NAWSA SUBJECT FILE College Equal Suffrage League From the Woman's Journal, Apr. 25, 1914 The Founding of the First College League, by Maud Wood Park Radcliffe, '98 To the Association Opposed to the Extension of Suffrage to Women was due my first interest in the suffrage question. In my senior year at college that enterprising association sent a speaker - or rather a reader - to expound the anti-suffrage arguments at a college meeting which a number of my classmates attended. Though I was not present, the reports of the meeting convinced me that a debate on the subject was desirable and set me to seeking speakers pro and con. That there were persons interested in women's rights, I knew vaguely; and vaguely I felt that they were presumably rather queer and disagreeable. But their services were essential to our purpose, and so I set out to find one of them to uphold the suffrage end in our debate. Fortune favored me; I found Miss Alice Stone Blackwell. But I could [[strike-through]] find no one to speak against her, and so our debate resolved itself into a discussion of permanent importance. After that Miss Blackwell did not forget the Radcliffe women. She made known to us the existence of a suffrage association; and this association, after I left college, she persuaded me to join. More radical still, she persuaded me to go a convention. By this time I believed in the suffrage principles, but I had as yet met but few of the suffrage leaders, and so it was with a lively curiosity that I set out for that convention. My curiosity centered about Susan B. Anthony. I supposed that she was the person responsible for all the caricatures I had been laughing at, the source of many queer tales. My opinion was confirmed by a young man from Rochester, who told me that when the boys wanted some very emphatic ejaculation they used to say, "Susan B. Anthony!" Then I saw her, and I heard her speak, and in those meetings when one after another of the speakers referred to the [[strike-through]] early days and told about the struggles, the trials, the sacrifices, all the long, persistent efforts of that woman to get college education and industrial opportunities for the women of today, I came to realize what Miss Anthony's life had been. I came to realize what she and other women might have gained for themselves if they had chosen to spend for personal ends the power that had been given them. For I suppose that it is true [[strike-through]] that all through history individual women have been able, sometimes by cajolery, sometimes by personal charm, sometimes by force of character, to get for themselves privileges far greater than any that the most radical advocates of woman's rights have yet demanded. But in the case of Miss Anthony and the other early suffragists, all that force of character was turned not to individual ends, not to getting great things for themselves, but to getting little gains, step by step, for the service of the sex, and so of the whole human race. When I felt that clearly, I felt the obligation of service, not for the individual, but for the cause for which these women had sacrificed so much; and I promised myself that I would try to make more women see these things as I had seen them. So the summons to the first meeting of the College Equal Suffrage League was sent out from Washington, and the League was begun. In starting it Mrs. Inez Haynes Gillmore was as active as I. We secured fourteen members for our first meeting, and organized with a charter membership of twenty page 2. Many times has the League multiplied this membership, and I believe the increase will go steadily on. Its object is to bring the question of equal suffrage to college women, to help them realize their debt to the women who have worked so hard for us, and to make them understand that one of the ways to pay that debt is to fight the battle in the quarter of the field in which it is [[strike-through]] unwon; in short, to make them feel the obligation of opportunity. [*return to Mrs. Park. Quotation from Miss Lucy Salmon of Vassar has been inserted on last page.*] For Miss Comstock and Mrs. Vosburgh Except from minutes of Massachusetts [League] Woman Suffrage Association, March 2, 1900 and other dates Nov. 4, 1898 "The Superintendent of work in colleges reported that three Radcliffe Seniors (Maud Wood (Park) Inez Haynes (Irwin now) (and ? ) undertook to form a committee, and to have an address soon to which all the students should be invited, but so much interest was manifested that it was thought best to form a club instead. This action is more valuable because it was spontaneous." Mar. 2, 1900 "Mrs. Park, Superintendent of work among college women who had studied at least a year in college, while the president and first vice president must have a degree, all others to be 'associates'. A Radcliffe play was probably to be given this month to raise funds, for the purpose of holding meetings in colleges, and for offering a prize for a Suffrage essay." Mar. 2, 1900 "Miss Turner (Sec. of Assn) gave notice that Mrs. Park had called a meeting of college woman suffragists for Sat. P.M. to form a [club] college auxiliary to the Mass. Woman Suffrage Association." Jan. 5, 1900, (page 308) "Miss (Mary Ware) Allen .... also spoke of an incipient Suffrage Club at Radcliffe." Mar. 1, 1901. "Report by Mrs. (Inez Haynes) Gillmore that the College Equal Suffrage League has 139 members.) May 4, 1900. "Mrs. Park reported for the College Dramatic entertainment, at which they had made over $150." Nov. 2, 1900. "Mrs. Park spoke for the College Equal Suffrage League. They would probably have a general meeting next month, before the School Election. Some notices were being sent to colleges about the prizes. They are going to appeal to the college professional and business women of Boston. One non-resident member is going to vote for President in Colorado! She spoke of a [?] pamphlet "Objections answered by College Women", which is being got up, a graduate from six or seven colleges each writing an answer to one objection." (copy of this pamphlet is in file of Mrs. Park's papers.) Sara Cone Bryant, A. B. Boston Univ. Helen Leah Reed, A. B. Radcliffe Margaret Long, A. B. Smith Mary H. Rollins, A. B. Vassar Winifred Harper Cooley, A. B. Leland Stanford [?] Caroline Jewel Cook, B. A. Wellesley LL.B. '99, Boston Un. Alice Freeman Palmer, Ex-President Wellesley Speech - Maud Wood Park I have been asked, before introducing the speakers, to give a brief account of the history and purpose of the College Equal Suffrage League, the National Council of which has been formed today. The first organization of this kind was started in Massachusetts in 1900 by a few college women, most of whom had studied at Radcliffe. Their purpose as stated in the constitution was primarily to interest college women, both graduate and under-graduate, in equal suffrage. It was thought at that time that there was no interest in the suffrage cause among college women, and those of us who had to do with the League in its earliest stage felt very proud when we succeeded in getting twenty-five charter members. In the eight years since then, that number has been multiplied many times in the Massachusetts Branch alone; and there are now fourteen other state branches, besides organizations in many of the best known colleges to which women are admitted - Four years after the Massachusetts League was formed, the New York Branch was started under the leadership of Miss Caroline Lexow. A year later there began in Illinois a somewhat different form of the suffrage movement among college women, which brought about the formation of an association of under-graduates at Northwestern University. The earlier League in Massachusetts and New York had been made up of women no longer in college, but the association at Northwestern was composed chiefly of students. Within the last two years College Equal Suffrage Organization has gone on with amazing rapidity and enthusiasm all over the country. To the first two state branches of which I have already spoken, there have been added thirteen others, four in the East: Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and the District of Columbia, six in the Middle West: Illinois, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Iowa, and Wisconsin and three in the far West: Northern and Southern California and Washington. These are all Speech Maud Wood Park, page 2. organizations outside the college, but they hold in auxiliary membership a series of under-graduate organizations, or college chapters which also stretches from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and which includes Bryn Mawr and Wellesley among the separate colleges for women; Barnard among the so-called affiliated colleges; the University of Chicago and Leland Stanford among the endowed co-educational institutions; and Minnesota, Nebraska, Michigan and Wisconsin among the State Universities. Until today there has been no central association to unite the Branches; but in September a call was sent out by the six Atlantic Coast Leagues for a meeting of delegates from all the State Branches here at Buffalo, for the purpose of forming a central council. At the risk of seeming personal, I want to say a few words about the women who signed that call because their names are a guarantee of the dignity and earnestness of purpose of the National College Equal Suffrage League. For Pennsylvania the representative was Miss M. Carey Thomas, Ph.D. and LL.D. President of Bryn Mawr College; for Maryland, Miss Garrett of Baltimore, who in 1890 made it possible for the Johns Hopkins University to open its medical school to women students. She organized committees of women in a number of Eastern and Western cities which raised the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, to which Miss Garret herself added over three hundred thousand dollars, making a total gift of over four hundred thousand dollars to the Johns Hopkins University on condition that the Medical School should admit women on the same terms as men. For Massachusetts the call was signed by Miss Mary G. Woolley, Litt. D., President of Mt. Holyoke College; for New York, by Miss Caroline Lexow, A.B. Barnard; for Rhode Island, by Miss Florence Garvin, daughter of Ex-Governor Garvin of that state; and for the District of Columbia by Mrs. Herbert Parsons, Ph.D., who as Miss Elsie Clews was Special Lecturer on Sociology at Columbia. Speech, Maud Wood Park, page 3. resolutions which demanded for women equal rights with men in the holding of property, in education, in public speech, and in citizenship. In none of these directions, has the gain, largely the result of the agitation which was organized [?] at the Seneca Falls Convention, been more marked than in education. Those of us who have lived and studied in the midst of the opportunities of this generation can hardly realize the tremendous change in public opinion about the education of women wrought by the equal rights movement more than by any other cause. Secretary George H. Martin of the Massachusetts Board of Education says in his "History of Public Schools": "While the voters in town and district meeting were wrestling with the question whether girls should be taught at all and were grudgingly giving them a few crumbs from the boys' table; while the more ignorant were derisively asking whether the girls expected to carry pork to market, that they wanted to learn arithmetic; and while young women who aspired to be social leaders were trimming the rags of their ignorance with the passementerie of Turveydrop manners, some earnest souls had awakened to the conviction that girls might be more than drudges or dolls." Such earnest souls were the workers for equal rights and what they accomplished for the higher education of women can hardly be over estimated. In comparison with the date of the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848, the dates of the opening of the first colleges to women are significant. I take them from "The Bibliography of the Higher Education of Women", compiled by the Association of Collegiate Alumnae: Oberlin 1833, Antioch 1852, Kansas, 1864, Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Vassar 1865, Northwestern, Boston and California Universities in 1869, Michigan in 1870, Syracuse in 1871, Cornell and Wesleyan in 1872, Wellesley and Smith in 1875. With the sole exception of Oberlin, no one of these colleges was open to women before the organized movement for woman's suffrage; and Oberlin itself was not open until after the first woman's rights speakers Speech, Maud Wood Park, page 3. To the Council meeting this morning there came delegates from twelve of the fifteen State Branches; and these delegates have adopted a constitution, elected officers, and outlined a plan of work. The officers chosen are: President, Miss M. Carey Thomas of Bryn Mawr, Pa.; First Vice-President, Miss Sophonisba Breckenridge, of Chicago; Second Vice-President, Mrs. Maud Wood Park of Boston; Secretary, Miss Caroline Lexow of New York; and Treasurer, Dr. Margaret Long. It is an interesting fact that in the case of two of the officers devotion to public service seems to be a family characteristic, for Miss Lexow, our Secretary, is a daughter of Mr. Clarence Lexow, Chairmen of the famous Investigation Committee in New York, and Dr. Margaret Long is a daughter of Ex-Governor Long of Massachusetts, former Secretary of the Navy. The question has been asked of late why a separate Suffrage Organization of college women is needed. Why do they not enter the regular suffrage associations and work through them exclusively, The answer, I think, is two-fold. In the first place, we wish to work among college women, and an organization of college women can work among college women better than any other organization. Besides, there is no reason why members of the college associations shouldnot share in the older suffrage movement. On the contrary, there is a greater likelihood that the college women will be drawn into the regular work by having their interest first aroused in the college association. Moreover, the College Equal Suffrage League is auxiliary to the National American Woman Suffrage Association, the President of which is ex-officio a member of the Executive Committee of the College League. In the second place, college women by forming a separate organization can assume the distinctive badge of service which they, more than any other [other] women, should wear. Those who were present last evening heard the resolutions adopted at the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848, Speech, Maud Wood Park, page 4. had begun their public lectures. Within the first quarter century after the movement was organized women were admitted to the colleges that I have mentioned, and doubtless to others not included in the A.C.A. list. Such facts as these help us to understand the service which the leaders of the suffrage movement performed for college women. In the words of Professor Lucy Salmon of Vassar: "It has been a work positive rather than negative, active rather than passive, constructive rather than destructive, and thus it is coming to appeal to the judgment and the reason of the college woman".* It therefore seems fitting that college women as such should make public recognition of their debt. It was this idea of responsibility for benefits received that the first branch of the League was organized. The college women are they who have reaped in fullest measure the harvest of the past. Those of us who have joined this new association realize that the best way to pay our debt to the noble women who toiled and suffered, who bore ridicule, insult, and privation for us is in our turn to sow the seed of future opportunities. *Extract from an address delivered on the College Evening of the National American Woman Suffrage Association held in Baltimore, February 8, 1906. THE COLLEGE EQUAL SUFFRAGE LEAGUE Supplementary Notes. When the First College Equal Suffrage League was organized we who were the early members, with the cocksureness of inexperience, decided that we could work more effectively if our group was not affiliated with the Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association. Though I am sure Miss Blackwell was grieved by our superior attitude, she made no complaint and never failed to give us all possible help in carrying out our own plans. Sometimes our ideas led us into curious situations. One of these had to do with an early meeting to which we invited a large number of guests. The place was the spacious drawing-room of Mrs. Otto Cole, on the top floor of a building in Copley Square. Miss Leonora Schlesinger, a former Radcliffe student who was in charge of arrangements for the meeting, had been impressed, during the debate on woman suffrage in the Massachusetts House of Representatives the previous winter, by the speech of an elderly member whose Latin quotations and logical arguments seemed to indicate a better education than most of his colleagues had received. She therefore invited him to be the speaker on what seemed to us a very important occasion. After he was introduced we were horrified to find that he rambled on with a meaningless mixture of phrases from his speech in the House and a single sentence, repeated again and again, "As a matter of fact I'm frank to say, 'You must strike while the iron is hot'." Apparently that sentence was the theme of the talk which he had intended for us, but which, except for the single exhortation, had slipped from a mind befuddled by alcohol. - 2 When there could no longer be any doubt that he was more or less intoxicated, Miss Bryant, who was presiding, made obvious but unsuccessful efforts to stop him. To add to our discomfort, a mouse suddenly appeared on a portiere behind the speaker and then disappeared in the direction of the floor. The audience was commendably quiet until a woman discovered the mouse in her lap and screamed as she shook it off. After that most of us watched the floor with apprehension and wriggled frequently to safeguard our ankles. Meanwhile the speaker, propped up by his stick on one side and the table on the other, and seemingly unaware of any disturbance, continued to emulate Tennyson's brook. Even when Miss Bryant interrupted him to ask the audience to go to the dining-room he continued to address the departing backs until Mr. Cole and my own husband led him, almost by force, to the elevator, made him don his hat and coat, and then put him into a cab, after giving directions to the driver to take him to his own house. Next morning one of the leading newspapers came out with front-page headlines, "'Hickory, dickory dock, a mouse ran up the clock' and broke up the college women's suffrage meeting." We didn't enjoy the ridicule heaped on us in press accounts, but we were thankful that there was no review of the chief speech. Our most serious difficulty in those early years came after the publication of Miss Sumner's book, in which her effort to be completely impartial led her to make several quotations from Colorado opponents of woman suffrage. These statements supplied the anti-suffragists with material for innumerable speeches, though much of the book, including the final summary which the antis carefully refrained from quoting, was favorable to votes for women. 3 After the National College Equal Suffrage League was formed I spent two years in a trip around the world. On my return I found that several disputes had broken out in the National American Woman Suffrage Association, all of which were aired in the "fighting convention" of 1912. As my support was given to the side opposed by Miss Thomas, a personal altercation arose between her and me over my request to be transferred from the delegation of the Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association to that of the National College League; and from that time her former friendliness for me changed to bitter hostility, a fact which made me glad to have the National League disbanded. One of the first college "chapters" to be started was at Radcliffe. But not long after its charter was withdrawn by the college authorities, probably because of active opposition to woman suffrage on the part of Dean Irwin and Miss Mary Coes. As I look back on the work done by the college equal suffrage leagues I am inclined to think that, although they amounted to little as an active force, they brought to the movement a kind of intellectual prestige that was needed at the moment, somewhat as women of acknowledged social position in some of the big cities gave, a little later, a new and helpful impetus. In San Francisco the league that I started came to be a vital factor in the winning campaign for a state constitutional amendment. Maud Wood Park January 1943 Natl College E S League "HOMO SUM." Being a Letter to an Anti-Suffragist from an Anthropologist. Reprinted for circulation in the United States by the National College Equal Suffrage League with the kind permission of the author, Miss Jane Ellen Harrison, Hon. D. Litt. (Durham), Hon. LLD. (Aberdeen), Staff Lecturer and sometime Fellow of Newnham College, Cambridge; Corresponding Member of the German Archaeological Institute. Copies may be obtained from the Secretary of the National College Equal Suffrage League, 505 Fifth Avenue, New York City, for 10 cents, including postage. "HOMO SUM," BEING A LETTER TO AN ANTI-SUFFRAGIST FROM AN ANTHROPOLOGIST. DEAR ANTI-SUFFRAGIST, Will it induce you to read this letter if I tell you at the outset that the possession of a vote would grievously embarrass me? Personally, I have no more interest in or aptitude for politics than I have for plumbing. But, embarrassing though I should find the possession of a vote, I strongly feel that it is a gift which ought to be given, a gift which I must nerve myself to receive. May I also add that, had your Society been founded some ten or twenty years ago, I might very possibly have joined it. I cannot do so now, because my point of view has changed. How this change came about, I should like to explain a little later. For the present, will you, by way of apology for this letter, accept the fact that there is between us the deep-down sympathy of a conviction once shared? And further, by way of preface, may I say that I do not want to argue, probably because I find that in my own case disputation rarely, if ever, is an efficient instrument in my search after truth. What always interests and often helps me is to be told of any conviction seriously and strongly felt by another mind, especially if I can at the same time learn in detail the avenues by which that conviction has been approached. 3 This is why I venture on the egotism of recounting my own experiences. In my own case, the avenues of approach to what I believe to be truth have been circuitous and through regions apparently remote and subjects irrelevant. I have been investigating lately the origins of religion among primitive peoples, and this has led me to observe the customs of South Sea Islanders and North American Indians. In order to understand these customs, I have been further driven to acquire the elements of psychology and sociology. Without intentionally thinking about the suffrage question at all, while my thoughts have been consciously engaged with the multifarious topics, dimly at first, and strongly of late, the conviction has grown up in my mind that I ought to be a Suffragist. I can with perfect candour say that for weeks and even months I have tried to shirk the formulation of my own views and the expression of them to you, partly because I feared their expression might cause either boredom or irritation, still more because I wanted to do other things. But the subject, fermenting in my mind, has left me no peace, and irresistibly I have felt compelled to embark on this letter. Your position is, I think, what mine once was: that a woman is better without a vote. The possession and use of a vote---of political power---is somehow "unwomanly." With this position in one sense I still heartily agree, but I must add a hasty and perhaps unexpected corollary. Possession and use of a vote by a man is unmanly. This sounds absurd, because by "man" our language compels us to mean not only a male thing but 4 a human being; and of the word "woman" we cannot at present make the correlative statement. In this undoubted linguistic fact lies hidden a long, sad story, the secret indeed of the whole controversy. For the present, may I summarize my position thus? I share with you the feeling that a vote is unwomanly. I add to it the feeling that it is unmanly. What I mean is that, to my mind, a vote has nothing whatever to do with either sex qua sex; it has everything to do with the humanity shared in common by two sexes. May I illustrate this statement? We are apt to speak of certain virtues as "womanly," certain others as "manly." It is "womanly" to be meek, patient, tactful, modest. It is manly to be strong, brave, honourable. We make there, I think, an initial mistake, or, at least, over-statement, apt to damage the morality of both man and woman. To be meek, patient, tactful, modest, honourable, brave, is not to be either manly or womanly; it is to be humane, to have social virtue. To be womanly is one thing and one only; it is to be sensitive to man, to be highly endowed with the sex instinct; to be manly is to be sensitive to woman. About this sex-endowment other and more complex sentiments may tend to group themselves; but in the final resort, womanliness and manliness can have no other than this simple significance. When we exhort a woman to be "womanly," we urge her to emphasize her relation to the other sex, to enhance her sensitiveness, already, perhaps, over keen, to focus her attention on an element in life which nature has already made quite adequately prominent. We intend to urge her to be refined, we are in peril of inviting her to be coarse. 5 The moral and social danger of dividing the "humane" virtues into two groups, manly and womanly, is evident. Until quite recent years a boy was often brought up to feel that so long as he was strong, brave, and honourable, he might leave gentleness, patience, modesty to his sister. To her, so long as she was gentle, tactful, modest, much latitude was allowed in the matter of physical cowardice and petty moral shifts. Both were the losers by this artificial division of moral industry. The whole convention rested on a rather complex confusion of thought, which cannot here be completely unravelled. The virtues supposed to be womanly are in the main the virtues generated by subordinate social position. Such are gentleness and the inevitable "tact." They are the weapons of the weaker, physically or socially, of the man or the woman who dare not either strike out or speak out; they are virtues practised by the conquered, by the slave in rude societies, in politer states by the governess and the companion, but also by the private secretary and the tutor; they are virtues not specially characteristic of the average duchess. In a word they are the outcome not of sex but of status. The attempt, then, to confine man or woman within the limits of sex, to judge of right or wrong for them by a sex standard, is, I think, dangerous and disastrous to the individual, dangerous and disastrous to the society of which he or she is a unit. This is felt and acknowledged about man. We do not incessantly say to a man, "Be male, your manhood is in danger." Such counsel, we instinctively feel, would be, if not superfluous and impertinent, at least precarious. A man sanely and rightly refuses to have his activities secluded 6 into the accident of sex. We have learnt the lesson - and to this language bears unconscious witness - that "man" connotes and comprises "humanity." Dare we say as much of "woman"? The whole Woman's Movement is, to my mind, just the learning of that lesson. It is not an attempt to arrogate man's prerogative of manhood; it is not even an attempt to assert and emphasize woman's privilege of womanhood; it is simply the demand that in the life of woman, as in the life of man, space and liberty shall be found for a thing bigger than either manhood or womanhood - for humanity. On the banners of every suffrage society, one motto, and one only, should be blazoned: - Homo sum, humani nihil (ne suffragium quidem)* a me alienum puto. In the early phases of the woman's movement this point was, I think, to none of us quite clear. The beginnings of a movement are always dark and half unconscious, characterized rather by a blind unrest and sense of discomfort than by a clear vision of the means of relief. Woman had been told ad nauseam that she must be womanly, she was not unreasonably sick to death of it, stifled by unmitigated womanliness. By a not unnatural reaction, she sought relief in what seemed the easiest exit - in trying to be manly. She sought salvation in hard collars and billy-cock hats. Considering *To anyone who has patience to read this letter to the end it will, I hope, be sufficiently clear that I wish to emphasize rather the importance of the general movement for woman's emancipation than the particular question of the vote. The words of Terence chosen for my motto mark my attitude: "I am a human being, nothing that is human do I account alien." But that there may be no ambiguity I have allowed myself the addition of a parenthesis "not even a vote" - ne suffragium quidem. 7 the extravagance and inconvenience of the feminine dress of the day, small blame to her if she did. I am ashamed to remember now that a certain superficial ugliness in the first beginnings of the movement blinded me for a time to its essential soundness. It was at this date that, had your Anti-Suffrage Society existed, I might have joined it. The danger, never serious, of any tendency to "ape the man" is over and past. The most militant of Suffragists* never now aims at being masculine. Rather, by a swing of the pendulum we are back in an inverse form of the old initial error, the over-emphasis of sex. Woman, not man, now insists over-loudly on her own womanhood, and in this hubbub of man and woman the still small voice of humanity is apt to be unheard. This new emphasis of sex seems to me as ugly and certainly coarser than the old error. Still, we are bound to remember that perfect sanity can never fairly be demanded from those in bondage or in pain. The woman question seems, then, somehow to hinge on the balance between sex and humanity. Between the two there seems some sort of rivalry, some antinomy. But is this possible? Is there really any conflict, any dissonance? And it so, how may we hope for its resolution? The real issue of a problem is always best seen when its factors are so far as possible simplified. We may therefore be pardoned if for a moment we go back to consider conditions of life less complex than our own. * I cannot bring myself to use the ugly diminutive now current. [Page] 8 It was indeed in studying the psychology* of primitive man, in noting how primitive man faced the problems of sex and humanity, that what may be in part a solution of the difficulty occurred to me. That frail, complex, pathetic thing we call our humanity is built up, it would seem, out of some few primitive instincts which we share with other animals and with some plants. **Sex is one of these instincts, nutrition another, self-preservation a third. These three instincts all work together for the conservation of life in the individual. Each in itself gives satisfaction, and, a noticeable point, they do not normally clash. Each makes way for the other, no two acting simultaneously. Hunger appeased makes way for love, and love for hunger. Instincts on the whole tend to be recurrent rather than concurrent. If we had only these simple instincts to reckon with, if our humanity was based only on sex, self-preservation, nutrition, there would be, it seems, no "war in our members." But to these simple impulses, these life-functions as it were, man has added another, the gregarious, or, as sociologists pleasantly term it, the "herd" instinct.*** Why men and some other animals herd together -- * I should like here to acknowledge my debt to Mr. W. McDougall's Introduction to Social Psychology, a book which should be in the hands of every student of social phenomena. My psychology is almost wholly based on the work of Mr. McDougall and Dr. William James. It is, perhaps, unnecessary to add that for my views on the woman's question neither of these writers is in any way responsible. ** For brevity's sake I use the word sex as equivalent to what psychologists term for "instinct of reproduction"; the equivalence is valid for all but the lowest forms of animal life. *** See Mr. Trotter's very suggestive papers on "Herd Instinct" in the Sociological Review, 1908. [Page] 9 whether for warmth, for food, for mutual protection, or from some obscurer sympathetic impulse—is not very clearly known. But once the "herd" impulse is established, the "simple life" is, it would seem, at an end. Up to this point though individuality was but little developed, the life impulses of the unit were paramount; but, henceforth, the life impulses of each unit are controlled by a power from without as well as by instincts from within—controlled by the life impulses of other units, a power that acts contemporaneously with the inner instincts, and that is bound to control them, to inhibit for its own ends the individualistic impulses of hunger, of reproduction, even of self-preservation. With the "herd" instinct arises the conflict between our life-impulses and the life-impulses of others. Out of that conflict is developed our whole religion and morality, our sociology, our politics. Between "herd" instinct and the individual impulses, all, happily, is not conflict. The "herd" helps the individual to hunt and to get food, above all helps the weaker individual to survive. But, on the whole, what we notice most is inhibition. The history of civilization is the history of a long conflict between herd-socialism and individualistic impulse. What concerns us here is the effect of "herd" instinct on one, and only one, of these impulses, the sex instinct. Herd instinct tends to inhibit all individualistic impulse, but the conflict is, in the case of the impulse of sex, most marked, and, it would seem, most ineluctable. The herd aggregates, sex, more than any other instinct, segregates; the herd is social, sex anti-social. Some animals—e.g., birds— are gregarious until breeding time, and then they separate. 10 Had humanity had no sex, it would probably have been civilized ages ago, only there might have been no humanity to civilize. At this point you will, I am sure, exclaim—I am almost tempted to exclaim myself—"This is impossible, outrageous." What about the primal sanctities of marriage? What about "the voice that breathed o'er Eden"? Are not man and wife the primitive unit of civilization? From the primitive pair, you will urge, arises the family, from the family the tribe, from the tribe the state, from the state the nation, from the nation the federation, from the federation the brotherhood of all humanity. Alas, alas! To the roots of that fair Family Tree, whose leaves were for the healing of the nations, anthropology, sociology, and psychology have combined to lay the axe. Alas for Eden! Adam and Eve may have learnt there, though they appear to have forgotten, their Duty towards God, but of their Duty towards their Neighbour they necessarily knew less than a pack of hunting wolves. Society, in so far as it deals with sex, starts with the herd. Society is founded, not on the union of the sexes, but on what is a widely different thing, its prohibition, its limitation. The "herd" says to primitive man not "thou shalt marry," but, save under the strictest limitations for the common good, "thou shalt not marry." * Here again, a glance at primitive conditions may serve to illustrate my point Without entering on any vexed questions of origins, it is now accepted on all hands that in the social state known as Exogamy we *I use "marriage" throughout this paper to mean simply the union of man and woman irrespective of any forms of ceremonies that may attend it. 11 find one of the earliest instances of marriage, or, rather, anti-marriage law, of inhibition of the sex-impulse by the herd. Savages over a large portion of the glove are still found who form themselves into groups with totems, sacred animals or plants whose name they bear. Within these totem groups they agree not to marry— the Buffalo man may not marry a Buffalo girl; he may marry an Antelope girl. All Antelope women are his potential wives. All Buffalo girls are "tabu," are his "sisters," or his "mothers." Sex, if it is not, as some sociologists think, the origin of the pugnacious instinct in man, is at least often closely neighboured by it. By the institution of exogamy, by the tabu on the women of a man's own group, peace is in this respect secured—secured, be it noted, not through sex union, but by its limitation, its prohibition. All this, you will say, is curious and interesting; but really too primitive to be of any avail. We have shed these savage instincts. Pugnacity about sex is really out of date, as irrelevant to humanity as the horns that the buffalo exhibits in fighting for his mate. I am not so sure that pugnacity in relation to sex is really obsolete, since sex is still shadowed by its dark familiar, jealousy. But let that pass. The instinct of sex is anti-social, exclusive, not only owing to its pugnacity; it is, we have now to note, anti-social, exclusive, owing also to the intensity of its egotism. Once more I would not be misunderstood. Egotism, the self-regarding sentiment, is, like pugnacity, an element that has worked and does work for civilization. The self-regarding sentiment is indeed the very heart and kernel of our volition, and hence of our highest 12 moral efforts. Moreover, all passion, all strong emotion, intellectual passion excepted, is in a sense exclusive and egotistic; but of all passions sex-emotion is nowadays perhaps the most exclusive, the most egotistic. The reason of this is so far obscure that it must be considered a little in detail. As civilization advances, the primal instincts, though they remain the bases of character and the motive power of action, are in their cruder form habitually satisfied, and therefore not immediately and obviously operative. Among the well-to-do classes, it is rare to find anyone who has felt the stimulus of acute hunger, and unless he go out into the wilds to seek it, thanks to generations of good government and efficient police, a man may pass his whole life without experiencing the emotion of fear. But for the prompt and efficient satisfaction of the sex-impulse, society has made and can make no adequate provision. And this for a reason that demands special attention. It is very important that we should keep hold of the initial fact that at the back of sex lies a blind instinct for the continuance of the race, an instinct shared with plants and animals. This instinct is so bound up with our life, with our keenest and most complex emotions, that we are inclined to forget that there is an instinct at all, apt to forget not how low down but how deep down it lies. This instinct, it has been well observed, tends "in mankind to lend the immerse energy of its impulse to sentiments and complex impulses into which it enters, while its specific character remains submerged and unconscious."* This is not the case with hunger, nor yet, save to some slight degree, with fear. But, * See W. McDougall, Social Psychology, p. 82. 13 if it is important we should not lose sight of the basal instinct, it is still more important that we clearly recognize the complexity of the emotional system into which that basal instinct enters, because therein lies the complexity of the problem of relating the individual to the herd. So long as the need is simple and instinctive, its inherent egotism is not seriously anti-social; but when the simple instinct of sex develops into the complex sentiment of love, the impulse and its attendant egotism is, is less violent, far more extensive and all-pervading, far more difficult to content and to balance. When any wife will suffice for any husband, egotisms do not seriously clash; when two men are in love with one woman, we have tragic material. This egotism, this exclusiveness in sex-emotion is more easily observed in its acuter phases, and in these analytic days is noted by patient as well as spectator. Take the letter of the newly-engaged. Old style (frankly self-centered and self-projective); "We feel that all the world is the richer for our new-found joy." New style (introspective, altruistic): "We shall try not to be more selfish than we can help," The practical result is probably much the same; in the intensity of the new reinforcement of two lives united, all the outside world, once so interesting, becomes for a time a negligeable fringe; but the advance in the new intellectual outlook is marked. Personality we now recognize is not a thing that you can tie up in separate parcels, labelling each parcel with the name of the person to whom it is addressed. Any new strong emotion dyes and alters the whole personality, so that it never is and 14 never can be the same to anyone again. Analogy is usually misleading, but the closest and most instructive analogy to what happens is that of focus. You cannot have a strong emotional focus on two things at the same time. Of this natural and inevitable sex-egotism society is, of course, wisely tolerant. This man and woman will ultimately do society a supreme service, and for a time she accepts as inevitable that they should be, in common parlance, "no good." Society in masse has a good deal of common-sense, but in the more intimate clash of individual relations sentiment is apt to obscure clear vision, and the necessarily egotistic and exclusive character of sex-emotion* is sometimes overlooked. This oversight may be the source of much misunderstanding and even of obscure suffering. Sex, then like other strong instincts, is anti-social and individualistic. In its primal form it induces, perhaps more than any other instinct, pugnacity; in its later and more diffused form, as the emotion of love, it is exclusive through its intensity of focus. Now this intensity of focus, this egotism, is often confused with altruism, and is labelled "Devotion to another." Society, it will be urged, many suffer from the exclusiveness of sex, but is it not ennobled by the spectacle of utter self-devotion, the devotion of the lover to his mistress, of the wife to her husband. A Frenchman long ago defined love, with a truth that is not at all necessarily cynical, as Le grand egoisme a deux. * I apologize to all psychologists, and especially to Mr. McDougall, for a somewhat loose use (unavoidable in a popular discussion) of the terms instinct, emotion, sentiment. 15 No one who has gone through the experience of "falling in love" will deny that the definition is illuminating. One secret of the intense joy of loving and being loved is the immense reinforcement of one's own personality. Suddenly, to another you become what you have always been to yourself, the centre of the universe. You are more vividly conscious, more sure of yourself. Many motives move a man and a woman to marriage, but of these not the meanest is a healthy and hungry egotism. But surely, it will be urged, self-devotion cannot be akin to egotism. The self is "lost in another." "Hence the purifying, elevating nature of the flame of love, which burns up all the dross of selfishness," etc., etc. But does it? Can any honest man or woman say that he or she, with single-hearted devotion, desires solely the good of the beloved one? A man desires his wife's happiness. That happiness comes to her through another, not through him. Is he utterly content? What he really desires is not solely her happiness but that her happiness should be in him. Surely, though, there is such a thing as utter devotion, that asks no return. The spirit of "though he slay me yet will I trust him," a spirit of self-abasement rather than self-enhancement. There is, and it is what modern psychology calls "negative self-feeling."* Its recognition throws a flood of light on the supposed ennobling devotion of sex, and especially, perhaps, of sex in woman. *Mr. McDougall (Social Psychology, p. 62) says that "negative and positive self-feelings" were "first adequately recognized" by M. Ribot (Psychology of the Emotions, p. 240). 16 Egotism or self-feeling takes, we are now taught, two forms, positive and negative; the instinct for self-assertion, the instinct, sometimes equally strong, for self-abasement. With the first form we are all familiar. The second form, which is quite as real, and perhaps more poignant, has been, till lately, somewhat neglected. This instinct of self-abasement, of negative self-feeling, appears in animals. A young dog will crawl on his belly, with his head sunk and his tail drooping, to approach a larger, older dog. The instinct is not fear; it does not accompany flight. The dog approaches, he even wants to attract attention, but it is by deprecation. It is the very ecstasy of humility. This negative self-regarding sentiment, this instinct of subjection, enters into all intensely passionate relations. It is an ingredient alike of love and of religion, and accounts for many of the analogies between these two complex sentiments. There can, however, be little question that, though it is rarely, in moments of vehement emotion, wholly absent in either sex, it is more highly developed and more uniformly present in women. In the bed-rock of human -- or, rather, animal -- nature lies the sex-subjection of woman, not, be it clearly understood, because man is physically stronger, but because he is man and his form of sex self-feeling is dominant and positive; woman's is more usually submissive and negative. A superficial thinker may imagine that here I give my case away. "Ah! now at last we have the truth. Man is born to command, woman to obey. Woman is by nature unfitted to rule, and hence to vote. Back to the hearth and home." Not at all. Woman qua woman, 17 qua sex, is in subjection. What purpose that serves in the divine economy I do not know, but it seems to me a bed-rock fact, one that I have neither the power nor the wish to alter, one also, I think, that has not been clearly enough recognized. But woman qua human being, and ever qua weaker human being, is not in subjection. The argument from superior force is an obsolete as war-paint and woad. When a man first says to a woman, "I must insist that you . . . " he had better take care. He is in danger of toppling over from admiration or friendship into love. The woman, if she is attracted, yields, with a strange thrill. This is not because he is the stronger. The same evening her brother also "insists" that she shall not borrow his latch key. He is also stronger, but there is no corresponding thrill. My point is, I hope, clear. If woman were woman only "the sex," as she is sometimes called, she would wish, she would ask, for no vote, no share in dominion. A claim based on sex is, to my mind, doomed to failure, and this is not because man is physically or even mentally stronger, but because qua man he is dominant, he has more positive self-feeling. The consciousness of this haunts, I believe obscurely, the inward mind of many, both men and women, who object to "women's rights"; they shrink from formulating this consciousness, and confuse it with the argument from superior strength. It is better, I think, that, if true, it be plainly faced and stated. To my mind, one of the most difficult problems that men and women have to work out together is how to reconcile this subjection of sex with that equality and comradeship which is the true and only based of ever married friendship. 18 Our analysis of egotism into positive and negative has important bearings on the subject of "devotion" and its supposed "hallowing" influences. Sex-devotion is not altruism. This truth women, perhaps, more than men, need to lay to heart. I do not think women can fairly be blamed for their confusion of thought in this matter, because the sanctity of devotion has been so constantly impressed upon them. Their charity is always to begin, and often end, at home. What purpose in evolution this tendency to self-devotion in women serves, remains, as before said, obscure. It is the cause of intense rapture to women, and, so far, is a good. It occurs in strong natures as much, and perhaps more, than in weak. When unduly fostered, and when not balanced by sympathy and comradeship, and by a wide intellectual and social outlook, it acts in married life as an obscure canker, peculiarly irritating and poisonous, because masquerading as a virtue. The egotism of self-assertion atrophies life by over-focus, but the egotism of self-abasement adds to this morbid over-focus a slackening and enfeebling of the whole personality, which defeats its own end and repels where it would attract. The important thing is to clear the air and see plainly that this sex-devotion, this egotism of self-abasement, is not altruism. It causes none of the healthy reactions of altruism, none of that bracing and expanding and uplifting of the spirit that mysteriously comes of "giving ourselves to something other and greater than ourselves." But, it may again be urged, granted that sex leads to egotism, yet because it is intimately bound up with 19 the parental instinct, it does also lead to altruism. Bound up with, associated, yes, but of its essence, no. People do not marry that they may indulge the altruism of bringing up their children. Races exist who are not even aware that marriage has any connection with the birth of children, and to whom therefore the prospect can lend no altruistic impulse. Parental, or, rather, material instinct is one, and perhaps the greatest source of "tender" altruistic emotion, of that disinterested love for and desire to protect the helpless which is the least egotistical and perhaps the loveliest of human sentiments. But the maternal instinct in the main is a thing healthy indeed and happy, but nowise specially holy. It is an extended egotism. Our ego, we are nowadays taught, is not limited by our own personality. It extends to wife and husband, to children and relations, to our clothes and possessions, to our clubs and associations. The extended ego, like the personal ego, is apt to be at war with herd-altruism. Love of my own children does not necessarily lead to love of yours. A woman will often shamelessly indulge about her children an egotism that she would blush to exhibit for herself. Strange though it may seem, the most altruistic members of society, the best citizens, are not invariably those with the largest families. Here, again, we are bound to remember that a large tolerance should be extended by society to the egotism of parents. It is from parents that society draws the raw material of which society is made. Before leaving the question of sex-egotism and sex-exclusiveness, may I guard against any possible exaggeration 20 or misunderstanding? The instinct of sex, by its association with pugnacity, and by the intensity of its mutual egotism, is, we are obliged to admit, to an extend beyond that of the other instincts, exclusive and anti-social. Under the influence of sex and the intensified self-assertion it brings with it, a man will demand that society should be a sympathetic spectator; here comes in his positive self-feeling; he will be sensitive and alert to resent any shadow of criticism as to his choice, but share his emotion he cannot. Most highly civilized human beings have moments when, if they look facts in the face, they feel that under the influence of passion they fall, somehow, a little below themselves, just because of this intense egotism, this inexorable inability to share. The social conscience is sensitive nowadays. Our very religion has come to be not a matter of personal salvation, but rather the sense of sharing a life greater than our own and somehow common to us all. And yet, all said and done, a man or woman is generally (not always) the better and the bigger for passing through the experience of le grand egoisme a deux. Because of the frailty of our mortal nature he can have this experience only towards one human being at a time, and that one must be of the opposite sex. But through that one, "Earth's crammed full of Heaven And every common bush ablaze with God." To almost every mortal it is granted once in his life to go up into the Mount of Transfiguration. He comes down with his face shining, and of the things he saw on the Mount he may not speak. But through that revelation 21 he is suddenly humbled before all the rest of the world whom he cannot thus utterly love. To resume: Sex, we have found, is a splendid and vital instinct with a singular power of inter-penetrating and reinforcing other energies. But it is an instinct that has for its attendant characteristics, among primitive peoples, pugnacity, in later civilization, intense egotism. Always and everywhere it tends to be exclusive and individualistic. This exclusiveness of sex seems permanently and inexorably imposed by ineluctable nature. Now, if the object of life were the reproduction, the handing on of life, we should say, and rightly say, to woman: "Be womanly: be wife and mother." And we should say to man: "Be manly: be husband and father." So best would our purpose be served. But the problem before us is more difficult, more complex. We want to live life, and human life, for woman as for man, is lived to the full only in and through the "herd," is social. We want, in a word, for the sake of this fulness of life, to co-ordinate our individualistic instincts, of which sex seems to be the strongest and most exclusive, with our altruistic, herd instincts. The old view, while we were yet untroubled by ethnology, sociology, and psychology, was that life is a sort of Sunday-school, which we entered at birth to fit us for a future life. It had rules we were bound to obey, virtues and vices to be acquired and shunned, praise and, above all, blame, to be duly apportioned. Alas! for the Sunday-school and its virtues; it has gone the way of the Garden of Eden. We may well nowadays sometimes sign for their lost simplicity. The life we know 22 now is more like a great maelstrom of forces out of which man, in tardy self-consciousness, just uprears his head. And the maelstrom is not only of mechanical forces, which he might compute and balance, and which by counterpoise negate each other, but of vital spiritual and mental forces, which grow by counterpoise and whose infinite intricacy baffles computation. Not the least difficult, and certainly among the most intricate and complex of the problems before us, is the due counterpoise of sex and humanity. The problem is not likely to grow simpler. Sex shows no signs of a tendency to atrophy. In view of evolutionary laws, how should it? It is by and through sex that the fittest survive. On the while, it is those least highly dowered with sex who remain unmarried and die out. It is true, however, that, though the sex-impulse does not atrophy, it becomes milder and less purely instinctive by being blended with other impulses. From a blind reproductive force it becomes a complex sentiment. Therein, in the diffusion and softening of the impulse lies the real hope, but therein lies the complexity of the problem. It is interesting, and may be, I think, instructive, to note a very early and widespread attempt at solution made, and still being made, by primitive man, an attempt in some respects curiously analogous* to the efforts to-day of beings more highly civilized. * I should like to state distinctly that the ethnological observations introduced from time to time are to be regarded not as arguments supporting my thesis but merely as illustrations. The desirability of the emancipation of women is no wise bound up with their acceptance, and should they be discredited to-morrow or otherwise interpreted it would remain untouched. The story of primitive custom has, however, helped me to my present point of view, and may, I hope, help others. 23 Over the greater part of the world, from the South Pacific Islands, through Australia, Melanesia, Polynesia, Africa, and America, an institution has been observed common to nearly all savage tribes called the "Man's House." The savage, instead of living a simple domestic life with wife and child, lives a double life. He has a domestic home and a social home. In the domestic home are his wife and family; in the Man's House is passed all his social, civilized life. To the Man's House he goes when he attains maturity. It is his public school, his university, his club, his public-house. Even after marriage, it is in the Man's House he mainly lives. For a woman to enter the Man's House is usually taboo; the penalty is often death. Oddest of all to our minds, the Man's House is not only his social home but also his church. A woman among savages must not go to the Man's Church. To join in the mysteries of the Man's Church, or even sometimes to behold them from a distance, is to a woman death. At the sound of the church-bell, the sacred Bull-roarer, woman must flee, or fall flat with her face to the ground. The home is to us the place of hospitality for strangers. Not so for primitive man. The entertainment of strangers, all contact with and news from the outside world, is reserved for the Man's House. There, too, he discusses the affairs of the tribe, there holds his parliament, in a word, a Man's House is "the House" and has all its "inviolable sanctity." From religion, from politics, from social life, from contact with the outside world, woman is rigidly secluded. She is segregated within her sex. She is invited to be "womanly." From these undoubted and world-wide facts the 24 learned German,* who has contributed so much to our knowledge of them, draws a conclusion singularly Germane. The province of woman, he urges, always has been, always must be, that of natural ties, of sex and of the blood relationships that spring from sex. Her emotional sphere is that of the family. Man, on the other hand, is by nature apt for society. He is naturally drawn to artificial associations made not under the compulsion of sex, but by free choice, through sympathy, equality of age, similarity of temperament. Woman is the eternal guardian and champion of the union of the sexes. She sets her face always against comradeship, against the free association of equals, which leads to advanced social complexes, to clubs, brotherhoods, artificial societies of every sort. In fact, broadly speaking, woman is of the individualistic instincts; man is of the herd sentiments. Ethnologically speaking, woman is of the family; man of the Man's House. This mutatis mutandis is the position occupied by many at the present day. But, be it observed, this position must not be based on arguments drawn from primitive sociology. Our learned German, had he read to the end of his own book must have seen the refutation of his own theory. The Institution of the Man's House almost invariably breaks down. The doors, once so rigidly closed to all but the initiated man, open inch by inch. Gradually the Man's House alters in character, becomes more religious, the centre of a Secret Society to which woman begs or buys admission; it ends as a mere sanctuary or temple, or as a club-house whose * Heinrich Schurtz, Altersklassen and Mannerbunde, 1902, and for English readers see Hutton Webster Primitive Secret Societies, 1908. 25 taboos are less and less stringent, and whose last survivals are still precariously entrenched in the precincts of Pall Mall. The institution of the Man's House was unquestionably an advance in civilization; but what is good for a time is not therefore good for all time. The full reasons for its breakdown are too complex for discussion here, but one cause of inadequacy is clear. Good and useful though the Man's House was for man, it left out half of humanity, woman. It civilized man by releasing him from sex, or, rather, by balancing his sex instincts which gather round his home with her "herd" instincts, his comradeship which centred round the Man's House. But the solution was crude, and by segregation. Release was sought, as too often to-day, not by a wise asceticism, but by the banishment of temptation, by the seclusion of women within their sex. It is as noticeable to-day as then that the less self-restraint a man is prepared to exercise, the more rigorously will he insist that woman shall be secluded. It is only the man who has his passions well to heel who is prepared to grant liberty to woman. Man had, and, in part, still has yet to learn that one half of humanity cannot be fully humanized without the other. We are now at the second chapter in the history of the relation of the sexes. Woman, as well as man, is asking to be civilized, woman, who bore man, and who will bear his children. In woman, too, is this tremendous sex-impulse, that may devastate, and that should fertilize. Is woman to live life to the full, or is her function only to hand on life? If she is to live it to the 26 full, there is for her as for him only one solution. Sex must be not ignored or atrophied, still less must it, by a sort of mental jugglery, be at one and the same moment ignored and over-emphasized. Woman cannot be moralized through sex, because sex is a non-moral, that is a non-social instinct. But, for woman as for man, non-moral sex, the greatest of life forces, can be balanced, blended with other and humane sentiments. Man, because he is physically stronger, has got a little ahead in civilization. Women, not because he is stronger, but merely qua sex impulse, is at present subject to him. It is for him, surely, to hand on to her the gospel that has been his salvation, to teach her the words: "Homo sum, humani nihil a me alieunum puto." If sex, then, is egotistic, exclusive, if it needs balance by a broader humanity, what are the chief non-egotistic humanizing tendencies? What master passions can we oppose to the individualism, the exclusiveness, the pugnacity, the egotism of sex? The answer is clear. We have two great forces at our disposal, the desire for knowledge,* or, as psychologists call it, the "instinct of curiosity," and pure altruism, the desire to use our strength and our knowledge for the welfare of the herd, and specially its weaker members. Now, it is the emergence of these two desires which have marked the two stages of the Woman's Movement, I mean the demand for higher education, the demand for political freedom. *As Professor Gilbert Murray has said: "The love of knowledge must be a disinterested love; and those who are fortunate enough to possess it, just in proportion to the strength and width of their love enter into a great kingdom where the strain of disturbing passions grows quiet and even the prosecuting whisper of egotism dies at last almost completely away." 27 At this point I must make a somewhat shameful confession. For long, very long, I was half-hearted as to the Woman's Movement. I desired higher education, freedom to know, but not, as I explained before, the vote, not freedom to act and control. The reason was mainly pure selfishness, and, for this is always at the back of selfishness, a sluggish imagination. I myself intensely desired freedom to learn; I felt it to be the birthright of every human being. The thing was self-evident to me, I did not care to argue about it; it was a faith held with a passionate intensity beyond any reasoned conviction. Man had always most generously held out to me the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge; I not unnaturally placed him on a pedestal, and did homage to him as my Sacred Serpent. But as to the vote, politics seems to me, personally, heavy and sometimes rather dirty work, and I had always, on principle, preferred that a man-servant should bring in the coals. I am not ashamed of my lack of interest in politics. That deficiency still remains and must lie where it has always lain, on the knees of the gods. But that I failed to sympathize with a need I did not feel, of that I am truly ashamed. From that inertia and stupidity I was roused by the Militant Suffragists. I read of delicate and fastidious women who faced the intimate disgusts of prison life because they and their sister-woman wanted a vote. Something caught me in the throat. I felt that they were feeling, and then, because I felt, I began to understand. To feel keenly is often, if not always, an amazing intellectual revelation. You have been wandering in that disused rabbit-warren of other people's opinions and 28 prejudices which you call your mind, and suddenly you are out in the light. If this letter should meet the eye of any Militant Suffragist (pugnacity, may I say, is not my favourite virtue, though my sympathies are always apt to go more with the church militant than the church triumphant), I should like, though I do not fight in her camp, to thank her from my heart for doing me a signal service, for making me feel, and thereby teaching me to understand. An eminent novelist has recently told us that women are to have higher education, but not political power, not the Parliamentary vote. Women are "unfit to govern." An eminent statesman has only yesterday told us that women may have university training, they may even look for that priceless boon, that crown of intellectual effort, the degree of Bachelor of Arts; they may have knowledge, and the label that guarantees them as knowing, but membership of the university, power to govern, power to shape the teachings by which they have profited, No. Have Mrs. Humphrey Ward and Lord Curzon, in their busy and beneficent lives, found time to read M. Henri Bergson's "L'Evolution Creatrice"? Long ago Socrates told us that we only know in order that we may act. M. Bergson has shown us how this is, and why. Intellect, as contrasted with instinct, is the tool-maker, is essentially practical, always ultimately intent on action. To a few of us, and we are happy, if sometimes lonely, knowledge, which began with practical intent, becomes an end in itself, an object for rapturous contemplation. But to most human beings, and these are 29 the best of our citizens, knowledge is the outcome of desire, and is always forging on towards action, action which necessarily takes shape as increased dominion over the world of nature and humanity. You can, it is true, shovel ready-made information into the human mind, without seriously affecting life and character. But the awakening of the desire to know is primarily nothing but the awakening of the intention to act, to act more efficiently and to shape the world more completely to our will. Mrs. Humphrey Ward and Lord Curzon are half-a-century too late. They may entrench themselves on their castle of sand, but the tide has turned, and the sea is upon them. When women first felt the insistent need to know, behind it, from the beginning, unconscious though they were, was for most of them the more imperative impulse to act. Woman qua women remain, for the better continuance of life, subject to men. Women as human beings demand to live as well as to continue life. To live effectively they must learn to know the world through and through, in order that, side by side with men, they may fashion life to their common good. I am, dear Anti-Suffragists, Sincerely yours, AN ANTHROPOLOGIST 30 NATIONAL COLLEGE EQUAL SUFFRAGE LEAGUE AUXILIARY TO THE NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION REQUESTS FOR INFORMATION AND SUFFRAGE LITERATURE MAY BE ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY, 505 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK CITY TELEPHONE, MURRAY HILL 4990 OFFICERS President Miss M. Carey Thomas President of Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania Vice-Presidents Rev. Anna Howard Shaw President of National American Woman Suffrage Association Dean Sophonisba P. Breckinridge Dean in the University of Chicago Miss Frances W. McLean 1829 Bancroft Way, Berkeley, California Mrs. Maud Wood Park 585 Boylston Street, Boston, Massachusetts Professor Lucy M. Salmon Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, New York President Mary E. Woolley President of Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Massachusetts Secretary Miss Martha Gruening 505 Fifth Avenue, New York City Treasurer Miss Mary E. Garrett 101 West Monument Street, Baltimore. Maryland STANDING COMMITTEES ORGANISATION: Chairman, Mrs. Maud Wood Park 585 Boylston Street, Boston, Massachusetts MEMBERSHIP: Chairman, Dean Marion Reilly Dean of Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania FINANCE: Chairman, Mrs. Herbert Parsons 1229 Nineteenth Street, Washington. D.C. LECTURES: (East) Chairman, Mrs. Susan Walker Fitz Gerald 184 Boylston Street, Boston, Massachusetts (Middle West) Chairman, Professor Anna Roberta Van Meter Professor in the University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois (Pacific Coast) Chairman, Mrs. Alexander F. Morrison 2022 California Street, San Francisco, California (South) Chairman, Mrs. Warren Newcomb Boyd 194 Washington Street. Atlanta, Georgia PUBLICATION: Chairman, President M. Carey Thomas Study the Map! Shall Rhode Island Remain Black? ? Votes for Women a Success White States-Full Suffrage Shaded States- Partial Suffrage Black States- No Suffrage Imitation is the Sincerest Flattery Suffrage Granted 1869 Wyoming 1893 Colorado Bounds Wyoming on south 1893 Utah Bounds Wyoming and Colorado 1896 Idaho Bounds Wyoming and Utah Suffrage Granted 1910 Washington Bounds Idaho on west 1911 California 1912 Oregon Bounds California on south 1912 Arizona Bounds California on east Suffrage Granted 1912 Kansas Bounds Colorado on east 1913 Alaska 1913 Illinois Starts new cycle [*1914 Nevada. 1914 Nebraska*] Would any of these States have adopted Equal Suffrage if it had been a failure just across the border? Shall Rhode Island Remain Black? Four million women now vote for presidential elections in ten states and in Alaska territory. Legislatures of many other states are soon to submit to their voters the question of presidential equal suffrage. The Legislature of Rhode Island has full power to grant presidential suffrage to its women this year, since the United States Constitution, the supreme law of the land, states that the presidential electors from each State must be appointed in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct. The National Grange has indorsed Woman Suffrage. The American Federation of Labor has indorsed Woman Suffrage. The National Womens' Trade Union has indorsed Woman Suffrage. Editorials from the current press state: "Women's rights to full citizenship have now been sufficiently conceded to arouse their full recognition and enactment throughout the United States. If for no other reason, political necessity will compel every State in the Union to follow Illinois in legislating votes to women. The balance of power in the national convention of every party has been disturbed by the act of the first of the great States to make women presidential electors. The number of votes and not the census of population will surely determine the number of delegates to which each state is entitled in the national conventions. Illinois has added 1,500,000 citizens who are eligible to vote by enfranchising all its women. If New York continues to restrict its suffrage to men, the man and woman voters of Illinois will send enough representatives to their party conventions to outvote the Empire State." The Rhode Island Legislature can double its importance in the electoral college by giving its women presidential suffrage. "By doing so, it would place Rhode Island in the very forefront of the New England States. Ten States of the Union have given women the vote already, and year by year the number grows. Even the opponents admit that equal suffrage is surely coming: it is only a question of time. Rhode Island was a leader in granting religious liberty. It would be most appropriate that she should lead New England also in Granting Political Liberty to Women." Compliments of The Rhode Island College Equal Suffrage League College Equal Suffrage League of Boston Boston, January 28, 1919 To the Members of the College Equal Suffrage League: You will be interested to know something of the writing room in the Suffrage Coffee House at Ayer which you furnished so promptly and so generously in response to our appeal. The writing-room was a great success. The boys loved it. The good taste appealed to them and the comfort gave them a cordial feeling for college women and for suffragists; two quite worthwhile results if we reflect that those boys are going home to influence community sentiment on college education for women and on woman's suffrage. If you could have heard their college yell, "Are we for suffrage? Yes, we ARE!" you would be sure of the worthwhileness. ANOTHER APPEAL The United Canteen is still carrying on its work at Trinity Place, and the College Equal Suffrage League wants money for its Saturday work. The boys are pitifully in need of friendly care. In some cases influenza has wiped out whole families so that a returned soldier finds himself desolate indeed. They all need a little cheering and a little mothering. If you can't do it yourself let your dollar do it! This is a Dollar Drive. We want a dollar from every member. Speed up, and send it to MISS ETHEL L. THAYER, 463 Blue Hill Ave., Roxbury. I might have sent you neckties I might have sent you socks I might have bought suspenders Or handkerchiefs by the box. Humidors tempted purchase All porcelain-lined within [[?]] [and] pouches lured me And many a gay scarf pin. But No! Italian briar wood The "coolest smoke for men" Commanded all attention I would I could send you ten! So I purchased one in a hurry--- This wonder-pipe of wood. So have and beautifully mature,--- Here's to a smoke that's good! The College Equal Suffrage League of Massachusetts REPORT FOR 1906--1907 REPORT. There have been two meetings of the League during the year 1906-7. At the Fall meeting, held at No. 6 Marlborough Street, on December 5, 1906, Miss MacFeaters of the Hat Trimmers' Union, and Miss Withington of the Executive Board of the Woman's Trade Union League, talked on the question : "Does the Wage earning Woman Need the Ballot?" Resolutions for the establishment of a life membership fund, to be known as the Lucy Stone Memorial Fund, were adopted at this time. The second and annual meeting, in the form of a roof-garden party, was held at the house of Mrs. Otto B. Cole, 551 Boylston Street, on Friday evening, May 24, 1907, when the following members read selections from their own writings -- Mrs. R. H. Gillmore (Radcliffe), Miss Alice Stone Blackwell (Boston University), Miss Sara Cone Bryant (Boston University), Miss Edith Mendall Taylor (Radcliffe), and Miss Maud Hartwell (Smith). Officers for the year 1906-7 were elected as follows : President : Miss Rosa Heinzen, Radcliffe. 1st Vice-President : Miss Eva Channing, Boston University. 2d Vice-President : Miss Frederica Cliff, Radcliffe. Secretary : Mrs. Bryan S. Permar, Wellesley. Treasurer : Dr. Margaret Long, Smith and John Hopkins. The Treasurer's report for the year just ended, shows a balance on hand of $229.42, besides the note of the New York Suffrage League for the loan of $50 used in defraying the expenses of Miss Sumner in her investigation of the woman question in Colorado. During the year, various committees have, as usual, carried on the work of the League. The most important of these has been the special work for the establishment of the Lucy Stone Memorial Fund, the object of which is, not only a definite recognition of the gratitude of collegiate and professional women to Lucy Stone and the other early suffragists, but also the promotion of suffrage sentiment among collegiate women. For this purpose the income of the Fund, after the auxiliary dues of the life members shall have been paid to the National American Woman Suffrage Association, is to be devoted to one of the following three objects : I. The organization of chapters of the College Equal Suffrage League in colleges admitting women. II. The publication of suffrage articles for circulation among college women, if possible, through college publications. III. The expenses of a lecturer on equal suffrage in colleges admitting women. Appeals for contribution have been made to collegiate and professional women from the Atlantic to the Pacific coast. Over two hundred responses have been received. In almost all instances the contributions have been in ten dollar life membership fees, or in smaller amounts. The Fund at the present writing stands at $1208.50, with 54 life members and 32 contributors. Cash paid in . . . . . . . . $785 50 Pledges . . . . . . . . . 223.00 Note of the N.Y. League laid aside for the Lucy Stone Fund at the annual meeting . . . 50.00 Appropriation from our own treasury at the annual meeting . . . . . . . . 150.00 $1208.50 Total . . . . . . . . . $1208.50 It is hoped that the rest of the $2,000 desired will soon be raised, in order that the Fund may be put to use. Miss Mabel Willard (Wellesley) as Chairman, assisted by Miss Channing (Boston University), and Miss Power (Boston University), has worked constantly and vigorously for the success of this project. It was decided not to give the usual amateur theatricals this year, but in their place, if possible, to have the marionettes of the Italian theatre brought up to Huntington Chambers, for an evening's performance, the proceeds to be turned over to the Lucy Stone Fund. Satisfactory arrangements, however, could not be effected. The plan was, therefore, abandoned, and all efforts were turned towards raising the Fund through contributions and life memberships. Mrs. Charles Park (Radcliffe) was Chairman of this Committee. The Membership Committee has made a most gratifying report of increase in our numbers. Forty-three new names have been added to our membership, making a total of 288 enrolled. Of the Seven resignations received, two have transferred their membership to the New York branch ; two have been dropped for non-payment of dues ; and one has been lost through death. Miss Marie Molineux (Boston University) has had charge of this Committee. Mrs. Charles Park's appointment by the Boston Equal Suffrage Association for Good Government, as Secretary of the Special Committee on Equal Suffrage Lectures for College Students, has afforded unusual opportunities towards the organi- zation of new Suffrage Leagues in many of the western and southern colleges for women. In November, at the request of the Illinois Woman Suffrage Association, Mrs. Park made ten addresses at various Illinois colleges. At one of these colleges, Northwestern, a small Suffrage League had been formed the previous Spring. At three other place -- the University of Chicago, Eureka, and Lombard -- organizations have been formed recently in consequences of the meetings. At Normal and Wesleyan Colleges organizations are promised. Again, in January, Mrs. Park spoke in the chapel of the Woman's College of Brown University, Providence, R. I., as a result of which preliminary steps have been taken to form a College Equal Suffrage League which is to be made up chiefly of alumnae, thus falling into line with our own League and that of New York, rather than with those of Illinois. An address was also made later in the year before the History Club of Radcliffe. In May, addresses were made by Mrs. Park at Swarthmore and Bryn Mawr Colleges, before the Washington Branch of the Association of Collegiate Alumnae, at the Acorn Club, Philadelphia, and the Country Club of Baltimore. As a result, many students at both Bryn Mawr and Swarthmore expressed enthusiastic willingness to join a Suffrage League, and details of organization were placed in the hands of special committees. The formation of Washington and Pennsylvania branches of the College Equal Suffrage League were also promised. and committees for further organizations appointed. Also in the hope of arousing interest in the question of Equal Suffrage, the College Meeting's Committee, Miss Rosa Heinzen (Radcliffe) Chairman, issued last June to all graduates of our Massachusetts colleges for women for the year 1906, Miss Jane Adams' pamphlet on Suffrage, together with a copy of arguments for Suffrage, and the leaflets, describing our work, with membership blank attached. The hearty co-operation of every member of the League will be greatly appreciated in carrying on the work of the League, especially in the completion of the Lucy Stone Fund. Any contributions for the latter will be most gratefully received by the Secretary. Members are also requested to notify the Secretary promptly of any change of address. WARRENE ROBY PERMAR, Secretary. 830 Beacon Street, Boston, May 31, 1907. College Equal Suffrage League of Boston 1913-1914 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY May 28, 1914. On May 21, 1913, the membership of the League numbered 463, of this number 80 being life members and 12 associate. On May 28, 1914, the membership is 604, (81 life members and 24 associate members). The Executive Board of the League has held twelve meetings this year. There have been three resignations from the Board, Miss Eleanor Raymond as secretary and Miss Eleanor Garrison and Miss Florence Luscomb as directors. The Board elected Miss Eleanor Piper (Wellesley) secretary and replaced Miss Garrison by Dr. Mabel Southard (University of Minnesota), Miss Luscomb by Miss Eleanor Fisher (Smith) and Miss Piper, who resigned as director to become secretary, by Miss Margery Bedinger (Radcliffe). The Executive Board has arranged for four meetings of The League in accordance with the vote of the annual meeting of 1913. The first was a Banquet at the Twentieth Century Club in October at which there were many distinguished speakers. The second was in The New England Woman's Club rooms in February and consisted of a business meeting followed by singing by Mr. James White and the presentation of Bernard Shaw's "Press Cuttings" by the Junior Equal Suffrage League. The third was held in Huntington Hall in April, following the canvass of the college women of Massachusetts at which the Hon. George P. Chamberlain, Mrs. Wenona Pinkham and Mrs. Lewis Johnson spoke. The Parade May 2 and the meeting following it in Tremont Temple were counted as the fourth meeting of the year. The League has taken part in two parades, the one on Columbus Day when it was represented by a float and the Suffrage Parade May 2 in which it had a delegation of over 700 in caps and gowns. In connection with the Suffrage Parade, a canvass of all the 6000 Massachusetts college women not in the League was made, sending them a leaflet of reasons for believing in Equal Suffrage, a notice of the April 24 meeting and a postal-card asking the following questions, "Are you in favor of Equal Suffrage? Are you indifferent? Are you opposed? Are you willing to join the College League? Are you willing to march in the Parade?" 716 replies were received. 413 were in favor, 215 opposed, 70 indifferent and 18 undecided. Of the 433 in favor, 111 have joined the League and 90 others have said they will join. To all those who asked for information in regard to certain arguments for suffrage and to those who are "open to conviction" literature and a list of worth-while books will be sent. Another important work of the League has been the Press work. The purpose has been to send suffrage items to those newspapers in the cities and towns of Massachusetts who would print them. Thirty-five newspapers are now on the League's list and the work is ably carried forward by Miss Edith Bradford. The League assisted at the Bay State Suffrage Festival given by the Massachusetts Association in November and realized $308.50 from a Bag Table. Plans for the work of the League for the coming year are enclosed. The attention of all members is called to this notice. Respectfully submitted, ELEANOR PIPER, Secretary. REPORT OF THE TREASURER May 28, 1914. RECEIPTS Balance May 18, 1913 . . . . . . . $ 89.37 Annual dues from members . . . . . 289.50 Appropriation from Lucy Stone Fund . . 100.00 Proceeds of dinner at Twentieth Century Club 124.20 Collection at Huntington Hall meeting . . 7.65 Donations for carrying on the Press Work . 75.94 Unrestricted gifts . . . . . . . . 45.00 Total receipts . . . . . . . . $728.66 EXPENDITURES Treasurer and Secretary's Expenses for postage, coin cards, account books, etc. . . 37.85 Fee for use of B. E. S. A. rooms . . . . 2.00 Columbus Day Float . . . . . . . 34.86 Canvass of 1913 graduates . . . . . .7.62 Expenses of dinner at Twentieth Century Club 109.75 Canvass of Alumnae of Massachusetts . . 131.90 Annual dues to the National C.E.S.L. . . 95.50 Press Work . . . . . . . . . . 102.45 Meeting at N.E. Woman's Club . . . . 24.50 Parade, May 2 . . . . . . . . . 69.43 Annual meetings expenses . . . . . . 8.75 Balance May 28, 1914 . . . . . . . 104.05 $ 728.66 Respectfully submitted, WARRENE R. PERMAR, Treasurer. By a vote of the League on February 17, 1914, the dues of the League were raised to one dollar. All members who have not paid their dues for 1914-15 are urgently requested to send one dollar to Mrs. Bryan S. Permar, 41 Crafts Rd., Chestnut Hill, Mass., at once. OFFICERS OF THE LEAGUE 1914-1915 President: Mrs. RUTH SIBLEY HASKELL Jackson, 1906 Vice-President: Mrs. EDITH TAYLOR SPEAR Radcliffe, 1897 Secretary: Miss ELEANOR PIPER Wellesley, 1908 Treasurer: Miss ELEANOR RAYMOND Wellesley, 1909 Delegate to the National Convention: Miss LILLIAN LANDY Smith, 1910 Directors: Mrs. MARGARET STARR DOWST, Wellesley, 1897 Mrs. MAUD WOOD PARK, Radcliffe, 1898 Miss ELEANOR FISHER, Smith, 1911 Dr. MABEL F. SOUTHARD, Univ. of Minnesota, 1893 Miss ANNE SHERWIN, Bryn Mawr, 1908 Miss MARGERY BEDINGER, Radcliffe, 1913 Miss ELEANOR MANNING, M. I. T., 1906 Miss GLADYS C. GILMORE, Smith, 1908 Miss PAULINE GARDNER, Smith, 1912 COLLEGE WOMEN'S DRAMATICS. [May 5, 1900] The College Equal Suffrage League gave its first dramatic entertainment at Association Hall, Boston, presenting "The Weathervane of Love," by Rufus Hamilton Gilmore, and "The Judgment of Minerva," by Mrs. Florence Howe Hall. The affair was a brilliant success. There was a large audience, and the performers took their parts with great spirit. An experienced spectator said: "The array of amateur talent was really remarkable. Every one of them did well - some better than others, of course, but there was not a poor one among them." "The Weathervane of Love," a pretty love-drama, was received with great applause. Mrs. Gilmore maintained the reputation for fine acting that she won at Radcliffe, and was ably supported by Miss Fox, Mr. Haynes, and Mr. Gillett. "The Judgment of Minerva" presented a series of beautiful tableaux. It opens with Olympus, showing Zeus dozing under his crown; Here, waving her fan of peacock feathers; Pallas Athene with tablets and quill; Aphrodite with her mirror, and Artemis with her bow. A band of suffragists come before Zeus to ask for the ballot, and a band of "Antis" to protest. The two parties plead their respective causes, while the immortals look on in amazement, with occasional comments. An effective feature was a broom drill by the "Good Government Club," five young girls in white, from the City Point League, carrying brooms adorned with red, white, and blue ribbons, who brought down the house as they went through their evolutions, and sang, to a lively air: We are the Good Government Club; We cleanse and we rub and we scrub; Like the Lexow Committee, We want a clean city; Dishonest officials we snub! Mrs. Helen A. Shaw led a minuet gavotte by the "Antis" (performed by the Wentworth Dramatic Club), which the Boston Herald describes as "a very fetching dance," accompanied by a song with the refrain (from Oudia's much discussed article against equal suffrage), "Kick them back to the harem!" When a lordly doctor of divinity came forward and assured Zeus that the suffragists had made their plea "only for oratorical effect," every one who had been present at the little tilt between Dr. Lyman Abbott and Mrs. Julia Ward Howe at the State House, laughed with especial relish. Mrs. Livermore's granddaughter made so spirited a remonstrant that it is lucky she is not really on that side. When Pallas Athene (Miss Hards) finally awarded the ballot to Mrs. Park (in white robe and green wreath, as Poetess), the leading "Anti" fainted in the arms of Miss Diana Hirschler, who made a sturdy and smiling little Portia in cap and gown, and came forward as the best available substitute for a man to catch the swooning lady as she fell; and the curtain descended on a tableau of rejoicing suffragists, and "Antis" fainting away in all directions. It seems invidious to single out any for special praise where all, from Zeus down, did so well; and as for beauty, the stage was a flower-garden of lovely girls. But especial credit for the evening's success was due to Mrs. Helen Adelaide Shaw, who gave her valuable aid as stage-director and manager, drilling the twenty-eight performers in "The Judgment of Minerva" unweariedly. The play cleared about $150. These first dramatics of the College Equal Suffrage League were so successful that the tickets for the next entertainment which the League may undertake ought to go off "like hot cakes." Ballot - May 28, 1914 Officers - Pres. Mrs. Ruth L. Haskell Jackson '06 Vice P. Mrs. Ellwood V. Spear Rad '97 Sec Eleanor Piper W. '08 Treas. Eleanor Raymond W. '09 Directors 1 yr. Miss Eleanor Fisher S. '11 1 yr. Mrs. Park R. '98 1 yr. Mrs. M.S. Doust W. '97 2 yr. Miss Margery Bednizer R. '13 2 yr. Dr. Mabel F. Southland U. of Minn. '93 2 yr. Miss Anne Sherwin Bryn Maur 3 yr. Miss Eleanor Manning W.I.T '06 3 yr. Miss Gladys C. Gilmore Smith '08 3 yr. Miss Pauline Gardner Smith Delegate I National Miss Lillian Landy Smith '10 Respectfully submitted - Edward Hutchins, Chairman Nominating Committee Report on Suffrage Libraries. In a State where every town has a free public library, is there a field for loan libraries on Suffrage? As a free-lance, I put this question in the summer of 1914 to the Chairman of the State Library Commission. Mr. Belden expressed the opinion that there was no demand for suffrage books by readers generally, little for any books except fiction, but that the demand ought to be created. He recommended, as an experiment that five duplicate cuts of books, costing five or six dollars each, be put in circulation. He was cordially ready to co-operate, but was then on the point of sailing for Europe. The librarian in charge of the loan libraries of the Mass. Woman's Education Association (from which Suffrage books are excluded as "political") also thought that there is no demand, although herself, a suffragist; and that, consequently, it would be necessary not only to make no charge for the use of books, but also to pay the transportation both ways. The first person approached, contributed $5.00. A little reflection convinced me that whatever money were raised would probably be at the expense of other forms of propaganda already adopted for the campaign. So waited for circumstances to give an opening. 2 A few correspondents in small places showed interest in the project, and their names were sent to Mr. Belden's office. On his return both the State Suffrage and the Anti-Suffrage associations at his request contributed five duplicate sets of books, to which I added five copies of Dr. Arthur's "Votes for Women." These sets are sent out, free of all charges for renewable periods of three months each, on request through local librarians, preference being given to towns having a valuation of $1000000 or less. I made an effort to see that these sets were kept in constant circulation. Mr. Belden co-operated further by purchasing single books, as loans to small town libraries, as requests came to me. In June, 1915, the College Equal Suffrage League voted to give this movement support, appropriating $5.00 for the purchase of new books; and though Miss Piper obtained from the Wellesley College league, a loan for the summer vacation of 14 volumes, placed in their care by the National College Equal Suffrage League. Soon after Mrs. George Howland Shaw unexpectedly sent a gift - of $20.00 and Dr. A.R. Emerson gave $200. Gifts of books, nine volumes in all, were received from 3 Mrs. G.H. Shaw, Mr. Eugene A. Hecker, Miss C.B. Runkle and from Headquarters, (Blue Book). The Boston Equal Suffrage Association also gave generous support, lending all pertinent duplicate volumes, and supplying complete sets, when opportunities [?] after when resources had been exhausted. Where sets were sent to club-houses or summer hotels, in order to attract attention and interest, a few yellow boxes were made, bearing artistically lettered quotations from Dr. [Crother's?] Votes for Women. These labels were designed and contributed by Miss Lois Howe and Miss Manning. Although the angles of the boxes were reinforced with muslin, they did not stand the rough handling of mail-carriers and expressmen. Another time, stouter ones should be provided. Various publishers were generous in the conditions granted for the purchase of books, and profits from sales, with the active cooperation of the "Literature Department" increased the fund for buying additional books. As a rule, a charge of $1.00 per month and return transportation was made of borrowers. The chief exceptions to this rule were men's clubs in the weeks immediately preceding election day. The total receipts 4 from all sources were $83.86; the total expenses $82.68, leaving a balance of $1.18 which was turned over to Miss Eleanor Raymond, treasurer of (the) College League. (Loan) libraries were sent out to the free public libraries of the following Towns: Berlin, Douglas, Eufield, Gilbertville, Harvard Hudson, Lee, Osterville, Smithfield, Richmond, Uxbridge. To the Employees Rest Room of Filene's Store; To Easton, Mass, through the interest of (?Misses) Sylvester and Kimball, who arranged (/strikethrough to) with a local storekeeper to help (?) volumes in circulation. to local leagues at Holyoke, (insert ?) Worcester (?thus) Miss Rumkle and Richmond. Cohasset, (/strikethrough and) Harvard (library) to the Cuto Chest House at Wiairio, through Miss Frances Elder To the Y.M.C.A at Northampton, at Mrs. (D?y's) Expense and to the following clubs. Civic Service House, Salem W. Boston. American Trust Co. Club House at Kenberna - Harvard Club, Boston Men's City Club. Boston and 5. to the Neighborhood House on Moore Street, Cambridge. After the Election, a set was loaned Miss Margaret Foley. When not otherwise in circulation, single volumes were loaned to a number of personal acquaintances, with good results. An alphabetical list of books offered for choice was printed in the Cambridge Tribune for July 19, 1915, and extra copies struck off. An annotated list of the same books was printed in the Bulletin of Bibliographies for October 1915. The latter entailed a great deal of careful reading and work. Between June and the middle of October, I believe over 150 letters were received and over 200 written. As this work was started after most of the leagues had held their last meetings, after the summer migration was well under way, and carried on in the midst of an exciting campaign when few workers had leisure or could spare attention from other, pressing forms of propaganda, it is difficult to estimate the results, yet the general agitation ought to have helped in some 6. degree stimulate interest in their libraries. Announcements of the offer of these books were inserted in the annual report of the College League, in more than one Bi-Weekly Bulletin, on the Bulletin boards of the Boston League and of the Mass. Office, and at the Sun Flower Lunch Room in Cornhill; in the showcase on the side walk at 595 Boylston Street, where new publications were also exhibited. A specimen library was kept at Headquarters. The Chairman of the Organization Committee, at the meeting on June 29, urged the various chairmen and organizers to make all possible use of the books. Yet, sets lay on my table, waiting like Macawber, until my impatience forced me to create a demand. So long as people continue in unequal stages of development as suffragists, the slow process of conversion by education must continue a necessary form of propaganda. This committee has contributed its experience and over fifty volumes to the cause. Respectfully submitted, Alice Hayes. To the Secretary of the College Equal Suffrage League. SENATORS vs. WORKING-WOMEN Sentimentality of New York Senators in Equal Suffrage Debate Answered by Common Sense of Working Women JOINT MASS-MEETING Wage-Earners' League and Collegiate Equal Suffrage League Copper Union, April 22d, 8 p. m. "Now there is nobody to whom I yield in respect and admiration and devotion to the sex." Answered by MOLLIE SCHEPPS, Shirt Waist Maker. "Cornelia's Jewels. Where are they to-day?" Answered by MELINDA SCOTT, Hat Trimmer. "The anti-suffragists tell me: 'Be careful, be careful, how you destroy the incentive to motherhood. We speak for motherhood. Save that.'" Answered by LEONORA O'REILLY, Shirt Maker. "Women -- they are peaceful ; they are sympathetic ; they minister to man in the home." Answered by MRS. HEFFERLY, Neckwear Maker. "Now there is no question in the world to my mind but what the family and family relation are a more important thing than any law or any law-making or holding of office." Answered by MAGGIE HINCHEY, Laundry Worker. "We want to relieve women of the burdens and responsibilities of life." Answered by CLARA LEMLICH, Shirt Waist Maker. "Get women into the arena of politics with its alliances and distressing contests -- the delicacy is gone, the charm is gone, and you emasculize women." Answered by ROSE SCHNEIDERMANN, Cap Maker. Instructions for the Suffrage Parade, May 4th Elizabeth Freeman of England Free tickets can be obtained at the Women's Trade Union League, 43 East 22nd Street. Admission without ticket after 8 P. M. Working Women! Don't fail to come and hear what Senators McClellan, Thomas, Sage and some of the Assemblymen have said about women They forgot all about the four-hundred thousand working women in New York City. They forgot the eight hundred thousand working women in New York State. Come just to show the gentlemen we have arrived. COLLEGE EQUAL SUFFRAGE LEAGUE AUXILIARY TO THE NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION REQUESTS FOR INFORMATION AND SUFFRAGE LITERATURE MAY BE ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY, 505 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK CITY TELEPHONE, MURRAY HILL 4990 OFFICERS President, Miss M. Carey Thomas President of Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania First Vice-President, Ex-officio, Miss Anna Howard Shaw President of National American Woman Suffrage Association Vice-President, Miss Sophonisba P. Breckinridge Dean in the University of Chicago Vice-President, Miss Frances W. McLean 1829 Bancroft Way, Berkeley, California Secretary, Miss Carolina Lexow 505 Fifth Avenue, New York City Vice-President, Mrs. Maud Wood Park Care of Baring Brothers, London, England Vice-President, Mrs. Cora Stranahan Woodward Adviser of Women, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin Vice-President, Miss Mary E. Woolley President of Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Massachusetts Treasurer, Miss Mary E. Garrett 101 West Monument Street, Baltimore, Massachusetts STANDING COMMITTEES Organization: Chairman, Miss Caroline Lexow 505 Fifth Avenue, New York City Membership: Chairman, Miss Marion Reilly Dean of Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania Finance: Chairman Mrs. Herbert Parsons 1229 Nineteenth Street, Washington, DC Lectures: (East) Chairman, Mrs. Susan Walker Fitz Gerald 585 Boylston Street, Boston, Massachusetts (Middle West) Chairman, Miss Anna Roberta Van Meter Professor in the University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois (Pacific Coast) Chairman, Mrs. Alexander F. Morrison 2022 California Street, San Francisco, California (South) Chairman, Mrs. Warren Newcomb Boyd 194 Washington Street, Atlanta, Georgia PUBLICATION: Chairman, President M. Carey Thomas Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.