, only they take it in a different
way.  They have a business-like manner both of
giving and receiving it.  They do the thing by wholesale—
we women by retail.  It is well understood
among them that if A says a good thing of B, the
latter must respond in a similar tone, thus : "I need
hardly say that, in referring to the most brilliant ornament
of the profession, I mean the Hon. B who now 
stands before you," etc.
B—"It is needless to observe that I experience
unaffected pleasure in receiving commendation from
one so well qualified as the Hon. A to understand
excellence by the study of his own career," etc.

Men do not fish for compliments, as women do—
or if they fish, are not, like us, content with catching
minnows.  Nothing short of a Leviathan satisfies
them.  With innocent affectation of simplicity, a
lady in the cloak-room says to her bosom-friend :

"Angelica, dear, do tell me, is my waterfall properly
pinned on ?  Your hair looks perfectly lovely!
That bandeau of pearls is superb—just the thing for
your complexion.  Do tell me, am I a fright this evening ?"
Whereupon Angelica assures Seraphina
that she never saw her look more charming, repeats
some pretty compliments she has heard paid her
friend, and winds up with "Did you hear anybody
say anything about me ?"

Thus they go on, sweetly bespreading each other
until their gloves are buttoned, their fans unfurled,
and they stand bathed in sunny smiles, ready for 
their respective escorts.  Men take their praise in
larger doses.  They contrive elaborate public dinners
for the purpose of getting puffed in toasts and 
speeches.  They secure whole columns of eulogium
in the daily papers ; they attend scientific and business
meetings to intoxicate themselves with an atmosphere
of compliment.  At all manner of festive
and political gatherings they load each other
with an amount of flattery which would quite break
down the slender shoulders of a woman.  They
gorge themselves with encomium like boa-constrictors
with rabbits, and thus being able to subsist for
protracted periods without a fresh supply, present
a specious appearance of superiority to us women,
who take our praise regularly and steadily, but in
the most delicate of morsels.  The capacity of men
for being praised is enormous ; their deglutition
elastic to a marvel ; their digestion calm as conscious
greatness : yet, dear souls !—they think all 
the vanity lies with us !

Now in view of the fact that Mr. Bryant is seventy
years old, I should say, after a long and careful
mathematical calculation, that he received on his
festival night enough praise to last him the entire
remaining term of his natural life, even if he never
went to sleep again, but sat up all the year round to
think about it.  The other poets present being
younger, and in a few cases more vigorous, received
enough, perhaps, to last them until—the next time.

The ladies, to whom Mr. Bryant addressed some
of his most graceful compliments, comparing them 
to flowers and other pretty things, hoping they
might drink from the fountains of eternal youth, or
failing to get that, (which may possibly happen
through an oversight of the Croton Board,) that
they might always have their faces irradiated by
the beauty of that same kindness of heart which
had induced them to pay him the honor of their
presence—these ladies, I was about to remark, got
enough praise to last them—I don't wish to exaggerate, 
so I will say—down stairs and into the cloak 
room.

All classes of guests agreed that they had passed,
under the hospitality of the Century Club, one of
the most agreeable and memorable evenings of their
lives.

R. O. L.


there was trouble from the very start.

The engineer and his fireman Pendleton quarreled, 
all the trip, about the method of firing up ;
and the conductors and the fare taker were constantly
giving contradictory orders to the brakemen,
and nervous conservative old gentlemen pulled
frantically at the bell-rope, giving engineer McClellan
no end of trouble.  Just how the accident 
happened, no one can tell now, but certainit is that
before the train got half way through, there was
a shocking smash-up.  The locomotive exploded,
the cars were all piled up in fragments, the track
was torn up, and such a multitude of passengers
fatally injured that it is doubtful if their names can
ever be ascertained.  Some assert that an old Illinois
joker, familiarly called old Abe, caused the
disaster by putting a rail on the track ; others that
the fireman Pendleton let too much water out of 
the peace tank upon the fire McClellan's boiler ;
others that Vallandigham ran the train off the
track by dropping an "O. A. K." stick of timber
under the wheels ; still others that the engineer was
frightened by suddenly discovering "a nigger in his
wood-pile" on the tender, and overturned the locomotive
by attempting to change his base too suddenly. 
Whatever be the cause, there is no doubt
of the complete wreck of the whole train, and the
fate of the excursionists.  There are but slight
fragments of the more distinguished persons that 
are recognizable.  Ben. Wood is missing altogether,
except his 4-11-44 badge.  Fernando was recognized 
by a copy of the statue of limitations in his 
trousers pocket ; Horatio Seymour and Vallandigham
were found locked fast in each other's arms,
and crushed under the weight of certain "dry
goods boxes" that contained bogus soldiers' votes ;
Governor Parker was badly bruised, and lost his
eye sight, so that he "can't see it" any more ;
Pendleton was pitched headlong into a nasty ditch
filled with secession mud, which choked him ; and as
for the engineer, he was blown so much higher
than Gilderoy's kite, was so minutely pulverized, 
that there is no occular proof that any such man
ever existed.  The funeral of these excursionists
will very soon be attended in Richmond,  Va., by 
Jeff.  Davis and all his cabinet, and it is currently
reported that U. S. Grant may attend, not, however,
in the character of a mourner.  There will be
no more trains run on this road, as the company
being made bankrupt by this calamity will immediately
wind up its affairs.  The Union line, however,
is in good running order.—Jersey City Times.

A RAFT IN MID-OCEAN.

Correspondence of the N. Y. Evening Post.
H. B. M. STEAMER SWORDFISH,}
Inside Sandy Hook, Nov. 12. }

This vessel cast anchor here two hours since, a
passage of twenty-two days from the Cape of Good
Hope.  On Friday morning, 10th inst., latitude 35
degrees North longitude, 66 degrees West, the lookout
in the foretop descried a strange looking object
on the lee bow, which, on nearing, proved to be a 
raft with a number of people on it.

So singular a circumstance threw the ship into
great excitement.  The Captain ordered a boat
launched immediately, supposing the people to have
escaped from a foundered vessel, and of course desiring 
to be picked up.  By this time we were within
hailing distance, and the steamer was nearly stationary.
A jury-mast was rigged on the raft, and
they ran up a flag and cheered lustily.  Our Captain
never swears in English, but is addicted to a 
sort of Persian oath.  "By the great ox," he cried,
"what does this mean?"

There were about twenty-five men on the raft,
and they were in very jolly humor.  Seeing the
boat lowered, one of the party shouted, "Send us
some whiskey.  We don't want to be picked up."
The Captain couldn't stand that.  "Where are you 
going, and where are you from?"  he shouted.
"None of your business ; send us some whiskey,
and we'll give you a despatch to take into port."
The raft was now close under the lee of the ship,
and a rope was thrown out to it, which they held on
to while a barrel of whiskey was slung off.  As soon
as they got it safe, they let go the rope, to which
they had tied their despatch.  On opening it there
appeared a list of passengers, which the clerk read
aloud.  The first name on it was James Guthrie.
"By thunder," cried the Captain, "that's the Chicago
platform!"  A cheer and a yell went up from
the raft as the sail was spread again to the wind.
The clerk went on reading the names.  The list was
as follows :  James Guthrie, Geo. H. Pendleton,
Horatio Seymour, Fernando Wood, C. L. Vallandigham, 
S. S. Cox and nineteen others.

When last seen, the raft was making southeast,
apparently on a bee-line for the coast of Africa.
Respectfully,                            BULLJACK.

\  \   |  |  /  /  -  -
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THE LIBERATOR

"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all
the inhabitants thereof."

"I lay this down as the law of nations.  I say that military
authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal 
institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST ;
and that, under that state of things, so far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive
management of the subject, not only the PRESIDENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES, but the COMMANDER OF THE ARMY,
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION
OF THE SLAVES. . . . . From the instant
that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war,
CIVIL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers
of CONGRESS extend to interference with the institution of
slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED 
WITH, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, 
to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power . . . It is a war power.  I say it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, ACCORDING 
TO THE LAWS OF WAR ; and by the laws of war,
an invaded country has all its law and municipal institutions 
swept by the board, and MARTIAL POWER TAKES THE 
PLACE OF THEM.  When two hostile armies are set in martial
array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate 
all the slaves in the invaded territory." —J. Q. Adams.

WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor.     Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind.     J. B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers.

VOL. XXXIV. NO. 50.     BOSTON, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1864.     WHOLE NO. 1766.

Selections.

OUR LAST DAY IN DIXIE.

"Edmund Kirke" contributes to the December
Atlantic a concluding chapter of his Richmond
journey.

At the outer door stood Jack and the ambulance!
Their presence assured us a safe exit from Dixie,
and my feelings found expression somewhat as follows:

"How are you, Jack?  You're the best looking
darky I ever saw."

"I's bery well, Massa, bery well.  Hope you's
well," replied Jack, grinning until he made himself
uglier than Nature intended.  "I's glad you tinks
I'se good-lookin."

"Good looking!  You're better looking than any
man, black or white, I ever met."

"You've odd notions of beauty," said the Judge,
smiling.  "That accounts for your being an Abolitionist."

"No, it don't."  And I added, in a tone too low
for Jack to hear, "It only implies that, until I saw
that darky, I doubted our getting out of Dixie."

The Judge gave a low whistle.

"So you smelt a rat?"

"Yes, a very big one.  Tell us, why were you so
long behind time?"

"I'll tell you when the war is over.  Now I'll
take you to Libby and the hospitals, if you'd like to
go."

We said we would, and, ordering Jack to follow
with the ambulance, the Judge led us down the principal
thoroughfare.  A few shops were open, a few 
negro women were passing in and out among them,
and a few wounded soldiers were limping along the
sidewalks; but scarcely an able-bodied man was to 
be seen anywhere.  A poor soldier, who had lost both
legs and a hand, was seated at a street-corner, asking 
alms of the colored women as they passed.  Pointing
to him, the Judge said:

"There is one of our arguments against reunion.
If you will walk two squares, I'll show you a thousand."

"All asking alms of black women?  That is another
indication of what you are coming to."

He made no reply.  After a while, scanning our 
faces as if he would detect our hidden thoughts, he
said, in an abrupt, pointed way,

"Grant was to have attacked us yesterday.  Why
didn't he do it?"

"How should we know?"

"You came from Foster's only the day before.
That's where the attack was to have been made."


of tin wash-basins, and a wooken trough which
served as a bathing-tub, were at one end of it, and
half-a-dozen cheap stools and hard-bottomed chairs
were littered about the floor, but it had no other furniture.
And this room, with five others of similar 
size and appointments, and two basements floored
with earth and filled with debris, compose the famous
Libby Prison, in which, for months together, thousands 
of the best and bravest men that ever went 
to battle have been allowed to rot and to starve.

At the date of our visit, not more than a hundred
prisoners were in the Libby, its contents having recently
been emptied into a worse sink in Georgia;
but almost constantly since the war began, twelve
and sometimes thirteen hundred of our officers have 
been hived within those half-dozen desolate rooms
and filthy cellars, with a space of only ten feet by
two allotted to each for all the purposes of living!

Overrun with vermin, perishing with cold, breathing
a stifled, tainted atmosphere, no space allowed 
them for rest by day, and lying down at night
"wormed and dovetailed together like fish in a 
basket,"—their daily rations only two ounces of stale
beef, and a small lump of hard corn bread, and
their lives the forfeit, if they caught but one streak
of God's blue sky through those filthy windows—
they have endured there all the horrors of a middle
passage.  My soul sickened as I looked on the scene
of their wretchedness.  If the liberty we are fighting
for were not worth even so terrible a price—if
it were not cheaply purchased even with the blood
and agony of the many brave and true souls who 
have gone into that foul den only to die, or to come 
out the shadows of men—living ghosts, condemned to
walk the night and to fade away before the breaking
of the great day that is coming—who would not 
cry out for peace, for peace on any terms?

And while these thoughts were in my mind, the 
cringing, foul-mouthed, brutal, contemptible ruffian
who had caused all this misery stood within two
paces of me!  I could have reached out my hand,
and, with half an effort, have crushed him, and——
I did not do it!  Some invisible Power held my 
arm, for murder was in my heart.

"This is where that Yankee devil Streight, that 
raised hell so among you down in Georgia, got out,"
said Turner, pausing before a jut in the wall of the
room.  "A flue was here, you see, but we've bricked
it up.  They took up the hearth, let themselves
down into the basement, and then dug through the 
wall, and eighty feet under ground into the yard of
a deserted building over the way.  If you'd like to 
see the place, step down with me."

"We would, Major.  We'd be right glad ter," I 
replied, adopting, at a hint from the Judge, the 
Georgia dialect.

We descended a rough plank stairway, and en-


come in through the dingy windows; but the few
prisoners in the upper rooms wore the same sad,
disconsolate look as those in the lower story.

"It is not hard fare or close quarters that kill
men," said Judge Ould to me.  "It is homesickness;
and the strongest and the bravest succumb t it
first."

In the sill of an attic-window, I found a Minnie
ball.  Prying it out with my knife, and holding it
up to Turner, I said,—

"So ye keeps this room for a shooting gallery,
does ye?"

"Yes," he replied, laughing.  "The boys practice
once in a while on the Yankees.  You see, the 
rules forbid their coming within three feet of the 
windows.  Sometimes they do, and then the boys
take a pop at them."

"And sometimes hit 'em?  Hit many on 'em?"

"Yes, a heap."

We passed a long hour in the Libby, and then
visited Castle Thunder and the hospitals for our
wounded.  I should be glad to describe what I saw
in those "Institutions," but the limits of my paper 
forbid it.

It was five o'clock when we bade the Judge a 
friendly, good-bye and took our seat in the ambulance.
As we did so, he said to us:

"I have not taken your parole, Gentlemen.  I 
shall trust to your honor not to disclose anything
you have seen or heard that might operate against
us in a military way."

"You may rely upon us, Judge; and some day
give us a chance to return the courtesy and kindness
you have shown to us.  We shall not forget 
it."

We arrived near the Union lines just as the sun
was going down.  Captain Hatch, who had accompanied 
us, waved his flag as we halted near a grove
of trees, and a young officer rode over to us from 
the nearest picket-station.  We dispatched him to
Gen. Foster for a pair of horses, and in half an
hour entered the General's tent.  He pressed us to
remain to dinner, proposing to kill the fatted calf 
—"for these my sons were dead, and are alive again,
were lost, and are found."

We let him kill it, (it tasted wonderfully like salt
pork,) and in half an hour were on our way to Gen.
Butler's headquarters.

CATHOLIC VIEW OF EMANCIPATION.

"MARYLAND A FREE STATE."

The Cincinnati Catholic Telegraph, the organ of
the most Rev. Archbishop Purcell, of Cincinnati,
edited by the Rev. Dr. Purcell and Bishop [Rose?]
contains the following editorial article on the


O! on how many anxious hearts did the morning
of that day dawn!  And what a burden of anxiety
was lifted from them, when the result of the election
was made known!  It had seemed as if the powers of 
darkness and of hell were combined against the life of 
this Republic; and no mere human foresight could 
see certainly that they would not effect their diabolical
purpose.  It was believed, with too much reason,
that the sanctity of the ballot-box was to be violated
by tens of thousands of fraudulent voters.  It 
was feared, and, as the event proved, not without 
cause, that sacrilegious hands would be laid even
upon the votes of our absent loyal soldiers, and
those for the opposing candidate be inserted in 
their stead.  To what extent such outrages would
be perpetrated, no one could foretell.  Then there
were signs of evil spirits coming from the North,
as well as the South, to ply their every art to corrupt
the election, and, if successful, to inaugurate a
reign of terror over our loyal States.  Hundreds of
thousands of traitors had leagued together, under
such seemly names as "Knights of the Golden Circle,"
"Sons of Liberty," &c., to let loose the rebel
prisoners, assassinate our prominent loyal citizens,
rob our banks, and wrap our cities in flames.  Never
were a people in more imminent peril.  We 
were on the cap of a social volcano—we were at
the edge of a political mælstrom!

"Blessed be God! our dangers were discovered 
in time to be averted.  Measures of precaution
were so wisely and generally taken, that the diabolical 
plots of our enemies were thwarted; many of 
the instigators and desperadoes were arrested and
imprisoned, and their accomplices were intimidated.
Nay, better still, the more enlightened portion of
the Democratic party were alarmed by the rashness
and savagery of their base allies; and knowing full
well that neither fire nor the sword is discriminating, 
they co-operated with the loyal guardians
of the public safety; and so effectually were the 
threatened outbreaks provided against, that never
did an election pass off more quietly.  Indeed,
there was a serious, solemn aspect on the body 
politic, as if the constituents deeply felt that they
were called to act in a fearful crisis—to decree the 
life or death of the Nation.  And they elected it to
live.  'Happy art thou, O Israel! who is like unto 
thee, O People, saved by the Lord?'"

MATTER AND THINGS AT BEAUFORT.

BEAUFORT, (S. C.,) Nov. 9th, 1864.
The Election.—Yesterday was a gala day here
with us.  Excluded as we were from taking an active 
part in the exercise of that noble privilege, the
elective franchise, it was thought best not to let the


a part of which is the bounty money of the soldiers,
the other part savings of the industrious and prudent.
This speaks well for a people who have enjoyed 
the rights of freemen for three years only.
Last Monday was the third anniversary day which
set this people free, and which was appropriately
noticed by the booming of cannon and the display
of bunting among the shipping.  But I would not
have you infer that there is no poverty here; only 
that while some are laying up money, others are improving 
their condition, and the number to be provided 
for by the government is becoming beautifully
less every month.  Occasionally, our gunboats import
a new lot from the main land, which have to be
provided and cared for.  This keeps up the need of 
charity and good works in the North.  We have 
recently had brought among us some forty or fifty
families of poor whites, whose condition is far worse 
than the negro, both physically and mentally.  O,
Slavery! thou monster, see thy work; behold the 
degradation of the lordly Saxon!  Yet these poor 
wretches, like the Copperheads of the North, look 
with contempt on the negro.

Our Schools.—The first week or two after my arrival, 
I felt a little discouraged and homesick, in view
of the work before me, and the apparent indifference
manifested by many of the people.  It was 
only apparent; the long vacation had taken their 
attention from the schools, but as soon as I had time 
to visit some, and to have a meeting of the citizens
called to be addressed by Gen. Saxton and others,
the same interest as heretofore, in behalf of the
schools, was manifest.  The attendance is good, and
the punctuality improving.  This morning, for instance,
nine-tenths of the children were in their 
seats precisely at nine o'clock, and the other tenth
immediately after, which is a decided improvement.
Northern teachers well know how much we appreciate 
this, when told that we have had scholars dropping 
in from nine till ten, and sometimes till half-past 
ten o'clock.

We are looking forward with hope for a good
work this coming winter. The signs are propitious,
and our faith is strong.
Yours, respectfully,
GEORGE NEWCOMB.

THE COLORED RACE.

Rev. Mr. Banvard, in his sermon on Thanksgiving
day, which was on topics for the times said:  The
present condition of the colored race in this country,
as well as of those in their father-land, is impressively
described in that simple yet sublime conception of
Anne Whitney in her statute of Africa, now on
exhibition in Boston.  It is the form, in colossal


dragged him off his chair, stunned and bleeding as
he was, both kicking and knocking him, he being
partially dragged on his knees, his arms hanging by 
his sides, and unable to make the least resistance or
defence.  While his wife pleaded with them for her 
husband, one of them rudely thrust her away, and 
continued to pound and kick him, saying at the same
time they would kill him.  All this transpired in
much less time than it takes to tell it, and the few 
men left in the room were so far away from them
that they had lacerated, cut, and bruised him in a 
frightful manner before he could be rescued.  And 
when it was done, they swore that they were only 
sorry they had not killed him, and declared their intention 
of doing it yet, if they could only get the
chance.  They would kill any man who would tell
them that their mother insulted him over a Nigger.
It was well the General did not make himself known,
as there were some 148 soldiers on the train.  They 
would have cleared the house, I think.  The General 
was just from Libby Prison, Richmond, Va., 
where he had been confined for two months a prisoner.
—N. Y. Tribune.

AN AFFECTING DESCRIPTION.

A correspondent of the New York Times writes
from Port Royal as follows, concerning the dreadful
condition in which the Union prisoners exchanged
on Friday, the 18th ult., were found to be, and in
regard to the great joy the poor fellows felt at 
their release from captivity, cruelty and starvation,
unparalleled in the history of civilized warfare.
The letter from Florida, published to-day, describes
the terrible treatment our soldier prisoners were 
subjected to by the enemy:

"The rendezvous for the exchanges is at Venus
Point, on the Savannah river, a bend of the stream
whence the spires and many of the houses of the 
city of Savannah are visible.  Our boats are invariably
the first at the rendezvous, anchored in mid-river 
awaiting the rebel vessels, whose tardiness
proceeds from the fact that it is only at the proper
tide certain obstructions of the channel above can be 
crossed.  Finally, they appear over the low marshes,
belching their turgid clouds of dense black smoke, 
and in half an hour their uncouth, grotesque, towering 
shapes are puffing and wheezing near us.
Col. Mulford immediately goes in a yawl boat to
the Gen. Beauregard, a small steamer used by
Capt. Hatch, the rebel agent, as the flagship of his
transport squadron, and after a few moment's consultation,
during which the rolls of the prisoners
are transferred, the two agents go together on board
one of the floating objects laden with the released

with the ambulance, the Judge led us down the principal
thoroughfare.  A few shops were open, a few 
negro women were passing in and out among them,
and a few wounded soldiers were limping along the
sidewalks; but scarcely an able-bodied man was to 
be seen anywhere.  A poor soldier, who had lost both
legs and a hand, was seated at a street-corner, asking 
alms of the colored women as they passed.  Pointing
to him, the Judge said:

"There is one of our arguments against reunion.
If you will walk two squares, I'll show you a thousand."

"All asking alms of black women?  That is another
indication of what you are coming to."

He made no reply.  After a while, scanning our 
faces as if he would detect our hidden thoughts, he
said, in an abrupt, pointed way,

"Grant was to have attacked us yesterday.  Why
didn't he do it?"

"How should we know?"

"You came from Foster's only the day before.
That's where the attack was to have been made."

"Why wasn't it made?"

"I don't know.  Some think it was because you
came in, and were expected out that way."

"Oh!  That accounts for your being so late!  You
think we are spies, sent in to survey, and report on
the route?"

"No, I do not.  I think you are honest men, and
I've said so."

And I have no doubt it was because he "said so"
that we got out of Richmond.

By this time we had reached a dingy brick building, 
from one corner of which protruded a small sign,
bearing, in black letters on a white ground, the
words.

LIBBY AND SON,
SHIP-CHANDLERS AND GROCERS.

It was three stories high, and, I was told, eighty 
feet in width, and a hundred and ten in depth.  In
front, the first story was on a level with the street,
allowing space for a tier of dungeons under the sidewalk;
but in the rear the land sloped away till the 
basement-floor rose above-ground.  Its unpainted 
walls were scorched to a rusty brown, and its sunken
doors and low windows, filled here and there with
a dusky pane, were cob-webbed and weather-stained,
giving the whole building a most uninviting and
desolate appearance.  A flaxen-haired boy, in ragged
"butternuts" and a Union cap, and an old man,
in gray regimentals, with a bent body and a limping 
gait, were pacing to and fro before it, with muskets
on their shoulders; but no other soldiers were in
sight. 
 
"If Ben. Butler knew that Richmond was defended 
by only such men, how long would it be before he 
took it?"  I said, turning to the Judge.

"Several years.  When these men give out, our
women will fall in.  Let Butler try it."

Opening a door at the right, he led us into a large, 
high-studded apartment, with a bare floor, and greasy
brown walls hung round with battle-scenes and
cheap lithographs of the rebel leaders.  Several 
officers in "Secession gray" were lounging about 
this room, and one of them, a short, slightly-built,
youthful-looking man, rose as we entered, and, in a 
half pompous, half obsequious way, said to Judge 
Ould—

"Ah! Colonel Ould, I am very glad to see you."

The Judge returned the greeting with a stateliness 
that was in striking contrast with his usual frank
and cordial manner, and then introduced the officer
to us as "Major Turner, Keeper of the Libby."  I 
had heard of him, and it was with some reluctance that
I took his proffered hand.  However, I did take it, and
at the same time inquired—

"Are you related to Dr. Turner, of Fayetteville?"

"No, Sir.  I am of the old Virginia family."  (I 
never met a negro-whipper nor a negro-trader who 
did not belong to that family.)  "Are you a North
Carolinian?"

"No, Sir"——

Before I could add another word, the Judge said:

"No, Major; these gentlemen hail from Georgia.
They are strangers here, and I'd thank you to show 
them over the prison."

"Certainly, Colonel, most certainly.  I'll do it 
with great pleasure."

And the little man bustled about, put on his cap,
gave a few orders to his subordinates, and then led
us through another outside door into the prison.  He
was a few rods in advance with Colonel Jaquess when 
Judge Ould said to me:

"Your prisoners have belied Turner.  You see he's
not the hyena they've represented."

"I'm not sure of that," I replied. "These cringing,
mild-mannered men are the worst sort of tyrants
when they have the power."

"But you don't think him a tyrant?"

"I do.  He's a coward and a bully, or I can't read
English.  It is written all over his face."

The Judge laughed boisterously, and called out to 
Turner.

"I say, Major, our friend here is painting your
portrait."

"I hope he is making a handsome man of me," said 
Turner, in a sycophantic way.

"No, he isn't.  He's drawing you to the life—as if
he'd known you for half a century."

We had entered a room about forty feet wide and
a hundred feet deep, with bare brick walls, a rough
plank floor, and narrow, dingy windows, to whose 
sash only a few broken panes were clinging.  A row 


cry out for peace, for peace on any terms?

And while these thoughts were in my mind, the 
cringing, foul-mouthed, brutal, contemptible ruffian
who had caused all this misery stood within two
paces of me!  I could have reached out my hand,
and, with half an effort, have crushed him, and——
I did not do it!  Some invisible Power held my 
arm, for murder was in my heart.

"This is where that Yankee devil Streight, that 
raised hell so among you down in Georgia, got out,"
said Turner, pausing before a jut in the wall of the
room.  "A flue was here, you see, but we've bricked
it up.  They took up the hearth, let themselves
down into the basement, and then dug through the 
wall, and eighty feet under ground into the yard of
a deserted building over the way.  If you'd like to 
see the place, step down with me."

"We would, Major.  We'd be right glad ter," I 
replied, adopting, at a hint from the Judge, the 
Georgia dialect.

We descended a rough plank stairway, and entered
the basement.  It was a damp, mouldy, dismal 
place, and even then—in hot July weather— 
as cold as an ice-house.  What must it have been
in midwinter!

The keeper led us along the wall to where 
Streight and his party had broken out, and then
said:

"It's three feet thick, but they went through it,
and all the way under the street, with only a few
caseknives and a dust-pan."

"Wal, they war smart.  But, keeper, whar, wus
yer eyes all o' thet time?  Down our way ef a man
couldn't see twenty Yankees a wuckin' so fur six
weeks, by daylight, in a clare place like this yere,
we'd reckon he warn't fit ter 'tend a pen o' niggers."

The Judge whispered, "You're overdoing it.
Hold in."  "Turner winced like a struck hound,
but smothering his wrath, smilingly replied:

"The place wasn't clear then.  It was filled with
straw and rubbish.  The Yankees covered the
opening with it, and hid away among it when any 
one was coming.  I caught two of them down here
one day, but they pulled the wool over my eyes, 
and I let them off with a few days in a dungeon.
But that fellow Streight would outwit the devil.
He was the most unruly customer I've had in the 
twenty months I've been here.  I put him in keep,
time and again, but I never could cool him down."

"Whar is the keeps?" I asked.  "Ye's got lots 
o' them, haint ye?"

"No—only six.  Step this way, and I'll show
you."

"Talk better English," said the Judge, as we fell
a few paces behind Turner on our way to the front
of the building; "there are some schoolmasters in
Georgia."

"Wal, thar' ha'nt—not in the part I come from."

The dungeons were low, close, dismal apartments,
about twelve feet square, boarded off from the remainder
of the cellar, and lighted only by a narrow
grating under the sidewalk.  Their floors were incrusted 
with filth, and their walls stained and damp
with the rain, which in wet weather had dripped
down from the street."

"And how many does ye commonly lodge yere,
when yer hotel's full?"  I asked.

"I have had twenty in each, but fifteen is about 
as many as they comfortably hold."

"I reckon!  And then the comfut moughtn't be
much ter brag on."

The keeper soon invited us to walk into the adjoining
basement.  I was a few steps in advance of
him, taking a straight course to the entrance, when 
a sentinel, pacing to and fro in the middle of the 
apartment, leveled his musket so as to bar my way,
saying as he did so:

"Ye carn't pass yere, Sir.  Ye must gwo round
by the wall."

This drew my attention to the spot, and I noticed 
that a space, about fifteen feet square, in the centre
of the room, and directly in front of the sentinel, had
been recently dug up with a spade.  While in all 
other places the ground was trodden to the hardness
and color of granite, this spot seemed to be
soft, and had the reddish-yellow hue of the "sacred
soil."  Another sentry was pacing to and fro on its 
other side, so that the place was completely surrounded!
Why were they guarding it so closely?
The reason flashed upon me, and I said to Turner:

"I say, how many barr'ls hes ye in thar?"

"Enough to blow this shanty to——," he answered,
curtly.  

"I reckon!  Put 'em thar when thet feller Dahlgreen
wus a-gwine ter rescue 'em—the Yankees?"

"I reckon."

He said no more; but that was enough to reveal 
the black seething hell the rebellion has brewed.
Can there be any peace with miscreants who thus
deliberately plan the murder, at one swoop, of hundreds
of unarmed and innocent men?

In this room seated on the ground, or leaning idly 
against the walls, were about a dozen poor fellows 
who, the Judge told me, were hostages, held for a 
similar number under sentence of death by our
Government.  Their dejected, homesick look and 
weary, listless manner disclosed some of the horrors
of imprisonment.

"Let us go," I said to the Colonel:  "I have had 
enough of this."

"No,—you must see the up stairs." said Turner.
It a'n't so gloomy up there."

It was not so gloomy, for some little sunlight did


was going down.  Captain Hatch, who had accompanied 
us, waved his flag as we halted near a grove
of trees, and a young officer rode over to us from 
the nearest picket-station.  We despatched him to
Gen. Foster for a pair of horses, and in half an
hour entered the General's tent.  He pressed us to
remain to dinner, proposing to kill the fatted calf 
—"for these my sons were dead, and are alive again,
were lost, and are found."

We let him kill it, (it tasted wonderfully like salt
pork,) and in half an hour were on our way to Gen.
Butler's headquarters.

CATHOLIC VIEW OF EMANCIPATION.
CATHOLIC VIEW OF EMANCIPATION.

"MARYLAND A FREE STATE."

The Cincinnati Catholic Telegraph, the organ of
the most Rev. Archbishop Purcell, of Cincinnati,
edited by the Rev. Dr. Purcell and Bishop Rosecrans
contains the following editorial article on the
adoption of our new Constitution.  It will no doubt 
be read with interest by our Catholic subscribers
in Maryland, and will repay perusal by all classes:

MARYLAND A FREE STATE.

Among the many extraordinary events which
have occurred since the commencement of the war,
none have surpassed in importance the proclamation
of Governor Bradford, proclaiming the adoption of
the new Constitution, and declaring Maryland a free
State. The first to proclaim liberty of conscience,
she has now won an additional honor by excluding
from her character the plague-spot of slavery.

Many persons, doubtless, will regret this determination
of her people; some will maintain that it is
an injustice and a grievance, and will attribute the
result to illegal and tyrannical interference with 
State rights.  This must be expected.  An event so 
important cannot happen without exciting the passions
of many, but the triumphant party can afford
to hear with charity much angry declamation.  We 
rejoice that Maryland, the cradle of the Catholic
Faith in the United States, is now untarnished with
slavery; that the "Word made flesh" is no more
dishonored by having His creatures in the same flesh
sold as chattels in her markets; and that the Cross,
the true sign of liberty, more so than any banner 
that ever waved on earth, will no longer be insulted
by looking down on the red flag of the auctioneer 
where men and women are offered for sale to 
the highest bidder.  It is a subject for congratulation
to every Catholic heart.

This thing of slavery has fastened itself on the 
hearts of many people, and hence these remarks
will be distasteful to such persons, and find ample
and bitter retort in words and in paragraphs.  But
we are willing to let time judge between us.  We
have never met with any one who professed his regret 
that the Church had emancipated the enslaved
in the early times of her history; and let a generation
elapse, and he will be a bold man who will talk
of restoring to Maryland this slavery which she has
thrown out of doors.  A generation will be sufficient 
to work such a change in the heads and hearts
of her people, that they will refer with pride to the 
day when mercy succeeded tyranny in their commonwealth, 
when a nobler civilization, because
more nearly allied with the lessons of the Church,
took the place of that which was introduced by
England into the slave trade.

All that is now wanting for free Maryland is the
return of peace to make her fields fertile and her
barren plains disappear beneath the hard hand and
sweating brow of the white laborer.  This will be 
the result of her emancipation.  This will be the
triumph of the poor white man who was heretofore
excluded from the soil.  Great farms, which were 
more and more exhausted from year to year will be 
subdivided, and the hand that owns will reap the 
harvest, and think it no dishonor.  And with this 
change in physical prosperity will be also a moral 
change.  The Catholics of Maryland have done 
much for the Faith. Her prelates, her people, and
the noble religious and literary institutions, which
have given her honor before all the Catholics in the
land, will now be placed in a position to accomplish
greater things for God.  They are too noble-minded
and generous to regret the loss of slavery, if such results
as we anticipate shall follow the political action
of her people.

REJOICING PATRIOTISM.

Several of our city ministers, (says the Syracuse
Standard,) we hear, preached most loyally and eloquently 
on Thanksgiving day.  We are permitted
to give the introduction of Mr. May's sermon, from 
which the character of the whole may be readily
inferred:—

"Next to the 4th of July, the 8th of November
will hereafter forever be celebrated as the anniversary
of the most important event in our national
history.  Perhaps it would not be extravagant to 
say, that the event of this latter date was even
more important than that which for more than
eighty years has been commemorated as the birth of
our nation.  For if our Republic may be said to
have been born on the 4th of July, 1776, with 
equal truth may it be said to have been born again
on the blessed 8th of November, 1864.  Yes, if 
the augury of that day be not utterly false, our 
nation is saved—will be regenerated.


the Democratic party were alarmed by the rashness
and savagery of their base allies; and knowing full
well that neither fire nor the sword is discriminating, 
they co-operated with the loyal guardians
of the public safety; and so effectually were the 
threatened outbreaks provided against, that never
did an election pass off more quietly.  Indeed,
there was a serious, solemn aspect on the body 
politic, as if the constituents deeply felt that they
were called to act in a fearful crisis—to decree the 
life or death of the Nation.  And they elected it to
live.  'Happy art thou, O Israel! who is like unto 
thee, O People, saved by the Lord?'"

MATTERS AND THINGS AT BEAUFORT.

BEAUFORT, (S. C.,) Nov. 9th, 1864.
The Election.—Yesterday was a gala day here
with us.  Excluded as we were from taking an active 
part in the exercise of that noble privilege, the
elective franchise, it was thought best not to let the
day pass without a public expression of our opinion,
even though it could not Constitutionally tell in the 
final and great result.  Accordingly, preparations
having been made and notice given, polls were
opened from 9 o'clock, A. M., till 4 o'clock, P. M.,
granting the privilege to all, black or white, who 
felt disposed to vote.  It was done in this wise—
each citizen or soldier came forward with his vote, a 
person received it in a closed box, with an aperture
at the top, like a child's money-box, just large enough
to receive the ballot:  another sat by with a book to
record his name, and the State he was from.  Such 
was the course adopted with all, white or colored.
The result was, that when the poll was declared, it
was found that 1009 had voted, and that 976 votes 
had been cast for Abraham Lincoln, and 33 only for
George B. McClellan.  A ratification meeting was 
held in the evening, attended with bonfires, patriotic
speeches, and excellent music by the post (colored)
band.

The negroes enjoyed it finely, and entered into it
with patriotic zeal and life.  I was amused and 
gratified at the good nature and earnestness manifested 
by them.  At times, large numbers would
gather around the place of voting; yet good order
prevailed, and the voting proceeded as regularly as
in the rural districts of New England.  An attempt
was made by a white Irish soldier to practice a little
deception.  He was a McClellanite, of course;
would ask to see their tickets, and then pass back a 
McClellan ticket, thinking thereby to deceive them,
and thus improve the prospects of his own candidate.
But it was no go; the negro was too shrewd,
and was not to be caught in that way.  The poor 
fellow was soon detected in his fraudulent scheme,
and was in a good-natured way jostled about from
one end of the crowd to the other.  He ventured to
suggest that he was too roughly treated.  One of 
the foremost in the play replied, "Look here, white
man!  suppose one of us should go among your
folks, and do as you have among us, would he have 
fared as well as you have?  No! you would have
trampled him to the ground, and smashed his head
for him."  I verily thought the speaker was right;
it evidently would have been so, and the poor fellow
had good reason to thank his stars that African forbearance 
is more elastic than Saxon or Celtic.

An instance of cunning shrewdness came to my 
knowledge, which I cannot forbear to relate.  It 
shows the aptness which some of the Africans have
to make a good turn, even at the expense of others.
It exhibits, also, ,a new mode of electioneering, that
would cap the climax of the cutest and most skilful
Yankee.  A small package of votes was given to 
one, the night before the election, to distribute.  He
pocketed them and on the morning of the 8th obtained
an early breakfast, then went among his 
neighbors, and offered the tickets for sale at twenty-
five cents each, representing, of course, that they
could not be had in any other way.  He actually 
sold a number.  This trick exhibits more cunning
than honesty, and is an evidence that the passion
for gain, at any cost, is not confined to race or color.

This privilege of an informal vote, even, was
highly appreciated; and though some did actually
think that they were casting legal votes, I believe
the greater part understood it to be only a formal
expression of opinion.  That many fully realize the 
importance of the election, relative to their own
condition, is evident from the deep anxiety they express.
In some localities they prayed and fasted 
through the day.  This morning, as I was walking
down Bay street, a negro of some fifty years of age
beckoned me to stop, and with serious, anxious look
inquired, "Do you think there is any doubt about
the election of Lincoln?"  I replied, I thought not,
but as was expressed at the ratification meeting last
evening, "As went Beaufort, so would go the 
Union."  Alas, should it be otherwise, what despair
would sink the hearts of the thinking contrabands!
God be merciful unto them is my prayer.   So much
for the election day and its incidents.  It was indeed
a joyful time to the people, therefore joyous to me.
I always take pleasure in seeing others happy.

Freedman's Savings Bank.—The colored people 
in Beaufort and vicinity are, for the most part, in
easy and comfortable circumstances; some of them 
laying up money.  General Saxton, with that sagacity
and prudential care that has ever characterized 
all his acts, and wishing to encourage this desire
to save, has established a Savings Bank.  It has not 
been in operation quite two months, and now has in
its vaults about $20,000, belonging to contrabands,
 

seats precisely at nine o'clock, and the other tenth
immediately after, which is a decided improvement.
Northern teachers well know how much we appreciate 
this, when told that we have had scholars dropping 
in from nine till ten, and sometimes till half-past 
ten o'clock.

We are looking forward with hope for a good
work this coming winter.  The signs are propitious,
and our faith is strong.
Yours, respectfully,
GEORGE NEWCOMB.

THE COLORED RACE.

Rev. Mr. Banvard, in his sermon on Thanksgiving
day, which was on topics for the times said:  The
present condition of the colored race in this country,
as well as of those in their father-land, is impressively
described in that simple yet sublime conception of
Anne Whitney in her statute of Africa, now on
exhibition in Boston.  It is the form, in colossal
proportions, of a female with subdued African
features, in the act of rising from her couch.  She 
has risen sufficiently to lean upon one elbow, 
whilst with her other hand she shades her eyes as
she endeavors to look in the distance before her, and
catch the first rays of the coming dawn.  She is
awakening to a new, day and looking forward with
mingled feelings of curiosity and hope, endeavoring
to penetrate the future.  It is a grand embodiment
of majesty, strength, anticipation, hopefulness, and
a readiness to meet the events which the future may
reveal.  It is an appropriate and majestic symbol of 
Africa awaking to a new career, and is equally 
truthful and fitting as an emblem of Africa in our
country as in her.  She is arising from a long and
terrible night.  The day dawns.  The morning star
of hope shines serenely upon the brow of heaven.
Africa has caught its cheering rays.  She begins to
stir.  She rouses herself from her long night of ignorance,
suffering and bondage.  She looks before
and around her to see what the unusual portents of
the times reveal, and she is preparing herself for
the future which awaits her.  For a long time has
her hand been stretched out in supplication to her 
God; and now there is put into it the alphabet and 
the Bible, the musket and the banner of freedom, 
and she is learning to use them all.

The question is asked, and will be repeated with
increasing emphasis for years to come, what is our
duty toward the colored race in this country? I 
answer, that during the painful period of their 
transition form slavery to freedom, which to them is
necessarily a period of nakedness and hunger, want 
and wretchedness, the government and the people
should unite to provide them with shelter, clothing
and food, until they can make arrangements to 
provide for themselves.  Furnish them also with 
labor and the elements of education.  Send them 
teachers and books; and when they shall have
reached a settled, normal condition, then don't interfere
with them.  Let them alone; give them a fair
chance, and let them carve out their own fortune,
and we may be assured that as a general thing they
will be amply able to support themselves.

ATTACK ON GENERAL STONEMAN.

(The following extract from a private letter has
been handed us for publication:)

In my last hurried note to you, on the morning of
the 8th, I promised to give you the particulars of a 
brutal outrage committed by the keepers of the 
Eating Station at Wellsville, on the Ohio River.
(Their names are Dean, I think.)  Maj.-General 
Stoneman went in with his family to get some tea,
and took his colored nurse in with him to feed his 
child as well as to give her something to eat, as we 
had not time to get anything at Pittsburgh.  We 
had nothing from the time we left Altoona.  When
they went in, the room was nearly empty, and they
seated themselves at the extreme end.  An elderly
woman stepped up, and said they did not allow
"Niggers" to sit at the table with white folks.  Gen.
Stoneman remarked that it was only his own family 
occupying the table.  "I don't card, sir, we don't
allow them to sit at the same table here with white
folks."  Gen. S. replied: "Well, let her have another
table alone, as I wish her to feed my child."
Elderly lady:  "No, sir; I will do no such thing.
Niggers are not allowed at all in this room."  And
the nurse sat back from the table.  Nothing further
was said upon the matter.  In a few minutes the 
proprietor came along, and accosted Gen. Stoneman
with:  "I want your fare, sir," naming the price.
Gen. S. replied:  "I will give it to you as soon as I
finish, as my time is short."  Proprietor retorts:
"Do you not wish to pay, sir?  Are you not going 
to do as other people do?"  Gen. S. replied:  "Certainly
I am to pay you, but as I said before, I wish 
to eat, as I am late, and will pay as soon as I finish.
But I do not think you treat the public with proper
courtesy, as I was insulted by a waiter about my servant
when I came in, and"—Proprietor interrupts
him,—"Who insulted you over your servant?"
Gen. S.: "That lady," pointing to the elderly woman 
before referred to.  Proprietor:  "Who did she 
insult you over?"  Gen. S.: "That woman sitting 
there, who is my servant."  Proprietor then struck
Gen. Stoneman between the jaw and ear, knocking
his head round on one side; another man, a brother
of his, struck him on the cheek on the other side
and clenched his left hand in the General's hair, and 


the terrible treatment our soldier prisoners were 
subjected to by the enemy:

"The rendezvous for the exchanges is at Venus
Point, on the Savannah river, a bend of the stream
whence the spires and many of the houses of the 
city of Savannah are visible.  Our boats are invariably
the first at the rendezvous, anchored in mid-river 
awaiting the rebel vessels, whose tardiness
proceeds form the fact that it is only at the proper
tide certain obstructions of the channel above can be 
crossed.  Finally, they appear over the low marshes,
belching their turgid clouds of dense black smoke, 
and in half an honr their uncouth, grotesque, towering 
shapes are puffing and wheezing near us.
Col. Mulford immediately goes in a yawl boat to
the Gen. Beauregard, a small steamer used by
Capt. Hatch, the rebel agent, as the flagship of his
transport squadron, and after a few moment's consultation,
during which the rolls of the prisoners
are transferred, the two agents go together on board
one of the floating objects laden with the released
men, and she is at once laid alongside a neat Union
vessel, and the poor fellows are transhipped.  Those 
of them who are able to move without aid pass to
the protection of the old flag first; then come 
those (alas! there are many of this class) who hobble
on crutches, and last the few whose helplessness 
requires that they should be carried on stretchers.
In all this operation, the greatest formality is observed.
A number of rebel civilians, with bands
round their hats, labeled "Committee for the 
wounded," whose position corresponds with our own
Sanitary Commission, accompany the boats from 
Savannah to attend on the sick, and assist in the 
transhipment, but seldom on either side is a word
spoken, except on the subject of the matter in hand.
A different course is forbidden, and if on either side
there happen to be a disposition to engage in conversation,
watchful guards step up, and ask that the 
conversation shall cease.  It is no uncommon thing
to see a man who has been so crippled by scrofula
that crutches were necessary to his locomotion,
under the influence of his ecstasy at again being
free, spurn from him his artificial supports, and walk,
for a time, as erect and as instantaneously as he
whom the Saviour miraculously cured by the healing
waters of Bethesda.  When the rebel boat 
moves off, and the men are huddled together on the 
decks of our own vessels, all fully understand that
the last link which bound them to rebeldom has 
been severed; then rise hearty shouting and cheering,
which only can be given under these circumstances.
There is the music of intense gratefulness
in it.  Three cheers and tiger for the old flag;
three more and a tiger for Col. Mulford; then comes
a burst of song, most often the words being 'Rally 
round the flag, boys, from near and from far; down 
with the traitor and up with the star'—the rebels
still within hearing, probably gnashing their teeth at
the pointed personal allusion, but everybody else 
feeling that the bad taste of the happy fellows is 
excusable, even though exhibited under the sacred
folds of a flag of truce.  Then vermin-infested rags,
till now highly prized as the only cover for nakedness,
are rudely torn off and flung into the water,
or cast with glee into the flaming furnaces of the 
steamers, and new clothes are issued, and a general 
cleaning-time inaugurated.  But the bathing has
long been needed, and scarcely comes soon enough.
Many of the men, through illness or carelessness,
are so begrimed with filth, that, were it not for the
dead color of the blacked epidermis, they might be 
taken for the sons of Ham.  The steamer Eliza
Hancox, one of the exchange fleet, has a spacious 
deck, affording room for dancing, and Terpsichore
finds her votaries, even though they are tatterdemalions, 
who dance not ungracefully in their
streaming rags.  As soon as possible, barrels of hot
coffee are prepared, and hams are cooked, and boxes 
of hard bread opened for the refreshment of 
these men, to whom decent food had been for
a long time unknown.  It is a touching sight to see
them, each with his quart can file by the steaming
coffee barrels, and receive the refreshing draught
whose taste has long been unfamiliar.  It seems 
scarcely possible that men should feel such childish
joy as they express in once more receiving this 
common stimulant.  And then, the eager, hungry 
glare which their glassy eyes cast upou the chunks 
of ham as they clutch and devour their allowance 
with a wolf-like avidity!  These facts can only 
be understood by the spectator in remembering that
for months they have been deprived of a sufficient
quantity of palatable food, and that the little they 
have received has been rarely cooked, because in a 
country abounding with fuel, and gloomy with 
immense pine forests, their jailors forbade them the 
poor privilege of adequate fires.  At the prison pen
near Milan, Ga., for some weeks there has been no 
meal or flour given to the prisoners, and the sweet 
potatoes issued in lieu thereof have been eaten raw,
because there was no opportunity of getting fuel
for cooking purposes.

Such is the condition of the men whom we are
now receiving out of chivalrous Dixie.  These the
sons, brothers, husbands and fathers of the North.
Men reduced to living skeletons; men almost naked; 
shoeless men, shirtless men, hatless men; men
with no other garment than an overcoat; men
whose skins are blackened by dirt, and hang on
their protruding bones loosely as bark on a tree;
men whose very presence is simply disgusting, exhaling 
an odor so fetid that it almost stops the 
breath of those unaccustomed to it, and causes an

DECEMBER 9.     THE LIBERATOR.     199

MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

Congress convened at Washington on Monday last,
and the two Houses promptly proceeded to their organization.
The Message of President Lincoln was
delivered at noon on Tuesday, and received with high
satisfaction and applause.  It is commendably brief,
compared with the long-winded productions of Mr.
L's immediate predecessors, and characterized by his
usual simplicity and directness.  Its tone is firm, yet 
conciliatory, and on the subject of slavery radical and
inexorable.  He urges prompt action with reference
to the amendment of the Constitution, making slave-holding 
an illegal act in any part of the republic.  All
honor to him!  The most interesting passages in the
Message we give below, to the extent that the crowded
state of our columns will permit:—

The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina and Pensacola
have been opened by proclamation.  It is hoped that
foreign merchants will now consider whether it is not
safer and more profitable to themselves as well as just
to the United States, to resort to these and other open
ports, than it is to pursue, through many hazards and
at vast cost, a contraband trade with other ports which
are closed, if not by actual military occupation, at
least by a lawful and effectual blockade.

For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty 
of the Executive, under the law of nations, to exclude
enemies of the human race from an asylum in the 
United States.  If Congress should think that proceedings
in such cases lack the authority of law, or ought
to be further regulated by it, I recommend that provision 
be made for effectually preventing foreign slave
traders from acquiring domicils and facilities for their
criminal occupation in our country.

Disloyal emissaries have been neither less assiduous
nor more successful during the last year than they
were before that time in their efforts, under favor of
that privilege, to embroil our country in foreign wars.
The desire and determination of the governments of
the maratime States to defeat the design are believed
to be as sincere, and cannot be more earnest, than our
own.  Nevertheless, unforeseen political difficulties
have arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports,
and on the Northern boundary of the United States,
which have required, and are likely to continue to require,
the practice of constant vigilance, and a just
and conciliatory spirit on the part of the United States
as well as of the nations concerned and their governments.

In view of the insecurity of life and property in the
region adjacent to the Canadian border, by reason of 
assaults of desperadoes, committed by limited and desperate
persons who are harbored there, it has been
thought proper to give notice that, after the expiration
of six months, the period constitutionally stipulated in 
existing arrangements with Great Britain, the United
States must hold themselves at liberty to increase
their naval armament on the Lakes, if they shall find
that proceeding necessary; and the condition of the
border will necessarily come into consideration in connection
with the question of continuing or modifying 
the rights of transit from Canada through the United
States, as well as the regulation of imports, which
were temporarily established by the reciprocity treaty
of the 5th June, 1854.  I desire, however, to be understood, 
while making this statement, that the colonial 
authorities of Canada are not deemed to be internationally
unjust or unfriendly toward the United States, but,
on the contrary, there is every reason to expect that
with the approval of the imperial government, they
will take the necessary measures to prevent new incursions 
across the border.

Official correspondence has been freely opened with
Liberia, and it gives us a pleasing view of social and
political progress in that Republic.  It may be expected
to derive new vigor from American influence,
improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the
United States.  I solicit your authority to furnish to the
Republic a gunboat at moderate cost, to be reimbursed
to the United States by instalments.  Such a vessel is
needed for the safety of that State against the native
African races; and in Liberian hands it would be more 
effective in arresting the African slave trade than a 
squadron in our own hands.  The possession of the
least organized naval force would stimulate a generous 
ambition in the Republic, and the confidence which we 
should manifest by furnishing it would win forbearance 
and favor towards the Colony from all civilized 
nations.

The war continues.  Since the last annual message,
all the important lines and positions then occupied by
our forces have been maintained, and our armies have 
steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left in
the rear, so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee and
parts of other States have again produced reasonably
fair crops.

The most remarkable feature in the military operations
of the year is Gen. Sherman's attempted march
of 300 miles directly through the insurgent region.  It
tends to show a great increase of our relative strength


of war of 145,751.  A table is appended showing particulars.

To this should be added the number of all soldiers
in the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New 
Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois and California,
who, by the laws of these States, could not vote away
from their homes, and which number cannot be less
than 100,000.

Nor yet is this all.  The number in the organized
territories is triple now what it was four years
ago, while thousands white and black join us as the
nation at arms press back the insurgent lines.

So much is shown, affirmatively and negatively, by 
the election.  It is not material to inquire how the increase 
has been produced, or to show that it would 
have been greater but for the war, which is probably 
true.  The important fact remains demonstrated that
we have more men now than we had when the war
began, that we are not exhausted nor in process of
exhaustion; that we are gaining strength, and may,
if need be, maintain the contest indefinitely.

This as to men:  Material resources are now more
complete and abundant than ever.  The national resources,
then, are unexhausted, and as we believe, inexhaustible.
The public purpose to reëstablish and
maintain the national authority is unchanged, and is,
we believe, unchangeable.  The manner of continuing
the effort remains to be chosen.

On a careful consideration of all the evidence accessible,
it seems to me that no attempt at negotiation with
the insurgent leader could result in any good.  He
would accept nothing short of the severance of the
Union—precisely what we cannot and will not give.
His declarations to this effect are explicit, and oft repeated.
He does not attempt to deceive us.  He affords 
us no excuse to deceive ourselves.  He cannot
voluntarily reäccept the Union; we cannot voluntarily
yield it.  Between him and us the issue is distinct, 
simple and inflexible.  It is an issue which can 
only be tried by war, and decided by victory.  If we
yield, we are beaten; if Southern people fail him,
he is beaten.  Either way, it would be the victory
and defeat following war.  What is true, however, of
him who heads the insurgent cause, is not necessarily
true of those who follow.  Although he cannot
reäccept the Union, they can.  Some of them, we
know, already desire peace and re-union.  The number 
of such may increase.  They can at any moment
have peace, simply by laying down their arms, and
submitting to the national authority under the Constitution.

After so much, the Government cannot, if it would,
maintain war against them.  The loyal people would 
not sustain or allow it.  If questions should remain,
we would adjust them by the peaceful means of legislation,
conference, courts, and votes operating only in 
constitutional and lawful channels.  Some certain,
and other possible questions are and would be beyond
the Executive power to adjust—as, for instance, the 
admission of members into Congress, and whatever 
might require the appropriation of money.  The
Executive power itself would be greatly diminished
by the cessation of actual war.  Pardons and remissions 
of forfeiture, however, would still be within
Executive control.  In what spirit and temper this 
control would be exercised, can be fairly judged by 
the past. 

A year ago, a general pardon and amnesty, upon 
specified terms, were offered to all except certain
designated classes, and it was at the same time made
known that the excepted classes were still within the
contemplation of executive clemency.  During the
year, many availed themselves of the general provision;
and many more would, only that the signs of
bad faith in some led to such precautionary measures
as rendered the practical process less easy and certain.

During the same time, also, special pardons have
been granted to individuals of the excepted class, and 
no voluntary application has been denied; thus
practically the door has been for a full year open to 
all except such as were not in condition to make a 
free choice—that is, such as were in custody or under
constraint.

It is still open to all; but the trial may come,
probably will come, when public duty shall demand
that it be closed, and that it be more rigorous than 
heretofore.

In presenting the abandonment of arms to the national
authority on the part of the insurgents, as the 
only indispensable condition to ending the war on the 
part of government, I retract nothing heretofore said.
As to slavery, I repeat the declaration made a year
ago, that, while I remain in my present position, I shall
not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation,
nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free
by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of
Congress.  If the people should, by whatever mode or
means, make it an Executive duty to re-enslave such 
persons, another, not I, must be their instrument to propose 
it.

In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply 
to say that the war will cease on the part of the 
government whenever it shall have ceased on the 
part of those who began it.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.


and who, I believe, in heaven crowned him that day
in the noble band of martyrs for the right.  With
mingled pride and regret we record his fate; regret
that our country demanded that day so precious a 
sacrifice; proud that she had one so rich to offer.

Capt. Foster was deeply beloved by every officer
and man in his regiment.  Frank, pure and unselfish
in his social intercourse; generous and ardent in his
attachments, endowed with no ordinary ability, and
thoroughly imbued with love for country and mankind,
he everywhere commanded both affection and
respect.  He was most unflinching in his adherence
to right, and no matter what was considered expediency, 
or however high its authority, never failed to 
hurl a withering rebuke at whatever he considered
wrong.  The high-toned manhood of his nature shone 
out through every phase of life.  With either the 
weapons of the Bible or the sword, he was the unflinching
foe of error and oppression.  Alas! the 
country has lost in him one of its truest sons, and the 
service one of its bravest soldiers.  All honor to his
memory, and peace evermore to his soul!  J. E. K.
—Corr. Boston Christian Register.

A MONUMENT TO LOVEJOY.

With gratification we find that an association is organized 
at Alton to raise a monument to the martyr
Lovejoy.  This work is scarcely more due to the 
memory of Lovejoy than to Alton, and to the better
spirit of the age.  The Alton Telegraph well says
that the murder of Lovejoy was a crime for which the 
spirit of that time, rather than the citizens of Alton,
should be held responsible.  The erection of a monument 
to Lovejoy will be an appropriate expression of
the wonderfully changed state of public opinion since
he was sacrificed by it, and the initiation of this
tribute by Alton cannot fail to reflect well-deserved
credit upon that city.

LOVEJOY MONUMENT MEETING.—Pursuant to a 
public call, a number of the citizens of Alton met at
the Good Templar's Hall this evening, to consider 
the propriety of erecting a monument to the memory
of Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy.

A temporary organization was formed by the
choice of L. A. Parks as Chairman, and James Newman
as Secretary.

W. C. Flagg moved that we proceed to take steps 
to form a "Lovejoy Monument Association," which
was adopted.

Rev. C. H. Taylor moved the appointment of an
Executive Committee of three, with discretionary
power, who shall take such steps as they may deem
necessary to secure the permanent organization of an
Alton Lovejoy Monument Association, which was
adopted, and Messrs. W. C. Flagg, L. A. Parks and
M. G. Atwood were appointed such committee by a
vote of the meeting.

Adjourned—subject to the call of the committee.
J. NEWMAN, Secretary.
ALTON, November 25, 1864.

CRUEL TREATMENT OF THE WIVES AND
CHILDREN OF U. S. COLORED SOLDIERS.

(Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune.)
CAMP NELSON, KY., Nov. 28, 1864.

This camp has recently been the scene of a system
of deliberate cruelty, which, in ferocity of design and
brutality of execution, suggests painful misgivings as
to whether we, indeed, live in an enlightened age and 
a Christian land.  At this moment, over four hundred
helpless human beings—frail women and delicate children 
—having been driven from their homes by United 
States soldiers, are now lying in barns and mule sheds,
wandering through woods, languishing on the highway,
and literally starving, for no other crime than 
their husbands and fathers having thrown aside the 
manacles of slavery to shoulder Union muskets!
These deluded creatures innocently supposed that
freedom was better than bondage, and were presumptuous
enough to believe that the plighted protection of
the Government would be preserved inviolate.

Since June last, Camp Nelson has been a recruiting
rendezvous for slaves.  During this period, over nine 
thousand colored soldiers have entered the army from 
this post.  When these men left their masters, they
assumed the responsibility of their own acts.  Most of
them left without their masters' permission, and knowing
the nature of Southern chivalry, they had clear
perceptions of the torture to which their families
would be subjected at the hands of their indignant
masters.  Indeed, in some instances, the wife and
children were turned out of doors when the husband
enlisted.  Hence the recruit was frequently accompanied
with his family, and received assurance that, on
his entering the army, his wife and children would be
provided with shelter, and allowed an opportunity to 
earn a livelihood by cooking, washing, &c., within the 
limits of the camp.  Assured that his family was relieved 
from the vengeance of an exasperated master,
and provided with a home, however humble, he entered
with a cheerful heart upon his new career; and 
thus the ranks of our army were replenished by men


morning, Nov. 23, a mounted guard came to my tent,
and ordered my wife and children out of the camp.
The morning was bitter cold.  It was freezing harid
I was certain it would kill my sick child to take hm.
out in the cold.  I told the man in charge of the guard
that it would be the death of my boy.  I told him that
my wife and children had no place to go.  I told him
that I was a soldier of the United States.  He told me
that it did not make any difference; he had orders to
take all out of camp.  He told my wife and family if 
they did not get up in the wagon he had, he would
shoot the last one of them.  On being thus threatened,
my wife and children went into the wagon.  My wife 
carried the sick child in her arms.  When they left the
tent, the wind was blowing hard and cold; and having
had to leave much of our clothing when we left our
master, my wife, with her little ones, was poorly clad.
I followed them as far as the lines.  I had no knowledge 
where they were taking them.  At night, I went 
in search of my family.  I found them in Nicholasville,
about six miles from camp.  They were in an
old meeting-house, belonging to the colored people.
The building was very cold, having only one fire. My
wife and children could not get near the fire, because
of the numbers of colored people huddled together by
the soldiers.  I found my wife and family shivering 
with cold and famished with hunger; they had not
received a morsel of food during the whole day.  My 
boy was dead.  He died directly after getting down 
from the wagon.  I know he was killed by exposure
to the inclement weather.  I had to return to camp
that night; so I left my family in the meeting-house,
and walked back.  I had walked there.  I travelled in
all twelve miles.  Next morning I walked to Nicholasville.  
I dug a grave myself, and buried my own child.
I left my family in the meeting-house, where they 
still remain.  And further this deponent saith not.
Joseph Miller. his mark X
Witness—JAMES A. SINEN, WILLIAM SMITH.

Sworn and subscribed before me, this twenty-sixth
day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred sixty-four.
E. B. W. RESTIEAUX, Capt. and A. Q. M.

THE LATE ATTEMPT TO BURN NEW YORK.
WASHINGTON, Dec. 1.
The Secretary of State directs that the following 
dispatch be made known in New York and Philadelphia 
by telegraph:

OFFICE OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
BALTIMORE, Dec. 1, 1864.
"A letter just received from Annapolis at the office 
of The Baltimore American, from a paroled prisoner
from Georgia, contains a statement which appears to
be important in connection with the recent attempt to 
burn the city of New York.  I send you the substance 
of the letter.  It is signed by John H. Ripple, 39th
Illinois Veteran Volunteers.  He says when he passed
through Savannah on the 19th, he was informed by a 
professed Union citizen that he would hear of the 
greatest city burning on record if the Rebels succeeded
in the North, and that it was to come off in a very 
few days.  The party went on to state that one Captain 
Montgomery, formerly of Baltimore, who before
the war was in the livery business, was the agent
charged with the duty of firing the Northern cities.
Montgomery, he said, intended to burn New York,
Washington, Baltimore and Philadelphia.  He further
said that the rebels in Savannah were high in expectation 
of soon learning of Montgomery's success, and
that he was to receive a large sum of money if successful.
The writer says he thought little of the
statement until after his arrival.  He saw the accounts
in the papers, whereupon he deemed it his duty to
make the statement for publication.  Deeming it proper
that this information should be communicated to
the Government I take the liberty of sending you
this dispatch.  Respectfully,
ALEX. FULTON."

THE INCENDIARY PLOT.  In the Richmond Whig
of July 24 appeared the following proposition:

"The Devoted Band.—It is believed that there are
five or ten thousand men in the South ready and willing
to share the fate of Curtius, and devote themselves
to the salvation of their country.  It is proposed that
all who are willing to make this sacrifice shall arm
themselves with a sword, two five-shooters, and a carbine
each, and meet on horseback at some place to be
designated, convenient for the great work in hand.
Fire and sword must be carried into the houses of 
those who are visiting those blessings upon their neighbors.  
Philadelphia, and even New York, is not beyond 
the reach of a long and brave arm.  The moral
people of those cities cannot be better taught the virtues 
of invasion than by the blazing light of their own
dwellings.

None need apply for admission to the 'Devoted
Band' but those who are prepared to take their lives
in their own hands, and who would indulge not the least
expectation of ever returning.  They dedicated their 
lives to the destruction of their enemies.


Deacon John Phillips of Sturbridge, whose
great age (104 years) has been the theme of much remark
recently, has just received the following letter
from President Lincoln:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
21st November, 1864.
MY DEAR SIR:  I have heard of the incident at the 
polls in your town, in which you acted so honorable a
part, and I take the liberty of writing to you to express
my personal gratitude for the compliment paid
me by the suffrage of a citizen so venerable.

The example of such devotion to civic duties in one
whose days have already been extended an average
lifetime beyond the psalmist's limit cannot but be 
valuable and fruitful.  It is not for myself only, but
for the country, which you have in you sphere served
so long and so well, that I thank you.
Your friend and servant,  A. LINCOLN.
DEACON JOHN PHILLIPS.

BUST OF COL. SHAW.  Among the thousand objects
of interest at the Sailors' Fair in Boston was a 
bust of the hero, Colonel Robert G. Shaw, by Miss
Edmonia Lewis.  "Miss Lewis," says the Transcript,
"is a young colored woman of African and Indian descent,
who was educated at Oberlin College.  She has 
been modelling for about a year in this city, and
undertook to make this likeness of one whom she
had never seen, out of grateful feeling 'for what he 
has done for her race.'  Col. Shaw's family consider
it an excellent likeness, and have had it photographed
by Mr. Marshall, allowing the artist to sell
copiers for her own benefit.  We are sure that many
will be thankful to possess a touching and beautiful 
memorial of one of the ablest in our long list of brave
and truthful souls who have gone thus early to their
reward."

JEFF DAVIS'S FIRST STEP TOWARDS A DICTATORSHIP.  
The Richmond Examiner and the Whig
are extremely violent in their language towards Jeff.
Davis for having recommended the repeal of the exemption
of editors and newspaper employees.  The 
Examiner says, "many of the people believe it to be 
the initial step to dictatorial powers," and in this connection
hints at assassination as follows:—

Girardin tells his readers that a scheme of making 
Patrick Henry dictator was talked of in the Virginia 
Assembly in 1779.  Archibald Cary, meeting with
Col. Syme, the half-brother of Henry, in the lobby of
the house, accosted him:  "Sir, I am told that your
brother wishes to be dictator.  Tell him, from me,
that the day of his appointment shall be the day of 
his death; for he shall find my dagger in his heart
before the sunset of that day."  And the scheme was
abandoned, for all knew "Old Iron" would have
made good his threat.  There are descendants of "Old
Iron" living in Virginia yet.

THE FRIENDS OF THE REBELS IN THE NORTH.
In the course of a debate in the rebel Congress on Saturday
last, on the subject of State exemptions from 
military service, Senator Foote said:

"The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Miles)
says we have no friends in the North.  I make issue 
with him.  I say we have friends—good, true, valiant 
friends—in the North.  Every vote given for McClellan
was for peace.  Every vote given for McClellan
was a vote against Lincoln's African policy.
Every vote given for McClellan was a vote given for
an armistice.  If McClellan had been elected, he
(Foote) was prepared to make from his seat a proposition
for a convention of the sovereign States North
and South, and he believed that the South would
have secured from it peace and her independence.
If the South had met the North in convention, she
would have proposed a league, offensive and defensive,
with the North, for the strict enforcement of the
Monroe doctrine, a liberal commercial treaty, and we
should soon have the whole North American domain,
and perhaps Cuba.  We had no friends in Europe.  It
was folly to talk of it.  We had more sympathizing
friends in the North than in all the rest of the world."

REBEL ARMING OF SLAVES.  The Rev. Henry
Ward Beecher, in his evening sermon of last Sunday
a week, referred to the rebels arming the slaves, in
the following manner:—

"But, we are asked, what if the slave shall be armed
against us in this terrible war?  To arm the slave is
to destroy the fatal element in Southern society—their 
aristocracy—and with the destruction of this element 
we destroy the cause of the rebellion.  Let us pray
they may arm their slaves.  But it can scarcely be.
The very proposition is a death symptom.  It is not
an argument of coming strength, but of present weakness.
Many a desperate sickness might be cured if
the patient had constitution enough to bear up under it,
and withstand the medicine he takes; but there is not
enough stamina in the South to withstand four hundred 
thousand black soldiers in their midst."


DIED—In this city, Nov. 21, MR. EDWARD FRANCIS,
aged 53 years.

On the 24th of 11th month, 1864, at his residence, West
Fallowfield, Chester Co., Pa., THOMAS WHITSON, an earnest
and acceptable Minister in the Society of Friends, aged
nearly 69 years.

He was one of the signers of the Anti-Slavery Declaration 
of Sentiments at Philadelphia, and assisted in the
formation of the American Anti-Slavery Society.  He was
ever among the truest of the true to those in bonds.

He was buried on the 27th ultt., in the Friends' burial
ground at Sadsbury.  His funeral was attended by his
widow and seven children, and an immense concourse of
loving and admiring friends, among whom were many colored 
people.

MR. GARRISON'S PORTRAIT.
THE Portrait of Mr. Garrison, the publication of 
which has been delayed in consequence of the severe
and protracted illness of the artist engaged in transferring
it to stone, is nowready, and will be furnished to 
subscribers immediately.  Orders may be addressed to R. 
F. WALLCUT, Esq., Liberator office, or to the Publisher.
Price $1.50 per copy.
C. H. BRAINARD, Publisher.
Nov. 25.     tf

LUCIFER MATCHES.
THE philanthropist sighs over the fearful list of human
woes, incurable diseases, and premature deaths, which
have been caused by inhaling the fumes of phosphorus and
sulphur in the manufacture of common Lucifer or Friction
Matches.  The most ghastly of these diseases is Necrosis,
the decay of the lower jaw bone.  Thirteen of these cases,
mostly young women, have been treated in the New York
hospitals, within a few months:  what then must be the
aggregate of human suffering from these causes?

Humanity drops a Tear
of sorrow over the numerous cases of accidental deaths
caused by the use of these easily ignited, inflammable
agents.  A truthful inscription upon many a little tombstone
would be,—

This Child was Burned to Death
BY LUCIFER MATCHES.
Scarcely a week passes without a record of one or more
children losing their lives by these dangerous articles.

THE PICTURE IS INCOMPLETE,
dark as it is, without reference to the annual loss of valuable 
property which may safely be stated at millions of
dollars.

FIRE WE MUST HAVE,
and the Lucifer Match, dangerous as it is, has been regarded
as a very great convenience, when contrasted with the 
primitive mode of ignition, the rubbing of dry sticks together, 
or the still more useful advance upon that mode,
the old-fashioned

TINDER-BOX, FLINT AND STEEL.
While tolerating these Lucifers, (clearly as a choice of
evils,) scientific chemists have, for more than a quarter of
a century, been experimenting upon the difficult problem
of the production of instantaneous light and fire, in combination
with two important requisites,—

First, Freedom from offensive and injurious odors.

Second, The insuring of perfect safety in its daily use
as a match composition.  The honor of the discovery belongs 
to a 

SCANDINAVIAN CHEMIST,
who has produced, to bless mankind, the long-looked-for
alchemy; and if it is true that he who makes two blades
of grass grow where but one grew before is a public benefactor, 
will not the meed of a world's gratitude be awarded
to him whose persevering efforts have resulted in producing
chemical combinations, the practical application of
which in daily use will be the annual saving of thousands
of lives and millions of treasure?

A MATCH INODOROUS AND SAFE,
all will admit, is a valuable discovery, and these are the 
qualities of the new match.

NO SULPHUR OR PHOSPHORUS
enters into its composition.  Satisfied of its great value
and superiority over all others, the distinguished inventor
was awarded the Prize Medal by the Committee of the International 
Exhibition at the Crystal Palace in London.

improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the
United States.  I solicit your authority to furnish to the
Republic a gunboat at moderate cost, to be reimbursed
to the United States by instalments.  Such a vessel is
needed for the safety of that State against the native
African races; and in Liberian hands it would be more 
effective in arresting the African slave trade than a 
squadron in our own hands.  The possession of the
least organized naval force would stimulate a generous 
ambition in the Republic, and the confidence which we 
should manifest by furnishing it would win forbearance 
and favor towards the Colony from all civilized 
nations.

The war continues.  Since the last annual message,
all the important lines and positions then occupied by
our forces have been maintained, and our armies have 
steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left in
the rear, so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee and
parts of other States have again produced reasonably
fair crops.

The most remarkable feature in the military operations
of the year in Gen. Sherman's attempted march
of 300 miles directly through the insurgent region.  It
tends to show a great increase of our relative strength
that our General-in-Chief should feel able to confront
and hold in check every active force of the enemy, and 
yet to detach a well-appointed large army to move on
such an expedition.  The result not yet being known,
conjecture in regard to it is not here indulged.

Important movements have also occurred during the 
year to the effect of moulding society for durability in
the Union.  Although short of complete success, it is
much in the right direction that 12,000 citizens in each
of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have organized
loyal State Governments with free constitutions,
and are earnestly struggling to maintain and administer
them.  The movement in the same direction, more
extensive though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky 
and Tennessee should not be overlooked.

But Maryland presents the example of complete 
success.  Maryland is secure to Liberty and Union for
all the future.  The genius of rebellion will no more
claim Maryland.  Like another foul spirit, being driven
out it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no
more.

At the last session of Congress, a proposed amendment
of the Constitution abolishing slavery throughout
the United States passed the Senate, but failed for 
lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of
Representatives.  Although the present is the same
Congress and nearly the same members, and without
questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who
stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration
and passage of the measure at the present
session.

Of course, the abstract question is not changed, but
an intervening election shows almost certainly that
the next Congress will pass the measure.  Thence
there is only the question of time as to when the proposed
amendment will go to the States for their action;
and as it is to so go at all events, may we not
agree that the sooner the better?  It is not claimed
that the election has imposed a duty in members to 
change their views or their votes any further than
as an additional element to be considered.  Their
judgment may be affected by it.  It is the voice of the 
people, now for the first time heard upon the question. 
In a great national crisis like this, unanimity of action
among those seeking a common end is very desirable,
and almost indispensable, and yet no approach 
to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference
shall be paid to the will of the majority, simply because 
it is the rule of the majority.  In this case the
common end is the maintenance of the Union; and 
among the means to secure that end such will, through
the election, is most clearly declared in favor of such
constitutional amendment.  The most reliable indication
of public purpose in this country is derived
through our popular elections.  Judging by the recent 
canvass and its results, the purpose of the people
within the loyal States to maintain the integrity
of the Union was never more strong nor more nearly
unanimous than now.  The extraordinary calmness
and good order with which the millions of voters
met and mingled at the polls gave strong assurance
of this.  Not all those who supported the Union ticket,
so called, but a great majority of the opposing party
may be fairly claimed to entertain and to be actuated
by the same purpose.  It is an unanswerable argument 
to this fact that no candidate for any office
whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on 
the avowal that he was for giving up the Union.

There has been much impugning of motives and
much heated controvery as to the proper means and
best mode of advancing the Union cause.  But in the 
distinct issue of Union or no Union, the politicians
have shown their instinctive knowledge that there is
no diversity among the people.

In affording to the people a fair opportunity of showing
one to another and to the world this firmness
and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of
vast value to the national cause.

The election has exhibited another fact not
less valuable to be known—the fact that we do not
approach exhaustion in the most important branch of
national resources—that of living men.  While it is
melancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many
graves, and caused mourning to so many hearts, it is
some relief to know that, compared with the survivors,
the fallen have been so few.  While corps and divisions, 
and brigades, and regiments have formed and 
fought and dwindled and gone out of existence, a 
great majority of the men who composed them are
still living.  The same is true of the naval service.
The election returns prove this.  So many voters
could not else be found.

The States regularly holding elections, both now and
four years ago, to wit:  California, Connecticut, Delaware,
Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland,
Massachusetts, Michigan, New Hampshire,
New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania,
Rhode Island, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin 
cast 3,982,017 votes now, against 3,070,222 cast 
then, showing the aggregate now of 3,982,611, to 
which is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new
States of Kansas and Nevada, which States did not
vote in 1860, thus swelling the aggregate to 4,015,773,
and the net increase during the three year and a half


free choice—that is, such as were in custody or under
constraint.

It is still open to all; but the trial may come,
probably will come, when public duty shall demand
that it be closed, and that it be more rigorous than 
heretofore.

In presenting the abandonment of arms to the national
authority on the part of the insurgents, as the 
only indispensable condition to ending the war on the 
part of government, I retract nothing heretofore said.
As to slavery, I repeat the declaration made a year
ago, that, while I remain in my present position, I shall
not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation,
nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free
by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of
Congress.  If the people should, by whatever mode or
means, make it an Executive duty to re-enslave such 
persons, another, not I, must be their instrument to propose 
it.

In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply 
to say that the war will cease on the part of the 
government whenever it shall have ceased on the 
part of those who began it.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

CAPT. DANIEL FOSTER.

In all the records made by Christian ministers
during this rebellion, I believe there is not one more
purely noble and patriotic than that of the late Capt.
Daniel Foster.  Of his early history it is not my purpose
to speak.  I simply desire to pay a comrade's
tribute over the grave which holds so much of what
was noble and lovable; to perform the last act of justice
which a soldier is able to perform for a friend.

For many years an ardent advocate of the anti-
slavery cause, a bosom companion of John Brown
through the tragic history of Kansas, it is not surprising
that, at an early day, he was ready to take an
active part in the war of the Union.  No chaplain
ever entered the service with a loftier sense of duty
than did he, in assuming that responsible position in
the gallant Mass. 33d; and throughout all his connection
with it, he acquitted himself most nobly of
his sacred trust.  With his strong, pure love of humanity,
coupled with a sympathetic social nature, he soon
won the love and confidence of his regiment, effectually
removing the prejudice which is too often felt
against the chaplain.  But not until a later day, when
the regiment joined Siegel, and entered into the more
stirring campaigns of the winter and spring of 1862
and 1863, were they able to fully appreciate his worth.
Through the trying ordeal of battle, side by side with
his comrades, musket in hand, by exhibition of the
most undaunted courage he cheered them through
the hour of combat; and after the strife had ceased,
when others were enjoying the period of rest, he
would ever be found by the side of the wounded,
cheering some poor fellow here, binding up a wound
there, or bending over the form of some dying hero,
soothing the fleeting spirit with his earnest words of
counsel and prayer.  Unwearying and unceasing in
his labor, he thought not of rest till the last sad duty
had been performed.  In their enthusiastic love, his
comrades gave him the title of the "fighting chaplain
of the 33d."

The President's Proclamation of Emancipation,
and the avowed purpose of the Government to arm
the negro, opened a new and more glorious era in our
national history.  Here also opened for chaplain Foster
the path of a higher duty.  The negro, whose
cause he had so long and ably advocated, was already
in the field, striking nobly for his liberty and manhood.
Foster determined to give himself personally
to his aid; and for this object applied to Gen. Wild,
at Norfolk, for a position in his brigade, then organizing 
in that department.  He received the appointment
immediately after the battle of Chickamauga, 
and discarding at once the garb of chaplain, and
breaking up the pleasant associations he had formed
in the 33d, he reported at Norfolk to enter upon his
new duties.  He was at once assigned to the Third
North Carolina Colored Volunteers, (since made the 
Thirty-seventh United States Colored Troops,) with
the rank of captain.  That regiment was then in its
infancy; but Foster being temporarily assigned to the 
Second North Carolina, did valuable service in raiding
through the adjacent counties of Pasquotank and
Prince Anna, liberating the slaves.  Last spring,
when the regiment was organizing at Norfolk, he was
indefatigable in his labors to promote the welfare and
efficiency of his men.  Performing for them the
duties of commander and chaplain, he threw his talents
and the whole ardor of his large nature into the
work.  No man ever labored harder or more zealously.

Butler opened the spring campaign with the advance 
up the James River.  It is unnecessary to go
over the details of our labors through that campaign.
Suffice it to say that his ardent zeal never flagged.
On the 26th of September he joined the division for
duty on the river communication, and participated in
the assault on New Market Heights.  The country
already knows the result of the assault, and the brilliant
record which the freedmen made upon that
eventful day.  One of the strongest and most important 
positions about Richmond was carried and held
at the point of the bayonet.  At the close of the day's 
struggle, the thirty-seventh was moved to the left, and
occupied that night Battery Harrison on Chapin's 
farm.  Half of the regiment was detailed for picket,
Foster being of the number.  We were in earnest
conversation for an hour before he went out, and he
seemed, if anything, to be more than usually affectionate
and tender in speaking of his family.  We 
all anticipated that the morrow would bring a renewal 
of the battle, and he, though sanguine of success,
yet seemed to feel a shadow of his coming fate.
"Good bye," he said, as he wrung my hand at parting.
"If I fall before I see you again, tell my wife 
and little ones that Daniel Foster never shrank from
duty, but fell with his face to the enemy."  No nobler
words were ever spoken or more truly fulfilled.  In 
the enemy's assault upon us the following day he fell,
pierced by a mortal hurt.  Yet, as he sank to the 
earth, he laid himself facing the foe, and calmly folding
his arms upon his breast, resigned his spirit to 
God whom he had so faithfully served upon earth,


ous enough to believe that the plighted protection of
the Government would be preserved inviolate.

Since June last, Camp Nelson has been a recruiting
rendezvous for slaves.  During this period, over nine 
thousand colored soldiers have entered the army from 
this post.  When these men left their masters, they
assumed the responsibility of their own acts.  Most of
them left without their masters' permission, and knowing
the nature of Southern chivalry, they had clear
perceptions of the torture to which their families
would be subjected at the hands of their indignant
masters.  Indeed, in some instances, the wife and
children were turned out of doors when the husband
enlisted.  Hence the recruit was frequently accompanied
with his family, and received assurance that, on
his entering the army, his wife and children would be
provided with shelter, and allowed an opportunity to 
earn a livelihood by cooking, washing, &c., within the 
limits of the camp.  Assured that his family was relieved 
from the vengeance of an exasperated master,
and provided with a home, however humble, he entered
with a cheerful heart upon his new career; and 
thus the ranks of our army were replenished by men
whose subsequent achievements reflected honor on
their race.  This arrangement, at once just and expedient,
entailed little or no expense upon the Government,
for these people lived in huts built by themselves
from material unserviceable for other purposes.

Yet that these Kentucky slaves should thus falsify
the predictions of their former masters, who delighted
to dilate with horrifying amplitude upon the miseries
which would inevitably overtake the families of enlisted
slaves—this was an act of unpardonable impoliteness
in the eyes of certain officers who commanded
the camp, and who had a kindly regard for the Southern
Moloch.  These gentlemen, therefore, put forth
persistent efforts to justify the prophetic wisdom of
their slaveholding friends, by driving the women and
children from camp, and leaving them no alternative
but starvation or fetters.  Through the influence of
some parties who had not the fear of the Slave Oligarchy
before their eyes, these benignant designs
were frustrated for a time.  But the furious wrath
thus delayed acquired new intensity, and only awaited
a favorable opportunity to burst with increased violence
upon the heads of the devoted victims.  This opportunity 
was presented last Wednesday.  Diabolical
malignity could have desired no better day on which
to perpetrate atrocious cruelty.  The air was intensely 
chilly; the thermometer was below the freezing 
point all day, and strong men wrapped their overcoats
close around them, when the provost guard turned
four hundred women and children from their dwellings
to face the wintry blast, with light and tattered garments,
no food, and no home!  Here, indeed, is a picture 
for our American Macaulay to incorporate in his
next volume of his "History of the Rebellion."  Armed
soldiers attack humble huts inhabited by poor negroes—
helpless women and sick children—order the
inmates on the pain of instant death, and complete
their valorous achievements by demolishing dilapidated
dwellings.  The men who did all this were
United States soldiers, and not Sepoys, and they acted
under instructions from a Union General, and not
Nena Sahib.

There are stern truths, amply corroborated by affidavits
similar to the one which I have the honor to inclose.
To-day these children of misery are exposed
to the pitiless storm.  Four are already in their
graves; one was frozen to death.  Others will undoubtedly
find speedy shelter in the tomb, and God
only knows what will become of the rest!  Slavery is
bad; but here is an act which transcends, in deliberate
depravity and cool malignity, the darkest associations 
of the slave mart.  I pass unnoticed the mental
anguish, the social sufferings and the domestic sorrows— 
nor will I attempt to portray an amount of suffering 
which no language can depict, but which these
people now endure.  Their condition must be seen to
be very approximately realized.  No more efficacious
plan could be devised for arresting the progress of negro
enlistments than that which visits upon their families
a merciless persecution, compared with which
Slavery, or even death itself, would be a positive blessing.
And it is no wonder that slaveholders in this
State loudly applaud the course thus adopted, and point 
their slaves to the sad spectacle as an illustration of 
what the families of negro soldiers may expect.  The
heart revolts at the thought that such unparalleled
atrocities should be perpetrated with any prospect of
impunity; and my design in writing you is to arouse 
the Christian and patriotic people of the North to a 
sense of the duty which they owe these innocent sufferers.
Let the potent, irresistible voice of a just and
humane public demand of the authorities at Washington,
that immediate steps be taken to arrest these barbarities, 
and to bring the responsible agents to stern
account.     HUMANITAS.

AFFIDAVIT OF A COLORED SOLDIER.
CAMP NELSON, KY., Nov. 26, 1864.
Personally appeared before me, Edward B. W. Restieaux,
Captain and Assistant Quartermaster, Joseph
Miller, a man of color, who, being duly sworn, upon
oath says:  "I was the slave of George Miller, Lincoln
County, Kentucky.  I have always resided in Kentucky, 
and am now a soldier in the service of the
United States.  I belong to Company I, 124th U. S. 
C. Infantry, now stationed at Camp Nelson, Ky., when
I came to camp for the purpose of enlisting, about the 
middle of October, 1864, my wife and children came
with me, because my maser said that if I enlisted, he 
would not maintain them, and I knew they would be
abused by him when I left.  I had then four children,
aged respectively ten, nine, seven and four years.  On
my presenting myself as a recruit, I was told by the 
lieutenant in command to take my family into a tent 
within the limits of the camp.  My wife and family
occupied this tent by the express permission of the
aforementioned officer, and never received any notice
to leave until Tuesday, November 22, when a mounted 
guard gave my wife notice that she and her children
must leave camp before early morning.  This was
about six o'clock at night.  My little boy, about seven
years of age, had been very sick, and was then slowly
recovering.  My wife had no place to go, and so remained
until morning.  About 8 o'clock on Wednesday


ALEX. FULTON."

THE INCENDIARY PLOT.  In the Richmond Whig
of July 24 appeared the following proposition:

"The Devoted Band.—It is believed that there are
five or ten thousand men in the South ready and willing
to share the fate of Curtius, and devote themselves
to the salvation of their country.  It is proposed that
all who are willing to make this sacrifice shall arm
themselves with a sword, two five-shooters, and a carbine
each, and meet on horseback at some place to be
designated, convenient for the great work in hand.
Fire and sword must be carried into the houses of 
those who are visiting those blessings upon their neighbors.  
Philadelphia, and even New York, is not beyond 
the reach of a long and brave arm.  The moral
people of those cities cannot be better taught the virtues 
of invasion than by the blazing light of their own
dwellings.

None need apply for admission to the 'Devoted
Band' but those who are prepared to take their lives
in their hands, and who would indulge not the least
expectation of ever returning.  They dedicated their 
lives to the destruction of their enemies.
A. S. B. D. B., Richmond.
All Southern papers are requested to give this notice
a few insertions."

Some of the Democratic papers in New York are
trying to prove that the attempted and successful incendiary 
fires there could not have originated with
the Southern rebels, but the above is convincing evidence 
of their rebel origin.

GEN. LEE'S PLACE.  The following interesting extract
is from a letter from an officer in the army, dated
Fort C. F. Smith, Nov. 24th:—

This afternoon I took a walk of about two and a 
half miles to visit the rebel General Lee's place, that
he left when he entered the rebel army.  This place
is the Custis estate, belonging formerly to the family
of Mrs. Washington; and as General Lee married
into the family, it fell into his hands.  It is a most 
splendid place, lying about west from the capital, on
the opposite of the river.  The mansion is large and 
stately, though somewhat decayed, and with the
grounds around reminds one of an old English estate
such as "we read of."  It contains about eleven hundred
acres, and since its confiscation by the Government 
has been applied to a very good purpose as a 
settlement for freedmen, who manage it to very good
advantage.  I saw a talked with some of the slaves
who were born and brought up on the place, and who
know all about the Washington, Custis and Lee families.
On the ground in the rear of the house is a 
cemetery, where are buried between seven and eight
thousand soldiers.  They are burying them constantly,
at least fifty graves being already dug, to be filled
as the bodies are sent from the front and other places.
The graves are all made in a line, and a neat board,
painted white, placed at the head and foot; and you 
stand at the foot and read on the headboard the name,
title, company, regiment, age, and time of death of
the deceased.  There are forts and fortifications to be
seen from General Lee's place in every direction, and 
at least fifty thousand soldiers are stationed around
Washington.  It would make lively work should the 
traitors come down, thinking to take it.  They know
better.  I looked into a window of General Lee's house,
and saw the furniture standing just as he left it four 
years ago, even to the brands in the fireplace.  How
he would rave to see his farm turned into a graveyard!
How God has confounded these rebels!
Washington was to be theirs, New England left out
in the cold, and a new government founded on the
ruins of the old, with slavery for its corner stone;
but what they thought their greatest good is now
turned against them.

That British Peace Petition humbug which
was to help the rebels, has turned out a failure.  Gov.
Seymour would not touch it.  Parker, or Barker, the 
ass who bore the bundle, then sent a note to Secretary
Seward, in which he announced his "mission," but
the Secretary sent him a fat flea for his ear; and
after hearing all about him and his purpose, refused to
allow him to present the petition, or to have an interview
with the President.  Parker, or Barker, bore a 
letter to Gov. Seymour from Sir Henry de Houghton; 
and that the baronet should have written to the Governor
in such a manner is evidence that he knows
nothing about our affairs.  He should have addressed
himself to the President, or to the Secretary of State,
or some other person high in federal official rank, at
Washington, so at least to have evinced respect for
Gov. Seymour as his correspondent shows either that
he is ignorant of our modes of doing business, or that
they are indifferent to him, and that he supposes we
can be insulted with impunity.  Sir Henry is said to
be the unfortunate holder of Confederate bonds of
the nominal value of almost two million dollars.  This 
accounts for the milk in that cocoanut—that is, it
shows that the milk of human kindness which the 
baronet is giving down proceeds from his desire to
have a course pursued which would render the funds
he holds worth something; whereas now they are as
worthless as the Mississippi bonds of Jeff. Davis, and
they are no better than the Mississippi paper of John
Law.  The petition will be presented to Congress,
which may lead to a discussion in which many amusing
facts shall be brought to light, and the whole thing 
made light of.—Boston Traveller.

The bearer of the British peace address says
he is not the converted infidel, Rev. Joseph Barker,
but that Parker is his true name.

THE "BLACK LAWS" IN ILLINOIS.  A petition
from fifty thousand citizens of Illinois will be presented
at the coming session of the Legislature of that
State, for the repeal of the Black Laws of Illinois.
Mr. Jones, of Chicago, a colored man of great energy,
formerly a slave but now the owner of one of the
finest buildings in the city, is among the most active
in urging this matter.—Chicago Journal.


should soon have the whole North American domain,
and perhaps Cuba.  We had no friends in Europe.  It
was folly to talk of it.  We had more sympathizing
friends in the North than in all the rest of the world."

REBEL ARMING OF SLAVES.  The Rev. Henry
Ward Beecher, in his evening sermon of last Sunday
a week, referred to the rebels arming their slaves, in
the following manner:—

"But, we are asked, what if the slave shall be armed
against us in this terrible war?  To arm the slave is
to destroy the fatal element in Southern society—their 
aristocracy—and with the destruction of this element 
we destroy the cause of the rebellion.  Let us pray
they may arm their slaves.  But it can scarcely be.
The very proposition is a death symptom.  It is not
an argument of coming strength, but of present weakness.
Many a desperate sickness might be cured if
the patient had constitution enough to bear up under it,
and withstand the medicine he takes; but there is not
enough stamina in the South to withstand four hundred 
thousand black soldiers in their midst."

ROGER A. PRYOR'S ARRIVAL AT FORT LAFAYETTE.
Roger A. Pryor has been heard from since his arrival 
at Fort Lafayette.  Starting from this city shortly
after daylight on Wednesday, he was not seen by
many persons while in Broadway; but on the Brooklyn 
ferry-boat, which the party took in order to reach
the Fort Hamilton cars, Pryor was recognized, and 
crowds gathered to look at him.  His identity was
also discovered at other points on the way, but there
were no offensive demonstrations.  In Fort Lafayette
Pryor found himself among friends, who greeted him
with much warmth.  He was particularly welcomed
by the rebel General Page, of Mobile notoriety; the
interview between these men was especially cordial.
Pryor has been provided with money since he was
captured, and it is understood will be able to supply
himself, under the regulations, with such articles as
he may desire during the period of his confinement.—
N. Y. Tribune.

OUR ARMY IN ALABAMA VOTING UNDER FIRE.
General Hatche, of the 8th, wrote to his father that
he was in command of —— regiments of cavalry, then
at Taylor's Springs, Alabama, watching and preventing
the advance of Hood's army, then at Florence,
having some heavy skirmishing.  "All those who have
a right are voting to-day—the reserve voting when
the skirmish line is relieved.  So we are actually voting
under fire.  As they vote for Lincoln and Johnson,
an occasional shell hisses over the ballot box, and the 
patter comes up from the swamp.  When a regiment
has voted, it gives a rousing cheer for Abraham Lincoln,
and goes to its work again, with hope and assurance 
that he will be President of each and all the 
States of the Union before his present term expires."

ARLINGTON SLAVES RETURNED.  It will be remembered
that several slaves on the Arlington estate,
who were left free by the will of Mr. Curtis, but kept
in slavery by Gen. R. E. Lee, ran away, were recaptured,
whipped severely by the General, and afterwards
taken to Richmond.  A gentleman who has
lately visited Arlington informs us that these have
been released by Gen. Lee's son, and have returned
to Arlington, free.  The young woman who was so
badly treated by Lee, and whose case was the subject
of some controversy in the papers about the time of
the rebellion, is among them, and is living near her
aged and worthy parents.—N. Y. Independent.

SALE OF MONTICELLO.  Monticello, the former 
residence of Thomas Jefferson, in Albemarle county,
Virginia, was sold at auction on Thursday, under the
sequestration act, for eighty thousand five hundred
dollars.  Benjamin F. Ficklin, purchaser.  A negro 
woman and her seven children (all of the latter being
under seven years of age) brought twenty-three thousand
dollars.  A negro man was sold for upwards of
seven thousand dollars.—Richmond Dispatch.

TO THE BENEVOLENT.––Thomas F. Small,
formerly a slave, and for more than a year in the service
of the United States, at the battles of Williamsburg, 
Malvern Hill, Fair Oaks and other places, having, while
sick, been left without help or care, froze his feet so that
amputation became necessary; and not having been regularly
enlisted, cannot receive a pension or pay from the 
Government; he, therefore, appeals to the sympathy of
the kind-hearted to help him in his efforts to obtain a 
sum sufficient to procure himself a pair of artificial
legs--as in his present situation he can only move himself
upon his knees.  A portion of the sum needed for this
purpose has been kindly subscribed by certain benevolent
people in North Bridgewater; and it is very desirable
that the whole amount should be made up speedily.  Any
donations sent to the Editor of the Liberator, or to Robert
F. Wallcut, Anti-Slavery Office, 221 Washington Street,
Boston, will be gratefully acknowledged.  This unfortunate
but deserving young man is about 20 years old, and 
his crippled condition demands the most compassionate
consideration.

The following sums have been received by the subscriber
for the benefit of this young man, and will be carefully
appropriated to procuring artificial legs for him:—
From John R. Manley, Boston,          $5.00
Mrs. Hannah Castell, Boston,              1.00
A. Winsor, Jr.,                 "                    1.00
Miss Rebecca Bradford, Roxbury,        2.00
B. B. Marshall, Milford, Mass.,              1.00
Dr. Russell,             "         "                  1.00
Alvan & Nancy L. Howes, Barnstable,  5.00
Miss E. H. Day, Lewiston, Me.,              2.00
                                                       ______________
                                                          $18.00         
Boston, Nov. 7, 1864.                   ROB'T F. WALLCUT.


as a match composition.  The honor of the discovery belongs
to a 

SCANDINAVIAN CHEMIST, 
who has produced, to bless mankind, the long-looked-for
alchemy; and if it is true that he who makes two blades
of grass grow where but one grew before is a public benefactor,
will not the meed of a world's gratitude be awarded
to him whose persevering efforts have resulted in producing
chemical combinations, the practical application of 
which in daily use will be the annual saving of thousands
of lives and millions of treasure?

A MATCH INODOROUS AND SAFE,
all will admit, is a valuable discovery, and these are the
qualities of the new match.

NO SULPHUR OR PHOSPHORUS
enters into its composition.  Satisfied of its great value
and superiority over all others, the distinguished inventor
was awarded the Prize Medal by the Committee of the International
Exhibition at the Crystal Palace in London, 
while all other Matches were excluded from the building.

In order that the 
PEOPLE OF AMERICA
may share with those of Europe the blessings of this invention,
arrangements have been made for the working of
the patent here, and an association formed under the name
of 

The Universal Safety Match Co., 
who now offer to the citizens of the United States
A DOMESTIC MATCH, INODOROUS AND SAFE,
and for out-door use
A Safety Flaming Fusee, or Wind-Defier,
which neither wind nor rain can extinguish.

A fair trial will verify the truth of our statements.
JOHN P. JEWETT,
General Agent of the Universal Safety Match Company,
NO, 18 TREMONT STREET, BOSTON.

P. S.  A beautiful feature of this great invention is its
adaptability to wax compositions.  Our arrangements are
nearly completed for the manufacture of the neatest, safest
and most perfect wax tapers ever produced.

Dec. 9.—4wis.

A FARM OF 1500 ACRES
FOR SALE

THE St. Mary's Lake Farm, 3 1-2 miles North from the
city of Battle Creek, Calhoun county, Michigan, is
offered for sale.  The proprietor wishing to retire, offers
this Farm for sale on reasonable terms as to price and 
time of payments.  The Farm consists of 1500 acres of as
rich agricultural land as can be found in the Norther
States; 1000 acres of which are improved in the best manner.
There are on this road thirty-seven miles of rail and 
board fence, mostly new.  St. Mary's Lake is one of the
most beautiful sheets of clear crystal water in the country, 
and one of the finest fishing lakes in the State.  This
lake is in the centre of the farm, and is a mile and a quarter
long by one third of a mile wide.  The surroundings
of this lake are unsurpassed for beauty of scenery.  There
are some eight or ten beautiful sites for residences on
either side of the lake.  No low marshy grounds connected
with the shore of the lake.  There are about 400 acres of
timber, and 100 acres of the best marsh meadow land on
the west side of the farm.  The buildings are, the large
Farm House, 88 by 56 feet, elevated 50 feet above the
lake, commanding a view of a great portion of the farm
and of the lake; also, a large frame Boarding-House, and
even frame Tenements; two large Barns, 153 by 70 feet
each, with stabling below for 130 head of cattle; also, 
four other Barns, 50 by 40 feet; also, a Steam Circular
Saw Mill, 80 by 60 feet—said to be one of the best mills
in the State; an Orchard of 800 apple and 1200 of the 
choicest peach trees, all in fine bearing order; 350 standard
pear trees, a large number of plums, cherries, quinces,
and a great quantity of grapes and small fruits, too numerous
to mention.  Perhaps there is not a 1500 acre farm in
the Union better adapted to cattle and sheep-raising than
is this farm, every field of which has never-failing water.
The land is moderately rolling, and no outlay need ever
be made for manures.  There is one of the most extensive
Brick-yards on this farm in the interior of the State.
Amore beautiful residence cannot be found than is on this
farm.  A gentleman having sons to settle around him
could arrange to make six or eight beautiful farms, each
having a large front on the lake, with a beautiful sandy 
beach.  Battle Creek City is one of the best markets in
the State, and is 120 miles west and 162 miles east from 
Chicago on the Great Michigan Central Railroad.  No
situation is or can be more healthy.  All the water on the
farm is clear as crystal, soft and excellent.  This farm affords
a rare chance to one wishing to go into stock and 
sheep-raising; it is now seeded down to clover and timothy.
The farm, with all the stock, sheep, house utensils
and 250 tons of clover and timothy hay, is offered at the 
greatest bargain.

Letters of inquiry, addressed to me at Battle Creek, will
receive prompt replies.  I refer to Henry C. Wright,
Charles C. Burleigh and Parker Pillsbury, who have visited
the St. Mary's Lake Farm.
HENRY WILLIS.
Battle Creek, Nov. 18, 1864.

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1308 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa.


198
involuntary brushing of the garments if with them 
there is accidental contact.  Imagine 25,000 of 
such wretched creatures penned together in a 
space scarcely large enough to hold them, and 
compare their condition  with the most miserable 
conditions that can be imagined!  The suffering of 
the Revolutionary captives on the prisons ships at 
Wallabout Bay will not stand the comparison, and 
the horrible night in the Blackhole of Calcutta 
scarcely exceeds it in atrocity.  Remember, too, 
that the men thus returned are the best specimens 
of the suffering.  Only those are forwarded to us 
whom the rebel medical authorities decide to be 
strong enough to bear the fatigue of transportation."  

REBEL SAVAGERY

   When the world hears of the late attempt to 
burn the City of New York, it will not fail to mark 
the peculiarly fiendish elements of the conspiracy.  
   Under ordinary circumstances, an inn, the refuge 
of the weary and unsuspecting traveller, has a character 
which should protect it from the torch of the 
incendiary, as if it were a hospital.  But our great 
hotels are full of families, of women and of children 
gathered together under a single roof--of those 
very classes to which, when they are in a beleaguered 
city, a fair warning and opportunity of escape 
is given by a besieging general before beginning his 
bombardment. This wide-reaching crime, from 
which God has delivered us, would have been, if 
consummated, an aggregate of hideous assassinations, 
closely resembling those committed by the 
Indian Thugs in more particulars than one. The 
exigencies of war--and they must always be numerous 
and painful--have driven us to nothing 
approximating in all that is horrible to the scene 
which this city would, but for the merciful interposition 
of Divine Providence. have presented. The 
very thought of what was, on that memorable 
night, but too probable, must send a thrill of horror 
through the hearts of the most stolid.  The plot
can never be forgotten.  It will occupy a marked 
place in the pages of history, and the recital of its 
meditated atrocities, for years to come, will keep its 
projectors in a pillory of continuous execration.
   And yet their wickedness, so starlings on account 
of its novelty, is no greater, perhaps not so great, 
as the absolutely barbarous manner in which the 
Confederates have treated their Federal prisoners 
of war. It is hard to write with even decent and 
dignified moderations of the sufferings of our captive 
soldiers. It is impossible, without crimsoning with 
righteous wrath, to read of the filth, the fever, the 
festering wounds, the sickness, the starvation, the 
sharp and sure mortality which make a Confederate 
prison far more dreadful to our soldiers than the 
most hotly contested field. These shames have 
extorted from the rebel physicians themselves continual 
protests, the repetition of which shows that 
remonstrances have been at least inadequately 
heeded. These evidences of cruelty and neglect 
are enough of themselves to prove that both are 
without excuse, since it is not to be supposed that 
these surgeons would ask of their government that 
which they knew it was impossible to grant.  
Neither can there be any pretence of retaliation.  
Public opinion would not permit us to maltreat our 
prisoners, even if there existed any official inclination 
to do so.  
   Now, with these facts before them--and how easy 
it would be to add to their number 1 we hope, when 
our foreign critics again take occasion to expatiate 
upon the unnatural cruelty of this war, that they 
will be good enough to state upon which side, in 
their opinion, the want of nature and of humanity 
exists.  It is time for the truth to shame these slanderers 
into something like decency. It is time that 
the distortion of facts, and the deduction from them 
of malicious and obstinate libels, met with something 
like a check from the moral sense of mankind.  
All the world is interested in the suppression of the 
shameful criticism to which we have been subjected ; 
for although it may be out turn to-day, to-morrow 
some other and perhaps far-district people may be 
made the object of like calumnies. The comity of 
nations is not merely an idle phrase.  Public reputation 
is quite as important, quite as much in need 
of honest judgement, quite as sacred in the eyes of 
all intelligent observers, as private character ; and 
The London Times has no more right to lie about us 
in the mass than it has to lie about us individually.  
We perfectly understand the full import of the 
words which we are using when we speak thus 
plainly. A foreign observer, who sees no shame in 
a war waged for the publicly-avowed purpose of 
perpetuating Slavery--no crime in a treason utterly 



THE LIBERATOR.
midst of vast forests.  They are crowded into close 
and filthy quarters, whose extent of space is not of 
the least consequence to the jailer.  They are 
made to drink filthy water when pure can be obtained 
in abundance.  The rebel surgeons themselves 
cry out against the pitiable condition of their patients.  
But all in vain.  Some malign power, behind 
the mysteries of rebel statecraft, continues its 
ruthless work of destroying by hunger, cold, filth, 
vermin, madness and death in all its horrible forms, 
thousands of unarmed and harmless men.  And these 
unparalleled sufferings call forth demoniac exultation 
from the central organs of rebellion.  
   It is impossible to say what can be the animating 
purpose of such a system of atrocity - whether it be 
to discourage the North from its great undertaking, 
or to disable all prisoners from future device.  But 
one thing for sure, the leaders of the rebellion are 
fixing upon themselves such a stigma for brutality 
as no other civilized people on the face of the earth 
would dare to assume.  Is not the barbarism of 
slavery at length fearfully established before the eyes 
of all men ? For if these atrocious deeds, not confined 
to any spot or method of execution, but pursued 
wherever our prisoners are consigned and with 
devilish fertility of invention, are not the fruits of 
the distinctive Southern institution, we are utterly 
at a loss to imagine their origin. - Boston Journal.  

THE LIBERATOR.  
No Union with Slaveholders!
BOSTON, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 9 , 1864.
THE CONWAY CONTROVERSY.

Editor of the Liberator : -
   With no desire to engage in the "Conway Controversy ," 
I hope I may be allowed to offer a few remarks 
on the reference to " Anti- Slavery Englishmen," 
which appears in the letter from Mr. Conway to the 
Anti-Slavery Standard, reprinted in your last.
   Mr. Conway's letter to the "Fugitive" Mason was 
as much regretted, if not as strongly condemned, by 
" Anti-Slavery Englishmen," as by the American Anti-Slavery Society.  
Yet when Mr. Conway represented 
that the first, if not the sole, motive of American Abolitionists, 
in supporting the Federal Government 
in the war against the Rebel Confederacy, was 
the hope of thereby freeing the slaves, rather than the 
restoration of the " covenant with death and the agreement 
with hell," he certainly was understood to represent 
the sentiments of the most earnest and ardent 
Abolitionists, both leaders and followers.  If he had 
made any other statement, for example - that the 
"covenant" was to be sustained , and the "agreement" 
enforced, by fire and sword, irrespective of the 
right and wrongs of the slaves, and thus speaking 
had pretended to represent the sentiments of, or to be 
in communion with Messrs. Garrison and Phillips- he 
certainly would have been scouted as an imposter by 
" Anti Slavery Englishmen. "
   Doubtless, all honest and thinking Englishmen 
would have admitted that-leaving the question of 
slavery aside- the South had not just cause for the rebellion 
initiated by South Carolina ; and that having 
gone to the ballot-box, the minority had only to submit 
to the vote of the majority, which refusing to do, 
and appealing to the sword, the United States Government 
had a perfectly legitimate right to employ the 
sword to compel obedience to the Constitution and the 
Laws. But I doubt if American Abolitionists, who, 
by abstaining from voting, had refused to recognize 
the Constitution, who had wished the dissolution of 
the slavery-cursed Union, and desired that the slave 
oligarchy would carry out their threats and "go," 
could have consistently taken part in any such contest.   
Any way, the North in such a quarrel would 
have had no claim on the sympathy of " Anti-Slvaery 
Englishmen."  The secret of their good wished was 
the trusting belief, that the war was a war of Emancipation ; 
or to be made such, and prosecutes as such, 
but the strenuous labors of the American Abolitionists.
   Mr. Conway has put a very important question as 
to the (?????????)


THE THIRTY-FIRST NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY 
SUBSCRIPTION ANNIVERSARY.
   The AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY was organized 
for the immediate and total abolition of slavery 
in the United States. Its labors have been unremittedly 
prosecuted, " without compromise and without 
concealment, "for a period of thirty years, through 
lecturing agencies, the printing and circulating of anti-slavery 
publications, the support of an official weekly 
organ, and other instrumentalities ; and to these 
labors is largely due, primarily, that cheering and 
marvellous change in public sentiment, in opposition 
to slavery and in support of free institutions, which 
has taken place in all loyal States, and which enables 
the Government to maintain successfully its 
tremendous conflict with the Southern SLAVEHOLDERS'  
REBELLION. But slavery is not yet abolished, 
even in the Rebel States, except by the Proclamation 
of President Lincoln ; and it still holds a tenacious 
existence even in some of the so- called loyal sections 
of the country.  Not until its utter extirpation everywhere 
should the American Anti-Slavery Society be 
disbanded, or regard its mission as consummated, or 
be left without the necessary pecuniary aid to carry on 
its ordinary operations. Its time to dissolve will be 
when liberty is proclaimed throughout all the land to 
all the inhabitants thereof, by the proposed amendment 
of the Constitution of the United States, making 
it illegal to enslave any person on the American 
soil. That grand and glorious event, it is confidently 
hoped and believed, will take place during the coming 
year, inasmuch as the potential sentiment of the people 
in regard to it was indicated by an overwhelming 
majority at the late Presidential election, and inasmuch 
as President Lincoln, in his annual message to 
Congress, urges this constitutional amendment upon 
that body for speedy adoption.  Thank God that the 
year 1865 is, in all probability, to be the long desired 
YEAR OF JUBILEE!
   Once more, then- and we trust for the last time- 
let the treasury of the American Anti- Slavery Society 
be replenished by the generous donations and 
contributions of those who have so long given it their 
countenance ; and also of those who, regenerated in 
their views and feelings on the question of slavery, have 
yet to show their appreciation of the invaluable labors 
of the Society in disseminating light and knowledge, 
quickening conscience, elevating the moral 
standard of individual and national conduct, and vindicating 
the rights of human nature on the broad 
platform of universal freedom and equality. From 
all loyal men and women the Society is especially deserving 
of consideration and co-operative support for its 
prompt and uncompromising hostility to the rebellion, 
and to whatever at the North has been in sympathy 
with the rebels ; and for the strong moral support and 
hearty sympathy it has given to the Government in 
its long and bloody conflict with the Slave Power.  
   The Managers of the SUBSCRIPTION ANNIVERSARY 
hereby announce that they will be ready to receive, 
with all thankfulness, whatever the philanthropic, the 
liberal-minded, and the patriotic, thought the land, 
at home or abroad, may feel disposed to contribute, at 
its annual gathering in Boston, on WEDNESDAY evening, 
January 25th, 1865 ; and to this convocation of 
the friends of impartial liberty they cordially invite all 
who desire to aid  in breaking every yoke, and setting 
every captive free.  And may the result abundantly 
meet the necessities of an association, whose crown 
of glory is its unswerving fidelity, through years of 
conflict and martyrdom, to the " self-evident truths" 
enunciated in the Declaration of American Independenoe!  
   Where personal attendance is impracticable or inconvenient, 
donations may be sent to either of the undersigned, 
or to WILLIAM I. BOWDITCH, Esq., 8 Railroad Exchange, 
Boston, Treasurer of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
All such will be duly acknowledged 
and faithfully expended.
L. Maria Child,                             Elizabeth Gay, 
Mary May,                                    Mary Willey, 
Louisa Loring,                             Ann Rebecca Bramhall, 
Henrietta Sargent                       Sarah L Newell


former will soon regulate itself.  What the people 
need to know of their candidate is - Has the man a 
will ?  Is he anybody?  If not, he should not go to 
Washington.  There, the people habituated to office 
and station have a confidence, a relf-reliance, a power 
of putting their personality over you, which give 
them immense advantage.  The South has been accustomed 
to profit by this fact, keeping her men in office 
year after year, and term after term.  The North 
has made frequent changes, and has changed disadvantageously.  
   The present condition of our county  has produced 
this great advantage, that our young men are now little 
concerned about European opinion.  Their thoughts 
are turned on their own country.  
   At this point Mr. Emerson abruptly closed, apparently 
in the middle of a paragraph.  He is accustomed 
to pause punctually at the close of the hour. If 
this was the reason of his stopping where he did, the 
audience will hardly consider him to have chose the 
less of two evils. The subject for next Sunday evening 
will be  " Reforms." -C. K. W.  

CELEBRATION OF FREEDOM IN MARYLAND.
Held in the Hall of the Union, Cooper Institute, 
New York City, Nov. 28th, 1864.
   The doors of the Hall were thrown open at an early 
hour, and by half-past 7 o'clock, p.m.- a half hour 
before the time for commencing the exercises- the 
great Hall was very respectably filled.  
   The back of the platform was tastefully draped with 
the Union colors - eight splendid flags of costly silk- 
and from out the folds of one flag looked the Eagle of 
Liberty.  
   The Sons and Daughters of Maryland, and, we 
suppose, some others, wore the trio badges, and upon 
them was inscribed, " Liberty triumphant, " "November 28th, 1864," 
and " Maryland is Free."  
   Just before 8 o'clock, young ladies representing the 
Goddess of Liberty and her attendant sisters, representing 
the States, came in and took places upon the 
platform, admits the applause of the audience.  
   Prof. Douglass's Band enlivened the exercises with 
good music  
   On the platform was a host of ladies and gentlemen, 
some of them officers of the meeting.  
   At 8 o'clock, the Chairman, JOHN PETERSON, Esq., 
came upon the platform, accompanied by the Rev. Henry Highland Garnet.  
Their entrance was the signal for continued applause.  
After a few prefatory remarks, the Chairman said :
   What brings us here to-night ? MARYLAND IS FREE !
 - the edict of the people setting 87,000 of her slaves 
free.  Maryland, where fell the first martyrs in this 
cause -Maryland, the place for slave-pens and slave-prisons- 
Maryland, which could sneer at humanity, 
and bind her own children in chains- Maryland has 
cast off her fetters, and now stands forth bright in the 
constellation of the States.
   In view of all this, I say, God bless Abraham Lincoln! 
God bless Maryland! God bless the people 
everywhere! I believe that the example of Maryland 
will be followed by other States : so that from 
the Atlantic to the Pacific, every foot of this soil shall 
be free.  
   The Throne of Grace was then addressed by the 
Rev. Singleton Jones, Pastor of Zion Church, New 
York City.  
   The audience, led by the sisters representing the 
States, joined in signing " The Year of Jubilee."  
   The chorus: 
" The year of Jubilee is come- 
Return, ye ransomed sinners, home."  
   The Chairman then introduced the Rev. Henry Highland Garnet, 
who delivered a feeling, eloquent 
address appropriate to the occasion.  
   Mr. J. J. Superman then sand, with applause, the 
new song," Maryland's free," 
" Maryland! Maryland! beautiful Maryland!
Lying in light to the sun and the sea, 
Shout from the mountain sides-
Sing where each river glides-
Thunder with [?????????]

laboring under so severe a cold and exhaustion, that 
it would be hazardous to attempt to take any part in 
your exercises ;  and you have so many eloquent and 
fervid speakers, that a " colder orator" would be out 
of place and quite unnecessary. My warmest sympathies 
are with you, and I hail with delight the glorious 
event of Emancipation in Maryland.  My hope 
is that the example of Maryland may be followed by 
our National government immediately, in Congress 
assembled passing the long desired and demanded 
edict of Universal emancipation, the jubilee edict of 
Freedom to all the inhabitants of the land.  The refusal 
to do that in regard to the slaves of rebeldom 
makes us a slaveholding government, and invites foreign 
intervention.  Let us not cease to demand the 
abolition of slavery by law, immediately, without 
waiting for any amendment of the Constitution, but 
requiring it on the ground of justice, the will of 
God, the protection due from our government to all 
its citizens, in their personal liberty, as well as life 
and property, and the equal rights of the slaves and 
of the colored race as well as the whites, to all the 
privileges and benefits of government. The right of 
representation is one of those rights, and the taking 
of it away on the ground of color is one of the most 
oppressive and impious violations of justice that a government, 
can commit.  All the subjects of our government, 
of whatever race or color, are entitled to that 
right, and must demand it ; and our national peril will 
not cease till that right be accorded, and we fulfill the 
promise and exercise the power of protecting all our 
citizens ; a power and promise without which a nation 
is not a nation, nor a government a government.  
The judgment of God in the rebellion and war will 
be inestimable blessings, if they end in making our 
government a just government, and our nation a living 
nation, such as our Constitution provides for and 
requires. 
    With great respect, I am, most truly yours, 
GEO. B. CHEEVER.
Boston, Nov. 25th, 1864.
J. R. W. Leonard :
   DEAR SIR.- Very much to my regret, I am obliged 
to decline your kind invitation to be personally present 
at your jubilee meeting on Monday evening next, for 
it cannot fail to be an occasion of thrilling interest, 
intense enthusiasm, and abounding joy. For my own 
part, my peace of mind is so great, and my satisfaction 
so profound, in view of the almost miraculous 
change which has taken place in public sentiment in 
favor of the immediate and total abolition of slavery, 
since the rebellion broke out, that I cannot find words 
to give expression to my feelings.
     In the retributive conflict still going on in the land, 
the God of the oppressed is signally vindicating his 
justice, and demonstrating the the has not been at any 
time insensible to the tears, the cries, the groans, the 
agonies of the millions of his children so long held in 
the galling fetters of chattel servitude ; nor unconscious 
of the fearful guilt in which both the South 
and the North have been involved, as principal and 
accomplice, in combining to perpetuate the climax of 
all forms of human suffering and bondage, in order 
to promote their own selfish ends.  At the same time, 
he is graciously showing, even to the guilty, that in 
wrath he remembers mercy, in that he is opening a 
way, as through the Red Sea of old, for the redemption 
of his suffering ones ; so that, after merited chastisement,
 the land may have rest, a lasting peace be secured,
 and universal freedom be triumphant with 
measureless prosperity ;  every man sitting under his 
own vine and fig-tree, with none to molest or make 
afraid. Therefore, let us with a full heart and a great 
shout " give thanks unto the Lord ; for he is good ;  
for his mercy endureth forever."  " Thy right hand, O Lord, 
is become glorious in power ; they right hand, O Lord, 
hath dashed in pieces the enemy.  Who is like unto 
thee, glorious in holiness, fearful in praises, doing wonders?"  
     Thank God that, after thirty- five years of unceasing 
labor in the anti-slavery cause, I have been permitted 
to live to see the day when persecuted, stigmatized, 
outlawed Abolitionism is the confessed duty and the 
recognized policy of the government and people!  Not 
that I am weary of longer bearing the cross, or shrink 
from being still longer reviled as a fanatic ; but because 
Abolitionism is simple obedience to the divine 
command, " Undo the heavy burden, break every 
yoke, and let the oppressed go free." Hence I am 
sure as to what are to be the consequence of its adoption.  
Our light as a nation shall break forth as the 
morning ; our health spring forth speedily ; our bones 
shall be made fat ; we shall be like a watered garden 
whose waters fail not ; they that shall be of us shall 
build the old waste places ;  we shall raise up the foundations 
of many generations ; and we shall be called, 
The repairers of the breach, the restorers of path to 
dwell in. " For the mouth of the Lord has spoken it."  
     With a heart buoyant with hope for the future elevation 
and glory of the colored race, and pledged to 
their cause while life is preserved, I remain, yours,
 with thanksgiving.  

DECEMBER 9.  
LETTERS FROM NEW YORK. NO. XXII
NEW YORK, Dec. 1, 1864.
To the Editor of the Liberator :
     If there is any place after Richmond for whose safety 
the Confederates would naturally have been most solicitous, 
it is the city from which I write, and which at present 
exhibits no extraordinary marks of devastation by 
fire. We did our best in the recent election to co-operate 
with the rebellion in arms. Two out of every three 
of us voted to lie victory out of countenance by proclaiming 
the war a failure ; to forgive the past four 
years to the conspirators ; to restore the old connection 
among the States ; to renew the old Constitution 
in its most pro-slavery sense and vigor ; and to receive 
into office and power the perjured violators of 
human and divine obligations. I say we did all this- 
very nearly succeeding in crushing out the fanaticism 
of the country-folk in the interior- and yet, when 
comfortable through our Thanksgiving, we woke up 
on the second day, and found that we had omitted the 
chief cause of our gratitude, which was, that we had 
not been roasted and grilled by our misguided Southern 
brethren. I am afraid is a vote had been polled 
as soon as the facts were fairly developed, we might 
have been guilty of a reaction in the direction of Abolition ;
 for there is a limit in the readiness to oblige 
those who reciprocate your favors with phosphorus, 
turpentine and brimstone. I now recall, indeed, in 
illustration of this amazing behavior, the remark 
of a gentleman of your city, quite early in the rebellion : 
that he had received letters from sundry 
Southern cousins of his, and was struck with the fact 
that not only did they express themselves murderously 
towards the Yankee race in general, but they seemed 
particularly desirous to begin their blood-letting  [*?*]
upon himself and other common relatives, who certainly 
were not obnoxious for anti-slavery sentiments.  
But as if to prevent a clear judgement upon this curious 
and by no means unimportant question, the immunity 
of the New York Hotel from an incendiary attempt 
is traceable only to its being the notorious headquarters 
of resident rebeldom ; though this exemption 
would have counted for little with a conflagration of 
which God only known the possible metes and bounds.  
The disparity between the success of the plot and its 
manifestly projected proportions has forbidden us to 
realize adequately the peril from which we have escaped, 
and to warn from the heart the epithets " infernal-
fiendish -diabolical," which the reason bestows 
upon the exploded machination. Even the Daily News 
admits the immediate implication of rebels- 
no, that's a word it never uses, being particular about 
its English - Confederates in this design, but begs the 
world not to believe that they were emissaries of the 
Confederate authorities, who have always striven to 
be a pattern of Christian virtue and forbearance in the 
savage warfare to which they have been and still are 
subjected by Northern Vandals. It warns these self 
appointed mischief-makers, however, that the palpable 
effect of the operations would be to unite this 
city as one man against the Confederacy ; and the 
point is worthy of consideration. The World has 
rather surprised the community by not insisting that 
the whole affair is a contrivance of the Administration 
to influence the next Presidential election, on the 
ground the the only incendiaries in our history have 
been the Abolitionists. This argues a decay of intelligence 
in the Belmont organ.
     Seriously, the absence of any disclaimer on behalf 
of the South, and of all astonishment that her 
citizens were capable of an enormity which involved, 
besides the incalculable destruction of property, a 
frightful sacrifice of human life, is proof that the 
nature of slavery has been so thoroughly exemplified 
in the rebellion that no man can pretend to be ignorant 
of it. And herein witness the corruption of slavery, 
which breeds such monsters within its own domain 
as those which it has vomited upon us with 
lighted torches, and yet compels from without the allegiance
 of men who are witnesses of this damnable 
brood, and themselves liable at any moment to become

[first column]

[???]
their opinion, the want of nature and of humanity exists. It is time for the truth to shame these slanderers into something like decency. It is time that the distortion of facts, and the deduction from them of malicious and obstinate libels, met with something like a check from the moral sense of mankind. All the world is interested in the suppression of the shameful criticism to which we have been subjected ; for although it may be our turn to-day, to-morrow some other and perhaps far-distant people may be made the object of like calumnies. The comity of nations is not merely an idle phrase. Public reputation is quite as important, quite as much in need of honest judgement, quite as sacred in the eyes of all intelligent observers, as private character ; and The London Times has no more right to lie about us in the mass than it has to lie about us individually. We perfectly understand the full import of the words which we are using when we speak thus plainly. A foreign observer, who sees no shame in a war waged for the publicly-avowed purpose of perpetuating Slavery —no crime in a treason utterly causeless, or for which no valid cause has thus far been assigned-no barbarism in murdering prisoners by inches, instead of mercifully putting them to death at once-nothing but ordinary retaliation in a plot to burn thousands of women and children in heir beds-a critic who finds in all these iniquities no reason for event the mildest censure, confesses by his silence, or by his stammering extenuations, that he is prejudiced, or interested, or malicious. There is no room for argument. There is no question for debate. The iteration of a few threadbare phrases and stale insinuations amounts to nothing. The member of Parliament who has, or who thinks he has an interest in promoting the Slaveholders' Rebellion may rise in his place, may hem and haw, may stutter and sophisticate and insinuate to some purpose for a night or a week ; but he really changes nothing ; he does not make secession a virtue, nor the seceder a patriot. And as if those who have undertaken to carry a bad cause upon their shoulders were not already dreadfully overloaded, they must now find room for one of the most diabolical projects of the age ; and whereas they have found excuses for murder and treason and man-owning, they must now invent some petty subterfuge by which to make the attempted conflagration of a great city an act of commendable bravery and of righteous retribution. They are welcome to try it! Let them seek in their repertory of soft words for a neat and mild one which can be twisted into an application fitted to their present embarrassing emergency! Let them exert themselves to show that we ourselves brought this great peril to our own doors! that we are more fortunate than deserving! —that the Guy Fawkeses of Mr. Davis did not, after all, the innocent creatures! effect what they attempted, and that if they had effected it, they were duly provoked and are not to be severely censured! The charitable ingenuity which has already been so strenuously exerted in softening Confederate crimes, and in exaggerating Federal failure, has now a fairer field for its exercise. Not man-stealing, nor murder, nor theft, nor perjury, nor brutal cruelty are now to be argued into something like virtue ; but here is a hellish scheme worthy of the glibbest lawyer-logic of the leading columns! The devil himself never had a better opportunity of making the worse appear the better reason!
   But if this same old whine of apology is to be persisted in, let us hear no more from newspapers printed in England, or from borough mongers proving in Parliament, of Sepoy cruelties, of Chinese treacheries, of Kaffir crimes! Fighting is fighting, bombarding is bombarding, and besieging is besieging ; but sending spies, in garb of civilians, into the enemy's cities to fire them under cover of the night, and to doom a sleeping population to the most frightful of deaths—this is a feature of war akin to poisoning wells, and to like strokes of military genius. Something of the old African nature, which kindles villages that battle may be conveniently stolen, must have been transmitted, perhaps through concubinage, to the Confederate leaders. If so, the relationship must be a remote one, and the blood debased by mixture. An ordinary slave would shrink from such a crime. We were told that emancipation would bring terror ; but when our houses are to be burned, the torches are applied by the hands of the lordly and superior race. This opens a fine field for speculation, which we leave to the screwed and learned pro-Slavery ethnologist.—New York Tribune
———————
REBEL BRUTALITY.
-----
   The treatment of our prisoners in Georgia is a disgrace to the American name and o humanity itself. The heart sickens at the details of the terrible condition of those prisoners who have recently been exchanged, and yet we are told that these are the best cases- as for the others, exchange in impossible! Are they demons that can coolly and by system perpetrate atrocities which have hitherto been unheard of outside the heathen darkness? If we had to do merely with the deprivation of the ordinary food and conveniences of prison life, excuses might be found in the straightened condition of the South. But the prisoners suffer for want of a sufficient quantity of even the coarsest and commonest food in the heart of the producing regions, where there are no difficulties of transportation. They are chilled to death for want of fuel in the

[second column]

[???] had only to submit to the vote of the majority, which refusing to do , and appealing to the sword, the United States Government had a perfectly legitimate right to employ the sword to compel obedience to the Constitution and the Laws. But I doubt if American Abolitionists, who, by abstaining from voting, had refused to recognize the Constitution, who had wished the dissolution of the slavery-cursed Union, and desired that the slave oligarchy would carry out their threats and "go," could have consistently taken part in any such contest. Any way, the north in such a quarrel would have had no claim on the sympathy of " Anti-Slavery Englishmen." The secret of their good wishes was the trusting belief, that the war was a war of Emancipation ; or to be made such, and prosecuted as such, by strenuous labors of the American Abolitionists.
   Mr. Conway has put a very important question as to the real policy of the Anti-Slavery party in connection with the war.  I beg to submit that that question is not answered by discussing whether Mr. Conway was "sent" to England, or went there on his own inspiration, or as to where the money to defray the expenses came from, and the means employed to obtain that money. Such matters have little interest for the public ; but great is the interest which attaches to the course to be taken by the Anti- Slavery party during the remainder of the war, and in view of possible, or probably, contingencies arising out of the struggle. I offer my opinion with the diffidence, but will suggest that some action, over and above occasional lectures in country towns  and villages, should be taken by the Anti-Slavery Associations to enlighten public opinion, so as to bring " the pressure from without" to bear irresistibly upon the President and Congress in favor of Immediate, Universal and Unconditional Emancipation, whether through Peace and Reconstruction, or War and Subjugation.
   I am, very respectfully, an Anti-Slavery Englishman,                           G. JULIAN HARNEY.
   5, VAN RENSSELAER PLACE, }
      BOSTON, December 6, 1864. }
-----
   REMARKS. We " beg to submit " to our English friend, that the question which he so readily disposes of as of no importance is, in our judgement at least, the only pertinent to be settled in this discussion . It is a question of veracity between Mr. Conway and the " leading Abolitionists of America," with reference to an act of Quixotic folly —he persistently declaring that he was sent by them on a special mission to England, whereby he was warranted in making his preposterous overture to Mr. Mason, the Rebel Envoy ; and they denying his assertion in the most explicit manner, and disclaiming and reprobating his conduct in that particular. He declares, moreover, that he was sent as their paid agent ; whereas he solicited the pecuniary aid which he procured, otherwise it would not have been forthcoming. If our English friend deems this a light matter, we do not. It is neither defense not palliation to say, that the Abolitionists would not have given their sympathy to the Government, if it had sought to restore the old " covenant with death" ; for that is another issue entirely, and Mr. Conway cannot be allowed to escape behind such subterfuge. He was not sent to England by anybody by himself ; he begged the needed funds to take him whiter ; he had no authority from " leading Abolitionists" to confer with mr. Mason, or with any other rebel, and pledge them to oppose the Government on any conditions in regard to slavery or the rebellion; and, therefore, he is guilty of misrepresentation and untruthfulness. 
   It is no part of the moral philosophy of Abolitionists to do evil that good may come. The rebellious South being wholly without excuse for her course, and the Government entirely in the right, neither as Americans not as philanthropists could the Abolitionists with honor or propriety pledge themselves to endeavor to force the Government to recognize the independence of the Southern Confederacy, even to secure so great a boon as the abolition of slavery. 
———————
   PARKER FRATERNITY LECTURE. The eight lecture of this course, at the Music Hall, was delivered Tuesday evening by Wendell Phillips, upon the theme " Our situation. " Notwithstanding the storm, the hall was well filled. The usual organ concert preceded the lecture. Mr. Phillips occupied an hour and a half in the delivery of his lecture, which was marked by his usually eloquence; and a pretty full abstract of which we are obliged to omit till next week.
   The lecture next week will be by Rev. J. M. Manning. Subject- " Victory through Sacrifices. "
———————
   THE NOMINATION OF MR. CHASE CONFIRMED. The U. S. Senate, on Wednesday, confirmed Salmon P. Chase as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. This appointment will give immense satisfaction throughout the loyal States.

[third column]

[???] the friends of impartial liberty they cordially invite all who desire to aid in breaking every yoke, and setting every captive free. And may the result abundantly meet the necessities of an association, whose crown of glory is its unswerving fidelity, through years of conflict and martyrdom, to the " self-evident truths" enunciated in the Declaration of American Independenoe!
   Where personal attendance is impracticable or inconvenient, donations may be sent to either of the undersigned, or to WILLIAM I. BOWDITCH, Esq., 8 Railroad Exchange, Boston, Treasurer of the American Anti- Slavery Society. All such will be duly acknowledged and faithfully expended. 

L. Maria Child,                                       Elizabeth Gay,
Mary May,                                              Mary Willey,
Louisa Loring,                                        Ann Rebecca Bramhall,
Henrietta Sargent,                                Sarah J. Nowell,
Helen Eliza Garrison,                            Elizabeth von Arnim,
Sarah Shaw Russell,                              Abby H. Stephenson,
Sarah Russel May,                                 Eliza Apthorp,
Anna Shaw Greene,                              Sarah Cowing,
Sarah Blake Shaw,                                 Sarah H. Southwick,
Caroline C. Thayer,                                Mary Elizabeth Sargent,
Lydia D. Parker,                                      Sarah C. Arkinson,
Caroline R. Putnam,                               Abby Francis,
Mattie Griffith,                                        Georgina Otis,
Mary Jackson,                                          Katharine Earle Farnum,
Evelina A. Smith,                                      Rebecca Bradford,
Sarah Bradford,                                       Ellen Wright Garrison.
Caroline M. Severance,
———————
" SOCIAL AIMS."
BY RALPH WALDO EMERSON.

   The second lecture of Mr. Emerson's Sunday evening course was on the subject above named, and was heard by a highly refined and intelligent audience, completely filling the Melodeon.
   Fine manners, Mr. Emerson said, are the finest of the fine arts. Behavior, in some persons , is the first sign of force, making it it manifest before performance. Self-Command is the main elegance as well as the great virtue. The minute of silence obsessed by the Quakers before their meals is a good lesson of quietness and repose. To avoid exaggeration is an important rule. A man should stay at home in his own mind, keep quiet possession of himself, and preserve the ability to form a calm judgement of others.
   Of dress it may be said that some people need it, and some do not. Manners and talent are sufficient of themselves, and need not regard dress. Mediocrity is more dependent upon it. The insignificant man will do well to have a screen of attire, behind which to conceal himself.
   Every person needs one or two intimate companions with whom to hold real relations of mind and heart. In assembling friends together, it should be borne in mind that the exclusions are always in the interest of the invitations. It is the necessity of confidence between each and all that makes the best society exclusive. No one should complain of being excluded. These societies are desirous of merit, and will seek it as soon as it appears.
   The hunger for society, though keen, should be discriminating. Etiquette should fix the exact term for a call, especially on official personages. The trifler in Washington often remorselessly occupies a nation's time.
   Wealth justly receives some distinction in society. In America there is a general conviction that any man may become rich. There is need of wealth as well as of education. Our Western settlements show first log cabins—then white wooden towns—then buildings of brick an granite—then marble edifices. On these differences the distinctions of society rest.
   Every community wishes to be officered by a class of accomplished and able men. In Europe they try to attain this by means of hereditary nobility. This method has certain advantages, but the heroic fathers were found not always to have heroic sons, still less heroic grandsons.
   Slavery, with all its evils, has this good in it, the pricing of men. It estimates, one man is worth so much, another so much. Can we have a balance that will measure human merit and talent, an anthropometer? The natural laws to some extent supply this measurement. The light of the public square will best show the statue, said Michael Angelo.
   Aristocracy has been much decried, but it is desirable and needful. We must have aristocracy, the rule of the best. We must have aristocracy, the rule of the best. But it must always be based on facts. What have you invented? What have you done? Show us your natural right to a station of power and responsibility. Thus men naturally fall into their appropriate position. We need not pity the man who at any particular time is underplaced, but the man overplaced. The latter is really a misfortune. The

[fourth column]

[???] the Atlantic to the Pacific, every foot of this soil shall be free. 
   The Throne of Grace was then addressed by the Rev. Singleton Jones, Pastor of Zion Church, New York City.
   The audience, led by the sisters representing the States, joined in singing "The Year of Jubilee."
   The chorus :

      "The year of Jubilee is come—
       Return, ye ransomed sinners, home."

   The Chairman then introduced the Rev. Henry Highland Garnet, who delivered a feeling, eloquent address, appropriate to the occasion.
   Mr. J. J. Spelman then sang, with applause, the new song, "Maryland's free,"

     "Maryland! Maryland! beautiful Maryland!
          Lying in light to the sun and the sea,
      Shout from the mountain sides—
      Sing where each river glides—
      Thunder with ocean's tides—
         Maryland's free,," etc.,

in place of the "Banner of the Free."
   The Chairman then introduced Mrs. Frances Ellen W. Harper, as one of the worthiest daughters of Maryland.
   In her own telling way, Mrs. Harper began by saying that the lightning may be a minister of mercy; the tempest, with all its evils, may have swept from the land disease and death: so amid the sorrows which this war has caused, eyes may be too dimmed by sorrow to read aright the lessons which the war is to teach. Mrs. Harper then considered those lessons, and in beautiful, appropriate language impressed them upon her almost breathless auditors.
   Mrs. Harper considered that this battle did not begin at Bull Run, but when the first slave vessel was brought by the Dutch to the shores. The lads graphically described the past condition of the colored people of the country—pressed down by the Union and the Constitution—and then declared that the lessons of the war as to this reads thus—Simple justice is the right of every race.
   Mrs. Harper claimed besides, that the war has introduced the colored man to the nation.
   Before, he was not known: if known, only as a menial and a slave. In this the lady paid merited tribute to the 54th Massachusetts Regiment, who, with others, had in turn taught the nation, by their own self-sacrifice, saying: "We can afford to die, if it break our brother's chains." That who could thus nobly die had evinced that the jewel which man prized above all others was the integrity of his soul. Mrs. Harper made honorable mention of Gen. Butler and his regiments in Louisiana, and paid a glowing tribute to the Vice President elect, Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee.
   The lady very touchingly referred to Maryland as her native State, and rejoiced in the idea that she could now return to revisit it without fear of arrest. Mrs. Harper gave an earnest exhortation to remove the cause of the war, slavery; and bade her hearers to abate not heart or hope until every foot of this soil be free.
   Mrs. Harper resumed her seat amidst great applause, which she modestly acknowledged. Mrs. Harper's address kept up the interest of her auditors to the close. Her voice is not strong, but she speaks distinctly, and therefore can be easily heard.
   Mrs. Sedgwick, of Philadelphia, was then introduced, and sang with precision and excellent effect the song—"Viva l'America."
   The audience appreciated the song and the singing of it by earnest applause. The piece,

       "All hail, day of gladness,"

was then sung by the select choir, the audience joining in the chorus, the singing under the direction of Prof. P. H. Loveridge:

      "All hail! day of gladness,
      We banish fear and sadness,
      Our voices clear in loudest strains we raise—
         And freedom's praises singing,
      Our hymns of joy out-ringing,
      To Him who crowns the labor of our days."

   The chorus:

      "Sing! sing! ye grateful hearted! Bring
      Songs of triumphant melody!
      In sweetest numbers sounding,
      While hills and vales resounding,
      My Maryland, My Maryland, is free!"

      "There Freedom's sun is shining,
      The slave no more repining;
      For wife and children separated wide—
      Nor scourges without number,
      Or shrieks awake his slumber,
      In slave marts by the river's flowing tide."
         "Sing! Sing!" etc.
   
   The following letters were then read by the Chairman from Rev. Dr. Cheever, and the anti-slavery pa-patriarch, Wm. Lloyd Garrison:

NEW YORK, Nov. 28th, 1864.
To the Secretary of the Committee of Arrangements:
   MY DEAR SIR:—It is with very great regret that I find myself constrained to send an apology for my absence from your patriot gathering this evening. I am

[fifth column]

[???]
   Thank God that, after thirty-give years of unceasing labor in the anti-slavery cause, I have been permitted to live to see the day when persecuted, stigmatized, outlawed Abolitionism is the confessed duty and the recognized policy of the government and people! Not that I am weary of longing bearing the cross, or shrink from being still longer reviled as a fanatic; but because Abolitionism is simple obedience to the divine command, "Undo the heavy burden, break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free." Hence I am sure as to what are to be the consequences of its adoption. Our light as a nation shall break forth as the morning; our health spring forth speedily; our bones shall be made fat; we shall be like a watered garden whose waters fail not; they that shall be of us shall build the old waste places; we shall raise up the foundations of many generations; and we shall be called, The repairers of the breach, the restorers of paths to dwell in. "For the mouth of the Lord has spoken it."
   With a heart buoyant with hope for the future elevation and glory of the colored race, and pledged to their cause while life is preserved, I remain, yours, with thanksgiving,
       WM. LLOYD GARRISON.

   These letters were received with rounds of applause.
   The "John Brown Song" was then sung with a will.
   Notice was here given by Rev. Mr. Garnet, that the second of December, the anniversary of John Brown's death, would be observed by religious and other appropriate services in the Zion Baptist Church, Sullivan Street.
   The Chairman then introduced Prof. Wm. Howard Day, who, after a few preliminary remarks, entered upon the discussion of the question of Freedom in Maryland, and in reply to the charge that to decree it without compensation was revolutionary, showed that that measure was a most conservative, and merciful one; that as the highest aim of all authority is to confer liberty, Maryland was merely coming back to first principles.
   From democratic authority, Prof. Day proved that every democrat ought to rejoice with us in celebrating Maryland's freedom, instead of carping at the freedom as revolutionary.
   Prof. Day said, until now, the sons and daughters of Maryland have been homeless wanderers in search of a home. I have found them almost everywhere in Canada—even amid the snows to which Mr. Garnet referred—even where they were dug out in the morning—all for liberty. He then referred to the various representatives of Maryland he had met beyond Canada—and across the ocean, in Scotland and England. Prof. Day paid a tribute of praise to the vitality of the Marylanders who had been able to "stand the storm"—to the colored people of New York City and State, who had received Maryland's son when Maryland thrust them out—to the colored people generally who had lived and labored, and prayed for just such a consummation—to the members of the cabinet, and to Abraham Lincoln, the President.
   Prof. Day's address was listened to with deep interest, and pronounced one of his finest efforts. 
   After signing, 
      "My country, 'tis of thee,"
the meeting adjourned.
———————
   THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN MARYLAND. The colored citizens of Cambridge held a public meeting at the City Hall, on Monday evening last, to celebrate the abolition of slavery in the State of Maryland. The hall was crowded long before the time to which the chair was announced to be taken. Addresses were delivered by Wm. Wells Brown, and Robert Morris, and two poems on Freedom were read by Madame Louise De Mortie, the talented colored lady whose public Readings are so acceptably heart through the New England States. The meeting appears to have left a very favorable impression.
———————
GEORGE THOMPSON AT THE WEST.

   Mr. Thompson is every where receiving a most complimentary reception at the West, and delighting public audiences will his eloquence and ability. Writing fro Springfield, Illinois, (where he is the guest of Governor Yates,) he says:—

   "I have now spoken nine times since I left Boston. To-morrow night I speak in St. Louis, Missouri.
   I have been very much pleased with my hasty trip to the West. I have had glimpses of the great lakes—have seen the lumber yards, slaughter-houses, grain elevators, and noble stores of Chicago—have travelled over some of the prairie land of this State—have seen the dwelling place of Abraham Lincoln, and shall presently behold the Father of Waters, and tread the soil of Missouri. My route homeward from St. Louis will be Cincinnati, Wheeling, Pittsburg, Harpers' Ferry, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York."
———————
   > PLEDGES made to the American or the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Societies are now payable; and it is earnestly requested of all who may be owing such to forward the amount of their pledges, without delay, to the Treasurers of those Societies respectively, or to SAMUEL MAY, Jr., 221 Washington Street, Boston.

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[???] surprised the community by not insisting that the whole affair is a contrivance of the Administration to influence the next Presidential election, on the ground that the only incendiaries in our history have been the Abolitionists. This argues a decay of intelligence in the Belmont organ.
   Seriously, the absence of any disclaimer on behalf of the South, and of all astonishment that her citizens were capable of an enormity which involved, besides the incalculable destruction of property, a frightful sacrifice of human life, is proof that the nature of slavery has been so thoroughly exemplified in the rebellion that no man can pretend to be ignorant of it. And herein witness the corruption of slavery, which breeds such monsters within its own domain as those which it was vomited upon us with lighted torches, and yet compels from without the allegiance of men who are witnesses of this damnable brood, and themselves liable at any moment to become its victims. Let the people of the North, let the nations consider, what kind of a cause is maintained upon Southern battle-fields by atrocities like those of Bull Run, Fort Wagner and Fort Pillow; in Southern prisons by starvation and murder, as at Libby prison, Belle Isle and Andersonville; and in peaceful districts beyond the reach of its arms by the midnight flames of hired incendiaries.
   Three great questions will claim the attention of Congress at its coming session, or of its successor. They are the Constitutional amendment to abolish and forever prohibit slavery; the care of the freedmen; and the reconstruction of the rescued States. The amendment in point of importance is first in order, and is perhaps the only one of the three which we may expect to see consummated before the 4th of March, owing to the necessary business of the war and of Government which must be attended to. There ought to be no waste of time in argument: the people have discussed to the full the right of slavery to exist on this continent, and have voted overwhelmingly that the system shall die. What now remains is to embalm the public will beyond the brief existence of an Administration, in a statute more irrevocable than that of the Medes and Persians. As for the Opposition, there is nothing to fear, nor indeed much to expect. Outside of the purely rebel representatives from the North, the only Slave State to serve as a nucleus and in some sort a pretext for denouncing a decree of universal emancipation is Kentucky, and even she is learning wisdom from the late election in her borders. The unanimity of her citizens is alarmingly dissipated—McClellan's majority, by the latest returns, not exceeding, numerically or proportionally, that of this city. The solitary press by which she has been effectively sustained hitherto in her conservative, semi-treasonable position—the Louisville Journal—now abandons slavery to its fate, confesses its practical disruption at this moment in Kentucky, and prays that the constant regimen of freedom may be substituted for the prevailing chaos.

   The contest concerning a Freedmen's bureau will lie between the Treasury and the War Departments. I think I am not wrong in affirming that the best friends of the freed people—those who have had to deal directly with them, and are intimately acquainted with their circumstances—prefer, while the war continues, that the military authorities should have control. There are at least two good reasons for such adjustment: first, silent leges inter arma, and, whether so enacted or not, civilians will always be subordinate in a region where martial law previals. And the particular means of maintaining, this subordination are the rations for which the plantations and colored camps are more or less dependent upon the Commissary. The army, moreover, is indispensable for protection against guerrillas, and its officers will inevitably collide with those whose business is not to fight, but to raise cotton. Second, the mercenary spirit of the Treasury agents will diminish their humanity for the freedmen; and, brutal as has been in times past the conduct of military men towards this unfortunate class, they have redeemed their reputation in comparison with themselves and with these very agents. Much as has been said against Banks's regulations in Louisiana, the testimony now appears to be in favor of them against the latest orders from the Treasury, in which we so much rejoiced. 

   Reconstruction will come before Congress in the application for seats from Louisiana. Whatever be the decision upon the merits of the case, the fundamental principle should be established, that the question is wholly legislative. This done, and Taney's vacancy filled by a jurist who belongs to the present age, we may hope for some artistic remodelling of Southern society and the Federal Union. While the ship is yet at sea, the patchwork that can keep her from sinking is honorable if homely. When we get into port, we must plank anew from stem to stern, or—who knows?—condemn the hull in toto, and build another.
            M. DU PAYS.


The Liberator
is published
Every Friday Morning
at 
231 Washington Street, Room No. 6.
Robert F. Wallcut, General Agent
Terms-Three dollars per annum, in advance
Four copies will be sent to one address for Ten Dollars, if payment is made in advance.
All remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed (post paid,) to the General Agent.
Advertisements of a square and over inserted three times at five cents per line; less than a square, 75 cents for three insertions.  Yearly and half yearly advertisements inserted on reasonable terms.
The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are authorized to receive subscriptions for The Liberator.
The following gentlemen constitute the Financial Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the paper, viz: Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Edmund Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Jr. 

"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all the inhabitants thereof."
----------------
"I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that military authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST; and that, under that state of things, so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive management of the subject, not only the President of the United States, but the Commander of the Army HAS THE POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVES.....From the instant that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, CIVIL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers of Congress extend to the interference with the institution of slavery, IN EVERY WAY IT CAN BE INTERFERED WITH, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to a foreign power....It is a war power.  I say it is a war power; and when you country is actually in war, whether it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress has the power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, ACCORDING TO THE LAWS OF WAR; and by the laws of war, an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institutions swept by the board, and MARTIAL POWER TAKES THE PLACE OF THEM.   When two hostile armies are set in martial array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate all the slaves in the invaded territory. " - J. Q. ADAMS. 
-------------------------------------------- 
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Editor.  Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind.   J. B. Yerrington & Son, Printers.
Vol. XXXIV. No. 39.  Boston, Friday, September 23, 1864.   Whole No. 1755.
--------------------------------------
Refuge of Oppression.
Vallandigham's Account of His Stewardship.
(A speech delivered a a Democratic Ratification Meeting in Dayton, Ohio, Sept. 7th:}
Fellow-Citizens,-Without further ceremony, I propose to address you briefly on the subject to consider which you have assembled here to-night. It is suggested that I should reply to the harangue made the other night here by Robert C. Schenck.  I beg leave most respectfully to decline.  These questions in which you are all so deeply interested, in common with the whole country, are of too great magnitude to justify me in consuming you time in the discussion of anything which fell from his lips.  As to his personalities, I would at no time take occasion to reply to them.  He belongs to that class of men who, with the end of this war, will be consigned to oblivion, or live only in memory as the hero of Vienna and the petty tyrant of Baltimore.  Like the toad, ugly and venomous, but with a previous jewel upon his head, his speeches are constitent with the character of his mind.  You will pardon me, therefore, if I decline to review that which he uttered here, which I find correctly reported, no doubt, in the columns of the Cincinnati papers.  Only let me say that he, of all men, ought to be the last to denounce others as revolutionists, beginning public life twenty-two years ago with the most glaring act of revolution every committed in Ohio, breaking up the legistlature, and striving to array in bloody collision the party to which he belonged, against the law-making power of the State.  I came back here for other purposes: you are assembled with a different motive.  As your representative in part of the Chicago Convention, I am here to-night to render briefly an account of my stewardship there.  Of the importance of that Convention I need say nothing. Only let me say that in number, in character, in dignity, and in ability, it was fully adequate to the purpose for which it assembled.  I do not exaggerate - nay, scarce even do justice to that body of men - when I say it was the grandest Convention assembled on this Continent since 1787.  He must be an able man who would undertake, singly and alone, to criticise the action of that Convention, especially if he professes to belong to the party which it represented.  The Convention was emphatically not 
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meantime, the maintenance of the Constitution as it is.  That is the reason why he has been so persecuted by Abolition rebels and disunionists; but it is the proud boast of himself and his friends that, in spite of all this abuse and calumny, he has calmly and steadfastly pursued his policy.  All our victories won are the result of that policy.  All our reverses followed his supersedure.  From that hour to this, there has been no victory.  Defeat has not lost him the confidence of the people.  He has the devoted and enthusiastic affection of his soldiers.  He has the calmness, the firmness, and the unshaken consistency and persistency of purpose that will enable him to triumph in the end, at least, over his enemies at home.  To him, therefore, and the army, I commit the secession rebellon of the South.."
And that day of triumph came to him on the 31th day of August, and will be renewed more gloriously on the 8th of November next.  Such were the terms in which I spoke then of the gentleman who is now the candidate of the Democratic party of the United State for the Presidency.  I endorse every word now, to-night, and therefore cheerfully, upon the platform laid down by that Convention, give him my most earnest and cordial support.  (Applause.)  Why did I oppose his nomination?  Only because he was supposed to be previous to that Convention, the representative of the idea of coercion and this war.  Divested of that, there is not a man in America more fit for the choice.  There is not a man whose attachments to the principles and whose obedience to the precepts of Christianity - a man whose devotion to his country - a man who in every sense of the word is a gentleman - I say, there is not a man in any respect above or beyond Gen. McClellan.  (Applause.) On that platform, then, henceforth, calling for the agencies of peace, and a resort to the instrumentalities through which our Government was originally founded, I can yield to him the support which here I have pledged, and I call upon you, one and all - every man who calls himself a member of the Democratic party - every conservative man in the land - every man who is weary of the policies of this Administration - to unite in that cordial and hearty support.  (Applause.)  It costs me no effort to yield it now - no sacrifice; but if I were obliged to sacrifice anything but principle - if General McClellan were my personal enemy, a man that I disliked and held in abhorrence, yet, as the representative of that great party which is seeking to save this country, he should have my support for the purpose of turning out of power the man who dishonors the White House and the man who like the Goths and 
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Administration should invade it, and drag you to a bastile, there to remain at the pleasure of Abraham Lincoln.  If you would have these things four years longer, have your currency and your country and yourselves ruined - vote for Abraham Lincoln.  The past is behind you - ready to be pondered upon by every one of you.  He who runs may read.  There is the record of Abraham Lincoln, written in blood against the sky.  The very angels in heaven cry out against it, and the very devils in hell send up their fiendish shouts of exultation at the prospect of a more vigorous prosecution of the war.  Before you is peace, restored Union, maintained Constitution, public rights and private rights made secure, quiet at home, quiet in the land, currency sound again - not worthless paper, but gold as you had it in former times, and bank paper convertible at your will into gold - no more increase of taxation, no more augmentation of the public debt - no more dragging of your children from their homes to the battle-field, to be offered up as a sacrifice that negroes may be free. (Applause.) Look on that bloody picture, and then look on this - the sorrow of war, a war debt, taxation, slaughter, conscription, depreciated currency, and all the evils that affect this country - is borne in the hands of Abraham Lincoln. Will you follow it? (Loud cries of "no.") On the other picture, the white banner - not the emblem of cowardice, as you are told.  Ah, no! But the emblem of that peace to secure which the Son of God came down from Heaven, and consented to be born of a woman, to be laid in a manger, and offered up, finally, a sacrifice upon the Cross.  (Applause.) It is the emblem of that peace applied now to this land, drenched as it is with fraternal blood.  Behold it in the hands of George B. McClellan! Will you follow it?  (Cries of "we will.") Will you follow it, rather than that other, bloody and black?  Choose you then for whom you shall vote.  Who shall be entitled to your suffrage? Of the candidate for Vice President - (cries of "Hurrah for Pendleton") - I need not speak.  You know him.  His voice had been heard here.  He is a gentleman and a scholar - a patriot and a statesman - a man who has served faithfully, and with credit to himself, in the councils of the nation.  
* * * * * * 
I have confined myself, men of Dayton, to the questions of the Convention, the platform, and the candidate - displaying briefly the reasons which should induce you to support the nomination made at Chicago, especially as against Abraham Lincoln who demands reelection.  It is not my purpose to 
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friend you will be wounded unto death.  Be entreated in time, then.  Look  to your interests if you do not love your country.  Regard your pocket if you care nothing for the Constitution; warned in time, act in time.  We present to you a man against whom you cannot utter a breath of suspicion.  they tell you he arrested the Maryland Legislature.  i do not know of any one that has an especial right to complain of that, except they who have shouted and exulted over arbitrary arrests - some of the men who secreted themselves in the cellar opposite my residence eighteen months ago may have some - that class of men who have cried out that not enough were arrested; but who knowing there is to be a change of Administration, and McClellan is to be next President, may have, like other sinners, a fearful looking-for of the judgment to come.  (Laughter.) It does not lie in the mouth of any of the supporters of Abraham Lincoln to talk about arbitrary arrests.  I might claim a monopoly upon that subject, but it is one upon which I rarely speak.  I did not come here to talk of persona assaults and personal grievances.  The day of reckoning will come.  I postpone it all.  Daybook and ledger are looked up until first my country has been saved, and then these accounts will be produced, and placed in the hands of the people's collecting officers, and you shall pay to the uttermost farthing.  But first we have a country to rescue from ruin and misrule, and until that great work has been accomplished, every day, every hour of my existence, every thought - all that is dearest to me, shall be yielded up cheerfully and freely, until upon the 8th of November, or the morning of the 9th, when the sun shall rise to record a country about to be redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled.

SELECTIONS.
FORESHADOWING OF EVENTS.
The following is an extract of a letter to the London Time, written by its correspondent in New York, about three weeks previous to the Chicago Convention.  Its author, Mr. Mackay, is supposed to be well informed in relation to the plan and purposes of Fernando Wood, Vallandigham & Co.: -
It is at this crisis that the pleasant hostelry on the Canadian side of the Niagara has become the centre of negotiations which promise the withdrawal
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of the States.  If the Democrats be really united, if they have truly made up their minds to hold together in support of their candidate, their candidate is certain to obtain a majority of the electoral cote, and to be the legal President of the United States.  If Mr. Lincoln, however, be determined to win, per fas aut nefas, there will be a conflict of powers that will convulse the country, and carry the fire and bloodshed of war into regions that have not yet felt the miseries of civil conflict, or known them but by the depreciation of the currency, the derangement of trade, and the augmented cost of subsistence.
A short time will show whether the governing party will be rash enough to incur so formidable a risk in favor of Mr. Lincoln or any other person, or whether Mr. Lincoln himself will not have the good sense and patriotism either to retire from the contest, or allow it to be peacably decided by the votes of the citizens. 
If Mr. Richmond, or some other candidate yet unnamed, be elected upon this platform, and duly installed in his office without any resistance on the part of the present incumbent, the war will immediately stop.  The armies of the North and South will return to their homes on furlough, and preparations will commence for the election of delegates to the great National Convention, which will have to decide whether reunion be possible or advisable.  The preliminaries, it is supposed, will occupy at least six months, and the Convention will not conclude its business until the autumn of the year 1865.  That, under such circumstances, the war, which has desolated the country so long, should be allowed to recommence, it is scarcely possible to believe.  Under every aspect of the case, it is clear that the election of Mr. Richmond will end the civil war.  Of that fact there can be no reasonable doubt.  But will it restore the Union?  The Southern leaders are content to leave that question to the National Convention, though certain, with the certainty of a foregone conclusion, that the Union is at an end, never to be restored in name or in fact, in show or in substance.  The Northern Democratic leaders are also content to heave the question to the Convention, not without a faint hope that somehow or other, by time and good management, or by chance and happy fortune, the North may be re-united to the South, if the South resuses to be re-united to the North, and that the Constitution of the Confederacy may be adopted by the North-West, and by the Central States of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York, and all the State except the six little States of New England, 
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whatever in the matter of sucession?  Davis's words, if nothing else, ought to rebuke into silence their slimy tongues, so prolific of treasonable cant.
"We seceded to rid ourselves of the rule of the majority." So we of the North have always maintained, which you of the South have until now denied.  Andrew Johnson thought this to be the cause of your treason, for in the course of his memorable speech of December 18, 1961, in the United States Senate, (in our opinion the strongest argument against secession ever made in that chamber,) in suggesting whether it would not be better for the South to hear those ills she had, than fly to others she knew not of, he turned to Southern Senators, and wanted to know if their intentions were to establish a despotism, when they had succeeded in breaking up the old Union, and giving as his grounds for the apprehension, certain extracts from prominent Southern journals, discussing the relative merits of Republicanism and Despotism.  His vision was not closed to the dangers of the change, and he thought it prudent to look around him and see where the South mind was drifting, ere he counselled Tennessee to cut her moorings from the old Republic.  How prophetic were Senator Johnson's apprehensions!  Every bullet thrown from rebel guns is aimed at Republicanism - against the right of the majority to govern, and in defence of despotism - of the right of the few to govern the many.  Can you doubt it?
"We seceded to rid ourselves of the rule of the majority," says Mr. Davis in order to do what?  To establish a government in which the majority shall have neither voice nor votes, to entrench ourselves and our institution within the bulwarks of despotism.  
Again, copperheads, in your defence of slavery and treason, you sneered at Mr. Lincoln's Proclamation of Freedom, when it was issued, as a measure only calculated to divide the North, and exasperate the South, while it was harmless in affecting its object.  You jeered at it because it was simply emancipation on parchment, because it was not strong enough to strike the chains from the slaves.  Now, at the close of a year and a half - a short time for so great a result - what is the record, what is the testimony of Mr. Davis?  He says "You have already emancipated nearly two million of our claves and you may emancipate every negro in the Confederacy, but we ill be free.  We are not fighting for slavery.  We are fighting for independence - and that, or exermination, we will have."  So potent has this instrument of your ridicule and contempt
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only a peacable but a Peace Convention.  (Applause.) It assembled and sat in harmony, and declared the present public sentiment of the United States, and, unequivocal in its language, it has explicitly declared it.  Denouncing the war as an experiment and a failure, and charging to its account all the oppressions, wrongs and outrages committed by the Administration for the past four years, as well as the injury to the material prosperity of the country which has followed, it demands, as the sentiment of the people of these United States, that immediate efforts be made for the cessation of hostilities, to the end that there may be a Convention of the States to restore peace to the land upon the basis of a Federal Union of the States.  This is its proclamation.  It was a Union Convention, and it declared unswerving fidelity to that Union.  The four proclamations of Abraham Lincoln, urging you to give thanks in every variety of language, and address to everybody, except "to all whom it may concern" (Laughter) - I believe that is omitted (laughter) - have not struck an answering chord in the hearts of the people.  These hearts no longer vibrate to the clamors of war.  If he imagines that he can prevent the masses of his own party, who are wearied of this war, tired of debt and taxation, tired of conscription and drafting, from rushing headlong to that party which promises them they shall be released, in part at least, from those evils, he is greatly mistaken in the signs of the times. (Applause.) He may thunder them forth every day - the father of proclamations as he is (laughter) - but they are of no avail.  He cannot arrest the swift current which is sweeping these people toward peace.  I have now spoken of the Convention, its members, its character, its work as indicated in the platform, and now a word as to candidates.  You know that the distinguished General, gentleman and patriot, who was nominated almost by acclamation by that Convention, was not my choice, as he was not yours.  As a representative, had my own private sentiment been otherwise, I would have been obliged to oppose him.  In obedience to the expressioned judgment and wishes of those whom I represented, I did offer such opposition as a member of the convention, seeking peace and harmony, could with propriety offer.  You know the result.  True, I had no personal objections to Gen. McClellan - none.  I had known him since the beginning of this war - knew him to be a man who loved his country, and one who laid down the only theory upon which a war of coercion could at all be prosecuted with the slightest prospect of success; one who had consented to sacrifice a high and honorable position rather than yield up his opinions upon that subject - one in whose heart a military ambition, and an honorable ambition - honorable, certainly, in him - is uppermost.  But he yielded the first place in the command of the armies of the United States rather than yield to what he believed to be a violation of the Constitution of the United States.  I had seen all this - saw him calmly go into retirement with Christian resignation, with heroic firmness, and bear all the insult, the calumny, the oppression that was poured out upon him, because he dared do what he thought was right.  He might have been mistaken as to the mode of accomplishing his purpose.  Time has proven that face.  But he had but one object from the first, and to that he adhered to the last - the maintenance of the Constitution and the restoration of the Union.  Speaking upon this subject, to that vast assemblage which met here on the 29th of August, under circumstances that will make that meeting memorable in the hearts of all who were present, I had occasion to refer to him, and I did so in these words:  Allow me to refresh your minds by way of remembrance with the words there spoken - words which to-night I can most earnestly endorse.  At that time the voice of the country was for war.  I recognized it.  It was unmistakable, as to-day the popular cry is for peace.  Assuming such to be the demand of the people, I spoke thus: - "I repeat it.  I am for suppressing all rebellion - both rebellions.  There are two - the secession rebellion South, and the Abolition rebellion North and West.  I am against both; for putting down both.  Since you have resolved that there shall be war, I commit the armed rebellion South to the soliders of the army, three-forths of them Democrats - young Democrats.  I commit it to Halleck, and Buel and Morgan and others, and to that abused and persecuted outraged General and patriot, George B. McClellan.  If he cannot do it, it is because in the nature of things, it is not possible that it can be done in that way.  The plan proposed by him was the only one which even so much as promised success, and it implied a restoration of the Union as it was; and, 

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and Vandals, have polluted the capitol of my country.
I am not here for an elaborate eulogy of the Democratic candidate for the Presidency.  I accept him as presented by, and support him to carry out - as I know he will carry out - the doctrines and principles enunciated in that Convention, which are now the demand of the people of the United States.  While we will adhere to the last extremity to the union of these State upon a federal basis, he is committed - and he is a gentleman, and will carry out every pledge - I say he is committed to resort to peaceable instrumentalities to secure that end.  I need not argue that question before this people - not only not before men of the Democratic party, but not even before men of the Republican party, who hold no position, have no contacts, and no selfish motives to bias their judgment.  (Applause.) The times demand that they who hold power should be ejected from their high places.  The popular demand is for a change of Administration - a change for the purpose of bringing back the Union, and bringing peace to this divided and distracted land.  Who will falter?  What patriot will fail now?  Who will bring up his personal preferences, and prejudices and bigotries, and preconceived opinions in regard to any other question?  For myself, upon this new policy, these peaceable means, I am ready to unite with every man in this broad land who will consent to sacrifice his former party ties, his former opinions, his views in the past as to the possibilty of accomplishing the work by war, and unit in making this change of Administration.  The inducements are all before you - everything that can appeal to the human understanding or touch the human heart.  What have they to offer on the other side?   Why is it the people of this land should against support Abraham Lincoln, and put him in the Presidential chair again?  What has he done to merit your confidence, that for four years more you should give him the power he has so outrageously abused?  Do you want more debt, more taxation, more blood, more discord, more war?  (Cries of "No, no," and "To hell with them!")  Then, why vote for Lincoln, who is the representative of all thse things?  (Cries of, "We won't do it.") I said, upon this stand, some two weeks or more ago, that if a man were presented by the Democratic party, who reprsented the idea oa a vigorous prosecution of the war - thereby forfeiting his claim to the name of Democrat - I should not support him, because every consideration which compels me, as it should impel every lover of his country, to oppose Abraham Lincoln, in my judgment, should impel you to oppose any such candidate.  (Applause)  I repeat it tonight.  That Convention has met every expectation of mind.  The promises have all been realized.  In harmony it met; it discussed its measures; in harmony it parted, and in harmony it will achieve a victory in November next.  (Applause.) That Gen. McClellan will accept the nomination with the platform, and that these policies shall govern his Administration, I have no doubt.  And accepting them, then, with a united party, a strengthened party, an immense band of devoted patriots, who have stood in the midst of persecution four years - from the beginning of this way - in arrest, in imprisonment, in bastiles, in exile, (cheers) - have firmly dared to maintain their position, with the addition of thousands, yea, of hundreds of thousands, who were formerly the supporters of Mr. Lincoln, and are now ready to unite with us, to swell the grand aggregate; a mighty host will go forth, conquering and to conquer.  (Applause.)  I came here not for any mere display of enthusiasm, seeking to evoke none, and to resort to none of the clap-traps of public meetings.  I prefer that your deliberate judgment shall be reached.  I prefer instead of the noisy turmoil of ordinary popular assembly, there should be that calm, earnest, anxious listening to the words which the speaker, in whose purpose you may have confidence shall utter before you.  You have everyting at stake that any people ever had from the beginning of the world, and the choice is to be made either four years longer of such scenes as to have ruined this country, broken down the Constitution, dissolved the Union, sent forth two million of your sons to slaughter, made every State South of Mason's and Dixon's line, and North of it, too, the scene of fraternal bloodshed - piled up a mountain weight of taxation, and a mountain weight of public debt - which have filled your prisons with men who have been thrust in there for political opinion - which have made your own castle no longer secure - (cheers) - for when the gray twilight gathers around you, and you seek the security of your homes and hearthstones, your hearts tremble lest some miserable minions of the

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discuss, at length, the subjects which shall be the topics of public consideration during this campaign.  Other gentlemen are invited to speak here to-night, and they will address you, in part upon this subject. I came here to render an account of the stewardship which, at that Convention, you had committed to my hands; to relate what had been its doings, and to assign to you the reason why its platform and its candidates command my hearty support.  These reasons you have now before you.  I address them to men of the Democratic party.  I address them to thousands and tens of thousands who have not been of that party.  I repeat, as to such, that which I said here before, let no personal feeling, no hatred for particular men, stand between you and the duty which you owe to your country.  Lay it all aside, consent to this one thing - that whether you agree with the platform, whether you approve of the record of the candidate, whether you sympathize with the men assembled at Chicago, in this one thing let there be one consent, that the necessities of the times, the welfare of the country, the maintenance of the Constitution, the reconstruction of the Union, the rescuing of everything that is near and dea to us, depend upon a change of administration.  With those who have no party ties with us, with those who have not been indoctrinated with the principles of the Democratic party, with those who have no ties to bind them by past association with us, at least let that be the rallying cry.  You know that whatsoever might be wanting, either in the declaration of principles, or in the qualifications of the candidates, in their capacity to perform the work which will be assigned to them in the event of their election, that anything must be better than four years more of Abraham Lincoln.  (Applause.) One word I have for the moneyed men, especially the bondholders of this country.  I have always repudiated repudiation.  I am upon the record against repudiation in times past, when the public debt did not reaach the magnitude it has now, but always with a servation that the last ounce would break the camel's back.  (Laughter.)  Have we reached that critical point?  Ask yourselves.  You who sit in your banking houses - you whose wealth consists in bonds "not subject to taxation," and the interest of which is payable in gold and silver.  As yourself is this debt to go on increasing, as it has increased since Mr. Lincoln came into power.  Already it mortgages one-half of the real and personal property of this country. As yourselves if this debt shall go on increasing, and if the people mean to vote away all their prosperity, in order that you may live and grow rich in the interest of "bonds not subject to taxation"? Did the still small voice never whisper to you anything on the subject? The debt may yet be paid, grinding and burthensome as is the taxation which has yet to be imposed upon this people to do so.  But if this war is to be continued, if we are to place Abraham Lincoln again over the heads of these people, be warned in time - the debt will never be paid.  Your bonds will not be worth the present price of Continental money.  (Applause.) I speak it as a warning - not as a threat.  I say it again, and I again repeat, that there is a point beyond which the people of this country will not go.  Now, if you want your bonds paid - your interest paid - if you want security in this property - vote for George B. McClellan, support the Democratic nominations, put an end to this war - stop the increase of that debt, which will bring down by its accumulating weight the whole fabrice of debt in repudiation.  (Applause.) Now, we expect to elect a Democratic President.  (Applause.) That is my deliberate opinion to-night.  Three or four months ago I would not have given the snap of my finger for our chances, but such is the change in public sentiment in this land.  I see the signs written in the sky - I see them in the hearts and countenances of all around me, all over the land - not in the West only, but in the East-in New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, yea, even in New England herself.  Light arises in the East.  We expect to elect a Democratic President.  The responsibility of administering this Government will be upon him.  He will be assailed, not as those who now support him have been assailed for the past three or four years.  Whence will come this cry of repudiation?  I speak now to capitalists.  Whence will come this cry of repudiation?  From the men who are bound to stand by the Government, and administer it, and execute its laws?  Oh no!  It will come from the very men whom you are aiding now to elect Abraham Lincoln.  We shall defeat them, and then every demagogue who now belongs to the Republican party will take up that, because it will be believed to be as popular a cry as was war in 1861.  In the house of your

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of the differences between the North and South from the arbitrament of the sword.  As the Republican party, under the leadership of Mr. Lincoln, either cannot or will not make peace, and will not listen to any proposal of compromise which does not involve two conditions which the South will not accept, restoration of the Union and abolition of slavery - the Northern friends of peace, who hope to elect a peace President in Nov. next, have taken counsel with such Southern exiles and friends of peace as have congregated on the Canadian frontier, to ascertain whether there is no common ground upon which the whole weight of the Democratic party might be brought to bear against the war faction, and on which a peace candidate might be nominated at Chicago on the 29th inst. The South, through Messrs. Clay and Holcombe, the fully authorized agents of President David, demands an armistice and the calling together of a national convention, as prescribed by the Constitution, for the consideration of all matters in dispute.  The Democratic party of the North, no longer hopelessly split in two sections, the one advocating war and the other peace, has made up its differences on all minor and major issues, and has resolved to support at Chicago a candidate for Presidency who will pledge himself to these terms.  As it is feared, if not known, that Mr. Lincoln, in his insane desire of re-election, will under the plan of reconstruction which gives a right to a tenth part of the population of any State in the military occupation of the Federal armies to perform all functions of election that belong to a clear majority of the whole people, endeavor to elect himself by the aid of the soldiery, and by the exclusion from the polls of all persons who will not take a test-oath of unconditional loyalty to the Union, it has been resolved by the leading Conservatives and Democrats who are now and have been recently assembled at the Clifton House, that measures shall immediately be take to defeat this purpose.  At the Chicago Convention, it will be emphatically and distinctly declared that any State carried on behalf of Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Johnson by bayonets or by test-oaths, or by the rotten votes of a tenth of the population, shall be counted as having voted for the Chicago nominees; and that if such nominees shell receive a clear majority of the electorial vote, inclusive of the Border States of Kentucky, Maryland, Delaware and Missouri, they shall be duly elected President and Vice President of the United States, and shall be inaugurated accordingly.  The nominees, whoever they may be, will be required to pledge themselves to take possession of the government, should they be elected in the manner specified, and to maintain their position at all hazards.  It is understood that the Convention will organize committees of vigilance in every town, village and district of the North to support the Constitituion, and to resist by force of arms, if necessary, every usurpation or encroachment on the part of Mr. Lincoln and the Federal administration or authorities, civil or military.  Thousands of leading Conservatives and Democrats comprising men of the greatest wealth, position, and talent in the country, are already pledged to serve upon such committees, and are ready to stake their lives, fortunes and honor in defence of the platform on which they have resolved to stand, and of the purity and freedom of election.  If Mr. Lincoln is to be President for another term, he must be elected fairly, or a new civil war will break out in the North, in the interest of the wrongly-defeated but legitimately-chosen candidate.  Such is the present condition of the presidential question as far as the Democratic party is concerned.  Within the next ten days or a fortnight, it will assume a still clearer shape.  Possibly by that time, if not earlier, the candidates whom th eparty will support will have made up their minds to assume all the risk and all the honor of the position.  General McClellan might have been the man, had he chosen; but he has let slip the opportunity.  His civic courage was not equal to the occasion, or he has allowed himself to be overpersuaded by timid advisers.  Perhaps, too, he has preferred the chance of being commander-in-chief under a civilian President, elected on this basis, as more congenial to his tastes and habits than the office of civil governor.  At all events, whatever chances he may have had of the Presidencey have disappeared forever; and Mr. Dean Richmond, chairman or president of the New York Central Railway, rules in his stead as the favorite of the United Democracy.  That gentleman has taken time to consider, and will probably make known his decision, within the present week.  Should he accept, he will be the nominee of the Chicago Convention on the platform of an armistice and a convention

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who are to be "left out in the cold," to be independent if they please, or to annex themselves to Canada, if this solution of their difficulties shall please them better.  At all events, the Northern Democracy have resolved that Americans shall not continue to cut each other's throats in support of a political partnership which has ceased to be agreeable to one of the contending parties; and that, if union be utterly impracticable, an alliance and an entente cordiale may take its place.
The Manchester Examiner and Times, in an able article, commenting on the above, says:
But let us grant the fact of a united Democratic party bent upon peace, just to appreciate the political force which is to be played out upon it.  The Democratic leaders are of course anxious to succeed, and they can only succeed by rallying to them the patriotism, intelligence and self-respect of the great body of the people.  They must be careful to avoid giving umbrage to any important section of their followers, and must assuredly contrive to give the pill they want the nation to swallow a gilding of national glory.  Yet what have these astute fellows done, according to the Times' correspondent?  They have gone on their knees to the agents of Mr. Davis and begged from them a policy.  They ask Mr. Davis to be kind enough, in his magnanimity and clemency, to construct a platform for the Convention about to be held at Chicago, putting in just what planks he chooses.  Having learned Mr. Davis's pleasure, they take him at his word without the slightest demur, and proceed to make the terms he has been pleased to name a rallying cry for the proud people of the Northern States.  Why, they are asking the North to vote for President Davis!  With this fine shibboleth on their lips, they may cray and bawl the loudest, but will the North respond?  The proclamatiojn of an armistice and the calling of a National Convention could have but one meaning, the end of the Union and the establishment of Southern independence.  That the leaders of the Democratic party shrink from stating this  conclusion in round terms is a proof that it is a dose which it would be hopeless to think of inducing the North to swallow.  The bait held out is, that the Union may still be saved by discussion, though it is not yet saved, and never may be saved, by force of arms.  But the bait cannot conceal the hook.  The nature of the programme will be seen at a glance and if the people would not adopt it if drawn up with circumlocution, neither will they adopt it in its present disguise.  Such are the "prospects of peace" as vouched for by "our own correspondent." When he clapped his eye to one end of the telescope, it is clear that Mr. Colorado Jewett clapped his hat to the other.
--------------------------------
A Traitor's Confession.
"We seceded to rid ourselves of the rule of the majority!" - Jefferson David to Col. Jaques.
Write that in characters of living light.  Would that it might be engraven in the broad heavens, that the world might read and reflect!  It is the deathbed confession of the rebelllion.  It is the trembling assassin revealing his guilt on the threshold of eternity, when no earthly terrors suppress it, and a desire to lighten the burdens of his heart compels it.  It is of great advantage to us; its benefits to posterity are incalculable.  It will heal the hearts of the afflicted who mourn the loss of the "flower of America slain in battle;"  and it will teach the children for what their fathers died.  It is the correct history of this wicked war in a nutshell.  It is a complete vindication of the North - of the Union, from the foul aspersions of her clamorous and vindictive foe.
"We seceded to rid ourselves of the rule of the majority" - to overthrow the only government in the world founded upon the right of the majority to rule, upon democracy and equal rights.  Let this be the text from which the Muse of American History, standing over the grave of disunion, and dipping her pen in the bright sunlight of regenerated America, shall immortalize, in epic strains, the grand achievements of the Army of the Union, in defence of Law, Liberty and Right!
"We seceded to rid ourselves of the rule of the majority." Will the craven, stubborn copperheads here learn a lesson of their "satanic chief"?  Will they believe him when he tells them so frankly that they "seceded to rid themselves of the rule of the majority"? or will they viciously persist in imputing other and juster causes for the rebellion, so jealous are they in defending the South from all blame
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tempt become, that it has already marked the destruction of that slavery, to preserve which this foul rebellion was begun.  Three years ago the South was bold to proclaim that she went to war to protect her "peculiar institution." Now she is compelled to change her "base," as her idol is overthrown. 
Years ago, the Old Man Eloquent, in a spirit of prophecy, warned the South to desist in her encroachments upon the liberties of the North, lest they press her to that extremity where "forebearance ceases to be a virtue," a quarrel would ensue, when their institution of slavery would be wiped out - aye, in blood!  Wendell Phillips has longed for disunion, that the supporting influence of the Constitution might be withdrawn from the incubus of slavery: Andrew Johnson declared to the South, that were he an abolitionist, he knew of no means by which the object of his desires could be accomplished quicker than by the dissolution of the Union.  Adams, from his home above, may now listen to the sweet music of falling chains, and rejoice in the verification of his prophecy.  Johnson can look back with proud satisfaction upon the wisdom of his course; and Phillips can rejoice now that "the Lord reigneth;" that "the covenant with death" is annulled, the "agreement with hell" broken; and that the chain which has supported slavery since 1787 is parted.   CONSCRIPT.
-National Eagle
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The Rights of Colored Soldiers.
Letter of Gen. Butler to the Rebel.
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Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina,
In the Field, August - , 1864.
Hon. Robert Ould, Commissioner of Exchange:
Sir: Your note to Major Mulford, Assistant Agent of Exchange, under the date of 17th of August, has been referred to me.  
You therein state that Major Mulford has several times proposed to exchange prisoners respectively held by the two belligerents, officer for officer and man for man, and that "the offer has also been made by other officials having charge of matters connected with the exchange of prisoners"; and that "this proposal has been hereto fore declined by the Confederate authorities."   That you now consent to the above proposition, and agree to deliver to you (Major Mulford) the prisoners held in capitivity by the Confederate authorities, provided you agree to deliver an equal number of officers and men.  As equal numbers are delivered from time to time, they will be declared exchanged.  This proposal is made with the understanding that officers and men on both sides who have been longest in captivity will be first delivered, where it is practicable.  
From a slight ambiguity in your phraseology, but more, perhaps, from the antecedent action of your authorities, and because of your acceptance of it, I am in doubt whether you ahve stated the proposition with entire accuracy.  
It is true, a proposition was made both by Major Mulford and by myself, as agents of exchange, to exchange all prisoners of war taken by either belligerent party, man for man, officer for officer, of equal rank or their equivalents.  It was made by me as early as the firs tof the Winter of 1863-4, and has not been accepted.  In May last I forwarded to you a note, desiring to know whether the Confederate authorities intended to treat colored soldiers of the United States army as prisoners of war.  To that inquiry no answer has yet been made.  To avoid all possible misapprehension or mistake hereafter as to your offer now, will you now say whether you mean by "prisoners held in captivity," colored men, duly enrolled and mustered into the service of the United States, who have been captured by the Confederate forces; and if your authorities are willing to exchange all soldiers so mustered into the United States army, whether colored or otherwise, and the officers commanding them, man for man, officer for officer?
At an interview which was held between yourself and the agent of exchange on the part of the United States, at Fortress Monroe, in March last, you will do me the favor to remember the principal discussion turned upon this very point; you, on behalf of the Confederate government, claiming the right to hold all negroes, who had heretofore been slaves and not emancipated by their masters or claimants, whoever they might be, to be held by them as slaves.

[header] [left] 156 [center]  THE LIBERATOR. [right]  SEPTEMBER 23

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Poetry.
———————
For the Liberator
THE TWO SLAVES.
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by Augusta Cooper Kimball.
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I knew a man who thought that he was free:
No law controlled him save the statutes clasped
In the mysterious volume of the mind,-
His should the page, and God the Publisher.
His love was like a river, (so he said,)
Finding its meadow-place of endless green
Wherein to flow;—not pumped or forced to run,
Or turned into a special bounded course;
Affection's law was spontaneity.
He knew no fear. The demands of the soul
Were the commands of God. I reverenced him,
For Freedom was to me the electric word
That flashed my being into purer life;—
The Queen of Principles, whose angel guard
Were Love and Purity. And so I felt
A sense of worship; for it seemed to me
The man in the grand freedom of his should
Had grown a deity, or towered up,
And linked hands with the Infinite.

I know not how it happened. I am sure
I did not play the part of Vivian,
To tease a secret from him, or beguile
His spirit with the witching charm of love.
It matters not. One day I found myself
Before the palace of his soul, with keys
To open every secret corridor,
Or Blue-Beard room. I timidly advanced,
With an excess of reverence, through the gates
Of polished beauty, and the vestibule
Of crystal whiteness, to the inner room
Where dwelt the guardian spirits of the place.
Heaven witness! Like Fatima, faint I stood,
Appalled at what I saw. From the great height
Of worship I fell down, and angels sure
Bore me up softly, with a pitying love
For my sad disappointment and my fall.

I looked for Freedom,-for the palace Queen,—
And found her. O'er her radiant brow was fixed
The regal coronets and her clear eye
Had the unflinching glance of valor. But
God gave me tears when I beheld the gyves
And manacles she wore, perverting and
Deforming half her beauty. Some rude fiend,
With restless eye that flamed with hungry fire,
Was riveting her fetters; and I shrank
To read the letters on his low, red brow,
Spelling this one word, - "Lust."
                          
                                    I looked for Love,
The sweetener of all life, hoping to find
A glowing health upon her lip and cheek,
And in her eye the sacred light of trust.
But whenI found her, she threw out at me
The quick glance of suspicion, and her hand
Held up a glittering blade in poison dipped,
With which she pierced herself. Poor maniac!
I turned away, m yet not till I had learned
The the 'graved name upon the dagger's hilt
Was "Jealousy."

                                        I looked for Purity,
With anxious, hopeful glance; and when I saw
Her tearful eyes were always fixed on Heaven,
I half forgot that her transparent robe
Was trailing in the dust. Her pearly skin
Shone with a glossy whiteness, only here
And there a drop fell on her as of blood,
Burning and eating to a cankering sore.
And then I saw that over all her form
A crimson hand shook those corroding drops,
And on the wrist, in characters of fire,
was "Selfishness" - the owner's autograph.

I searched no further for celestial guards,
Nor dared explore the winding passages
Within that spirit palace. Darkened beams

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Selections.
———————
A TALK WITH ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
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   At a time when thousands of honest, earnest men are in painful doubt concerning the fitness of our President to resume his office for another term, every incident which can throw light on his character has a peculiar interest for the public. It has been well said, that we never know a man thoroughly till we see him at his ease. Certain it is that there are moments when we seem able to see into a man and through him. I thought I once had such an opportunity with Mr. Lincoln.
   It was just after his controversy with Douglas, and some months before the meeting of the Chicago Convention of 1860, that Mr. Lincoln came to Norwich to make a political speech. It was in substance the famous speech delivered in New York, commencing with the noble words, "There is but one political question before the people of this country, which is this: Is slavery right or is it wrong?" and ending with the yet nobler words, "Gentlemen, it has been said of the world's history, hitherto, that 'might makes right;' it is for us and our time to reverse the maxim, and to show that right makes might!"
   The next morning I met him at the railroad station, where he was conversing with our mayor, every few minutes looking up the track, and inquiring, half impatiently and half quizzically, 'Where's that wagon of yours? Why don't the wagon come along?" On being introduced to him, he fixed his eye upon me, and said, "I have seen you before, sir!" "I think not," I replied; "you must mistake me for some other person." "No I don't; I saw you at the Town Hall, last evening." "Is it possible, Mr. Lincoln, that you could observe individuals so closely in such a crowd?" "Oh, yes!" he replied, laughing, "that is my way. I don't forget faces.  Were you not there?" "I was, sir; and I was well paid for going," adding somewhat in the vein of pleasantry he had started, "I consider it one of the most extraordinary speeches I every heard."
   As we entered the cars, he beckoned me to take a seat with him, and said in a most agreeably frank way ," Were you sincere in what you said about my speech just now?" " I meant every word of it, Mr. Lincoln. Why, an old dyed-in-the-wool Democrat, who sat near me, applauded you repeatedly ; and, when rallied upon his conversion to sound principles, answered, ' I don't believe a word he says, but I can't help clapping him, he is so pat.' That I call the triumph of oratory,
            'When you convince a man against his will, 
            Though he is of the same opinion still.'
   Indeed, sir, I learned more of the art of a public speaking last eventing than I could from a whole course of lectures on Rhetoric."
   " Ah! that reminds me," said he, " of a most extraordinary circumstance which occurred in New Haven, the other day. They told me that the professor of rhetoric in Yale College—a very learned man, isn't he ?" —" Yes, sir, and a fine critic, too." " Well, I suppose so ; he ought to be, at any rate—they told me he came to hear me, and took notes of my speech, and gave a lecture on it to his class the next day ; and, not satisfied with that, he followed me up to Meridan the next evening, and heard me again for the same purpose. Now, if this is so, it is to my mind very extraordinary. I have been sufficiently astonished at my success in the West. It  has been most unexpected. But I had no thought of any marked success at the East, and least of all that I should draw out such commendations from literary and learned men. Now," he continued, " I should like very much to know what was in my speech which you thought so remarkable, and what you suppose interested my friend, the professor, so much." " The clearness of your statements, Mr. Lincoln ; the unanswerable style of your reasoning, and especially your illustrations, which were romance and pathos and fun and logic all welded together. That story about the snakes, for example , which set the set the hands and feet of your democratic hearers in such vigorous motion, was at once queer and comical and tragic and argumentative. It broke through all the barriers of a man's previous [continues on another page]

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publicly. It will be most valuable in inciting our young men to that patient classical and mathematical culture which most minds absolutely require. No man can talk well unless he is able first of all to define to himself what he is talking about. Euclid, well studied, would free the world of half its calamities, by banishing half the nonsense which now deludes and curses it I have often though that Euclid would be one of the best books to put on the catalogue of the Tract Society, if they could only get people to read it. It would be a means of grace."
   " I think so," said he, laughing ; " I vote for Euclid. "
   Just then a gentleman entered the car, who was well known as a very ardent friend of Douglas. Being a little curious to see how Mr. Lincoln would meet him, I introduced him after this fashion : " Mr.  Lincoln, allow me to introduce Mr. L——, a very particular friend of your particular friend Mr. Douglas." He at once took his hand in a most cordial manner, saying, " I have no doubt you thing you are right, sir." This beauty tribute to the honesty of a political opponent, with the manner of doing it, struck me as a beautiful exhibition of a largehearted charity, of which we see far too little in this debating, fermenting world.
   As we neared the end of our Journey, Mr. Lincoln turned to me very pleasantly, and said, " I want to thank you very much for this conversation. I have enjoyed it very much." I replied, referring to some stalwart denunciations he had just been uttering of the demoralizing influences of Washington upon Northern politicians in respect to the slavery question, " Mr. Lincoln, may I say one thing to you before we separate?" " Certainly, any thing you please." " You have just spoken of the tendency of political life in Washington to debase the moral convictions of our representatives there, by the admixture of considerations of mere political expediency. You have become, by the controversy with Mr. Douglas, one of our leaders in this great struggle with slavery, which is undoubtedly the struggle with slavery, which is undoubtedly the struggle of the nation and the age. What I would like to say is this, and I say it with a full heart : Be true to your principles, and we will be true to you, and God will be true to us all!" His homely face lighted up instantly with a beaming expression, and, taking my hand warmly in both of his, he said, " I say Amen to that—AMEN to that!"
   There is a deep excavation in the rock shown to visitors, among the White Mountains, into which one of the purest of the mountain streams pours itself, known as " The Pool." As you stand by its side at an ordinary time, you look down upon a mass of impenetrable green, lying like a rich emerald in a setting of granite, upon the bosom of the mountain. But occasionally the noon-day sun darts through it in a vertical ray, which penetrates to its very bottom, and shows every configuration of the varied interior. I felt at that moment that a ray had darted down to the bottom of Abraham Lincoln's heart, and that I could see the whole. It seemed to men as beautiful as that emerald pool, and as pure. I have never forgotten that glimpse. When that strange revocation came of the most rational and reasonable proclamation of Fremont—" The slaves of rebels shall be set free"—I remembered that hearty "Amen," and stifled my rising apprehensions. I remembered it in those dark days when McClellan, Nero-like, was fiddling on James river, and Pope was being routed before Washington, and the report came that a prominent cabinet minister had boasted that he had succeeded in prevented the issue of the Emancipation Proclamation, I said," Abraham Lincoln will prove true yet." And he has! God bless him! he has! Slow, if you please, but true. Unimpassioned, if you please, but true. Jocose, trifling, if you please, but true. Reluctant to part with unworthy official advisers, but true himself - true as steel! I could wish him less a man of facts, and more a man of ideas. I could wish him more stern and more vigorous. Every man has faults. But still, I say, Amen to Abraham Lincoln! My countrymen, can we do better, any of us, and all of us, then to say, Amen to Abraham Lincoln, till the Lakes shall echo it to the Gulf, and the eastern to the western sea?—The Rev. John P. Gulliver in the Independent. 
———————
NEW WORK BY MONCURE D. CONWAY.
[continues on another page]

[fourth column]
 
of the institution, it is enough to know that in every Southern town there is a slave-prision and a slave-whipper. As Mr. Conway explains, ladies and gentlemen, as a rule, do not soil their own hands with the lash. Many a highly susceptible lady, who would faint at the sight of blood, sends her waiting maid to the prison with a note, which, although, no doubt elegantly written and highly perfumed, is couched in these terms :—"Mr. ——, will you give negro-girl Nancy —— lashes, and charge to account?" " Nancy, with drowning eyes, waits at the door whilst Madame Serena writes this ; takes the billet to the constable's door ; waits with a group of boys or coarse young men around her, some of whom jeer at her as one who is ' going to catch it,' others of whom stand with silent curiosity watching her falling tears until the grim man of fate appears, leads her in, and locks the door in the face of the file crowd." This is no imaginative sketch. Mr. Conway simply describes what passed before his eyes every day in his native village in Falmouth. Captain Pickett was the name of the grim inquisitor who plied his disgusting trade in that place for many a year, until, as was only fitting, he brought his career to an end by a self-inflicted retribution—that of suicide. Mr. Conway waxes indignant at the immoralities of the slave-breeding States, against which, as he truly says, not one of the Southern clergymen who lately made their appeal to the civilized world has ever protested. Several slave-dealers' letters which he quotes are epistolary gems. Here is one full of significance. Mr. Bacon Tait, of Richmond, writes to Mr. Windsor :—Pray do me the favor to hand the enclosed letter privately to Mr. Armfield. Don't take it to him at his house, but seek an opportunity to give it to him when none of his family can see you do so." It needs no ingenious method of interpretation to decipher the meaning of this letter. The slaveholder was afraid that if the women of the family saw the communication, their humane instincts might revolt against the traffic. 
   Mr. Conway has written a scathing answer to Dr. James Hunt's theory of the natural inferiority of the African. The pro-slavery sophists will not be able to reject his arguments on the presence that they are unscientific, for the simple reason that he has grappled with them boldly and successfully on their own ground. His sketch of the anti-slavery movement, as personified by Garrison and Phillips ; his very interesting account of the liberation through the war of his father's slaves, and of the part he took in that good work, and his closing address to the English people, in which he reminds them of their obligations and duties—all these combine to make up a very important and seasonable work. He had the satisfaction of discovering his father's salves shortly after they had left the house of bondage, and he never parted from them until he had safely established them in the free State of Ohio. Mr. Conway says :—

   " In the gardens of a European palace there is a dial with a small cannon attached. When the sun rises to its meridian height, the cannon is fired, a sunglass having been so arranged as to concentrate the rays for that purpose. Not far from this is another dial, arranged like that made by Linnaeus at Upsal, in which the hours are marked by the closing of some flowers and the unfolding of others. The cannon's roar in America, to-day, proclaims liberty in the ascendant. America was assailed at Fort Sumter only for turning her face towards that sunrise. The movements not he battle-field all observe ;  but beyond that there lies in America another realm in which the advancing light is traced in the closing up of old wrongs, and the unfolding of high truths and principles. The false plan that covered a lie, the disposition to compromise with the injustice, have already closed ; the prejudice against the negro is closing, and by that light devotion to liberty unfolds ; and I believe that the hour is not far distant when the suffering, unfaltering people of America shall see closing together the twin blood stained growths, war and slavery, and the fair flowers, justice and peace, expanding beyond."

   These words are as pregnant with truth as they are glowing with eloquence ; and in taking leave of Mr. Conway's volume, we would earnestly hope that his vaticinations may be speedily realized. 
———————
GOV. ANDREW'S ADDRESS.
-----
   The great New England Agricultural Fair at Springfield was held last week. The great feature of the oc- [continued on another page]

[fifth column]

car visits nearly every hamlet and every considerable town. The music of its whistle no longer frightens the farmer's horse, not does the proximity of the thundering locomotive, raging and sighing under its fiery sprite, disturb the equanimity of the anxious matron, careful for the safety of her child.
   The needle-woman, by the domestic hearth or in the shops where labor associates with capital, aided by the sewing-machines—one of the last best gifts of mechanical invention to women, if not to men—the weaver, by the side of her carpet-loom, which seems to think, as well as work, and which almost talks ; the shoemaker, pegging a boot at a blow ; the laborer, who fills his gravel-car by two strokes of a steam shovel, and upsets it by a turn of his hand; the husbandman, who mows and rakes his hay, and reaps, and threshes, and measures out his golden grain by the agencies of cunning mechanisms, almost without fatigue, are only a few of the thousand illustrations of how the human will, and the immortal intelligence of the human intellect, bridging over the gulf which lies between the boundaries of matter and mind, are vindicating the divinely given mastership of man over the things which God hath made on earth. 
   Nay, more than that ; for the things invisible and impalpable existing as hidden forces in the vast abyss of nature-caloric and steam, and electricity and magnetism, and light itself ; the mysteries of science so wonderful and august that they seem to tread celestial spheres, and to sweep the mind bewildered by the contemplation off far beyond the domain of knowledge or of reason- these, all these, tamed and allured to human use, are familiar spirits by whose means a thousand miracles are wrought, without amazement to the beholder, and with little consciousness of our own, how nearly are we brought to the contemplation of the very thoughts of Deity.
   Those winged horses harnessed to the plough, the loom, the traveling car, carrying burdens, crushing ores, hammering granite and iron, or weaving delicate tissues for ornament or luxury, or flashing intelligence by invisible magic, are daily augmenting in number and power- though they had long since added mechanical forces to the industrial strength of our New England equivalent to that of many millions of men.
   Besides all this, there are the peculiar advantages of neighborhood or contiguity, derived from compactness and convenience of transportation, whether found on the shores of the sea, in the flow of rivers, or in artificial highways. 
   Her long, continuous seacoast line, with its many harbors, stretches from Calais all around to the Hudson. Her rivers, generally not navigable far inland, to be sure—such as the Penobscot, the Kennebec , the Merrimack, the Connecticut, the Blackstone, and a hundred minor streams—but still beautiful diversifications of the landscape, have all contributed beyond human estimate to her development. They have floated the hemlocks, oaks and pines from interior forests to the sea. They turned the mill and ground the corn for our fathers in the early humility of their world fortunes. The rill tinkling down its rocky declivity, or our Androscoggin roaring along precipitous descents, have alike summoned or allured laborers or capitalists to settle along their banks, where, in happy union with the flowing waters, they have created wealth builded cities, and piles up acquisitions from every source of ingenuity and art.
   And what variety of landscape is yours ! If winter is rugged and severe, it is yet bracing and grand. Can a people become monotonous and sluggish in their thought who will toil betimes to shelter themselves from its power, but who are yet encouraged and warned by the tropical heat of our midsummer weather, and are charmed by the soft temperatures of our verdant Junes and our rich and golden Octobers? Can a people become indifferent to the influence of beauty discerned and felt, either in the sweet repose of nature or in her sublimer glories, to whom are familiar the lanscapes of St. George and Champlain and the Moosehead ; the valleys of the Deerfield, the Connecticut, the Housatonic, piled in ragged variety of projected rocks from fertile levels up into eternal heights of snow ; the rich allurements of the Green Mountains, the delicious surprises of Berkshire, the great and sphynx-like capes, and the boundless, soundless, mysterious ocean which they strive to penetrate ; whose inward ear has heard the windharp of the [continued on another page]

[sixth column]

wards of merit or honorable exertion, not one so weak as to fall below the equal protection of laws, nor one so lofty as to challenge their restraints; no church or bishop able to impose creed or ritual on the unconvinced conscience ; no peaceful, pious worship which is unprotected by the State. Thus liberty stands, and the law supports liberty ; popular education lends intelligence to law, and gives order to liberty ; while religion, unfettered by human arbitration between the soul of man and throne of the Infinite, is left free to impress the individual conscience with all the sanction of its supreme behests and of its celestial teachings.
   Your past history is a record of many great lives and great actions—of men, to our way of thinking now, oftentimes found narrow and even obstinate, but yet heroic and sincere, of generations worthy to bear along and hand down the precious seeds from which have sprung the ideas and institutions which give dignity and welfare to a nation.
   Agriculturists, yeomen of New England, be faithful to her ideas, to her history, her institutions and her character ! Behold and adorn your Sparta ! Reclaim and cultivate the untilled lands which still comprise more than two thirds the area of the six New England States. Deepen and widen the foundations of your seminaries and schools of learning. Encourage genius as well as industry. Invite hither, and hold here, the profound thinkers, the patient students of Nature, those tireless watchers who wait upon the stars, or weigh the dust upon an insect's wing. Discard and discourage alike the prejudice of ignorance and the conceits of learning.
   Remember that, even to-day, there is no man so wise that he understands the law which regulates the relation of any fertilizer to any crop ; that few have ever observed the mystery of that wonderful influence of the first impregnation of the dam upon the future offspring of whatever sire ; that the origin and contagion of the cattle disease, pleuro-pneumonia, remain hitherto without adequate scientific exploration ; that the practical farmers and men of science, all combined, understand as little the destructive potato-rot, which concerns the economy of every farm and every household, as the Aborigines who first descried the May Flower understood the poems of Homer or the philosophy of Aristotle.
   Not undervaluing the past achievements of science, remember how infinite the extent and variety of the conquests which yet remain to her. Let me exhort you also to bear in mind, that the great discoverers of knowledge are like prophets, appearing but seldom, and on great occasions ; that all genius is an intellectual century plant ; and that he who would make the time great, and the people noble, must not confound the mere distribution of commonplace facts, elementary or traditional knowledge, with those conquests and acquisitions which flow from patient and original explorations.
   I congratulate all ingenious cultivators of the soil of the newly awakening interest in the establishment of Colleges and Professorships for the pursuit and the teaching of those branches of learning and science adapted to the promotion of Agriculture and the useful Arts. It might satisfy the devout lover of truth to rejoice in these opportunities for the diffusion of knowledge. It is enough reward for all the pains they cost, leaving out of sight the more practical and solid advantages they will impart to the coming generations, to enjoy with Bacon the contemplation of the delights of learning, when, in the exultation of his mighty faith, he exclaims :—
   " It taketh away or mitigateth fear of death or adverse fortune, which is one of the greatest impediments of virtue and imperfections of manners. For if a man's mind be deeply seasoned with the consideration of mortality and corruptible nature of things, he will easily concur with Epictetus, who went forth one day and saw a woman weeping for her pitcher of each that was broken, and went forth the next day and saw a woman weeping for her son that was dead ; and hereupon said, ' Yesterday I saw a brittle thing broken, to-day human mortality.' . . .

            ' Happy the man who doth the causes know 
            Of all that is ; serene he stands, above
            All fears ; above the inexorable Fate,
            And that insatiate gulf that roars below.'

   It were too long to go over the particular reme- [continued on another page]

September 23.    The Liberator.     155
Gerrit Smith on McClellan's Nomination
and Acceptance.
I write these pages for the candid.  Partizans would
not hear me; they follow party.  Those only will hear
me who follow truth;  and who will still follow it at
whatever expense to party.
The North is divided--fearfully divided.  One portion
holds that the North, and the other that the South,
is the only guilty part in this war.  Which of them
is right is the great, nay, the only question to be
answered at the coming election.  If the North is the
guilty party, then McClellan should be preferred.  If
the South, then Lincoln.  I name them because every
day makes it more evident that all our votes will finally
be concentrated on them.  McClellan is the candidate
of those who hold the North to be the guilty party,
and, therefore, whatever exceptions some of 
them take to him, all will feel constrained to vote for
him.  So, too, all who hold that the South is the guilty
party will feel it to be their duty to vote for Lincoln.
Many of them would prefer to vote for Fremont, if
they could thereby vote as effectively to defeat the
candidate whose sympathies are with the South.
But this they now see they cannot do.  It is in this
wise that Fremont and Cochrane will themselves, notwithstanding
their dislike of some of his measures,
vote for Lincoln.  They are too magnanimous to let
personal considerations hinder them from voting for 
him; and they are too patriotic to withhold a vote
which the salvation of the country calls for.  May
they hasten to inspire their friends with the like magnanimity 
and patriotism!  So, too, the great influence
of Wendell Phillips will be brought to the side of Lincoln,
as soon as he shall see that the man to be elected
must be either Lincoln or a servant of the South.
Strong as is his preference for Fremont, he will not
let it work to the destruction of his country.
We need not go back of the Convention which nominated
Lincoln, to learn that the Union Party lays all
the blame of the war upon the South.  Nor need we
go back of the Convention which nominated McClellan,
to learn that the Democratic party lays all the blame
of it on the North.  The proceedings of the Chicago
Convention afford conclusive evidence that the Democratic
party is identified with the Rebellion;  is at 
peace with the enemies instead of the friends of the
nation--at peace with the South, and at war with the
North.  Nevertheless, it is not to be condemned but
rather to be honored for this, provided the North is
the guilty party in the war.  I am not of those whose 
motto is, "Our country, right or wrong."  It is only
when she is right that I am with her.  I can be loyal
to the North so far only as she is loyal to justice.
Nor, if I would,  could I help her wherein she breaks
with justice.  A nation, like an individual, puts herself
beyond the reach of help in proportion as she defies
the claims of truth and righteousness.
Let me here say that McClellan, no more than any
other member of the Democratic party, is necessarily
worthy of condemnation for opposing the cause in
which his country is embarked.  Nay, if it is an unrighteous
cause, then it is proper in him to stand forth
against it--to stand forth as distinctly and emphatically
as he does by accepting his nomination at the hands
of the enemies of that cause.
I repeat, the question to be passed upon at the coming
election is--Which is the guilty party in this war
--the North or the South?  It is admitted that the
South took up arms to dismember our nation;  and
that she robbed it of moneys, forts, guns, and portions
of our little standing army.  It is admitted, too, that
it was only in reply to these  outrages that we armed
ourselves.  Hence, whilst the war on her part is offensive,
on ours it is but defensive.  Notwithstanding
all this, the North may not be the innocent party; for 
she  may have oppressed and provoked the South beyond
endurance.  I am slow to admit that any Rebellion
in a land where there is free access to the ballot-box
can be justified.  Nevertheless, if it can be shown
that it was because she was made to suffer intolerable
oppressions that she flew to arms, I will not condemn
Herein, and herein only, is the explanation of the out-
break of the Rebellion. Could she but have been 
brought to recede from her determination to set up a
nation for herself and by herself, all other difficulties 
with the South might have been adjusted, It is in no
degree necessary to my argument to explain why she
then insisted, has ever since insisted, and never more 
strenuously than now, on this national independence .
Nevertheless, as some, under whose eye this paper 
may fall might like to meet with the explanation, I 
will give it. The whole explanation of this pertinac-
its on the part of the South is to be found in the fact 
that she is determines to maintain slavery, and that 
she despairs of maintaining it unless she shall erect
herself into a nation independent of every other na-
tion. The South saw Slavery cast out of all Europe,
and all American Slavery except her own to be totter-
ing. She saw, too, that the North was every day be-
coming more enlightened in regard to Slavery, and
therefore more hostile to it. Hence the great and ab-
sorbing question with her was- what she should do 
most effectually to insulate herself, and shut out those 
ever swelling floods of Anti-Slavery sentiment and
Anti-Slavery influence where were constantly pouring 
in upon her. Her natural decision was to build up
 about herself the high, and, as she hoped, impervious
walls of a new nationality. The North she regarded
as already abolitionized. To remain, therefore, in
connection with her was to allow herself to be aboli-
lionized. Hence she broke off from the North. For
what else would she have consented to break off from
it, and to lose the incalculable advantage of being a
part of this great nation? 
In all this, which I have now referred to, and I 
know not that there is anything more of this bearing
to refer to, has the South suffered intolerable oppres-
sions? Nay, has she suffered any oppression? None
whatever. In our national affairs she was generally
allowed to have her own way.  I admit that we wrong-
ed her ; but never even in the slightest degree did we
oppress her. And the only way in which she was 
ever wronged by us was our shameful indulgence of 
both her tyrannous spirit, and her greed of place and 
power.  Surely, surely, then, the North is not to be 
accused of provoking the Rebellion.  Surely, surely,
then, the South is the guilty, and the only guilty par-
ty in the Rebellion. And surely, surely, then, the 
North cannot, without making herself very criminal 
and very base, vote for the candidate of those who 
hold the North, and not the South, to be the guilty
party.
But it may be said that their candidate ( Gen. Mc-
Clean) does not hold, in this respect, as they do who
nominated him. If he does not, then is he very un-
fortunate in being misrepresented by his friends, who 
put him forth as the representative of themselves, and
who, it is fair to suppose, knew him thoroughly when 
they do so. Since the Northern men, who espouse 
the cause of the North, to believe him to be with 
us, and to vote for him. If he is indeed a North-side
man, nevertheless since they, who know him, have 
set him forth as a South- side one, he cannot complain
of us for not voting for him. He can complain but of
his friends who have misrepresented him, and whose 
misrepresentations justify us in withholding our votes
from him. 
But we are cited to McClellan's Letter of Accept-
ance. That is is a Letter of Acceptance is, of itself, suf-
ficient to disentitle him to the vote of every loyal 
man. That he is the candidate of a Convention com-
posed of the open enemies of that cause for which his 
country is pouring out her treasure and her blood-
composed of those whose war is upon the North only
-is surely reason enough why no intelligent friend of 
that cause can give him his vote. But we will look
further into this Letter. I said that the North is di
vided between those who hold the North, and those
who hold the South, to be the guilty party. On which
side does McClellan's Letter place him? It spares the 
LETTER FROM HENRY C. WRIGHT.
LAKE ST> MARY, Mich., Sept. 11, 1864.
W. L. GARRISON :
MY FRIEND,- I am once more in the cottage home 
of Henry Willis, on the shore of one of the most 
beautiful lakes I ever saw. It is indeed a gem of
purest water on the bosom of Michigan. It is four
miles from the city of Battle Creek, one of the most
flourishing inland young cities of the West, on the 
right and left banks of the Kalamazoo river. Through
the influence of Henry Willis, the Merritt family- 
parents and children- and many others, this has been 
the home of radical abolitionism, of reverence for hi-
man rights, and of sympathy for the most oppressed
and outcast of all the sons and daughters of God- the 
negro- the American slave. Now, of course, in this 
hour of peril to freedom and free institution, the city
of Battle Creek, with its environs, is the home of
loyalty to liberty, and to the Administration in its ef-
forts, to crush the rebellion and restore the Union in
its integrity, without slavery.
I came here last week from Sturgis, Cold Water
and Union City, having lectured in those places on
the Chicago Platform, and the Relations of the Peace 
Democracy Slavery ad the Rebellion. Yesterday, 
the 10th, I spoke to a large crowd gathered in the 
streets, and again, in the afternoon, from the balcony
of the Battle Creek Hotel. In the evening, I spoke
to a still larger crowd from the same place on the 
Chicago Platform, and the pro-slavery, treasonable 
and murderous antecedents of Rynders, Wood, Sey-
mour, Vallandigham & Co., who framed and adopted
that platform, and called and managed the Convention
that nominated McClellan for the Presidency of the 
United States. This forenoon, I lectured again in 
the city, then came home with Henry Willis to spend
a night, and rest for twenty-four hours, to bathe in
the pure water son St. Mary's Lake, and to breathe
the fresh, clear air that ripples it sure surface, and 
waves the tops of the forest oaks that encircle it. To-
morrow evening, I lecture in Harmonia ; then go on 
my way to the region of Detroit, to lecture on the 
Democratic Platform and Party, in their relations to
slavery and the rebellion.
By the way, there was one feature of the Conven-
ion of traitors in Chicago which I forgot to name in
the account I sent you.  August Belmont, the agent 
and partner of the European banking house of the 
Rothschilds, was the recognized leader and manager 
of that Convention. It was his money that brought 
a thousand New York and Philadelphia ruffians to 
Chicago, headed by Isaiah Rynders, to howl and hoot
down all opposition to McClellan. His wealth bought
up McClellan by furnishing him a princely establish-
ment in New York. His wealth finished the means
for the torchlight procession and fireworks, all of 
which were imported from New York. August Bel-
mont brought together and shaped all the doings and 
conclusions of that Convention. At one hotel, seven-
teen hundred persons dined, the say the platform 
was adopted, at tow dollars each, at his expense. He 
was fierce in his denunciations of the war and the 
emancipation policy of the Administration. He in-
sisted that the rebels could not and ought not to be
coerced into subjection to the Constitution and laws; 
that the only just and safe way to restore the Union 
was for the North to concede all the slave mongers
demand ; to offer them an armistice, and propose to
them that, if they will return to their allegiance, the 
Federal Government wil assume and pay their war debt.
I give you these facts as they were stated and be-
lieved by all parties during the progress of the Con-
vention.
What was the motive that prompted Belmont to
spend one hundred thousand dollars on the Conven-
ion? The European banking house of which he is 
the great agent and partner in this nation have in-
vested, as all parties asserted, about one hundred mil-
lions of dollars in Confederate stocks. If the rebel-
lion is crushed by military power, every dollar of this 
investment is gone forever. If the rebels can be 
Democracy hangs the last and only hope of the rebels
and their European allies. Peace, in the mouths of 
Democrats, means the absolute and hopeless subjuga-
ion of the freedom to slavery, of free labor to slave la-
bor, of free society and free institutions to slave so-
ciety and slave institutions, over the nation and the 
continent. 
It is computed that fifty or seventy-five thousand
aliens and rebels from the South will be present in
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Iowa, to aid in 
defeating Lincoln at the ballot in November. I have
no doubt, from what I have seen and known, that 
there will be more, unless the Union loyal party take 
prompt measures to protect the ballot from the votes
of traitors and aliens. Tens of thousands who have 
refused to take out certificate of citizenship to avoid
the draft, are determined to vote ; and the Democratic
party is pledged to secure to them the right to vote,
of " to have a free fight."
Dear Garrison, -In every place I visit, the entire
community seems impressed with a foreboding of an 
impending terrible calamity. Well they may ; for 
so surely as the Peace Democracy triumph on the 8th
of November, and elect McClellan, so surely will the
 American Republic fall to rise no more, and a slave
empire be reared upon its ruins ; so surely will the
freed slaves and the negro soldiers be returned to sla-
very; so surely will Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee, 
Arkansas, Lousiana, and Virginia West be consigned 
to the hell and horrors of slavery, if by arms and 
blood the Peace Democracy can effect this object.
Compel every man and woman to show where they 
stand- whether for the Republic or the Confederacy,
for Freedom or Slavery, for Jesus or for Barabbas.
" He that fs not for me is against me." No neutrali-
ty! So says Jesus.
HENRY C. WRIGHT.
LETTER FROM FREDERICK DOUGLASS.
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, ESQ."
DEAR SIR, - You were pleased to remark in the 
last number of the Liberator, ( heading it with " Fred-
erick Douglass on President Lincoln,") that the seces-
soonest newspapers in Great Britain are publishing 
with exultation a letter recently addressed by Mr. 
Douglass to an English correspondent; and you fur-
there favor your readers with an extract from the same 
letter, which criticises in plain terms the policy of the 
present Administration towards the colored people
of the country. 
I am sure you will allow me space in the columns 
of the Liberator, ( not to qualify, not to take back any
charge, statement, or argument contained in that let-
ter, not even to find fault with its publication here or
elsewhere, - though it was flung off in haste, and was 
not written for publication, but for the eyes of the 
esteemed friend to whom it was addressed,) to remove
an inference respecting my present political course,
 which may possibly and will probably be drawn from
the extract in question.
In the first place, it is proper to state that that let-
ter was not written recently as you mistakenly allege, 
but three months ago, and was in no wise intended to
be used against the present Administration in the can-
vass and issues as now made up between the great 
partied, ands especially by the disloyal and slavery
perpetuating nominations places before the country
by the Chicago convention.  Since the date of those
nominations, we are met by a new state of facts, and 
new considerations have arisen to guide and control
the political action of all those whoa re animated by a 
sincere desire to see justice, liberty, and peace per-
manently established in this rebellion and slavery 
cursed land. While there was, or seemed to be, the 
slightest possibility of securing the nomination and 
election fo a man to the Presidency of more decided
anti- slavery convictions and a firmer faith in the im-
mediate necessity and practicability of justice and
equality for all men, than have been exhibited in the 
policy of the present Administration, I, like many
other radical men, freely criticised, in private and in
issued an " Order," since I have been here, -nearly 
two years, - that was to affect the social or political 
status of the negro, without consulting me.
That abuses exist is possible, probably inevitable, in
a society torn from civil anchorage by revolution, and 
drifting in every stage of wreck. But such abuses
do not spring from the system of General Banks for 
the labor and education of the colored man, but they 
exist because we have not yet been able to extend its 
beneficence to all. 
It is a singular thing that our friends forget that the 
principal Parishes of Louisiana were exempted from 
the effect of the Proclamation of Emancipation. 
Slavery had all its old prestige advanced by that very
examption.
We were met by slaveholders with the law and the 
gospel ; by the inveterate habits of the people ; by
officers hostile to the negro and his freedom ; by luke-
warm friends ; by the cupidity of commerce; by the 
hatred of race and contempt for "condition;" by the 
timidity of the Government ; by Philips, with Ithu-
riel's spear, and Pillsbury, with Thor's hammer ; by 
the want of money, and of men to labor ; - and yet
we have succeeded, and we shall succeed.
In the old days of Anti-Slavery, we used to say
that the testimony of the colored man was the test
against the system. His testimony should be as con-
clusive now, on the other side. It is unanimous here,
except among a class of colored people who, with all 
their admirable qualities, have not yet forgotten that 
they were, themselves, slaveholders, and who have
not attained to all the graces and the wisdom of
Freedom.
If our friend Wendell Phillips would go with me
over this "Delta," where everything is as formative
as the soil beneath our feet- meeting at every turn
the tremendous "facts" of the time and place-we
should hear no more from him of " Serfdom," and 
other "changes" of the London Times. About a 
week thereafter, his Dorian periods would round to
our praise, and his classic habit might be once more
allied to justice. We'll wait and work.
Affectionately yours, 
B. RUSH PLUMLY.
[The gratifying Educational Expose referred 
to by Major Plumly we shall publish next week.]
LETTER FROM A NOBLE WOMAN. 
HUNTLY LODGE, EDINBURGH, Sept. 1, 1864.
MY DEAR FRIEND,- IT has greatly surprised and 
grieved me to see that some of your old friends and 
allies have so far forgotten one of the leading princi-
plus of the Anti-Slavery movement - the freedom of 
thought and speech-as to withdraw their support 
from the Liberator, and even utter words of harsh-
ness and intolerance towards yourself, - for no other
reason than that you have exercised the right of form-
ing and giving expression to your own opinion on the 
question, Who is the fittest man to fill the Presiden
tial chair?
Though the fact, that the South is in violent oppo-
sition to Mr. Lincoln, and the copperhead journals of
 the north loud in praise and support of Mr. Fremont,
is, to my mind, a somewhat speaking one, I feel that 
it is not for me to venture an opinion on a question so 
vast and so complicated; especially seeing that some 
of the truest and best friends of the slave have come 
to conclusions so widely different on the subject.
But I am puzzled to discover on what rational 
ground the Anti- Slavery integrity, either of yourself 
or of our excellent friend, Wendell Phillips, is to be 
measured by your allegiance to the one, or you re-
jection of the other. Surely, you have each given 
proof most abundant by your labors and sacrifices on
behalf of the slave, that, in taking whichever view
you might, you could only be actuated by the one
motive which has all along been your guiding star-
the aim to obtain and secure equal rights and liberties
to the black man as to the white ; and that is in error,
the error must be in judgement, not in principle.
PARKER FRATERNITY LECTURES.
SEVENTH SERIES.
AT MUSIC HALL
OPENING ADDRESS BY
GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS, ESQ.,
ON TUESDAY EVENING, Oct. 11, 1864.
To the followed on successive Tuesday Evenings by
Oct. 18 - OCTAVIUS B. FROTHINGHAM.
Oct. 25 - ANNA E. DICKINSON.
Nov. 1  - OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES.
Nov. 15-  DAVID A. WASSOn.
Nov. 22 - To be announced.
Nov. 29 - CHARLES G. AMES.
Dec. 6 - WENDELL PHILLIPS.
Dec. 13 - JACOB M. MANNING.
Dec 20. - HENRY WARD BEECHER.
ORGAN CONCERT each Evening at 7 o'clock.
W. EUGENE THAYER, Organist.
Tickets admitting the bearer and Ladyto the Course, at
$3 each. 
Tickets admitting one person to the Course, at $2 each.
Checks for SEATS RESERVED TILL 7 1-2 O'CLOCK, $1 50
additional for each seat.
For sale at Oliver Ditson &  Co's, 277 Washington street ; 
John C. Haynes & Co's, 33 Court street, John S. Rogers's,
Only an average quality of seats will be reserves, ( the 
east section of the hall,) leaving the same quality of seats
(the west section) for those who do not purchase reserved
checks.                                                                  Sept. 16.
Amusing Scientific and Instructive Illustrated 
LECTURES
On
PHYSICAL EDUCATION, 
Applied to mental and moral improvement, SPLENDIDLY 
ILLUSTRATED with a cabinet of Manikins and 
Models, costing over $ 15,000.
By DR. W. WALLACE HEBBARD.
LECTURE 1st, ON MONDAY EVENING, SEPT. 26,
AT TREMONT TEMPLE.
Introductory to the General Course.
LECTURE 2d, Sept. 27.
On the Skin and Hair, Causes and Cure of their Diseases,
Preservation of the Hair, Bathing, Dress, &c.
LECTURE 3d, Sept. 28.
On the Bones and Muscles, Causes and Cure of weak-
ness, stiff joints, laziness, general debility, &c.
LECTURE 4th, Sept 29.
On the Digestive Organs, Mouth, Throat, Stomach and
Liver, and Causes and Cure of their diseases, &c.
LECTURE 5th, Sept. 30.
On Animal Heat, Nutrition, Influence of Diet on health, 
strength, long life, &c.
LECTURE 6th, Oct. 1. 
On the Heart, Cases and Cures of its Diseases, Circula-
ion of the Blood, &c. 
LECTURE 7th, Oct. 3. 
On the Lungs, Causes and Cure of Weak Lungs, &c.
Asthma, Bronchitis, Consumption, Ventilation, &c.
LECTURE 8th, Oct. 4.
On the Brain and Nerves, Causes and Cure of Nervous 
Diseases, Influence of Education on Health , Long Life, &c.
LECTURE 9th, Oct. 5. 
On the Organs of the Sense, Eye, Ear, Nose and their
Diseases, Causes and Cure of Catarrh, &c.
LECTURE 10th, Oct. 6.
On the Temperaments, Character, Beauty of Expression
and its Cultivation, Influence on Sunlight on Health, &c.
EXTRA LECTURES.
LECTURE 11th, Oct. 7.
To Ladies only-On Women and her Diseases , Causes
and Cure- splendidly illustrated.
LECTURE 12th, Oct. 8. 
To Gentlemen only- On the Origin of Life, and the 
Laws of Hereditary Descent- " Like Father like Child"


[first column]

   I repeat, the question to be passed upon at the coming election is—Which is the guilty party in this ware—the North or the South? It is admitted that the South took up arms to dismember our nation; and that she robbed it of moneys, forts, guns, and portions of our spanning army. It is admitted, too, that it was only in reply to these outrages that we armed ourselves. Hence, whilst the war on her part is offensive, on ours it is but defensive. Notwithstanding all this, the North may not be the innocent party; for she may have oppressed and provoked the South beyond endurance. I am slow to admit that any Rebellion in a land where there is free access to the ballot-box can be justified. Nevertheless, if it can be shown that it was because she made to suffer intolerable oppressions that she flew to arms, I will not condemn her. Had she such oppressions to complain of?
   It is said, more in Europe, however, than in America, that our high Tariff was a burden upon the South. Never, however, had we a Tariff so nearly approaching Free Trade as when her States began to secede. Moreover, the South could have had it as much lower as she pleased. What, however, if our Tariff were not a proper one ? That, surely, would not be enough to justify Rebellion.
   Had the South any right to call herself oppressed by the election of Lincoln ? None at all. He was elected constitutionally. But he was against slavery ! It is true that he was : only moderately so, however. Several of the Presidents immediately preceding him were thoroughly for Slavery ; and yet the North did not claim that she was oppressed by their election. Least of all did she claim that their election furnished ground for Rebellion.
   Was the South at liberty to regard herself oppressed, because so much was said at the North against Slavery ? Certainly not. The Constitution provides for free speech. Moreover, the South spoke as freely against our systems of labor as we did against her Slavery. She sneered at our " small-fisted farmers " and our " greasy mechanics. " She stigmatized our noble laborers as " the mudsills of society. " Then, too, the South helps send missionaries over the earth to argue against idolatries and other abominations ; and thus is she estopped by her own acts from forbidding others to search and criticise herself.
   Was the South oppressed by Northern legislation against Slavery ? Never. The North was always willing to have the Supreme Court of the United States pass upon such legislation. When, however, the North sent Commissioners to the South to induce her to consent to have the constitutionality of those laws, under which she was casting Northern freemen into the pit of Slavery, passed upon by that Court, those Commissioners had to fly for their lives before the murderous onset made upon them.
   But John Brown, and at other times other Northern men, went into the Southern States to help persons escape from Slavery ! The North, however, was not responsible for this. She ever stood by Slavery, and helped the South tighten the chains of the slaves. Little right has the South to complain of the sympathy of John Brown and others with her slaves. Where these delivered one slave, her kidnappers made slaves of ten Northern free men. But there was rejoicing at the North over the escape of Southern slaves !  I admit it. So was there rejoicing at the South over the escape of Southern men from Algerine Slavery. Such rejoicings cannot be stopped ; and all attempts of the South to stop them will be vain attempts to change human nature.
   Was the South oppressed by the refusal of the Northern people to accede to a proposition of the Southern people, to have an amicable separation of the States, and an amicable division of the Territories and other National property ? There was no proposition from the Southern people to the Northern people. There was a proposition from Southern individuals, unauthorized by the Southern people ; and it was made not to our people, but to our Government—to a Government which, instead of being authorized to dismember our nation, is sworn to preserve it, and which, instead of being authorized to throw away the Constitution, is sworn to keep it sacred and unbroken. The people of the North were ready to meet the people of the South in a Convention of Delegates. They were ready to make large concessions, in order to save from disruption the nation so dear to them. Entirely ready they were, I am sorry to believe, to indorse and consummate the remarkable action of Congress in favor of altering the Constitution to the advantage of Slavery. In fine, they would have consented to almost any demand of the South, short of the sundering of the nation. This they would not consent to ; and, because she knew they would not, the South would not have the National Convention. The sundering of the nation was the one thing she was intent on ; and nothing else, nor all things else, would she accept in lieu of it. Hence, to get this one thing, which she could not hope to get otherwise, she resorted to arms.

[second column]

[continued from another page] his friends who have misrepresented him, and whose misrepresentations justify us in withholding our voices from him.
   But we are cited to McClellan's Letter of Acceptance. That it is a Letter of Acceptance is, of itself, sufficient to disentitle him to the vote of every loyal man. That he is the candidate of a Convention composed of the open enemies of that cause for which his country is pouring out her treasure and her blood—composed of those whose war is upon the North only—is surely reason enough why no intelligent friend of that cause can give him his vote. But we will look further into this Letter. I said that the North is divided between those who hold the North, and those who hold the South, to be the guilty party. On which side does McClellan's Letter place him ? It spares the South, but it abounds in inculpations of the North. The indirect and unmanly way in which he makes, or rather insinuates, his charges against the Government was doubtless intended to render them more effective. It will, however, serve but to denote the lack of an open, brave and manly spirit in their author. He has nothing to say of the barbarity in which the South conducts the war—murdering fresh captives—or, if sparing them, sparing thousands to be tortured in spirit and body, thousands to be starved to death, and (worst fate of all !) thousands to be snnk in slavery. Nothing of all this does he say. But, in his characteristic cowardly, roundabout way, he accuses the North of the high crime of perverting the war. I grant that there have been a few instances in which Anti-Slavery zealots have shown their disposition to pervert it, and innumerable instances in which Pro Slavery zealots have shown the like. Just here let me say that miserable men are all they who, when monsters are striking parricidal blows at the country, are incapable of making a single and square issue with those monsters, and are intent on mixing up with the one question of putting down these monsters conditions in behalf of or against Slavery, habeas corpus or something else. " Down with the Rebellion, come what will of it to any of our schemes or theories or interests ! " is the voice of wisdom. Moreover, if Slavery or Anti-Slavery, this or that political party, this or that church, shall be found to stand in the way of putting it down, let them all be swept out of the way. Nothing is worth preserving, that stands in the way of putting down so unmitigated and unparalleled a wickedness as the Rebellion. When it shall have been put down will be the time to decide, (and not till then will it be time so much as to consider it,) whether the safety of the nation shall call for the weakening or strengthening of Slavery, for its utter annihilation or for overspreading the whole land with it. In the meantime, use Slavery or Apprenticeship, or anything else, in whatever way you can use it most effectually to the crushing of the Rebellion ; and let all heads, all hearts, and all hands find their one thought, one feeling, and one work to that end.
   I admitted that there were instances of a disposition to pervert the war. But by far the most signal of all the instances of the actual perverting of the war, and of perverting it even to the direct help of the rebels, is that of McClellan himself. He it was who began his mediating military career—his half-one-way and half-the-other way Generalship—with a proclamation of safety to the foe at that very point where the foe was most vulnerable and most alarmed. He it was who assured the slaveholders that he would guard their homes, their wives and children from servile insurrection, and who thereby left them free to go forth to swell rebellion's battling hosts. And now for him whose duty, instead of ministering peace and security to the enemy, was to leave him appalled and paralyzed with every possible terror—and now for him, I say, to throw out, in his cowardly way, his utterly false charge that the Government has perverted the war, is enough to make the soul of every honest man boil over with indignation. Very far am I from saying that McClellan should have favored servile insurrection. But I do say, that he should have left the slaveholders to all their fears from their slaves, and to all that occupation of their thoughts and time which those fears called for. I add, that his relieving them of those fears and of that occupation was treason to his country—was even literal treason—for it was " adhering to her enemies, giving them aid and comfort. "

[Remainder in our next number.]
———————
   DR. HEBBARD'S LECTURES. The special attention of our readers in Boston and vicinity is called to the advertisement of Dr. HEBBARD, in another column, in which he announces a course of ten lectures, to be given at the Tremont Temple, commencing on Monday evening next, Sept. 26, on PHYSICAL EDUCATION—applied to mental and moral improvement, and splendidly illustrated with a cabinet of Manikins and Models, costing over $15,000. These lectures have been delivered in various parts of the United States with great success and to universal acceptance.

[third column]

[continued from another page] coerced into subjection to the Constitution and laws ; that the only just and safe way to restore the Union was for the North to concede all the slave mongers demand ; to offer them an armistice, and propose to them that, if they will return to their allegiance, the Federal Government will assume and pay their war debt. I give you these facts as they were stated and believed by all parties during the progress of that Convention.
   What was the motive that prompted Belmont to spend one hundred thousand dollars on that Convention ? The European banking house of which he is the great agent and partner in this nation have invested, as all parties asserted, about one hundred millions of dollars in Confederate stocks. If the rebellion is crushed by military power, every dollar of this investment is gone forever. If the rebels can be brought back by an armistice, and by concessions on the part of the North, and an offer to assume and pay their war debt, the investment of the Rothschilds is secure. Hence not one word was uttered by that Convention, in its speeches or resolutions, in favor of coercing the rebels into subjection to the laws and Constitution, but every thing was said and done to favor a restoration of the Union by compromise, and by offering to pay their war debt.
   Thus, simply and solely to secure to the house of the Rothschilds the money furnished by them to the rebels, to aid them to destroy the Republic and found a slave empire in its ruins, that Chicago Convention was governed in its conclusions. The only definite point of the platform is hostility to the war and emancipation policy of Lincoln. This was the one and only definite point made in all their speeches. August Belmont, to secure the payment of the debt due from the rebels to the house of Rothschilds, dictated the platform and the nominee of the Democratic party, and the letter of acceptance of McClellan. Why did Belmont rave and swear like a fiend over the fall of Fort Morgan and Atlanta ? Why is it that the Democratic partisans have not one word of cheer over news of success to Federal arms ? Not a salute is fired nor a cheer given by them over the victories of Farragut, Sherman and Grant.
   The policy of the Peace Democracy is shaped solely with a view to secure to the Rothschilds the funds they have invested in Confederate loans. Must the people of the North pay the debt contracted by the slave-mongering traitors, South and North, to get means to murder our sons and brothers, and abolish freedom and free institutions ? This they must do, so sure as Belmont and his Peace Democracy get possession of the Federal Administration. Pause, laboring men of the North, and, before you vote for McClellan, ask yourselves whether you are willing to pay the house of Rothschilds for furnishing the slave-breeding pirates with the means to cut your throats !
   " Down with Lincoln, by ballots if we can, by bullets if we must ! " " Resist the draft by arms and blood ! " " Disband the army ! " " The rebellion cannot and ought not to be crushed by military power ! " "No coercion to subjugate the South to the Constitution ! " " Restore the Union by yielding to the South what they demand ! " "Restore the Union by compromise, by armistice, and by a Convention of the States ! " Such were and are the mottoes and watchwords of the Chicago Convention and of the Peace Democracy. They call on the North now, in the midst of victory and final triumph over the rebellion and slavery, to thrown down their arms, and sue to the slave-breeding traitors for peace, and to call them back into the Union by offering to pay their war debt ! And all this that August Belmont and his partners in guilt and infamy may get back the money which they have advanced to the rebels to fit out piratical ships to pray on our commerce, and armies to blot out the United States from the map of the world !
   This bloody civil war was begun solely because the Democratic party, in 1860, would not yield to the rule of the majority. Abraham Lincoln was elected by a constitutional majority, given in the exercise of a free ballot. That the majority shall rule is the basis of all Democratic or Republican institutions. Against this principle the Democratic party rebelled in 1860, and resorted to civil war to establish the rule of the minority, and to subjugate the majority to the minority. What has filled the nation with widows and orphans ? The Democratic party refused to submit to the decision of a free ballot, which gave a majority for Lincoln and Liberty. Which has sent anguish to the hearts of so many mothers and desolation to so many homes ? The Democratic party would not submit to the rule of the majority, and resorted to arms, to plunder and murder, to compel the majority to submit to the minority.
   This Democratic war against the fundamental principle of Democratic government might be ended in triumph to freedom and free labor before Jan. 1st, 1865, simply by giving to the emancipation and war policy of the Administration an overwhelming majority in November. On the triumph of the Peace 

[fourth column]

[continued from another page] vass and issues as now made up between the great parties, and especially by the disloyal and slavery perpetuating nominations placed before the country by the Chicago convention. Since the date of those nominations, we are met by a new state of facts, and new considerations have arisen to guide and control the political action of all those who are animated by a sincere desire to see justice, liberty, and peace permanently established in this rebellion and slavery cursed land. While there was, or seemed to be, the slightest possibility of securing the nomination and election of a man to the Presidency of more decided anti-slavery convictions and a firmer faith in the immediate necessity and practicability of justice and equality for all men, than have been exhibited in the policy of the present Administration, I, like many other radical men, freely criticised, in private and in public, the actions and the utterances of Mr. Lincoln, and withheld from him my support. That possibility is now no longer conceivable ; it is now plain that this country is to be governed or misgoverned during the next four years, either by the Republican party represented in the person of Abraham Lincoln, or by the (miscalled) Democratic party, represented by George B. McClellan. With this alternative clearly before us, all hesitation ought to cease, and every man who wishes well to the slave and to the country should at once rally with all the warmth and earnestness of his nature to the support of Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson, and to the utter defeat and political annihilation of McClellan and Pendleton ; for the election of the latter, with their known antecedents, declared sentiments, and the policy avowed in the Chicago platform, would be the heaviest calamity of all these years of war and blood, since it would upon the instant sacrifice and wantonly cast away everything valuable, purchased so dearly by the precious blood of our brave sons and brothers on the battle-field for the perfect liberty and permanent peace of a common country.
   Let me say one other word. I would never given intentionally the slightest joy to the enemies of human liberty. My rule is to do that least that they like most, and that most that they like least. But nothing strange has happened to me in the said exultation over my words by the secessionist newspapers in Great Britain or elsewhere. The common example of those who do not go at all, playing off those who go farthest against those who go, but do not go fast and far enough, is but repeated in this exultation ; and if I mistake not, in other days, there were often utterances of the Liberator itself, both on the eve and in the middle of Presidential campaigns, which caused even greater exultation among the known enemies of liberty against timid, short-sighted and trimming anti-slavery men in the high places of the country, than anything I ever wrote concerning Mr. Lincoln and his Administration could produce.
   Yours for freedom and the equal rights of all men,
                        FREDERICK DOUGLASS. 
   ROCHESTER, N. Y., Sept. 17, 1864.
———————
THE FREEDMEN IN LOUISIANA.
-----
                  NEW ORLEANS, (LA.,) Sept. 6th, 1864.
   MY DEAR MR. GARRISON,—I enclose for your perusal a brief account of our work, in the " Board of Education, " created under " Order 38, " issued by Major General Banks.
   Many of our friends at the North seem to be " possessed " by some spirit of hostility to whatever we do in this Department, that disqualifies them for any just judgment in the case. They seem to be moved by the spirit of —— ——, of the Staff of your good Governor Andrew, who once said, in my hearing, that " he would not approve anything General Banks did, if he knew it was right. "
   To busy for defence, and too much in earnest to recriminate, we can wait until our labors result, and then send you,—as I do now,—the irresistible figures.
   So much is sure : there is not in history a record of any disenthralled race or people who have taken steps so strong, so rapid, and to places of such power and permanence, as those of the people of color in the Department of the Gulf, under the wise and steady administration of Major General Banks.
   If there is any point of salient " Restoration " or " Reconstruction, " which includes the colored man, visible in the ruin of this Rebellion, it has been forced up from this " Delta " by the rule of the Commanding General of the Department.
   The whole system which has organized the social chaos—has evolved labor and health from the wide-spread indolence, license, and disease of a disruptured society—is the work of the General.
   If there are in the system any deliberate inhumanities, any disregard or oppression of the colored man because he is colored, they are more my fault than the fault of the General ; for having confidence in my life-time Anti-Slavery, and my real regard for the colored man as a character, General Banks has never 

[fifth column]

[continued from another page] is, to my mind, a somewhat speaking one, I feel that it is not for me to venture an opinion on a question so vast and so complicated ; especially seeing that some of the truest and best friends of the slave have come to conclusions so widely different on the subject. 
   But I am puzzled to discover on what rational ground the Anti-Slavery integrity, either of yourself or of our excellent friend, Wendell Phillips, is to be measured by your allegiance to the one, or your rejection of the other. Surely, you have each given proof most abundant by your labors and sacrifices on behalf of the slave, that, in taking whichever view you might, you could only be actuated by the one motive which has all along been your guiding star—the aim to obtain and secure equal rights and liberties to the black man as to the white ; and that if in error, the error must be in judgment, not in principle.
   When, however, so far from thus judging of the course you have seen it right to take in the present crisis, you are accused of having abandoned the cause of the slave, some of us, who have been readers of the Liberator for the last eight and twenty years, and who have watched, with increasing admiration, the utter forgetfulness of self with which you have ever remembered those in bonds as bound with them, till we have come to look upon you as the greatest of living moral heroes, must be allowed to regard charges like these—coming from old adherents—as simply absurd ; indicative merely of some great and not very desirable change in the temper of their own minds.
   But it does give me deep pain and anxiety to learn, that a grave probability exists that the glorious " pioneer sheet " may have to be discontinued, in consequence of the falling off of subscribers, and the increased expenses attendant on its maintenance.
   In token of my longing desire that such may never be the case until the grand result it has done so much to bring about may be fully accomplished—the song of freedom to every man, woman and child be heard throughout the whole of your once United States—I enclose a draft for £10 sterling on Messrs. Brown, Brothers, & Co., Boston.
      Always sincerely and affectionately,
               Your friend,
                        ELIZABETH P. NICHOL.
———————
A GREAT AND TELLING VICTORY!

      HARPER'S FERRY, Va., Sept. 20—11.40 A. M. 
Hon. E. M. Stanton :
   I have just received the following official dispatch from Gen. Sheridan, dated at 1 o'clock this morning : 

   General : We fought Early from daylight until between 6 and 7 P. M. We drove him from Opequan Creek, through Winchester, and beyond the town. We captured from 2500 to 3000 prisoners, five pieces artillery, nine battle-flags, and all the rebel wounded and dead. Their wounded in Winchester amounts to 6000. We lost in killed Gen. David Russell, commanding division in Sixth army corps ; wounded, Generals Chapman, McIntosh and Upton.
   The rebels lost in killed the following General officers : Gen. Rhodes, Gen. Wharton, Gen. Gordon and Gen. Ramseur.
   We have just sent them flying through Winchester. We are after them to-morrow.
   This army behaved splendidly.
   I am sending forward all medical supplies, subsistence stores and all ambulances.
   (Signed)      JOHN D. STEVENSON, Brig. Gen.

   WASHINGTON, Sept. 20. By order of the Secretary of War, a salute of one hundred guns was fired from Franklin Square at noon to-day, in honor of Gen. Sheridan's great victory.
   Gen. Grant has ordered the army under his command to fire a salute of 100 guns at 7 o'clock to-morrow morning, in honor of Sheridan's great victory.
   A dispatch just received from Gen. Sherman at Atlanta says : " Everything continues well with us."
———————
   SHOCKING ACCIDENT ON THE SOUTH SHORE RAILROAD. Last evening as the six o'clock evening train from Boston to Cohasset was going with considerable speed between West Hingham and Hingham, the centre passenger car of the train broke from its shackles, and tumbling down a slight embankment, fell over on its side. The passengers experienced a heavy shock, and were thrown about in a promiscuous manner.
   It was feared at first that many had been seriously injured  but upon inspection it was found that though some inside the car had sustained slight bruises, no one was dangerously hurt.
   We grieve to learn, however, that John Q. Thaxter, Esq., a well known broker doing business in this city, who was standing on the platform at the time, fell underneath the car and was crushed to death. He was so deeply imbedded in the earth, that his body was recovered by digging away the soil that covered it. The car must have struck him with terrible force, as his legs were broken, and he survived the accident only a few minutes.
   No blame is attributed to the road for the disaster. The only reason that can be ascribed is that one of the car wheels became loosened. The car broke from the train in a most  surprising and singular manner. The track was found, upon examination, to be firm and sound. The other cars of the train, in front and in the rear, passed on uninjured, but were all unshackled.
   Mr. Thaxter was about thirty years of age, and unmarried. He had resided many years in Hingham, where he was widely known and universally esteemed. He was a member of the Board of Brokers in this city, which body, upon being informed of his death, without transacting any business, adjourned.—Traveller of Tuesday.

[sixth column]

[continued from another page] Asthma, Bronchitis, Consumption, Ventilation, &c.

LECTURE 8th, Oct. 4.
   On the Brain and Nerves, Causes and Cure of Nervous Diseases, Influence of Education on Health, Long Life, &c.

LECTURE 9th, Oct. 5.
   On the Organs of the Sense, Eye, Ear, Nose and their Diseases, Causes and Cure of Catarrh, &c.

LECTURE 10th, Oct. 6.
   On the Temperaments, Character, Beauty of Expression and its Cultivation, Influence of Sunlight on Health, &c.

EXTRA LECTURES.

LECTURE 11th, Oct. 7.
   To Ladies only—On Women and her Diseases, Causes and Cure—splendidly illustrated.

LECTURE 12th, Oct. 8.
   To Gentlemen only—On the Origin of Life, and the Laws of Hereditary Descent—"Like Father like Child."

LECTURE 13th, Oct. 10.
   To Ladies only—On Maternity, and the influence of Mothers on the character of their Children.

LECTURE 14th, Oct. 11.
   To Gentlemen only—On Manhood, and the causes and means of preventing premature decline, &c.

   Course Tickets at $1.25—Single admission 15 cents—may be had at the door, and at Bookstores.  sep27
———————
   > MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D., has removed to 62 Dover street. Particular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children.
   References.—Luther Clark, M. D.; David Thayer, M. D. Office hours from 2 to 4 P. M.
———————
COLLECTIONS BY E. H. HEYWOOD.

   Abington, 70c ; South Abington, H. H. Brigham, $1 30 ; East Princeton, 2 678 ; Upton, 56c ; West Wrentham, F. M. Cheever, 1, others, 3.57—4 57.
———————
   MARRIED—In Auburn, N. Y., on Wednesday evening, Sept. 14th, at the home of the bride, by Rev. Samuel J. May, of Syracuse, WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Jr., of Boston, to ELLEN, daughter of David and Martha C. Wright.
   At Kanona, Steuben Co., N. Y., on the 7th inst., by the Rev. Mr. Coolboy, Mr. STEPHEN K. BARTON, of Philmont, N. Y., to Miss MARY E. NEALLY, of the former place.
———————
   DIED—In Chelsea, Sept. 18, ARTHUR BROWN, son of J. M. W. and S. E. Yerrinton, 11 months.
———————
Young Ladies' Boarding-School.

   DIO LEWIS, A. M., M. D., will open a Boarding-School at Lexington, Mass., on the first day of October, 1864.
   ISAAC N. CARLETON, A. M., for several years teacher of Latin, Greek and Mathematics in Phillips's Academy, Andover, Mass., will be the Resident Principal, and will devote himself wholly to the work of instruction. Mrs. CARLETON, a tried and successful teacher, will instruct in French.
   MR. THEODORE D. WELD, for many years Principal of the Eagleswood School in New Jersey, will have charge of an important department.
   In all the approved features of the best schools nothing will be wanting, while it is Dr. Lewis's special aim to illustrate the possibilities in the department of physical training.
   Parents having daughters of delicate constitutions to educate are invited to send to Dr. DIO LEWIS, Lexington, for a Circular. 
   Lexington, Sept. 8.
———————
    MISS H. M. PARKHURT'S
BOARDING AND DAY SCHOOL
       FOR YOUNG LADIES,
                                       NEWBURG, N. Y.
   > The Fall Term will commence on Wednesday, Sept. 21.                    Aug. 26—2w
———————
           MR. AND MRS. D. MACK'S
Family Boarding-School for Young Ladies,
    AT ORCHARD HILL, BELMONT, MASS.
   THE School will commence the last Monday of September.
   Circulars and references when requested.
July 8.                   3m
———————
A. J. GROVER, 
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW,
OTTAWA, La Salle, Co., Illinois.

   > Special attention given to securing and collecting claims for Eastern Merchants.
   References :
                        WENDELL PHILLIPS, Esq., Boston.
                        A. L. PAINE, Esq., Suffolk Bank, do.
                        FARWELL, FIELD & Co., Chicago, Illinois.
                        STEVENS & BARNUM, Washington, D. C.
Sep 12.                                 tf
———————
\ \ | | / / — —
( ( ( ( ) ) ) ) 
( ) / ( )  ) ) ( /

   ALL interested in Phonographic Shorthand should send for the PHONOGRAPHIC VISITOR, No. 4, seven cents. Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4 now ready, 22 cents.
            Address            ANDREW J. GRAHAM,
                                       491 Broadway, New York.
June 24.              tDec. 1.

The Liberator
154
By the advertisements in your newspapers, call-
ing upon masters to come forward and claim these
men so captured, I suppose that your authorities
still adhere to that claim; that is to say, that when-
ever a colored soldier of the United States is cap-
tured by you, upon whom any claim can be made
by any person residing within the States now in
insurrection, such soldier is not to be treated as a
prisoner of war, but is to be turned over to his sup-
posed owner of claimant, and put at such a labor or
service as that owner or claimant may choose, and 
the officers in command of such soldiers, in the lan-
guage of a supposed act of the Confederate States,
are to be turned over to the Governors of States, 
upon requisitions, for the purpose of being punished
by the laws of such States for acts done in a war in
the armies of the United States.
You must be aware that there is a proclama-
tion by Jefferson Davis, claiming to be Chief Exec-
utive of the Confederate States, declaring in sub-
stance that all officers of colored troops mustered
into the service of the United States were not to be
treated as prisoners of war, but were to be turned
over for punishment to the Governors of States.
I am reciting these public acts from memory, and 
Shall be pardoned for not giving exact words,
although I believe I do not vary the substance and 
effect.
These declarations on the part of those whom
you represent yet remain unrepealed, annulled,
unrevoked, and must therefore be still supposed to
be authoritative. By your acceptance of our propo-
sition, is the government of the United States to 
understand that these several claims, enactments
and proclaimed declarations are to be given up, set
aside, revoked, and held for naught by the Confed-
erate authorities, and that you are ready and willing
to exchange man for man those colored soldiers of 
the United States, duly mustered and enrolled as
such, who have heretofore been claimed as slaves by
the Confederate States, as well as white soldiers?
If this be so, and you are so willing to exchange 
these colored men claimed as slaves, and you will so
officially inform the government of the United
States, then, as I am instructed, a principal diffi-
culty in effecting exchanges will be removed.
As I informed you personally, in my judgment, it
is neither consistent with policy, dignity or honor
of the United States, upon any consideration, to
allow those who, by our laws solemnly enacted, are
made soldiers of the Union, and who have been duly
enlisted, enrolled and mustered as such soldiers-
who have borne arms in behalf of this country, not
to be treated as prisoners of war, and remain unex-
changed, and in the service of those who claim them
as masters; and I cannot believe that the govern-
ment of the United States will ever be found to
consent to so gross a wrong.
Pardon me if I misunderstood you in supposing
that your acceptance of our proposition does no in
good faith mean to include all the soldiers of the 
Union, and that you still intend, if your acceptance
is agreed to, to hold the colored soldiers of the Union
unexchanged, and at labor or service, because I am
informed that very lately, almost contemporaneously
with this offer on your part to exchange prisoners,
and which seems to include all prisoners of war, the 
Confederate authorities have made a declaration
that the negroes hitherto held to service by owners
in the States of Delaware, Maryland and Missouri 
are to be treated as prisoners of war when captured
in arms in the service of the United States. Such
declaration that a part of the colored soldiers of the 
United States were to be prisoners of war would
seem most strongly to imply that others were not to
be so treated, or in other words, that colored men
from the insurrectionary States are to be held to
labor and return to their masters, if captured by
the Confederate forces while duly enrolled and mus-
tered into and actually in the armies of the United
States.
In the view which the government of the United 
States takes of the claim made by you to the per-
sons and services of these negroes, it is not to be 
supported upon any principle of national or muni-
cipal law.
Looking upon these men only as property, upon
your theory of property in them, we do not see how
this claim can be made, certainly not how it can be 
yielded. It is believed to be a well-settled rule of
public international law, and a custom and part of
the laws of war, that the capture of movable prop-
erty vests the title to that property in the captor.
But this post liminary right under which you
claim to act, as understood and defined by all writ-
ers on national law, is applicable simply to immova-
ble property, and that, too, only after the complete
resubjugation of that portion of the country in
which the property is situated, upon which this
right fastens itself. By the laws and customs of 
war, this right has never applied to moveable 
Property.
True, it is, I believe, that the Romans attempted
to apply it to the case of slaves, but for two thous-
and years no other nation has attempted to set up
this right as ground for treating slaves differently
from other property.
But the Romans ever refused to reenslave men
captured from opposing belligerents in a civil war
such as ours unhappily is.
Consistently, then, with any principle of the law
of nations, treating slaves as property merely, it
would seem to be impossible for the government of
the United States to permit the negroes in their 
ranks to be reenslaved when captured, or treated
otherwise that as prisoners of war.
I have forborne, sir, in this discussion,, to argue
the question upon any other or different grounds of 
right than those adopted by your authorities in
claiming the negroes as property, because I under-
stand that your fabric of opposition to the govern-
ment of the United States has the right of proper-
ty in man as its corner-stone. Of course, it would
not be profitable in settling a question of exchange
of prisoners of war to attempt to argue the question
of abandonment of the very corner-stone of their 
attempted political edifice. Therefore I have omit-
ted all the consideration which should apply to the
negro soldier as a man, and dealt with him upon
the Confederate theory of property only.
I unite with you most cordially, sir, in desiring a 
speedy settlement of all these questions, in views of
the great suffering endured by our prisoners in the
hands of your authorities, of which you so feelingly
speak. Let me ask, in view of that suffering, why
you have delayed eight months to answer a propo-
sition which by now accepting you admit to be right,
just and humane, allowing that suffering to contin-
ue so long? One cannot help thinking, eben at the
risk of being deemed uncharitable, that the benevo-
lent sympathies of the Confederate authorities have
been lately stirred by the depleted condition of
their armies, and a desire to get into the field to af-
fect the present campaign, the hale, hearty and well-
fed prisoners held by the United States in exchange
for the half-starved, sick, emancipated and unservicea-
ble soldiers of the United States now languishing in
your prisons. The events of this war, if we did not 
know it before, have taught us that it is not the 
Northern portion of the Northern people alone who
know how to drive sharp bargains.
The wrongs, the indignities an privations suffered 
by our soldiers would move me to consent to any-
thing to procure their exchange, except to barter
away the honor and faith of the government of the 
United States, which has been so solemnly pledged
to the colored soldiers in its ranks.
Consistently with national faith and justice, we
cannot relinquish this position. With your author-
ities, it is a question of property merely, It seems
to address itself to you in this form. Will you suf-
fur your soldier, captured in fighting our battles, to 
be in confinement for months, rather than rela\ease
him by giving him for that which you call a piece of 
property, and which we are willing to accept as a
man?
You certainly appear to place less value upon
your soldiers than you do upon your negroes. I as-
sure you, much as we of the North are accused of
loving property, our citizens would have no difficul-
ty in yielding up any piece of property they have
in exchange for one if their brothers or sons lan-
guishing in your prisons. Certainly there could be
no doubt that they would do so were that piece of
property less in value that five thousand dollars in 
Confederate money, which is believed to be the 
price on an able-bodied negro in the insurrectiona-
ry States.
Trusting that I may receive such a reply to the 
question propounded in this note as will lead to a
speedy resumption of the negotiations for a full ex-
change of all prisoners, and a delivery of them to 
their respective authorities, I have the honor to be,
very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Benj. F. Butler,
Major-Gen. and Commissioner of Exchange.
The Liberator.
No Union with Slaveholders!
Boston, Friday, September 23, 1864.
The Conflict, and its Character.
The patriotic American who takes a general survey
of his country at the present time, will be scarcely
less interested in the conflict which is waging at the 
North, than in that which is saturation with human
blood the battle-fields of the South. The character
of the conflict is, in both regions, the same. North
and South alike, the issue is between the Union and Dis-
union; Liberty and Slavery; a free Democratic Re-
publican Government and an Oligarchical Despotism;
the edifice erected by the early builders, whose Cor-
ner Stone was Universal Liberty, and that which re-
cent architects have sought to found, whose Corner
Stone is Slavery. This conflict, in which not only
all that is precious in the institution of this country,
but all that is dear to humanity is involved, has
reached its crisis, and that crisis will last until after
the 8th of November next. In this conflict, the traitors
in arms, mashalled under Davis and Lee at the
South, and the traitors and Copperheads, armed
and unarmed, marshalled under McClellan and Val-
landigham at the North form one army. Alike, they
are animated by a feeling of malignant hostility and
unconquerable rage against Abraham Lincoln, on ac
count of his anti-slavery policy, and because he has
made the abandonment of slavery, as well as a return
to the Union, a condition of peace with the revolted
States. Alike, they hold in contempt and abhorrence
that part of the Creator’s offspring, known by the
name of the “Negro Race”, and would make it part
and parcel of the fundamental laws of their new na-
tion, that the hated race should be held in everlasting
involuntary servitude. Alike, they would crush all
freedom of speech, save when the faculty of speech
is employed to vindicate the right of one man to
enslave and imbrute another. Alike, they would re-
sort to any means, however violent or bloody, to
achieve their objects, when attainment of them
was delayed or opposed by legal or constitutional ob-
structions.
With this consolidated power-the Slave Power
North and South-the friends of law and liberty, of
free institutions and a republican form of gobern-
ment, have, during this crisis, to contend. It is a
power formidable in its proportions, fierce in its tem-
per, unscrupulous in the use of weapons, earnest, res-
olute and desperate-but not invincible.
The loyal and patriotic task of defeating and utterp
ly vanquishing this terrible power is divided between
the brave armies of the Union in the field of armed
warfare at the South, and the Republican party in the 
fields of Presidential policies at the North.
The troops that are fighting for the national cause
against the armies of rebellion at the South have 
given assurance that their part of the work shall be
well and triumphantly done; physical obstacles, how-
ever, may for awhile postpone its completion. Not
so at the North. The day is irrevocably fixed, when
the contending parties will be confronted, and the is-
sue will be determined. That day draws near.
Six weeks only intervene between the present, and
the time when the people will have to decide, by their
votes for Presidential electors, upon which the two
contending parties they will confer the power of ad-
ministering, for the next four years, the affairs of this
Republic. Then it will be seen, whether the work
of freedom, humanity, and civilization, which has ad-
vanced so auspiciously during the last three years, 
shall be continued and consummated; or whether
that which has been done shall be utterly undone and
The McClellan Meeting
The people who call themselves “the Democracy”
of Boston and vicinity, held a meeting in Faneuil Hall
last Saturday evening to aid the election of George
B. McClellan to the Presidency. Great exertions had
been made to call together a large gathering, and it 
was large. The hall was densely crowded, and those
who could not get in marched and countermarched in
the vicinity, with banners, fireworks, music and shout-
ings, much to the inconvenience of the speakers and 
hearers within.
The President of the meeting was Mr. Joseph S.
Fay, and the principal speaker was Judge Abbott, one
of the delegates to the Chicago Convention. Those
who wish to the proceeding in full can see ex-
tended reports in the Post  and Journal. I propose
here not to describe the meeting, but merely yo touch
upon some of its peculiarities.
The chairman of the Committee of Arrangements, 
who called the meeting to order, was Mr. Peter Har-
vey, the intimate friend and enthusiastic admirer of 
Daniel Webster, and, during most of his life, a strong
opponent of the Democratic Party.
Heading the long list of Vice Presidents was the 
name of Hon. Robert C Winthrop, a name thorough-
ly in contrast with everything democratic, in both the 
senses of that word and now brought into connection 
with the party so called only through its favor to sla-
very and its hatred of anti-slavery.
Some resolutions prepared for the occasion were
read by Col. Greene, editor of the Post. The first 
censures President Lincoln and his Cabinet, the
second praises General McClellan, the third heart-
ily endorse is the Chicago Convention, the fourth
complains of “the present deplorable civil war”, and 
the fifth rejoices in our victories in that war, and 
thanks the soldiers and sailors who are fighting in it.
It might seem to be an ordinary understanding that 
there was some discrepancy between the fifth of these
resolutions and the two preceding it. But the politi-
cal party here in question is entirely independent of 
such considerations. The leaders don't care for dis-
crepancies and the followers don't perceive them.  
But the mass of absurdity contained in the fourth of 
these resolutions is so remarkable that has to be worthy of 
special notice and comment. As has printed in the Post, 
it is as follows:-
Resolved, “That the present deplorable civil war
is fatal to the Union and the Constitution and there-
fore it has the highest duty of the people to preserve 
their Government and maintain its integrity in this 
contest, by all means in their power.”
It would be bad enough to have merely no connec-
tion whatever between premise and conclusion, and to 
say, because yellow and blue make green, therefore 
the sun rises in the East and sets in the West. But
the statement of two irrelevant true propositions as 
logically connected does not parallel the present case.
To make a sentence barely corresponding to that above 
quoted, which was read, and applauded, and voted, in 
the meeting, and printed next morning in the Post,
one should say, because blue and yellow make red,
therefore the sun rises in the west and sets in the East.
Even this amount of absurdity does not fully par-
allel the Democratic resolution; for not only that false
That this war is fatal to either Union or Constitution 
-not only is it false the the highest duty of the peo-
ple is to preserve their government in this contest-
not only are there two propositions, true or false, dia-
metrically opposed to the wish and purpose, and 
action of the meeting which voted it. Instead of 
wishing to “preserve” the Government which is now 
carrying on “this contest,” the Democrats are seeking 
to overthrow and destroy it. Their vote upon the res-
olution, therefore, considering the course they are tak-
ing in regard to the existing Government, is as absurd 
as the resolution itself.
In the speeches, as in the resolutions, although 
strong devotion was declared to the Union, little or 
English Sentiment on the American
Question
Manchester, (Eng.) Aug. 27, 1864.
To William Lloyd Garrison, Esq.,
Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A
My dear Sir-I cannot refrain from writing you 
a few lines of sincere congratulation and ernest sym-
pathy. Our esteemed mutual friend, George Thompson, 
will be able to tell you that I have long been one 
of your ardent admirers and humble followers in the 
great cause of universal freedom. I have a vivid 
and most pleasant recollection of meeting you and the  
noble hostiles of liberty, Frederick Douglass, Henry 
C.Wright and George Thompson on the platform of 
the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, some eighteen
18 years ago. You will remember the occasion, thought
you can have no recollection of me, or of writing your 
autograph for me on the fly-leaf of Frederick Doug-
lass's Narrative. From that day to this, the fer-
vent and constant prayer of my heart has been-
“God bless William Lloyd Garrison, the friend of the 
down-trodden and oppressed!”
Most intently and affectionately I have watched 
your career; noted your heroic labors and sacrifices; 
and exulted in all the noble triumphs and glorious 
conquests you have been privileged to realize, so far 
beyond anything you could at one time have ven-
tured to hope for, or even dream of as possible. Well 
now you look back, and look around, and say, “What 
hath God wrought!” Truly, the work of God's; 
but, as truly, you have been a devoted and faithful 
co-worker. And, verily, you have your reward, in 
the sublime and extatic consciousness of having been 
an honorable agent, not a mere blind instrument, of 
accomplishing great and beneficial results, fraught
with incalculable good for all races and all coming
ages. For, not alone is the poor slave benefited
when his chain is broken; the slave-master, and all 
who stand by as consenting on-lookers, (thereby in-
volved in the guild, suffering and degradation of 
wrong-doing,) are partakers of the benefits and bless-
ings of emancipation.
I look upon you, therefore, as a world's benefac-
tor; one of the true Prophets and Priests of Humani-
ty; yea, one of the Universal Kings of Mankind,
before whom all souls, loyal to truth, goodness and 
duty, do glad and willing homage. 
But I did not take up my pen to indulge in any
obtrusive personal reminiscence, or in mere expres-
sions of graduations. I rather wish to say a few
words to you about the actual, pregnant, momentous
situation of affairs in America.
As a British subject, I am conscious that I cannot
legitimately intrude my opinions, or dogmatize on
matters pertaining to the Party Politics on Ameri-
ca. I have no right to say that Mr. Lincoln is , or is 
not, the most fit and proper man to be elected Presi-
dent. I am not in a position to judge in that matter;
ans any such expression, therefore, would be imper-
tinent, if not offensive.
But as one deeply interested in all that deeply 
affects humanity; and as an Abolitionist, intently and 
most sympathetically alive do whatever seems to in-
volve the progress, the triumph and consummation 
of the sacred cause of Universal Freedom, I claim 
a right to form and express an opinion in the moral 
arena. And though the opinions of one but little
known, and quite uninfluential, can have no weight 
or significance with you, I will venture to obtrude it, 
because I feel certain that my individual opinion is in 
harmony with the thoughts and sentiments, aspira-
tions and convictions, and the great bulk of the people 
of England who have made themselves at all acquaint-
ed with the real facts and the true bearings of the 
great conflict – social, moral, political and military- 
now going on in America; a contest in which the 
people of the free States are so heroically shedding 
their best blood.
I am by nature and conviction opposed to all war, 
and hope to see the day when Christian nations will 
find themselves to some more rational and manly
September 23.
sue, so far as it went, and so far as the North honest-
ly accepted and adhered to it. It was seen by many 
that such an issue-if the contest was prolonged, and 
both sides were in ernest - must open up the entire 
question, eventually, and lead to the extirpation of 
slavery, root and branch, and all the States. As this
became obvious and inevitable, the people of Eng-
land-all whose opinions and sympathies are of real
weight and worth-freely and cordially ranged them-
selves on the side of the Federal Government and
loyal people of the North. None but those who pre0
fer tyranny, however odious, to the triumph of the popu-
lar government, when they know the facts and merits
of the struggle, can and do take sides with the South-
ern Slaveholders’ Confederacy. I have attended
very numerous public meetings in our largest halls,
and have always found the people ready to respond,
with heart and hand, to the claims of the loyal and
free citizens of the North, and to manifest their in-
tense abhorrence of the revolt of the Southern trai-
tors and rebels against your just and beneficent con-
stitutional Government-a Government second to none 
in the world, except so far as it had tolerant slavery.
I hope you will continue to do your best to con-
vince the people of America, that this is the real atti-
tude of the people of England-whatever the Lon-
don Times, Mr. J. A. Roebuck, or the Southern sym-
pathizers who have invested in Confederate cotton
loans and blockade-runners, may say to the contrary.
These men can make a great noise and stir in the 
press; but they cannot, they dare not meet the de-
fenders of Union and emancipation on the open
public platform, They have their head-quarters here,
but have never ventured to hold a public meeting in
out great Free Trade Hall, that will hold 7000 people.
One of their least scrupulous champions tied a lec-
ture (admission paid by tickets) in out Mechanics’ In-
stitute; but he was so take aback by the adverse
feelings of his audience, that he had to content him-
self by selling a few copies of his lecture in print, in-
stead of delivering it to those who had paid their
money for admission to the Hall. This champion of
disunion was the Rev. Joseph Barker, of whom you
know something, and who had the audacity to de-
nounce you, and those who are acting with you, as infi-
dels, and as wild, reckless men, who are causing all
the evil that he and other equally good men so much
deplore. Joseph soon found that the cause of
the South did not pay well enough to command his 
services and advocacy, and he has therefore gone
back to one of this old religious circles, and is no more
heard of in the arena of politics or secular questions.
Love-feasts, prayer-meetings, and preachings, afford
him a more congenial sphere of operation. No strong-
er proof could be given to those who know the ante-
cedents of this singular man, and the Southern
cause here is hopeless as as field for agitation, than
that he so soon abandoned his missionary operations
in behalf of the slaveholders’ confederacy.* No per-
son of real worth or high character has yet come out
before the public in his own name, to advocate the
cause of the South, out and out. Joseph Barker, J.
A. Roebuck and James Spence are the most notable
and conspicuous upholders of disunion the South
have found. All that need be said of these men is.
that their advocacy would not enhance any really 
good and noble cause in the estimation of those who
best know them; whilst, on the other hand, the 
cause of the free North has been advocated without
fee or bribe, or hope of reward, by scores and hun-
dreds of the noblest, purest, and most patriotic of our
public men, including the foremost thinkers and work-
ers in the cause of human progress and universal lib-
erty. I need not mention to you the world-honored
names of Richard Cobden, John Bright, and many 
others comprised in the Senatorial phalanx, who 
have nobly espoused the Federal cause. You are, al-
so familiar with the names of John Stuart Mill, Pro


seem most strongly to imply that others were not to be so treated, or in other words, that colored men from the insurrectionary States are to be held to labor and returned to their masters, if captured by the Confederate forces while duly enrolled and mustered into and actually in the armies of the United States.
   In the view which the government of the United States takes of the claim made by you to the persons and services of these negroes, it is not to be supported upon any principle of national or municipal law.  
   Looking upon these men only as property, upon your theory of property in them, we do not see how this claim can be made, certainly not how it can be yielded. It is believed to be a well-settled rule of public international law, and a custom and part of the laws of war, that the capture of movable property vests the title to that property in the captor, and therefore, when one belligerent gets into full possession property belonging to the subjects or citizens of the other belligerent, the owner of that property is at once divested of his title, which rests in the belligerent government capturing and holding such possession. Upon this rule of international law all civilized nations have acted, and by it both belligerents have dealt with all property, save slaves, taken from each other during the present war.
   If the Confederate forces capture a number of horses from the United States, the animals immediately are claimed to be, and, as we understand it, become the property of the Confederate authorities. 
   If the United States capture any movable property in the rebellion, by our regulations and laws, in conformity with international law and the laws of war, such property is turned over to our government as its property. Therefore, if we obtain possession of that species of property known to the laws of the insurrectionary States as slaves, why should there be any doubt that that property, like any other, vests in the United States ?
   If the property in the slave does so vest, then the " jus disponendi, " the right of disposing of that property, rests in the United States.
   Now the United States have disposed of the property which they have acquired by capture, in slaves taken by them, by giving that right of property to the man himself, to the slave, that is, by emancipating him and declaring him free forever, so that if we have not mistaken the principles of international faw and the laws of war, we have no slaves in the armies of the United States. All are free men, being made so in such a manner as we have chosen to dispose of our property in them which we acquired by capture.
   Slaves being captured by us, and the right of property in them thereby vested in us, that right of property has been disposed of by us in manumitting them, as has always been the acknowledged right of the owned to do to his slave. The manner in which we dispose of our property while it is in our possession cannot be questioned by you.
   Nor is the case altered if the property is not actually captured in battle, but comes either voluntarily or involuntarily from the belligerent owner into the possession of the other belligerent.
   I take it no one would doubt the right of the United States to a drove of Confederate mules, or a herd of Confederate cattle, which should wander or rush across the Confederate lines into the lines of the United States army. So it seems to me, treating the negro as property merely, if that piece of property passes the Confederate lines, and comes into the lines of the United States, that property is as much lost to its owner in the Confederate States as would be the mule or ox, the property of the resident of the Confederate States, which should fall into our hands.
   If, therefore, the principles of international law and the laws of war used in this discussion are correctly stated, then it would seem that the deduction logically flows therefrom, in natural sequence, that the Confederate States can have no claim upon the negro soldiers captured by them from the armies of the United States, because of the former ownership of them by their citizens or subjects, and only claim such as result, under the laws of war, from their capture merely.
   Do the Confederate authorities claim the right to reduce to a state of slavery free men, prisoners of war captured by them ? This claim our fathers fought against under Bainbridge and Decatur, when set up by the Barbary powers on the northern shore of Africa, about the year 1800, and in 1864 their children will hardly yield it upon their own soil.
   This point I will not pursue further, because I understand you to repudiate the idea that you will reduce free men to slaves because of capture in war, and that you base the claim of the Confederate authorities to reënslave our negro soldiers, when captured by you, upon the " jus post limini, " or that principle of the law of nations which rehabilitates the former owner with his property taken by an enemy, when such property is recovered by the forces of his own country.
   Or, in other words, you claim that by the laws of nations and of war, when property of the subjects of one belligerent power, captured by the forces of the other belligerent, is recaptured by the armies of the former owner, then such property is to be restored to its prior possessor, as if it had never been captured, and, therefore, under this principle, your authorities propose to restore to their masters the slaves which heretofore belonged to them which you may capture from us.


 your soldier than you do upon your negro. I assure you, much as we of the North are accused of loving property, our citizens would have no difficulty in yielding up any piece of property they have in exchange for one of their brothers or sons languishing in your prisons. Certainly there could be no doubt that they would do so were that piece of property less in value than five thousand dollars in Confederate money, which is believed to be the price of an able-bodied negro in the insurrectionary States.
   Trusting that I may receive such a reply to the questions propounded in this note as will lead to a speedy resumption of the negotiations for a full exchange of all prisoners, and a delivery of them to their respective authorities, I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
                  BENJ. F. BUTLER,
   Major-Gen. and Commissioner of Exchange.
———————
GENERAL JOE HOOKER'S SPEECH ON THE WAR.

   The people of Watertown, Mass., where " Fighting Joe " Hooker is making a brief sojourn, celebrated the Atlanta victory on Monday night. A procession was formed, and marched on the residence of O. V. Brainard, where the General is stopping, and the hero of Lookout Mountain made them the following pointed and characteristic address :—
 
   FELLOW CITIZENS,— You have come here to rejoice at the success of the Union arms, in which I am ready to join you heart and hand. My business is fighting, not speech-making ; but let me tell you that the army of Sherman is invincible, and cannot be disheartened. We must treat this rebellion as a wise parent would a vicious child—he must whip him into subjection. No milder discipline will answer the purpose. Some are crying peace ; but there can be no peace as long as a rebel can be found with arms in his hands. Woe be to those who cry peace when there is no peace ! This Union must be preserved, and there is no way of preserving it but by the power of our arms—by fighting the conspiracy to death. This rebellion is tottering now while I speak ; it is going down, down, and will soon tumble into ruin. Politicians may talk to you about the cause of the war, but I say, put down the rebellion, and then, if you choose, inquire into the cause of it. But first put down the insurgents—first whip them, and then talk about the cause, if you have nothing else to engage your attention. I believe in treating the rebellion as Gen. Jackson treated Indians—whip them first, and treat with them afterwards. The Union cannot be divided, let politicians talk as they may ; for if division commences, where are you to end ? First the South would go, then the Pacific States, then New England. I hear that one notorious politician has advocated that the city of New York should secede from the Empire State. In such case there would be no end to rebellion. Gentlemen, every interest you have depends upon the success of our cause ; every dollar you possess is at stake in the preservation of this Union. It will better accord with my feelings to see the limits of our glorious country extended, rather than circumscribed, and we may feel it a national necessity to enlarge our borders at no distant day. This Union, gentlemen, cannot be dissolved, as long as the army have guns to fight with. Furnish men and muskets, and the Union is secured. 
   
   This is the language of true patriotism, worthy of universal response.
———————
" A MILITARY ADVENTURER."
-----
   The Richmond Dispatch of June, 1862, said : 

   "In the early part of this war, General McClellan wrote to a distinguished office in the South, expressing his desire to serve in the Confederate army. If he cares to deny the fact—and his recent report proves that, in mendacity, he is the representative man of the Yankee nation—it can be demonstrated by such evidence as will close his lips in eternal silence. When he was at West Point, he affected to fraternize especially with those from the South, and to have little sympathy with those from his own section. We dare say this was genuine, and that he really was anxious to serve under Jeff. Davis in this war, but the high bribe offered by Lincoln, as too much for his easy virtue. He was not the man to sacrifice interest to sentiment, and of late has shown a disposition to become as extreme in his antagonism as is his friendship for the South."

   The Richmond Whig copied the above, and added :

   " After the battle of Rich Mountain, McClellan declared to Confederate officers, who were prisoners of war, that he would much rather be leading an army against Massachusetts than Virginia. This can be proved by unimpeachable authority, if denied. This boasted soldier and gentleman of the North is as much a hireling and adventurer as any Hessian in his ranks. If he has any conscience, it rebukes him daily for the base work in which he is employed. When to the pangs of remorse is added the shame of defeat, his condition will be such as even an enemy may pity. "

   The above paragraph went the rounds of the Northern press, and we have never heard of their charges being met or their challenge accepted by Gen. McClellan or any of his friends.


against the armies of rebellion at the South have given assurance that their part of the work shall be well and triumphantly done ; physical obstacles, however, may for awhile postpone its completion. Not so at the North. The day is irrevocably fixed, when the contending parties will be confronted, and the issue be determined. That day draws near.
   Six weeks only intervene between the present, and the time when the people will have to decide, by their votes for Presidential electors, upon which of the two contending parties they will confer the power of administering, for the next four years, the affairs of this Republic. Then it will be seen, whether the work of freedom, humanity and civilization, which has advanced so auspiciously during the last three years, shall be continued and consummated ; or whether that which has been done shall be utterly undone, and the dominion of slavery, with its cruelties and barbarism, be reëstablished. 
   There is a course which may be taken, in this eventful crisis, which we have a confident belief would lead to a glorious victory, and which we are certain is the right and heaven-approved one, whatever may be the result. That course is, to make this Presidential contest one of principles—of principles of the highest political morality—principles precisely the opposites of those that have been avowed by the mis-styled Democracy of the country. Let there be set before the people what is true, and just, and right, divested of all qualifications and all compromise. Let the people be shown distinctly what may be gained, and what may be lost, by the use or the abuse of the right they are about to exercise. Let the people have placed before them, in the clearest light, the tremendous issues involved in the present political struggle. Let it be shown that the question to be resolved is not the question, merely, of the restoration of the territorial Union of those States ; but of the principles upon which the Federal Government of the States shall hereafter rest. Let it be shown that the question will have to be decided, who shall be " the people " that shall form the future Union, and shall control the destinies of the Nation ; whether the friends of liberty and equality, of free institutions and universal education ; or those who constitute the most vicious and dangerous elements of Northern society, in combination with all that is degraded, brutal, and despotic at the South.

            " Men of thought ! be up and stirring, 
                     Night and day !
            Sow the seed—withdraw the curtain—
                     Clear the way !
            Men of action, aid and cheer them,
                     As ye may !

            Lo ! a cloud's about to vanish
                     From the day ; 
            Lo ! the right's about to conquer—
                     Clear the way !
            And a brazen wrong to crumble
                     Into clay !
            Men of thought and men of action,
                     CLEAR THE WAY ! "                  —G. T.
———————
SPEECH OF AN M. P.
-----
   At a banquet recently given by the Master Cutlers of Sheffield, England, speeches were made by Mr. J. A. Roebuck, the representative of the town, and Sir Frank Crossley, Bart., one of the members for the county. Mr. Roebuck, for the first time since the breaking out of the war, was silent on the subject of America. His parliamentary colleague, however, was not wholly forgetful of the topic. He thought that England, having entailed upon herself a debt of £890,000,000, through interference in the affairs of other countries, had acted wisely in abstaining from taking any part in the struggles which during the last few years had agitated Europe and America. He said :—

   " If I refer to America, I must say that we cannot look upon what is going on there without the deepest sorrow and commiseration. I have visited both the Northern and the Southern States. When I went from the North to the South, I took with me my opinions in favor of the North ; but I was told that it would be as much as my life was worth to express my sentiments on the question of slavery. When I got to the South, however, and sat down among the people there, I found that they did not wait for me to introduce the subject, but brought it up themselves. They asked me to compare their domestic institutions with those of my own country, and if I did not think the slaves on their plantations were better off than the laborers of England ? Were they not better clothed and better cared for than the working classes here ? My answer was, that if the working men of England would not work, they were not paid ; but that when they worked, they were honestly paid for what they did. Slavery is the curse of the Southern States. Slavery is the sole cause of the war that has rent the Union asunder. Nevertheless, good will, I believe, result from the present war, and all will come right, I think, in the end, though I am not sure that the North will be able to conquer the South. I trust to see the day when every American, black as well as white, will be paid for his labor. (Cheers.) "

   This must have been rather a bitter pill for Mr. Roebuck to swallow.


that this war is fatal to either Union or Constitution—not only is it false that the highest duty of the people is to preserve their Government in this contest—not only are these two propositions, true or false, destitute of connection as premise and conclusion—but the plain meaning of the second proposition is diametrically opposed to the wish, and purpose, and action of the meeting which voted it. Instead of wishing to " preserve " the Government which is now carrying on " this contest, " the Democrats are seeking to overthrow and destroy it. Their vote upon the resolution, therefore, considering the course they are taking in regard to the existing Government, is as absurd as the resolution itself. 
   In the speeches, as in the resolutions, although strong devotion was declared to the Union, little or nothing was said against the rebellion. The Chicago platform was praised as all right, the letter of McClellan was praised as entirely satisfactory, and through all the proceedings of the meeting it was assumed, with an effrontery worthy of the leaders and the party, that there was no contrariety between the platform and the candidate. Just as he ignores the impossibility of riding two horses which go in opposite directions, just so they ignore the absurdity of accepting a war candidate on a peace platform. In this one particular, a common disregard of truth and consistency, the parties, it must be confessed, are well matched.
   In some points this meeting bore a striking contrast to the gathering held in support of the Administration which had assembled in the same place a short time before. Very few ladies or women were present in the McClellan meeting. A strong force of police were early on the ground, as if in expectation that their services would be needed. And whereas, in the Republican meeting, a shout raised by opposers for McClellan was allowed to pass without interference, in the Democratic one, as soon as a man gave cheers for Abraham Lincoln, a furious howl was raised, the efforts of the speaker on the platform and of the Chairman to obtain silence were disregarded, the meeting roared " Put him out, " and a tumult of groans and outcries was kept up for five minutes, until the dissenter was forced out of the old Cradle of Liberty.
   There was great enthusiasm in the meeting from beginning to end. The chief manifestations of it were called out by the name of McClellan, which was always warmly applauded. Next after this, the strongest demonstrations of feeling came out, on the part of the audience, whenever the speakers expressed disapprobation of the drafting of soldiers, or contempt for the colored population of the country. The " Democracy, " as here represented, were plainly a white man's party and slaveholders' party, as well as a war-peace party.—C. K. W.
———————
RESOLUTIONS OF INQUIRY.
-----
   The Worcester Freedom Club, at its weekly meeting on Friday the 9th, adopted the following form of inquiry to the Hon. Secretary of State, Wm. H. Seward :—

   1. Resolved, That the Worcester Freedom Club, watching with loyal and patriotic interest not only the course of events, but the utterances and doings of public men as they bear upon public affairs, respectfully asked of the Secretary of State the meaning of that passage in his Auburn speech of Sept. 3d, reported as follows, viz :—
 
  " That when the insurgents shall have disbanded their armies, and laid down their arms, the war will instantly cease—and all the war measures then existing, including those which affect slavery, will cease also ; and all the moral economical and political questions, as well questions affecting slavery as others, which shall then be existing, between individuals, and States, and the Federal Government, whether they arose before the civil war began, or whether they grew out of it, will, by force of the Constitution, pass over to the arbitrament of course of law, and to the councils of legislation. "

   2. Resolved, That the Freedom Club anxiously asks if the country is to understand by this that Emancipation, being a war measure, will " instantly cease " with the closing of the war, and only those slaves be emancipated that shall actually have gained their freedom in the course of the war.
   3. Resolved, That the entire nation addressed by the Secretary of State in this late Auburn speech upon the eve of the Presidential election, being deeply interested in the answer to this question, a definite and positive reply is justly due to the country, through the medium of the public press, in order that the people may know distinctly what is the policy they are called to vote for i n voting for what the Secretary argues, viz., the reëlection of the present incumbent of the Presidency.
———————
   > The Editor of the Liberator has just returned from his recreative visit to Peterboro', Syracuse and Auburn, N. Y.,—a visit which he has enjoyed "to the brim, "—and will resume his editorial labors with the next number of his paper.


of the sacred cause of UNIVERSAL FREEDOM, I claim a right to form and express an opinion in the moral arena. And though the opinion of one but little known, and quite uninfluential, can have no weight or significance with you, I will venture to obtrude it, because I feel certain that my individual opinion is in harmony with the thoughts and sentiments, aspirations and convictions, of the great bulk of the people of England who have made themselves at all acquainted with the real facts and the true bearings of the great conflict—social, moral, political and military—now going on in America ; a contest in which the people of the free States are so heroically shedding their best blood.
   I am by nature and conviction opposed to all war, and hope to see the day when Christian nations will bind themselves to some more rational and manly method of settling their disputes. Still, I cannot but recognize that human governments, as constituted, must repel, and, if possible, overpower and subdue, armed and desperate Rebels who seek to destroy the Nation's life, by practically asserting the right of secession and territorial disintegration; and this, not in the direction of further liberty, or of any of her just objects, but for the hideous purpose of rivetting afresh the galling fetters that bind an enthralled race, and the extension of a system of chattel slavery, viler and more oppressive than the sun ever shone on—the stigma, curse and execration of civilization !
   It was the Southern Slaveholders, headed by the leading politicians of the South, in their interest and confidence, who went to war against their own National Government with fiendish recklessness and idiotic folly. The Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln did not want war ; did not devise war ; but did every thing it could, compatible with honor and fidelity and sworn trust, to stave off and avert war. Its great weakness was, that it did not really believe that the South earnestly intended war. It did not credit the ominous and infernal declarations of the slaveholding statesmen. And when Fort Sumter was fired upon and the national flag outraged, at that moment, and by that act, the national conscience—the sense of honor, dignity, duty, and all that makes life holy and noble—was fired. It needed not a proclamation from Mr. Lincoln to call men to arms. Mr. Lincoln rather erred in forbearance and hesitancy, and in proclaiming an inadequate sense of the danger and necessity by calling for only seventy-five thousand volunteers for a brief term of enlistment. Had he called for twice the number, and enrolled them for the war, he might have evinced a profounder view of the crisis. The Southern leaders could not have done, under any circumstances, more than they have done. They have fought with the energy of desperation from the first moment, and they have performed prodigies of valor—I would say heroism, but their cause is so base and brutal, that nothing truly heroic can be predicated of it, without blasphemy against God and Humanity.
   You will see from what I have said, that I throw the responsibility and guilt of the war—in its initiation and precipitation—on the Southern rebels. Impartial History—the voice of God recorded by man—must ever make the rebel leaders responsible for what they deliberately planned, and so recklessly carried into effect.
   But there are those who hate slavery and love freedom, who yet say that the Federal Government and loyal people, who are wholly in the right, and the Confederates wholly in the wrong, ought to have given way, and allowed the South to secede ! But these good people did not say that our Government ought to have allowed the mutineers of India to prevail, and go in peace ; nor would they be willing to allow Ireland to secede, were the attempt again to be made. It is easy to bury other people's children, or to contemplate secession in another country. Every heart knows its own bitterness, and its own deep affections and loyal integrity. It seems to me that the principle of Secession, as a reserved State Right, is as false, pernicious and fatal as the doctrine of the right of murder and suicide ; and no nation could exist were such a principle acknowledged and acted upon. I cannot see in your Constitution, or in the Declaration of Rights put forth by its founders, any grounds for the monstrous claims, or any pretext for the enormous crimes of Secessionists. The right of revolution—when a people are resolved and able to throw off an odious tyranny—we all admit ; but no one can justify a revolution in favor of Slavery. And that Slavery was the great political and social abomination, for the conservation and extension of which the South sought to secede, no one can deny who knows any thing about the facts, and has any regard for truth and decency.
   My sympathy must ever be with the cause, and those who support the cause, of Freedom. The issue at first opened between the Federal Government and loyal people on the one side, and the so-called Confederate States on the other side, was one of mere resistance to the extension of Slavery. It was a just is-


A. Roebuck and James Spence are the most notable and conspicuous upholders of disunion the South have found. All that need be said of these men is, that their advocacy would not enhance any really good and noble cause in the estimation of those who best know them; whilst, on the other hand, the cause of the free North has been advocated without fee, or bribe, or hope of reward, by scores and hundreds of the noblest, purest, and most patriotic of our public men, including the foremost thinkers and workers in the cause of human progress and universal liberty. I need not mention to you the world-honored names of Richard Cobden, John Bright, and many others comprised in the Senatorial phalanx, who have nobly espoused the Federal cause. You are, also, familiar with the names of John Stuart Mill, Professors F. W. Newman, J. E. Cairnes, Goldwin Smith, and many others, whose pens and voices have most ably pleaded the cause of freedom and the North. But there are hundreds who are like-minded, who are constantly pleading the same cause, though in more restricted areas. I could, from memory, and offhand, write down the names of many scores known to myself, who are able and eloquent and entirely disinterested advocates of the cause of the North. I wish your people could know all this, or could be induced to believe it ; they would then be the better able to bear with the vile taunts that are flung at them from the baser portion of our press, and those of our public men who have no love for liberty, except as it increases their power to uphold some unjust form of oppression or legalised robbery. 
   But I must conclude this already too extended communication, though I have not said several things I intended or wished to say when I commenced. I will try to write you again ere long.
   In the mean time, I pray God to bless you, and prosper all the work you are engaged in for Truth, Justice and Freedom.
   Believe me ever, most truly, your devoted friend,
                        THOS H. BARKER.

   [ The writer of the above interesting, instructive and encouraging letter is an earnest friend of the cause of emancipation, and a warm defender of the anti-slavery policy of the present national administration. He is the able and efficient Secretary of the United Kingdom Alliance, a body organized for the purpose of promoting temperance, by giving to the people, in their several localities, the power of suppressing the traffic in intoxicating drinks. Mr. Barker is, also, one of the most active members of the Executive Committee of the Manchester Union and Emancipation Society. For some years he has been the friend and correspondent of General Neal Dow, and has given a wide circulation in Great Britain to the letters sent by the gentleman from this country. It will be seen that Mr. Barker's views of the merits of the contest now agitating the United States are singularly clear and accurate. We have no doubt that his representation of the state of the public mind of England is equally correct, as few men possess better means of information, or are qualified to exercise a more impartial judgment. Mr. Barker may feel certain that any future communications will be gratefully welcomed by the Editor of the Liberator, who is now temporarily absent from his post.—G. T. ]
-----
   * The Boston Investigator, a journal which advocates the infidel opinions of which Mr. Joseph Barker was until recently the champion, speaks as follows of that gentleman, in its issue of the 14th instant :—

   "The text which says, ' Lay not up for yourself treasures upon earth, ' must have been understood by Joseph with the ' not ' omitted, when he was in the church : for a more avaricious or miserly man we never knew, and he had not been long among the infidels of this country before it was plainly enough seen that what he wanted was to make himself rich at their expense, rather than to advocate their cause. He is one of those men who, being in the market, and ready for a job that they deem profitable, will employ their talents on any question, no matter what. * * * * * He is a proof that Infidelity cannot change natural propensities, and that when a man's god is the dollar, what is ' bred in the bone will show itself in the flesh. ' Barker is a constitutional money-grub, on whom the appeals of reformers to anything like self-sacrificing effort fall as cheerless as moonbeams on a frozen fountain. A priestly adventurer on the simplicity of Infidels, he apparently sympathized with them as long as there was money to be made out of their gullibility. But when this game was up, and his craft was seen through, he goes back into the church, from which we marvel that he ever came out. There let him abide, close by the golden candlesticks ; for while his pious eye is fixed upon them, he will behold the shining treasure whose possession is the ninth and a good share of the tenth point of his religion. "
———————
   NOTICE. All pledges made to the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, prior to last May, are now payable ; and, whenever made, their payment will be most helpful now. Any such, or any contribution, in aid of the Society, may be sent to ROBERT F. WALLCUT, 221 Washington St., Boston, for the Treasurer. 
   > Pledges to the American Anti-Slavery Society may also be paid as above.

The Liberator.
The Liberator is published every Friday Morning, at 221 Washington Street, Room No. 6.  Robert F. Wallcut, General Agent.
Terms_Three dollars per annum, in advance.
Four copies will be sent to one adddress for Ten Dollars, if payment is made in advance. 
All remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed, (POST PAID,) to the General Agent. 
Advertisements of a square and over inserted three times at five cents per line; less than a square, 75 cents for three insertions.  Yearly and half yearly advertisements inserted on reasonable terms. 
The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are authorized to receive subscriptions for The Liberator.  
The following gentlemen constitute the Financial Committee, bu are not responsible for any debts of the paper, viz:- Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Edmund Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Jr. 
"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all the inhabitants thereof."
I lay this down as the law of nations.  I saw that military authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST; and that, under that state of things, so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive management of the subject, not only the President Of The United States, but the Commander of The Army, HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVES...... From the instant that the slaveholding States become the threatre of a war, civil, serville, or foreign, from that instant the war powers of Congress extend to interference with the institution of slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERPRETED WITH, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to a foreign power....It is a war power.  I say it is a war power; and when your country is actually in war, whether it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, According to the laws of war; and by the laws of war, an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institutions swept by the board, and Martial Power Takes The Place Of Them.  When two hostile armies are set in martial array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate all the slaves in the invaded territory." J.Q. Adams.
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Editor
Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind.   
J.B. Yerrington & Sons, Printers.
Vol. XXXIV. No. 42.      Boston, Friday, October 14, 1864.   Whole No. 1758.
Refuge of Oppression.
Old Abe.
Old Abraham, my jolly old Abe, 
When we were first acquaint, 
I thought you were an honest man, 
But nothing of a saint; 
But since you wore the Spanish cloak, 
You love the negro so, 
And hate the white man, so you do, 
My jolly old Abe, my Jo.  
Old Abraham, my jolly old Abe, 
What do you really mean?  
Your negro proclamation is 
A wild fanatic's dream!  
The war you did begin, old Abe, 
And that you surely know, 
You should have made a compromise, 
My jolly old Abe, my Jo. 
Old Abraham, my jolly old Abe, 
Your darkey plan has failed; 
Ere this you know that cruel war 
And taxes you've entailed. 
In this unhappy land, old Abe, 
Are weeping, wail and woe, 
That you can't cure, nor we endure, 
My jolly old Abe, my Jo.
Old Abraham, my jolly old Abe, 
The blindest man can see
The Union you will not restore
Till every negro's free, 
And, equal with the best of men, 
In arm and arm can go, 
To vote as you may wish him to, 
My jolly old Abe, my Jo.
-Linden Laurie. 
The way the Cat Jumps. 
There is no mistaking the indications of the times.  The Radical party is losing strength, and the Conservative gaining it, hourly.  All the movements are toward our side.  Every day brings tidings of Lincoln papers and Lincoln men coming over to the McClellan standard.  The number of original Lincolnites - those who worked hard for him during the campaign of '60 - stampeding to the conservative ranks, is remarkable.  Hundreds of prominent men could be named.  The papers, particularly the German journals, which have hauled down the Lincoln flag, and run up McClellan's constitutional Union Jack, may counted by scores.  And against all these changes the Radicals cannot offset a single instance of a McClellan paper, or a 

and drove back the invaders of Washington and of the Administration.  (Great applause.)  Who of us will not accept that omen that it might have been reserved for him to rescue not only the capital on that day, but to rescue  the whole country at the present time?  (Applause - "He will.)  You have not forgotten that this was General McClellan's last military service, and that a few weeks after this he was dismissed from the army.  But. thank heaven, the day is at length at hand when the people of the United States have the constitutional opportunity and the constitutional right to revise and reverse the decrees of the Administration.  
Young men of New York and of the nation, it is you especially who ought to see that this great work is accomplished.  Our candidate is especially a young man's candidate.  It may well be the pride of "Young America" to see that the has not only fair play and a generous  support, but that he has an opportunity of showing what the young men are able to do, and are destined to do, in the high civil places of the land, as well as upon the field of battle.  This campaign, however, is not so much a personal contest as between Mr. Lincoln and General McClellan; it is a question as to the nation's welfare and the nation's life.  For myself, I cannot repress the conviction that the best interest of our country, that the best hopes of restoring the American nation, originally and methodically, demand a change of Administration at the approaching Presidential election.  (Great applause.)  I cannot repress the conviction, the deep, earnest apprehension that, if the policy which has been adopted and pursued by President Lincoln' and his advisers throughout the last two years shall be pursued four years more - that we shall be irretrievably plunged into the fathomless abyss of disunion.  (Applause.)  The policy lately, I think, has been more to destroy the Union than to build it up; schemes of philanthropy on the one side, and of subjugation on the other, have occupied the minds of men.  The great, leading, constitutional idea of restoration seems to have been lost sight of, and we have been treated to a hundred various projects of "reconstruction."  Opinions like those emanating from men whom we suppose to be loyal, in power, strike us more forcibly than if they came from rebels.  There are no terms of denunciation or condemnation which in my judgement, it does not deserve; and if it would do any good to spend the night in railing at the rebellion, or in railing at the force of the rebellion, if it would be anything better than "baying yonder moon," I would join with you in the denunciation until that moon will set and arise again. (Applause.)  But you remember how all, four years ago, rose up, without any reference to party, and did all they could to support the Admin-

the guiltiest man alive.  (Applause.)  How can we better advance the interests of that policy than by promoting the election of the man who is the very personification of it? (Applause - "We'll do it.")  That is the policy of which your own McClellan has enforced and illustrated better than anybody else could do for him in his noble despatch from Harrison's Landling, in his brilliant oration at West Point, and more than all in his admirable letter accepting the nomination for the Presidency.  Those are the platforms for all time.  Why, fellow-citizens, if anybody is disposed to cavil with you about your platform, tell them that General McClellan ha made his own platform, and that it is broad enough and comprehensive enough for every patriot in the land to stand upon.  (Applause.)  Tell them, those cavillers, too, that you would as soon think of holding General McClellan responsible for not having taken Richmond when he was so rashly interfered and so cruelly stripped of his troops, as you would think of holding him responsible for any equivocal words of Chicago conventions, or of any other conventions under the sun.  Tell them, too, that you would as soon imagine that the brave Army  of the Potomac would have been frightened from following him by the Quaker guns along the roadside, as that any of the honest supporters of McClellan for the Presidency should be scared from their position by any paper bullets of the brain which might have been concocted in the midnight session of a resolution committee during the hurly burly of the presidential nomination.  (Great applause.)  Tell them that General McClellan has made his own platform, and that we all recognize it, and it ought to be satisfactory to everybody.  That admirable letter of alone is worth an army with banners to the cause of the nation.  It has the true clarion ring to rally a nation to the rescue.  It speaks in trumpet tones to all our deluded brethren at the South, and tells them that there never was a dream of ceasing hostilities on any other basis than that of the Union (applause), while, at the same time, it open wide to them a door of reconciliation and peace whenever they shall manifest their willingness to return to their allegiance to the Constitution and the laws.  Why, it has torn the flag of the revilers of General McClellan as handsomely as Sherman himself has torn the flag of Hood at Atlanta.  (Laughter.)  It has destroyed every pretence for those unjust situations insinuations, those sweeping and abominable insinuations against the opponents of this administration, which have fallen from so many partisan tongues.  It has destroyed every pretext

shall be no firing upon their rear.  (Cheers.)  They wil take care of the enemies of the country in ?; we will take care of the enemies of the coun- ? in their rear.  (Cheers.)
Speech of Gen. Hooker.
At this point, the audience caught sight of the soldier-like form of "Fighting" Joe Hooker, when a sene occurred transcending anything ever witnessed hereabouts in the way of a reception.  The whole audience sprang to their feet, cheer rose upon cheer, of the magnetic, electrical kind, that thrills along the nerves; ladies waved their handkerchiefs, gentlemen swung their hats, Gen. Hooker bowing his acknowledgments, and, for a moment, seeming almost overcome by the demonstration.  When the applause had somewhat abated, Gen. Hooker stepped forward, in answer to loud calls, and said:
Ladies and Gentlemen: I need not tell you that I am totally unprepared for this.  I cannot and I do not take this demonstration or any part of it to myself.  I am not worthy of this reception.  ("Yes you are;" and cheers.)  I am no more worthy of it than you.  We are all here in the same boat; you have been working in one place, and I have been working in another.  (Cheers.)  Your victories are as dear to us in the front as the victories in the front are dear to you.  The victories of the last Fall, I speak with a full knowledge, were hailed with as much joy and enthusiasm in the army as though they had been achieved by the army I belong to.  The victory of Ohio we felt, and I hope we may feel many more; and I do not doubt that next November we shall taste of one to which this rebellion has furnished no parallel.  I need not tell you that I am rejoiced to find such an assemblage here tonight, and it shows that it is all right with our cause and our country.  (Cheers.)  No misfortune can befall us when our people are animated by the feeling which is evinced here to-night.  If the war has been prolonged, it has not been from our weakness, but from our consciousness of strength.  We have not put forward all our energies and resources, although we have shown and we have employed resources which have amazed the world.  But in the North, the North has not yet made that one great effort to crush this revolt by a blow - it could do it and can do it any day when it moves for that purpose.  (Cheers.)  The people in these loyal States, and I am proud to say it, the people have been in advance of the authorities in all of this rebellion, (cheers,) and they will be until they reach the end, and the end is not remote.  (Cheers.)  I am rejoiced to meet you, and to meet you under such auspices as I do to-night.  Tidings, glorious tidings retch us from all of the armies: the work goes brave-

member, it after the 8th of November next.  Gentlemen, this Niagara-Chicago Platform, this Platform inspired by Jeff.  Davis's agents (hisses) is before this country.  They have put their candidate upon it. Is there a man here to-night who can tell us whether McClellan is on the Platform?  (A voice, "The Platform is on him." Laughter.)  Whether he stands upon the Platform, spits upon it, clings to it, lies round it loose? (Laughter.)  Not a man of you can tell us that.  But I heard a man say in the audience that the Platform is upon him.  (Renewed laughter.)  Well now, gentlemen, the very men who made the Platform, two weeks after they made it, go up and down the country disowning the work of their own hands.  They dare not stand up before the country, and plant themselves fairly upon their own deliberations.  Ralph Wando Emerson tells us the weight of a sentence depends on whether there is a man behind it.
The value of a platform depends whether honest, patriotic, upright men are behind it.  And I know tricksters made this platform are behind it.  I do not care anything about their platform.  I have not a word here to say to-night about their candidate.  I know Gen. McClellan and Geo. H. Pendleton.  They are men of fair abilities and personal character.  I do not wish to spend a moment, and I do not intend to do it, talking about them.  They are of no earthly account before the American nation-to-day.  (Cheers.)  And, gentlemen, I am not here to-night to speak about the President of the United States in terms of eulogy.  I merely wish to say that I know him well.  I know him to be true and patriotic, devoting night and day to the service of the country.  (Cheers.)  I am willing to trust the Government in his hands. (Cheers.)  And I believe him stronger among the American people to-day, including our gallant armies, by a quarter of a million of voters, than any man who ever voted for him.  (Cheers.)  Now, gentlemen, I say I care nothing about the nominees nor their platform.  But I look to the platform builders.  They cannot get away from themselves.  They may disown their own platform, they may disown their own candidates, but they cannot get away from their own record.  That is secure.  We know who these men are.  We know how they have borne themselves during the last five or six years of trial and trouble, and we will not trust the government of this country for evermore in their hands.  (Cheers.)  Therefore, knowing who built the Niagara-Chicago platform and what their purposes are, we choose to stand by the administration of Abraham Lincoln; we choose to stand by the men of the country who have written their names in letters that will not die, in favor of maintaining the unity of the Republic

Letter From Gen. Butler.
The Military And Political Campaign - A Word To Loyal Democrats.
{"Headquarters Department of Virginia and North Carolina. In The Field, September 26, 1864."}
My Dear Cameron - You will deem me a most remiss correspondent.  If you had been enabled to come here, you would have found much of interest in answer to the question: What of the rebellion from your point of view?
We have been lying in front of Lee's army now for four months, which have been by no means spent in vain.  From the examination of thousands of prisoners and deserters, and articles in Southern newspapers, I am certain that these have been months of depletion to the Southern army; that the whole arms-bearing population of the States within the rebel lines have been exhausted in the effort to recruit their forces; and the capability, if not the will, to resistance is fast dwindling away.  
The Confederate Congress, in December last, passed an act, the first section of which is in these words: "The Congress of the Confederate States do enact that all white residents of the Confederate States between the ages of seventeen and fifty are in the service of the Confederate States."  
The act then provides how farmers, mechanics and others may be detailed by military authority to raise the provisions and do the work for the army in the field.  
What would our Democratic friends, who are so blatant over "Lincoln's tyranny," say to such a draft as that on our side?  I would like to see Governor Seymour's mild protest against it.  I would not like to hear Voorhees' denunciations of it, for they would be vulgar.  
Now, when I read in the Richmond papers clamorous calls that the detailed men shall be all put into the ranks, how can I doubt the united testimony of deserters and prisoners, that the rebel means as to men are at an end?
Never having been a convert to the theory, that the provisions at the South would be readily exhausted, I have not placed much reliance upon that result.  Yet it is certain that the means of transporting those provisions from point to point by rail have given out, and the railroads are becoming so crippled in their equipment, that it is impossible for them to furnish the movement of men and supplies necessary to the extensive military operations required to meet our forces.
Add to this the concurrent testimony of prisoners, 



There is no mistaking the indications of the times. The Radical party is losing strength, and the Conservative gaining it, hourly. All the movements are toward our side. Every day brings tidings of Lincoln papers and Lincoln men coming over to the McClellan standard. The number of original Lincolnites - those who worked hard for him during the campaign of '60 - stampeding to the conservative ranks, is remarkable. Hundreds of prominent men could be named. The papers, particularly the German journals, which have hauled down the Lincoln flag, and run up McClellan's constitutional Union Jack, may be counted by scores. And against all these changes the Radicals cannot offset a single instance of a McClellan paper, or a McClellan man, turning to Lincoln. The conversions are not that way - and cannot be, in the nature of things. You might as well expect a Christian to turn Hindoo.
The march of progress is not backward. It is Lincoln, not McClellan, that the country is getting sicker of day by day. The people have no reason to be dissatisfied with McClellan. So far from that, they have every reason to be more and more satisfied with him, as time proves the wisdom of his military plans and vindicates the broad statesmanship of his views upon the great questions that are now distracting the country. But every day and every hour demonstrate only the more clearly the incapacity of Mr. Lincolnto extricate the nation from the terrible dangers into which his administration has plunged it. Every day and every hour are steadily and rapidly swelling the torrents of blood that are poured out in defence of that policy; and are adding millions upon millions to the national debt, already mountain high. The more these facts are looked at and dwelt upon, the more powerful appear the reasons to every frank, disinterested person for desiring a change. Such a change is offered by the election of McClellan. It cannot possibly make things worse than they are, and may - and, for our part, we feel sure that it will - make things infinitely better. Thousands of men are leaving the Radical party, because they have found it out, and because of its hollowness and hypocrisy. Thousands of others are leaving it, not exactly because they have found it out, but on the general principle that human nature sooner or later tires of one kind of diet, and craves a change. These are some of the reasons why the Radical party is disintegrating, and the Conservative party building up accretions from its debris. 
Mr. Lincoln's prospects were far better a month ago than they are to-day. They are better to-day than they will be a week from to-day; and they will be getting worse and worse every day thenee onward. Mr. Lincoln has passed his perihelion, and is now traveling comet-like toward the other end of his eccentric orbit. He will reach it and be out of sight by the first Tuesday of November. But, as Mr. Lincoln recedes from the sky, Gen. Mcclellan comes into it with a larger orb and a fuller radiance. McClellan rounded his aphelion when he wrote his letter of acceptance; and every minute has been bringing him, with increased velocity, towards the centre of our political system; and his arrival there at the appointed time may be set down as positively as anything in the almanac. He passed Mr. Lincoln, going the other way, some weeks ago. - N. Y. Journal of Commerce
Speech of Hon. Robt. C. Winthrop,
Delivered at the McClellan-Cooperhead Ratification Meeting held in Union Square, New York, on Saturday Evening, September 17, 1864 :-
I thank you, fellow-citizens, for this kindly and flattering reception. You know me, men of New York, if I may presume to imagine that you know me, as a member of the whig party of the Union. I could not refuse the invitation of your committee to be here to-night, if for nothing else than to witness this grand demonstration. (Applause.) I was promised that this would be the largest meeting ever held in the city of New York. You are assembled, my friends, in Union Square, and I am glad to be assured that you all intend to stand square on the platform of the Union. (Applause and laughter.) You are assembled on the anniversary of the day the Constitution received the attesting signatures of its framers, and I rejoice to be assured that you will resolve to uphold the authority and to vindicate the supremacy of that Constitution. (Applause.) You are assembled, too, on the anniversary of the day on which our noble candidate himself completed his great work of rescuing the capital of the country from the Confederate hosts, by the splendid victory of Antietam. (Loud applause.) You have not forgotten - I am sure no man can have forgotten - those early days of September, 1861, when the fate of our republic seemed trembling in the scales, and when every man's heart was failing him for fear, and when our young and noble candidate, forgetting the unmerited indignities to which he had just been subjected, and remembering nothing but the danger of his country and his own determination to stand or fall with its flag, gathered up by the fragments of his brave but broken army, reorganized those scattered battalions, as if by the waving of a magician's wand.
the minds of men. The great, leading, constitutional idea of restoration seems to have been lost sight of, and we have been treated to a hundred various projects of "reconstruction." Opinions like those emanating from men whom we suppose to be loyal, in power, strike us more forcibly than if they came from rebels. There are no terms of denunciation or condemnation which, in my judgement, it does not deserve; and if it would do any good to spend the night in railing at the rebellion, or in railing at the force of the rebellion, if it would be anything better than "baying yonder moon," I would join with you in the denunciation until that moon will set and rise again. (Applause.) But you remember how all, four years ago, rose up, without any reference to party, and did all they could to support the Administration. But no considerations of patriotism, my friends, no considerations of loyalty, call upon us to go further while supporting the Administration. We will support the powers that be as long as their term shall last, not as approving their policy but as recognizing the legitimate position of the authority of the government. But no considerations of patriotism, no considerations of loyalty can call upon us to prolong the supremacy of a party whose part it has so eminently been to destroy every spark of the Union sentiment in the Southern breast, to implant in its stead a dogged, desperate determination never to come again under rulers whom they have learned to hate. No considerations of loyalty, I say, can call upon us to prolong the existence or renew the term of an Administration whose peculiar policy, by exciting this spirit of hatred and desperation, has rendered the victories of our armies a hundred fold more to be achieved, and has robbed them of almost all their legitimate results after they have been achieved. (Applause.) For, my friends, there are no victories which ever cost so much, or come to so little, as those which are extorted from a foe who has been goaded and maddened into desperation. This goading and maddening process will serve very well to increase the sport of a bull fight, but it has at least cost us one Bull Run, (laughter.) and it is never destined, in my judgement, to secure those victories which are to be followed by peace and union.  (Applause.) My friends, I would not be understood to cast any imputation upon the patriotism of President Lincoln, or anybody else; I am not here for that purpose. I have no doubt that he honestly desires to save the country. How can he help it? How can any man doubt that President Lincoln should desire to write his anem upon the roll of history as the restorer of the American Union? It is a title which might satisfy the most exalted ambition. But I fear that he has become so entangled by his own proclamations and admissions and pledges upon the subject of slavery, that is he incapacitated for bringing about any early or successful conclusion of this terrible struggle. He has weaved for himself a gordian knot which he cannot untie, and which the truest and sharpest swords which we can employ have not yet been able to cut asunder. Why, who has - has anybody - forgotten that recent notification, that extraordinary manifesto, "To whom it may concern," (laughter.) which he published so recently in answer to propositions for peace, and in which he was obliged, according to these proclamation pledges, to insert a condition which discomfited even his best friends, and rendered hopeless every proposition or effort upon the subject.
My friends, we need new counsels, we need new counsellors, we need a change a policy, we need a return to that constitutional policy under which the North was originally rallied for the suppression of this rebellion - the policy which, as you all remember, was embodied in that glorious resolution which was adopted in the Senate of the United States on the fourth of July, 1861, upon the motion of my ever honored and lamented friend, Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky - a State which I am rejoiced to see is represented on the platform at this moment - which was almost unanimously adopted. You remember that resolution ; it embodied the simple straightforward policy, the constitutional policy, or going for the restoration of the Union without any view of subjugation or conquest, without any view of extermination or proscription; it had the one single view of restoring the authority of the Constitution; and restoring the union of the States. That was the policy, my friends, which would have divided the South; it was the policy which ought to have satisfied and united the North. Let me rather say that it was the policy, and it is still the policy, which, pursued under the lead of men against whom the whole heart of the South has not been inflamed, embittered and poisoned, under the lead of men who are not ashamed to avow their readiness for reconciliation, that highest ornament of the Christian character, without which we cannot hope for the blessing of God upon our arms - this is the policy which, thus pursued, will still, I honestly believe, restore the union of the States, and present our flag and our country once more in the face of all the world, with a star for every State, and a State for every star. Oh, what a glorious day that will be for us and all mankind! I confess that if to pant for it, to yearn for it, to subject one's self to the imputation of being a peace man is crime, I am 
speaks in trumpet tones to all our deluded brethren at the South, and tells them that there never was a dream of ceasing hostilities on any other basis than that of Union (applause), which, at the same time, it opens wide to them at door or reconciliation and peace whenever they shall manifest their willingness to return to their allegiance to the Constitution and the laws. Why, it has torn the flag of the revilers of General McClellan as handsomely as Sherman himself has torn the flag of Hood at Atlanta. (Laughter.) It has destroyed every pretence for those unjust insinuations, the sweeping and abominable insinuations against the opponents of this administration, which have fallen from so many partisan tongues. It has destroyed every pretext for the idea that there is any party at the North ready for an ignominious abandonment of the cause in which we are engaged ,or ready to entertain any proposition which are incompatible with the Constitution and the Union. The Union, the Union at all hazards! ("That's the talk.") It is distinctly the import of the letter of acceptance of the 8th of September of George B. McClellan. The Union, in any event, was the import of the Farewell Address of George Washington. (Applause). "The Union, it must be preserved," is distinctly the maxim of McClellan in 1864, as it was the maxim of Andrew Jackson in 1832. (Applause.) A Democratic President saved the country then, and I believe a Democratic President can save the country now. (Applaluse.) Let us then, my friends, rally round his great principle of unconditional unionism which belonged to Washington, Jackson, and McClellan, alike. Let us follow the flag, the whole flag, and nothing but the flag. (Applause.) Let us vindicate the rights of free opinion, free speech, a free press, and of free elections, even in a time of civil war. Let us show to all the world that we are still, and always mean to be a free people. Let us bring no railing accusations against the patriotism of others, and let us treat all accusations against our own patriotism with the contempt and the scorn which they deserve. And let us now and always, as we throw forth McClellan banners to the breeze, let our word now and always be, to friend and foe alike, those words which I rejoice to have seen emblazoned upon so many banners and mottoes and platforms upon this occasion -" The Union; it is our only condition of peace; we ask no more, but the Union must be preserved at all hazards."
Mr. Winthrop resumed his seat amid tremendous applause.

Selections
UNION MASS-MEETING IN BROOKLYN, N.Y.
One of the largest meetings ever held in Brooklyn, N.Y. on the evening of the 22d ult., crowded every corner of the Brooklyn Academy of Music with beautiful women and intelligent citizens. 
The Hon. HENRY WILSON, of Massachusetts, was the first speaker. He said :-
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen :-
I am sure you came here to-night not for mere partisan purposes. If there ever was a time when the injunction of Daniel Webster should be accepted by every loyal American heart, that our object should be our country, our whole country, and nothing but our country, this is the day. (Cheers.) I come not here to defend the Republican party in the United States. That party is now administering the government of our country. It has its faults; it has made its mistakes. But they are mistakes of the head, and not of the heart. (Cheers.) That party was brought into being to resist the aggressive slaveholding policy of the land barons of the South. It represents to-day the cause of human liberty on the North American continent. (Cheers.) It represents the spirit of American nationality. It has never murdered one of its defenders. (Cheers.) With it is every noble sentiment of the human soul; with it and behind it are the prayers and the blessings of all the champions of human liberty throughout the world. John Bright, the champion of human liberty (cheers) in our fatherland, is with and for this administration of our government and of our country in its trial. Garibaldi speaks for us, thinks for us, feels for us. And against us is every traitor on this continent, and every Rebel sympathizer; against us are all the champions of privileged rights throughout the world. We stand to-day maintaining the nationality of the country and the liberties of the human race. (Cheers.) For forty odd months the country has been desolated by civil war. To-night our brothers are down on the banks of the Mississippi, on the shores of the Bay of Mobile, on the shores of Carolina, or with Grant round Richmond (cheers.) with Sherman at Atlanta, (cheers.) and marching with Sheridan out of the Shenandoah Valley. (Cheers.) They are following their worn and faded banner, ready at the tap of the drum to hurl themselves upon the rebel legions for the salvation of our preiled country. It is our duty to see to it that there

but from our consciousness of strength. We have not put forward all our energies and resources, although we have shown and we have employed resources which have amazed the world. But in the North, the North has not yet made that one great effort to crush this revolt by a blow - it could do it and can do it any day when it moves for that purpose. (Cheers.) The people in these loyal States, and I am proud to say it, the people have been in advance of the authorities in all of this rebellion, (cheers.) and they will be until they reach the end, and the end is not remote. (Cheers.) I am rejoiced to meet you, and to meet you under such auspices as I do to-night. Tidings, glorious tidings reach us from all of the armies; the work goes bravely on. There are no Copperheads (great cheers) - there are no Copperheads in the army. (Cheers.) They will fight well, and they will vote well. (Cheers.) More devotion, more loyalty, never, never animated the hearts and hands of men more brave.
I thank you most sincerely for the kindness with which you have received me to-night. I am unworthy of it. (No! no!) I believe in the humble capacity in which I have been placed, I have never failed to do my duty, (cheers and "That's so!") and I don't intend to now. I wish you all good night.
The General then retired amid loud and prolonged cheering.
CONCLUSION OF SENATOR WILSON'S SPEECH.
After Gen. Hooker had retired, Mr. Wilson again arose and continued his address. He said, referring to this most agreeable interruption, "I want you, gentlemen, when you go home to-night, to remember that of the Democratic party that voted against Abraham Lincoln four years ago there are tens and hundreds of thousands like fighting Joe Hooker. The Democratic party of to-day and the Democratic party of four years ago, is divided into four marked and distinct parties. One section of that party is represented by such men as Benjamin F. Butler (cheers), who hung up in New Orleans the traitor that tore down the flag of our country, like a dog. Another representative is your own Daniel S. Dickinson, and the brilliant and philosophic Bancroft; our Lieut. Gen. Grant; Gen. Sherman; Gen. Logan. I do not know what Sheridan is, but I know he has made a great speech this week against the Chicago platform (cheers) - these men speak for the country, fight for the country, and vote for the Adminstration (Cheers.) Then we have another section of this party which asks us to put the Government into their hands, and that is the unconditional peace section (hisses) represented by such a man as Fernando Wood, (hisses,) by Vallandigham, the great martyr, (hisses,) by George H. Pendleton, who never voted for the country, (hisses,) by Long and Harris, who, on the floor of Congress, thanked God we had not conquered the Southern people, and could not do it. Then there is another section to which Seymour belongs, (hisses) - a set of waiters upon Providence, men who are governed by events; for the country a little to-day, and against the country a great deal to-morrow; a little war and a great deal of peace. Horatio Seymour is one of the chief leaders of that section of the Democratic party. There is another section for whom I entertain a great deal of kind feeling. They are patriotic men; they are for the country - they have given their money to the country - they want the country to succeed; but they are wedded to the Democratic name, and they are exceedingly alarmed about the proclamation of emancipation. Now among that class of men our friends have a grand missionary field, and I hope they will use it and improve it. The Democratic party, as such, will you surrender the government into their hands? ("Never!") They went up to Chicago the other day, and they went, as we all know, by the way of Niagara Falls, (laughter.) and these Democrats held a consultation with Jeff Davis's agents at Niagara Falls, and agreed upon the platform; and the Richmond papers, on the 3d of September, published what the platform was to be as agreed upon. They went to Chicago with the platform, and proclaimed it there, and we now have the Niagara-Chicago platform. (Laughter.) They sent their platform to the country. They started from Chicago with the idea that they were to march right straight over this country to victory. They had hardly left that city before they began to feel the cold and chilling breezes of the people. No sooner was that platform telegraphed over the country, than the people rose in the majesty of their power, just as they rose when the echoes of the cannon of Sumter went over the land. (Cheers.) We were gloomy before that Conventien, as we were before the firing upon Sumter. But the moment it was proclaimed that hostilities must close, that our brave soldiers must turn their backs on the enemies of the country, then the instinctive patriotism of the American people brought all patriots to their feet. (Cheers.) And I tell you t-night this Presidential battle is already won. (Cheers.) Abraham Lincoln (cheers) will receive the votes of more than twenty States of this Union, and more than three hundred thousand popular majority; and I want you to take home this prediction with you, and re-
I look to the platform builders. they cannot get away from themselves. They may disown their own platform, they may disown their own candidates, but they cannot get away from their own record. That is secure. We know who these men are. We know how they have borne themselves during the last five or six years of trial and trouble, and we will not trust the government of this country for evermore in their hands. (Cheers.) Therefore, knowing who built the Niagara-Chicago platform and what their purposes are, we choose to stand by the administration of Abraham Lincoln; we choose to stand by the men of the country who have written their names in letters that will not die, in favor of maintaining the unity of the Republic and the cause of equal and impartial history. (Cheers.)

REV. J. MANNING ON THE WAR

At a flag-raising in Ward 9, Boston, on Monday evening, Rev. Jacob M. Manning of the Old South Church, and formerly Chaplain of the 43d regiment, addressed the assembly in the following stirring words, as reported in the Daily Advertiser :-

Mr. Chairman: I shall make you a very short speech to-night. This is not a time for talking, except such speech as leads to action. My friend, Mr. Stevenson, who asked me to say a word here to-night, took pains to tell me that the coming election is far above any mere issue of mere party politics. Perhaps he thought me one of those respectable republican clergymen, who never mix themselves up in politics. However, that may be, let me remind you that it has fallen to my lot to minister in an old building that is called the sanctuary of freedom; and while God keeps me, so far as my influence goes, that sanctuary shall not belie its name. [Applause.]
I rejoice, Mr. President, that you have thrown the stars and stripes out in Ward Nine with the motto-"Lincoln and Johnson" [applause] ; it is in that sign and in no other that we shall conquer [applause]; and not until we conquer, both at the polls and in the field, shall we have a peace that will be honorable and permanent. 
This is our flag; it is not the flag of the Chicago Convention [voices - No, no]; it is not the rattlesnake flag of open rebellion, nor the snake-in-the grass flag of McClellan's letter [applause]; it is the flag that now owaves in triumph over the first in Mobile harbor; it is the flag that has moved triumphantly from Chattanooga to Atlanta [applause]; it is the flag that is now flashing and flaming down the Shenandoah. [Applause.]
Gentlemen, let me tell you what I conceive to be the grand mistake of the opposition. They do not comprehend the fact that this government is putting down a rebellion, and they fall on that fact and are broken: that fact, like a rock cut out of the mountain, falls on them, and it grinds them to powder. [Applause.] It is not the talkers at home, but the fighters at the front, who uphold that flag, that constitute practically to-day the American nation. [Applause.]
The copperhead party, my friends, is a sore head party; they shriek Union at all hazards, which means "Polly wants a cracker." [Applause.] Gentlemen, McClellan did not quite surrender up our country as the commander of the American forces, and I don't believe he will as the leader of the bogus democracy. [Applause.] He cautions passengers not to stand upon the platform, but the passengers must go where the train goes, and we know where that is. [Applause.] He knew what the platform of the Chicago Convention would be, in substance before the delegates assembled at Chicago. His letter of acceptance is an electioneering document, written because it was made necessary by the fall of Atlanta, and written at the dictation of his party. No matter what a man tells us when he is in the rapids of Niagara; we know where he is going - down, where the party is going in November, [applause.] and in the mist that rises out of the abyss that engulfs both him and his party, every patriot will behold a bright bow of promise.
Gentlemen, for three years and a half you have been watching our soldiers, you have criticised their movements, you have denounced cowardice and unfaithfulness which may have been exhibited, you have been disheartened by their defeats, and you have been gladdened by their victories. Now it is their turn; they are watching you; they are looking to see if you have patriotism and manhood enough to meet the issue which is now before you. They are looking to see whether they shall be encouraged by the triump of Union votes, or whether they shall be disheartened and have their arms paralyzed by recreancy and failure. Let us show them, Mr. President and fellow-citizens of Ward Nine, that we are equal to the grand occasion; let us show them that we mean to write one more name on our country's victorious banner, so that is shall read, Mobile, Atlanta, the Senandoah Valley, and the Eighth of November. [Applause.]
Then, if not before, Richmond is ours, and the Southern Confederacy an exploded bubble. [Applause.]

ous calls that the detailed men shall be all put into the ranks, how can I doubt the united testimonooy of deserters and prisoners, that the rebel means as to men are at an end? 
Never having been a convert to the theory, that the provisions at the South would be readily exhausted, I have not placed much reliance upon that result. Yet it is certain that the means of transporting those provisions from point to point by rail have given out, and the railroads are becoming so crippled in their equipment, that it is impossible for them to furnish the movement of men and supplies necessary to the extensive military operations required to meet our forces. Add to this the concurrent testimony of prisoners, deserters, and refugees, that the rank and file of their armies are in the confident expectation and belief in the promise of their leaders that this will be their last campaign; that the nominees of the Chicago Convention will be elected in November; and that the independence of the Confederate States will be acknowledged, and a treaty of peace by concluded; and you have an imperfect synopsis of the reasons why I believe the rebellion near its end.
It will be for the loyal men of the North to see to it that their treason does not end in the way proposed by the Southern leaders, aided by the election of General McClellan and the Chicago platform. 
Here is the only danger, if danger exists at all. Therefore, whatever may have been or may be the preferences of any man as to any person for the chief executive of the nation, or dissatisfaction with the course of the government upon matters of mere administration - yea, even in the important points of administrative policy, as laid down in the platform or foreshadowed in ats acts - it seems to me the plain duty of every loyal man to support the election of Lincoln and Johnson.
The question now before the people is not as to the preponderance or fitness of Mr. Lincoln or General McClellan for the Presidancy. Admit that neither or either one or the other is of himself the best man for the place. What then? One must be elected. No other results is possible. We are then remitted to the class of political ideas which each represents; and to what is still more important, to the men and their affiliations by whom each will be surrounded, and controlled, in fact, and by whom his administration will be shaped in the event of election. Can it be that any true man, especially any Andrew Jackson Democrat, can desire this government put into the hands of the Messrs. Vallandigham, Woods, Seymour, Pendleton, Long, Harris, Voorhees, and their surroundings, North and South? Let us see what their platform and their candidates mean: The war is to be carried on, or it is not; if not, then a disgraceful and dishonorable peace, which will be no peace, and which no true man wants, is to be the result. Or, if carried on, then both platform and candidates are pledged to the disbandment of two hundred thousand colored men, now doing duty as soldiers or serving the army, their places to be supplied either by volunteers, at an expense of hundreds of millions in bounties, or by a draft, which is the great ground of complaint by the opponents of the government.
Nay, more, if either the Chicago platform or McClellen's acceptance means anything, these negroes are to be returned to their masters, to fight or labor on the other side. Does any one doubt, if returned to their masters, they would be at once sent into the rebel lines, where alone such property has any real value? Upon the theory of the Chicago platform and McClellan's "Constitutional rights of States," I think it would "exhaust the resources of statesmanship" to show why these men should not be returned to their formers masters, as, indeed, was the practice in McClellan's army.
Still further, does not General McClellan twice over in his letter and platform promise new constitutional guarantees to the right of the South?
Is it possible that all these concessions are to be forced from the North by secession and at the point of the bayonet?
That which specially affects the mind of the old and true Democracy of the country in the Baltimore platform is its declaration as to slavery. In the view I take of this question, it seems unfortunate that such a declaration was made, as it proves a stumbling block to many. 
Why not treat the slavery question according tot he fact that slvaery dies and is buried wherever our armies march? No political action can aid, no resolutions of conventions can hinder that result. The war, if prosecuted to the end, will accomplish all that the most ardent anti-slavery man can desire; so that if the war goes on to the bitter end for the restoration of the Union, then slavery is no more, and all declaration that the war shall or shall not be carried on for the extinction of slavery are futile, and worse than useless. The war will extinguish slavery whether we wish it or not. Nay, it extinguishes slavery by rendering the slave worthless. In Charleston to-day, a negro can be bought for $3000 in Confederate money, which sells for $30 for one in gold, making the value of the negro $100. And this, too, with cotton at $1.75 per pound in New York. Before the war, the same negro would bring $1000 in gold, with cotton at 12 cents in New York.

168     THE LIBERATOR.    OCTOBER 14.

Poetry.

For the Liberator.
BE TRUE.

Men of the North-land, be true to the Right !  
Press onward unfaltering, nor shrink from the fight !  
If now ye are craven, and false to your trust, 
The altars of Freedom must crumble to dust.

Oh, say, shall vile treason rule over our land, 
And we tamely bow to a base traitor band ?  
Shall our dear old New England bow down her proud head, 
By her recreant sons unto ruin betrayed ?

Ah, no ! we will rally from mountain and glen, 
And the spirit of old-time rekindle again ; 
With hearts firm and loyal, unfaltering and true, 
For the contest we'll gird on our armor anew.

We ask not for peace until freedom is won ; 
We seek not for rest till our labor is done ; 
We must break the last link in the chain of the slave, 
Ere the olive-wreath over our nation can wave.

We are pledged to be true to the brave who have died ; 
From the pathway of duty we 'll turn not aside ; 
Their graves are to us as the saint-shrines of old, 
And their memory still in our hearts we enfold.
     October, 1864.    CARRIE.

THE SELFISH COPPERHEAD'S PRAYER IN 
WAR TIME.

Again the clouds of battle lower 
   With terror and dismay :  
Protect me, All-Disposing Power, 
   In this disastrous day !

As in the camp the soldiers learn 
   To riot, curse and swear, 
'Twould give my pious soul concern 
   To have my boys go there !

Then while my neighbors and their sons 
   Are called to war and arms, 
Grant that my boys, secure from guns, 
   May cultivate my farms !

And while with taxes and expense 
   My kindred are distressed, 
Oh grant that all my hard-earned pence 
   May slumber in the chest !

And should the rebels gain the day, 
   And all their foes condemn ; 
Then may I wash my hands and say, 
   I ne'er opposed them.

Yet, if by Thy disposing will 
   My country gains the cause, 
O may I find a shelter still 
   In her indulgent laws !

And should she disbelieve my word, 
   May I upon Thee call 
To witness I ne'er drew my sword, 
   Or fired a gun at all.

For since from frailty and mistake 
   No carnal mind is free, 
I wish no active part to take, 
   But leave the whole with Thee.

Though impious pirates on the seas 
   Our merchants' ships despoil, 
Yet shall my spirit rest in ease 
   Till foes invade the soil.

Then let the friends of btatle rave, 
   My peaceful vales shall sing ; 
And oxen, corn, and all I have, 
   Full thrice their value bring.

O may my lands yield twenty fold, 
   The army to supply ; 
May fat contractors, fraught with gold, 
   My copious harvests buy !

May continental rags no more 
   Usurp the place of coin ; 
But crown my basket and my store 
   With blessings from the mine !
       —N. Y. Evening Post.

WITHOUT THE CHILDREN.


The Liberator.

TESTIMONY OF COLORED WITNESSES IN 
VIRGINIA.

   A correspondent of the New York Tribune gives a 
long account of some interesting and remarkable 
proceedings in the County Court of the County of 
Alexandria, Va., in regard to the admission of the 
testimony of colored persons there.
   In the case on trial in that Court, Graff vs. Howard, 
the plaintiff's attorney called as a witness Israel 
Dorsey, a colored man from the State of Massachusetts, 
declared by the attorney to be a citizen of that 
State.  Objection being made on account of his African 
descent, the plaintiff's counsel alleged him to be 
a competent witness.  The Court, however, sustained 
the objection, and refused the colored man's testimony.  
The plaintiff's attorney made exception to 
this ruling, and tendered a bill of exceptions for the 
Court to sign.  The bill was accordingly signed and 
sealed by the full Court, consisting of five justices, 
Sept. 7th, 1864, and the case was continued to the 
next term of the Court.
   The intention of the plaintiff in this case is, if necessary, 
to carry it by appeal to the highest Court of 
the State, and thence by writ of error after final decision 
to the Supreme Court of the United States, 
upon the constitutional questions involved.  In the 
mean time, Israel Dorsey, whose testimony was rejected, 
has filed his bill of complaint in his own name 
in the Circuit Court of the United States, for the 
District of Virginia, against the Alexandria County 
Court, for a writ of mandamus commanding the latter 
not to refuse or reject his testimony.
   A hearing upon the application last named was had 
at Alexandria on the 16th ult., in which Calvin Pepper, 
Esq., of Alexandria, and Ex-Governor Ford of 
Ohio, now of Washington, appeared for the petitioner, 
Dorsey.  Various dignitaries of the State and city, 
and also a numerous and highly respectable committee 
of the colored citizens of Alexandria, appointed 
at a public meeting for the purpose, were present 
in court.  Considering that Dorsey is contending for 
their rights, and the rights of every colored person 
in this matter, the colored citizens of Alexandria 
have assumed the entire expenses of the suit, and 
carry it on in behalf of civil liberty and universal 
emancipation.  The Judge remarked that he did not 
wonder at the interest manifested by these people in 
the questions involved, for it had come to his knowledge 
that only the night before, a colored man had 
been kidnapped from Alexandria, and that the perpetrators 
expected to escape justice, as there were 
none but colored witnesses to testify against them.  
After conversation on the case, the hearing was postponed 
until the third Monday of October, Mr. Ford 
stating that the case would present questions of momentous 
importance, including the powers and duties 
of a rebellious State in process of reconstruction or 
under a provisional government.
   The Tribune's correspondent concludes his very 
interesting account of this case by saying that the 
counsel for the complainant believe that the Court 
and the District Judge, in the legitimate exercise of 
their ordinary powers, can grant the prayer of the 
complainant ; but, should such not be the case, that, 
in view of the rebellion and the exigencies of the 
country, the Court need not strictly scrutinize its 
powers, nor govern its action as in ordinary times, 
but by declaration, by advice, by obiter dictum, by 
compulsory action if need be, aid in the reconstruction 
of the rebellious State of Virginia, and its restoration 
to the Federal Union, upon the principles of 
justice, equality, and advancing civilization.—C. K. W.

RIGHTS OF BLACK SOLDIERS.

   The Advertiser of the 5th inst. tells us that the cartel 
for the exchange of naval prisoners provides for all 
on each side, and that nothing is said in it about the 
race or color of prisoners.  The Navy Department 
therefore expects that colored seamen will be [ex-?]

survived and made progress.  Boston flourished and 
made progress under Mayor Wightman's mayoralty ; 
yet his administration was none the less a failure.  No 
one man can quite block the wheels of Providence.
   I think the logic of General Fremont's letter good.  
He withdraws his name, not for the purpose of aiding 
Mr. Lincoln's triumph, but to ensure the defeat of 
McClellan.  We logically choose to endure present 
ills, rather "than fly to others that we know not of."  
A large proportion of the most able advocates of Mr. 
Lincoln's reëlection would prefer Fremont, but defer 
to the necessity of Union to defeat McClellan.  I think 
this to be the position of most old and earnest abolitionists.  
      Respectfully and truly yours, 
                                                          D. M. 

PUT OUT THE FIRE.

   DEAR GARRISON—The following lines ran off the 
end of my pen somewhat hastily, yesterday, with a 
spare drop of ink after I had been writing somewhat 
more solid to the same effect.     Yours truly, 
      Boston, Oct. 10, 1864.     J. T. SARGENT.

"PUT OUT THE FIRE."

We often hear some people say, 
In compromising sort of way, 
"Why, yes, we know that Slavery 's bad ; 
But, then, you radicals are so mad !  
We can't make out, with all our figures, 
That we have aught to do with niggers !  
Let's push this war with all our bravery, 
And crush rebellion.  Don't touch Slavery."  
Now, this is just about as wise 
As if,—with cataract o'er his eyes,— 
A man should say, as to his blindness, 
" I thank you, Doctors, for your kindness.  
Of course, I want to save my vision, 
But, for the cataract,—no excision !"  
Or, just as if, with house in flames, 
The foolish resident exclaims, 
"DON'T MEDDLE ; for 'tis my desire 
To save the house, but spare the fire !"  
Great fool !  Why, how fails he too see 
The hopeless task which that will be !  
"PUT OUT THE FIRE," says common sense, 
Remove the curse !  Kill the offence !  
Strike the tap root !  Wrench the disease 
From off your vitals !  Let no breeze 
Of tolerance fan that conflagration 
Which thus consumes a suffering nation.  
For SLAVERY is the FIRE, the FLAME 
The wasting plague, fore'er the same :  
And so our cries go, higher, higher, 
PUT OUT THE FIRE !  PUT OUT THE FIRE !

THE VINDICATION OF OUR COURSE.

   Time, it is said, "brings its own revenges."  It 
certainly furnishes a safe reliance for all who act 
with rectitude of purpose.  It tries all things and 
all persons, and the honest and true are pretty certain 
to obtain full vindication in the end.  In the 
matter of our own political course, the developments 
which time is making are especially subjects 
for self-congratulation.  It has so happened that, in 
relation to national politics, we recently found ourselves 
separated from many with whom we had 
been co-operating, and with whom we were persuaded 
we fully agree in principle.  The division has 
grown merely out of a question of policy.  We 
have been well satisfied that the best mode offered 
to secure the success of our principles was to act in 
connection with the great Union party of the nation, 
which faithfully adheres to those principles, even in 
the support of a candidate who would not, under 
ordinary circumstances, be our first choice.  We 
hold principles to be above men, and politics to be 
a business in which prudence, calculation and concession 
in minor maters are as necessary as in any 
of the ordinary pursuits among men.  Our friends, 
to whom we allude, appeared to think differently.  
They concluded that the better policy to reach the 
ends sought alike by them and ourselves was to separate 
themselves from the Union party, and set up 
an independent organization of their own.  Because 
we declined going into this enterprise, we incurred 
the displeasure of the projectors of the new 
party, who reside numerously in our midst.  This 
is a matter which has given us but little uneasiness.  
True, we regretted that any difference of opinion 
should arise between ourselves and any others with 
whom we harmonized in principle, but we were 
willing to leave to time the decision of the question 
whether we or they were right.  That decision, we 

Pickens, of the regiment, with whom I had 
the advantage of a personal acquaintance.  The 
Colonel was superintending the disinterment of a 
number of cases of U. S. rifles, which lay buried in 
the ground, and in rows, the soil heaped over them, 
as if they were graves.  Four of the cases of rifles 
were already unburied when I reached the spot, and 
I had the (to me unpleasant) satisfaction of handling 
some of those guns, which had already been 
taken out of the cases.
   I heard Colonel Gayle say that t he interment of 
these guns was known at the War Department 
(rebel) even before McClellan's retreat from before 
that city.
   On the inquiry of my friend and Dr. Kelly, of 
the rebel army, from Colonel Gayle, if he thought 
it had been intended that said guns should fall into 
the hands of the Confederates, the Colonel answered 
in the affirmative, and concluded by saying, " Mac's 
all right."
   Not more than a hundred yards distant from this 
spot, Lieutenant Colonel Pickens pointed out to me 
a number of ambulances—two hundred and ten in 
number—and said he had assisted at their capture, 
and that when captured the horses belonging to 
said ambulances were hitched, some to trees and 
some to the rear of the ambulances.  As I was then 
in the employ of the United States, it was my business 
to gather as much information in regard to military 
matters as possible ; and on my inquiry of Colonel 
Pickens if he thought these ambulances had 
been intended to be in the same "bargain" as the 
rifles, he said : " I don't see what else they should 
have been intended for; for they were just where 
you see them, and the horses hitched as you see 
them, while the fight was going on right here."
   Presently some whisky  was handed round, and 
we all drank a toast to "Little Mac."
   About the month of April of the same year, as I 
was going from Richmond to Mobile, in company 
with Lieutenant Wiltz, and Dr. Kneed of Missouri, 
and Dr. Fontlerey, of Virginia—the two latter 
gentlemen being of the rebel General Prince's staff 
—we met with Brigadier General Watson, of Alabama.  
General Watson said in my presence that 
then, or at any time after the war, he could give satisfactory 
proof that George B. McClellan, of the 
Federal army, at the outbreak of the rebellion and, 
during the preliminary arrangements for the organization 
of the Confederate army, had offered his 
services to the Confederate Government, but that as 
the Confederate Government had resolved to give 
rank, in preference to officers formerly in the United 
States service according to seniority of rank, they 
could not give to McClellan what he desired, as 
other officers ranked him in seniority ; and that 
McClellen, having become offended at this, offered 
his services to the United States.
   In December, 1862, I had occasion to call on Governor 
Shorter, of Alabama, who was then sojourning 
at the Huntsville Hotel, Huntsville, Alabama.  
Governor Shorter introduced me to General 
Watson, who was present.  The General recognized 
me immediately.  And, as the Governor resumed a 
conversation with another person in the room, I, 
while in conversation with the General, had occasion 
to refer to our trip to Mobile ; and I purposely 
brought about the conversation in reference to General 
McClellan, and General Watson reiterated the 
statement he had made previously in regard to 
McClellan.
   In regard to Clement L. Vallandigham, the Ohio 
traitor, I will say that during his sojourn at Richmond, 
he was repeatedly closeted with Jeff. Davis, 
James A. Seddon, the rebel Secretary of War, and 
Judah. P. Benjamin, the rebel Secretary of State.
   During my visit to Richmond at that epoch, I 
learned from reliable sources (rebel officials) that 
this Ohio traitor had pledged his word to the rebel authorities 
that if the Democratic party at the North 
succeeded in electing their candidate at the next 
Presidential election, he would use all his influence to 
obtain peace on the basis of a recognition of the Confederate 
States as a separate and independent government.
   Moreover, during my stay at Richmond, having 
called on Mr. Benjamin, the Secretary of State, 
with a view to obtain an interview on business of a 
private character, I was told by an official in attendance 
at the Department of State—who, of course, 
believed me to be loyal Confederate—that it was 
uncertain when I could chance to see Mr. Benjamin, 
and that as the visitor of Mr. Benjamin was Mr. 
Vallandigham, whom this official styled the " Ohio 
refugee," the conference might be protracted to a 
late hour.  On that day, although I waited until [after?]

WHO GO FOR McCLELLAN.

   Vallandigham, the traitor, goes for McClellan.
   Wall, the notorious New Jersey copperhead and 
traitor, is for McClellan.
   Every man who clamors for Peace and disgraceful 
submission to traitors, is a McClellan man.
   Every man who utters the standing lie that the 
" Abolitionists" commenced the way is for McClellan.
   Every rebel General, Colonel and Captain, are in 
favor of the election of George B. McClellan.
   Every Knight of the " Golden Circle" is for McClellan.
   Every officer who has been dishonorably dismissed 
from the army, (for proof of this you can see them 
in the streets of Harrisburg,) will vote for McClellan.
   Every contractor who has been detected in defrauding 
the Government huzzas for McClellan.
   Every deserter from the army is for McClellan.
   Every man who voted against the law allowing 
the soldier a vote goes for McClellan.
   Every man interested in the rebel loan, such as 
the British rebel agent, Augustus Belmont, of New 
York, is a warm friend of McClellan.
   Such is the character of the leading supporters 
of McClellan.  Friends of the Union, what think 
ye of them?

THE McCLELLAN DRAMA OF FAILURE.

   Col. James B. McKean, of the 77th N. Y. Regiment, 
in a speech at a Union meeting in New York 
city, on Tuesday evening, 27th ult., said :—

   I went with a regiment into the Army of the Potomac.  
After being held in check for six months 
under Gen. McClellan, by an enemy one quarter 
our numbers, and who vanished as we advanced to 
meet them, we made a flank movement and went 
down to Yorktown.  There we halted a month, 
more than 100,000 strong, before an enemy that 
numbered just 7,511, upon the authority of Pollard, 
the rebel historian.  Then we moved slowly up the 
peninsula and waited for the Chickahominy to rise.  
At length, after a series of reverses, the Young Napoleon 
had to change his base to the James.  
(Laughter.)  Ah, me ! is there in all history so 
melancholy a failure as that of Gen. McClellan ?  
(Voices, " No, no, no.")  What is there of his career 
but this one tragedy of five acts ?  Act I.— 
Held in check six months by one quarter of his 
force : advances and finds wooden guns, but no foe.  
Act II.—Halts a whole month with more than 100,000 
men before 7,611 men at Yorktown.  Act III. 
—After the battle of Williamsburg, allows his army 
to remain five days on the battle field while the 
enemy retreat ; then a week on the Pamunkey at 
the White House while the enemy fortify Richmond ; 
then stands astride the Chickahominy, waiting for it 
to rise.  Act IV.—Retreats while even victorious 
with his four Generals, the head-boards of our dead 
being scattered over almost every rod of the retreating 
path of the army.  Act V.—Stands with folded 
arms while Pope is slaughtered at Bull Run.  (Loud 
applause.)  What else is there in the campaign of 
this man before or after ?
   Said a member of the Cabinet to me at the time 
of the retreat of Gen. Pope :  " Three days ago 
Gen. McClellan was ordered to send your corps (the 
6th) to the relief of Pope, but he has not obeyed 
the order yet.  I believe he wants Pope to be defeated."  
In the course of twenty-four hours the 
corps had marched.  Too sick to ride on horseback, 
I followed, riding all night for the purpose.  
Remembering this conversation, and remembering 
the Pennsylvania campaign, I had sad forebodings.  
That splended Corps, the fighting 6th, that Corps 
marched to the vicinity of the field of battle, and 
there under the orders of somebody, stood with folded 
arms and fired not a shot in that disastrous fight, 
and upon the field, the miserable John Fitz Porter 
refused to obey orders, and Pope's Army was defeated.  
I ask what else is there in the career of this 
man to fit him for a candidate for the Presidency.  
He is now trying his hand at a farce, and is now waving 
in his hand the most beautiful of white feathers, 
(cheers) and his colleague is clothed in the white 
robes of peace ; but if you look a little more closely 
you will find under the white robes a girdle of 
snakes, and in his left hand is a scroll, and on it 
written ; " Charter of the Knights of the Golden 
Circle.  A Western Confederacy, a Northern Revolution, 
success at the polls, or a free fight."  And 
who are these two characters ?  The latter the [per-?]

   It makes no difference whether the candidate of 
such a party is a soldier himself—yes, it makes this 
difference : it renders him more odious to the true 
American soldier than a regular peace candidate 
would be ; for he becomes in his own person, by his 
acceptance of the position, responsible for and 
guilty of all the contumely, reproach and slander 
that the traitorous Copperhead party, of which he 
is the candidate, has heaped upon the soldier, the 
army, the flag, and the cause of the American Union. 
—Missouri Democrat.

COLORED TROOPS.

   We commend the following sensible statement of 
an eye-witness, which we clip from the Boston 
Transcript, to those who are disturbed at the Copperhead 
sneers over the deserter at Petersburg, and 
commend them to recall in this connection the dispatches 
of yesterday, announcing the relief of the 
garrison at Dalton, through the gallantry of the 
14th United States colored troops, who, it is stated, 
" charged the rebels with an impetuosity that was 
irresistible," and the latter " fled in confusion : —

   BRAVERY OF THE COLORED TROOPS.  As 
some Copperhead paper feels inclined to saddle the 
late repulse at Petersburg on the colored troops, 
who (as at Fort Wagner and Port Hudson) 
formed the storming party, we are enabled to give 
some interesting facts on this point from a private 
letter of an officer who was in the conflict :—

   " In regard to the bravery of the colored troops, 
although I have been in upwards of twenty battles, 
I never saw so many cases of gallantry.  The crater 
where we were halted was a perfect slaughter-pen.  
Had not ' some one blundered,' but moved 
us up at daylight instead of 8 o'clock, we should 
have been crowned with success, instead of being 
cut to pieces by a terrific enfilading fire, and finally 
forced from the field in a panic.  We had no 
trouble in rallying the troops, and moving them into 
the rifle pits ; and in one hour after the rout, I 
had nearly as many men together as were left unhurt.
   I was never under such a terrific fire, and can 
hardly realize how any escaped alive.  Our loss 
was heavy ; in the 28th colored, for instance, commanded 
by Lieut. Col. Russell, (a Bostonian,) we 
lost seven officers out of eleven, and ninety-one 
men out of two hundred and twenty-four, and the 
Colonel himself was knocked over senseless, for a 
few minutes, by a slight wound in the head.  Both 
his color-sergeants and his color-guards were killed.  
Col. Bross, of the 29th, was killed outright, and 
nearly every one of the officers hit.  This was nearly 
equal to Bunker Hill.  Col. Ross, of the 31st, lost 
his leg.  The 28th, 29th, and 30th colored all 
charged over the works ; climbing up an earthwork 
six feet high, then down into a ditch, and up on the 
other side, all the time under the severest fire in 
front and flank.  Not being supported, of course 
the storming party fell back.  I have seen white 
troops run faster than those darkies did, when in 
not half so tight a place.  Our brigade lost but 
thirty-six prisoners, all cut off after leaving the 
' crater.'  My faith in colored troops is not abated 
one jot."—Louisville Daily Press.

GOLD.

   The fall in the price of gold is the happy result 
of the great victories achieved by Sherman and 
Sheridan at Atlanta and in the Shenandoah Valley.  
As gold tumbles, down goes the price of everything 
with it, much to the joy of the people, and much to 
the disgust of the speculators and the copperhead 
politicians, who are at work to make the people believe 
that the Administration is responsible for the 
high prices of provisions and clothing.  The people 
should not be deceived and humbugged by sapient 
orators, and sapient presses, who are striving to obtain 
power upon the ruin of the nation.  They have 
appealed to the passions and to the prejudices of the 
people to vote them into office, when it is well known 
that if the people should heed their cry, a state of 
things would come upon us far more oppressive than 
that which we now have to contend with, and which 
would crush out the life of the nation and the liberty 
of the people.  The success of McClellan means 
the success of the South over the North, with an attempt 
to repudiate the public debt, and to tax the 
North to pay the war debt of the South and for the 
slaves made free by the war ; and to establish a military 
despotism.  The liberty of the press and the

Then let the friends of battle rave,
My peaceful vales shall sing ;
And oxen, corn, and all I have,
Full thrice their value bring.
O may my lands yield twenty fold,
The army to supply ;
May fat contractors, fraught with gold,
My copious harvests buy !
May continental rags no more
Usurp the place of coin ;
But crown my  basket and my store
With blessings from the mine !
—N. Y. Evening Post.

WITHOUT THE CHILDREN.
BY J. H. MCNAUGHTON.
I.
O the weary, solemn silence
Of a house without the children !
O the strange, oppressive stillness
Where the children come no more !
Ah ! the longing of the sleepless
For the soft arms of the children !
Ah ! the longing for the faces
Peeping through the opening door—
Faces gone forevermore !
II.
Strange it is to wake at midnight,
And not hear the children breathing !
Nothing but the old clock ticking,
Ticking, ticking by the door.
Strange to see the little dresses
Hanging up there all the morning ;
And the gaiters—ah ! their patter !
We shall hear it never more
On our mirth-forsaken floor !
III.
What is home without the children ?
'Tis the earth without its verdure,
And the sky without the sunshine ;
Life is withered to the core !
So we'll leave this dreary desert,
And we'll follow the Good Shepherd
To the greener pastures vernal,
Where the lambs have " gone before,"
With the Shepherd evermore !
IV.
O the weary, solemn silence
Of a house without the children !
O the strange, oppressive stillness
Where the children come no more !
Ah ! the longing of the sleepless
For the soft arms of the children !
Ah ! the longing for the faces
Peeping through the opening door—
Faces gone forevermore !

WHAT IS THE USE?
What is the use of trimming a lamp,
If you never intend to light it?
What is the use of grappling a wrong,
If you never intend to fight it?
What is the use of removing your hat,
If you do not intend to tarry?
What is the use of wooing a maid,
If you never intend to marry?
What is the use of buying a coat,
If you never intend to wear it?
What is the use of a house for two,
If you never intend to share it?
What is the use of gathering gold,
If you never intend to keep it?
What is the use of planting a field,
If you never intend to reap it?
What is the use of buying a book,
If you never intend to read it?
What is the use of a cradle to rock,
If you never intend to need it?

FAITH IN A TIME OF WAR.
I read of battles, and my faith grows weak ;
   Does God look down on us with pitying eye ?
With loving care each day his children seek ?
   I ask, but hear no voice to mine reply.
When tens and hundreds dying strew the plain,
   What thought, I ask, is there for one alone ?
Heeds He the single sufferer's short, sharp pain ?
   Hears He amidst the shouts his dying groan ?
Ah, faithless heart ! No one forsaken is,
   Each soul of man is his perpetual care ;
Living or dying, we are ever his,
   Whose tender mercies all his creatures share ;
Who, though the sword may slay, has power to save,
And gives to man the victory o'er the grave !  J. V.
—Christian Register.

powers, nor govern its action as in ordinary times, 
but by declaration, by advice, by obiter dictum, by 
compulsory action if need be, aid in the reconstruction 
of the rebellious State of Virginia, and its restoration 
to the Federal Union, upon the principles of 
justice, equality, and advancing civilization.—C. K. W.

RIGHTS OF BLACK SOLDIERS.
The Advertiser of the 5th inst. tells us that the cartel 
for the exchange of naval prisoners provides for all 
on each side, and that nothing is said in it about the 
race or color of prisoners. The Navy Department 
therefore expects that colored seamen will be exchanged 
the same as whites. Some other parties believe, 
however, that the rebels will not give up the 
negroes. It is known that they are pursuing the 
same course relative to runaway slaves captured on 
vessels as when captured on land, advertising them, 
giving them up to owners if they appear, and selling 
them for charges if no owners are found.
If no specification including negroes is found in the 
terms of the instrument above referred to, and if no 
nother requisition on the part of our Government 
demands just and equal treatment for this class of our 
defenders, it can hardly be expected that they will be 
made subjects of exchange by a party fighting for 
slavery. Justice to the colored soldiers and sailors 
certainly requires at least the effort to protest them, 
and that without regard to their previous condition 
to slave or free ; unless, indeed, the duty to the ex-slave 
be regarded as specially imperative in its requirement.—C. K. W.

PROSCRIPTION AT WASHINGTON.
WASHINGTON, (D. C.) Oct. 5, 1864.
Editor of the Liberator :—I wish to correct a statement 
which I see going the rounds of the Northern 
press, and the substance of which appeared in the 
Liberator of last week, in paragraph 14th of the "Address 
of the Union and Emancipation Society of 
Manchester," England—which is that " the equality 
of the negro is recognized in the public conveyances 
of the District of Columbia." This is true in law, 
but not in fact. There is scarcely a day that passes, 
during which negroes of this District are not most 
wantonly outraged in this respect. In a large number 
of the cars they are only permitted to stand up on 
the outside, in front with the driver. I have seen, 
more than once, colored soldiers put off, who had 
managed to get on by being in a crowd of white men, 
with the expression no d--d nigger rides on this car." 
I saw, one evening, a woman put off, through suspicion 
that she was colored. She was so nearly white 
that the conductor asked her if she was colored, and 
if so, she must get off. She refused to answer, and
on that account it was taken for granted that she had 
African blood in her veins, and she was ejected. I 
am on the cars almost every day from Willard's to 
6th street, and I speak from what occurs under my 
own observation.  J. B. M.

GENERAL FREMONT.
MR. GARRISON :
DEAR SIR—I am not quite willing to read the reflections 
upon General Fremont in the last Liberator,
without offering a word of comment, especially upon 
the imputation of his being influenced by "private 
griefs," by a "soured mind" and a "jaundiced vision," 
in his censure of the administration. I am the 
less in love with such imputations, when used in the 
place of argument, from having seen, in a late number 
of the National Magazine, the same terms applied 
to the Editor of the Liberator, in accounting for his 
former censures of the priesthood. I was not much 
surprised to see such arguments in a theological magazine 
when speaking of reformers; but I think it has 
not been the custom of the Liberator to impute base 
motives where just and honorable ones may fairly be 
allowed, and I think that General Fremont's magnanimous 
antecedents entitle him to the Liberator's usual 
courtesy and equity. If all who condemn or bitterly 
deplore President Lincoln's blunders and short comings 
are to be set down as "soured" and "jaundiced," 
many of the friends of the Liberator must 
share the censure,—including Mr. Smith, whom you 
so eloquently and justly praise.
In the present crisis, it may be a wise policy to 
keep out of sight damaging facts, and General Fremont 
may not have been sufficiently cautious in proclaiming 
the failures of the administration. Yet that 
he spoke the truth must be well known to all who 
have read the Liberator for the past three years. It 
is not a sufficient defence to say that the nation has 
[ ]
cession in minor maters are as necessary as in any 
of the ordinary pursuits among men. Our friends, 
to whom we allude, appeared to think differently. 
They concluded that the better policy to reach the 
ends sought alike by them and ourselves was to separate 
themselves from the Union party, and set up 
an independent organization of their own. Because 
we declined going into this enterprise, we incurred 
the displeasure of the projectors of the new 
party, who reside numerously in our midst. This 
is a matter which has given us but little uneasiness. 
True, we regretted that any difference of opinion 
should arise between ourselves and any others with 
whom we harmonized in principle, but we were 
willing to leave to time the decision of the question 
whether we or they were right. That decision, we 
think, has now been pretty definitely made.
Our Radical friends, differing with us, supposed 
the Fremont movement to be a practicable scheme. 
We thought otherwise. To us it was visionary and 
hopeless from the outset. The support upon which 
its advocates placed their expectation of strength 
was one in which we had no confidence. We allude, 
of course, to the Democratic party, from 
which General Fremont himself said he anticipated 
receiving " the largest contingent " of his followers, 
and to which the Fremont leaders all over the country 
did not disguise that they looked for help. We 
could discover no wisdom in looking to enemies for 
the assistance which could be alone consistently demanded 
of friends. The result has certainly justified 
our premonition. Those Democrats who came 
into the Fremont movement did so merely to betray 
it. And with the failure of the Democratic reliance, 
Fremontism itself has become a failure.
And yet, building their anticipations of a great 
party upon the hope of an alliance with politicians 
whom we and they have long opposed, we were upbraided 
and denounced by Fremont men, because 
we would not unite with them in deserting the party 
with which we have long co-operated. Time 
has pricked the bubble which we refused to follow, 
and exposed its emptiness. We impute honesty of 
purpose to the majority of those who have been 
misled into its pursuit, and are, therefore, not disposed 
to retaliate, as we might, if so inclined, in the 
harsh terms they have so freely indulged towards
us. But at the same time we must be indulged in
saying that the leaders in the Fremont movement 
have displayed neither remarkable sagacity nor a 
commendable liberality. A portion of them have 
been honest enthusiasts, who have set up their own 
judgments against all the world; and the balance, 
politicians and adventurers, who had personal ends 
to accomplish, and mounted Fremontism as they 
would any other passing wave which might bear 
them to the goal they sought. The great mass of 
Fremonters, like the bulk of all other parties, have 
honestly been led by those in whom they had confidence, 
and with whom the blame principally lies. 
But as the Fremont movement has proved to be what 
we pronounced it from the first, inconsiderate and chimerical, 
it is certainly to be hoped that all who have 
been deceived by it will in consequence value principle 
none the less, and make haste to put themselves 
in line with those who are laboring in the 
only practicable mode to make the principle a success.
—Missouri Democrat.

AN EXTRAORDINARY REVELATION
Concerning McClellan and Pendleton.
As regards the statements contained in the herewith 
appended letter, (says the Philadelphia American 
and Gazette, Sept. 16.) we have no knowledge of 
our own, and can only say that the writer, Emile 
Bourlier, was for some time in the service of the 
United States War Department. He is no empty 
talker ; therefore what he say she derived from the 
sources mentioned in his letter ; and that these things 
are universally asserted and believed at the South, 
there is an abundance of concurrent testimony :
GENTLEMEN : I am in possession of your note, 
in which you ask me if I remember having made 
certain assertions at the rooms of the National Union 
Club in January last, on my return from the 
rebel lines, in regard to General George B. 
McClellan and Clement L. Vallandigham, and desiring 
to know if I would reiterate said statement.
I recollect perfectly well having made certain 
statements in regard to the two persons named, and 
in presence of several members of the Club.
In response to your inquiry, If I would repeat 
said statement, I will answer you by saying : First
—That while the battle before Richmond, Virginia, 
in 1862, was still progressing, and immediately after 
General McClellan had fallen back from before that 
city, in company with a friend, an officer in the 
rebel service, who was prevented from joining his 
command in the fight in question, on account of a 
wound received at the battle of Seven Pines, and, 
being provided with a special permit from the War 
Department at Richmond, I visited the fortifications 
around Richmond, and advanced to a distance of 
about two miles north of the city, where we met 
Colonel Gayle of the 12th Alabama (rebel) regiment, 
who was a particular friend of the officer in 
whose company I was ; also Lieutenant Colonel
succeeded in electing their candidate at the next 
Presidential election, he would use all his influence to 
obtain peace on the basis of a recognition of the Confederate 
States as a separate and independent government.
Moreover, during my stay at Richmond, having 
called on Mr. Benjamin, the Secretary of State, 
with a view to obtain an interview on business of a 
private character, I was told by an official in attendance 
at the Department of State—who, of course, 
believed me to be a loyal Confederate—that it was 
uncertain when I could chance to see Mr. Benjamin, 
and that as the visitor of Mr. Benjamin was Mr. 
Vallandigham, whom this official styled the " Ohio 
refugee, " the conference might be protracted to a 
late hour. On that day, although I waited until after 
the hour for transacting business at that department, 
I did not get to see Mr. Benjamin.
At that time, divers were the rumors in private 
circles among the rebels that Vallandigham had 
pledged himself to the confederate cause. Of this 
the War Department at Washington was informed 
in a report made by me and other government 
agents.
Great were the expectations of the rebels during 
my last visit within their lines, if this Vallandigham 
faction succeeded in electing their candidate to the 
Presidency.
Let it be remembered that this Vallandigham 
faction are the men who seek to elect George B. 
McClellan to an office which none but loyal men 
should fill.
Very respectfully, yours, &.,
EMILE BOURLIER.
Philadelphia, Sept. 14, 1864,
To the members of the National Union Club, 
Philadelphia.

McCLELLAN'S SUPPORTERS.
A short time ago, several of the McClellan presses 
were affecting to rejoice over the withdrawal of the 
Wood and Vallandigham faction from the support 
of their candidate. They declared that much of the 
capital of the Republicans was thus wasted, and that 
for every ultra peace voter they lost, they would 
gain two conservatives. But since then, the peace 
leaders have paid General McClellan the compliment 
of considering his acceptance letter as a mere political 
bulletin, which he would be ready enough to repudiate 
if elected President, and so they have concluded 
to stick by him. Vallandigham, it is said, is 
going to take the stump for " Little Mac, " influenced 
by the promise of a seat in his cabinet ; Fernando 
Wood has already done so ; Voorhees has written a 
letter in favor of the ticket, and the whole ultra 
peace faction will probably follow these leaders. 
It may be assumed, therefore, that—
Mr. Fuller of Michigan, who pronounced ours to 
be " an unholy cause, " will vote for McClellan.
Mr. Sanderson of Pennsylvania, who thought
" this infernal war should stop, " will vote for McClellan. 
Mr. Burr of New Jersey, who declared that " the 
South could not honorably lay down her arms, " and 
who " prayed God that the rebels might never be 
conquered, " will vote for McClellan.
Mr. Dean of Iowa, who asserted that although the 
war had " failed, failed, FAILED, FAILED, " yet
" the monster usurper wanted more men for his 
slaughter pens, " will vote for McClellan.
Mr. Curtis of New York, who said that any man 
who would continue the present war was worse than 
Satan himself, will vote for McClellan.
Capt. Kuntz, of Pennsylvania, who said that rather 
than that the present state of affairs should last, 
" we must put our foot on the tyrant's neck "—meaning 
President Lincoln, of whom he said, "D—n him 
and his miserable followers "—will vote, nay, he says: 
" I should like to see the noble George B. McClellan 
as President. "
Mr. O'Brien of Illinois, who, speaking of war 
Democrats, told his Chicago friends they must " damn 
them to eternal infamy, " will vote for McClellan.
Mr. Mahoney of Iowa, who declared that if the 
rebels would not come again into our Union circle, 
he was " in favor of going to them, " will vote for 
McClellan.
Mr. Reed of Indiana, who advised his hearers to 
" shoot down those who would enforce the draft, " 
will vote for McClellan.
The rebels in arms against the Union and the Constitution 
cannot vote for McClellan, but according to 
their organs at Richmond, Charleston, Mobile and 
Savannah, they can and will fight for him, in fighting 
against the Government of the United States, 
and slaying our gallant brethren in the field—one of 
these organs boasting as follows :
" The influence of the South, more powerful in the 
shock of battle than when throwing her minority vote 
in an electoral college, will be cast in favor of McClellan 
by this indirect yet efficacious means. "
Such are some of the friends of McClellan as the 
nominee of the Chicago Convention. How do loyal 
men, " without distinction of party, " like the list ?
—Boston Journal.

[ ]
there under the orders of somebody, stood with folded 
arms and fired not a shot in that disastrous fight,
and upon the field the miserable John Fitz Porter 
refused to obey orders, and Pope's Army was defeated. 
I ask what else is there in the career of this 
man to fit him for a candidate for the Presidency. 
He is now trying his hand at a farce, and is now waving 
in his hand the most beautiful of white feathers, 
(cheers) and his colleague is clothed in the white 
robes of peace ; but if you look a little more closely 
you will find under the white robes a girdle of 
snakes, and in his left hand is a scroll, and on it 
written ; " Charter of the Knights of the Golden 
Circle. A Western Confederacy, a Northern Revolution, 
success at the polls, or a free fight. " And 
who are these two characters ? The latter the personification 
of pugnacious peace—Pendleton (hisses) ; 
and the former the personification of peaceful 
war—McClellan. (Hisses.) And now the play begins, 
and the chief turns to his subordinate and says : 
" I am the greatest General of the age, you know ; 
(laughter)
But the war is a failure, I found it so : (laughter and 
cheers,)
And even the gunboat I'd leave to its fate
For a ride on the poop of the ship of State. (Cheers.)
At the stem still Grant holds the old ship fast, 
And Farragut stands at the mizzen mast : (cheers,)
And a quick, live form is sentry on board,
And the forecastle's guarded by Sherman's sword. 
(Cheers.)
I have it, oh Pen. I see what to do,
We'll get up a raffle and swindle the crew :
Throw dice that are loaded, tell truths or tell lies,
Anything, anything, to snatch but the prize
That we, thimble riggers, know how to play for :
So you talk of peace, and I'll talk of war. " (Cheers.)
Was ever such a spectacle presented before, even 
in time of peace, much less than of war. You 
cry " Watchman, what of the night ? " I answer, 
" The elections are going all right. " Vermont, Maine, 
Mobile, and that immense bomb from Atlanta have 
fallen on the Copperhead camps, as the fires fell on 
Sodom and Gomorrah, and even in the Shenandoah 
Valley, the Democrats have adjourned their meeting 
to a place higher up the Valley (cheers,) to four 
o'clock in the afternoon ; and, unkindest cut of all, 
the Secretary of War telegraphs the news up to 
Horatio Seymour.

COPPERHEAD AFFECTION FOR THE PRIVATE 
SOLDIERY.
The devoted love of the " Peace Democracy " for 
the enlisted men of the army, in especial contradistinction 
to the " shoulder-straps, " is truly touching. 
In what a variety of ways do they manifest it !
If there is one desire on the part of the soldiers 
which predominates above all others, it is to be able 
to feel in their hearts that the cause in which they 
are fighting is a just one. Behold how the Copperheads 
contribute to this end !
If the soldiers were to be consulted in regard to 
the conscription, they would say, " Draft, draft, 
draft ! " for they feel that those who stay at home 
and grumble at the war should be made to bear 
their part. Behold how the Copperheads favor the 
draft !
If the soldiers had their way, they would have
all guerrillas hung; and while they would treat as
honorable enemies prisoners taken in regular uniform
and in line of battle, they execrate such creatures
as John Morgan, who stole horses and murdered
peaceable citizens in a civilian's garb. Behold
how the Copperhead press agree with the
soldiers of the Union, by eulogizing the late John
Morgan as a hero!
If the heavy hand of discipline were to be removed 
from the army for a few weeks, the soldiers 
would clean out the Copperhead presses, the Copperhead 
orators, and the Copperhead meetings, all 
over the country ; and it is because the Union party is 
opposed to lawlessness and mob rule, that they discountenance 
such procedures, and advocate free 
speech. And yet the traitorous crew of peace 
sneaks, who ought to be immeasurably grateful to 
the Union men for standing between them and the 
indignant blue-jackets, have the unparalleled effrontery 
to claim to be the friends of the soldiers !
Ask the private soldier who it is that insults the 
flag of the Union, and he will tell you at once, it is 
the model Peace Democrat, who swears by George 
B. McClellan. Who is the favorite for the Presidency 
of that lady (?) who steps off the sidewalk into 
the mud, rather than walk beneath the stars and 
stripes? George B. McClellan.
Poll Gratiot Street Prison in St. Louis, the Irving 
Block in Memphis, Fort Lafayette, Fort Warren, or 
Fort McHenry, and while the guard will invariably 
vote for Abraham Lincoln, the guarded would, if 
they could, vote for George B. McClellan. How 
would Quantrell vote, if he could? How Holtzclaw? 
How every guerrilla and bushwhacker? 
For George B. McClellan.
Surely, the party whose ticket commands the 
voters or sympathies of all the traitors, spies, guerrillas, 
bushwhackers and horse-thieves in the country 
must have special claims upon the affection of 
the veteran soldiers of the Union !
[ ]
high prices of provisions and clothing. The people 
should not be deceived and humbugged by sapient orators, 
and sapient presses, who are striving to obtain 
power upon the ruin of the nation. They have 
appealed to the passions and to the prejudices of the 
people to vote them into office, when it is well known 
that if the people should heed their cry, a state of 
things would come upon us far more oppressive than 
that which we now have to contend with, and which 
would crush out the life of the nation and the liberty 
of the people. The success of McClellan means 
that the success of the South over the North, with an attempt 
to repudiate the public debt, and to tax the 
North to pay the war debt of the South and for the 
slaves made free by the war ; and to establish a military 
despotism. The liberty of the press and the 
liberty of speech would then disappear, and a monarchy 
be established more despotic than that which 
exists in England or France. We would appeal to 
every laboring man and to every mechanic not to be 
deceived by the demagogue appeals to them by windy 
orators about high prices and perpetual war. The way 
to avoid perpetual war and high prices is to destroy 
the rebel armies, which Grant, Sheridan, Farragut 
and Sherman are doing most effectually. Every man 
who holds a Government bond or greenback should 
vote to make them good. Suppose the Government 
should fail to redeem its promises to pay, who would 
suffer so much as the laboring classes? Would it not 
enhance the price of living and reduce the price of 
labor? Is not labor better paid now than it ever was 
before, and will not success in the field bring down 
the price of living, as is now being done? There is 
no class so deeply interested in maintaining the integrity 
of the Government as the laboring class. If 
the Government fail, they fail, and their rights and 
liberty are gone forever. This is why the London 
Times and the aristocracy of Great Britain are anxious 
that McClellan should be elected President. 
Will the people vote to please the nobility of Great 
Britain, or will they vote to protect themselves? It is 
no time now for the people to trifle with their interests. 
They have an important duty to perform if they 
would protect themselves, which is, to cast their votes 
against the men in the free States who would sell 
them out to such despots as Jefferson Davis, Louis 
Napoleon, and the Tories of England. Put down 
the rebellion, restore peace to the Union, and down 
will go the price of living, and down will go the men 
in the free States who, while pretending to be the 
friends of the people, are secretly plotting their 
destruction.—Boston Herald—(War Democrat.)

WHAT IS TO BECOME OF THE BLACKS?
Hon. Samuel Hooper answered this question in 
his speech of last week before the Republicans of 
Ward Nine, in Boston, as follows:
To those who ask what is to become of the blacks 
when slavery is abolished, and who affect an apprehension 
that the present free States of the North 
may be overrun with them, I would recommend the 
report of Mr. Conway, the superintendent of free 
labor in Louisiana, recently made to General Canby, 
on the results of the system. He says, in his report, 
that there are sixty free schools with one hundred 
teachers and eight thousand scholars ; that the number 
of blacks employed on plantations is about 
35,000, of whom about one-fourth are first-class 
hands, receiving wages at eight dollars per month 
besides board, clothing, medical attendance, schooling 
for their children, and one acre of ground, 
worth five hundred dollars, to raise cotton. The 
wages paid to the laborers, he says, is as a whole 
more remunerative than has been ordinarily paid to 
farm hands in the North who work by the year.
At the close of the present year there will be an 
average of about fifty dollars due to each one of the 
35,000, in addition to their little crop of cotton, 
corn, sugar, potatoes, &c., which will average to 
each more than is due them for wages. There are 
besides 15,000 of whom he has no return, and 30.000 
in the city of New Orleans ; making a total of 80,000 
blacks there who are working for wages 
under the educational and labor system established 
by Gen. Banks in Louisiana. Is it at all probable 
that any of those laborers would be inclined to 
leave their occupation at the South to come among 
us in the cold climate of the North, to which they 
are not accustomed, and to a colder welcome from 
the prejudices existing against them here? In my 
opinion, when slavery no longer exists at the South, 
there will be two colored men go South from here 
to every one that comes North from there.

Proclamation of Freedom.
FINE Photographs, 18 by 13 inches, of Paine's Pen-and-Ink 
Drawing of the Emancipation Proclamation-
handsomely illustrated. The original was donated to the 
Brooklyn Sanitary Fair, and by a subscription of $500 presented 
to the President of the United States. A single 
copy sent by mail on receipt of $3.00. A liberal discount 
allowed to dealers or canvassers. It is a beautiful and artistic 
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166   THE LIBERATOR.   OCTOBER 14.

   Some different system of labor must be devised for the Southern country in the future, and peace upon any terms, even the acknowledgment of the Confederacy, cannot prevent it. If I am right in this of the subject-and upon this conviction I have acted since I saw the fact that in Louisiana in 1862-then what is there in the Baltimore platform to which any true loyal Democrat, who loves his country, and is determined to fight, if need be, for its integrity and honor, can object ? I see nothing. But in the changes, so rapid in administrative policy, made by this war, no one will tie himself to any party cry or party platform.
   I have but one article in my political creed  at the present time. I am for a sharp, thorough and decisive prosecution of the war, until the authority of the Union is acknowledged, and its laws obeyed upon every foot of soil ever within the boundaries of the United States. Believe me, truly yours,
                  BENJ. F. BUTLER.
   HON. SIMON CAMERON."
———————
WHAT OUR LEADING GENERALS SAY.
——
   Resolved, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity or war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities with  a view to an ultimate convention of all the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of the States.-Chicago Platform.

   So declared the self-styled " Democrats," who nominated McClellan, and who support him. So says the Chicago Platform. It may be both useful and interesting to hear what the leading Generals of the army, most of whom have hitherto been connected with the Democratic organization, have to say, in response to that infamous and treasonable Chicago enunciation.
   Says Lieut. Gen. Grant :
   "The end is not far distant, if we will only be true to ourselves. All we want now to insure an early restoration of the Union is a determined unity of sentiment North."
   Says Maj. Gen. Hooker :
   "This Union must be preserved, and there is no way of preserving it but by the power of our arms-by fighting the conspiracy to death. This rebellion is tottering while I speak ; it is going down, and will soon tumble into ruin. Tidings, glorious tidings reach us from all the armies : the work goes bravely on. There are no Copperheads in the army. They will fight well, and they will vote well. More devotion, more loyalty, never, never animated the hearts and the hands of men more brave."
   Says Maj. Gen. Meade :
   " Dismissing, as now useless to discuss, all questions as to the origin of this war, we have daily and hourly evidences that it exists, and that it can only be terminated by hard fighting, and by determined efforts to overcome the armed enemies of the government."
   Says Maj. Gen. Burnside :
   " Would it not be cowardly for us to say that this rebellion cannot be crushed, and the authority of the government sustained ? There is in my mind no question of it. There can be no such thing as laying down of arms or cessation of hostilities until the entire authority of the government is acknowledged by every citizen of our country."
   Says Maj. Gen. Logan :
   " The greatest victory of the rebels, greater than fifty Manassases, and the only one that can give them a particle of hope, will be to defeat the war party at the incoming campaign."
   Says Maj. Gen. Dix :
   " It has been my conviction from the beginning, that we can have no honorable peace until the insurgent armies are dispersed, and the leaders of the rebellion expelled from the country. I believe that a cessation of hostilities would lead inevitably and directly to a recognition of the insurgent States ; and when I say this, I need hardly add that I can have no part in any political movement of which 


obstacles to be overcome, more numerous with examples of endurance and heroism, more magnificent in its results, and more fatal to the enemy, than that of opening the Misssissippi. [Applause.] Was nothing done at Sevastopol ? Then nothing was done at Vicksburg. Was nothing done at Antwerp ? Then nothing was done at Port Hudson. We have won more substantial triumphs, at the expense of fewer comparative reverses, than in the memorable seven years which felled the world with the fame of Frederick the Great, or in the three and a half years of the campaign of Napoleon the First, from the time he descended the Alps like an avalanche on the plains of Lombardy he turned his white charger in grim dismay from the crimsoned field of Waterloo. Nothing been done ? Say, O ! Sherman, sweeping with thy besom the mountain fastnesses of Northern Georgia, gathering into thy toils all the arteries of rebel communication, and holding in thy palm the arsenal of the Confederacy, has nothing been done ? Say, O! Grant, clearing that blind war path in the bloody Wilderness at bayonet's point, advancing the lines from point to point, from the Rapidan to the James, and tightening thy death-coil around Richmond! [Applause.] Is the reproach, " nothing's been done," a fitting one to send back to the still bleeding but victorious legions of Sheridan ? [Applause.] Read that reproach, if you dare, sons of New York, over the ashes of Corcoran and Wadsworth ! Read it, sons of New Jersey, over the grave of the brightest leader in the army-Philip Kearney ! [Applause.] Read it, sons of Connecticut, over the tombs of Lyon and Sedgwick ! [Applause.] Nothing done ? Passing through the enfilading fire of Port Jackson and Philip, our naval armament on the Mississippi won a victory which pales not before Trafalgar. Under the concentrated fire of two forts and one battery, they won another in Mobile Bay which pales not before the Nile. Alas ! alas ! nothing has been done ! Hear it, oh Farragut, in the maintop of the Hartford ! [Tremendous and long continued cheers, the audience rising and waving their hats.]
———————
SPEECH OF JEFF. DAVIS AT MACON.
——
From the Daily Macon Telegraph and Confederate, Sept. 24.
——
   LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS : It would have gladdened my heart to have met you in prosperity instead of adversity. The son of a Georgian, who fought through the first Revolution, I would be untrue to myself if I should forget the State in her day of peril. What though misfortune has befallen our arms from Decatur to Jonesboro our cause is not lost. Sherman cannot keep up his long line of communication. Sooner or later he must retreat ; and when that day comes, the fate that befel the army of the French empire in its retreat from Moscow will be reacted. Our cavalry and our people will harrass and destroy his army as did the Cossacks that of Napoleon ; and the Yankee General, like him, will escape with only a body-guard. How can this be the most speedily effected? By the absentees of Hood's army returning to their post. And will they not? Can they see the banished exiles ; can they hear the wail of their suffering countrywomen and children, and not come? By what influences they are made to stay away, it is not necessary to speak. If there is one who will stay away at this hour, he is unworthy of the name of Georgian. To the women no appeal is necessary. They are like the Spartan mothers of old. I know of one who has lost all her sons, except one of eight years. She wrote that she wanted me to reserve a place for him in the ranks. The venerable Gen. Polk, to whom I read the letter, knew that woman well, and said it was characteristic of her. But I will not weary you by turning aside to relate the various incidents of giving up the last son to the cause of our country, known to me. Wherever we go, we find the hearts and hands of our noble women enlisted. They are seen wherever the eye may fall or the step turn. They have one duty to perform ; to buoy up the hearts of the people. I know the deep disgrace felt by Georgia at our army falling back from Dalton to the interior of our State. But I was not of those who considered Atlanta lost when our army crossed the Chattahooche. I resolved that it should not ; and then I put a man in command who I knew would strike a manly blow for the city, and many a Yankee's blood was made to nourish the soil before the prize was won. It 


The Liberator.
———————
No Union with Slaveholders!
———————
BOSTON, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1864.
——————————————
OUR CONSISTENCY.
——
   In glancing at some of our old exchanges which have been accumulating upon our hands, we find two articles criticising our position as pertaining to the administration of Mr. Lincoln. The first is the following from the Newburyport Herald—a paper more incongruous in its opinions, more double-and-twisted in its principles, and more chameleon-like in its sentiments, than any other journal upon our exchange list :—

   The Boston Liberator of this week has a "leader' on "Where the Danger Lies." We have often said that it laid in the influence of such men as William Lloyd Garrison, who comes nearer to the French Robespierre than any other man who ever lived in America. As that Frenchman was famous for love of liberty, justice, humanity, equality, &c., so far as advocated by his clan, and went for subjecting all opponents to the guillotine, so Garrison—half Quaker, non-resistant, &c. &c.—would put the knife to all who do not agree with him. He advocates free speech, free press, free States, and free men, who believe in just such freedom as he does ; and exile, prisons, and the scaffold for all others. We quote from his article :—

   " The President should have imprisoned many more Northern traitors, and suppressed many more treasonable newspaper. His unparalleled leniency constitutes the real danger of the hour, and for this he deserves to be solemnly admonished. While such journals as the New York World, Express, Journal of Commerce, and Metropolitan Record, Boston Courier and Post, &c. &c., are allowed to be issued, the [prob???tion] of the the rebellion is secured, the permanence of the Government seriously imperilled, and the final success of slaveholding treason rendered probable. If Vallandigham deserved to be sent to the rebels for his treasonable utterances, there are scores of the Copperhead leaders who should be subjected to a treatment far more rigorous. A government which can be bullied and defied in this manner makes itself contemptible, and is digging its own grave. If this cannot be done, then the government is already a rope of sand. By their own Constitution, the people have provided for the exercise of this summary power in times like these, as a matter of self-preservation ; and unless they have ceased to believe in the right or expediency of upholding the Constitution, they will stand by its enforcement to the extremest need."

   We do not stop to question whether the papers and persons Garrison refers to deserve the treatment he recommends ; that is not the beauty of the thing, but it is in the man. Who is Lloyd Garrison, who says this, and talks of upholding the Constitution? The man that for thirty years has declared the Constitution a league with hell ; who publicly burned that Constitution on the 4th of July ; who has gloried that he was a traitor to constitutional law, and has advised others to trample it under foot ; who has begged to be heard, not because of his rights as an American, for he claimed to be a citizen of the world, and that all mankind were his brothers, but because the press should be free everywhere, and there should be no padlocks on human lips or chains on human limbs. Now, this precious friend of humanity would hang men because they do not, in his way, support the Constitution he burned, and because they exercise the freedom for which he has plead his life long.

   The Herald evidently fancies it has made a smart criticism ; but it mistakes personal slang for sound reasoning. To its assertions, that we "come nearer to the French Robespierre than any other man who ever lived in America"—that we would "put the knife to all who do not agree" with us, and subject them to "exile, prisons, and the scaffold"—that we would "hang men" who do not, in our way, support the Constitution we once burned—&c., &c., we have only to say, that accusation, misrepresentation and caricature combined are not deserving of serious refutation. It is only by a careful suppression of our qualifying language that the Herald attempts to make us inconsistent with our own doctrines. In the article from which the extract is taken, and prefacing what the Herald quotes, we said :—
   " The President is neither usurper not tyrant, nei- 


A SCRIPTURAL DELINEATION OF THE COPPERHEADS.

   The following Scriptural passages will be found to give a very striking and accurate delineation of Northern Copperheads as a body—their spirit, language, designs, machinations, and certain doom :—

   "Woe unto them that call evil good, and good evil; that put darkness for light, and light for darkness; that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter! Which justify the wicked for reward, and take away the righteousness of the righteous from him. Therefore as the fire devoureth the stubble, and the flame consumeth the chaff, so their root shall be as rottenness, and their blossom shall go up as dust; because they have cast away the law of the Lord of hosts, and despised the word of the Holy One of Israel."—[Isaiah v.

   "Woe unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write grievousness which they have prescribed; to turn aside the needy from judgment, and to take away the right from the poor of my people, that widows may be their prey, and that they may rob the fatherless! And what will ye do in the day of visitation, and in the desolation which shall come from far? to whom will ye flee for help? and where will ye have your glory?"—[Isaiah x.

   "Woe unto them that seek deep to hide their counsel from the Lord, and their works are in the dark, and they say, Who seeth us? and who knoweth us? Surely your turning of things upside down shall be esteemed as the potter's clay."—[Isaiah xxix.

   "Woe to the rebellious children, saith the Lord, that take counsel, but not of me; and that cover with a covering, but not of my spirit, that they may add sin to sin; that walk to go down into Egypt, and have not asked at my mouth; to strengthen themselves in the strength of Pharaoh, and to trust in the shadow of Egypt! Therefore shall the strength of Pharaoh be your shame, and the trust in the shadow of Egypt your confusion."—[Isaiah xxx.

   "Associate yourselves, O ye people, and ye shall be broken in pieces; gird yourselves, and ye shall be broken in pieces. Take counsel together, and it shall come to naught; speak the word, and it shall not stand; for God is with us. For the Lord spake thus to me with a strong hand, and instructed me, that I should not walk in the way of this people, saying, say ye not, A CONFEDERACY, to all them to whom this people shall say, A CONFEDERACY; neither fear ye their fear, nor be afraid.
   When they shall say unto you, Seek unto them that have familiar spirits, and unto wizards that peep and that mutter: should not a people seek unto their God? for the living to the dead? To the law and the testimony: if they speak not according to this word, it is because there is no light in them."—[Isa. viii.

   "Be not still, O God! for, lo, thine enemies make a tumult; and they that hate thee have lift up the head. They have taken crafty counsel against thy people, and consulted against the hidden ones. They have said, Come, and let us cut them off from being a nation; that the name of Israel may be no more in remembrance. For they have consulted together with one consent; they are CONFEDERATE against thee. The tabernacles of Eden, and the Ishmaelites; of Moab, and the Hagarenes; Gebel, and Ammon, and Amalek; the Philistines; with the inhabitants of Tyre. Assur is also joined with them: they have holpen the children of Lot. Let them be confounded."—[Psalm lxxxiii.

   "Pride compasseth them about as a chain; violence covereth them as a garment. They are corrupt, and speak wickedly concerning oppression: they speak loftily. They set their mouth against the heavens, and their tongue walketh through the earth. Surely thou didst set them in slippery places: thou casteth them down into destruction How are they brought into desolation as in a moment!"—[Psalm lxxviii.

   "The workers of iniquity are in insurrection, and whet their tongue like a sword, and bend their bows to shoot their arrows, even bitter words; that they may shoot in secret at the perfect. They commune of laying snares privily; they say, Who shall see us? But God shall shoot at them with an arrow; suddenly shall they be wounded. So they shall make their own tongue to fall upon themselves: all that see them shall flee away."—[Psalm lxiv.

   "They have healed the hurt of the daughter of my people slightly, saying, Peace, peace, WHEN THERE IS 


ANOTHER LIBERAL DONATION.
——
            HUNTLY LODGE, EDINBURGH. Sept. 23, 1864.
   DEAR FRIEND—It gives me much pleasure to remit to you a donation of £50 sterling which our kind and liberal friend, THOMAS STURGE, North Fleet House, has sent to my care, in response to an appeal which I made to himself and sister, in behalf of the Liberator.
   I am also instructed by my son and Mr. Dicey, a Barrister in London, to forward a letter in which they have given expression to some of their sentiments on the state of affairs in America, and endeavored to correct certain misapprehensions which they think exist regarding the state of feeling in this country, on some points connected therewith.
   We are cheered by the recent accounts from your land. The success of the Northern arms will doubtless influence favorably the chances of Mr. Lincoln's reëlection. We are at a loss to imagine how any who pretend to have the cause of the slave at heart can desire that McClellan should be elected to the chief office in the (once) United States. 
   In haste, but with kindest regards, I remain,
         Yours, most sincerely,
               ELIZ. PEASE NICHOL.
   William Lloyd Garrison.
——
   > We are largely and doubly indebted in this instance—first, to the long beloved writer of the above letter for her own contribution (already acknowledged) and kind effort in behalf of the Liberator; and, secondly, to our much esteemed friend, THOMAS STURGE, (whose aggregate donations to the American Anti-Slavery Society for several years have been of a munificent character,) for this renewed token of his personal friendship and approval of our course. His £50 sterling netts us four hundred and forty dollars, which will materially aid us to meet the greatly enhanced expenses in printing the Liberator. We are still compelled to pay three times as much for every ream of paper we use as we did three years ago,—to say nothing of other expenses,—and without such timely assistance as we have spontaneously received, it would be impracticable for us to continue the publication of the Liberator longer than the close of the present volume. What course we shall be compelled to take at that time, events must determine. We shall deeply regret to increase the subscription price, and, of course, shall not do so if we are otherwise adequately assisted.
———————
AN ENGLISH VIEW OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
——
TO W. L. GARRISON, ESQ.:
   DEAR SIR—A copy of the Liberator of July 22d having fallen into our hands, we desire, on the part of those who in this country take a keen interest in your approaching presidential election, to remark upon some statements contained in Professor Newman's letter. We have heard with deep regret of the unexpected, and, as appears to us, inconsistent course which has been adopted by some of the leading American Abolitionists in reference to Mr. Lincoln; but it would be presumptuous in us, at this distance, to dogmatize either for or against, any of your political parties. It may safely be left with you to deal with questions, involving minor differences of opinion, to you and your compeers, who, denounced for a third of a century as fanatical Abolitionists, have now, for the first time, to meet the reproach of sacrificing abstractions to facts. We assure you, and if it were possible would assure Mr. Lincoln, that the mass of Englishmen who have at heart the cause of freedom in America and elsewhere, consider such a reproach at such a time to be the highest possible tribute to your political sagacity. Owing to a complication of circumstances, of which you are well aware the friends of the North in England have a battle to fight. It has been a battle, on the one side, against the ignorance of many, the prejudice and self-interest of classes. Mr. Newman, with all his admirable honesty and candor and courage, represents a third hostile element—the eccentricity of 


BLACK REBEL SOLDIERS.
——
   The Richmond Enquirer of the 6th inst. contains striking indications of the strait to which the rebellion is now reduced. It publishes an order from S. Cooper, the rebel Adjutant General, sweeping up all white men still available for the army, except those actually employed in manufacturing or other work indispensable to military operations. But, apparently, aware that not much more force can be raised in this manner, the Enquirer proceeds to recommend an extensive arming of the negroes.
   It rehearses certain ample provisions already made by the rebel Congress for the impressment of slaves and free negroes "to perform such duties in the army, or in connection with the military defences of the country, in the way of work upon fortifications, or in government works, &c., as the Secretary of War may from time to time prescribe," complaining that these prudential measures have been but imperfectly carried out; and then proceeds to the recommendation of more decided and efficient movements, as follows :—

   "The question of making soldiers of negroes, of regularly enlisting them and fighting them for their safety as well as our own, must have presented itself to every reflecting mind. Because the Yankees have not been able to make soldiers out of their drafted negroes, it does not follow that we cannot train our slaves to make very efficient soldiers. We believe that they can be, by drill and discipline, molded into steady and reliable soldiers. The propriety of employing negroes as soldiers we shall not at present discuss; but whenever the subjugation of Virginia or the employment of her slaves as soldiers are alternative positions, then certainly we are for making them soldiers, and giving freedom to those negroes that escape the casualties of battle.
   We should be glad to see the Confederate Congress provide for the purchase of two hundred and fifty thousand negroes, present them with their freedom and the privilege of remaining in the States, and arm, equip, drill and fight them. We believe that the negroes, identified with us by interest, and fighting for their freedom here, would be faithful and reliable soldiers, and, under officers who would drill them, could be depended on for much of the ordinary service, and even for the hardest fighting. It is not necessary now to discuss this matter, and may never become so; but neither negroes nor slavery will be permitted to stand in the way of the success of our cause. This war is for national independence on our side, and for the subjugation of white and the emancipation of negroes on the side of the enemy. If we fail, the negroes are nominally free, and their masters really slaves. We must, therefore, succeed. Other States may decide for themselves; but Virginia, after exhausting her whites, will fight her blacks through to the last man. She will be free at all costs."

   It is discreditable to our government that so large a number of able-bodied negroes, slave and free, remain in the unconquered portions of the rebel States, to raise their provisions, to build their fortifications, and to be ready whenever the necessity shall arise of putting arms into their hands for the service of the Confederacy. If offers had been made to the Southern negroes by Mr. Lincoln, suited at once to advance their interests and relieve the necessities of the country, these hundreds of thousands would already have been, heart and hand, on our side. They remain, compelled to work, and liable to be called on to fight, for the interests of the rebellion, because it has not yet been made plain to them that their condition or prospects would be improved by joining the Federal armies, and because many of those who have made the experiment of passing over to our side have found cause to regret it. We know the rapidity with which intelligence is spread among the blacks upon any point affecting their interests. The cases of those slaves who have angered their masters by desertion to the Yankees, and then have been driven back to suffer a ferocious revenge from those masters, must of course have a strong influence to discourage future trials of the same sort. Even those who are in the frying-pan do not like to leap out into the fire.
   There is still time for President Lincoln not only to take such a position towards the colored people as justice and policy unite in requiring, but to anticipate any movements of the rebel government in the direction indicated by the Enquirer. Our national attitude towards this oppressed race ought to be such as not

edged by every citizen of our country."
   Says Maj. Gen. Logan :
   "The greatest victory of the rebels, greater than fifty Manassases, and the only one that can give them a particle of hope, will be to defeat the war party at the incoming campaign."
   Says Maj. Gen. Dix:
   "It has been my conviction from the beginning, that we can have no honorable peace until the insurgent armies are dispersed, and the leaders of the rebellion expelled from the country. I believe that a cessation of hostilities would lead inevitably and directly to a recognition of the insurgent States; and when I say this, I need hardly add that I can have no part in any political movement of which the Chicago platform is the basis. No, fellow-citizens, the only hope of securing an honorable peace-a peace which shall restore the Union and the Constitution-lies in a steady, persistent and unremitting prosecution of the war, and I believe the judgment of every right thinking man will soon bring him to this conviction."
   Says Maj. Gen. Sherman:
   "I want peace, and believe it can only be reached through Union and war, and I will ever conduct war purely with a view to perfect and early success. But you cannot have peace and a division of our country. If the United States submits to a division now, it will not stop, but will go on till we reap the fate of Mexico, which is eternal war."
   Says Maj. Gen. A. J. Smith, the hero of Pleasant Hill:
   "I want to see us united, from Maine to Texas-one united and happy people. There is but one way of doing this. Rebels commenced the war; now let them ask for peace! How are we to have peace? I say, when the South shall ask for peace, then it will be time for them to get it. Never let the North say peace; but when the South asks for it, let us be merciful. I would rather see that old flag under which I have been fighting sunk fathoms deep in the Mississippi than that we should give up and sue for peace."
   Says Brig. Gen. Seymour:
   "No Democrat can be elected on a peace platform. Certain it is that the remaining hope of the South lies in Lincoln's defeat."
   Says Maj. General Sickles:-
   "The war was deliberately begun by the Rebels, and is persistently waged by them to divide and conquer the Union. Until the Constitution and Laws are vindicated in their supremacy throughout the land, the Government should be confided to no hands that will hesitate to employ all the power of the nation to put down Rebellion. The resources of the insurgents are already so far exhausted that they will give up the struggle as soon as a majority of the people at the ballot-box, seconding the martial summons of Farragut and Grant, demand the unconditional surrender of the enemy."
———————
"HAS NOTHING BEEN DONE?"
——
   Hon. Henry C. Demming, now a member of Congress from Connecticut, and always a "Democrat" until "Democracy" as a party appellation came to mean Copperhead treason, addressed the great Union meeting in New York city, on Tuesday evening, Sept. 27th, in a speech of great power, in the course of which he took occasion to refute the miserable Copperhead shibboleth, " Nothing's been done." He concluded this part of his powerful effort in the following effective passage :—

   Let me inquire in the second place, if nothing has been done in breaking up the resources of the Rebellion. We have conquered and to-day hold more territory than Alexander the Great overrun in twelve year. At the outset of the task of crushing the Rebellion, where was Missouri? Torn, tortured and dismembered by a hand-to-hand strife between citizen and citizen, her fields red with the blood of her sons by day, her skies lurid with the conflagration of her dwellings by night. The great protecting arm of the Government interfered between warring brethren, the great eagle of the Republic swept down upon the fratricidal strife, and although constrained for a season to use the weapons which he carries in one talon, he soon waved over the departed belligerents the olive branch which he carries in the other.[Applause.] Maryland, the fairest of the Southern sisterhood while the family was one- where was she? Hesitating, (and she that hesitates is lost, ) almost dropping into the arms of the greedy adulterer, who had already hailed her as "My Maryland." [Applause.] Now she is torn from his grasp, and sits robed in white, an honored member of our family board. [Applause.]And the administration did more for Maryland than if they had conquered a hemisphere, for they have not only preserved her unspotted, but they have made her free. [Applause.] Nothing been done? Why, in three years and a half we have done more than Julius Caesar with his 10 years in Gaul-more than Hannibal with his 17 years in Italy- more than the conqueror of British India with his 15 years in that country. I challenge you to find in all history a single martial enterprise more conspicuous for the 


The venerable Gen. Polk, to whom I read the letter knew that woman well, and said it was characteristic of her. But I will not weary you by turning aside to relate the various incidents of giving up the last son to the cause of our country, known to me. Wherever we go, we find the hearts and hands of our noble women enlisted. They are seen wherever the eye may fall or the step turn.   They have one duty to perform ; to buoy up the hearts of the people. I know the deep disgrace felt by Georgia at our army falling back from Dalton to the interior of our State. But I was not of those who considered Atlanta lost when our army crossed the Chattahooche. I resolved that it should not ; and then I put a man in command who I knew would strike a manly blow for the city, and many a Yankee's blood was made to nourish the soil before the prize was won. It does not become us to revert to disaster. Let the dead bury the dead. Let us, with one arm and one effort, endeavor to crush Sherman. I am going to the army to confer with our Generals. The end must be the defeat of our enemy. It has been said that I abandoned Georgia to her fate. Shame upon such falsehood! Where could the author have been when Walker, when Pol, and when Gen. Stephen D. Lee were sent to her assistance? Miserable man! The man who uttered this was a scoundrel. He was not a man to save our country. If I knew that a General did not possess the right qualities to command, would I not be wrong if he was removed?  Why, when our army was falling back from Norther Georgia, I even heard that I had sent Bragg with pontoons to cross it to Cuba. But we must be charitable. The man who can speculate ought to be made to take up his musket. When the war is over and our independence won, - and we will establish our independence, - who will be our aristocracy? I hope the limping soldier. To the young ladies I would say that when choosing between an empty sleeve and the man who had remained at home and grown rich, always take the empty sleeve.  Let the old men remain at home and make bread. But should they know of any young man keeping away from the service, who cannot be made to of any other way, let them write to the Executive. I read all letters sent me from the people, but have not time to reply to them. You have not many men between eighteen and forty-five left. The boys- God bless the boys! are, as rapidly as they become old enough, going to the field.  The city of Macon is filled with stores, sick and wounded. it must not be abandoned when threatened; but when the enemy come, instead of calling upon Hood's army for defence, the old men must fight, and when the enemy is driven beyond Chattanooga, they too can join in the general rejoicing. Your prisoners are kept as a sort of Yankee capital.  I have heard that one of their Generals said that their exchange would defeat Sherman.  I have tried every means, conceded everything to effect an exchange, but to no purpose.  Butler, the beast, with whom no Commissioner of Exchange would hold intercourse, and published in the newspapers that if we would consent to the exchange of negroes, all difficulties might be removed. This is reported as an effort of his to get himself whitewashed by holding intercourse with gentlemen.  If an exchange should be effected, I don't know but that i might be induced to recognize Butler. But in the futnre every effort will be given, as far as possible, to effect the end. We want our soldiers in the field, and we want the sick and wounded to return home. It is not proper for me to speak of the number of men in the field, but this I will say, that two-thirds of our men are absent, some sick, some wounded, but most of them absent without leave. The man who repents, and goes back to his commander voluntarily, appeals strongly to executive clemency. But suppose he stays away until the war is over, and his comrades return home, - when every man's history will be told, where will he shield himself? It is upon these reflections that [?] rely to make men return to their duty ; but after conferring with our Generals at headquarters, if there be any other remedy, it shall be applied. I love my friends, and I forgive my enemies. I have been asked to send reinforcements from Virginia to Georgia. In Virginia the disparity in numbers is just as great as it is in Georgia. Then I have been asked why the army sent to the Shenandoah Valley was not sent here. It was because an army of the enemy had penetrated that Valley to the very gates of Lynchburg, and Gen. Early was sent to drive them back. This he not only successfully did, but, crossing the Potomac, came well nigh capturing Washington itself, and forced Grant to send two Corps of his army to protect it. This the enemy denominated a raid. If so, Sherman's march into Georgia is a raid. What would prevent them now, if Early was withdrawn, from taking Lynchburg, and putting a complete cordon of men around Richmond?  I counseled with that great and grave soldier, Gen. Lee, upon all these points. My mind roamed over the whole field. With this we can succeed. If one half the men now absent without leave will return to duty, we can defeat the enemy. With that hope I am going to the front. I may not realize this hope, but I know there are men there who have looked death in the face too often to despond now. Let no one despond. Let no one distrust : and remember that if genius is the beau ideal, hope is the reality. 


 to the French Robespierre than any other man who ever lived in America"- that we would " put the knife to all who do not agree" with us, and subject them to " exile, prisons, and the scaffold" - that we would " hang men" who do not, in our way, support the Constitution we once burned - &c., &c., we have only to say, that accusation, misrepresentation and caricature combined are not deserving of serious refutation. It is only by a careful suppression of our qualifying language that the Herald attempts to make us inconsistent with our own doctrines. In the article from which the extract is taken, and prefacing what the Herald quotes, we said :—

   " The President is neither usurper not tyrant, neither an aristocrat not a contemner of the people. Judging him by his position, THE WAR PLANE ON WHICH HE STANDS, he should have imprisoned many more Northern traitors, and suppressed many more treasonable newspapers, " &c.

   In saying this, will the luminous brained editor of the Herald explain how this conflicts with any principles we have promulgated, either as a " half Quaker," or a whole " non-resistance"? Are we thereby precluded from measuring men by their own acknowledged standards of duty and sworn obligations? If- judging him not the war plane- we say that Grant is a better General than McClellan, can we not do this without any inconsistency or self-contradiction?
   Very cool is it, then, on the part of the Herald to say-" We do not stop to question whether the papers and persons Garrison refers to deserve the treatment he recommends ; that is not the beauty of the thing, but it is in the man." Not the question, indeed! only themas! Why, it is the sole question- a question which the blow-hot-and-cold Herald editor has not the courage to answer. Why we burnt the Constitution years ago, and why we have ceased to denounce it as " a league with hell," because the Slave Power is in deadly rebellion, and has no longer any claims upon it, he well known, but barely suppresses. And who he sneeringly says-" This precious friend of humanity would hang men because they do not, in his way, exercise the freedom for which he has plead his life long," he not only slanders us, but reveals his latent sympathy with the Northern traitors who are doing their worst to give success to the hell-born rebellion of the South. 
   Here is another criticism, equally foolish and uncalled for, from that old conservative, pro-slavery, semi seditious sheet, the National Intelligencer:—

   > Mr. Garrison, the Editor of the " Liberator," (formerly an abolitionist paper, but now making abolitionism secondary to the support of the Administration,) argues as follows against the expediency of conferring the right of suffrage by Presidential mandate on emancipated slaves at the South. He says :—

   " If the free blacks were admitted to the polls by Presidential flat, I do not see any permanent advantage likely to be secured by it ; for, submitted to as a necessity at the outset, as soon as the State was organized and left to damage its own affairs, the white population, with their superior intelligence, wealth, and power, would unquestionably alter the franchise in accordance with their prejudices, and exclude those thus summarily brought to the polls."

   If Mr. Lincoln should to-morrow revoke " the proclamation of freedom," so called, we might expect to see Mr. Garrison advocating the propriety and wisdom of such a step on this wise : " If the blacks were declared free by Presidential flat, I do not see any permanent advantage likely to be secured by it ; for, submitted to as a necessity at the outset, so soon as the State was reorganized and left to manage its own affairs, the white population, with their superior intelligence, wealth, and power, would unquestionable alter the stars of the freedmen in accordance with there prejudices, and remand to slavery those this summarily brought into a condition of nominal liberty."

   The vision of the editors of the Intelligencer has been so jaundiced by slavery the they an discover no difference between a system which is " the sum of all villainies,"  and the exercise of the elective franchise by citizens generally! Their parody of our language is an absurdity ; for while the Government is irrevocably pledged to the freedom of those whom it sets free, and to making the abolition of slavery a sine qua non in the restoration to the Union of a once rebellious State, it cannot and does not assume to decide what shall be the precise political privileges of the inhabitant in any such State- for that has always been a State affair, and doubtless will remain so for a long time to come. 
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   JEFFERSON DAVIS AND ROBERT C. WINTHROP. We print this week two remarkable speeches - one by Jefferson Davis, recently delivered at Macon, Georgia, and characterized by bitterness and coarseness of invective, and a tone any thing but jubilant - the other by Robert C. Winthrop, the daintiest of the old Whig gentry, delivered at a late Copperhead ratification meeting at New York. To such " base uses" he has come at last! Can any man descend lower?


 to shoot their arrows, even bitter words ; that they may shoot in secret at the perfect. They commune of laying snares privily ; they say, Who Shall see us? But God shall shoot at them with an arrow ; suddenly shall they be wounded. So they shall make their own tongue to fall upon themselves : all that see them shall flee away.—[ Psalm lxiv.

   "The workers of iniquity speak peace to their neighbors, but mischief is in their hearts. Give them according to their deeds, and according to the wickedness of their endeavors ; give them after the work of their hands ; render to them their desert. Because they regard not the works of the Lord, not the operation of his hands, he shall destroy them, and not build them up."—[Psalm xxviii.

   " They have healed the hurt of the daughter of my people slightly saying, Peace, peace, WHEN THERE IS NO PEACE. Were they ashamed when they had committed abomination? Nay, they were not at all ashamed, neither could they belch : therefore they shall fall among them that fall : at the time that I visit them they shall be cast down, saith the Lord."—[Jeremiah vi.

   " Their lips have spoken lies, their tongue hath muttered perverseness. None calleth for justice, nor any pleaded for truth : the conceive mischief, and bring forth iniquity. They hatch cockatrices' eggs, and weave the spider's web : he that earth of their eggs dieth, and that which is crushed breath out into a viper.  Their works are works of iniquity, and the act of violence is in their hands. Their feet run to evil, and they make haste tossed innocent blood ; wasting and destruction are in their paths. The way of peace they know not ; and there is no judgement in their goings : they have made them crooked paths  : whosoever goeth therein shall not know peace."—[Isaiah lix.

   " There is no peace, saith my God, to the wicked."—[Isaiah lvii.

   Let every upright , patriotic, Christian man decide whether this is not an exact description of the Copperhead class at the North , in their contempt for the Higher law- their secret diabolical plotting - their ungodly efforts to " strengthen themselves in the strength of Pharaoh," ( the Slave Power,) " and to trust in the shadow of Egypt," ( the slaveholding South) - their manifest complicity with the Rebel CONFEDERACY- their desire " that the name of Israel ( the American republic) may be no more in remembrance, " rather than that slavery should be abolished - their duplicity,  as workers of inquiry, in " speaking peace to their neighbors," while " MISCHIEF IS IN THEIR HEARTS" - their wickedness of speech concerning oppression, calling good evil, and evil good, putting darkness for light, and light for darkness - their hollow cry of " peace, peace, when there is no peace," and can be none on their basis, for " the way of peace they know not" - their brazen impudence whereby they prove themselves lost to all shame, so that they cannot blush at any of their abominations - " none calleth for justice, nor any pleadeth for truth " - &c., &c. How complete the portraiture! 
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   FAIR IN MERCANTILE HALL . We would direct the attention of our readers in Boston and its vicinity to the Fair which is to be held in Mercantile Hall, Summer street, commencing on Tuesday next, 18th inst., and continuing until the 22d, under the auspices of the Colored Ladies' Sanitary Commission of Boston. Its object is a just and noble one - " for the relief of disabled colored Massachusetts soldiers and their families." [ See advertisement.] Let the pecuniary results be creditable to the city . We are gratified to learn that some of our most respectable citizens are showing a very friendly interest in the Fair. Miss ELIZABETH P. PEABODY has kindly volunteered to superintend a table that will be expressly devoted to the benefit of colored orphans, at which various attractions will be found.
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   PAID OFF. The Massachusetts 54th regiment, of colored troops, has been paid off by the government in full to Aug. 31. The soldiers have sent back to their families and friends in this city and vicinity the sum of $ 45,000 , and the money has been received through Adams & Co's Express.
   This is a most gratifying announcement. Justice-long delayed through hesitating Congressional legislation - is at last done these brave men. The large amount they so promptly and considerately send home for the relief of their suffering families, and to liquidate what debts they may owe, is highly creditable to them.
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   > A gratifying and strengthening letter, relative to the English state of feeling toward our government, from JOHN NICHOL, Professor of English Literature in the University of Glasgow, and ALBERT DICEY, Barrister at London, may be found in the next column.  In a recent interview with Professor GOLDWIN SMITH, he strongly confirmed the views they so lucidly and intelligently express, and vouched for the prevailing sympathy and good will of his countrymen. 


now, for the first time, to meet the reproach of sacrificing abstractions to facts. We assure you, and if it were possible would assure Mr. Lincoln, that the mass of Englishmen who have at heart the cause of freedom in America and elsewhere, consider such a reproach at such a time to be the highest possible tribute to your political sagacity.  owing to a complication of circumstances, of which you are well aware, the friends of the North in England have a battle to fight. It has been a battle, on the one side, against the ignorance of many, the prejudice and self-interest of classes. Mr. Newman, with all his admirable honesty and candor and courage, represents a third hostile element—the eccentricity of individuals. He has read enough of history to be familiar with the processes by which great reforms have always been carrier out ; and he yet, in his own person, perpetuates a comparison by which they have always been retarded. The moral pedantry which ignores the distinction between principles to be advocated as ends, and expedients to be gratefully accepted as means, is apt at the most critical moments, by casting discredit on the principles themselves, to play into the hands of their enemies, and by embarrassing : good men, who are attempting half measures when whole measures are impossible," to prevent reforming minorities from becoming majorities. In the spirit of this pedantry, Mr. Newman confesses that he withheld his sympathy from the great struggle in which you are engaged till he was won over by misconstruing Mr. Lincoln's proclamation. Previous to its publication, Mr. Lincoln, as the representative of the better mind of America, had already taken up and maintained his position against the extension of slavery, and as the representative of her government a position against lawless and reckless treason : in both aspects we have from the first regarded him as entitled to the respect and sympathy of every lover of civilization. Towards the close of 1862, aided by the force of events, he had led the country on to acquiescing in a protest against the perpetuation of slavery. The famous proclamation meant at least as much as this. many censure it because it means much more. The slaveholders and negroes, looking at it from opposite sides, are agreed as to its meaning and tendency. You own armies and your own lawyers must determine what shall be its result. The Confederate press in England , blowing hot and cold in a breath, assailed it, as they have assailed everything Mr. Lincoln has done or could do, - one day because it said too little, another because it said too much. The Richmond and New York Copperhead papers did the same. Mr. Lincoln's other acts, in the light of which his interpretation of it must be read, show him to be determined to extirpate slavery  by every means consistent with his position as chief magistrate of a republic, the Constitution of which he is bound by oath to maintain till it is by the effort of himself and others still farther amended. Mr. Newman arraigns Mr. Lincoln for taking this oath while thinking slavery to be wrong. He writes a letter with the apparent object of influencing your electors the choice of the next President. Are they to elect a man who will not take the oath, or who will take the oath in a sense which it will not bear, or who will take i tan break it, or a man who will take it and keep it, thinking slavery to be right? General McClellan very properly belongs to the last class. His claims to office seem to us to rest on the fact, the the will do as little good to the negro in his civil as he has done harm to the enemy in his military capacity.  Mr. Lincoln's claims are founded on the fact, that he has done more for the emancipation of your colored people in his single administration than all the other Presidents put together, and that he is conducting his country through a crisis of almost unexampled difficulty, and under storms of abuse with which up to this time only great men have been honored, if not with the genius, certainly with the pertinacity and honesty of a Cromwell. 
   The last news which has reached this country leads us to hope that, if you are true to yourselves, and careful to repel compromises such as govern Seymour's peace-at-any-price Democrats, and their friend the London Times, would have you make, the most disgraceful conspiracy that history record may, in its overthrow, be made to subserve her greatest triumph. 
   But we have only wished to correct a misrepresentation of English feeling, and are not disposed to " prophecy," much less to " rave."
   We are, Sir, your well-wishers,
               JOHN NICHOL,
   Professor of English Literature in the University of Glasgow.
               ALBERT DICEY,
                     Barrister, London.


intelligence is spread among the blacks upon any point affecting their interests. The cases of those slaves who have angered their masters by desertion to the Yankees, and then have been driven back to suffer a ferocious revenge from those masters, must of course have a strong influence to discourage future trials of the same sort. Even those who are in the frying-pan do not like to leap out into the fire. 
   There is still time for President Lincoln not only to take such a position towards the colored people as justice and policy unite in requiring, but to anticipate any movements of the rebel government in the direction indicated by the Enquirer. Our national attitude towards this oppressed race ought to be such as not only to attract to our side all who can reach our military posts, or join our armies, but to make it certain that whenever, in their desperation, the rebels shall put arms into the hands of the blacks, those are will be used for us and again them. Whenever we decide, ( and take means to inform them of our decision,) that, in the United States, the black soldier shall have the full rights and privileges of soldiership, and the black man the full rights and privileges of citizenship, then there will be no possibility left, either of the rebels sending their slaves to fight us, or continuing indefinitely to protract the war.  A movement on our side such as to give every negro the assurance that in helping us he is helping himself and his race would give the finishing stroke to the rebellion ; nay, more; it would at once destroy the hopes of these men, now the most dangerous enemies of the republic, who are striving to perpetuate caste, even when obliged to give up slavery, and to establish serfdom instead of freedom as the legal status of the people of color throughout the South. If this class shall triumph, the treasure and blood, the labors and agonies of this second revolutionary struggle will have been in great part wasted. It is for our Government and our people to decide whether the present war shall be the last of its kind, or whether more oppression shall still call for more retribution.—C. K. W. 
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PARKER FRATERNITY LECTURES.
——
   The opening lecture in the seventh series of lectures given by the Parker Fraternity was delivered by George William Curtis, Esq., of New York, do Tuesday evening last. It was given in the Music Hall, and prefaced, as each lecture is to be, by a concert on the Great Organ. Reserved seats were sold on the Eastern side of the Hall, leaving seats equally desirable on the West side for those disposed to secure them by going early. The immense Hall was filled, as was to be expected, the liberality of the Managers offering the highest specimens of American eloquence, with an Organ Concert thrown in, for only a quarter of a dollar. Among the eminent gentlemen who had seats on the platform were George Thompson, Esq. and His Excellency John A. Andrew, whose entrance was received with hearty cheers.
   Mr. Curtis's subject was Political Infidelity. He showed that the war now desolating our country is the result, not of our political system, but of our unfaithfulness to the central idea of that system. Even good laws, among us, are easily neutralized by a bad majority. Demagogues have had great power, and have wrought great mischief among our mixed population. Those, for instance, who have excited the hatred of Irishmen against negroes, are no less public enemies than the prisoners of wells. If we look at the facts about freedom of discussion and of political action here, it will appear that, as a people, we have been unfaithful to liberty.
   Some of the ablest in the nation have, from the beginning, taken this shameful part. The effort of John C. Calhoun, throughout his political life, was to secure the supremacy of the aristocratic system of slavery, and to crush whatever came in contact with it. And his influence and that of his co-laborers had such weight, that, for a long series of years, the nation went on madly striving to accomplish these two impossibilities ;—1. To maintain the aristocracy in a free popular government :—2. To maintain slavery in connection with civil and political liberty. To these ends Calhoun devoted his life, declaring that liberty required slavery for its support, and that capital should own labor. Unfortunately, the mass of the people, intelligent as well as ignorant, North as well as South, acquiesced in the establishment and maintenance of this system.
   The abolition agitation has been simply a vindication of free speech in the United States. When the abolitionists were mobbed, their meetings were the citadel of American freedom. The Church, politics, commerce, trade, fashion, took the side of Calhoun.

OCTOBER 14.   THE LIBERATOR.   167

On the other side arose men like Garrison, Phillips, Lovejoy. The question was debated, but those who persisted in arguing it stood in peril of life and limb, for the mass of the community took the other side. Grand juries indicted men who plead the cause of liberty. And a Governor of Massachusetts took the ground, in his Message to the Legislature, that meetings advocating an idea which a portion of the community was disposed to put down by riot were themselves a disturbance of the public peace. Amos Kendall, Postmaster General of the United States, virtually robbed the mails to prevent the circulation of anti-slavery publications. This was the sole memorable incident of his public career. But now, after long years of obscurity, he has recently reappeared to give the remainder of his strength in aid of the election of McClellan.
   Human rights, the rights of black and white at once, have been systematically outraged by the political and social system of the South, and Northern politeness smiled and passed the bottle.
   The advocates of slavery, however, found it necessary to devise a well-sounding title for their vicious system, and they pressed the word Democracy into this service. The South has, from the beginning, identified the name Democracy with all that was Anti-American in theory and practice. As Sheridan, when a watchman found him drunk in the gutter, gave his name as "William Wilberforce," so slavery, when called in question, has impudently proclaimed itself " American Democracy :" and every slaveholder, as a matter of course, votes the full Democratic ticket. Henceforward, the word Democracy will have no meaning in our politics, unless we begin to use it aright, and adapt our system to its true meaning.
   The year 1861 was the turning point in our history. Massachusetts knew by instinct the darker days that were coming, unless a change could be wrought, and made John. A. Andrew her Governor at that crisis. (Great applause.) In that same year, New York was ready to vote for the Montgomery Constitution. Mr. Russell reported to the London Times the quiet acquiescence of men of property and position in the rebellion. He had too much reason for the representation. No wonder Europe believed we were on the brink of ruin.
   Mr. Curtis then referred with just severity, but in measured and decorous terms, the sad example  we have lately seen, of an eminent citizen of Massachusetts, distinguished in literature, quiet and reserved in his habits, and connected heretofore with a political organization directly antagonistic to the sham Democracy, now going to New York to give in his adherence to that party, and standing between Isaiah Rynders and Fernando Wood to advocate it. Strange to say, Robert C. Winthrop makes the serious representation that those who constitutionally elected and who now sustain Abraham Lincoln as President of the United States are accountable for our present troubles, having given occasion to the opposite party to raise rebellion and war! He condemns free discussion as having given occasion to the rebellion ! Well did Theodore Parker say that, if our educated men had done their duty, these calamities could never have befallen.
   The lecturer here drew a vivid contrast between Robert C. Winthrop, following the steps of Calhoun, and Theodore Winthrop, giving his distinguished powers to the cause of the country, and laying down his life for her welfare. The audience manifested deep emotion, followed by loud applause.
   The rebellion, the war, the troubles in which our country is now involved, do not spring from any defect in our system of government, but from our unfaithfulness to its central idea. We have sold our birthright for a mess of cotton. We have betrayed our own principles. We have chosen to make the word abolitionist the most odious word in the language.
Will you say that the Abolitionists were fanatics ? So is Grant ! So is Sherman ! So is Farragut ! (Great cheering.) So are all men who, by the whole force 


THE NATIONAL CONVENTION OF COLORED MEN.
[Telegraphic report of Boston Journal.]

                     SYRACUSE, N. Y. Oct. 4, 1864.
   The national convention of colored men assembled at 7 o'clock, P. M. The assemblage was called to order by Rev. H. H. Garnet of Washington, who read the call for the convention. John. M. Langston of Ohio was chosen temporary Chairman, and William H. Day of New Jersey Secretary. The throne of grace was addressed by Rev. H. H. Garnet. A committee of three, consisting of Frederick Douglass, Wm. Wells Brown and Peter H. Clark were appointed a committee on credentials. The committee reported the names of two hundred delegates present, representing sixteen States.
   Frederick Douglass of Rochester, N. Y., was chosen permanent President of the convention. Sixteen Vice Presidents were appointed, and four Secretaries. Mr. Douglass accepted the appointment in a short speech, and without the transaction of any further business the Convention adjourned.

SECOND DAY.
   The Convention assembled at half-past nine o'clock. After the reading and adoption of the minutes, a committee on rules and also one on finance were appointed. The chairman appointed the following Business Committee : John S. Rock, of Boston, E. D. Bassett, of Philadelphia, Geo. T. Downing, of Newport, P. H. Clark, of Cincinnati, J. H. Ingraham, of New Orleans, John M. Langston, of Ohio, Geo. L. Ruffin, of Boston, J. Selia Martin, and P. B. Randolph, of New York. The committee reported a resolution, urging that a petition be sent to the President of the United States, asking him to use every honorable endeavor to have the rights of the country's patriots now in the field respected, without regard to complexion, and against making any invidious distinction based upon color as to pay, labor and promotion. This resolution gave rise to much discussion, which was kept up during the morning.

AFTERNOON SESSION.
   The Convention assembled at half-past two o'clock—Vice President J. B. Smith, of Massachusetts, in the chair. The discussion of the above resolution was continued during the afternoon, but was finally laid on the table to allow Capt. Ingraham to present the battle-flag borne by the 1st Louisiana regiment at the battle of Port Hudson. The flag was enthusiastically cheered, and Capt. Ingraham made an eloquent speech, giving a thrilling account of the part taken by his regiment in that battle. The speech was received with rounds of applause. At 6 o'clock the Convention adjourned to 7 o'clock, to hear public addresses. 

EVENING SESSION.
   The Convention assembled at 7 o'clock—the President in the chair—and addresses were made by Frederick Douglass, J. Sella Martin, John M. Langston and Capt. J. H. Ingraham. At half-past 10 o'clock the Convention adjourned to meet on Thursday morning at 10 o'clock.

THIRD DAY. 
   The feeling in the community toward the colored delegates attending the convention has much softened. The able and eloquent speeches of Frederick Douglass, John M. Langston, and John S. Martin, last evening, and the gentlemanly bearing of the delegates, together with the dignity with which the proceedings of the Convention have so far been conducted, and witnessed by hundreds of our citizens, has changed wonderfully in twenty-four hours the sentiment of this city. On the first day you could hear, on every hand, the strongest words of disapprobation, coming apparently from all classes, and the rabble were loud in their denunciations and threats. The first day even the press did not deign to honor the Convention with its presence, but this morning the reporters are all on hand.

MORNING SESSION.
   The Convention was called to order at nine o'clock by the President. Prayer was offered by one of the Reverend gentlemen present. The minutes of the preceding session were read, corrected, and approved. The Chairman of the Business Committee reported the following bill of Wrongs and Rights. It is a strong document, drawn with point and terseness :
   1st. As a branch of the human family, we have for long ages been deeply and cruelly wronged, by people whose might constituted their right; we have been subdued, not by the power of ideas, but by brute force, and have been unjustly deprived not only of many of our natural rights, but debarred the privileges and advantages freely accorded to other men.
   2d. We have been made to suffer well-nigh every cruelty and indignity possible to be heaped upon human beings, and for no fault of our own.
   3d. We have been taunted with our inferiority by people whose statute books contain laws inflicting the severest penalties on whomsoever dared teach us the art of reading God's word: we have been denounced 


LETTER FROM EDWARD EVERETT—WEST VIRGINIA.

   The Wheeling Intelligencer publishes the following letter from Edward Everett :—

                  BOSTON, September 28, 1864.
A. W. Campbell, Wheeling, W. Va. :—
   MY DEAR SIR:—The loyal people of the country have ever taken a deep interest in the fortunes of West Virginia. You may depend upon it that when the names of the States are inscribed on our banners and arches, that of West Virginia will not be omitted. We are shocked at the manner in which you were treated by the dictators at Richmond at the outbreak of the rebellion. The last utterance of Mr. Jefferson Davis which has come before the public is, that 'the Confederates seceded to get rid of the rule of the majority.' In the most flagrant contradiction to this profession, before the ordinance of secession had been submitted to the people of Virginia, regiments of troops were brought up from the Gulf States to overawe your citizens at the polls;  and in a published letter of Mr. Senator Mason to the editor of the Winchester Virginian, of May 16th, 1861, after a significant allusion to the presence 'at Harper's Ferry and Norfolk in face of the common foe,' (meaning the forces of the United States assembled under the star-spangled banner) 'of several thousand of the gallant sons of South Carolina, of Alabama, of Louisiana, of Georgia and Mississippi,' he writes as follows: 'If it be asked what are those to do, who, in their consciences, cannot vote to separate Virginia from the United States, the answer is simple and plain: honor and duty alike require that they should not vote on the question; if they retain such opinions, they must leave the State!' What followed after this atrocious sentence of banishment against one-third of the population of Virginia, you do not need to be informed. That you instantly 'seceded,' when the treason was consummated at Richmond, though not exactly in the direction prescribed by the military despotism there, did not surprise us. In one of his last political speeches, Mr. Webster exclaimed:
   'Ye men of Western Virginia, who occupy the slope from the top of the Alleghanies to the Ohio and Kentucky, what benefit do you propose to yourselves by disunion? If you secede, what do you secede from, and what do you secede to? Do you look for the current of the Ohio to change, and to bring you and your commerce to the tidewater of the eastern rivers? What man in his senses can suppose that you would remain part and parcel of Virginia a month after Virginia should have ceased to be part and parcel of the United States?
   There is no part of our beloved country that occupies a more interesting position than Western Virginia, and its loyal inhabitants may be sure that they have the warmest sympathy of their brethren at the North.
   I remain, dear sir, with great respect, very truly yours,       EDWARD EVERETT."
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THE POLITICS OF THE METHODISTS.

   The Pittsburg Annual Conference has just uttered the feelings and politics of the entire body of Methodist Protestants in the United States, in five patriotic resolutions, unanimously passed :—

   Resolved, That this Conference does hereby declare its loyalty to the Government of the United States, and its approval of the Administration of Abraham Lincoln, in his efforts to overthrow the rebellion and maintain the cause of the Union.
   Resolved, That whatever may have been the design of the slaveholders of the South, in bringing on this great rebellion, in our judgment God is permitting this war in order to purify this nation from her sins—especially the great sin of slavery, which we hold to have been the main cause of the rebellion.
   Resolved, That the Emancipation Proclamation is hereby endorsed by this Conference, and it is our prayer that the President, by judicious management, the power of his armies and the help of the Almighty, may be able to carry it into practical effect in all the rebel States.
   Resolved,  That party politics, in our judgment, should never be allowed to interfere with our allegiance to the Government of our country, and we hereby advise all our people to be faithful to the Administration in all its efforts to maintain the Union, constantly praying for the Government and the success of our armies.
   Resolved, That we desire a peace growing out of the salvation of our Government, based upon the principles of immutable righteousness, in order that the Christian religion may take a firmer hold than heretofore on the American mind.
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LETTER FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

   BALTIMORE, Oct. 10. A meeting was held to-night in Monument square, of the friends of the new Constitution. Senator Wilson was among the speakers. The


THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC STILL FURTHER VICTORIOUS.

                  CITY POINT, Va., Oct. 10—4 30 P. M.
To Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War :
   Our entire loss in the enemy's attack on our lines on Friday, the 7th inst., does not exceed 300 in killed, wounded and missing. The enemy's loss is estimated by Gen. Butler at 1000.
   The Richmond Whig of the 8th, speaking of this battle, has the following :—"The gallant Gen. Gregg, commanding a Texas brigade, fell in the advance. Among other casualties we have to report Gen. Bratton of South Carolina badly wounded; Col. Haskin of the South Carolina Artillery also wounded."
   A rumor states that Gen. Geary was killed. Since Friday, there has been no fighting whatever.
                  U. S. GRANT, Lieut. General.

                  "HARPER'S FERRY—8.35 P. M.
To Hon. E. M. Stanton :
   Gen. Sheridan, just from our cavalry, attacked the enemy beyond Fisher's Hill, and whipped them, driving them beyond Mount Jackson, capturing 11 pieces of artillery and 350 prisoners. The rebels scattered into the woods and mountains.
                  Respectfully,
                        J. D. STEVENSON,
                  Brigadier General Commanding."

                  STRASBURG, Va., Oct. 9—Midnight.
To Lieut. General Grant, City Point : 
   In coming back to this Point, I was followed up until late yesterday, when a large force of cavalry appeared in my rear. I then halted my command to offer battle by attacking the enemy. I became satisfied that it was nearly all the rebel cavalry of the valley, commanded by Rosser, and directed Torbett to attack at daylight this morning, and finish this "Saviour of the Valley." The attack was handsomely made. Custer, commanding the 3d cavalry division, charged on the back road, and Merritt, commanding the 1st cavalry division, on the Strasburg pike. Merritt captured five pieces of artillery. Custer captured six pieces of artillery, with caissons, battery, forge, &c. The two divisions captured 37 wagons, ambulances, &c.
   Among the wagons captured are the headquarters wagons of Rosser, Loman, Wickam and Col. Pollard. The number of prisoners will be about 300.
   The enemy, after being charged by our gallant cavalry, were broken and ran. They were followed by our men on the jump, twenty-six miles, through Mount Jackson and across the north fork of the Shenandoah. I deemed it best to make this delay of one day here, and settle this new cavalry.
   The 11 pieces of artillery captured to-day make 30 pieces captured in the Valley since the 19th. Some of the artillery was new, and never had been fired. The pieces were marked. "Tredegar Works."
                  P. H. SHERIDAN, Major General.

         HEADQUARTERS 10TH ARMY CORPS, 7th, 10.15 P. M.
To Major General Butler :
   Have repulsed the attack of the enemy on our right flank with great slaughter. The troops seem to be Field's and Pickett's divisions. I send you a batch of prisoners. I am extending my right flank. The enemy seem to be entrenching on the Derby road. 
      (Signed)            D. P. BIRNEY, Major General.
——
HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT      }
VIRGINIA AND NORTH CAROLINA, }
Oct. 7, 10.30 P. M.                             }

Lieutenant General U. S. Grant :
   General Birney has regained Kautz's old position, and holds the enemy in the inner line of intrenchments around Richmond, extending from the Darbytown road, and to connect with General Weitzel on the left, near Fort Harrison.
   There has been no movement at Petersburg to-day. We have much the best of this day's work. A thousand at least of the enemy were killed and wounded, and one hundred prisoners, and a bloody repulse.
   Gen. Gregg, commanding Field's division, is reported by a lady, who saw the body, as killed.
      (Signed)            B. F. BUTLER, 
                                    Major General.
———————
ELECTION IN PENNSYLVANIA, INDIANA AND OHIO.

   The election returns from Pennsylvania, Indiana and Ohio have not yet been so fully received as to say exactly what the result is. But they are sufficient to enable us to say that the Unionists have swept Ohio and Indiana by heavy majorities, and that the same party have gained largely in Congressmen. Among the defeated Democratic candidates is Mr. Cox of Ohio, who has been exceedingly bitter against New England.
   Pennsylvania has undoubtedly gone Republican by 15,000 or 20,000 majority, as the soldiers' vote is all one way, and that is, for the Union ticket These 


   PERSONAL. Hon. Charles P. Curtis, for many years a prominent member of the Suffolk bar, died of paralysis, on Tuesday morning, last week, at his residence, No. 19 Mount Vernon street, Boston.
   Capt. Speke, the African traveller, recently shot himself accidentally in England, while hunting. He was getting through a hedge when his gun went off, and shot him through the heart. The London correspondent of the New York Commercial Advertiser says:—"He was only thirty-eight years of age, and was under engagement to deliver, only a few hours after the accident, an address on African discovery to the members of the British Association for the advancement of science."
   Thomas F. Marshall, formerly a member of Congress and a prominent but very erratic Kentucky politician, died at Versailles, Ky., lately, aged 64. Mr. Marshall was a man of rare natural abilities and gifts, but he deadened his brain and brutalized his whole nature by the excessive use of whisky.
   David F. Johnson, President of the South Carolina Convention which adopted the ordinance of secession, died on the 14th ult.
   Joshua Bates, the eminent American English banker, died on the 24th of September, in London. He was by birth a Boston man.
   The mother of John C. Breckinridge died in Baltimore on Saturday. She resided there with her son in law, Rev. Dr. Bullock of the Franklin street Presbyterian Church.
   Walter Savage Landor is dead, in his 90th year. He died at Florence, on the 17th of September. Had he lived four months and thirteen days longer, he would have been entitled to the rank of nonagenarian, as he was born on the 30th of January, 1775.
———————
   > On Wednesday night, one or two rowdies attacked the Re. Highland Garnet in front of the St. Charles Hotel, where he is stopping. He was struck and knocked down, and lost a valuable gold cane, which was presented to him on the occasion of leaving New York. The good people of Syracuse are very indignant at this act of wickedness and rowdy spite. The Mayor sent for the gentlemen composing the committee of arrangements, and offered the support of his whole constabulary force to prevent the exhibition of any other such cruel and shameful feelings on the part of those who draw their chief inspiration from bad whiskey.—Syracuse paper.
———————
   FLAG RAISING IN CAMBRIDGEPORT.  A number of colored citizens of Cambridgeport raised a fine flag bearing the names of Lincoln and Johnson, on Washington street, Monday evening. The Cambridge Brass Band was in attendance. Speeches were made by Alderman Folger, and others. The occasion was very successful and enthusiastic.
   A meeting of the colored citizens of Boston was held in the vestry of the 12th Baptist Church last week, for the purpose of forming a society to be called the "West End Lincoln and Johnson Club," when the following officers were elected: President John S. Rock, Esq.; Vice Presidents, Jonas W. Clark, J. T. Sidney, Thos. Dalton, Coffin Pitts, W. H. Logan, Wm. Johnson; Secretary, Geo. Potter; Treasurer, T. W. Steamburg; Executive and Finance Committee, George L. Ruffin, Thos. Watson, Thos. Temoah; Marshal, John P. Coburn. The Club will hold weekly meetings in the vestry 12th Baptist Church, until the election to hear the addresses from public speakers. All are invited to attend.
———————
   NEW YORK, Oct. 10. The train on the New Haven road coming this way ran off the track this morning, near 85th street. Four cars were destroyed, and 50 or 60 of the 900 or 1000 passengers on the train were injured, some of them it is thought fatally. Very few names of the injured by the accident have been obtained. No one was killed. The train was badly smashed and many persons were badly bruised. Among the injured is Col. French of Gen. Butler's staff, about the head, slight. Parke Godwin, editor of the Evening Post, and wife, were both injured, the latter seriously; P. T. Barnum escaped injury.
———————
   > Gen. Banks arrived in New York on the 2d inst. He is succeeded in command by Gen. Hurlburt. The Louisiana Legislature waited on him in a body to bid him farewell, and he received an address from the workingmen of New Orleans.

   > Admiral Farragut has been transferred from the Gulf Atlantic Coast, an almost certain indication that Wilmington must look out next. The rebels have been furnished with immense supplies through that port.

   A DECIDED "STRAW." A party of Kentuckians voted for President the other day, on a steamer running from Louisville to Henderson. The result was as follows: Lincoln, one hundred and fifteen; McClellan, thirty-three—or nearly four to one.
———————


   BAY STATE LECTURES. The first lecture in this course is to be delivered by Wendell Phillips, on Thursday evening, Oct. 20, in Tremont Temple, and will be followed by John B. Gough, Dr. Chapin, and other popular speakers. The Committee have also arranged for a Concert of Gilmore's full band, assisted by recognized vocal talent, and also for a Concert by the Tremont Temple church. An organ concert of thirty minutes duration will also be given each evening by a well-known organist. Tickets, admitting bearer and lady to the course, $1.50, obtained at Ditson's, 277 Washington street, Haynes's, 33 Court street, and at the Temple.
———————
> PARKER FRATERNITY LECTURES <
                SEVENTH SERIES.
                  AT MUSIC HALL.
ON TUESDAY EVENING, October 18, 1864,
                    ADDRESS BY
        OCTAVIUS B. FROTHINGHAM.
To be followed on successive Tuesday evenings by

   Oct. 25—ANNA E. DICKINSON.
   Nov. 1—Prof. GOLDWIN SMITH, of England.
   Nov. 15—DAVID A. WASSON
   Nov. 22—OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES.
   Nov. 29—CHARLES G. AMES.
   Dec. 6—WENDELL PHILLIPS.
   Dec. 13—JACOB M. MANNING.
   Dec. 20—HENRY WARD BEECHER.
——
     ORGAN CONCERT each Evening at 7 o'clo
              W. EUGENE THAYER, Organist.
——
   Tickets admitting the bearer and Lady to the Course, at $3 each.
   Tickets admitting one person to the Course, at $2 each.
   Checks for SEATS RESERVED TILL 7 1-2 O'CLOCK, $1 50 additional for each seat.
   For sale at Oliver Ditson & Co's, 277 Washington street; John C. Haynes & Co's, 33 Court street, John S. Rogers's, 1071 Washington street, and at the Anti-Slavery Office.
   Checks for Reserved Seats for sale only at Oliver Ditson & Co's, and at John S. Rogers's. 
   Only an average quality of seats will be reserved, (the east section of the hall,) leaving the same quality of seats (the west section) for those who do not purchase reserved checks.
   Sept. 16
———————
"Boys! the dear old flag never touched the ground!"
——
   > NOTICE.—The Colored Ladies' Sanitary Commission of Boston will hold a Fair in Mercantile Hall, Summer street, commencing at 3 o'clock on Tuesday, Oct. 18, and continuing until the 22d, for the relief of disabled colored Massachusetts soldiers and their families.
   These men having fought bravely to sustain our noble flag and the country's freedom, we feel it our duty to do all we can to encourage them.
   We would ask the sympathy and patronage of the public in our effort. We are thankful for the donations and encouragement we have already received.
   Donations, either of money or goods, may be sent to the address either of the President, Madam CARTEAUX BANNISTER, 31 Winter street, or to the Treasurer, Mrs. O. o. GRIMES, 28 Grove street. 
   Single admission, 25 cts.
———————
RECEIPTS OF THR MASS. ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
From the estate of Mary T. Kidmarsh,        $400.00
  "       G. Julian Harvey, pledge,                           2.00
  "       Clark Greenman,   do,                             20.00
  "       Miss H. M. Carlton, do,                              5.00
                                EDMUND JACKSON, Treasurer.
   Boston, Oct 1, 1864.
———————
MASON & HAMLIN'S
CABINET ORGANS.

life for her welfare. The audience manifested deep emotion, followed by loud applause.
   The rebellion, the war, the troubles in which our country is now involved, do not spring from any defect in our system of government, but from our unfaithfulness to its central idea. We have sold our birthright for a mess of cotton. We have betrayed our own principles. We have chosen to make the word abolitionist the most odious word in the language. 
   Will you say that the Abolitionists were fanatics ? So is Grant ! So is Sherman ! So is Farragut ! (Great cheering.) So are all men who, by the whole force of their nature, are in earnest. The greatest fanatics in our history have been John C. Calhoun and John Brown. The bodies of both lie mouldering in the grave. But whose soul is marching on?
   The lesson of events is, that full freedom of speech must be preserved. All reconstruction will be vain which leaves any question too brittle to handle.
   Over the whole American line, every sign is bright. Young Hercules strangled the serpents that assailed him. Young America will yet strangle the poisonous reptiles with which she is in conflict.
   The lecture received close attention throughout, and warm applause from time to time. At its close , Governor Andrew was loudly called for, and spoke a few words of greeting to the audience. Three rousing cheers were given for him.
   It was announced that Prof. Goldwin Smith would take the place in this course originally allotted to Dr. O. W. Holmes. The former will speak on the 1st, the latter on the 22d of November. Next Tuesday's lecture will be given by Rev. Octavius B. Frothingham of New York.—C. K. W.
———————
POSITION OF THE PEACE DEMOCRACY.
——
STOUGHTON, (Mass.)           }
Sunday Night, Oct. 9, 1864. }

   DEAR GARRISON :—Notice was given, last week, that I would lecture in this town this evening, on "The Relation of the Democratic Party, and their Platform and Candidate, to the Rebellion." I am just in from that lecture. A great and enthusiastic meeting was gathered in Chemung Hall. To ward off the effect of the meeting, and to excite the wrath and mobocratic spirit of the Peace Democracy against the lecturer and the cause of freedom and free-labor, the following hand-bill was widely circulated at the door. The only notice I took of it was to ask those who got it up—"  In what number of the Liberator is the speech to be found, from which the extract is taken ? When and where was the speech made ?" Not one would answer, and the inference was made that the extract is a Copperhead fabrication. I have no recollection of making such a speech. It is a better speech, and better put together, than my speeches usually are. I could have made it, in perfect fidelity to my convictions, while the Union was the handmaid of slavery. I could not make it now ; for, in my view, the Union is the handmaid of freedom to all. It is pledged to the ABOLITION and PROHIBITION of that sum of all villany, American Slavery.
   I told the Democratic traitors that I differed from them in this: while the Union was for slavery, they were for it, and I was against it. Now the Union goes for the abolition and prohibition of slavery, they seek to destroy it, and I seek to preserve it. While the majority was for slavery, the Democratic Party submitted to it. The moment the majority turned against slavery, and for freedom and free labor, the Democratic party rebelled against the rule of the majority, and are seeking the destruction of the Republic.
                  HENRY C. WRIGHT.
———————
   Extract from a speech made by Henry C. Wright, as published in the Boston Liberator :

   "I have spoken of the approaching downfall of the AMERICAN REPUBLIC. Under the inspiration of truth, I say THE AMERICAN UNION SHALL BE DISSOLVED. To my mind, that event, so essential to the establishment of justice, the security of liberty, the promotion of the general welfare, is a present reality, as truly as is the present existence of the Republic. I think and speak of it as a fact, and not as a contingency. THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SHALL BE BLOTTED OUT. THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC SHALL BE SUBVERTED. Of this national fabric, which, from its foundation to its topstone, is cemented together by the blood and tears of the slaves, not one shall be left upon another. I have the same authority for saying it, that Jesus had for saying it of the blood-stained temple of oppression, the den of thieves in Jerusalem. THIS REPUBLIC IS A DEN OF THIEVES, A MERE APOLOGY AND PROTECTION FOR ROBBERS AND MURDERERS. IT IS A LAIR FOR PIRATES, where they crouch down, and rest in peace and security. THIS DEN OF THIEVES SHALL BE BROKEN UP. THIS LAIR OF PIRATES SHALL BE DESTROYED. Not only is the great and longed for event vividly present to my mind, but also its results."    


The Chairman of the Business Committee reported the following bill of Wrongs and Rights. It is a strong document, drawn with point and terseness:
   1st. As a branch of the human family, we have for long ages been deeply and cruelly wronged, by people whose might constituted their right ; we have been subdued, not by the power of ideas, but by brute force, and have been unjustly deprived not only of many of our natural rights, but debarred the privileges and advantages freely accorded to other men.
   2d. We have been made to suffer well-nigh every cruelty and indignity to be heaped upon human beings, and for no fault of our own.
   3d. We have been taunted with our inferiority by people whose statute books contain laws inflicting the severest penalties on whomsoever dared teach us the art of reading God's word ; we have been denounced as incurably ignorant, and, at the same time, have been, by stern enactments, debarred from taking even the first step toward self-enlightenment and personal and national elevation ; we have been declared incapable of self-government by those who refused us the right of experiment in that direction, and we have been denounced as cowards by men who refused at first to trust us with a musket on the battle-field.
   4th. As a people we have been denied the ownership of our bodies, our wives, homes, children, and the products of our own labor ; we have been compelled, under pain of death, to submit to wrongs deeper and darker than the earth ever witnessed in the case of any other people ; we have been forced to silence and inaction in full presence of the infernal spectacle of our sons groaning under the lash, our daughters ravished, our wives violated, and our firesides desolated, while we ourselves have been led to the shambles, and sold like beasts of the field.
   5th. When the nation in her trial hour called her sable sons to arms, we gladly went to fight her battles, but were denied the pay accorded to others, until public opinion demanded it, and then it was tardily granted. We have fought and conquered, but have been denied the laurels of victory. We have fought where victory gave us no glory, and where captivity meant cool murder on the field by fire, sword and halter ; and yet no black man ever flinched.
   6th. We are taxed, but denied the right of representation. We are practically debarred the right of trial by jury. And institutions of learning which we help to support are closed against us.

   We submit to the American people and the world the following declaration of our rights, asking a calm consideration thereof :
   1st. We declare that men are born free and equal ; that no man or governmen has a right to annul, repeal, abrogate, contravene or render inoperative this fundamental principle, except it be for crime ; therefore we demand the immediate and unconditional abotion of slavery. 
   2d. That as natives of the American soil we claim the right to remain upon it, and that any attempt to deport, remove, expatriate, or colonize us to any other land, or to mass us here against our will, is unjust ; for here were we born, for this country our fathers and our brothers have fought, and here we hope to remain in the full enjoyment of enfranchised manhood and its indignities.
   3d. That as citizens of the Republic we claim the rights of other citizens ; we claim that we are, by right, entitled to respect, that due attention should be given to our needs, that proper rewards should be given for our services, and that the immunities and privileges of all other citizens and defenders of the nation's honor should be conceded to us ; we claim the right to be heard in the halls of Congress ; and we claim our fair share of the public domain, whether acquired by purchase, treaty, confiscation or military conquest.
   4th. That emerging as we are from the long night of gloom and sorrow, we are entitled to and claim the sympathy and aid of the entire Christian world, and we invoke the considerate aid of mankind in this crisis of our history, and in this hour of sacrifice, suffering and trial.
   These are our wrongs-these a portion of what we deem to be our rights as men, as patriots, as citizens, and as children of the Common Father. To realize and attain these rights and their practical recognition is our purpose. We confide our cause to the just God, whose benign aid we solemnly invoke. To him we appeal.
   This was discussed very fully, and after some slight amendment was adopted as it stands. At 1 o'clock the Convention adjourned until 2 o'clock.

AFTERNOON SESSION.
   The Convention was called to order at 2 o'clock by the Chairman, and the Business Committee reported a series of resolutions to the following effect :
   That the unquestioned loyalty and patriotism of the colored men in the army, who had fought without bounty, pay or the prospect of promotion, had the respect of the Convention and claimed the admiration of the civilized world ; extending the fraternal hand to the freedmen, and urging them to use all means to establish knowledge among themselves, and secure a vigorous moral and religious growth, in which works the Convention pledged its co-operation in all respects ; expressing full confidence in the fundamental principles of our government and in the Christian spirit of the age-both of which would ultimately secure to colored men the rights of privileges of citizenship ; finally, that if an attempt be made to reconstruct the Union with slavery, the Convention would regard it as a flagrant violation of good faith by the government, unjust to the brave men who have periled their lives in defence of the Union, and a thing to be resisted by the whole moral power of the civilized world.
   These resolutions were accepted and adopted without discussion.
   The Business Committee reported a plan for a National League, which was adopted.


should never be allowed to interfere with our allegiance to the Government of our country, and we hereby advise all our people to be faithful to the Administration in all its efforts to maintain the Union, constantly praying for the Government and success of our armies.
   Resolved, That we desire a peace growing out of the salvation of our Government, based upon the principles of immutable righteousness, in order that the Christian religion may take a firmer hold than heretofore on the American mind.
———————
LETTER FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

BALTIMORE, Oct. 10. A meeting was held to-night in Monument square, of the new Constitution. Senator Wilson was among the speakers. The following letter from the President was read :
       "EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, Oct. 10.
To Hon. Henry W. Hoffman :
   MY DEAR SIR : A Convention of Maryland has formed a new Constitution for the State. A public meeting is called for this evening, to aid in securing its ratification by the people. You ask a word from me for the occasion. I presume the only feature of the instrument about which there is serious controversy is that which provides for the extinction of slavery. It needs not be a secret, and I presume it is no secret, that I wish success to this provision. I desire it on every consideration. I wish all men to be free. I wish the material prosperity of the already free, which I am sure the extinction of slavery would bring. I wish to see in process of disappearing that only thing which would ever bring this nation to civil war. I attempt no argument upon the question. It is already exhausted by the abler, better informed, and more immediately interested sons of Maryland herself. I only add that I shall be gratified exceedingly, if the good people of the State shall by their vote ratify the new Constitution.                 Yours truly,
                                                            A. LINCOLN."
———————
CHANGE IN THE CABINET. 

   Postmaster Gen. Blair has retired from the cabinet and Ex-Gov. Dennison, of Ohio, is his successor. The correspondence is as follows :

EXECUTIVE MANSION,           }
Washington, Sept. 23, 1864. }

Hon. Montgomery Blair:—   
   MY DEAR SIR—You have generously said to me more than once, that whenever your resignation could be a relief to me, it was at my disposal. The time has come. You very well know that this proceeds from no dissatisfaction of mine with you personally or officially. Your uniform kindness has been unsurpassed by that of any friend, and while it is true that the war does not so greatly add to the difficulties of your department as to those of some others, it is yet much to say, as I most truly can, that in the three years and a half during which you have administered the General Post-office, I remember no single complaint against you in connection therewith.
      Yours as ever,
            ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
—
POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT, Sept. 23, 1864.
   MY DEAR SIR-I have received your note of this date, referring to my offers to resign whenever you should deem it advisable for the public interest that I should do so, and stating that, in your judgment, the time has now come. I now, therefore, formally tender my resignation of the office of Postmaster-General. I cannot take leave of you without renewing the expression of my gratitude for the uniform kindness which has marked your course towards
         Yours, very truly,  M. BLAIR.
   THE PRESIDENT.
—
Mr. Blair has sent the following letter to,
S. P. Hanscom, Esq., Editor of the National Republican :
 DEAR SIR-The statement contained in your paper and other journals, that my resignation was caused by the resolution of the Baltimore Convention referring to the Cabinet, has, I observe, led to the inference that the inference that the principles adopted by that body were objectionable to me. This is not true. On the contrary, my offers were made in good faith, with a view to allay animosities among the friends of those principles, and in order to secure their triumph.
 Yours, respectfully,
   M. BLAIR.
———————
    A RUNAWAY SLAVE "OPERATING IN GOLD." A remarkable case in the Police Court in Cincinnati is reported in the Gazette. A slave named Louis Stratton, of Louisville, taking with him three thousand dollars of Barrett's money, in gold, and made his way to Cincinnati, where he deposited the specie at the banking-house of Gilmore, Dunlap & Co. A few days ago, Barrett discovered the whereabouts of his ex-slave Louis, and had him arrested. The charge of theft was heard before Justice Warren at the Police Court, and by advice of his counsel, Louis pleaded guilty to taking the money, but set up the defence that he had been guilty of no crime. A slave who in Kentucky steals his master's property is not deemed guilty of larceny. He had committed no offence against the laws of Ohio, and was charged with none. The repeal of the Fugitive Slave law prevented his return to his master under its provisions, and a requisition from Governor Bramlette could not reach him.
   Last Saturday the Justice rendered his decision, dismissing the negro, whose money, now his own, is still safe in the bank. His capital to start in a life of freedom, at the present price of gold, is therefore about $6,000.  


———————
ELECTION IN PENNSYLVANIA, INDIANA AND OHIO.

   The election returns from Pennsylvania, Indiana and Ohio have not yet been so fully received as to say exactly what the result is. But they are sufficient to enable us to say that the Unionists have swept Ohio and Indiana by heavy majorities, and that the same party have gained largely in Congressmen. Among the defeated Democratic candidates is Mr. Cox of Ohio, who has been exceedingly bitter against New England.
   Pennsylvania has undoubtedly gone Republican by 15,000 or 20,000 majority, as the soldiers' vote is all one way, and that is, for the Union ticket These elections would seem to settle the Presidential contest in favor of Mr. Lincoln and against General McClellan. The whole Northwest will undoubtedly vote in November in favor of Mr. Lincoln ; also Pennsylvania and New York. In fact, we do not see what State Gen. McClellan can carry. The vote of the army is somewhat different from what the friends of General McClellan anticipated, and shows conclusively that whatever may be the opinions of the army in regard to General McClellan as a soldier, the rank and file will not vote for him as President so long as he stands in his present hostility to a vigorous prosecution of the war.—Boston Herald.
———————
   AUGUSTE BELMONTE—WHO IS HE? The Crisis of last week furnished the public with a pretty good photograph of Auguste Belmonte, the man who, as the Crisis says, "seems to have a perpetual lease on the Democratic Party." While giving the personal and political features of this financial agent of the European holders of "Confederate Bonds," and present Chairman of the National Democratic Committee, the Crisis did not examine into his pedigree nor family connections. 
   Our Washington letter, published in another column, gives us some light on this subject.
   Auguste Belmonte, a prime minister in the Chicago Convention, the man who has purchased a perpetual lease on the democratic party, the man who owns G. B. McClellan, and who spent $100,000 at Chicago to secure little Mac's nomination, is a Bavarian Jew, an illegitimate son of one of the Rothschilds, and is married to a niece of Alexander Slidell, the rebel envoy and emissary of France.
   Such is Auguste Belmonte, the bastard Jew, whose money has bought up the leaders of the Copperhead party, and who has taken a perpetual lease on the same for the purpose of accomplishing the crime of DISUNION against the United States ! In the words of Medary's Crisis, mourning over the degeneracy of the democratic party, we too would say-"Oh, my country! What next?"  
———————
   A PICTURE OF PENDLETON. The New York Herald, a paper which no one will accuse of being partial to the present administration, has a very strong article, urging the re-assembling of the Chicago Convention, for the purpose of re-nominating a candidate for Vice President, in the room of George H. Pendleton. Speaking of Mr. Pendleton's public record, it says :—

   "It is the record, in Congress and out of Congress, at all times and in all places, from the beginning to this day, of a consistent constant, inveterate and zealous sympathizer with the cause of the rebellion. From his Congressional record during this war, we may safely say that, had his vote on all important test questions been the casting vote in the House, volunteering and drafting to fill our wasted armies would have ceased; the pay of our brave soldiers, their subsistence, clothing and transportation would have been stopped; our gallant Union heroes on the land and water would have been abandoned to the tender mercies of Jeff. Davis, and this day we should have had a Southern confederacy ,and a war with England and France, for a mere remnant of the Union, in full blast."
———————
   A DEMOCRATIC SKETCH OF THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. The Democratic editor of the Green Bay Advocate, who supports McClellan, but finds it bitter work swallowing the treason with which he is identified and associated, says of the Chicago Convention, which he attended:—

   "There was no lack of traitorous talk there, outside of the Convention. Speech after speech was made to the assembled thousands, full of cowardly words, wanting in all patriotism, all chivalry, all love of country, even all decency and manliness. This war for the life of the Union was denounced as the climax of wickedness; the Southern people in arms against us were held up as martyrs bleeding in the cause of right; and talk which should make the ears of every American tingle with shame was as free on the streets and in the hotels of Chicago as the turbid and offensive current of its river."
———————
   HENRY WINTER DAVIS. A correspondent of the N. Y. Evening Post writes :

   "H. Winter Davis's great speech at Elkton, yesterdary, is the key-note of the patriot cause. It is a flame of that burning loyalty which is consuming to all treason, slavery, and half and half dealings with the crime of rebellion. Mr. Davis, by this speech, has carried captive all his old friends who regretted his manifesto of untimely, and has won over to his side hundreds of opponents. His renomination and re-election to Congress are now assured facts."

   > The Copperhead papers are crowing over the fact that Reverdy Johnson, the concocter of the infamous Dred Scott decision, is for McClellan. All that sort of people are.


   > Gen. Banks arrived in New York on the 2d inst. He is succeeded in command by Gen. Hurlburt. The Louisiana Legislature waited on him in a body, to bid him farewell, and he received an address from the workingmen of New Orleans.

   > Admiral Farragut has been transferred from the Gulf Atlantic Coast, an almost certain indication that Wilmington must look out next. The rebels have been furnished with immense supplies through that port.

   A DECIDED "STRAW." A party of Kentuckians voted for President the other day, on a steamer running from Louisville to Henderson. The result was as follows: Lincoln, one hundred and fifteen; McClellan, thirty-three—or nearly four to one.
———————
IN MEMORIAM.

      One by one, the ties are broken,
      That to earth our spirits bind;
      One by one, they're going from us,
      The beloved, the true, the kind!

   Died, in Barre, Sept. 25, of consumption. Mrs. HARRIET D., wife of Charles King, aged 48.
   The beloved friend whose death is recorded above was one whose memory will be long and fondly cherished by all who knew her. Earnest and true-hearted, a fond, devoted wife and mother, a faithful and trusted friend, of her may it be truly said, "She was a noble woman." Active in every good cause, the earnest friend of the slave, ever ready to advocate his cause when freedom was not as now the rallying-cry of the nation, fearless in rebuking Wrong and advocating for Right, we shall miss her sadly—miss her from our loved and trusted ones.

      "Alone unto our Father's will
      One thought hath reconciled,
      That He whose love exceedeth ours
      Hath taken home his child.
 
      Fold her, oh Father! in thine arms,
      And let her henceforth be
      A messenger of love between
      Our human hearts and thee.

      Still let her mild rebuking stand
      Between us and the wrong;
      And her dear memory serve to make
      Our faith in goodness strong."
   Barre, Mass.          CARRIE.
———————
OBITUARY.
——
   Mrs. MARY H. WATSON, wife of Mr. Daniel T. Watson, passed into the realm of immortality, after a comparatively brief season of mortal debility and suffering, at Miller Farm, Venango Co., Pa. (a section of the oil region,) on the 30th of August. Her age is not known to the writer, but is believed to have been about 50 years, perhaps a little more. Her maiden name was Tidd, and she was a native of Lexington, Mass. She and her husband resided several years in Concord, N. H., whence they removed to St. Paul, Minn., and very recently had their temporary residence in the locality where her earthly pilgrimage terminated.
   This notice can be but a meagre tribute to Mrs. Watson's memory and sterling worth. All testimonies of those who knew her concur in declaring her a superior and most excellent woman. She had a soul alive with all noble, humane and heavenly inspirations. With a fine, well-balanced mental organization disciplined by intellectual culture, and crowned with religious grace, she espoused devotedly every sublime doctrine, object and cause that appealed to her consideration. Yet while faithfully carrying out in word and deed her highest convictions, she was unostentatious, humble, modest and charitable.
   She was an early, consistent and steadfast advocate of Temperance, Anti-Slavery, Woman's Rights, Christian Non-Resistance, and the whole circle of Reforms, in their best phases, excluding only their incidental detractive excrescences. In fine, her great endeavor was to be a rational, practical Christian, living to elevate and bless all human kind, and thus in true Christ-likeness to glorify her Father in heaven. In so doing, she neglected nothing of domestic affections, fidelity and duty; but engraved her precious memory deeply on the hearts of her husband, offspring, relatives, friends and intimate associates; who all rise up and call her blessed.
   She was long a patron of and occasionally a writer for the Liberator, enjoying its perusal to the last. She was also a patron, admirer and fast friend of the Practical Christian down to its suspension in 1860. And every year since then she has sent in her contributions to the funds devoted to the promulgation of the same divine principles. Even after she was no longer able to write, only a few days before her departure, she employed the hand of a friend to reiterate her interest in the cause, and transmit a fresh contribution to its advancement. O that there were more such friends of God, Humanity and Practical Christianity! But she is not dead; she is alive forevermore—"not lost, but gone before"—ascended to a higher sphere to multiply those purer ministries which our heavenly Father vouchsafes unto the heirs of salvation amid the trials of their mortal pilgrimage. May these sweet consolations and sanctifying influences which embalm her memory encloud the bereaved family, and drop their gentle distillations on all who sympathize with them in their affliction!
   Hopedale, Mass., Oct. 10, 1864.                             A. B.


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———————
"FREE LOVE,"

   OR  a Philosophical Demonstration of the non-exclusive nature of Connubial Love. To which is added a Review of and Reply to the exclusive phase in the writings of the Fowlers, Adin Ballou, H. C. Wright, and A. J. Davis, on the Love and Marriage question. Price, (post-paid,) 50 cents, or to the poor, in paper, 35 cents. Sold by the Author—AUSTIN KENT, East Stockholm, St. Lawrence CO., N. Y.            Sept. 80.

THE LIBERATOR
is published
EVERY FRIDAY MORNING,
AT
221 WASHINGTON STREET, ROOM No. 6.
ROBERT F. WALLCUT, GENERAL AGENT.
TERMS - Three dollars per annum, in advance.
Four copies will be sent to one address for TEN DOLLARS, if payment is made in advance.
All remittances are to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed, (POST PAID,) to the General Agent. 
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The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are authorized to receive subscriptions for THE LIBERATOR. 
The following gentlemen constitute the Financial Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the paper, viz: - WENDELL PHILLIPS, EDMUND QUINCY, EDMUND JACKSON, and WILLIAM L. GARRISON, JR.

"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all the inhabitants thereof."
"I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that military authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST; and that, under that state of things, so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive management of the subject, not only the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, but the COMMANDER OF THE ARMY, HAS THE POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVES.... From the instant that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, CIVIL, servile, or foreign, form that instant the war powers of CONGRESS extend to interference with the institution of slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED WITH, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to a foreign power... It is a war power. I say it is a war power; and when your country is actually in war, whether it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, ACCORDING TO THE LAWS OF WAR; and by the laws of war, an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institutions swept by the board, and MARITAL POWER TAKES THE PLACE OF THEM. When two hostile armies are set in martial array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate all the slaves in the invaded territory." -J. Q. ADAMS.

WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. Our Country is the World, our Countrymen are all Mankind. J. B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers. 
VOL. XXXIV. NO. 48. BOSTON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 25, 1864. WHOLE NO. 1764.

Selections.
REBELLION AND SLAVERY IDENTICAL.
Last week we gave the concluding portion of the admirable speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, delivered before the New York Young Men's Republican Union, at Cooper Institute, on the 5th inst. We now give another portion of it, showing that "Slavery and the Rebellion are one and inseparable" :-
Conflict between Slavery and Liberty.
I come back to the postulate with which I began, that the present war is simply a conflict between Slavery and Liberty. This is a plain statement, which will defy contradiction. To my mind it is more satisfactory than that other statement, which is often made, that it is a conflict between Aristocracy and Democracy. This in a certain sense is true; but from its generality it is less effective than a more precise and restricted statement. It does not disclose the whole truth; for it does not exhibit the unique and exceptional character of the pretension which we combat. For centuries there has been a conflict between Aristocracy and Democracy, or, in other words, the few on one side have been perpetually striving to rule and oppress the many. But now, for the first time in the world's annals, a people professing civilization has commenced war to uphold the intolerable pretension to compel labor without wages, and that most disgusting incident, the whipping of women and the selling of children. Call these pretenders aristocrats or oligarchs if you will; but do not forget that their aristocracy or oligarchy is the least respectable of any ever attempted, and is so entirely modern that it is antedated by the Durham bull Hubbuck, the short-horn progenitor of the oligarchy of cattle, and by the stallion Godolphin, the Arabian progenitor of the oligarchy of horses, both of which may be traced to the middle of the last century. And do not forget that, if you would find a prototype in brutality, you must turn your back upon civilized history, and repair to those distant islands which witnessed an oligarchy of cannibals, or go to barbarous Africa, which has been kept in barbarism by an oligarchy of men-stealers. 
Liberty throughout the World.
Thus it stands. The conflict is directly between Slavery and Liberty. But because Slavery aims at the life of the Republic, the conflict involves our national existence; and because our national death be won - vincit parendo. It is in conformity, also, with all the attributes of God, as that his Almighty Arm will give strength to the blow. Thus do we bring our efforts at once in harmony with the sublime laws, physical and moral, which govern the universe. while every good influence, every breath of Heaven and every prayer of man is on our side. We also bring ourselves in harmony with our own Declaration of Independence, so that all its early promises become a living letter, and our country is at last saved from that practical inconsistency which has been a heavy burden in her history.
Proposed Surrender to Slavery.
To do all this seems so natural and so entirely according to the dictates of patriotism, that we may well be astonished that it should meet opposition. But there is a wide-spread political party, which, true to its history, now comes forward to save belligerent slavery at this last moment, when it is about to be trampled out forever. Not to save the country but to save belligerent slavery is the object of the mis-named Democracy. Asserting the war, in which so much has been done, to be a failure; forgetting the vast spaces it has already reclaimed, the rivers it has opened, the ports it has secured, and the people it has redeemed; handing over to contempt the officers and men, living and dead, who have waged its innumerable battles, -this political party openly proposes surrender to the rebellion. I do not use too strong language. It is actual surrender and capitulation that is proposed, in one of two forms, -(1) either by acknowledging the rebel States, so that they shall be treated as independent, or (2) by acknowledging slavery, so that it shall be restored to its old supremacy over the national Government, with additional guarantees. The different schemes of opposition are all contained in one or the other of these two propositions.
Two Propositions of Surrender.
If we examine these two propositions, we shall find them equally flagitious and impracticable. Both allow the country to be sacrificed for the sake of slavery; one, by breaking the Union in pieces that a new Slave Power may be created, and the other by continuing the Union that the old Slave Power may enjoy its sway and masterdom. Both pivot on slavery. One acknowledges the Slave Power out of the Union; the other acknowledges the Slave Power in the Union.
Glance, if you please, at these two different forms of surrender.
Surrender by Acknowledging the Rebel States.
I[?]. And first of surrender by acknowledging the think that rebels, flushed with success, and scorning their defeated opponents, will come to any practical terms - any terms which will not leave our commerce and all who are engaged in it exposed to outrage - you place a trust in their moderation which circumstances thus far do not justify. The whole idea is little better than an excursion to the moon, in a car drawn by geese, as described by the Spanish poet. 
Long before the war, and especially in the discussions which preceded it, these rebels were fiery and most unscrupulous. War has not made them less so. The moral sense which they wanted when it began has not been enkindled since. With such a people there is no chance of terms and conditions, except according to their lawless will. The first surrender on our part will be the signal to a long line of surrenders, each of which will be a catastrophe. Nothing will be too unreasonable or grinding. If our own national debt is not repudiated, theirs at least must be assumed.
Peace after Recognition impossible.
(4.) But suppose the shameful sacrifice consummated, the impossible boundaries adjusted, and the illusive terms and conditions stipulated, do you imagine that you have obtained peace? Alas! no. Nothing of the sort. You may call it peace; but it will be war in disguise, ready to break forth in perpetual, chronic, bloody battle. Such an extended inland border, over which Slavery and Liberty will scowl at each other, will be a constant temptation not only to enterprises of smuggling, but to hostile incursions, so that our country will be obliged to sleep on its arms, ready to spring forward in self-defense. Every frontier town will be a St. Albans. Military preparations, absorbing the resources of the people, will become permanent instead of temporary, and the arts of peace will yield to the arts of war. The national character will be changed, and this hospitable continent, instead of being the prosperous home of the poor and friendless, thronging from the Old World, will become a repulsive scene of confusion and strife, while "each new day a gash is added to her wounds."
Have we not war enough now? Are you so enamored of funerals, where the order of nature is reversed, and parents follow their children to the grave, that you are willing to keep a constant carnival for death? Oh! no. You all desire peace. But there is only one way to secure it. You must so conduct the present war that when once ended there shall be no remaining element of discord, no surviving principle of battle, out of which future war can spring. Above all, belligerent Slavery Henry Wilson, Cyrus Field, George Bancroft, Den[????] Duer, George Strong, Pierrepont Edwards, Gen. Hiram Walbridge, S. B Chittenden and E. C. Cowdin.
About a quarter past 11 o'clock, the Hon. James Wadsworth, on behalf of the assembled guests, expressed their gratification at seeing Gen. Butler, and on their behalf requested from him some expression of his views as to the results of the late election and prospects of the war. 
GEN. BUTLER'S RESPONSE.
Gen. Butler then said: MR. WADSWORTH, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: The citizens of New York have done me honor overmuch. Your kindness, exhausting every form known to Christian courtesy, overwhelms me. That I should be able to add anything to the sum of intelligence is a still greater honor. That I maintain very distinct views upon the subjects just adverted to is most true. "Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war" -and all of the peaceful victories ever achieved in the interest of human freedom, that achieved in the peaceful quiet that almost brooded over the land on the 8th of November was the greatest.
Before we proceed, for a moment, to look at the material results, let us look at the moral. It has taught to all the world who shall look on, -and it is not now a vain boast to be said in America, that the yes of all the world are upon us, -that we are able, in the stress and strain of a civil war like that never seen before, to carry on our institutions in a peaceful quiet; that we can change or re-elect our rulers as we weigh them in the balance, and find them either meritorious or wanting, without so much of trouble, or disorder, or riot, or commotion, as attends a constable's election in a parish in England.
The moral, then, is that a government embalmed in the hearts of the people, dependent on the intelligence of the people, is the strongest government on earth - strong in the affections, stronger still in the right arms of the people. And when we have heretofore been told that was necessary there should be either monarchy or despotism to wield bayonets, we see the bayonets wielded by hundreds of thousands where other countries have not been able to wield them by tens, and these entirely subservient to the people's will.
The material results are not less striking, first, in the fact that all disputed questions which have divided the country are now settled by an almost unanimous verdict of the people. Does any one complain that, in the conduct of military operations, there should be the arrest of a traitor? That open land offices wherever our armies march, and distribute their lands and divide them among the soldiers, to be theirs, and theirs forever.
This is a harsh measure, everybody will say, but is it not quite as just as that we should tax ourselves anew and anew, and raise the price of the necessaries of life for the purpose of paying bounties for the support of the soldiers to fight these men whom we have three times offered and called to be our friends, in 1862 and in June 1863, again in December in 1864, again by the 8th of January, 1865? And when that clock strikes the last knell of that departing day, then all hope of return to those who have not then made progress to that return shall be cut off forever, and they will have to go to Mexico, or the West Indies, or some place which I will not name, because I know not any land bad enough to be cursed by them; at all events, they shall never come here again.
I look with some interest to what I believe to be the present results of this election; and I believe to be the present results of this election; and I believe, first, that we have settled the war by determining that the people are strong enough to carry on the war, and I never expect to see in arms or in council a greater victory than the one we have just achieved. And I think we are now strong enough to make them, and offer such a one that the most squeamish of our friends will go with us when they find that we have exhausted all the resources of statesmanship, and that we are now ready to make peace, and are therefore prepared to make war to the hilt; therefore, I say, I look upon this victory as one which has decided the war - decided it not in a military point of view, but in that overpowering civil point of view which decides the fate of nations everywhere. 
To this it may be answered, and I desire for a moment to that answer to call your attention, so that every man may work out in his own mind the problem, that if we carry on the war with the strength and stringency with which I have suggested, how shall we ever live in the same land with men whom we thus fought against? Let us go to the teaching of history, and there draw also from the history of that land which we are proud to call our Motherland, England. Every considerable estate in the land of England, under Cromwell, passed through Courts of Confiscation; and yet when the King came to his own again after a time, the nation came together again in friendship, nevermore to be divided. Is there any difficulty, then, in the Anglo-Saxon race in this land being again in unity, and friendship, and peace with whom they have had a fight? It is not a well-known rule, that those with whom we have fought bitterly, if they have fought honorably. 
self in the National Government. For nearly two generations, the slaveholding class, into whose power the Government early passed, dictated the policy of the nation. But the Presidential election of 1860 resulted in the defeat of the slaveholding class, and in the success of men who religiously believe slavery to be a grievous wrong to the slave, a blight upon the prosperity and a stain upon the name of the country. Defeated in its aims, broken in its power, humiliated in its pride, the slaveholding class raised at once the banners of treason. Retiring from the chambers of Congress, abandoning the seats of power to men who had persistently opposed their aggressive policy, they brought to an abrupt close the record of half a century of SLAVERY MEASURES IN CONGRESS. Then, when slavery legislation ended, anti-slavery legislation began. A condensed summary of the ANTI-SLAVERY MEASURES IN CONGRESS, briefly traced in the preceding pages, may perhaps convey to the reader more distinctly their scope and magnitude. 
When the rebellion culminated in active hostilities, it was seen that thousands of slaves were used for military purposes by the rebel forces. To weaken the forces of the rebellion, the 37th Congress decreed that such slaves should be forever free.
As the Union armies advanced into the rebel States, slaves, inspired by the hope of personal freedom, flocked to their encampments, claiming protection against rebel masters, and offering to work and fight for the flag whose stars for the first time gleamed upon their vision with the radiance of liberty. Rebel masters and rebel sympathizing masters sought the encampments of the loyal forces, demanding the surrender of the escaped fugitives; and they were often delivered up by officers of the armies. To weaken the power of the insurgents, to strengthen the loyal forces, and assert the claims of humanity, the 37th Congress enacted an article of war, dismissing from the service officers guilty of surrendering these fugitives.
Three thousand persons were held as slaves in the District of Columbia, over which the nation exercised exclusive jurisdiction: the 37th Congress made these three thousand bondmen freemen, and made slaveholding in the capital of the nation for evermore impossible.
Laws and ordinances existed in the national capital, that pressed with merciless rigor upon the colored people: the 37th Congress enacted that colored persons should be tried for the same offenses, in the same manner, and be subject to the same punishments, as white persons; thus abrogating the "black code."
Colored persons in the capital of this Christian

garchy is the least respectable of any ever attempted, and is so entirely modern that it is antedated by the Durham bull Hubbuck, the short-horn progenitor of the oligarchy of cattle, and by the stallion Godolphin, the Arabian progenitor of the oligarchy of horses, both of which may be traced to the middle of the last century. And do not forget that, if you would find a prototype in brutality, you must turn your back upon civilized history, and repair to those distant islands which witnessed an oligarchy of cannibals, or go to barbarous Africa, which has been kept in barbarism by an oligarchy of men-stealers.

Liberty throughout the World.
Thus it stands. The conflict is directly between Slavery and Liberty. But because Slavery aims at the life of the Republic, the conflict involves our national existence ; and because our national death would be the despair of Liberty everywhere, it involves this great cause throughout the world. And yet I would not for one moment lose sight of the special enemy ; for our energies can be properly directed only when we are able to confront him. "Give me to see," said the old Greek ; and this must be our exclamation now.

Slavery a Disturber always.
Slavery, from the beginning, has been a disturber, and it is now a red-handed traitor. I do not travel back before the Revolution; but starting from that great event, I show you Slavery always offensive, and forever thrusting itself in the path of national peace and honor. The Declaration of Independence, as originally prepared by Jefferson, contained a vigorous passage denouncing King George for his patronage of the slave-trade. The slave-masters insisted upon striking it out, and it was struck out ; and here was there first victory. At the adoption of the Federal Constitution, they insisted upon the recognition of the slave-trade as the condition of Union ; and here was another victory. In the earliest Congress, under the Constitution, they commenced the menace of disunion, and this menace was continued at every turn of public affairs, especially at every proposition or even petition touching Slavery, until it triumphed signally in that atrocious Fugitive Slave Bill, which made all the Free States a hunting ground for slaves. Throughout these contests, Slavery was vulgar, brutal, savage, while its braggart orators and chaplains heralded its claims. Hogarth, in his famous picture of Bruin, painted Slavery when he portrayed an immense grizzly bear hugging, as if he loved it, an enormous gnarled bludgeon, with a brand of infamy labelled on every knot, such as Lie Twelve, Lie Fifteen, and about his throat a clerical band, torn, crumpled and awry. In the States where it flourished, speech and press were both despoiled of their freedom, and the whole country seemed to be fast sinking under its degrading tyranny. Everything in science, or history, or state, was bent to its support. There was a new political economy, which taught the superiority of slave labor ; a new ethnology, which excluded the slave from the family of man ; a new heraldry, which admitted the slave-master to the list of nobles ; a new morality, which vindicated the rightfulness of Slavery as a missionary enterprise ; a new theodicy, which placed Slavery under the sanctions of divine benevolence ; and a new Constitution, which installed Slavery in the very citadel of our liberties. By such strange inventions the giant felony fortified itself. At last it struck at the pioneers of Liberty in Kansas. There was its first battle. The next was when it took up arms against the National Government, and rallied all its forces in bloody rebellion. Thus is this Rebellion, by unquestionable pedigree, derived from Slavery, and the parent lives in the offspring.

Rebellion is Belligerent Slavery.
Therefore, if you are in earnest against the Rebellion, you must be in earnest, also, against Slavery ; for the two are synonymous or convertible terms. The Rebellion is nothing but Slavery in arms. It is Slavery on horseback. It is belligerent Slavery.

To save the Country, we must strike at Slavery.
It is, when we see the Rebellion as it is, in its true light, face to face, that we see our whole duty. Then must the patriot, whatever may have been his personal prejudices or party associations, insist, at all hazards, that Slavery shall not be suffered to escape from that righteous judgment which is the doom of the Rebellion. No false tenderness, no casuistry of politics must intrude to save it anywhere ; for you cannot save Slavery anywhere without just to that extent saving the Rebellion. Show me anywhere a sympathizer with Slavery, and I will show you a sympathizer with the Rebellion
Our duty is clear. In the sacred service of patriotism, nothing can be allowed to stand in the way. Fortress, camp, citadel, each and all must be overcome ; but the animating soul of every fortress, camp, or citadel throughout the Rebellion is Slavery. Surely, when the country is in danger, there can be no hesitation. And as the greater contains the less, so this greatest charity of country embraces for the time all other charities.
There is another advantage in striking at Slavery, which must not be forgotten. Such a blow is in strict obedience to the laws of nature ; and we are reminded by the great master of thought, Lord Bacon, that only through such obedience can victory


ernment, with additional guarantees. The different schemes of opposition are all contained in one or the other of these two propositions.

Two Propositions of Surrender.
If we examine these two propositions, we shall find them equally flagitious and impracticable. Both allow the country to be sacrificed for the sake of slavery ; one, by breaking the Union in pieces that a new Slave Power may be created, and the other by continuing the Union that the old Slave Power may enjoy its sway and masterdom. Both pivot on slavery. One acknowledges the Slave Power out of the Union ; the other acknowledges the Slave Power in the Union.
Glance, if you please, at these two different forms of surrender.

Surrender by Acknowledging the Rebel States.
I. And, first of surrender by acknowledging the rebel States, so that they shall be independent. How futile to think that there can be any consent to the establishment of a Slave Power carved out of our Republic! Such a surrender would begin in shame ; but it would also begin, continue, and end in troubles and sorrows which no imagination can picture.

Abandonment of Unionists and Slaves in Rebel States impossible.

(1.) I do not dwell on the shame that would cover our Republic, but I ask, on the threshold, how you would feel in abandoning to the tender mercies of the rebellion, all those who, from sentiment or conviction or condition, now look to the National Government as a deliverer. This topic has not, it seems to me, been sufficiently impressed upon the country. Would that I could make it sink deep into your souls! There are the Unionists shut up within the confines of the rebellion, and unable to help themselves. They can do nothing, not even cry out, until the military power of the rebellion is crushed. Let this be done; let the rebel grip be unloosed, and you will hear their voices, as joyously and reverently they hail the national flag. And there are the slaves, also, to whom the rebellion is an immense, deep-moated, thick-walled, heavy-bolted Bastile, where a whole race is blinded, manacled and outraged. But these, again, are powerless so long as rebel sentinels keep watch and ward over them. To these two classes in the rebel States we have from the beginning owed a solemn duty, which can be performed only by perseverance to the end. The patriot Unionists, who have kept their loyalty in solitude and privation, like the early Christians concealed in catacombs, and the slaves, also, who have been compelled to serve their cruel taskmasters, must not be sacrificed.
 Perhaps there is no character in which the National Government may more truly exult than that of Deliverer. Rarely in history has such a duty, with its attendant glory, been so clearly imposed. The piety of the early ages found vent in the Crusades, those wonderful enterprises of valor and of travel, which exercised such a transforming influence over modern civilization. But our war is not less important. It is a crusade, not to deliver the tomb, but to deliver the living temples of the Lord, and it is destined to exercise a transforming influence beyond any crusade in history.

A Boundary Line Impossible.

(2.) But if you agree to abandon the patriots and the slaves in the rebel States, you will only begin your infinite difficulties. How will you determine the boundary line which is to cleave this continent in twain ? Where shall the god Terminus be allowed to plant his altar? What States shall be left at the North in the light of Liberty ? What States shall be consigned to the gloom of Slavery ? Surely no swiftness to surrender can make you surrender Maryland, now redeemed by the votes of citizen soldiers; nor West Virginia, admitted as a free State into the Union ; Nor Missouri, which has been made the dark and bloody ground. And how about Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana? There also is the Mississippi, now once more free from its fountains to the sea. Surely this mighty river will not again be compelled to wear chains.
These inquiries simply open the difficulties to be encountered in this endeavor. If there were any natural boundary, constituting in itself a barrier and altar, or if during long generations any Chinese wall had been built for fifteen hundred miles across the continent, then perhaps there might be a dividing line. But nature and history, by solemn decrees, have fixed it otherwise, and have marked this broad land, from the lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, for one Country, with one Liberty, one Constitution, and one Destiny.

Terms or Conditions of Peace Impossible.

(3.) But if the boundary line is settled, then will arise the many-headed question of terms and conditions. On what terms and conditions can peace be stipulated? The exulting rebels, whose new empire is founded on the corner-stone of Slavery, will naturally exact promises for the rendition of fugitive slaves. Are you, who have just emancipated yourselves from this obligation, ready to renew it, and to repeat again an inexpiable crime? But, if you do not, how can you expect peace? Then, it will remain to determine the commercial relations between the two separate governments, with rights of transit and travel. 


Albans. Military preparations, absorbing the resources of the people, will become permanent instead of temporary, and the arts of peace will yield to the arts of war. The national character will be changed, and this hospitable continent, instead of being the prosperous home of the poor and friendless, thronging from the Old World, will become a repulsive scene of confusion and strife, while "each new day a gash is added to her wounds."
Have we not war enough now? Are you so enamored of funerals, where the order of nature is reversed, and parents follow their children to the grave, that you are willing to keep a constant carnival for death? Oh! no. You all desire peace. But there is only one way to secure it. You must so conduct the present war that when once ended there shall be no remaining element of discord, no surviving principle of battle, out of which future war can spring. Above all, belligerent Slavery must not be allowed to rear its crest as an independent Power.

Disunion by Recognition is General Anarchy
(5.) But there is another consequence which must not be omitted. War would not be confined to the two governments representing respectively the two hostile principles, Slavery and Liberty. It would rage with internecine fury among ourselves. Admit that States may fly out of the Union, and where will you stop? Other States may follow, it may be in groups, or it may be singly, until our mighty galaxy is broken into separate stars, or dissolved into the nebular compost of a people without form or name. Where, then, is country? Where, then, will be those powerful States, which are now the pride of civilization and the hope of mankind? Handed over to ungovernable frenzy, without check or control, until anarchy and chaos anarchy chaos are supreme-as with the horses of the murdered Duncan, which, at the assassination of their master,

"Beauteous and swift, the minions of their race,
Turned wild in nature, broke their stalls, flung out,
Contending 'gainst obedience, as they would
Make war with mankind.
'Tis said, they eat each other."

The picture is terrible; but it hardly exaggerates the fearful disorder. Already our European enemies, looking to their desires for inspiration, predict a general discord. Sometimes it is said that there are to be four or five new nations; that the North-West is to be a nation by itself; the Middle States another; the Pacific States another, and our New England States still another, so that rebel Slavery will be the predominant Power on this continent. But it is useless to speculate on the number of these fractional governments. If disunion is allowed to begin, it cannot be stopped. Misrule and confusion will be everywhere. Our fathers saw this at the adoption of the National Constitution, when, in a rude sketch of the time, they pictured the thirteen States as so many staves, which were bound by the hoops into a barrel. Let a single stave be taken out, and the whole barrel falls to pieces. It is easy to see how this must occur with States. The triumph of the Rebellion will be not only the triumph of belligerent Slavery; but it will be also the triumph of State Rights, to this extent, first that any State, in the exercise of its own lawless will, may abandon its place in the Union; and secondly, that the constitutional verdict of the majority, as in the election of Abraham Lincoln, is not binding. With these two rules of conduct, in conformity with which the Rebellion was organized, there can be no limit to disunion. Therefore, when you consent to the independence of the rebel States, you disband the whole company of States, and blot our country from the map of the world.

[The second portion of this Argument we shall publish in our next number.]


RECEPTION TO MAJOR-GEN. BUTLER.

HIS SPEECH ON THE RESULTS OF THE LATE ELECTION.

The whole of the first floor of the Fifth Avenue Hotel on Monday evening, 14th inst. was filled with crowds of beautiful and gaily dressed women and the elite of New York's loyal citizens gathered for the purpose of doing honor to the hero of the James, who yesterday left the city for his command at the front. The crowd commenced to pour in at 8 o'clock, most of the ladies and gentlemen in full dress, the toilet of some of the ladies being exceedingly elegant, and were marshaled at the door of the parlor, and introduced in turn to the General by the gentlemen acting as stewards on the occasion.
The General, who was in full uniform, received his numerous visitors with much urbanity and affability, bearing the terrible dislocating handshake to which he was subjected with great fortitude. The guests, after their presentation to Gen. Butler, passed on to the other corner of the room, where Mrs. and Miss Butler received the congratulations and good wishes of the assembly.
The General was supported by his staff officers, Brig.-Gen. Gordon, Col. Darling, Capts. Clarke, Puffer, Manning and DeKay; and among the more prominent citizens presented on the occasion were the Rev. H. Ward Beecher, Dr. Bellows, Dr. McClintock, Dr. Osgood, J. P. Thompson, Dr. Tyng, Dr. Hitchcock, and Bishop Simpson, Ex-Gov. Wright, Wm. Curtis Noyes, Horace Greeley, Hon.


as attends a constable's election in a parish in England.
The moral, then, is that a government embalmed in the hearts of the people, dependent on the intelligence of the people, is the strongest government on earth-strong in the affections, stronger still in the right arms of the people. And when we have heretofore been told that it was necessary there should be either monarchy or despotism to wield bayonets, we see the bayonets wielded by hundreds of thousands where other countries have not been able to wield them by tens, and these entirely subservient to the people's will.
The material results are not less striking, first, in the fact that all disputed questions which have divided the country are now settled by an almost unanimous verdict of the people. Does any one complain that, in the conduct of military operations, there should be the arrest of a traitor? That question has been argued and settled, and the verdict is "guilty, and arrest him when he is guilty." (Cheers.) Does any one complain that the true theory of the Constitution has been carried out, which enrolls all able-bodied men to fight in defence of the country's life and liberties? That question has been settled; and hereafter it will be more honorable to be drafted than to volunteer. Does any one complain that the Government in its wisdom has organized troops irrespective of color, and believes that the black man would fill as much of a grave as if his color were whiter, when he falls in battle in defence of his country's liberties? That question has been settled, and has passed away forever to be among the things that are past. Does any one now claim, as was claimed in 1860, that Abraham Lincoln is President of a minority? That question is settled by an overwhelming majority. (Cheers and laughter.) And let us look for a moment at the fact, that if we count every rebel against him-if we count every rebel sympathizer against him, as they were-if we count every untrue, disloyal man against him-yet he is elected by a majority second only to that with which Jackson swept over the land in a season of financial peril.
These material results have been achieved. Now, then, what is the duty of the Government in the present and future? The war cannot last always. The history of nations and the experience of the world have shown us this. War, therefore, must come to an end; but how? In what way? A war of this kind is to be prosecuted for the purpose of breaking down the power of those opposed to the Government, and bringing them into its folds, and under the supremacy of its laws.
In view, therefore, of the unanimity of the American people,-in view of the strength, the majesty, the might of the nation,-might it not be suggested that now is a good time once again to hold out to the deluded people of the South the olive branch of peace, and say to them, "Come back! come back now-this is the last time of asking; come back, and leave off the feeding on husks, and come with us to feed upon the fat of the land, and bygones shall be bygones-if bygones are bygones-our country shall live in peace hereafter." (Cheers.) Are we not able to offer them that? Are we not strong enough? Do we not stand with Union enough to be able to offer that to the leaders and to all?
There might have been some complaint, I think, among a proud and chivalrous people, that they would not desert their leaders in answer to the amnesty proclamation of President Lincoln; but now as we come to them, and say, "Come back, and you shall find the laws the same, save and except as they are altered by the legislative wisdom of the land," are we not in a condition-not taking counsel of our fears or weaknesses, but from our strength and magnanimity-again to make the offer, and the last time to call on them? And then shall we not have exhausted all the resources of statesmanship in the effort to restore peace to the country? And who shall hinder this? And if they do not come back, who shall complain?
I ask not for the rebel to come back after he has fought as long as he can, and then chooses to come  back; but state some time-perhaps the 8th of January, 1865, for the associations will be as good as any-and when that time shall have come, every man who shall scout the proffered amnesty of a great and powerful nation, speaking in love, in kindness, in charity, in hope of peace and quiet forever, then I say to him, who then scouts the proffered love and kindness, "Let us meet him with sharp, quick, decisive, war, which shall bring the matter to an end, and to the extinguishment of such men wherever they may be."
And how is that to be done? Blood and treasure have been poured out without stint and without measure, until, taking advantage of the depletion of treasure, bad men have banded together by speculating in that which should be the circulating medium, and have raised upon every poor man the price of the coals upon his hearth and the bread upon his table. Let some measure be taken to stop that; and a better measure than any other is to let it be understood, that, hereafter, we pay no more bounties from the old Roman method of carrying on war, say to our young men, "Look on the fair fields of the sunny South; and unless they take our amnesty, let us go down South and you shall have whatever you get in a fair fight," and we will


To this it may be answered, and I desire for a moment to that answer to call your attention, so that every man may work out in his own mind the problem, that if we carry on the war with the strength and stringency with which I have suggested, how shall we ever live in the same land with men whom we thus fought against? Let us go to the teaching of history, and there draw also from the history of that land which are proud to call our Motherland, England. Every considerable estate in the land of England, under Cromwell, passed through Courts of Confiscation; and yet when the King came to his own again after a time, the nation came together again in friendship, nevermore to be divided. Is there any difficulty, then, in the Anglo-Saxon race in this land being again in unity, and friendship, and peace with them with whom they have had a fight? Is it not a well-known rule, that those with whom we have fought bitterly, if they have fought honorably, after the fight is over, they are more endeared to us after that fight, and we are the more ready to take them by the hand? Therefore I say, there will be no difficulty in the good men of the North and the South coming together again, and letting bygones be bygones; and I have said that I desire the extinguishment of the bad men. 
Allow me to say, that I am honored by this opportunity to tender to the citizens of New York, who have come here this evening to do honor to the Government which I represent, my most sincere and hearty thanks; and now allow me to say to those who have done me the honor to say, that the presence of the United States troops here tended to prevent disorder, that far more did the influence of all good men here, all tending in one direction, tend to prevent disorder, and still further, the solemnity of the occasion, which even the bad men seemed to feel; and from these causes, and the certainty that no bad man could find any support or countenance from any good man of any party man of any party, to that we owe the peace of the city. I again return you my thanks, and am happy to bid you God speed on the morrow, when I leave you for the armies in operation at the front.
Three times three cheers were then heartily given for Major General Butler, and in answer to loud calls for "Beecher,"-
Rev. Henry Ward Beecher mounted a chair, and after a few humorous remarks, said he had been delighted to hear what had been said by Maj. Gen. Butler; and if Gen. Butler was not a man of sound judgment and executive genius, then he was nothing. He referred to the disappointment and despondency in the North during the month of August, and said it was God's bait to trap fools with and the Chicago Convention had fallen into it accordingly. He then referred to the necessity of completing the work so well begun by the complete destruction and abolition of Slavery, and said that that once removed, there was no possible cause of estrangement between the two sections of the country; and concluded by saying:
When we have tried honest, prudent, considerate Abraham, [laughter,] and he is tired, and we need another man, if we cannot do better, I do trust there is no citizen present who would decline to act for a little while as President of the United States. The time may come when we need genius of executiveness and power of administration. [Cries, "Butler, Butler"; "Yes, sir, he's the man."] If there is a man in the United States who has genius for administration, I think that man is Butler. [Loud cheers; "Good, good"; "Bravo."]  I beg you to understand distinctly, that I do not nominate him. ["Yes, yes." Cheers, "Butler."] It will be proved in good time that the New York Herald nominated him. [Loud cheers.]
There were then loud calls for Mr. Greeley, who was in the room, but he not responding, the reception was continued. At its conclusion, General Butler and a select company of gentlemen partook of a supper spread in one of the dining rooms, at which a number of speeches were made, and the festivities kept up till a late hour.-N. Y. Tribune.

WHAT HAS BEEN DONE BY CONGRESS

We ask the special attention of our readers to the following cheering summary of what has been done for the cause of Liberty and Emancipation by the 37th and 38th Congresses, as given by Senator Wilson as the concluding chapter of his new and valuable historical work, published by Walker, Wise & Co. :-
The annals of the nation bear the amplest evidence that the patriots and statesmen who carried the country through the Revolution from colonial dependence to national independence, framed the Constitution, and inaugurated the Federal Government, hoped and believed that slavery would pass away at no distant period under the influences of the institutions they had founded. But those illustrious men tasted death without witnessing the realization of their hopes and anticipations. The rapid development of the resources of the country under the protection of a stable government, the opening-up of new and rich lands, the expansion of territory, and perhaps, more than all, the wonderful growth and importance of the cotton culture, enhanced the value of labor, and increased many fold the price of slaves. Under the stimulating influences of an ever-increasing pecuniary interest, a political power was speedily developed, which early manifested it-



mies. To weaken the power of the insurgents, to strengthen the loyal forces, and assert the claims of humanity, the 37th Congress enacted an article of war, dismissing from the service officers guilty of surrendering these fugitives.
Three thousand persons were held as slaves in the District of Columbia, over which the nation exercised exclusive jurisdiction: the 37th Congress made these three thousand bondmen freemen, and made slaveholding in the capital of the nation for evermore impossible.
Laws and ordinances existed in the national capital, that pressed with merciless rigor upon the colored people: the 37th Congress enacted that colored persons should be tried for the same offences, in the same manner, and be subject to the same punishments, as white persons; thus abrogating the "black code."
Colored persons in the capital of this Christian nation were denied the right to testify in the judicial tribunals; thus placing their property, their liberties, and their lives, in the power of unjust and wicked men: the 37th Congress enacted that persons should not be excluded as witnesses in the courts of the District on account of color.
In the capital of the nation, colored persons were taxed to support schools, from which their own children were excluded; and no public schools were provided for the instruction of more than four thousand youth: the 38th Congress provided by law that public schools should be established for colored children, and that the same rate of appropriations for colored schools should be made as are made for schools for the education of white children.
The railways chartered by Congress excluded from their cars colored persons, without the authority of law: Congress enacted that there should be no exclusion from any car on account of color.
Into the territories of the United States, -one third of the surface of the country, -the slaveholding class claimed to the right to take and hold their slaves under the protection of law: the 37th Congress prohibited slavery for ever in all the existing territory, and in all territory which may hereafter be acquired; thus stamping freedom for all, for ever, upon the public domain.
As the war progressed, it became more clearly apparent that the rebels hoped to win the Border slave States; the rebel sympathizers in those States hoped to join the rebel States; and that emancipation in loyal States would bring repose to them, and weaken the power of the rebellion: the 37th Congress, on the recommendation of the President, by the passage of a joint resolution, pledged the faith of the nation to aid loyal States to emancipate the slaves therein.
The hoe and spade of the rebel slave were hardly less potent for the rebellion than the rifle and bayonet of the rebel soldier. Slaves sowed and reaped for the rebels, enabling the rebel leaders to fill the wasting ranks of their armies, and feed them. To weaken the military forces and the power of the rebellion, the 37th Congress decreed that all slaves of persons giving aid and comfort to the rebellion, escaping from such persons, and taking refuge within the lines of the army; all slaves captured from such persons, or deserted by them; all slaves of such persons, being within any place occupied by rebel forces, and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, -shall be captives of war, and shall be for ever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves.
The provisions of the Fugitive Slave Act permitted disloyal masters to claim, and they did claim, the return of their fugitive bondmen: the 37th Congress enacted that no fugitive should be surrendered until the claimant made oath that he had not given aid and comfort to the rebellion.
The progress of the rebellion demonstrated its power, and the needs of the imperilled nation. To strengthen the physical forces of the United States, the 37th Congress authorized the President to receive into the military service persons of African descent; and every such person mustered into the service, his mother, his wife and children, owing service or labor to any person who should give aid and comfort to the rebellion, was made forever free.
The African slave trade had been carried on by slave pirates under the protection of the flag of the United States. To extirpate from the seas that inhuman traffic, and to vindicate the sullied honor of the nation, the Administration early entered into treaty stipulations with the British Government for the mutual right of search within certain limits; and the 37th Congress hastened to enact the appropriate legislation to carry the treaty into effect.
The slaveholding class, in the pride of power, persistently refused to recognize the independence of Hayti and Liberia; thus dealing unjustly towards those nations, to the detriment of the commercial interests of the country: the 37th Congress recognized the independence of those republics by authorizing the President to establish diplomatic relations with them.
By the provisions of law, white male citizens alone were enrolled in the militia. In the amendment to the act for calling out the militia, the 37th Congress provided for the enrollment and drafting of citizens, without regard for color; and, by the Enrollment Act, colored persons, free or slave, are enrolled and drafted the same as white men. The 38th Congress enacted that colored soldiers shall have the same pay, clothing, and rations, and be placed in all respects upon the same footing, as white soldiers. To en-

192 THE LIBERATOR. NOVEMBER 25.
Poetry. 
For the Liberator. 
VICTORY!
Last night I heard a joyous shout-
'Twas "Victory!" 'twas "Victory!"
Oppression's imps are put to rout-
God wills our nation shall be free!
The day has dawned! - see how the light
Is chasing back the gloom of night!
Ye who  have nobly stood for Right
Through dark, dark hours which now are past;
Who saw the True alone was might,
Your day, delayed, has come at last!
The seed you sow, you may be sure, 
Will not be lost, if it is pure.
Richfield, (N. Y.) Nov. 9. D. HITCHINGS.

For the Liberator.
FREEDOM.
Say, is there aught can stir the heart,
And cause the living blood to start,
Or nerve the arm to manly deed,
And serve us in our utmost need,
Like Freedom?
Is there another name so sweet?
A name where all our yearnings meet,
And mingle in one great desire,
That sets the throbbing brain on fire,
Like Freedom?
What fire can warm the patriot's breast,
Or kindle hope in those oppressed,
And light the dark and thorny track,
And bring the weary pilgrim back,
Like Freedom?
 What demon spell is this that holds
Within its dark and deadly folds
The hearts of men? I see! 'tis gold!
And man for this is bought and sold
From Freedom.
O man! desist - this will not pay;
There sure must come a reck'ning day;
For every wrong you do to man
Is balanced in the judgement plan -
Give Freedom!
D. M. H.

FREEDOM.
No blots on the banner of Light!
No slaves in the land of the Free!
No wrong to be rampant where all should be right!
No sin that is shameful to see!
America, show the wide world, in thy strength,
How sternly determined thou art
To cut from thy soil, in its breadth and its length,
The canker that gnaws at thy heart.
Uprouse thee! and swear by thy might,
This evil no longer shall be;
For all men are brothers, the black as the white,
And sons of the Father are we!
America, now is the perilous time
When safety is solely decreed
To ridding the heart of old habits of crime,
And simply repenting indeed.
Away to the bats and the moles
With the lash, and the goad, and the chain!
Away with the buying and selling of souls,
And slavery toiling in pain!
America, this is thy chance, now at length,
Of crushing, while crouching to thee,
Those rebels and slaveholders, slaves to thy strength,
The curse and contempt of the free.
Albury, England. MARTIN F. TUPPER.

THE PICTURE OF COL. SHAW IN BOSTON.
Buried with his negroes in the trench! - 
There he lies, a score of them around him;
All the fires of bondage this shall quench;
The Lord hath said it - Let my people go!
And after many a plague hath swept the land
With war's tempestuous glory, and with fire,
There comes a midnight cry through all the camp, 
And, lo! in every house one dead! Enough!
To the Destroying Angel - Stay thy hand!
Put up thy glittering sword! It is enough!
Wilt thou not say, O Lord, it is enough!
Or shall the earthquake heave, the thunders roll,
And thy great heritage be cast away,
Our cities laid in ashes, surging flame, 
And Pestilence and Death o'ersweep the land,
Our first-born all destroyed, our hope,
Our glory and our strength forever quenched,
Because in madness we refuse to hear
The voice that thundereth - Let my people go!
JOHN NEAL.

The Liberator. 
RATIONALISM IN THE PULPIT. No. II.
MR. EDITOR -DEAR SIR - I beg leave to submit some additional remarks on Dr. Hedge's address, and on Rationalism in the Pulpit.
I. "Religion, as a system of belief, intellectually apprehended, has gained nothing with the progress of the times; a pregnant intimation that the speculative intellect is not the source of religious truth." - Christian Examiner, p. 145.
This assertion is strangely at variance with facts, and must have been made inconsiderately. Roman Catholic theology has not been much changed, and has gained little during the last three hundred years, but even that has gained something. It has not been possible for it to stand entirely still. Protestant theologies have been greatly improved. Old creeds are in some cases abandoned for better formulas, and where retained, are modified with new interpretations. The extraordinary exertions required to keep old opinions in credit is an evidence of the irresistible progress of theological ideas, and a significant intimation, both that theology is amenable to the laws of science, and that the speculative intellect is the source of all religious truth. It is the faculty by which we apprehend all truth.
II. "Will criticism which has taken so much leave anything? Will negation stop short of universal rejection, not only of all Christian, but of all religious ideas and beliefs?" p. 146. "The negative spirit in theology has been in our times disproportionately active." p. 147. "Christianity has nothing to fear from criticism; nevertheless, it should be understood, that while there is a criticism which is quite legitimate, whatever may be destroyed by it, there is also a criticism which is not legitimate, -not because it is destructive, but because it mistakes its method and its objects, and applies its market scale to matters which are incommeasurable. The one is a criticism of authors and of books, the other of ideas and beliefs, -a criticism of the letter, and a criticism of the spirit." p. 148.
The object of criticism is truth; and it is, from its nature, restricted to the domain of science and art. Whatever is known can be shown, and whatever opinion, judgement, or belief is erroneous, can be detected and exposed, as such. The erroneous cannot be known to be true. Criticism has a two-fold object, to verify and disprove; it verifies the true, and disproves the false.
III. "If Theism would but pray, and be a religion; if, when the Christ is taken out of it, Christianity would remain, how nice it would be!" p. 150.
The religion of Jesus, as reported in the first three gospels, was Theism. Jesus founded it as such, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob were Theists. Theism is the doctrine of one God; and is opposed to Dualism, the doctrine of two Gods, and to Polytheism, the doctrine of many Gods. The votaries of this religion prayed from Abraham to Jesus: what hinders them from praying still? They do pray still. The Christian Rationalists are, many of them, remarkable for the interesting character of their prayers. What supernaturalist can be found above Theodore Parker in 

such sentiments of justice and humanity. All feel the force of such a declaration as you made, and the age appreciates the question. Rights are indeed a mockery, if they do not justify their assertion whenever and by whomever assailed. Well I know that, when you speak for freedom, it is but giving utterance to cherished sympathy and sentiments long since inculcated in your mind, and borne far from your natal home in Western New York to the green shores of the vast Pacific. 
You, sir, are elected to fill a place, from the 4th of March next, in the United States Senate - a position which may well satisfy the ambition of any man; and all feel that you will creditably fill the place.
Public offices are created for the public good; and as the coming six years will be among the most important in events of any a nation has seen, you will, I trust, not feel it an intrusion when I suggest that the new and rising men of the Republic should, by a just and vigorous policy, seek to increase the honor, the glory, and the prosperity of the country.
The present war will end likely within the first year of your senatorial career; and then, sir, our humming marts, our iron rails, our wide-spread fields, our teeming millions of all the races of earth will demand, and must receive, governmental attention. There will be no star missing from all those of the Union. "The Southern Cross" will gleam radiantly forth, and the pole star keep its place awhile. "FREEDOM" will be our watchword.
"The sacred leaves, fair Freedom's flower, 
Shall ever float on dome and tower."
In the last twenty years, from the day when Asa Whitney went forth among the people to urge the construction of the Pacific railroad, and a national grand of land to aid, till the opening of the present war, any and every proposition looking towards the construction of a railroad from the Mississippi to the shores of the Pacific has invariably found its quietus in the Southern objection, that it was in conflict with State rights and the Resolutions of '98. Will the men who fill office during the last ten years of the first hundred years of our nation listen longer to this moonshine? Will it not be readily seen that this railroad is a military necessity?
Doubtless an effort will be made to have the Southern States return, with slavery in full bloom. The blood and treasure expended in putting down the rebellion will all have gone in vain, if any such policy prevails. The question must be met. We ought not to have any more slavery to poison our political and social systems. The Freedmen must be cared for, too. Very easily they can be; and equally easily do I believe they will be.
Mexico, with its golden mountains, its rich valleys teeming with fruits, and the productions to sustain life in a warm clime, with a sparse population, mostly of a mixed blood, without the slightest prejudice, save favorable, in reference to the black race, adjoins our land. The effort for sustaining a free Republic has there been tried, and generally believed to have been a failure; still, we cannot permit an Austrian despotism to here rear its crest. The throne constructed by the upstart Emperor of the French must with its occupant pass away.
Our Government must say to the two hundred and fifty thousand braves of our African regiments, who, on the 1st of July, 1865, will wear the uniform, carry the arms and sustain the flag of a common country - "There is a land for you, your children, and your children's children." And more, it must furnish free transportation to ALL who will go to Mexico, with the protection of the Stars and Stripes. 
The planting of our armed legions on those shores will meet with the approval of the world, and it ensures us that fair land for all time.
The French Emperor will not stand by the house of Hapsburg, and could not do so successfully if he would. England cannot afford a hundred days' war with this country, without finding her world-wide commerce swept from the ocean, her towns in a state.

If the denial is permitted, the victim may be robbed upon the highway, his house burned over his head, his wife or child ravished or murdered before his eyes, without remedy or redress. We see, therefore, that the right to testify in Courts of Justice is not only essential to personal dignity and safety, but it is the very bulwark of defence of all other individual, domestic and social rights, and that nothing but conviction of a high crime can possibly justify its invasion. The clause of the United States Constitution on which the petitioner relies is the first of the second section of Article 4, and is in these words:
"The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."
Alexander Hamilton, in commenting upon this clause in the 80th number of The Federalist, says:
"It may be esteemed the basis of the Union. And if it be a just principle, that every government ought to possess the means of executing its own provisions, by its own authority, it will follow that in order to the inviolable maintenance of that equality of privileges and immunities to which the citizens of the Union will be entitled, the national judiciary ought to preside, in all cases, in which one State or its citizens are opposed to another State or its citizens. To secure the full effect of so fundamental a provision against all evasion and subterfuge, it is necessary that its construction should be committed to that tribunal, which, having no local attachments, will be likely to be impartial, between the different States and their citizens, and which, owing its official existence to the Union, will never be likely to feel any bias inauspicious to the principles on which it was founded."
In the same paper he says: "There ought always to be a constitutional method to give efficacy to constitutional provisions." It will be remembered that to give effect to this very provision, and to secure the invaded rights of her citizens, the Legislature of Massachusetts, many years ago, sent an eminent jurist, Judge Hoar, to the State of South Carolina, with an appeal to the Courts of Justice. His appeal was rudely rejected, and himself and daughter by mob violence driven from that State of lawless madmen, who were then just beginning their wild rush from the crime of slavery to the kindred crimes of treason and rebellion against the best government that ever blest the world. Nor is it too much to assert that the neglect to give practical effect to this constitutional provision has been an efficient cause of the war now desolating the country. 
In support of these views, the case of Corfield vs. Coryell, the 4th volume Washington Circuit Court Reports, pages 380 and 381, is directly in point, and would seem conclusive. Mr. Justice Washington in his opinion says of the clause in question:
"The inquiry is, what are the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States? We feel no hesitation in confining these expressions to those privileges and immunities which are in their nature fundamental. They may be all comprehended under the following general heads: Protection by the Government; the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the right to acquire and possess property of every kind, and to pursue and obtain happiness and safety; the right of a citizen of one State to pass through or to reside in any other State, for purposes of trade, agriculture, professional pursuits or otherwise; to claim the benefit of the habeas corpus, to institute and maintain actions of any kind in the Courts of the State, to take, hold and dispose of property, real and personal, and an exemption from higher taxes or impositions than are paid by the other citizens of the State; these and many others which might be mentioned are strictly privileges and immunities, and the enjoyment of them by the citizens of each State in every other State is manifestly calculated, (to use the expressions of the preamble of the corresponding provision in the old articles of confederation,) the better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different States of the Union."
The right to testify must be included in the foregoing enumeration as a part of the right to use the Courts, and several of the rights enumerated are certainly less vital and fundamental than the right in question.
No one who has read the able opinion of Attorney General Bates, utterly abolishing the unfortunate obiter dicta in the Dred Scott case, can doubt that colored men may be citizens of the United States and of the several States; and, indeed, all the counsel in this case can seem to admit, that the petitioner is a citizen of Massachusetts.

lic conscience, pronouncing itself, with all the brazen impudence of the bottomless pit, a divine institution, and asserting the cruel doctrine that the dearest human rights are only skin deep, and that dusky men have none which paler men are bound to respect.
Never should the courts of Virginia deny this fundamental privilege of manhood to any innocent human being, and least of all to a citizen of Massachusetts - the cradle of the American Revolution of 1776 - the first State to abolish slavery, the first to scatter the seeds of knowledge and science throughout her bounds, to bless all the people who dwell within the influence of her generous and beneficent institutions.
Had Congress clearly conferred upon the Court the necessary power, the relief prayed for by the petitioner would be cheerfully and speedily granted. But the method of proceeding in order to secure the benefit of a right fully guaranteed by the Constitution has been left in great doubt and obscurity from some cause, probably from the an influence which in the future will neither felt nor feared, With a view, therefore, of obtaining the aid of Congress at the approaching session, and with the hope also that the Legislature of this State, soon to assemble, may do itself and our old Commonwealth the honor of wiping the wicked enactment, excluding the testimony of colored men in any of our Courts, from our code of laws, burying it in the same grave with its barbarous twin brother in slavery, thus obviating the necessity of further action by this court, the case is put over for final action, and, if desired, for further argument to the next term. 
THE REBELS ARMING THE BLACKS.
The rebels (says the New Orleans Tribune) have finally come to the conclusion, that the black man is fit for nobler works than wood-chopping and water-drawing. The chivalrous Southerners, after bragging so long of their superiority above all other people, are now, in the pangs of agony, stretching their hands for help to those for whose enslavement they are trying to destroy their country; but God, in His just disposition of the affairs of men, will call them yet acknowledge the whole truth before they reach the end, and that end will be the final act of their repentance. They may proceed by whatever mode they choose; they shall never succeed but to the contrary of what they are now shedding so much blood for. Time will show that He who divided the waters of the Jordan, can also destroy the combination of the rebels. They have, with their own lips and by their own acts, given the lie to their diabolical purpose. Hear what a rebel says:
BILOXI, MISS., Oct. 19, 1864.
Editor of the Advertiser and Register:
SIR- I saw in a New Orleans paper of the 19th inst., yesterday, in which was an order from Gen. Canby, claiming to have intercepted a dispatch from Gov. Allen, of Louisiana, to Secretary Seddon, wherein the conscription of all able-bodied slaves in the Confederacy is strongly urged. If it be true that the dispatch was written by Gov. Allen, he is the first man in authority in the Confederacy who has offered a speedy and effectual method of obtaining peace with our independence. The enrollment of our negroes in the army before the end of this war, I look upon to be as certain as the rising and setting of the sun.
There is no prospect of a peace, unless it be conquered. The North is a unit for war, or virtually so. The past has demonstrated that our hopes, based upon the failure of their finances, the failure of the draft, or a change in popular sentiment, have all been delusive. The few Northern peace journals have no influence in the public mind. The late Northern election returns pronounce in favor of war; that is, they show large Republican majorities. Lincoln will be re-elected, and the war will go on. Now, as the Yankees say, if the war lasts long enough, (and with the present Northern and Southern feeling it will last long enough,) numbers are bound to tell. The thing is reduced to a question of relative strength as 6 is to 4. 
The best blood of our country has already been spilled; our numbers are diminishing every day. The present campaign has cost us at least 80,000 men. How are these to be replaced? I see it stated in some of the papers, that if all those who owe service could be put in our armies, it would increase 

institution, the only solution of the great problem of the relation of labor to capital; if we can prove the world wrong, and eventually overcome its prejudices, so much the better for us. But let us never forget the great fact, that we are fighting for independence, independence! And perish slavery, if it stands in its way!
I am firmly convinced that public sentiment is in favor of putting our negroes into the army. I hear it expressed daily by those who own slaves, and those who do not. A member of the Mississippi Legislature told me, last week, that he has seven men he would give to the Government, if it put arms in their hands. A majority of those who are silent on this question speak not their views, because they fear being stigmatized as anti-slavery men. I feel sure that, before the next meeting of Congress, the propriety, expediency and necessity of arming negroes will have taken such hold on the public mind, that it will be advocated by a large majority of our representatives. 
If I am correct, then, let every patriotic slaveholder canvass his slaves, and find out who among them will volunteer for freedom and his home. Let him prepare the negro's mind for the position he is about to assume, and excite in him that love of country and of home which, I believe, exists strongly in the negro's breast. 
I terminate this, assuring you that I have made some sacrifices for the Confederacy, and am devoted to its cause; that I was raised in the South, and have always been a slaveholder.
CORN BREAD.

SENATOR WILSON'S BOOK,
ON THE CONDITION OF THE NEGRO POPULATION AS CONNECTED WITH THE REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT IN REBEL STATES.
SHOWING what the present Administration has accomplished for freedom. Being a 
History of the Anti-Slavery Measures of the 37th and 38th Congresses.
CONTENTS.
Slaves used for Insurrectionary purposes made Free.
Fugitive Slaves not to be returned by Persons in the Army.
The Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia.
President's Proposition to Aid States in the Abolishment of Slavery.
Prohibition of Slavery in the Territories.
Certain Slaves to be made Free.
Hayti and Liberia.
Education of Colored Youth in the District of Columbia.
The African Slave-Trade.
Additional Act to Abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia.
Colored Soldiers.
Aid to the States to Emancipate their Slaves.
Amendment of the Constitution.
Confinement of Colored Persons in the Washington Jail.
Negro Testimony.
The Coastwise Slave-Trade.
Color no Disqualification for Carrying the Mails.
No Exclusion from the Cars on Account of Color.
10 Mo. - EXTRA CLOTH - $2.

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PUBLISHERS, 245 Washington Street, BOSTON. Oct. 21. 2w

IMPROVEMENT IN 
Champooing and Hair Dyeing,
"WITHOUT SMUTTING."
MADAME CARTEAUX BANNISTER
WOULD inform the public that she has removed from 223 Washington Street, to No. 31 WINTER STREET, where she will attend to all diseases of the Hair.

And simply repenting indeed.
Away to the bats and the moles
     With the lash, and the goad, and the chair !
Away with the buying and selling of souls, 
     And slavery toiling in pain !
America, this is thy chance, now at length,
     Of crushing, while crouching to thee,
Those rebels and slaveholders, slaves to thy strength,
     The curse and contempt of the free.
Albury, England.                       MARTIN F. TUPPER.


THE PICTURE OF COL. SHAW IN BOSTON
Buried with his negroes in the trench!-
     There he lies, a score of them all around him;
All the fires of bondage this shall quench;
     Could a monument so well have crowned him?

Sight to make a father's bosom throb-
     There he stands upon the canvass glowing!
Sight to make a noble mother sob-
     Tender eyes, their glances on her throwing!

There he stands, so eloquent and mute,
    Modest, and yet looking in our faces,
Undisturbed  and calmly, as doth suit
     One who did not ask the world's high places!

There he gazes, soldier-like and bold,
     Not a white ashamed to die with him-
Him, the man of color, bought and sold;
     Not a bit ashamed to lie with him!

Look upon him, Nation of the free!
     Surely this shall cure thee of thy meanness;
Look upon him, Nation yet to be,
     Crying out remorseful, "Oh, my leanness!"

Sleep serenely, with thy country's sigh,
     Noble martyr to the nation given!
With thy little company on high,
     Thou shalt traverse all the plains of Heaven!
                                 MARTHA PERRY LOWE.
Boston Daily Advertiser.

SONG OF TRIUMPH.
Shout! let the welkin right!
Timbrel and trumpet bring,
The victory's won! 
Let the loud cannon's roar
Publish, from shore to shore,
Now and forever more, 
The work is done!

Let the wide-booming bell
Far the glad story tell,
O'er land and sea ; 
High on the dome of night
Let the starred rockets bright 
Blazon in words of light,
" Columbia's free!"

Touch every tuneful string, 
Wide your glad voices fling,
With loud refrain ; 
Let the red torches' light
Flash on the startled night,
Showing the freeman's might
In lengthened train.

Never shall slavery's chain
Clank on our wide domain-
Our soil is free ; 
Free as the waters run-
Free for earth's toiling one-
Free for rude Afric's son-
Shout, Liberty!

Freemen, with loud acclaim, 
Sound your great leader's name,
LINCOLN, THE TREU ; 
And ' midst your joyful boasts,
Throughout your mighty coasts, 
Give to the Lord of Hosts
The Glory due!
New Bedford Standard.                             J.B.C.

TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
The Lord hath said it- Let my people go!
The earth and sky have answered with a shout 
Of rolling thunder-prayer- and trumpet song ; 
bannered pomp and nations on the march,
Forever now repeating, Let them go!

Thou art the man ! The Lord hath called thee up,
Up from the people-out from all thy kin-
And set thee on the outworks of a world, 
Where lighted thunderbolts and charging hosts,
With garments rolled in blood, may try thy faith!

And now he saith to thee, unquailing chief, 
Thou chosen of the Lord, thou man of God!
Anointed for this mighty work, stand fast! 
Lift up thine eyes! The vision is astir,
Up to the hills, whence thy salvation cometh,
And the embattled legions of the pit 
Come thundering on, O chief! and thou shalt see
Chariots and horsemen, and the Lord of Hosts,
The God of Jacob marshalling his power!

verify and disprove ; it verifies the true, and disproves 
the false. 
III. " If Theism would but pray, and be a religion ; 
if,  when the Christ is taken out of it, Christianity 
would remain, how nice it would be! " p. 150.

The region of Jesus, as reported in the first three
gospels, was Theism. Jesus founded it as such.
Abraham, Isaac and Jacob were Theists. Theism is 
the doctrine of one God ; and is opposed to Dualism,
the doctrine of two Gods, and to Polytheism, the 
doctrine of many Gods. The votaries of this religion
prayed from Abraham to Jesus : what hinders them
from praying still? They do pray  still. The Christian 
Rationalists are, many of them, remarkable for 
the interesting character of their prayers. What supernaturalist 
can be found above Theodore Parker in 
this respect> The few scanty records of his prayers 
are among the finest monuments of his existence. 
Theism has no necessary dependence on supernaturalism. 
Neither does religious worship require supernaturalistic 
sanctions any more than justice and mercy. 
The conditions of religious worship is a knowledge 
of God, as a kind friend and father, and supreme 
sovereign . The creature that knows him in these
qualities and relations flies to his arms and bosom, 
with all the noblest and best of its affections, 
and lays its sublimest conceptions at his feet. 

IV. " On the whole, the belief in a personal, sole
God, so essential to human well-being, is committed 
to the charge and trust of historical religion. Science, 
if I rightly interpret its recent voices, is less
and less disposed to adopt it as the best solution of the 
problem of creation. " p.151.
Rationalism acknowledges historic religion, as it 
does other historic sciences and arts. No science or 
art is born and attains its growth in a day.  A pro-
found and comprehensive knowledge of God and man 
is the growth of all the ages, since human discoveries 
have been a matter of record. Rationalists are the 
last men to disparage historic religion. 
The idea that science is less disposed to adopt Theism 
as the best solution of the problem of creation
than formerly is a singular mistake. Science is eminently 
materialistic, but not atheistic. It testifies for
God with a all its voices. A few of not admit its testimony, 
but even they propose no other solution of the 
great problem. To day, as three thousand years ago,
Theism is the sole solution of the problem of the universe. 
No other has been discovered, and no other 
has been seriously proposed.  The character of God 
only is questionable in the court of science. The 
early theologians placed him over the universe and 
exterior to it ; science finds him in it. The old doctrine 
was ," In him we live, and move, and have our 
being." The modern doctrine is , that he exists in us
and in all things, and is himself the substratum and 
support of all other things. 
The endeavor to exalt opinions above science, and
to discredit those revelations of God which, according
to Paul, ( Rom. 1 : 18-21,) embrace both eternal power
and divinity, and are opposed to all unrighteousness, 
comes with an extremely bad grace from professed
Unitarians. The Unitarian movement is a pitiful 
abortion, if it can stop short of harmonizing religion 
with science, and claiming for those revelations of God
which are nature, universal and eternal, their just 
supremacy and respect. 
V. In the preceding remarks, I have defended Rationalism 
against supernaturalistic prejudice and assumption. 
I am not willing to conclude this defence
without assailing directly the supernaturalistic theory. 
The mischief which it has done and is doing to
the Christian pulpit and press, and through them to
the souls of men, is beyond all computation. The 
great body of Christian sermons is little better than 
the Jewish Talmud. Little that is useful can be
learned from them. They command neither attention 
nor respect, and the great body of Christian criticism
is as silly and insipid as its sermons. Why is this?
The fact is indisputable - what is the reason of it ?
The misdirection of the human mind by superstition 
and prejudice. Let reason have her just supremacy 
in the field of religious ideas, and she will soon demonstrate 
her capacity for service. If Jesus were to
return today, he would find a work of renovation to 
perform among his professed followers scarcely less 
radical and beneficent than that of his first mission. 
Your, most truly,
LEICESTER A. SAWYER.
LETTER TO A CALIFORNIA SENATOR. 
SAN FRANCISCO, ( Cal. ) Oct. 4, 1864.
HON. GEORGE H. WILLIAMS :
SIR- In a recent address, delivered, at Salem, Oregon, 
you predicted that the hour was near when the 
last man, woman and child would, before God, assert 
their freedom. 
In company with the great mass of the American 
people, I thank you for feeling, thinking and express-

Our Government must say to the two hundred and 
fifty thousand braves of our African regiments, who, 
on the 1st of July, 1856, will wear the uniform, carry
the arms and sustain the flag of a common country-
" There is a land for you, your children, and your 
children's children." And more, it must furnish free
transportation to ALL who will go to Mexico, with the 
protection of the Stars and Stripes. 
The planting of our armed legions on those shores 
will meet with the approval of the world, and it ensure 
us that fair land for all time.
The French Emperor will not stand by the house of 
Hapsburg, and could not do so successfully if he 
would. England cannot afford a hundred days' war
with this country, without finding her world-wide
commerce swept from the ocean, her town in a state 
of riot, and her fairest provinces desolate. England! 
proud, unjust and domineering the England!!
Well must she pay, to the last dollar, the damages 
sustained by the commerce, in consequence of her 
permitting armed pirates to fit out in her ports.
We shall remember to demand payment of the 
losses sustained by our merchants ; and if it is withheld, 
England will see many of her first crafts follow 
the Alabama far down in the depths of the blue ocean, 
and such a war as will tax all her energies and resources 
for the next hundred years.
From France and England we shall ding no interterence 
with reference to Mexico. Long since would 
these powers have interfered, and sought to cause a 
permanent separation of our States, but from our 
marshaled hosts, our battle-fields, and the sublime 
energy of nation. We have seen these European 
powers stand back with horror of consequences. 
This war has satisfied the intelligent that the armies
of the Union can defy a world in arms. How sure, 
then , is it, that belong our present limits we need
more room for " The Freedmen." New England, 
New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, at the end of 
forty years from this date, will contain fifty millions 
of people. Somewhere, that population must find
room for its surplus men, women and children. Virginia, 
Kentucky, " The Old North State," and Tennessee, 
will furnish some vacant space for a star. 
Our own Pacific coast will also. With " The Freedmen" 
far down in the region of " The Halls of the 
Montezumas," the rich and wide-spread States of the 
South will furnish homes for the increased and increasing 
millions of the South.
I allude not to Indiana and Illinois, with three millions 
of population ; to Michigan, filled with life ; to 
Wisconsin, and other Prairie States, now sending out
population. New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland
will constantly increase the tide of emigration to other
and distant States.
Let Mexico become the home of " The Freedmen," 
and give to our race the wide-spread fields for fruits 
and flowers, and human happiness, afforded by the 
Southern States.                                              C. H. B.
DECISION OF JUDGE UNDERWOOD.
WASHINGTON, ( D. C.) Nov. 11, 1864
W. L. GARRISON , Editor of the Liberator :
MY DEAR SIR- Hon. John C. Underwood, lately
appointed Judge of the U. S. District Court of the 
State of Virginia, has, to his great honor and our 
hope, just been taking another step towards the acknowledgment 
of colored men's rights, and the vindication 
of them in U. S. courts of law.
As his decision in this case, of a colored man's right
to testify in a Virginia court, or rather a U. S. court
held in Virginia, affects a citizen of good old Massachusetts, 
I send you a copy of Judge Underwood's 
opinion, thinking it probably the you would like to 
let out Massachusetts see, through the column of the 
Liberator, that, after all, " the world does more."
A postponement of the Judge's final decision till
the next term of his court was, I think, very wise, 
as it gives time for " agitation," that old guardian of 
the people's rights, and perhaps for some action of 
Congress upon the same subject, as well as of others
connected with the great cause for the agitation of 
which the Liberator came into the world.
Your much obliged friend and fellow laborer,
JNO. PIERPONT,
Treasury Department, Washington, D. C.
OPINION OF JUDGE UNDERWOOD,
ON THE RIGHT OF EXCLUDING THE TESTIMONY OF 
COLORED MEN FROM COURTS OF JUSTICE.
United States District Court, District of Virginia, 
in the matter of the petition of Israel Dorsey, a 
citizen of Massachusetts.
The use of the Courts of the country and the 
right to give testimony in them are privileges so 
fundamental and important to the security of personal 
and domestic peace, as to make their denial 
on of the greatest wrongs, next to slavery itself, 
which can be inflicted on a human being.

meant of them by the citizens of each State in every 
other State in manifestly calculated, ( to use the expressions 
of the preamble of the corresponding provision 
in the old articles of confederation,) the 
better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship
and intercourse among the people of the different 
States of the Union."
The right to testify must be included in the foregoing 
enumeration as a part of the right to use the 
Courts, and several of the rights enumerated are 
certainly less vital and fundamental than the right 
in question.
No one who has read the able opinion of Attorney 
General Bates , utterly abolishing the unfortunate 
obiter dicta in the Dred Scott case, can doubt 
that colored men may be citizens of the United
States and of the several States ; and, indeed, all 
the counsel in this case can seem to admit, that the
petitioner is a citizen of Massachusetts. 
This Court has no doubt that a citizen of Massachusetts 
has a right to demand the protection of his 
oath, and the use of the Courts of Virginia or any
other State of this Union, in virtue of the above
quoted constitutional provision, which, like a treaty
stipulation between independent States, abrogates
every State law which may attempt to defeat its
wise and benevolent and truly national operation.
Massachusetts may with perfect priority say to
Virginia - No matter with what wrongs, for the 
sake of sustaining a bloody and barbarous system,
you outrage humanity in the press of colored 
men born and reared upon your own soil ; I demand 
of you, by the sacred guaranty of your constitutional 
obligations, that the humblest of my citizens, 
when a sojourner in your territory, shall be secure
in all the great fundamental rights of human nature.
On the 22nd day of June, 1772, the Court of the 
King's Bench decided in the case of Hames Somersett, 
claimed as a slave by the Virginia planter named
Charles Stuart, that : the state of slavery is of
such a nature that it is incapable of being introduced 
on any reasons moral or political, but only by
positive law.  It is so odious that nothing can be 
suffered to supply it but positive law, and therefore 
the black must be discharged." Such in that 
celebrated case was the language of Lord Mausfield, 
the most brilliant light in that constellation of 
British Judges who made their land immortal, and 
raised themselves to the most sublime moral elevation 
by stooping to lift the lowly and crushed of 
their fellow citizens, and to place them upon the 
great able land of British security and protection.
It was on the argument of the same case that counselor
Davy made the never-to-be forgotten declaration, 
that the air of England was " too pure for a 
slave to breathe in."
It is time for us to say the soil of Virginia, soaked 
by the blood of so many martyrs of freedom, is too
sacred to be ever again pressed by the footstep of a 
slave.
The Senator from Virginia who in 1850 excited 
the indication of all Christendom by demanding of 
Congress additional enactments to facilitate man 
and woman hunting through the length and breadth
of the country, freely admitted that there was no 
positive law in Virginia establishing slavery, and
that the system rested alone upon custom. he 
might well have added,
" It is a custom
More honored in the breach than the observance."
How then can any one who respects the humane 
principles declared in Lord Mansfield's time-honored 
opinion for one moment regard slavery or any of its
incidents as of any legal force in this State?
This court will always be ready to apply Lord
Mansfield's principles to slavery and its supports 
and incidents, and the law in question in nothing
more; and it has also the strongest conviction that 
the State law excluding the testimony of colored
men from the courts of justice is utterly null and
void, because it is entirely repugnant to her glorious
Declaration of Rights, which, following the decision
of Lord Mansfield, was adopted in June, 1776, as 
part of the Constitution of the State. Never has 
that Declaration been repealed, but it has been 
repeatedly reaffirmed and continued as the basis of 
every State constitution of Virginia up to an including 
that of 1864. 
Among the provisions of that Declaration are the following:
1. " That all men are by nature equally free and independent, 
and have certain inherent rights, of which, 
when they enter into a state of society, they cannot,
by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity ; 
namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the
means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing 
and obtaining  happiness and safety. 
4. That no man or set of men are entitled to exclusive 
or separate emoluments or privileges from the 
community , but in consideration of public services. 
15. That no free government or the blessing of liberty 
can be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence 
to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, 
and virtue, and by a frequent recurrence to fundamental 
principles."
In the light of such guarantees , the enactment excluding 
the testimony of any man unconnected of 
an infamous crime could not be executed or tolerated 
for a moment by a civilized and Christian 
people, but for the debasing and demoralizing 
influence of the great abomination of slavery, which,
invading every department of society, ascending 
even the pulpit and the halls of justice, has too 
successfully labored to poison and paralyze the pub-

so. The past has demonstrated that our hopes based 
upon the failure of their finances, the failure of the 
draft, or a change in popular sentiment, have all been 
delusive. The few Northern peace journals have 
no influence in the public mind. The late Northern 
election returns pronounce in for of war ; that is, 
they show large Republican majorities. Lincoln
will be re-elected, and the way will go on. Now, as 
the Yankees say, if the war lasts long enough, ( and 
with the present Northern and Southern feeling it
will last long enough,) numbers are bound to tell.
The thing is reduced to a question of relative strength 
as 6 is to 4. 
The best blood of our country has already been 
spilled ;  our numbers are diminishing every day. 
The present campaign has cost us at least 80,000
men. How are these to be replaced? I see it states
in some of the papers, that if all those who owe service 
could be put in our armies, it would so increase 
those by 200,000 men. But is this so? I doubt it, 
and I expect the major are of my opinion. However, 
admitting the fact, how are we to get these 
men into the army? Are not the conscription laws
already as stringent as it is possible to make them?
Or if they can be rendered more stringent , how 
many soldiers and how long will it require to execute
them? Where, then, I repeat, are the men to come
from to fight our battles?
We have but one source from which to derive our 
strength. The element which has been the foundation 
of wealth should now be made the instrument 
of our salvation. Arm our slaves.  We must tell
them: The Yankees have determines that you shall
play a part in this war- that you shall fight. Now, 
we put the question to you: Will you fight for us as
 freemen, with the privilege of staying among us after 
the war, or fight for the Yankee? - for fight on 
the one side to the other you muse. Assemble the 
able-bodied negroes of a plantation, and let their 
master speak to them thus ; let him assure them that 
the promises of the Government will be carried out, 
and I feel certain that, out of fifty, twenty-five volunteers 
could be obtained ; and he who fights willingly, 
fights better than he who is forced to fight. We 
shall, moreover, demoralize the Yankee negro troops 
by putting negroes into our army, ( the reasons are
obvious) - and they would desert to us by hundred ; 
while we would at once remove the difficulties which
now stand in the way of the exchange of prisoners. 
Now comes the question : will the negro fight?
Certainly he will. If the experience we have already 
had were not sufficient to prove it, let the exploits 
of the Turcos of the French army speak, a 
corps that distinguished itself in Italy ;  read the 
deeds of an inferior race, the comparatively effeminate 
Sepoys of India, who, with a few Europeans to 
lead them, almost surpassed their instructors, in bra-
very and devotion. But there is not doubt that the 
negro will fight, and fight well. 
How will the enemy like the innovation. I have 
reheard one of our men say they could not get along
with negroes ; but mu opinion is, that our boys would
at least fight as well, if they knew their flanks well
protected by a well-disciplined division, even if their 
skins were black. Besides, no one asked them to affiliate 
with negroes. Let the line of demarcation be 
ciliate with negroes. Let the line of demarcation be 
drawn then as now ; only if a colored corps behaves
well in battle , give it the credit due to men who have
 deported themselves gallantly- for bravery should 
command respect. And, after all, it is much better
to shoot with a negro at a Yankee uniform, than be 
shot at by that negro in Yankee uniform ; and this 
will be the case if the war goes on long enough. If 
we do not get the negro, the Yankees will ; and the 
terminal scenes of this struggle, if negroes are not 
used by us, will be subjugation of the Southern 
gentlemen by his own slave.
But who is to pay for these 250,000 volunteers or 
conscripts? Our children. The priceless advantages 
gained for them will enable them to easily pay the 
interest on such a debt. Should the planter demur 
at a thousand dollars a hear for his negroes, let him
 remember that, if the war lasts, he will get rid of
 them for much less.
Now, admitting that we put these 250,000 negroes
in the army, and they do their duty, the very rational 
question arises, what would be the influence, after 
the war, exercised by these negroes on the slaves
 which still remain to us? Would it be injurious, and 
tend eventually to subvert our institution ; or would 
they, as is the case among the free colored population 
in Louisiana, be the most earnest advocates for its 
propagation? This is a question I am not prepared 
to answer. However, should the infiltration among
the slaves of so large a number of free blacks, with 
that improvement of moral and character which 
would result to them fighting side by side with white
men, endanger our institution, what then?  Is it in 
no danger now?  What becomes of it if we are whipped? 
What becomes of it even if we are not whipped 
eventually, and Mr. Sherman, and Mr. Hunter, 
and Mr. Sheridan, et id omne genus, continue to
make raids upon us, and gather their fighting material 
from our own doors? Sir, we must look the
fact firmly in the face, that the institution of slavery
is endangered by this war. There are twenty millions
people fighting for its extinction. There are a hundred 
millions applauding them! It is useless to hide
our heads under the blanket. We are fighting for
national independence, and not for slavery ;  and so 
I think,  believes Mr. Davis ; - for the question of slavery, 
as an object of this war, has never, to my
knowledge, obtruded itself in any of his public documents. 
If we can succeed in this war, and maintain 
our original position, that slavery is a beneficent 

By E. L. & A. L. Frothingham.  1 vol. 8vo. elegant. $3.50
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MADAME CARTEAUX BANNISTER.
No. 31 Winter Street, Boston.
GAS FIXTURES.
THE undersigned begs leave to inform his friends and
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Oct. 30 - ly

Proclamation of Freedom
FINE Photographs, 18 by 13 inches, of Paine's Pen-and-Ink 
Drawing of the Emancipation Proclamation
handsomely illustrated. The original was donated to the
Brooklyn Sanitary Fair, and by a subscription of $500 presented 
to the President of the United States. A single 
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allowed to dealers or canvassers. It is a beautiful and artistic 
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Canvassers wanted for every section of the country.
Copy-right secured. Apply to 
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54 Beaver st., New York 119 Marker st., Phila. 
A SCHOOL MAGAZINE FREE!
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Nov. 11.
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Special attention given to securing and collecting
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References :
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Sept. 12.                                            tf

190 THE LIBERATOR. NOVEMBER 25.
courage enlistments, and to aid emancipation, the
38th Congress decreed that every slave mustered into
the military service shall be free forever; thus enabling 
every slave fit for military service to secure
personal freedom.
By the provisions of the fugitive slave acts, slave
masters could hunt their absconding bondmen, require
the people to aid in their recapture, and have
them returned at the expense of the nation. The
38th Congress erased all fugitive slave acts from the
statutes of the Republic.
The law of 1807 legalized the coastwise slave
trade: the 38th Congress repealed that act, and
made the trade illegal.
The courts of the UNited States receive such testimony
as is permitted in the States where the courts
are holden. Several of the States exclude the testimony 
of colored persons. The 38th Congress made
it legal for colored persons to testify in all the courts
of the United States.
Different views are entertained by public men
relative to the reconstruction of the governments of
the seceded States, and the validity of the President's 
proclamation for emancipation. The 38th
Congress passed a bill providing for the reconstruction
of the governments of the rebel States, and for
the emancipation of the slaves in those States;
but it did not receive the approval of the President.
By the provisions of the law, colored men are not permitted
to carry the mails; there is pending in the
Senate a bill introduced by Mr. Summer, and reported
by Mr. Collamer, to repeal the law, and make
it legal to allow colored men to carry the mails of
the United States.
The wives and children of colored soldiers may
be held as slaves, and sold, while they are absent
fighting the battles of the country; there is pending
in the Senate a joint restoration, introduced by Mr.
Wilson, and reported by him from the Committee on
Military Affairs, to make free the wives and children
of colored soldiers.
There is pending, in the House of Representatives,
Mr. Eliot's bill to establish a Freedmen's Bureau;
which passed the House, and was amended in
the Senate by the adoption of Mr. Sumner's substitute.
There is also pending, in the House, Mr. Ashley's
motion to reconsider the vote rejecting the Senate
joint resolution, submitting to the people an amendment
to the Constitution, prohibiting slavery in the
United States.
Such are the "ANTI-SLAVERY MEASURES" considered
by the Thirty-seventh and Thirty-eighth
Conresses during the past three crowded years.
But, while Congress has been engaged in this anti-slavery
legislation, other agencies have been working
to the consummation of the same end. The new
State of West Virginia has adopted a system of
gradual emancipation. Missouri has followed in the
adoption of a gradual system, which will doubtless
be speedily changed to a plan of immediate emancipation.
A Constitutional Convention in Maryland
has just framed a free Constitution, which will doubtless
be accepted by her people. Delaware is preparing
to adopt emancipation; and an emancipation
party is rapidly rising in Kentucky. The rebel
States of Arkansas and Louisiana have, by the action
of their loyal men, framed and adopted free State
constitutions. The loyal men of Tennessee are taking
steps to call a Constitutional Convention, with
a view of placing that Senate in the list of free commonwealths.
Attorney General Bates officially pronounces
the negro a citizen of the United States.
The colored man now travels the world over, bearing
the passport of Secretary Seward that he is a
citizen of the United States. The President of the
United States has, by proclamation, declared henceforward
and forever free more than three millions
of slaves in the rebel States. Christian men and
women are following the loyal armies with the agencies
of mental and moral instruction, to fit and prepare
the enfranchised freedmen for the duties of
the higher condition of life opening before them.

GOLDWIN SMITH'S OBSERVATIONS.
A dinner was given in New York, last week, in
honor of Professor Goldwin Smith, at which Mr.
John Jay, Mr. Banecroft, Mr. Evart, General Butler,
and M. Lougel, of the French Revue des Deux
Mondes, were among the speakers. Professor Smith
himself made a short speech, from which we take
the following interesting comments on his

and yet again, in attestation of their abounding joy.
Men wept for joy, and all were proud of Massachusetts,
which, it was very evident, was leading the
van in the great march of States. Do you not
think that I was proud of my native State just then
and there? She is plucky, God bless her! - N.Y.
corr. of Roxbury Journal.

The Liberator.
No Union with Slaveholders!
BOSTON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 25, 1864.
THE CROWNING ACT.
We have already remarked, that the grand, inspiring,
triumphant result of the late Presidential
election has sealed the doom of slavery, and accorded
to the Government whatever authority and means
may be necessary to insure its total extinction. If,
long after Fort Sumter was forced to surrender to
the base-minded traitors who assailed it, the people
of the North were blind to the fact that the rebellion
was nothing but SLAVERY IN ARMS against
a republican form of government and free institutions
universally, and for the degradation and enslavement
of labor, without regard to the complexion of
the working classes - they have since led their
vision purged and their understanding enlightened;
so that they no longer need statistics and arguments
represented in their views and feelings by the following
pregnant resolution adopted as a part of the 
National Union Platform at Baltimore, on the 7th of
June last: -
"Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, and now
constitutes the strength of this rebellion, and as it
must be always and everywhere hostile to the principles
of Republican Government, justice and the national
safety demand its utter and complete extirpation
from the soil of the Republic; and that we uphold
and maintain the acts and proclamations by 
which the Government, in its own defence, has aimed
a death-blow at this gigantic evil. We are in favor,
furthermore, of such an amendment to the Constitution,
to be made by the people in conformity with its
provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit the
existence of slavery within the limits of the jurisdiction
of the United States." 
Upon this issue was the election contested, avowedly,
explicitly, and victoriously. Neither the President,
nor his Cabinet, nor Congress, can need any
stronger assurance, therefore, that the popular sentiment
is irresistibly with them in sanctioning whatever
they have decreed for the emancipation of those
in bondage. Nay, it is not satisfied with what has
been done; for it authoritatively declares that it is
"in favor, furthermore, of such AN AMENDMENT TO
THE CONSTITUTION as shall TERMINATE AND
FOREVER PROHIBIT THE EXISTENCE OF
SLAVERY WITHIN THE LIMITS OF THE
JURISDICTION OF THE UNITED STATES."
This is the greater that includes the less - the crowning
act of grace and glory that waits to be consummated.
To it all thoughts should be turned, all efforts
directed, with reference to the approaching session
of Congress. This is the theme that, for the next
three months, should most absorb the attention of the
press and the pulpit, the public orator and the political
essayist. The Constitution of the United States is
the supreme law of the land. Let it declare slavery
forever abolished in the republic, and that no man can
hold property in his fellow-man beneath the American
flag, and all that disturbs and rends the country will
be effectually removed out of the way. Under no
cunning plea of State rights can any part of the horrid
system be allowed to remain or to reappear. Such an
amendment will be hailed with congratulatory shouts
by the friends of freedom in the old world, and will
help mightily to pull down thee hoary despotisms
abroad, by giving to their oppressed millions the glorious
light of a consistent democratic example.

GEN. BUTLER'S AMNESTY PROPOSITION.
About a week ago Gen. Butler received, at a public
meeting in New York city, the thanks and congratulations
of a large and brilliant assembly, for the successful
accomplishment of his mission to that city.
To have secured at once the freedom and quietness of
an election so warmly contested, in a place where violence
and disorder have been common on such occasions,
and where the existing authorities were supposed
to favor such violence and disorder, with no small task.
The thorough and perfect accomplishment of such a
task, first in New Orleans and then in New York, under
circumstances so highly unfavorable as existed in
both cases, is the best proof of General Butler's high
administrative capacity.
It has excited much surprise that, in the speech of
Gen. Butler at the complimentary meeting above mentioned,
he should have proposed a second offer of amnesty
from the Government to the whole mass of rebels,
leaders and followers. The first proposal to this
effect, seriously offered by President Lincoln, has been
esteemed one of the worst and most objectionable features
in his whole administration. Had that been accepted,
slavery would have been reinstated in nearly
the amount of strength which it had before the rebellion,
and a new term of the disorder and confusion
which the last twenty years have witnessed would have
opened upon us. If such an offer should now be made
and accepted, the danger would be far less, and of a
different sort. It would not be possible now to effect
a reestablishment of slavery. That system is inevitably
doomed, and must soon disappear. But other and
kindred dangers would thereby be produced, so fatal to
a satisfactory and permanent reconstruction of our national
edifice as to demand the strongest protest and
the most active effort against such a measure.
Speaking of an offer of universal amnesty - at a
time when the leaders of the rebellion are as strenuous 
as ever in their exhortations and efforts for its continuance -
Gen. Butler asks - "Are we not able to afford
it now? Do we not stand strong enough? Do
we not stand with the union enough to be able to afford
that to the leaders and to all?"
For many reasons, in my judgement, we are not able
to afford this. I will mention three of them.
1. Justice forbids it.
We owe it to the case of free government, to the
maintenance of popular rights, to the vindication of
democratic institutions, not to pass lightly by the awful
crime which the leaders of this rebellion have committed.
Not satisfied with annihilating liberty, neutralizing
the republic, and maintaining an oligarchic
despotism in their portion of the Union, and with
making constant efforts, by fraud and force, to extend
that vicious system into the North and West, they
have been for thirty years in a deliberate and malicious
plot to overthrow whatever of democratic character
belonged to our general Government, and to destroy
what the civilized world regards as the chief hope of
popular freedom. In the effort to accomplish these
things, they have systematically used not only every
imaginable violation of good faith and common honesty,
but perjury, theft, robbery and murder. They
have proved themselves as hostile to the realization
of human rights, nay, to the very theory of the existence
of such rights, as Metternich, Talleyrand or
Louis Napoleon have ever been. Their sin is one of
such kind, of such extent, and of such aggravation,
that the interests of the civilized world, and the hopes
of humanity in the future, cry out for retribution for
it. In this case surely, if ever, the acquittal and release
of the guilty would be a crime against the innocent.
The interests of good order, of popular government,
of free institutions, of the rights of the people
over the whole world, cry out with trumpet tone
against such amnesty to the unrepentant instigators 
and perpetrators of such crimes.
2. Public safety forbids it.
We feel no vindictiveness; we seek no revenge.
But the safety of the nation, alike in the present crisis
and in the immediate future forbids the permission

the old leaders from resuming the stations which 
they have so grossly abused, and to infuse Northern
ideas, customs and principles, with an admixture of
Northern population, black and white, through all the
Southern States. Let the soldiers, of both colors,
have their bounty lands there. Let immigration
from the North and from Europe be warmly encouraged.
Let black men, Northern and Southern, be 
helped to an extensive proprietorship of land; and
let the full citizenship of the colored people be conceded,
hedged with only such limitations and safeguards
as are thought best (or may be found best) for
all. These measures may save us. But it is indispensable
to begin them by weeding out from Southern
society those pernicious leaders who have cherished
slavery up to the point of rebellion. - C. K. W.

LETTERS FROM NEW YORK. NO. 21.
NEW YORK, Nov. 17, 1864.
To the Editor of the Liberator:
Rosseau somewhere remarks that "I told you so"
is one of the most senseless of phrases. As a taunt
post factum, in cases where the chances were even, it
certainly is. But in the matter of the recent election,
the arrogance was not in predicting the result which
has ensued, but in dreaming of any other. Many who
ought to have manifested more intelligence sincerely
believed that the occupation of the White House on
the Potomac was to be the sequence (partly logical
and partly historical) of that of the White House on
the Pamunkey. Is it blameworthy if one's impatience
finds vent, after the magnificent support which Mr.
Lincoln has developed, in word or look - "You might
have known"? The exceptions to the unanimity of
the States give no occasion for lamentation. Delaware
for the last time a triumph to slavery. New
Jersey was faithful to her adopted son, while Kentucky
was ungrateful enough to forget the child of her
loins, and his more than dutiful filial caresses. The
travelling public will be glad to learn, that spite of
the constrained neutrality of Camden and Amboy
during the late canvass, the perverse decision of the
State in favor of McClellan almost ensures the overthrow
of that monopoly by the approaching Congress.
As for Kentucky, if she has not opened the eyes of
Mr. Lincoln to the worthlessness of his partiality to
her in times past, she has at least disgusted all loyal
people by idolatrous devotion to slavery, and prepared
them to witness with indifference whatever retribution
awaits her obstinacy.
The only uneasiness experienced in this city, as the
returns came in on the night of the 8th, was for the
attitude of our Empire State. Butler had exorcised
the spirit of border-ruffianism so thoroughly that a
more peaceful ballot was never cast at our polls. But
the frauds which were checked at Baltimore had
already been spread beyond reach of detention, and
no man knew - nor shall we ever know - their extent.
We feared that the immense Democratic majority of
the metropolis would outweigh the virtue of the country
districts; and then we should have had not only
the disgrace of failing to sustain the Government, but
also the intolerable burden of Seymour for two more
unlucky years. Several days were required to settle
our doubts, but in the end we seem to have carried 
the State with a good selvage for the Union and
for Fenton. The last stronghold of the rebellion in
the North has been successfully besieged, and in a
very few weeks must be abandoned forever. The
night is closing in upon the horizon of slavery.
"We have had our last retreat - we have seen our
last defeat," was McClellan's jingle in the days that
followed Bull Run and preceded the Peninsula; when
as yet we were ignorant of the character which provided
for retreat before it planned an advance, and
was always beaten in battle because it always distrusted
its own successes. But all things have an
end, and McClellan has come to his. The day which
terminated his brief career as a politician, witnessed
his retirement from the service - a tardy act of

poor whites, and will encourage in him the boldness
requisite to give the system its finishing stroke. He
has also expressed his approval of the confiscation
policy, for the subdivision of the vast plantations
among both blacks and whites; and he will thus
naturally second the earnest desires of Secretary
Stanton on this important point. Strange that two
Southern-born men should have been raised up to
achieve the destruction of slavery! Glorious that
the Republic is so rich in saviours that she could
select two from the humblest ranks of her citizens in
the most momentous crisis of her existence! Unlike
Miss Hosmer's rendering of Zenobia, she does not
walk in the triumphal train of despotism, in regal
robes but manacled with gold. She has snapt the
glittering fetters of trade, she has risen from her
abjectness, she has discomfited her oppressor, and is
once more a queen among the nations.
The slaveholders have ever been the prime agitators
of the question of slavery. If any one has deemed
otherwise, let him ponder the recent debates in the
rebel Congress on a certain topic in the President's 
Message, which had already been discussed in the 
newspapers. What is the use of a Confederacy
which cannot exclude "the everlasting negro" from
its councils? He appears in the bosom of its legislature
to distract and embitter the proceedings. It is a
downright shame. What does it concern him whether
he is armed or not? Who told him to intermeddle
with affairs of the State? Nobody can answer. Everybody
sees, however, that he is on hand; that abolitionism
has got within the pale; and that the schoolmaster
is abroad. Let them settle it as they will: the
slave goes free. The day which shall witness his
employment as a soldier of the Confederacy will furnish
an illustrious example of "the engineer hoist
with his own petard."
M. DU PAYS.

JOHN BROWN'S FAMILY SAFE.
We are permitted to print the following extract
from a letter received from ANNIE BROWN by her
relatives at Put-in Bay, Ohio. Our readers will be glad
at this assurance that the family of John Brown escaped
the dangers of the "Plains," and is safe in California: -
"RED BLUFF, Tehama Co., California,
Oct. 9, 1864.
MY VERY DEAR SISTER - We arrived here alive,
safe and well, nearly a week ago. We came to the
Sacramento river a week ago Saturday. Mother and 
Ellen will probably live in town. Sarah and I are
going to teach school out in the country. We shall
begin in about a fortnight.
Salmon, Abbie, Cora and Minnie, Mr. Smith and
George have gone out into the country. The boys
have taken a job of chopping out there. We are living
in a small white house in town for the present. I
do not know how I shall like California yet - will tell
you after the rainy season begins. The weather is
now as warm as you ever saw it in July or August at
home, and the sky cloudless.
we have found a great many very warm friends
here; among them are Rev. J. McLaughlin and wife.
They keep the Academy here; they are both excellent
people - she is one of the most beautiful ladies I
ever saw. The motto of California is grizzly bears 
and fat babies. She has the fattest baby I ever saw.
Dauphy was no comparison. Little chub! How I
wish I could see the children!
Yesterday, Sarah and I were down to Mr. McL's,
at a schools teachers' examination, (we were not examined -
will be soon,) and some ladies were playing
on the piano and singing. It made me think of you
so much, I had to go out of the parlor where they were,
and cry. Wa'n't I silly? I could not help it. It is
six months since I have heard from a friend in the
States. Do write as soon as you get this, for you cannot
imagine how I want to hear from you.
I wrote you last while at Soda Springs. I did not
tell you the danger we were in, for I thought you

COLORED CELEBRATION IN HONOR OF
FREE MARYLAND.
Last week the colored people of Washington assembled
at the Fifteenth street Presbyterian Church,
for the purpose of celebrating the adoption of the
new Constitution of Maryland. The church was
densely crowded, and several hundred were unable ot
gain admission. Those on the outside of the church
had the band of the 3d U.S. infantry performing for
them, and they celebrated the occasion by a fine display
of fireworks.
The outside of the church was finely illuminated by
a large number of torches fastened to the iron railing
surrounding the building, while the inside of the
edifice was tastefully decorated with a number of
large American flags. The choir, under the leadership
of Prof. Boston, sang several appropriate pieces
during the evening. There was quite a sprinkling of
whites in the assemblage.
Mr. John Cook called the meeting to order, and said
they had met for the purpose of celebrating the day
of emancipation in Maryland.
On Mr. Cook's motion, the Rev. Dr. Highland
Garnett was called to the chair.
Prof. W. J. Wilson, Rev. Paul Jennings, Carter A.
Stewart, Samuel Datcher, Walker Lewis, Samuel
Middleton, John A. Gray, Dr. Rapler and the Right
Reverend Bishop Clinton were chosen vice presidents.
John F. Cooke, T. E. Greene, Dr. Abbott, W. H.
Miller and Wm. Landrick were elected secretaries.
The choir then sang, "My country, 'tis of thee,
sweet land of liberty," after which the Rev. Mr. Jennings
offered up a prayer to the Throne of Grace,
and returned thanks to God for the blessings bestowed
upon the colored race, in breaking the bonds
and setting the captives free.
Mr. John Cook read the proclamation of Gov.
Bradford, which was received with loud applause.
Article twenty-four of the proclamation which declares
the slaves of Maryland free, was received with
deafening cheers.
The Chairman (Rev. Dr. Garnett) proposed the
singing of "Blow Ye the Trumpet, Blow," and asked
all those present to join in and sing with spirit. The
hymn was sung by the entire congregation standing.
Rev. Dr. Garnett here returned his thanks for the
honor conferred upon him in calling him to the chair.
He thought it was out of respect for the Senate he was
from, as he was a Marylander. The speaker was under
the impression that the grandest spectacle one
could behold was the assembling together of a respectable
and intelligent people for the purpose of thanking
God for the blessings they had received. They
should thank God, said the speaker, as Maryland was
no longer to be trodden by slaves, for at midnight the
fetters of the slavers were buried, and he hoped so
deep that they would never resurrect. The wires,
continued Mr. Garnett, were flashing the news over 
the country that Maryland was free, and that involuntary
bondage shall not exist, except for crime. Mr.
Garnett said it was intended to fire twenty guns in
honor of the event, but there had been so many victories
in the Valley and in Georgia, so much powder
burnt, and so many windows broken, that they were
not permitted to do so. They were here, however,
to celebrate the day in another way.
The speaker then alluded to the enemies of slavery,
and said that this crime had passed away in Maryland,
and it was proper to rejoice and let the world know
that the colored people were not indifferent to this
great event. There were a few things they ought to
learn from these blessings, for it became all to learn
more and more to respect and reverence God. Let us,
remarked the speaker, respect that God who has been
the instigator of this good and great work. Let us
learn to be united. If we direct our energies and
hearts under God, we can accomplish everything, and
push back the waves of oppression. The colored
people ought to learn to make the best of the present
opportunities, and use  the hands made free by endeavoring
to get homes for themselves, wives, and

citizen of the United States. The President of the
United States has, by proclamation, declared henceforward
and forever free more than three millions
of slaves in the rebel States. Christian men and
women are following the loyal armies with the agencies
of mental and moral instruction, to fit and prepare
the enfranchised freedmen for the duties of
the higher condition of life opening before them.

GOLDWIN SMITH'S OBSERVATIONS.
A dinner was given in New York, last week, in
honor of Professor Goldwin Smith, at which Mr.
John Jay, Mr. Banecroft, Mr. Evart, General Butler,
and M. Lougel, of the French Revue des Deux
Mondes, were among the speakers. Professor Smith
himself made a short speech, from which we take
the following interesting comments on his observations
since he has been in this country: -

"I came here partly in pursuance of my vocation
as a student of history, to verify the theory which
I had formed.  I came to see whether the progress
of humanity which I had learnt to trace through all
the ages, and believed to be perpetual, had been arrested
here.  I shall return convinced that it has 
not been arrested.  I was told that my visit to
America would modify my liberal opinions.  In a
certain sense, I own they have been modified.  Till
I came here, I was - not a revolutionist, for no man
more heartily abhors violent revolutions - but some
what impatient of political evils, and anxious for
vehement effort and for immediate change.  I shall
return with my impatience allayed by a calm assurance
of the future.  You will succeed in your great
experiment, and we shall in the end feel, in the solution
of our political problems, the beneficent
efforts of your success.
"I came also to see a great political crisis.
Would that all those who love and all those who 
mistrust free institutions could have seen it also!
Would that they could have witnessed as I have
the majestic calmness with which, under circumstances 
the most perilous and exciting, the national
decision has been pronounced.  Here is no anarchy,
no military dictatorship.  In the midst of civil war
a civilian is re-elected as President by a constitutional
process as tranquil as an English Sabbath
day.  And no king is more secure in the allegiance 
of his subject than is the President in the allegiance 
of all - even those who voted against him - beneath 
his elective rule.
"I would, too, that the English people could
witness, as I witness, the spirit of humanity which
retains its power over all the passions of of civil war,
notwithstanding the greatest provocations; and the
absence, which has most forcibly struck me during 
my residence here, of any blood-thirsty sentiment
or any feeling of malignant hatred toward those
who are now your antagonists in a civil war, but
whom, when they shall have submitted to the law,
you will again eagerly welcome as fellow-citizens,
and receive back into the full communion of free
States.  Many a prejudice, many an error would be
dispelled, many a harsh judgment would be cancelled,
many a bitter word recalled, if only my countrymen
could behold with their own eyes what I have beheld
and now behold."

Cheers for the Old Bay State.
Was there ever a nobler national triumph than
that which the loyal people of our country won 
on the memorable Eighth?  On the evening of
that day, I went with a friend to the Cooper Institute 
to hear the returns announced as they came in
from the different wards of the metropolis, and
from towns and cities more remote.  The hall was
packed with Union men, and a more jubilant and
uproarious crowd never assembled in that capacious
building.  Charley Spencer had the honor of presiding 
over the meeting, and reading the news to
the eager multitude.  He enlivened the proceedings
of the evening also with witty and sophomoric
speeches of his own, which greatly amused his
bearers.  Immense Democratic majorities were, of
course, expected in New York city.  The results of
some of the more disloyal districts were received
with infinite good nature, now with sharp whews,
and again with roars of laughter, everybody seeming
to be well aware that better announcements
would come in an hour or two.  "Now," said
'Charley,' "I want you to prepare to give the 
most tremendous yell that ever was heard.  (Intense
sensation.)  Baltimore - Baltimore for Abraham
Lincoln by 15,000 majority!"  Heavens! what a 
demonstration was that which succeeded to these
wards of the speaker - to be surpassed only by that
which followed the reading of the telegram, that
glorious old Massachusetts had given the President
a majority of 60,000!  I never witnessed such enthusiasm
before, and never shall again.  It seemed
as though they cheered the Old Bay State fifteen
minutes.  The scene was as ludicrous as it was 
sublime.  For a long, long time, the air was filled
with all sorts of things that men could lay hands to,
and toss wildly above them - hats, canes, umbrellas,
coats and handkerchiefs.  Nice beavers were thrown
about hither and thither, their owners seeming not
to care what became of them; or they were raised
above the heads of the crowd on umbrellas or canes,
and whirled about in the most excited manner,
while hundreds opened their umbrellas, and stripped
off their coats, and threw them up again and again,


sion of Congress. This is the theme that, for the next
three months, should most absorb the attention of the
press and the pulpit, the public orator and the political
essayist. The Constitution of the United States is
the supreme law of the land. Let it declare slavery
forever abolished in the republic, and that no man can
hold property in his fellow-man beneath the American
flag, and all that disturbs and rends the country will
be effectually removed out of the way. Under no
cunning plea of State rights can any part of the horrid
system be allowed to remain or to reappear. Such an
amendment will be hailed with congratulatory shouts
by the friends of freedom in the old world, and will
help mightily to pull down thee hoary despotisms
abroad, by giving to their oppressed millions the glorious
light of a consistent democratic example.
It will be recollected that, at the last session of Congress,
the Senate, with great unanimity, passed a proposition 
for amending the Constitution in the manner
already indicated, which barely failed to secure the
requisite two-thirds vote in the House - the entire democratic
body opposing its passage.  There is still pending 
in the House Mr. Ashley's motion to reconsider
this decision; and we take it for granted that he will
lose no time in calling it up for action at the coming 
session.  Now that the Democratic party has nothing
to gain, but much to lose, from any further superfluous
efforts in the service of a traitorous slave oligarchy,
there is little doubt that the House will strongly concur
with the Senate in the proposed amendment - an
amendment which we know, from personal assurance,
President Lincoln is desirous of having carried at an 
early day, and the prompt adoption of which he will
doubtless urge upon Congress and the country in his
annual message.

The Emancipation Proclamation.
We are happy to learn that Carpenter's great national 
painting, entitled "The Emancipation Proclamation
before the Cabinet," will be exhibited in this 
city, at the gallery of Williams & Everett, on or
about the 1st of December.  It was on exhibition in 
New York for a period of over six weeks, during which
time it was visited by thousands.  The art critics of
that city were enthusiastic in its praise.  The New 
York Tribune, in an elaborate notice of it, says -
"It is, by all odds, next to Trumbull's picture of the 
'Declaration of Independence,' a picture worth all
the rest in the Rotunda of the Capitol put together;
the best work of this class that has been painted in
America."
An engraving from this fine painting is to be executed 
by Ritchie of New York, and will be published
in the course of the next year.  During the exhibition 
of the painting in that city, the subscriptions to the 
engraving reached an aggregate of five thousand
dollars.

Let no one forget the course of six lectures to
be given at the Melodeon, on successive Sunday evenings,
by Ralph Waldo Emerson.  The first of these,
on "Public and Private Education," will be given next
Sunday evening, Nov. 27th.  The best thinkers, of 
all classes, value most highly the thought of Mr.
Emerson.

Mercantile Library Lectures.  The second
lecture of the series before this Association will be
delivered by Rev. W. H. Milburn, the eloquent blind
preacher, at the Music Hall, on Wednesday evening,
Nov. 30th, who has chosen for his subject, "What a 
Blind Man Saw in England."  Previous to the lecture,
Gilmore's Full Military Band of 25 pieces will 
perform some of their finest selections.

We print on our last page a letter to a newly
elected California Senator, in which the writer argues 
in favor of colonizing the colored population of
the South in Mexico, for the reasons given by him.
But why should they be removed any where?  They
are all wanted where they are.  Let Mexico manage
her own affairs.  Our views are too well known
to need any special protest from us on the subject of
negro colonization.

Acknowledgment.  I am greatly obliged to Mr.
James Rodgers, Superintendent of the United Presbyterian 
Board of Publication, for his correction (in
last week's Liberator) of an error of mine in regard
to the branch of the Presbyterian Church which he 
represents.  Well aware of the freedom of the body
of Presbyterians known as "Covenanters" from that
practically pro-slavery position which the "Old
School" and the "New School" in that denomination 
have always maintained, I had not known that
the Covenanters were "The United Presbyterian
Church."  They certainly deserve remembrance
and honorable mention as faithful to truth and righteousness
amidst the shameful defections of a great
majority of their ecclesiastical brethren. - C. K. W.


istence of such rights, as Metternich, Talleyrand or
Louis Napoleon have ever been. Their sin is one of
such kind, of such extent, and of such aggravation,
that the interests of the civilized world, and the hopes
of humanity in the future, cry out for retribution for
it. In this case surely, if ever, the acquittal and release
of the guilty would be a crime against the innocent.
The interests of good order, of popular government,
of free institutions, of the rights of the people
over the whole world, cry out with trumpet tone
against such amnesty to the unrepentant instigators 
and perpetrators of such crimes.
2. Public safety forbids it.
We feel no vindictiveness; we seek no revenge.
But the safety of the nation, alike in the present crisis
and in the immediate future forbids the permission
that men whose influence with the Southern population
is so powerful and so evil, and whose disposition
to misuse that influence remains unchanged, shall be
left free to continue their control over the public affairs
of the South.  Our only hope for the recovery 
of a people so hideously demoralized by slavery as the
mass of the Southern people is the removal from the 
very possibility of continued power and place among 
them, of the men who have led them into rebellion.
The introduction, at the same moment, of new leaders 
and free institutions may save them.  The task
will be full of difficulty, under the best circumstances
which a Republican government can supply to them.
But to allow the civil and military leaders of the rebellion
to take their old places among a people who
have always conceded their absurd claim of a natural 
right to predominate, to govern, and to enslave, is
to take away the only chance of that people to enter
upon an improved phase of civilization - to begin an
experience of the advantages of a truly Democratic
government.  A return of those leaders without retribution,
without even political disqualification, to the 
places of their former residence, would be the worst
obstacle possible to the establishment of true liberty,
free principles and right action, in Southern political
life.
No!  However strong the party of freedom, we cannot
afford to commit this error, this blunder, this
crime.  Public opinion, throughout the civilized nations, has
allotted death as the punishment of treason.  To me
it does not seem that either justice or prudence is best
served by this measure.  I detest the death penalty,
as a relic of barbarous ages.  But nothing less than
perpetual incarceration or perpetual banishment of
these worst of malefactors, the civil and military leaders
of the rebellion, can give us due security against
a repetition of their offences.  If they can be captured,
they should be confined in some penitentiary at hard 
labor for life.  If they escape, perpetual banishment of
these worst of malefactors, the civil and military leaders
of the rebellion, can give us due security against
a repetition of their offences.  If they can be captured,
they should be confined in some penitentiary at hard
labor for life.  If they escape, perpetual banishment
should be declared against them.  In either case, their 
property should be confiscated by the Government, 
and their lands should be applied to the use and benefit 
of those colored people over whom the worst of their 
tyranny has been exercised.  Amnesty towards the 
defeated and repentant followers of the rebellion is
well.  Amnesty towards its instigators, its leaders, the
heads of its civil government, the officers in its armies,
the commissioners who have sought to pervert foreign
powers and foreign capitalists to its support, is forbidden
by every consideration of prudence as well as 
justice.
III.  Lastly, the welfare of the Southern people,
white and black, forbids it.
As to the blacks, a momentous experiment, full of
difficulty in the best aspect of the case, is now commencing 
in regard to them.  Now that slavery seems 
near its close, the question comes up, shall the freedman
be a free man?  Shall he stand equal with the 
rest of us before the law, or be placed in some position
intermediate between slavery and freedom?  A 
few Southern men (of whom Andrew Johnson of Tennessee
is a distinguished and noble specimen) seem
thoroughly converted to the idea of the right of universal 
freedom.  The majority of Southern men, it is
to be feared, are disposed, in their compulsory loss of
slavery, to retain, as far as may be, the old distinction
of classes, and to keep up the idea that colored people
are to be, permanently, the laboring class, and that
the white is to hold himself above labor.  It will be
hard, under any circumstances, to overcome this tendency.
But if the old aristocracy of the Southern
States still lead the ideas and dictate the policy of
their people, this course will be systematically taken,
the distinctions of race and class will still be insisted
on, the colored people will be held as near to slavery 
as the new condition of things will allow, and the 
Courts, the Legislatures, and the Congressional delegations 
of the Southern States will bend all their influence 
to the perpetuation and confirmation of this 
policy.
Our only chance of turning the Southern people,
black and white, into the proper direction, is to pre-


unlucky years. Several days were required to settle
our doubts, but in the end we seem to have carried 
the State with a good selvage for the Union and
for Fenton. The last stronghold of the rebellion in
the North has been successfully besieged, and in a
very few weeks must be abandoned forever. The
night is closing in upon the horizon of slavery.
"We have had our last retreat - we have seen our
last defeat," was McClellan's jingle in the days that
followed Bull Run and preceded the Peninsula; when
as yet we were ignorant of the character which provided
for retreat before it planned an advance, and
was always beaten in battle because it always distrusted
its own successes. But all things have an
end, and McClellan has come to his. The day which
terminated his brief career as a politician, witnessed
his retirement from the service - a tardy act of decency,
in perfect keeping with his proverbial slowness.
And now, which way shall the forsaken turn?  The
Illinois Central will not take him back.  Don't the
Ames Company want him at Chicopee to superintend
their spades?  He can come well-recommended.  Anything
to save him from being made Senator from New
Jersey; we should not be cruel to a fallen adversary.
Perhaps the Journal of Commerce could secure him as
a special contributor, for I presume that since his letter 
of acceptance, he has concluded to do his own
writing in the future.  You know, of course, that
that pious Wall street newspaper has announced its retirement
from politics upon the heels of the election.
In imagination I see your "Refuge of Oppression"
grow lean as one of Pharaoh's kine; for of all the
presses which have contributed to make a mire of politics, 
the Journal of Commerce has been facile princeps,
unless we give the Observer the benefit of an exception.
Its particular branch of villainy has been of the
sleek, broadcloth, highly respectable and religious order,
as heartless as Mammon, as unscrupulous as a
Jesuit.  It means slavery when it speaks of having advocated 
"certain great principles, which we have regarded 
as underlying and supporting our national strength
and our commercial prosperity."  And with this unblushing 
confession upon its lips, it has a right to the 
"opinion," which prevails universally in this community,
"that we (J. C.) shall best serve the cause of the
country, and do it and our readers the greatest good,
by withdrawing from the political field."
Maryland confirmed its title to be reckoned among
the Free States by its Union majority for the author
of the Proclamation.  While there has been no fear
of a reaction in favor of slavery, there have been reasonable
apprehensions that the despoiled slaveholders
would obstruct the peaceful workings of emancipation
wherever possible.  To anticipate such designs, Gen.
Wallace bridges over the interval before the meeting
of the Legislature with a Freedman's Bureau on a 
military basis, after declaring, in accordance with the
new Constitution, the absolute freedom of all those
hitherto slaves.  If the voluntary contributions of
the humane prove insufficient to maintain this establishment,
a levy upon the enrolled rebel sympathizers
in Baltimore is directed to be made.  The nature of
this interference is akin to Butler's in this city.  It is
in the interest of law - not in contravention of it; it
strengthens the Government at the expense of domestic
traitors.  Already it is reported that the planters
in the lower counties of Maryland have come to
terms with their late bondmen, and are offering them
more or less adequate compensation for their services.
The same common sense universally exhibited would
remove all friction from the change of labor-systems.
The crowded District of Columbia can now overflow
into Maryland, as the demand for laborers increases.
From the Potomac to the St. Lawrence, society is homogeneous, 
and the black is free to abide on the spot
where he was born, or to seek his fortune in any quarter 
of the land.  There is no slavery to expel, nor
any fugitive law to retain or retake him.  It will be
found that liberty attaches to the soil more strongly
than serfdom.
It is worth while to remark, as suggestive of the 
black man's future among us, that Gov. Johnson accepts
the commission of Moses for those that are in 
bondage in Tennessee, as the President is popularly
supposed to have done for the slaves at large.  If,
therefore, Mr. Lincoln dies in office, the crier may
declare, as in monarchies of the King:  "Moses is
dead - live Moses!"  Apart from this contingency,
it cannot be doubted that the new Vice President will 
fraternize much more closely with Mr. Lincoln than
his predecessor.  Springing, both of them, from that
class of the Southern population which we perhaps 
underrate when we estimate the material with which
the South is to be reconstructed, and owing their elevation
least of all to their origin, they look back upon
similar careers of patient endeavor, such as in any
country but our own, against wealth and learning
and official repression, would probably have been ineffectual
Gov. Johnson understands more thoroughly
than Mr. Lincoln the relation of slavery to the 


lent people - she is one of the most beautiful ladies I
ever saw. The motto of California is grizzly bears 
and fat babies. She has the fattest baby I ever saw.
Dauphy was no comparison. Little chub! How I
wish I could see the children!
Yesterday, Sarah and I were down to Mr. McL's,
at a schools teachers' examination, (we were not examined -
will be soon,) and some ladies were playing
on the piano and singing. It made me think of you
so much, I had to go out of the parlor where they were,
and cry. Wa'n't I silly? I could not help it. It is
six months since I have heard from a friend in the
States. Do write as soon as you get this, for you cannot
imagine how I want to hear from you.
I wrote you last while at Soda Springs. I did not
tell you the danger we were in, for I thought you
would worry for nothing.  There was a train of Tennessee 
rebels of the worst kind got us into their company,
and were going to kill Salmon, and doubtless
the rest of us.  This was the day we came through 
the "Great South Pass."  Another train, one of Union 
people, followed, and got us out, and went with us
on to Soda Springs, where there is a company of soldiers
stationed.  The rebels followed us there.  The 
men of our train reported them, and they had to take
the oath.  Abbie, Sarah and I went to Capt. Black,
and he sent a company of six soldiers, with Lieut.
shoemaker, two hundred miles with us.  The rebels
went to Oregon.  Missouri has transplanted herself
into Oregon this season - the Plains were covered with 
Missourians.
You will ask how I liked crossing the Plains.  It 
will do for one six months of one's life, but I should
hate to waste another by doing it over again.  We 
had a remarkably good time, and enjoyed it much; 
did not suffer deprivations or otherwise, as I supposed 
we should; still, I do not think I could advise 
any one to undertake the journey.
Red Bluff is a small business town on the right
bank of the Sacramento river at the head of navigation.
Salmon lost all his sheep except the two poorest, one
ewe and the oldest ram, by poison.  Little Dick and 
the two best ewes, we have quite good reason to believe, 
were poisoned by a rebel.  The other ewe got 
some poison weed, (mountain laurel,) in the Sierra
Nevada mountains, and died after we got here.  I
don't know what S. will do.  He talks of buying a 
small place on time, and raising a few sheep, grapes, 
fruit, &c.
I saw balsam trees on the mountains five feet
through, and pines from ten to fifteen feet."

M. D. Conway.
I have never been an enthusiastic admirer of Mr. 
Conway; neither can I claim, except in the general 
way, to be his friend, for my personal acquaintance
with him is very limited; but I love to see justice
done between man and man, and I am quite too 
chary of the good report of my Anti-Slavery friends,
editors and all, to witness without pain on their part
any want of fairness towards one whom we have
reason to believe was governed by honest motives,
however much we may differ from him in any particular 
act.  Having been among those who have looked 
upon Mr. Conway's overtures to Mason with disapproval, 
I am now desirous of making public my 
change of opinion in his favor, feeling as I do that
Mr. Conway, in his last letter to the Editor of the 
Anti-Slavery Standard, has given a clear and satisfactory
statement of the case.  It also appears to me that
it would have been more courteous in the Editor to 
have accepted Mr. Conway's explanation; besides,
no good can be gained to the anti-slavery body by a 
virtual refusal to receive back a brother, particularly
one who has been so misunderstood as Mr. Conway
seems to have been.  He certainly deserves mush 
credit for his Christian forbearance, and unwavering 
adherence to the slave and his friends, under all his 
trials, which must have often proved a fiery ordeal of
his faith; but I trust he will come out of the furnace 
without even the smell of fire upon his garments.
I hope he will soon return to his native land, where
his fine gifts as a writer and public speaker have in 
past years done so good service in the cause of humanity.
I would refer all interested in the case to the letter
of Mr. Conway before alluded to, published in the 
A. S. Standard for Nov. 19, 1864.    D. R.
New Bedford, Nov. 20, 1864.

We wholly dissent from the view of Mr.
Conway's unwarrantable and reprehensible conduct,
taken by our correspondent, respecting the overture
made to Mr. Mason, and we think he has been
treated with great forbearance rather than any injustice.
Next week we shall publish Mr. C's letter from 
the Standard, with comments. - Ed. Lib.


to celebrate the day in another way.
The speaker then alluded to the enemies of slavery,
and said that this crime had passed away in Maryland,
and it was proper to rejoice and let the world know
that the colored people were not indifferent to this
great event. There were a few things they ought to
learn from these blessings, for it became all to learn
more and more to respect and reverence God. Let us,
remarked the speaker, respect that God who has been
the instigator of this good and great work. Let us
learn to be united. If we direct our energies and
hearts under God, we can accomplish everything, and
push back the waves of oppression. The colored
people ought to learn to make the best of the present
opportunities, and use  the hands made free by endeavoring
to get homes for themselves, wives, and children,
and show that they can and will do for themselves.
The speaker wanted them to stop finding fault with 
the President, for there was not a man living who 
could do better than the man in the executive chair.
Could they, remarked the speaker, find fault with the 
man they, remarked the speaker, find fault with the
man who gave them the privilege of celebrating freedom?
for where would they be to-night at ten o'clock
were it not for President Lincoln"  The speaker
thought some of them would be making tracks for 
home!  (Great applause.)  When the speaker attempted 
to find fault with that illustrious statesman,
he hoped his tongue would cleave to the roof of his 
mouth.
Mr. Garnett then warned his friends against saying
a harmful word against the soldiers, and bade them
remember that, when the fate of Maryland was trembling 
in the balance, the brave soldiery, who had met 
the fiery hail of lead and iron, who had stormed the
breast-works and taken the rifle-pits, who were suffering 
and bleeding on the battle-field, sent forth their 
votes, and by them decreed that hence forth "Maryland"
was free.  The speaker further urged them
not to find fault with the Yankees; for when their 
hearts sank within them at the gloomy prospect after
the fall of Sumter, the Yankees, east, west and north,
rose as one man, and New York city sent her Yankee
7th regiment to save the capital of the nation.
He then concluded by requesting three rounds of applause 
for Maryland, and three for President Lincoln,
which were given with a hearty good will.
The Secretary then read the following resolutions,
which had been prepared by different parties to offer
singly, but by request they were offered in a body, 
and adopted as a whole unanimously:
Whereas, the people of Maryland in adopting their 
new constitution, and erasing from their statute-books
their infamous and disgraceful laws holding persons in
involuntary servitude not guilty of crime, thereby
vindicating justice and honor, and advancing the
standard of freedom, and with it their own material
worth; therefore,
Resolved, That our congratulations are tendered to
the people of Maryland con the removal of the foul
blot of slavery from her escutcheon, and to the emancipated
upon attaining rights of which they have for
a long period been unjustly deprived; and, further,
that we not only congratulate Maryland and our
whole country upon the great results wrought by this
unholy rebellion, but also the lovers of freedom, of
free government and free men everywhere upon the 
birth of another anti-slavery State, prophetic of the 
destiny of our whole country, whose glorious flag, we
trust, will soon float only over free men.
Resolved, That we are profoundly grateful to our 
honored Chief Magistrate, his constitutional advisers,
and our gallant army and navy, for the impetus they
have given to the cause of human liberty, while
maintaining constitutional government, alike with the
bullet and the ballot, against this gigantic effort of the 
slaveholding aristocracy to subvert popular government,
and upon its ruins rear an anti-republican form,
with Slavery as its chief corner-stone.
Resolved, That following the illustrious examples
of our brethren not only in this struggle but in the 
revolutionary war, and again in war of 1812, we
do freely devote our best efforts, and pledge our honor 
the maintenance of its just laws, whether assailed
by traitors at home or beset by foreign foes.
The chairman here requested the singing of "John
Brown's body lies mouldering in the ground," which
was joined in by all present.
Prof. Wilson, George F. Cooke, Carter A. Stewart,
J. Green and John A. Gray addressed the meeting,
each speaker taking one of the resolutions as the 
basis of his remarks.
A collection was taken up for the sick and wounded
soldiers, during which the choir sang "Rally round
the Flag, Boys," which was received with great applause, 
and when concluded cries of "Sing it again"
were heard from all parts of the house.  The song
was repeated, nearly all present taking part in it.

NOVEMBER 25. THE LIBERATOR. 191

   Judge Day (white) and Sergeant Hatton, of the 1st 
D. C. colored regiment, made a few remarks, after 
which it was proposed to form in procession and move 
to the White House, and serenade President Lincoln; 
but after gaining the street, it was discovered that 
those who were unable to gain admission to the 
church in the early part of the evening had themselves 
serenaded the President, who made his appearance 
at one of the windows, and in a few remarks 
thanked them for the compliment.

AN EARNEST ABOLITIONIST FALLEN.
   Captain Daniel Foster was buried in West Newbury, 
from the residence of his brother, Rev. Davis Foster, 
on the 1st inst. He fell at the battle of Chapin's Farm, 
September 30, just as the third and last assault of the 
rebels upon our lines was repulsed. He was cheering 
his men on to their work, when a bullet struck his 
right side and passed through his body, coming out at 
his left side.
   Capt. Foster has for many years been an earnest anti-
slavery man. He left the chaplaincy of the 33d 
Massachusetts regiment, to accept a captaincy in the 
37th United States colored regiment. He did this 
form the purest motives of patriotism and humanity. 
He believed the negro would make a good soldier, if 
well officered, and he resolved to do his part towards 
that end. His influence over his company was by the 
testimony of all, most salutary. He was brave, cool 
and determined, and threw his own spirit into his men. 
He governed them more by moral force than most men 
could have done. His men loved him, believed in 
him, and gave him no trouble. The lieutenant colonel 
in command of the regiment says he has lost one 
of his best officers. The negro has lost no better friend 
in this war, the country no truer patriot, and the world 
no larger hearted philanthropist, than Captain Foster. 
He leaves a wife and three children, in straightened 
circumstances. The country owes them a debt of 
love, which will not be withheld. The negro owes 
them a tearful sympathy, which found beautiful expression 
from one of their number when the first announcement 
of his death was made. A Mr. Jones, 
residing in the Connecticut valley, formerly a fugitive 
slave, had an appointment to lecture in the evening of 
that day. Reading a notice of Capt. Foster's death 
in the Springfield Republican, he recalled his appointment, 
saying: "My best earthly friend is dead; I 
must go and see his weeping family. He sent me to 
England with his own money when he was very poor, 
to save me from the slave-hunter. Let me go and 
weep with those that loved him as I did."
   Captain Foster worked manfully and efficiently 
eighteen years for the slave, and in his glorious death 
placed a fitting seal upon his life. He bore obloquy 
and poverty in his fidelity to his convictions. He 
consented to be shut out of the pulpits of able churches, 
rather than sacrifice those convictions. He was 
always conscientious and true to his humane instincts. 
                                                                                    R. F. 

   That this tribute from the Springfield Republican is 
justly awarded, none know better than the colored 
citizens of Boston; for in their memorable struggle 
for equal School rights, DANIEL FOSTER labored for a 
long time as assiduously as though he himself felt the 
bonds that were fastened on them. He took charge, 
at much sacrifice of personal comfort, of a temporary 
school established by those parents pledged to resist 
the dictation of the colorphobia element in School 
Committees. At Danvers and elsewhere, his pulpit 
ministrations, and as an anti-slavery lecturer, he always 
remembered, and enforced with special unction, 
the colored man's claim to equality before the law. 
   It was devotion to this principle that prompted him 
to link his destiny with the colored American soldier, 
and in defence of which he laid down his life.
   We hope and believe that an effort will be made to 
convey a token of more significance than words, in aid 
of his family. As the hearts of parents and children 
swell with grateful appreciation of the inestimable fa.

THE ELECTION RETURNS.
   We have returns from all the States of the Union, 
-had them, in fact, as early as last Sunday, but five 
days after the election had been held and determined, 
-and they show that those States are, in their capacity 
as States, all but unanimous in supporting Mr. Lincoln 
for a second term, through Gen. McClellan has 
a very pretty popular vote from which he can possibly 
derive as much consolation as he may require. 
But then he's accustomed to failure, and probably will 
no more be killed by not getting to Washington in '66 
than he was by not getting to Richmond in '62. The 
President has the votes of twenty-two (22) States, 
which amount to 213; and the General has those of 
three States amounting to twenty-one (21). Mr. 
Lincoln has more States than General McClellan has 
votes, the numbers being, respectively, 22 and 21. 
The popular majority given for Mr. Lincoln is very 
large, -almost half a million. This majority is made 
up principally from the votes of the Northwestern and 
New England States, as the Middle States have not 
done much in the way of increasing the power of the 
administration through the creation of popular majorities. 
Pennsylvania's majority is not very large, including 
even the soldier's vote, and that of New York 
is small, also including that vote. New Jersey gives 
a respectable majority for the democrats. New England, 
the Northwestern States, and the Pacific States 
roll up about 400,000 Republican majority. New 
England, all things considered, does the best of any 
"section," as her population is small, while her vote 
is large, and her Republican majority is great. This 
majority is given for a ticket which bears the names 
of two Western men, and from which the name of a 
New England man was removed to make room for 
that of a second Western man. Thus, we "Yankees" 
have manifested an absolute freedom from that "sectionalism" 
with which it has been the custom to 
charge us. If New England has done well altogether, 
Massachusetts may be said to have excelled at home. 
Her majority for Lincoln and Johnson is 78,000, a 
number which not even the stoutest Northwestern 
State has approached, taking into consideration the 
number of her people, and the rather exclusive 
character of her suffrage laws and regulations.
   Ohio is sometimes spoken of as having given the 
largest majority for President Lincoln, and positively 
she may have done so, but relatively she is far behind 
Massachusetts. To place her alongside of Massachusetts, 
Ohio's Republican majority ought to be not less 
than 145,000. Massachusetts has even got ahead of 
Vermont, as she gives about 6,500 popular votes for 
each elector to which she is entitled, which is better 
than Vermont, if the accounts of the latter's popular 
vote that we have seen are correctly given. Maine, 
too, has done nobly, and greatly swelled New England's 
loyal majority. If the report that Iowa has 
given 50,000 majority for Mr. Lincoln be correct, she 
is the banner State of the Northwest, and stands next 
to Massachusetts in the Union, -stands almost on the 
same level with our State, as she has the eight electoral 
votes, and so gives 6250 majority for each electoral 
vote, which are but little below Massachusetts' figures. 
The country and the President have every reason to 
be satisfied with what has been done. Mr. Lincoln 
bears his good fortune with  modesty, which shows that 
he is worthy of it, and which will disarm envy. A 
Greek of old days would warn him to sacrifice to the 
Divine Nemesis, to disarm the envy of the gods, as 
the ancients called it, and which, according to the classic 
view of affairs, was always excited by the spectacle 
of great human prosperity. Not the least agreeable 
circumstance connected with his triumph is this, 
that he has broken though that absurd "one-term 
rule" which has obtained for almost a generation, and 
which had its part in bringing about our troubles. It 
is thirty-two years since President Jackson was re-
elected, in 1832, and until now no man of our day 
could hope for re-election. Thus have the democracy, 
for the first time in our history, been beaten at two 
successive Presidential elections, and forced to witness 
the second triumph of the man whose first election 
they urged their Southern friends and allies to resist 
unto extremity. They have beaten themselves, and 
now they should reorganize on a new basis, and let 
slavery go to the - dogs. Having paid dearly for their 
fidelity to that vile institution, and having been vilely 
treated by the slaveholders, they should reform, and 
live cleanly, if they would live at all. - Boston Traveller.

MARYLAND PLANTERS AND THE FREED-
MEN.
   The Baltimore Sun of Mondays says: "The subject 
of free labor and a fair compensation therefor is 
one at present exciting the attention of the landholders, 
and others engaged in agricultural pursuits in 
Maryland. On the 9th inst. a number of farmers in 
Prince George county held a public meeting at Marlboro' 
on the subject. Hon. Samuel H. Berry was 
called to the chair, and Adolphus H. Lambert, Esq. 
was appointed secretary. The following resolutions 
were then unanimously adopted:

FIRST VOTING FOR PRESIDENT IN SOUTH 
CAROLINA.
   On Tuesday last, for the first time in her history, 
polls were opened in the Palmetto State on the occasion 
of a Presidential election. Heretofore, when all 
the States were rocking with excitement over a Presidential 
contest, South Carolina, as if to show her contempt 
for the Democratic element in our Federal compact, 
was serene and undisturbed. A few gentlemen 
in Columbia went through the formality of choosing 
a few other gentlemen to cast the vote of the State in 
the Electoral College for the pro-slavery candidates, 
whoever they might be. 
   Last Tuesday, however, a scene was witnessed in 
Beaufort, which well might have made the bones of 
Calhoun stir in his coffin. This once most select, 
aristocratic town was as much astir on election day as 
the most Democratic of Yankee communities. American 
citizens of African descent were busily drumming 
up in voters with all the energy of veteran politicians. 
Indeed, we think the great "unwashed" of the 
"fierce Democracie" might have learned some new 
arts from these tyros in political canvassing. For with 
all, energy and excitement, fun, jollity and good humor 
ruled the hour.
   In response to a notice signed on behalf of the 
"State Executive Committee," polls were opened in 
the Free South Building for the citizens and soldiers 
of other States, while those of South Carolina were 
invited to cast their votes at the Market House. No 
qualification was required save that the voter between twenty-
one years of age. Printed tickets containing simply 
the names of the rival candidates were furnished. 
The polls were opened at 10 A. M. and closed at 4 P. 
M. At the Market House polls, Mr. E. G. Dudley 
acted as inspector, and Mr. H. G. Judd as clerk; while 
at the Free South Building, Mr. J. G. Thompson and 
Lieut. Baldwin were chosen inspectors, and Mr. M. 
J. French clerk. 
   Most of the interest centered in the Market House 
poll. The colored people entered into the spirit of the 
thing with surprising enthusiasm. Most of them 
were unaware of the informal character of the proceeding, 
and were therefore not only eager to vote, but 
were anxious to give a large majority for Lincoln 
whose name to them is synonymous with Freedom. A 
man who attempted to deceive them with McClellan 
tickets was detected and rather rudely hustled, but not 
hurt. We wonder how much life would have been left 
in a black man who had attempted the same game in 
the Sixth Ward in New York city! The following is 
the result:
                                              Lincoln.    McClellan.
        Free South Poll,              269               31
        Market House Poll,        715                 2
                                               _____                ___
                    Total,                    975               33
                                                    33
                                               _____
        Lincoln's majority,         942
                       Total vote cast,                 1,008
   In the 102d Michigan, polls were opened, and 20 
votes cast for Lincoln; none for McClellan; the officers 
only voting.

THE MASS MEETING.
   Determined that nothing should be wanting to complete 
a genuine election day, a mass meeting was organized 
in front of the Free South office to listen to the 
returns. The result in Beaufort was announced by 
Mr. J. G. Thompson, after which Mr. E. G. Dudly addressed 
the meeting. He predicted confidently that 
Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Jackson had been 
chosen by overwhelming majorities in every loyal 
State, save, perhaps, Kentucky. He pointed out 
the special significance of the day to the freedmen, 
who formed a large part of his audience, and urged 
them to prepare themselves for the duties which might 
devolve upon them as freemen in the future, by educating 
themselves and their children. He closed by 
asserting that he had chosen South Carolina as his future 
home, and hoped to witness many more election 
days under circumstances when her colored citizens 
should really take a part in the government of the 
State.
   Mr. J. G. Thomson then spoke of the significance 
of the election as a sign of progress in the Palmetto 
State, pointing out how little regard South Carolina 
had evinced for Democratic principles in refusing to allow 
her electors for President to be chosen by the popular 
vote. He showed that the very principle for 
which we are waging war upon the South is to sustain 
the doctrine that the majority should rule, and to prove 
to the despotic and aristocratic governments of Europe 
that the great experiment of republican liberty was 
not a failure.
   Lieut. Ketchum next addressed the meeting in a 
speech of great elegance and power. He adverted to 
the incidents of the expedition of three years ago, and 
pointed out the signs of a coming triumph for freedom 
and Union evident on every side. 
   Capt. Cutter, Col. Strong, Mr. Scott and others delivered 
stirring speeches, all full of patriotism, which 
were loudly applauded by the audience. 

McCLELLAN'S RESIGNATION. 
   The major generalship in the regular army, made 
vacant by the resignation of General McClellan, has 
been filled by the appointment of General Sheridan. 
The following is the official order:
                    GENERAL ORDERS - No. 282.
                                        WAR DEPARTMENT,
                        WASHINGTON, November 14, 1864.
Ordered by the President:
   1. That the resignation of George B. McClellan as 
major general in the United States army, dated November 
8, and received by the Adjutant General on the 
10th instant, be accepted as of the 8th of November.
   2. That for personal gallantry, military skill and 
just confidence in the courage and patriotism of his 
troops displayed by Philip A. Sheridan on the 19th of 
October, at Cedar Run, whereby, under the blessing 
of Providence, his routed army was reorganized, a 
great national disaster averted, and a brilliant victory 
achieved over the rebels for the third time in pitched 
battle within thirty days, Philip H. Sheridan is appointed 
major general in the United States army, to 
rank as such from the 8th day of November, 1864.
   By order of the President of the United States.
                                              E. D. TOWNSEND,
                                         Assistant Adjutant General.

   SOJOURNER TRUTH. A Washington correspondent 
of the Rochester Express says: - "Sojourner 
Truth (whom everybody knows) is in the city, having 
come here expressly to visit Mr. Lincoln, and express 
to him her thanks for his proclamation freeing 
so many of her race. I have known Sojourner for a 
long time, and it seemed very natural that I should 
be the one chosen by her to introduce her to the 
White House. I considered myself very fortunate in 
being able to obtain an interview, as really my business 
could not be considered urgent, and I had not the 
claim to his attention which was very strongly made 
in my presence, and of which I shall speak and by-and-
by, that 'I had voted for him.' I had done no such 
thing, and if my sex did not prohibit me from that 
[??????], I could not have even promised to vote for 
him. Nevertheless, our President received me and 
the woman whom I went to introduce with real politeness 
and a pleasing cordiality. I am not going to 
describe Mr. Lincoln's personal appearance, for that 
sort of thing has been done a thousand times. To 
say that he is the most awkward man in the nation is 
nothing in itself - awkwardness or grace is of the 
smallest moment just now. What we want is resolute 
and determined action, and in that short interview 
with Mr. Lincoln I became convinced that, whatever 
may have been the former delinquencies of the President, 
he has now come to the conclusion to act. Sojourner 
delivered to him her thanks for what he had 
done for her people, saying at the same time that he 
was the only President who had done any thing for 
them. Mr. Lincoln rojoined, "and the only one who 
ever had such an opportunity. Had our friends in the 
South behaved themselves, I could have done nothing 
whatever." Honest, was it not? Well, honesty has 
always been awarded to the President. We were 
shown the Bible which was presented to Mr. Lincoln 
by the colored people of Baltimore, and altogether 
the visit was quite satisfactory."

   THE RESULT IN MISSOURI. The radical triumph 
in Missouri is complete and overwhelming. The Cops 
have not carried ten counties in the State. Mr. Lincoln's 
majority will exceed 20,000. The result is thus 
summed up in a St. Louis paper:
   "The acceptance by the people of the proposition 
for a new State Convention, by an overwhelming majority; 
the election of a three-fourths Radical majority 
as members of that Convention; the election of 
the entire Radical State ticket from Governor down 
to Register of Public Lands; the election of a large 
Radical majority in the Senate, and a three-fourths 
majority in the House; the probable election of eight 
out of nine Radicals to Congress; the presence of two 
Radicals in the State's seats in the United States Senate; 
the election of the entire Radical loyal ticket, 
with one or two trifling exceptions in St. Louis county, 
and a similar result in at least eighty out of the 
one hundred and fourteen counties in the State - give 
to radicalism unlimited control of the State - sword, 
purse, civil power, and everything else."

   LEE'S ARMY. The Richmond correspondent of the 
London Times, writing Oct. 12, thus describes Lee's 
army:
   "The Confederates have been fighting, or on the 
rack, without intermission for more than five months. 
On the other hand, the Federal General, who knew 
from the beginning that Lee was, through the paucity 
of his numbers, restricted to acting on the defensive, 
had it in his power at any moment to give four-fifths 
of his army an entire rest. There was nothing to pre-

   MR. EVERETT ON PRESIDENT LINCOLN.  Edward 
Everett, in his excellent speech at the Winslow dinner 
in Boston, said some very kind things about our 
President in a very graceful way. We commend the 
following to certain bandbox gentlemen, in whose 
eyes department is better than brain and honesty, 
premising that perhaps in Mr. Everett Mr. Lincoln 
found as exacting a critic as regards the rules of etiquette 
that govern gentlemen as he could well have 
me:-
   "I will take the liberty to say, that on the only occasion 
on which I ever had the honor to be in the 
President's company, viz.: the commemoration at 
Gettysburg, he sat at table at the house of my friend, 
David Willis, Esq., at the side of several distinguished 
persons, ladies and gentlemen, foreigners and Americans, 
among them the French Minister at Washington, 
since appointment French Ambassador at Madrid, and 
the Admiral of the French fleet, and that in gentlemanly 
appearance, manners and conversation, he was 
the peer of any man at the table."

   VISIT OF GEN. GRANT TO NEW YORK. New 
York, Nov. 22 -Lieut. General Grant left this city 
yesterday for the front. By his request, his presence 
here was kept as quiet as possible; and though he 
was present at the serenade to the Governor elect 
Saturday night, no mention was made in the accounts 
of that affair. 
   Before leaving, he called on Gen. Scott, and had a 
very interesting interview. Gen. Scott presented 
him with a copy of his Autobiography, on the fly leaf 
of which was written, "From the oldest to the ablest 
General in the world."
   To a gentlemen in this city, Gen. Grant said Sunday: 
"The Southern Confederacy is a mere shell. 
I know it; I am sure of it. It is a hollow shell, and 
Sherman will prove it to you."
   In answer to a question, whether in his opinion 90 
days would bring the end, he said with a grim smile, 
"I am not a ninety days man, but we shall see what 
will happen inside of a month."

   REBEL LOSSES DURING SHERIDAN'S ADVANCE. -
The Richmond Whig of the 14th inst. says that an 
examining committee of seventy-two of the citizens 
of Rockingham county, Va. have made a report of the 
losses in that county, through the order of Gen. 
Sheridan, as follows:
   Dwelling houses burned, 30; barns burned, 450; 
mills burned, 31; fencing destroyed, 100 miles; 
bushels of wheat destroyed, 100,000; bushels of corn 
destroyed, 50,000; tons of hay destroyed, 9230; 
cattle carried off, 1750; horses carried off, 1750;
sheep carried off, 4200; hogs carried off, 8850; factories 
burned, 3; furnace burned, 1. In addition to 
which, the Register days, there was an immense 
amount of farming utensils of every description destroyed, 
such as McCormick's reapers and threshing 
machines. Also household and kitchen furniture, 
money, bonds, plate, &c., &c. The whole loss being 
estimated at the enormous sum of $25,000,000.

   THE LOUISVILLE JOURNAL GIVES UP SLAVERY. 
The Louisville Journal abandons Slavery. In a leading 
editorial in reply to a correspondent who urges 
emancipation as the only hope and salvation of Kentucky, 
it frankly admits that the "peculiar institution" 
is virtually dead, and dead by its own hand. It 
contends that the question is no longer how it shall 
be saved from utter wreck, but how it shall be finally 
extinguished, and with the least jar to social institutions 
of the South. It admits that it has proved a 
curse to Kentucky; that "if the Anti-Slavery Constitution, 
so powerfully advocated by Henry Clay 
many years, ago had been adopted, the State would 
now be more prosperous, wealthy and happy than it 
is."

   A NEW ALABAMA. The Manchester Guardian 
says: "A few weeks ago, we noticed the departure 
from Liverpool of a steamer called the Laurel, with 
about 100 men on board, many of whom had served 
with Captain Semmes. It was also hinted that Captain 
Semmes was himself on board. This news is 
confirmed by a despatch received in Liverpool from 
Madurs to the effect that the Laurel had been lying 
in Funchal Bay previous to the 17th, and early on 
the morning of that day she steamed out to sea, and 
met a large screw steamer (understood to be the new 
Alabama) on board of which were transferred the 
crew of the Laurel and cargo, consisting of guns, ammunition, 
&c. The crew steamer then made for the 
direction of Bermuda. 

   SALEM LYCEUM. Theodore D. Weld, Esq., of 
Lexington, delivered a very able and forcible address 
before the Salem Lyceum, on Wednesday evening, 
upon John C. Calhoun, regarded as the embodiment 
of the slaveholding spirit. Mr. Weld's purpose was 
to show the intellectual and moral results of slavery

   PROVIDENCE, R. I., Nov. 17. John Pitman, for 
forty years Judge in the United States District Court 
for the District of Rhode Island, was found dead in 
his bed this morning. He was on the bench yesterday, 
but in a very feeble condition. His age was 
eighty years.
              A gang of ruffians entered the house of an 
old man in Williamstown county, Ill. shot him dead, 
and then hung his son, a young man of eighteen 
years.
            The coolie slave trade is still going on. Vessels 
under the French flag are constantly taking cargoes 
of coolies from Macao and Canton to Cuba. About 
one in four dies on the passage.
            It is said that in consequence of local quarrels, 
two of the McClellan electors in Kansas are 
chosen. The Lane imbroglio still rages bitterly in 
that State.
            The blockade runner Annie, recently captured, 
dropped 850,000 in gold into the sea while being 
chased, beside a large amount of Confederate bonds. 
            Senator Wilson made forty-two speeches in 
six weeks during the past canvass, besides seeing his 
valuable book on the Anti-Slavery measures of the 
late Congress safely through the press.
            Accounts on file in the department at Washington 
show the singular fact that, since the rebellion 
began, forty thousand more Southern whites than blacks 
have received assistance from the government. 
            A St. Louis paper says "there are not less 
than 200,000 persons in Missouri, this day, who are 
little better than paupers, not knowing where to get 
food to maintain them through the winter."
            Harrison Cornell, another of the Indiana Sons 
of Liberty, has made a confession, stating that he had 
helped conceal ammunition for the order, and said that 
at one of their meetings they were in the service of 
Jeff. Davis.
            It is proposed to have a celebration at Washington 
on Forefathers' Day, under the auspices of the 
Massachusetts Association. Senator Sumner has been 
invited to deliver an address.
            Rev. Henry Ward Beecher having nominated 
General Butler for our next President, the Fall River 
News proposes the pastor of Plymouth Church himself 
as Vice President, on the ground of the natural 
strength of a combination of the law and the gospel.
            It is stated as highly probably that Missouri will 
entirely abolish slavery within her limits this winter, 
and take her place with Maryland among the Free 
States.
            A letter from an officer of the fleet off Charleston 
mentions the killing and wounding of a number of 
men, seven of whom died instantly, by the explosion 
of a rebel shell which struck the forecastle of steamer 
Pontiac. 
            Gov. Gilmore of New Hampshire put four substitutes 
into the army on Monday, to represent himself 
and three of his sons.
            Professor Goldwin Smith has arrived at Washington, 
and been presented to the President, Secretary 
of State and other officials.
            The new House of Representatives will be 
very strong Republican, probably 133 to 37, so that 
whatever the House can do towards abolishing slavery 
will doubtless be done with a will. 
            Governor Seymour's Thanksgiving proclamation 
reads more like a call for a day of fasting than 
of thanksgiving. It dwells upon the evils inseparable 
from the state of the country, which are greatly exaggerated, 
and seems intended to foster a spirit of discontent 
rather than of thanksgiving. -Journal.
   NEW YORK, Nov. 20. An Atlanta letter of the 10th 
to the Herald mentions the arrival of an escaped Union 
prisoner from Andersonville, who confirms the statements 
of rebel atrocities toward our prisoners.
            Eight Union officers arrived at Hilton Head 
Monday last, having escaped from the rebels. They 
confirm the worst of the previous accounts of inhuman 
treatment.
            The Detroit Free Press estimates that fifty vessels, 
with their cargoes, worth a million dollars, were 
destroyed in the recent gale on Lake Erie.
            Mrs. Elizabeth D. Sedgwick, widow of the 
late Charles Sedgwick, who for many years has kept 
a school for young ladies in Lenox, died a few days 
ago, much regretted by a large circle of friends.
   "Perley," the Washington correspondent of the 
Boston Journal, under state of 21st inst., says:-
   "Fred. Douglass will lecture here on Thursday 
evening, and will deliver a second lecture in Baltimore, 
on which occasion a presentation is to be made

long time as assiduously as though he himself felt the
bonds that were fastened on them. He took charge,
as much sacrifice of personal comfort, of a temporary
school established by those parents pledged to resist 
the dictation of the colorphobia element in School
Committees. At Danvers and elsewhere, in his pulpit
ministrations, and as an anti-slavery lecturer, he always
remembered, and enforced with special unction,
the colored man's claim to equality before the law.
   It was devotion to this principle that prompted him
to link his destiny with the colored American soldier,
and in defence of which he laid down his life.
   We hope and believe that an effort will be made to
convey a token of more significance than words, in aid
of his family. As the hearts of parents and children
swell with grateful appreciation of the inestimable facilities
for mental growth afforded by the Boston Public
Schools, "they should not forget those who, by
their exertions, have helped to secure to them these 
blessings." W. C. N.
   Boston, November, 1864

PARKER FRATERNITY LECTURES

   The sixth lecture of the course now in progress before
the Parker Fraternity was given on Tuesday
evening last by Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes. His
subject was "New England's Master Key."
   The lecturer thought that one lesson which this
country, and particularly this portion of it, has already
learned in part, the specialization of intellectual
labor, should be yet more strongly insisted on,
and more widely put in practice. He made honorable
mentions of some among us who have distinguished
themselves and assisted the progress of the world
in this manner, among whom were Prescott, the historian, 
Motley, author of the History of the Dutch Republic,
Agassiz, who teaches concentration as the chief
duty of a student, and some gentlemen of the medical
profession among us, whose collections in comparative
anatomy and morbid anatomy are scarcely equalled
in the world. The collector of a library, he thought,
should not merely assemble books in the departments
of necessity and luxury, but should make a complete
collection of works illustrating some on department
of knowledge. Students of law, medicine and divinity,
besides forming that general acquaintance with
those subjects which their duties demand, should select
some special department in which to gain, and
thus enable themselves to communicate, a more minute
and thorough knowledge. Dr. Holmes referred
to the author of the "History of the Doctrine of a 
Future Life" as one who has worthily distinguished
himself in this manner.
   Perhaps what has been done in this way in New 
England, in Massachusetts, explains the positions of
these parts of the country in American civilization.
Boston is justly called "the city of notions." We
have learned here, better than in any other part of the
country, the advantage of dividing and subdividing
intellectual labor. It is the strongest and truest thought
that governs the common mind. It is the force of this
thought that the malignants and the incapables rebel
against. What we need is to keep up our intellectual
training at home, and do what we can to spread its results 
abroad.
   The peculiar task of this mighty nation is to show
that men are the friends of man, not his enemies; and
further, that man need not be afraid of himself. When
the echoes of our cannon shall have died away in the
South, the still, small voice of the schoolmaster will
be heard there. With the progress of education,
thought will spread; and how many subjects of the
highest importance are now demanding investigation
and decision! Among these the lecturer instanced—
the great question of the true position of woman; a
matter needing the exercise of justice, rather than
generosity, on man's part—the true position of the
three colored races, Indian, African and Malay—the 
proper treatment of crime, which may appropriately
undergo some such change as the treatment of insanity
had done—and lastly, the true relation of man to
his Maker.
   The lecturer treated these themes with his accustomed
force and beauty of illustration, and a very
large audience heard him with profound attention.
Dr. Holmes's voice has hardly sufficient power for the
Music Hall, but the hearers of this lecture had all the 
help that a distinct and beautiful enunciation could 
give.
   Half an hour's performance on the Great Organ
preceded the lecture. The audience marked their favorable
appreciation of two pieces of softer and greater
music with which the organist closed.
   The lecture next Tuesday evening is to be given
by Rev. Charles G. Ames of Albany, N. Y., from
whom a brilliant and telling discourse may be expected.—
C. K. W.


unto extremity. They have beaten themselves, and
now they should reorganize on a new basis, and let 
slavery go to the—dogs. Having paid dearly for their
fidelity to that vile institution, and having been vilely
treated by the slaveholders, they should reform, and
live cleanly, if they would live at all.—Boston Traveller.

MARYLAND PLANTERS AND THE FREEDMEN.
   The Baltimore Sun of Monday says: "The subject
of free labor and a fair compensation therefor is
one at present exciting the attention of the landholders, 
and others engaged in agricultural pursuits in 
Maryland. On the 9th inst. a number of farmers in 
Prince George county held a public meeting at Marlboro
on the subject. Hon. Samuel H. Berry was
called to the chair, and Adolphus H. Lambert, Esq.
was appointed secretary. The following resolutions
were then unanimously adopted.
   "Resolved, That is the duty of the citizens of
Prince George county to take into their most serious
consideration the present condition of the negro population,
declared free by the recent proclamation of 
Governor Bradford, and it is the duty of every good
citizen to conform to the following resolves as the
best means to insure the well-being of the citizens of
the county, as also that of the negroes.
   Resolved, That we hereby agree that we will not
employ any negro for ordinary field service, except by
the year, and we earnestly recommend to the citizens of
the county to adopt this mode of employment of
their service for agricultural purposes.
   Resolved, That we will not offer any inducement to
any negro to leave his or her present employer, with
a view of procuring his or her services: and we recommend
this course to all good citizens of the county.
   Resolved, That it being the desire of this meeting
to do ample justice to this unfortunate people, we recommend
to the farmers and others of the country
needing this species of labor the following scale of 
wages: First-class negro-men, wages not to exceed
$120 per annum, and board; first-class negro women,
(without children,) wages not to exceed $60 per annum,
and board; boys under eighteen years, wages not
to exceed $60 per annum, and board.
   Resolved, That the subject of these resolutions be 
recommended to the consideration and adoption of
the people of this county, and that their concurrence
in said resolutions be expressed at the meetings to be
held in the several elections, or such other places as
may be determined on by the people in said districts,
on the 19th day of November.
   The farmers of Charles county have called a mass 
meeting at Port Tobacco, to-morrow, to take the same
subject into consideration. Referring to the proposed
meeting, the Port Tobacco Times remarks:
   Since slavery has been suddenly abolished in our
midst, effecting a complete change in the relation of
the laboring classes to their former masters, and casting
loose upon the community a class of persons who 
must subsist by labor or by stealing, it must be apparent
to every who has the welfare of the community
at heart, that a general understanding and
agreement is absolutely necessary among all engaged
in agricultural pursuits as to the compensation that
should be given, and the term of service required
of free negro laborers. This class of laborers has 
heretofore afforded but a poor dependence, owing to
their unwillingness to engage to do a service for longer 
periods than a day, a week, or a month at a time.
From the nature of our productions, short periods of 
service will not be found to answer at all, and this
matter should be prominently brought before the
meeting. Believing that if a firm stand be taken at
once by our people, mutual benefits will result to
them and the negro laborers, we can but express the
hope that the meeting will be generally attended
by the people of the country, and that they will give 
to the subject that consideration which its importance
demands."

FREDERICK DOUGLASS AT BALTIMORE.
   Frederick Douglass, regarded as the foremost representative
of the black man, spoke the other evening
in Baltimore, under circumstances of which his own
words convey, the best idea. On leaving his friends
in Rochester, he said:—
   "What a wonderful change a few short years have
wrought! I left Maryland a slave, I return to her a
freeman! I left her a Slave State. I return to fin
her clothed in her new garments of Liberty and Justice,
a Free State! My life has had two crises—the 
day on which I left Maryland, and the day on which 
I return. I expect to have a good old-fashioned visit,
for I have not been there for a long time. I may 
meet my old master there, whom I have not seen for 
many years. I heard he was living only a short time
ago, and he will be there, for he is on the right side.
I made a convert of him years ago! He was a very
good man, with a high sense of honor, and I have no
malice to overcome in going back among those former
slaveholders, for I used to think that we were all parts
of one great social system, only we were at the bottom
and they at the top! If the shackles were around
our ankles, they were also on their necks. The Common
Council and city authorities have promised to
be present at the next meeting in Baltimore. I shall
be glad to see them. I shall return to them with freedom
in my hand, and point to her free Constitution;
and as the olive branch was a sign that the waters of
the flood were retiring, so will the freedom which I
shall find there be a sign that the billows of slavery
are rolling back, to leave the land blooming again in
the purer air of Liberty and Justice."
   These noble words deserve the admiration of the
worst enemies of such men as Douglass. The black
man is true as charity when he reasons that if shackles 
were around the ankles of the slave, they were also on
the neck of the master.—Philadelphia Press.
   Mr. Douglass has since delivered an address at the
Capital.


should really take a part in the government of the
State.
   Mr. J. G. Thompson then spoke of the significance 
of the election as a sign of progress in the Palmetto
State, pointing out how little regard South Carolina
had evinced for Democratic principles in refusing to allow
her electors for President to be chosen by the popular
vote. He showed that the very principle for 
which we are waging war upon the South is to sustain
the doctrine that the majority should rule, and to prove
to the despotic and aristocratic governments of Europe
that the great experiment of the republican liberty was
not a failure.
   Lieut. Ketchum next addressed the meeting in a 
speech of great elegance and power. He adverted to
the incidents of the expedition of three years ago, and
pointed out the signs of a coming triumph for freedom
and Union evident on every side.
   Capt. Cutter, Col. Strong, Mr. Scott and others delivered
stirring speeches, all full of patriotism, which
were loudly applauded by the audience.
   The excellent band of the 102d U. S. C. T. agreeably
filled up the intervals of speeches. Indeed, much is 
due to them for the success of the meeting. They
have the hearty thanks of all.
   The gunboat John Adams was illuminated with colored 
lanterns and a display of blue lights, which added
to the picturesque scene additional beauties.
   Flags waved, bonfires blazed, boys shouted, crowds
cheered, bands played, speeches were made, and so 
closed a real jolly day in Beaufort.—Free South

   SOLDIERS' VOTING. The following is the way
some of the soldiers voted on the Presidential candidates:
   Battery A, (Missouri)—Lincoln, 63; McClellan, 
none.
   Batter F, (Missouri)—Lincoln 66; McClellan,
none.
   Detachment 6th Missouri Cavalry—Lincoln, 46;
McClellan, none.
   Second Maine Cavalry, (at Barancas)—Lincoln,
273; McClellan, 5.
   Iowa soldiers in hospital and on detachment service
in New Orleans—Lincoln, 68; McClellan, none.
   Maine soldiers on detached service in New Orleans
—Lincoln, 50; McClellan, 1.
   Eleventh Wisconsin Infantry—Lincoln, 317; McClellan,
82.
   Company A. 2d Texas—Lincoln, 80; McClellan, 1.
   Out of 554 for McClellan, in Lawrence,
at the recent election, 416 were cast by persons of foreign
birth.
   The town of Mount Tabor, Rutland county,
Vermont, in 1860 gave Mr. Lincoln twenty-eight
votes, none for "any other man." In 1864, it gave 
thirty-six votes for Mr. Lincoln, and none again for
the other man.
   VERMONT. The official vote of Vermont is as follows:
Lincoln, 42,419; McClellan, 13,322. Union
majority, 29,097. This is a gain on the Union majority
of last September of about 10,000, and on Lincoln's 
majority in 1860 of over 6000. The aggregate
vote this year is over eleven thousand larger than it
was in 1860.
   BALTIMORE, Nov. 18. The official majority in 
Maryland for the Union ticket is 7432.
   SOLDIERS' VOTES IN NEW ORLEANS. The New
Orleans Times says the Sixteenth Ohio Battery in
that city voted 87 for Lincoln and 1 for McClellan;
the Seventeenth Ohio Battery, Lincoln 120, McClellan
30; the Maine troops on detached service, Lincoln
52, McClellan 1.
   The city of Chicago cast 27,239 votes at the
recent election, or about 7000 more than the city of 
Boston.

PROTECTION FOR THE FREEDMEN.
BALTIMORE, NOV. 15, 1864.
   General Wallace's order for the protection of the 
freedmen is working wonders. In several of the
Eastern Shore counties, where the haters of negro
freedom had seized upon the freed children and
youths, and got them bound out to them under the
vagrant act by the rebel sympathizing Orphans'
Courts, the new masters have come forward, brought
their intended victims into court, and had the indenture
cancelled.
   In one case at Chestertown, a notorious rebel seized
upon two young men about the age of eighteen 
each, forced them into the Orphans' Court, got them
out to him, and before the ink was dry upon their indentures,
he hired one of them out for $160, and the 
other for $100 a year. In another case a rebel seized
upon a black youth, aged about sixteen, who was already
an apprentice to a negro blacksmith, and hauled
him up before the Orphans' Court at Towsontown,
under the vagrant act. Some friend stepped in and 
saved the poor boy. The negro mothers are flocking
into the county towns throughout the State, imporing
the protection of the United States Provost-Marshals
to save their little ones from being torn from 
them, to be bound as vagrants. The execution
of General Walace's protective order came just in
time, and much suffering and wrong will be spared to
the frightened freed people.
   Our new Governor and our new representative to
Congress called upon General Wallace to protest
against that part of his order making the Maryland
Club House, at the corner of Franklin and Cathedral
streets, a Freedmen's Rest! The protest had no other
effect but to extract an offer form the military authorities
to the owners of the Club House, to the effect 
that if they would dissolve their association,
and produce proof that the house was no longer the
property of the club, some other place would be selected
for the Freedmen's Rest. No reply has yet
been made for this offer. It is possible that General
Wallace may remove his headquarters to the Club 
House.


majority in the House; the probable election of eight
out of nine Radicals to Congress; the presence of two
Radicals in the State's seats in the United States Senate;
the elections of the entire Radical loyal ticket,
with one or two trifling exceptions in St. Louis county,
and a similar result in at least eighty out of the
on hundred and fourteen counties in the State—give
to radicalism unlimited control of the State—sword,
purse, civil power, and everything else."

   LEE'S ARMY. The Richmond correspondent of the
London Times, writing Oct. 12 thus describes Lee's
army:
   "The Confederates have been fighting, or on the
rack, without intermission for more than five months.
On the other hand, the Federal General, who knew
from the beginning that Lee was, through the paucity
of his numbers, restricted to acting on the defensive,
had it in his power at any moment to give four-fifths
of his army an entire rest. Three was nothing to prevent
Grant's saying on the 1st of August, 'I shall
want great efforts from you on the 20th of this month;
rest and recruit yourselves until that day.' On the 
contrary, for one hundred and sixty days Lee's troops
have known no rest, either by night or day. We all
remember how the work in the trenches told upon our
officers and privates in the Crimea; it cannot be wondered
that a far more uninterrupted pressure for more 
than five months should have told fearfully upon the
poor Confederates, exposed to one of the fiercest summers
ever known in Virginia, scantily fed upon meat
—mostly salt meat—and bread, without vegetables,
with only occasional coffee, with no other stimulant,
and threatened ceaselessly by overwhelming numbers,
who have at their command all that a lavish profusion
of expenditure and the scientific experience of the 
whole civilized world can contribute. I cannot be
blind to the fact, as I meet officers and privates from
General Lee's army, that they are half worn out, and
that, though the spirit is the same as ever, they urgently
need rest."

WASHINGTON, NOV. 15, 1864
   Some six and thirty years ago, the eccentric John
Randolph made a speech in the House of Representatives,
complaining that a few negroes were in the habit
of meeting every night before the hotel in which 
he was domiciliated, to go through military evolutions
He regarded this as very dangerous, and he delivered
a fearful harangue on the evils which must attend
any martial demonstrations by negroes. But could
the bitter orator of Roanoke revisit the capital now,
he would see soldiers of dusky hue mingling with
other defenders of our Republic. And the resident
negroes here have sons, brothers and husbands on the
James and on the Mississippi rivers, periling their
lives for the old flag. A respectable portion of the 
Union armies are colored men, and they are destined
to play an important part in the coming campaign.
Adjutant General Thomas will leave again in a few
days for Kentucky, to there continue the organization
of these brave auxiliaries.

   FIFTY-FOURTH REGIMENT. Capt. W. W. Bridge,
commanding the regiment, forwards to the Adjutant
General's office the October return of the 54th (colored)
Regiment Mass. Volunters. The following
deaths are reported from disease: Benj. McGill, Co.
C, Oct. 15; Corporal Henry A. Field, Co. K, Sept, 5
—both at Morris Island. Surgeon Briggs, of the regiment,
has been appointed Recorder of the Medical
Examining Board for the district comprising Morris
and Folly Islands and vicinity.
   FIFITY-FIFTH REGIMENT. A letter from an officer
of the 55th (colored) Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers
states that "the regiment has been paid in full
up to Aug. 31. Over $60,000 were sent home by the
[?] through Adam's Express, besides sums sent by 
mail and through the Chaplain. The men behaved 
well—remarkably well in fact. Some money was
foolishly spent, of course, and gambling on a small
scale was tried, but speedily put a stop to. The sum
of $52 was confiscated on this account for the benefit
of the hospital." Charles Newton, Co. C, and Benj.
Gayther, Co. K, whose discharge papers had been
received, were unable to leave, and died in regimental
hospital.

A HANDSOME ENTERTAINMENT.
   HON. SAMUEL HOOPER and his friends were
invited, on Thursday evening last, by Hon. J. M. S.
Williams, to meet at his residence, on Dana Hill, to
congratulate each other upon Mr. Hooper's triumphant
re-election to Congress. At an early hour the
company began to assemble; each visitor paid his
respects to the host, was introduced to Mr. Hooper,
and invited to partake of the elegant hospitality for
which Mr. Williams is as much noted as for his
patriotism and benevolence. We cannot form an estimate
of the number of the guests on this occasion,
but the house was crowded for hours, the company
constantly coming and departing. The U. S. Senate
was represented by Hon. Charles Sumner, of
Massachusetts, and Hon. Daniel Clark, of New 
Hampshire; the U. S. House of Representatives by
Hon. George S. Boutwell and Hon. John D. Baldwin,
of Massachusetts. Senators and Representatives elect
to the State Legislature were also present, and members
of the City Governments of Cambridge Boston,
Charlestown, Chelsea, and Roxbury. The military
department was represented by Adj. Gen. Schouler,
Brig. Gen. Pierce, Brig. Gen. Tilton, Major Clark,
Provost Marshal, Capt. Howe, Provost Marshal, Capt.
E. E. Brigham, U. S. Quarter Master, Major E. P.
Gould, of the 59th Mass., Colonel Lounsbury, and
other. Ex-Gov. Washburn, the Sheriff of Suffolk,
the Sheriff and District Attorney of Middlesex, and
Hon. Gideon Haynes, were also present and great
numbers of clergymen and distinguished citizens.
The Boston press was represented by Edwin C.
Bailey, Esq., of the Herald, and Charles W. Slack, 
Esq., of the Commonwealth, and S. N. Stockwell, Esq.,
of the Journal.—Cambridge Chronicle.


from Liverpool of a steamer called the Laurel, with
about 100 men on board, many of whom had served
with Captain Semmes. It was also hinted that Captain
Semmes was himself on board. This news is
confirmed by a despatch received in Liverpool from
Madurs to the effect that the Laurel had been lying
in Funchal Bay previous to the 17th, and early on
the morning of that day she steamed out to sea, and
met a large screw steamer (understood to be the new
Alabama) on board of which were transferred the
crew of the Lauren and cargo, consisting of guns, ammunition,
&e. The crew steamer then made for the 
direction of Bermuda."

   SALEM LYCEUM. Theodore D. Weld, Esq., of 
Lexington, delivered a very able and forcible address
before the Salem Lyceum, on Wednesday evening,
upon John C. Calhoun, regarded as the embodiment
of the slaveholding spirit. Mr. Weld's purpose was 
to show the intellectual and moral results of slavery
upon the whites of highest culture in the South. It
was an extremely vigorous and eloquent address,
worthy of the fame of Mr. Weld as an orator and 
scholar.—Salem Observer.

   ADDRESS BY SPEAKER COLFAX. The course of
popular lectures before the Young Man's Union was
opened on Thursday evening, at Mechanic Hall, by
Hon. Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, Speaker of the lower
House of Congress. The desire to hear this distinguished
exponent of Republican principles drew a
large attendance. Many of our most prominent citizens
occupied chairs upon the platform. Although
Mr. Colfax was troubled by severe hoarseness, he delivered
his address with spirit and energy, and was
heard with great pleasure.—Salem Register.
   He delivered the same lecture in Boston, to great
acceptance.

   PAY OF NEGRO SOLDIERS. A circular from the 
Paymaster General's office says: "Where colored 
soldiers are mustered upon the rolls as free on the 19th
of April, 1861, such muster shall be authority for the
Pay Department to pay said soldiers from the time
of their entry into service to January 1, 1864, the 
difference between the pay received by them as soldiers
under their present enlistment and the full pay 
allowed by law at the same period to white soldiers
of like grade." The Secretary of War has also given
orders to the same effect, and the vexed question of
pay to negro soldiers is thus settled. Some of those 
in the Massachusetts 54th and 55th will receive considerable
amounts of back pay.

A YOUNG LADY BURNED TO DEATH. Last Thursday
night, a wedding took place in New York, which
was attended by numerous guests, and among them
Miss Frances Garr son of Paterson, N. J. Soon after
the ceremonies were concluded, this young lady retired
to her apartment, on the fourth floor. In striking 
a match, a portion of the phosphorus fell on her
light gauze dress, setting it on fire. In great excitement
she ran down four flights of stairs, and before 
assistance could reach her, she was enveloped in 
flames. She was burned so badly that she died from
the effects of her injuries on the following afternoon.

   The Charleston Mercury of Nov. 14 contains
a notice to slaveholders in nine judicial districts, comprising
the first division of the State, to deliver one-
half of their slaves, liable to highway duty, at the
railway depots nearest their respective residences, on
Tuesday, Nov. 29. the negroes are to be transported
to Charleston for thirty days' labor on the fortifications
   Ex-Gov. Hammond of South Carolina, died at his
plantation on the 13th.
   Richmond papers of the 18th state that Sherman
was at Jonesboro, Ga., evidently marching on
Macon.
   The Richmond Sentinel, which is the organ of Jeff.
Davis, implores the people of Georgia to take the
field, destroy all supplies for man or beast, burn bridges
and shoot all foraging parties.
   TORNADO IN ILLINOIS. At 2 o'clock, Thursday
morning, the 10th inst., a terrific tornado swept over
the town of Chester. Over a dozen houses were
blown down and completely demolished, burying the 
sleeping inmates in their ruins. Five persons were 
killed and twelve or fifteen wounded, several of them
seriously. A brick church was blown to atoms.
Several skiffs on the river were carried nearly the 
fourth of a mile up the bluff. The loss of property is
said to be $60,000.
   The total number of national banks organized
is five hundred and seventy-eight, with a capital
amounting to one hundred and eight million eight
hundred and one thousand on hundred and thirty dollars.
The National Bank notes issued during last
week were two million one hundred and forty-nine
thousand and eighty dollars, making the total amount 
issued sixty-four million five hundred and twenty-nine
thousand four hundred and seventy dollars.
   By order of Gen. Burbridge, five guerillas
were shot to death at Anderson, Ky., last Sunday, in
retaliation for the murder of Union men in that region.
Three of them were brothers named Horton,
and the two others were named Forrest and Fry.
   The War Department has decided that 
bounties of $100 for one year, $200 for two years,
and $300 for three years, must be paid to negroes as
well as whites enlisted under the last call, and also 
to representative recruits, without regard to color.
   THE POPULAR VOTE. It is believed from the returns,
that the popular vote this year, with the seceded
States omitted, will be as large nearly as the vote
of the entire Union in 1860. Mr. Lincoln will have a 
majority of about four hundred thousand equivalent 
to one-ninth of the entire vote. The same States in
1860 gave a majority against him of 138, 784.


to the Herald mentions the arrival on an escaped Union
prisoner from Andersonville, who confirms the statements
of rebel atrocities toward our prisoners.
   Eight Union officers arrived at Hilton Head
Monday last, having escaped from the rebels. They
confirm the worst of the previous accounts of inhuman
treatment.
   The Detroit Free Press estimates that fifty vessels,
with their cargoes, worth a million dollars, were
destroyed in the recent gale on Lake Erie.
   Mrs. Elizabeth D. Sedgwick, widow of the 
late Charles Sedgwick, who for many years has kept
a school for young ladies in Lenox, died a few days 
ago, much regretted by a large circle of friends.
   "Perley," the Washington correspondent of the
Boston Journal, under date of 21st inst., says:—
   "Fred. Douglass will lecture here on Thursday
evening, and will deliver a second lecture in Baltimore,
on which occasion a presentation is to be made
to Colonel Bowman, who has organized the negro
regiments in Maryland."
   The executor of the will of the late Stephen
A Douglas has paid to Mrs. Douglas over $7500, 
and to the two children over $7000—being proceeds
from the estate after paying all the debts.
   Fifteen years ago, a slave woman ran away 
from her master in Maryland, and came north to Hartford.
The other day an officer of a Connecticut regiment
brought home a contraband from New Orleans,
who, on seeing the woman, discovered her to be his
wife. They were re-married.

   MARRIED—In this city, 10 inst., by Rev. L. A.
Grimes, Mr. REUBEN RUBY to Mrs. ANN LITTLETON MAYO.

   DIED—At Point Lookout, Md., Nov. 5th, Sergeant
WILLIAM HENRY SKEENE, of the Massachusetts 5th Cavalry,
aged 31. Funeral services were conducted at the
Joy Street Church by thee Pastor, Rev. H. H. White, and
Rev. L. A. Grimes, on Sunday, thee 13th, from whence the
remains were conveyed to Cambridge Cemetery under military
escort of the Shaw Guards, (Capt. Lewis Gaul,) of
which company deceased was a member. The coffin was
draped with the American flag, the pall-bearers being
members of the 5th Cavalry and Massachusetts 54th and
55th Volunteer Regiments. Salutes were fired over the
grave. This was the first instance of a colored military
funeral in Massachusetts. N.

MR. GARRISON'S PORTRAIT.
THE Portrait of Mr. Garrison, the publication of 
which has been delayed in consequence of the severe
and protracted illness of the artist engaged in transferring
it to stone, is nearly ready, and will be furnished
to subscribers in the course of a few days. Orders may
be addressed to R. F. WALLCUT, Esq., Liberator office, or to
the Publisher. Price $1.50 per copy.
C. H. BRAINHARD, Publisher.
Nov. 25. tf

A FARM OF 1500 ACRES
FOR SALE.
THE St. Mary's Lake Farm, 3 1-2 miles North from the
city of Battle Creek, Calhoun county, Michigan, is
offered for sale. The proprietor wishing to retire, offers
this Farm for sale on reasonable terms as to price and
time of payments. The Farm consists of 1500 acres of as
rich agricultural land as can be found in the Northern
States; 1000 acres of which are improved in the best manner.
There are on this road thirty-seven miles of rail and
board fence, mostly new. St. Mary's Lake is one of the
most beautiful sheets of clear crystal water in the country,
and one the finest fishing lakes in the State. This
lake is in the centre of the farm, and is a mile and a quarter
long by one third of a mile wide. The surroundings
of this lake are unsurpassed for beauty of scenery. There
are some eight or ten beautiful sites for residences on
either side of the lake. No low marshy grounds connected
with the shore of the lake. There are about 400 acres of
timber, and 100 acres of the best marsh meadow land on
the west side of the farm. The buildings are, the large
Farm House, SS by 56 feet, elevated 50 feet above the
lake, commanding a view of a great portion of the farm
and of the lake; also, a large frame Boarding-House, and
seven frame Tenements; two large Barns, 153 by 70 feet
each, with stabling below for 130 head of cattle; also,
four other Barns, 50 by 40 feet; also, a Steam Circular
Saw Mill, 80 by 60 feet—said to be one of the best mills
in the State; an Orchard of 800 apple and 1200 of the
choicest peach trees, all in fine bearing order; 350 standard
pear trees, a large number of plums, cherries, quinces,
and a great quantity of grapes and small fruits, too numerous
to mention. Perhaps there is not a 1500 acre farm in
the Union better adapted to cattle and sheep-raising than
is this farm, every field of which has never-failing water.
The land is moderately rolling, and no outlay need ever
be made for manures. There is one of the most extensive
Brick-yards on this farm in the interior of the State.
A more beautiful residence cannot be found than is on this
farm. A gentleman having sons to settle around him
could arrange to make six or eight beautiful farms, each
having a large front on the lake, with a beautiful sandy
beach. Battle Creek City is one the best markets in
the State, and is 120 miles west and 162 miles east from
Chicago on the Great Michigan Central Railroad. No
situation is or can be more healthy. All the water on the
farm is clear as crystal, soft and excellent. This farm affords
a rare chance to one wishing to go into stock and
sheep raising; it is now seeded down to clover and timothy.
The farm, with all the stock, sheep, house utensils
and 250 tons of clover and timothy hay, is offered at the
greatest bargain.
  Letters of inquiry, addressed to me at Battle Creek, will
receive prompt replies. I refer to Henry C. Wright, 
Charles C. Burleigh and Parker Pillsbury, who have visited
the St. Mary's Lake Farm.
HENRY WILLIS.
Battle Creek, Nov. 18, 1864.

Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.