NAWSA Subject File Elliott, Maud Howe MENU OLIVES Their branches crowned the victors of old ; the American people have substituted lemons, of late RADISHES Quick growers--We are of that type. Mother Earth has given birth to another great party SOUP The final end of all parties that betray the rights and wishes of the American People STEAK A Luxury under present conditions--We think we could improve them FRIED POTATOES Better fried than roasted--We had a sample of roasted spuds in 1912 P------S Very much in evidence to-night and very superior to Has-beens ICE CREAM A Frost--the Republican Convention of 1912--thoroughly frozen-forever CAKE We take it for the part we played in the last sad rites of the G. O. P. COFFEE Drink hearty boys--the Gods are with us Program FRANK E. BALLOU, Chairman Invocation, EDWARD HOLYOKE, D. D. Toastmaster, MR. GEORGE W. PARKS Speakers HON. CHARLES SUMNER BIRD HON. BAINBRIDGE COLBY MRS. MAUD[E] HOWE ELLIOTT SOLO AND CHORUS: "Our Fighting Leaders" To be sung between courses. Mr. Lawson and all good Progressives. Words on last page. SOLO: "March of the Men of Progress" William W. Lawson SPEAKER VIOLIN SOLO (a) Nocturne, Chopin-Sarasate (b) Gipsy Dance Danza Ella Beatrice Ball SPEAKER SOLO: "The Sword of Ferrara" Bullard Mr. Lawson SPEAKER BATTLE HYMN OF THE REPUBLIC Miss Gertrude Lawson, Accompanist Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord He is tramping out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored He hath loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword: His truth is marching on. Glory, glory, Hallelujah, etc. He has sounded forth a trumpet which shall never call retreat; He is sifting out the hearts of men before His Judgement seat. O be swift, my soul, to answer Him; be jubilant, my feet: Our God is marching on. Dinner Song ------ Our Fighting Leaders BRISKLY --- EVERYBODY SING. AIR "ADMIRAL'S SONG" FROM PINAFORE Not more than four verses after each Course __________________ SOUP We meet to-night to celebrate CHORUS Our leadership both good and great ; No matter what Party we used to claim, From town and city, hill and shore, We've all joined hands in a higher aim. We gather as Sons of Theodore. Progresssives all from hill to shore, (Chorus, repeat last line of each verse. ) We gather as followers of Theodore. Our pioneers, a study lot ; Then Atwood, Harris, Holmes and Ball Mothered by Maud Howe Elliott, With Binning, Thompson, and Parker Hall Our Joan of Arc, whose beacon fire Gave Tuttle, Morrill, Humes, Ballou, Has kindled the flames of a State's desire. A race in the service of me and you. (Chorus, repeat last line, then chorus above.) Steak Then Richmond and another Ladd The northern lights lit altar fires; Gave the dear Cause whate'er they had ; Saunders, Smith and Thornley, Pervear and Meyers, And Garvin said, "O, how we wish While Bemis, Potter, Blake, and Cot That Bolan would cut bait or fish." Made invisible government as plain as Day. ( Chorus, repeat last line, then chorus above. ) To East Providence our hats we doff, On southern headlands see the light, With Patterson, Leonardson, Lucas, Goff : Where Dresser, Webster and Randall fight; While Biesel, Hodson and many more, While Lindemuth and Hibberts, too Made a noise that reverberated down the shore. Watch Hartford simmer in his own little stew. ( Chorus, repeat last line, then chorus above. ) Ice Cream Our western hills its Baron sends, Fresh in our hearts, tho' seldom seen, To tell its need of Progressive friends. Are Frank I. Hanscom and Bowley Green; Rich, Randall, Cushman and Rankine We Littell know how Tourtellot Will drop a wrench in the old machine. To yield the fight they well had fought. (Chorus, repeat last line, then chorus above. ) Bloomfield and Edgecomb could not Waite In Potter's field, let's dig a grave To Walker mile with Sarle and Tait; For every political thief and knave; And Graham said, "Here Coombs the Carr, And a Clark will hold a service free, Don't Chace De Woolf-enden too Farr." Both at Bristol Ferry, and Westerly. (Chorus, repeat last line, then chorus above. ) Coffee When all this dinner has Bennett, The happy chance that we're here tonight Bestow Sweet Crums on the Birds we've met, To throw our hats in the ring to fight, Watch Crowther Peckham in Parks and Wood; I due to the guests that here you see, And all Turner hand to the public good. So rise and drink a toast with me. (All rise.) (Chorus, repeat last line, then chorus above. ) Final Chorus. Charles Sumner Bird and Bainbridge too, Long life and happiness to you; Inspire our souls, point out the way, Ten thousand men to arms to-day! Progressive Party of Rhode Island Complimentary Dinner to Hon. Charles Sumner Bird of Massachusetts Hon. Bainbridge Colby of New York Friday Evening, June 12, 1914 Narragansett Hotel Ball Room Six Thirty NEWPORT COUNTY WOMAN SUFFRAGE LEAGUE President, MRS. MAUDE HOWE ELLIOTT MELVILLE, NEWPORT, R. I. Vice Presidents: MISS CORA MITCHELL, Bristol Ferry, R. I. MRS. EUGENE STURTEVANT. Paradise Road, Middletown, R. I. MRS. JAMES GRISWOLD WENTZ. 335 West End Avenue, New York. MRS. STANLEY McCORMICK. 393 Commonwealth Ave., Boston, Mass. MRS. JOHN ELDREDGE. Bristol Ferry, R. I. Recording Secretary, MRS. BERTON W. STORRS, Portsmouth, R. I. Cor. Secretary, MRS. WALTER A. WRIGHT, 30 Cranston Avenue, Newport, R. I. Treasurer, MISS LILLIAN WHEELER, Bristol Ferry, R. I. Gen. Secretary. MISS ELIZABETH B. PECKHAM, 31 Ayrault Street, Newport, R. I. February 13, 1914. Dear Mrs. Algeo, Will you send me ten or twelve of the maps? I am very much annoyed with the frivolous and disrespectful manner in which the Providence Journal reporter described out visit to the State House. The Tribune handled the matter with the dignity it deserved. Do you think that young reporter was responsible or is the spirit of ridicule higher up? I have wondered whether I had best write to Mr. Ratham on the subject. Sincerely yours, Maud Howe Elliott I am doing all I can to reach Mr. Beekman. Have written volumes! Could not [?] him to earth in Providence. Can you write me an article for the Newport Herald. About 800 words on the work of the Suffrage Party in the State? NEWPORT HERALD, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1914 By Association Favoring Woman Voting On February 10 a delegation of the leading women of this state visited the state house at Providence, and were given an informal hearing by the Senate Judiciary committee in the interest of bill No. 26, introduced by Senator Wilbour, of Little Compton, giving women the right to vote in presidential elections. The delegation was courteously received by a young lady, one of the stenographers, who invited them to leave their wraps in her office. They then made their way to the library of the general assembly, a quiet, well appointed room presided over by a woman librarian. Here they sat in one corner talking together in undertones and waiting their opportunity. The senate was called to order at twelve twenty-five. The session was brief, and by one forty-five it was learned that the gentlemen of the Senate Judiciary committee would be glad to receive the delegation. The ladies were now ushered into the room of the committee, and here four of the leaders spoke briefly. The gentlemen were urged to support the bill if they could conscientiously do so, or in any case to use their influence to get it out of committee and upon the floor of the senate. In describing the delegation, a writer in the Providence Tribune for February 11 says:- "The women who are pushing the bill on this subject now before the general assembly are not irresponsible agitators, noisily seeking notoriety in unsexed abandon. They are courteous, orderly, modest and womanly representatives of the most earnest and thoughtful intellectual life in the state. They are entitled to every reasonable opportunity to put their arguments before the people's accredited representatives. It would be as impolitic as it would be impolite to deny them any hearing which they may desire." One of the speakers laid before the senators a map indicating the status in the different parts of the country, of the Woman Suffrage Cause. Attention was particularly called to New England, where one little bit of black shows clear and dark against the grey of the other New England states. "That is Darkest Rhode Island," some one remarked. Darkest Rhode Island in truth, for in this state women have no privilege of voting on any subject: they have not even the school suffrage, though in some places they have been given the privilege of serving on the school board. The senators were asked to wipe that reproach off the map. By giving the women of this state the right to vote in the presidential elections, held once in four years, Rhode Island will cease to be Darkest Rhode Island, and will come into line with the more advanced states. The gentlemen of the judiciary committee were most hospitable and courteous to the delegation, which included two of the daughters of one of the members of the committee. By quarter past two o'clock the hearing was over and the ladies took their leave. To one of the delegation the experience was novel, and the contrast between the actual experience and the accounts she had read,- highly coloured and unfriendly accounts - of such hearings, was very illuminating. This quiet gentlewoman, whose whole life is taken up with good works, to whom all publicity is abhorrent, who came with the rest of the delegation, "Because her conscience would not allow her to stay away." had rather dreaded the occasion. She was happily disappointed. In the splendid state house, built by the money of the women as well as of the men of the state, she found persons of her own sex, firmly established in the honorable callings of librarian, book-keeper, and stenographer, going quietly about their business and getting their work down as efficiently and expeditiously as any of the men who serve the state. She found that [com]mittee, and here four of the leaders spoke briefly. The gentlemen were urged to support the bill if they could conscientiously do so, or in any case to use their influence to get it out of committee and upon the floor of the senate. In describing the delegation, a writer in the Providence Tribune for February 11 says:- "The women who are pushing the bill on this subject now before the general assembly are not irresponsible agitators, noisily seeking notoriety in unsexed abandon. They are courteous, orderly, modest and womanly representatives of the most earnest and thoughtful intellectual life in the state. They are entitled to every reasonable opportunity to put their arguments before the people's accredited representatives. It would be impolite to deny them any hearing which they may desire." One of the speakers laid before the senators a map indicating the status in different parts of the country, of the Woman Suffrage Cause. Attention was particularly called to New England, where one little bit of black shows clear and dark against the grey of the other New England states. "That is Darkest Rhode Island," some one remarked. Darkest Rhode Island in truth, for in this state women have no privilege of voting on any subject; they have not even the school suffrage, though in some places they have been given the privilege of serving on the school board. The senators were asked to wipe that reproach off the map. By giving the women of this state the right to vote in the presidential elections, held once in four years, Rhode Island will cease to be Darkest Rhode Island, and will come into line with the more advanced states. The gentlemen of the judiciary committee were most hospitable and courteous to the delegation, which included two of the daughters of one of the members of the committee. By quarter past two o'clock the hearing was over and the ladies took their leave. To one of the delegation the experience was novel, and the contrast between the actual experience and the accounts she had read,- highly coloured and unfriendly accounts- of such hearings, was very illuminating. This quiet gentlewoman, whose whole life is taken up with good works, to whom all publicity is abhorrent, who came with the rest of the delegation, "Because her conscience would not allow her to stay away," had rather dreaded the occasion. She was happily disappointed. In the splendid state house, built by the money of the women as well as of the men of the state, she found persons of her own sex, firmly established in the honorable callings of librarian, book-keeper, and stenographer, going quietly about their business and getting their own work down as efficiently and expeditiously as any of the men who serve the state. She found that she was treated with perfect courtesy and respect, and learned that one of her most intimate friends had been at the state house the day before with another Newport lady of the highest standing, on the very commendable errand of calling upon the governor in order to interest him in getting through a measure for the amelioration of the prisons of the state! Times have changed. Today it is not the women alone who come asking for the vote. This is the hour of the Great Invitation, and all over this land the foremost men, having arrived at the conclusion that Abraham Lincoln was right in his belief that the state would be benefited by giving the vote to the mothers of men, are calling upon their sisters to help them in the great work of civic betterment. At the hearing before the commission at Providence one year ago this month, thirteen men, all of high standing in this state, asked that the suffrage be given to the women of Rhode Island, and at their head stood that gracious and well beloved leader of religious thought, James de Wold Perry, Bishop of the Episcopal Church of Rhode Island. Strong in their faith, indifferent alike to the ridicule, satire, and abuse heaped upon them by those who know not what they do, the suffragists of Rhode Island, women and men alike, ask for women: "The ballot, the most perfect weapon yet devised of moral and intellectual power. We do not wish to take it from the hands of any man; we would put it into the hands of every woman." M.H. Elliott NEWPORT HERALD, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1914. GOVERNMENT'S PRICE PROPERTY [?] On Post Office Site Val-[?] [?ation] In [?] FIGURE the same as those of Mr. Parsonage in every case, the three commissioners having gone over the buildings together. Mr. Kaull was still on the stand when a recess of an hour was taken at 1 o'clock for luncheon. The commission convened again at 2:10, and the examination of Mr. Kaull proceeded. He told of going through both houses of the Malone property and examining everything in detail. Judge Franklin cross-examined. Mr. Kaull said that land on Cannon street was more valuable the nearer it approached Thames street. The place sold to Lancaster brought $2500 or $2600, Mr. Kaull said. He had never sold land on Spring street, near Cannon. He based his opinion on the value of land on Cannon street on what he had learned from others as to the price paid by Lancaster. Land on Cannon street has neither decreased nor increased during the past five years. The Sullivan land brought 40 cents per foot within 18 months. Mr. Kaull said he did not think this land has increased five cents a foot since this sale, but allowed 45 cents, reckoning the value by using the Lancaster sale as a basis. He was examined as to the Lofblad and Dadley properties. Regarding the Spingler property Mr. Burdick queried. Mr. Kaull said that, although the Spingler property was nearer Thames street than the Lofblad property, it was not worth any more. William G. Kerr, a builder and con-contractor, testified, giving his qualifications. He has been engaged in business for 16 years, and told of buildings he had erected. He examined the buildings on January 19, taking actual measurements and estimating by so much per cubic foot. The main Cottrell building was estimated at 20 cents per cubic foot. The character of the material used, the interior construction, etc., all figured in the estimate of each separate building, worked on paper and this paper was given as a part of the record. The large three story brick building is in very poor condition. The plaster has fallen, the fire damage has never been repaired, it needs pointing, the gutters and roof are bad, and it needs painting. It has been neglected and allowed to deteriorate. The other buildings on this estate are also much in need of repair. Mr. Burdick cross examined. Mr. Kerr said that his estimate of what it would take to repair these buildings is based on what he is charging for similar work at the present time. The Wilbar house is a very well built house, but hasn't been kept in good repair. The Gay property has been well kept up inside, but is in need of repairs outside. The Sullivan buildings is in poor repair outside. There is gas in the house, but no heat. The cellar is poor and the plumbing is of a cheap grade. There are two buildings on the Malone property, one old and very much in need of repair, the other a new, modern building. Mr. Dadley has made so many improvements to his property that they offset the depreciation. The Spingler property is in need of considerable repairing. "That completes the testimony for the United States." said Mr. Huddy. There was no further testimony on either side, and Chairman Higgins said the commission would take the matter under consideration. ENOCH, THE EGG KING. A tall, gaunt young man entered the office of the Globe Museum and Family theatre and asked for the manager. "What can I do for you," inquired a pudgy man in a checked suit. "I want an engagement as a freak in the curio hall." "Who are you?" "I am Enoch, the Egg King." "What is your specialty?" "I eat three dozen hens eggs, two dozen duck eggs, and one dozen goose eggs at a single sitting." "I suppose you know our policy." "What's that?" "We give four shows every day." "I understand that." "And do you think you can do it?" "I know I can." "On Saturdays we often give as many as six shows." "All right." "And on some holidays we give a performance every hour." The young man hesitated. "In that case," he finally said, "I must have one thing understood before I sign a contract. "What's that?" asked the manager. "No matter how rushing business is at the museum," the Egg King replied, "you gotto gimme time enough to eat my regular meals at the hotel." --Lippincott's. DAMP ENJOYMENT. "Now, Bobby," instructed the fond maternal parent of the prodigy in velveteens, bound for a children's party, "the weather looks rather threatening. Here is half a dollar for you, and if it rains come back in a cab." Two hours later it came down cats and dogs, and mother returned de- Total Value The building today is in better condition than it was when built. It has a rental value of $1108 per year. Mr. Dadley did not desire to ask any questions. Margaret F. Spingler's property is worth $1 per square foot. Land value......................$4926 .. Buildings.........................$8,808 48 ____________ Total market value $13,734 48 This ended Mr. Parsonage's testimony and James T. Kaull was sworn as the second expert for the government. His figures were exactly timating by so much per cubic foot. The main Cottrell building was estimated at 20 cents per cubic foot. The character of the material used, the interior construction, etc., all figured in the estimate of each separate building, worked on paper and this paper was given as a part of the record. The large three story brick building is in very poor condition. The plaster has fallen, the fire damage has never been repaired, it needs pointing, the gutters and roof are bad, and it needs painting. It has been neglected and allowed to deteriorate. The other buildings on this estate are also much in need of repair. Mr. Burdick cross examined. Mr. Kerr said that his estimate of what it would take to repair these buildings is based on what he is charging for similar work at the present time. The Wilbar house is a very well built house, but hasn't been kept in good repair. The Gay property has been well kept up inside, but is in need of repairs outside. The Sullivan buildings is in poor repair outside. There is gas in the house, but no heat. The cellar is poor and the plumbing is of a cheap grade. There are two buildings on the Malone property, one old and very much in need of repair, the other a new, modern building. Mr. Dadley has made so many improvements to his property that they offset the depreciation. The Spingler property is in need of considerable repairing. "That completes the testimony for the United States." said Mr. Huddy. There was no further testimony on either side, and Chairman Higgins said the commission would take the matter under consideration. ENOCH, THE EGG KING. A tall, gaunt young man entered the office of the Globe Museum and Family theatre and asked for the manager. "What can I do for you," inquired a pudgy man in a checked suit. "I want an engagement as a freak in the curio hall." "Who are you?" "I am Enoch, the Egg King." "What is your specialty?" "I eat three dozen hens eggs, two dozen duck eggs, and one dozen goose eggs at a single sitting." "I suppose you know our policy." "What's that?" "We give four shows every day." "I understand that." "And do you think you can do it?" "I know I can." "On Saturdays we often give as many as six shows." "All right." "And on some holidays we give a performance every hour." The young man hesitated. "In that case," he finally said, "I must have one thing understood before I sign a contract. "What's that?" asked the manager. "No matter how rushing business is at the museum," the Egg King replied, "you gotto gimme time enough to eat my regular meals at the hotel." --Lippincott's DAMP ENJOYMENT. "Now, Bobby," instructed the fond material parent of the prodigy in velveteens, bound for a children's party, "the weather looks rather threatening. Here is half a dollar for you, and if it rains come back in a cab." Two hours later it came down cats and dogs, and mother returned devout thanks for her forethought. But when little Bobby Velventeens returned he was wet to the skin. "Why, Bobby," cried the f. m. p. "didn't you come back by cab as I told you?" "Oh, yes, ma," answered Bobby. "And it was simply splendid! I rode on the box beside the driver." --Washington Star. AN ENDLESS MARATHON. A small negro boy was a regular attendant at a boy's reading club, and always called for the same book, and always turned to the same place, at which he looked eagerly, and then laughed heartily. The attendant's curiosity was aroused by the performance, so he followed the little fellow one night, and, looking over his shoulder, saw that he opened the book at a picture of a bull chasing a terrified negro across a field. He was just about to ask what the joke was, for the laugh had come rippling up to him, when the boy looked around grinning. "He ain't kotched him yit!" he cried, slapping his knees. --The Con- tinent. Any day is a good Want Ad day in the Herald. Lots of Herald readers have found this out. THE PROVIDENCE SUNDAY JOURNAL, JANUARY 5, 1913. RHODE ISLAND STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY --Photo by Wm. Mills & Son. The members of the committee, which was photographed Friday at party headquarters in the Industrial Trust Building are, from left to right: Front row- Russell W. Richmond, John E. Boland, Maude Howe Elliott, Edwin F. Tuttle, Lucius F. C. Garvin and J. Wesley Binning. Middle row--Charles E. Holmes, Anthony M. Tourtellot, Rev. Bowley Green, Daniel Le Roy Dresser, George W. Payne, Fred D. Thompson and William G. Rich. Upper row--Frank E. Ballou, Dr. George W. Andrews, Herbert J. Stowell, Julius Mitchell, Albert E. Morrill and J. Frank Sunderland. THE PROVIDENCE SUNDAY JOURNAL, JANUARY 5, 1913. [?] former Congressman from Indiana, also spoke. SHARP DIVISION IN SENATE Radically Differing Views Expressed on Arbitration Question Washington, Jan. 4 - President Taft's declaration tat he intends the Panama Canal controversy with Great Britain shall be submitted to arbitration "as soon as we get down to the point at issue" again brought out the sharp division that exists in the Senate over the obligation of the United States under its arbitration treaty. Senator Bacon, the leading Democratic member of the foreign relations committee; Senator Hitchcock, another Democratic member of that committee, and other prominent members of the Senate expressed their conviction that the United States was bound by its treaty with Great Britain to submit to arbitration. Senator Root of New York, who is not now in Washington, holds the same view. Senator Sutherland, Republican, also a member of the committee, has previously expressed the belief that the subject is a domestic one and not such as the United States is compelled to arbitrate. Senator Bacon, in a statement based on President Taft's announcement, suggested that the United States, if it submitted to arbitration, could properly ask for a special tribunal, so constituted as to insure an impartial judgment. "I think the question Great Britain raises," said Senator Bacon, "is one that arises upon the interpretation of the Hay- Pauncerote treaty; and we have a treaty with Great Britain which specifically provides that we will submit to arbitration [?] question growing out of the interpretation of treaties, provided they do not affect the vital interests, the independence, or the honor of the two con[?]acting States, and do not concern the interests of third parties. "The question of free tolls for our coastwise vessels does not affect the [?] interests of the United States and does not fall within either of the ex[?]. 'Vital interests' means some[?] affecting the life of the nation. "While I think we are bound to con[?] to arbitration, I also think we could properly ask for a specifically constructed [?] of arbitration on the grounds [?] it would be difficult to find a really partial tribunal organized as is the [?] Court of Arbitration at The [?] Senator Townsend of the Canal Com[?] [?] declared Extremely Low Tide Bares City's Sea Wall Waters of Harbor, Driven Out by High Wind, Receded so Far Yesterday at Low Tide, That Masonry Work Near Field's Point, Usually 1 1/2 Feet Beneath Surface at Ordinary Low Water, Was Clearly Visible. The Photograph Was Taken Shortly After Noon Yesterday. Wake of Damage [?] Royal, S. C. also went aground, but was later floated. Other smaller craft also stuck in the mud after drifting experiences [?] Lobbyists Wonder the Secretary of State a written authorization from the employer. Within 30 days after final adjournment of [?] Assembly every person whose name appears on the docket is required to [?] with the Secretary of State a detailed sworn statement of all expenses incurred in promoting or opposing legislation which comes under the law. Any person, corporation or association violating any provision of the law subject to a fine of from $200 to $50[?] and any legislative agent or agent w[?] fails to comply with the law is liable [?] a fine of from $100 to $1000 and disba[?] ment for three years. The law says: "It shall be the duty of the Attorney General, upon information, to bri[?] prosecutions for the violation the t[?] act." The law does not apply to munici[?] or public corporations. Plan Governors' Conference Pothier, Foss and Baldwin Will Tack[?] Railroad Situation. THE PROVIDENCE SUNDAY JOURNAL, NOVEMBER 3, 1912. WOMEN IN THE RHODE ISLAND CAMPAIGN Miss Dougherty, Candidate for Secretary of State, Asks "Why Not?" WELL, why not?" Thus Miss Helen Dougherty of Providence, the first woman every nominated for a general State office in Rhode Island, responds to inquiries as to how she happens to be running for a position which has always been occupied by a man, and for which all previous candidates have been men. "If a woman," she adds, "has the requisite qualifications to be a stenographer, a typist or a bookkeeper, why has she not the ability to be a Secretary of State?" Miss Dougherty, who is the Socialist candidate for the office in question, does not necessarily expect to be elected. But she does not believe that the fact that she is a woman should be a bar to her political ambitions. She refers to those business vocations which are most freely opened to women merely by the way of argument, however, for she is engaged in none of them. The point she insists on is that if women have demonstrated their ability in business offices, from positions as stenographers to more important tasks as confidential secretaries and managers of offices, there should be no reason why a woman should not hold down the still more important job under the marble dome. In her opinion, a woman is fully as well qualified to perform or superintend the duties of the office of Secretary of State as a man. At present she is engrossed with tasks which pertain more traditionally to women't realm. As a matter of fact, when a Sunday Journal reporter interviewed her at her home, 18 Doyle avenue, in the height of the campaign season, she was busily engaged in canning preserved pears, and very commendable preserves they looked to be. It may puzzle one who is acquainted with staid old conservative Pittsfield, Mass., from which town Miss Dougherty came a little more than a year ago, to know why she should have broken into State politics in Rhode Island as she has. It was one of those accidental happening which now and then bring persons into the limelight of publicity. The family simply removed to Providence, and Miss Dougherty promptly took up here the work of socialism, in which she had been engaged in the Massachusetts burg. There are five Socialist branches in Providence, only one of which embraces English speaking people in its membership. Naturally she sought affiliation with that one. Being a fluent speaker she quickly obtained prominence in the circle, and, as she says, duty in the form of an expressed desire that she consent to allow her name to be used, called her. She willingly answered that call, and that [chunk missing from paper] There is none of the asterity, the vigor of domineering insistence which popular notion still associates with the woman in politics, about Miss Dougherty. Of pleasing personal appearance and charming speech, those who meet her readily gain the impression that she is a domestically inclined woman of a culture and refinement that might imply a college diploma. Her education, however, was confined to the resources of a country high school up in Franklin county, Mass., the curriculum of which she believes by no means measured up to that of the city high school. But she has been a voracious reader of books and papers, and declares she has gained her most effective "schooling" by her acquaintance with people of liberal education and broad judgment, by keeping in contact with people who talk with definite purpose in view and why seeing [line of text missing?] thing, or are so closely interwoven that one cannot be separated from the other. Socialism and Anarchism are as wide apart as is the east from the west. The Socialists build up, not destroy, institutions. "If socialism stands for anything it is the policy of conservation of human life and the maintenance of the integrity of the home. Only the corrupt element in politics will argue to the contrary. "Those who oppose us have ever said that woman has no place in politics. That her sphere is the home. If the home is her palace, then why do the men fill the textile mills with women. If the home is woman's place, why is she not kept there, instead of being dragged into the mills to do man's work, but never for man's wage? Why not keep her at home and let man work for wage that will support the family as it should be? "Six of the States have declared for equal franchise ; but the fact that they have given woman the right to vote is not going to settle any question pertaining to economics. How could this be expected, seeing that man, having for years had the ballot in his hand, has been unable under existing conditions and systems to work any changes for the better. "I am not a believer in reform of the gradual sort that the word so often means, but in complete social revolution. I belong to the revolutionary party, which is seeking to better working conditions for woman; to give her shorters hours of labor, especially in the stores; which is laboring to emancipate her from night work; which is seeking to secure better sanitary conditions in the mills, especially in those where both sexes are employed; which is endeavoring to enact and secure the enforcement of laws which will hereafter make impossible some of the wrongs that work injury to women and innocent children; which declares that woman shall get the same wage for the same kind of work done by man, and that woman shall live decently and have a little left from their earnings for needed recreation. "These are some of the things the Socialist party stands for, and to which I, as its candidate for Secretary of State, pledge myself. It is true that I am the only woman who has had the honor of having her name placed upon an official State ballot in Rhode Island. It is an honor which I understand and appreciate. It is an honor any woman in Rhode Island might justly be proud to have conferred upon her. "There is one thing more about woman's vote. No member of either of the other political organizations need ever fear that if women get the right of suffrage in Rhode Island they will stampede things in favor of the liquor traffic. It has ever been the case that when the question of woman suffrage came up the liquor interest fought it relentlessly. There was a reason. If woman should ever get the right of franchise in Rhode Island you could count upon one thing for a surety, and that is that there would not be a liquor store on every corner; that there would not be so many of them in the congested, wage workers' residential districts of Providence as are now permitted to do business." Advice from an Expert. George Washington Johnson stood before an avenging judge, and realized that all the evidence was against him. It was the same old charge. "But," said the judge, with a perplexed frown. "I don't understand, Johnson, how it was possible for you to steal those chickens when they were roosting right under the owner's window and there were two vicious bulldogs in the yard." "It wouldn't do you no good [unreadable] MISS MAUD HOWE ELLIOTT AND HER "FLYING SQUADRON" There is no getting round it. You cannot duck, dodge, evade, sidestep or shunt it off on a conversational siding. Whether you will or no, the minute you introduce yourself or are introduced to Mrs. Maud Howe Elliot you must face and answer this question: "Are you a Bull Moose?" Poser, isn't it, especially with your inquisitor a woman and you not a branch horned beast, politically speaking? But here's a quiet hint on the reply to make. Stand squarely on both feet, throw out your chest, keep your eyes front and your head up, and tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing bu the truth. Don't hedge, squirm, grin like a gargoyle or remark that the weather we're having is delicious. If you are for Wilson, speak up and have done. If you believe that Taft is the only champion coming down the presidential pike, say so without any trimmings. In a work don't be a rail-warmer or a middle of the roader. Mrs. Elliott doesn't like it; so don't do it. We cannot make that too strong. She is heart and soul for Col. Roosevelt and the Progressive movement; and she insists that everybody who is old enough to tell the difference between an Australian ballot and a theatrical poster be either with her or against her. She is as [text missing] be the leader of the distaff side of the Bull Moose party in this neighborhood and Commodore of the flying squadron, in which no less a personnage than ex Governor Garvin is only a boa'n. No one has been more active than she in arranging rallies, speaking, seeking converts and accepting any opportunity to get in a good word for the Colonel. She didn't have any idea of participating in the fight which the Bull Moosers are making to bring the Government 'back to the people" until the end of last August. She was then living quietly at her home in Middletown writing books. That is her regular occupation. Being the daughter of Julia Ward Howe. It is natural that she should take to literary pursuits. Then Edwin F. Tuttle called her up on the telephone. He was looking for an able woman to further the cause of the Colonel and his party in this State, and he hit upon Mrs. Elliott as his choice. We let her tell the story of the invitation she had from Mr. Tuttle and of her acceptance of it: "I was sitting in my study that day when my telephone rang. When I answered, the girl at the local office said in a perfectly dispassionate voice you know the cold way telephone girls have of speaking 'Providence is calling, [text missing] candidate for Secretary of State. There is none of the austerity, the vigor of domineering insistence which popular notion still associates with the woman in politics, about Miss Dougherty. Of pleasing personal appearance and charming speech, those who meet her readily gain the impression that she is a domestically inclined woman of a culture and refinement that might imply a college diploma. Her education, however was confined to the resources of a country high school up in Franklin county, Mass., the curriculum of which she believes by no means measured up to that of the city high school. But she has been a voracious reader of books and papers, and declares she has gained her most effective "schooling" by her acquaintance with people of liberal education and broad judgment, by keeping in contact with people who talk with a definite purpose in view, and "by seeing things as they are." "I came to Providence from Pittsfield, Mass., a year ago last June," said Miss Dougherty. "I had lived there 10 years. At present I am living at home and participate in no activites, save those which pertain to the Socialist party. "I first became interesed in Socialism at Pittsfield, through reading about and hearing the doctrines of the party discussed. After I had become affiliated with the Socialist movement I worked with others to secure for it that degree of rightful publicity which should expand and advance the work. "Upon removing to Providence I secured a transfer from the Pittsfield branch to the one English-speaking branch of the five here. When the time came for making up our State ticket our members nominated me for Secretary of State. "You see, it is a part of our firm belief and conviction that woman is the equal of man in all material things. That she can do certain kinds of work equally as well as man. There was no particular reason why the members should have selected me-have singled me out as their candidate; but they did, and duty calling, I responded. "If woman is qualified by her attainments, her ability, to be a stenographer, a typist, or a bookkeeper, why is she not qualified to become Secretary of State? Why, a woman with ordinary intelligence could fill any of the offices held by men, and fill them just as acceptably. If women held more public offices I warrant you there would be fewer public scandals; fewer terrible examples of depravity, of official dereliction, such as have recently been uncovered and shocked the people of New York. "Fully convinced that I could, if elected, fill the office of Secretary of State-and I have cited the other callings in which woman has succeeded, merely by way of argument, for I have never engaged in either of them-I accepted the nomination and am proud of the honor which the Socialists of Rhode Island have conferred upon me. "I make no estimate of the probable support which may be given, because I have not closely studied the Rhode Island situation-that is to any extent. We, as a party organization, hope to get a good vote for all who are upon our ticket. We expect that the organization will show an increase of strength this year, for it is clear that sentiment favorable to socialism is growing. "It would grow more rapidly were there less ill-founded prejudice. For there are those who are uninformed; those who will not take the pains to read; those who accept blindly what others, equally uninformed or wilfully prejudiced, iterate and reiterate namely, that socialism and anarchism are one and the same when the question of woman suffrage came up the liquor interest fought it relentlessly. There was a reason. If woman should ever get the right of franchise in Rhode Island you could count upon one thing for a surety, and that is that there would not be a liquor store on every corner; that there would not be so many of them in the congested, wageworkers' residential districts of Providence as are now permitted to do business." Advice from an Expert. George Washington Johnson stood before an avenging judge, and realized that all the evidence was against him. It was the same old charge. "But," said the judge, with a perplexed frown. "I don't understand, Johnson, how it was possible for you to steal those chickens when they were roosting right under the owner's window and there were two vicious bulldogs in the yard." "It wouldn't do you no good, jedge, foh me to 'splain how I caught 'em," replied the successful culprit. "You couldn't do it if you tried it 40 times, an' you might git a hide full of buckshot de ve'y fust time you put your laig ober de fence. De best way for you to do is to buy your chickens in de market."-The Popular Magazine. horned beast, politically speaking? But here's a quiet hint on the reply to make. Stand squarely on both feet, throw out your chest, keep your eyes front and your head up, and tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. Don't hedge, squirm, grin like a gargoyle or remark that the weather we're having is delicious. If you are for Wilson, speak up and have done. If you believe that Taft is the only champion coming down the presidential pike, say so without any trimmings. In a word, don't be a rail-warmer or a middle-of-the-roader. Mrs. Elliott doesn't like it; so don't do it. We cannot make that too strong. She is heart and soul for Col. Roosevelt and the Progressive movement; and she insists that everybody who is old enough to tell the difference between an Australian ballet and a theatrical poster be either with her or against her. She is as fond of a temporizer as she is of a highwayman who sandbags a blind man for his pennies. No woman in the present campaign has advanced to the front so rapidly as Mrs. Elliott. From a private in the ranks, she has within two months arisen to [Miss Helen Dougherty.] Moosers are making to bring the Government "back to the people" until the end of last August. She was then living quietly at her home in Middletown writing books. That is her regular occupation. Being the daughter of Julia Ward Howe, it is natural that she should take to literary pursuits. Then Edwin F. Tuttle called her up on the telephone. He was looking for an able woman to further the cause of the Colonel and his party in this State, and he hit upon Mrs. Elliott as his choice. We let her tell the story of the invitation she had from Mr. Tuttle and of her acceptance of it: "I was sitting in my study that day when my telephone rang. When I answered, the girl at the local office said in a perfectly dispassionate voice- you know the cold way telephone girls have of speaking-'Providence is calling, Providence is calling.' 'On the other end of the wire was Mr. Tuttle. He immediately launched into the purpose of his call; and I listened respectfully. When he had finished I said that I couldn't think of taking a minor, let alone a leading part in the campaign. I had never done that sort of thing, you know, and I had little thought of making a beginning. "But as Mr. Tuttle talked and talked there came back to me the voice of the telephone girl and her words, 'Providence is calling.' My ears rang; suddenly the words took on a new inflection, a new meaning. Yes, Providence was calling; and calling me. Before Mr. Tuttle had concluded I had made up my mind to enter the fight. "And here I am now in the thick of the battle. It is glorious to be working for a cause like this; and so long as I have a drop of fighting blood left in my veins I am going to do my best to help root out the politicians now in control of national and State affairs and to bring back the rule to the people, where it belongs." "Then you have been a Progressive since last August?" she was asked. "An active one, yes," she said. "But in spirit I've been a Progressive all my life. Why, I was born a Progressive." "And you believe that you are doing your duty in supporting Mr. Roosevelt and the Bull Moose party at this time?" "With all my heart. We women have been called into this campaign. We're not butting in-not a bit of it. The clear-thinking men of this country are in the midst of a great fight. They need our help; and they are getting it." It was her enthusiasm for the cause that led Mrs. Elliott to form and equip the flying squadron which covered the entire State and flooded city and town from Newport to Buck Hill with Bull Moose literature. Never has the State been more completely traversed by a political platoon in one trip than it was by Mrs. Elliott and her band of Bull Moose, both masculine and feminine. Two automobiles carried them in 35 towns and gave them a chance to tell at least 30,000 people (campaign figures), what they were fighting for and what a vote for Roosevelt and the Progressives meant. When they weren't speaking they were distributing literature, which explained their platform and their purposes in detail. Something like three tons of matter were passed out free along the line of march. Mrs. Elliott got the autos, the speakers and helped arrange the itinerary. She was the moving spirit of the squadron, its commodore and its cheer leader. She and her invaders were gone four days, during which time there was less rest than speech-making, travelling and heart-to-heart campaigning. Looked at from the outside, the dash from one end [A FLYING SQUADRON GROUP] of the State to the other and back was pretty close to being perpetual motion on the high speed. "Wasn't the trip a tiring one?" she was asked. The question was natural. "Tiring?" she echoed, her eyes snapping. "I should say not! Why it was exhilarating!" "And as pleasant throughout as it was inspiring?" Thus we gently opened up the lead for the story of the flying squadron's reception. "Most certainly," said Mrs. Elliott. "The trip improved my opinion of my State a thousand-fold. Everywhere we were received with perfect courtesy and listened to with kindness. At every place we were taken in-" "Literally or figuratively?" we interrupted. It was too good an opportunity to let slip. "Literally, to be sure," she said, in all seriousness. "You know that there are Progressives in every town in the State. They are all intelligent people, too, who read and study and are alert. They took care of use at night and gave us food by day. The very great kindness evident among our people impressed me very much. "Experiences? Everything was lovely, really. The crowds who heard us were almost invariably quiet and courteous. In Woonsocket one of our autos was by chance stopped in front of one of the principal liquor saloons of the city. Inside the saloon were many men, all of whom came out to listen when we began speaking. "We were there in one spot nearly an hour and a half; and in that time there was little business done in the saloon. You might expect such a crowd as we had then to be rough and boisterous. But it wasn't. Only once did somebody start to say something while we were speaking. And he was quickly squelched and driven away. "In Wickford an ardent Wilson sympathizer stood our setting forth of the ideals of our party and the strength of our leader, Mr. Roosevelt, as long as he could. Then he broke in, shouting with all his lung power, 'How about Wilson? What do you think of him?' "'He's good presidential timber, no doubt about that,' rejoined Mr. Peckham of Newport, who was the speaker. After one little shout at such a pleasing admission to the worth of his hero the man subsided. "And he, really, was the only one who disturbed us to any extent during our trip. Everybody who gathered about our autos was obviously interested in what we had to say. Likewise everybody was eager to get the literature that we passed out. Why, some were terribly disappointed when they arrived late to find that we had distributed every bit of the matter we had arranged to have on hand for distribution." "You think that most of them read what they secured?" "Positive, yes absolutely positive of it. The people, the working people, you know, are in my opinion firmly convinced that Mr. Roosevelt is their staunch friend and that what he stands for is to their best interests. Our method in going among them, meeting them face to face and talking to them on common ground, was a novel one for Rhode Island at any rate, and I believe that it will have excellent results. "We had so much to tell and so much literature to pass around that it was rather difficult to maintain the strenuous schedule we had mapped out for ourselves. Mrs. Algeo planned the whole trip. Don't forget that. The idea of the flying squadron may have been mine; but Mrs. Algeo worked out the itinerary. She was its brains, and a deal of its life. "In only one place were we far behind our scheduled time of arrival. That was in Westerly, which we reached an hour late after a ride of 159 miles. Our route to Westerly took us through the country district; and what I saw on the way leads me to believe that rural Rhode Island is much neglected. My heart went out to many of the people we met up there in the woods. "Why? They seemed so spiritless, so hopeless in their attitude. Many of them didn't look like real live human beings. At many of the mills I had a similar feeling about the people who flocked about our autos. There is a grand work along the lines of education uplift to be done in our rural sections. The outer parties don't seem to realize it. If ever we get in power we shall turn our attention to those people at the earliest possible opportunity. "But with all their spiritlessness, their seeming hopelessness, they have not forgotten how to be courteous. I want to repeat that I don't believe there are any rough people in Rhode Island. Surely we did not see any; and we covered the State as few others have done. I shall always remember the perfect courtesy shown us by everybody from our hosts to our hearers, all along our line of progress." Mrs. Elliott couldn't resist remarking on the fine weather that the flying squadron had during its four days trip. "It was regular Theodore weather," she exclaimed. And when she was asked if by that she meant "Lucky weather," she replied quickly: "Not at all. Just wonderful weather, that's all." "Will you stay in this fight for good government even if Mr. Roosevelt goes down next Tuesday?" was the parting question. Again her eyes snapped. "Assuredly," she said, with all the positiveness of tone that she could command. "I've gone into this fight with a feeling that I've been called into it and I shall keep at it as long as I live." And as her interviewer said good-by she added that she hoped he would think over what her party and her leader stand for and then line up with the Bull Moosers in the struggle for the rule of the people. Above all things, Mrs. Elliott never forgets to seek converts to the cause to which she has pledged herself. From her viewpoint, being a Progressive is the height of common sense. THE PROVIDENCE SUNDAY JOURNAL, NOVEMBER 3, 1912. FIFTH SECTION. THE CAMPAIGN THROUGH THE CARTOONOSCOPE THAT THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION WHITE HOUSE MAR. 4 1913 —From the Spokane Spokesman Review. ANOTHER ROUGH RIDER HIRAM JOHNSON BULL MOOSE NOMINATION FOR VICE-PRES REPUBLICAN GOVERNORSHIP OF CALIFORNIA —From the Brooklyn Eagle THE SAME OLD GAG VOTE FOR TAFT AND THE "FULL DINNER PAIL" Signed - Trusts FULL DINNER PAIL Special 'Privilege' VOTE FOR TAFT IF YOU WANT "GOOD TIMES" He Can't fool me with that old stunt - Voter —From the Duluth Herald. 'TWAS THE OLD WAY Tricks They Played With Ballots in Palmy Days of the Heeler A fast disappearing feature of the campaign period in Providence is the individual who has, or endeavors to make others think he has, the vote of a ward, or a considerable portion of that of the city, safely "tucked away in his vest pocket," to be produced under certain conditions. He is the individual with the soft, winning whisper, or the threatful and blatant voice, according to the calibre of the man he has to deal with; the "heeler" with a well-graduated "touch," sufficiently elastic to meet any emergency in the work separating a candidate or a group of party managers from their money. Primarily the retirement of the "heeler" began when the present voting system was introduce, and it will interest the voters of to-day, those who are exercising the right of franchise under the secret ballot law, and never did so under the open one, to know how elections were often carried, here and elsewhere in Rhode Island. Under the old system each party organization prepared and had printed its own ballots. The same method applied to those who were conducting ward elections for the City Council. It was one of profit to the "heeler," for as the leader of a coterie of voters who commercialized the franchise, he was sure of delivering what he promised. In those days the several parties, or groups of ward candidates, had separate tables in the voting places, on which were exposed piles of ballots to be used by the electors. Watchers were sta made for assistance in that direction, and to make the deal a sure one, those who were to help out the scheme were to insist that they could not read, hence could not properly mark their ballots. The machinations of the "heelers" failed through a slip one of the to-be assisted made, which put the ward managers on their guard. The official who THE POLITICAL MENAGERIE How the Elephant and Donkey Came to Be Nearly two generations of voters have passed by in the great annual spectacle of saving the na- THE TRIANGULAR CONTEST G.O.P. THIRD TERMER! EGOTIST! PROGRESSIVE LIAR! THIEF! DEM. TEE-HEE TEE-HEE TEE-HEE -From the Columbus Dispatch. THE GLEANERS "VOTES" [?] TAFT -From the Philadelphia Record. THE VILLAGE BULL MOOSE DEMOCRATIC RALLY -TOWN HALL- HON. ANDREW CROWDS BILL, ASK HIM WHERE HIS HORNS IS - GWAN FINANCING A CAMPAIGN PROGRESSIVE PARTY NATIONAL COMMITTEE CERTIFICATES OF CHARTER MEMBERSHIP IN THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY ONE DOLLAR CHEAP AT THE PRICE HOW MANY? CITIZEN CITIZEN CITIZEN CITIZEN CITIZEN -From the Los Angeles Tribune. AND THE HAT CAME BACK THE POLITICAL MENAGERIE How the Elephant and Donkey Came to be NEARLY two generations of voters have passed by in the great annual spectacle of saving the na- Primarily the retirement of the "heeler" began when the present voting system was introduced, and it will interest the voters of to-day, those who are exercising the right of franchise under the secret ballot law, and never did so under the open one, to know how elections were often carried, here and elsewhere in Rhode Island. Under the old system each party organization prepared and had printed its own ballots. The same method applied to those who were conducting ward elections for the City Council. It was one of profit to the "heeler," for as the leader of a coterie of voters who commercialized the franchise, he was sure of delivering what he promised. In those days the several parties, or groups of ward candidates, had separate tables in the voting places, on which were exposed piles of ballots to be used by the electors. Watchers were stationed at these tables, for two purposes --to distribute the ballots, and to prevent emissaries of rival factions from appropriating them, for a shortage of ballots in the closing hours of an election would be a serious dilemma. Making one's election sure meant exactly that in those days, for the conditions were right. The free and untrammelled elector, selecting his favored ballot, walked unchallenged up to the front of a platform, gave his name, handed his ballot to the warden; or else put it in the slot on the top of the ballot box and waited until another election officer said "check," when the warden would pull the slide and the ballot would drop into the box. If he folded the ballot to keep secret his vote the warden would unfold and inspect it, and the instant the ballot went into the box a tally would be marked on a slip of paper which the warden kept on top of the box. By this means it was known to a certainty just the number of votes each party, or each ward ticket had in the box, and hourly reports from the several voting precincts disclosed whether or not it would be necessary to send out for reinforcements. If the situation looked critical, and often such a condition resulted from party indifference, there was recourse to the "heeler," with whom a bargain was made for the force known to have been held in reserve. "Whips" were sent out, from convenient places the voters were called in, and, lining up, these were supplied with ballots which they were required to hold in such a manner that there could be no chance for juggling and substitution of others. Every man in the line was closely watched, and when the ballots went in, and the delivery was made sure, there was an adjournment to a neighboring barn or saloon, where the promised reward was received. On several occasions Newport was known to have saved the day under the open voting and free inspection of ballot system. This was on the occasion of State elections, when in this city the opposition proved stronger than had been anticipated. The polls then closed early in this city, while in Newport voting was conducted until close upon 8 o'clock. Recourse was had to the telegraph service, and Newport politicians were urged to get out every voter possible, which was done, and the tide of battle turned. In one instance Newport saved a State election that way, when the successful candidate's majority was less than 500. The introduction of the so-called Australian ballot system promised to put the practice of commercializing of votes on a shelf, but the "heelers" thought they saw a way for circumventing the law. For a consideration, one of the under officers in a particular ward in Providence once agreed to mark ballots a certain way whenever a request was made for assistance in that direction, and to make the deal a sure one, those who were to help out the scheme were to insist that they could not read, hence could not properly mark their ballots. The machinations of the "heelers" failed through a slip one of the to-be assisted made, which put the ward managers on their guard. The official who was to have wielded the pencil was relegated to a table and kept there all day as a distributer of ballots, and another, who could be trusted, was sent to the booths. So far as is known, that is the only attempt made in Providence to give a party the "double cross" through the work of one of its own agents; since when the local "heeler" has devoted his efforts to promises to bring out or turn voters in return for contributions collected in the earlier days of a campaign. Money thus paid out has often been literally thrown away, although in some communities deliveries have been made, so it is asserted, in spite of the rigid provisions of the secret ballot law. The method adopted to accomplish this calls for the assistance of an election officer, who folds one official ballot inside another and gives both to the voter who is in the deal. One ballot is marked and deposited. The other is brought out of the polling place and given to a second agent, who privately marks it the desired way. This in turn is given to the man whose vote is bargained for, and when he goes into the polling place he receives and takes to a booth an unmarked ballot which he slips into an inside pocket. Depositing the previously marked ballot, he goes out and delivers the clean ballot, which is accepted as prima facie evidence that he has voted as desired, when he gets his reward. Counterfeiting of party tickets was formerly quite common, particularly with reference to the designating emblems which were for the guidance of the illiterate. These were either a representation of the Stars and Stripes or the American eagle. Thus, a voter who, to make sure that he was getting the right ballot, called for the "eagle" could never bank upon voting his convictions, as the chances were as 10 to 1 that he put in an entirely different one, excepting as to the emblem which properly should have graced it. In one of the State campaigns prior to the introduction of the secret ballot an effort was made to defeat one of the parties through the use of a counterfeit ballot. There was considerable interest taken in that election, and it looked as if a certain candidate might win. To prevent any slip-ups through the use of substitute ballots an ingeniously printed one was devised by the leaders of the other party. One of these was purloined from the printing office two days before the election and a wood engraver was hired to counterfeit it, with instructions to substitute the name of the opposite candidate for Governor. He worked all that day and well into the night before he got the job done, when a lot of ballots were printed. But, unfortunately for the well-devised scheme of the plotters, the theft of the ballot had been discovered almost immediately after the abstraction, and a new and simple one was substituted and prepared to be sent to the polling places. Both organizations had a lot of paper to contribute to the junk shop, while the plotters were beaten. -From the Columbus Dispatch THE POLITICAL MENAGERIE How the Elephant and Donkey Came to Be NEARLY two generations of voters have passed by in the great annual spectacle of saving the nation at the ballot box since the elephant and the donkey became conspicuous at the polls. They had been preceded by the tiger and all three had been driven into the ring by a little Bavarian who soon became known the world over--Thomas Nast, master of satire and grotesquerie. You must go back to the days of "Boss" Tweed in New York to find Nast's first use of the tiger in cartoons that did more than any other agency to expose the nefarious methods of the men who for years had been misruling and robbing the municipality, says the Chicago Record-Herald. You may not remember that William M. Tweed, son of the chairmaker, chose politics for an occupation and became an autocrat under one of the most complete plans of public spoilation ever devised and executed in any land. Tweed was a member of a fire company --the Big Six--before he held high offices in the State and city, and the Big Six had as an emblem, a tiger's head. It also was adopted by the Americus Club, which later adopted the name of Tammany Hall. When Nast began his war against Tammany Hall he cast about for an appropriate head. He attached a body to the head and the Tammany tiger lives to-day as every schoolboy knows. Although the tiger was first used by Nast to symbolize a political party he had previously made use of the donkey to symbolize the element that was attacking Secretary of War Stanton as he lay in his coffin. In Harper's Weekly, Jan. 1, 1870, he had a small cartoon entitled, "A Live Jackass Kicking a Dead Lion." The jackass was labeled "The Copperhead Press." Two years later Nast utilized the donkey for the emblem of the Democratic party, when the national campaign came around. A few years later it had become the party symbol. When the politicians were looking forward with the uneasiness of uncertainty to the campaign following Grant's last term the New York Herald started and kept up an outcry, under the general head of "Caesarism," of the possibility of a third term under Grant. The cry found an echo in various places and led Nast in 1874 to frame a cartoon to ridicule the idea. He pictured the Herald as an ass in lion's skin frightening other animals with his braying. Here for the first time the elephant was employed to represent the Republican party. The big, unwieldy, but timid creature was on the brink of a pitfall. Democracy in this cartoon was represented by a fox--the donkey not yet having proprietary rights--and the fox was made to resemble Samuel J. Tilden. The elephant was shown disappearing into the pitfall and again climbing to safety and happiness. Following this Nast made a practice of using the elephant to symbolize the Republican party, for a time labeling it so that none could mistake it. Then he marked it "Grand Old Party," which later was shortened to "G. O. P." Other cartoonists were quick to adopt these symbols, and for more than 37 years the tiger, the donkey and the elephant have been as securely established in the American political zoo as are the lion and the unicorn on the escutcheon of John Bull. Whether they will admit the bull moose to all the rights and privileges of the zoo remains to be seen. New arrivals seldom find old residents who have established an aristocracy, all their own disposed to extend enthusiastic welcome. Then, too, the bull moose arrived without an invitation. "Teddy Bears" had been courting the friendship of the children and might have found a warmer welcome, but the bull moose simply jumped over the fence that surrounds the zoo, brusquely announced "I brought Col. Roosevelt up to the circus," and without a by your leave showed an inclination to be familiar with the time worn privileges of the old residents. To be more specific, Col. Roosevelt in a moment of enthusiasm had declared he "felt like a bull moose," and immediately the bull moose was established as the symbol of the party of which he is the head. -From the Philadelphia Record. The Village Bull Moose DEMOCRATIC RALLY -TOWN HALL- HON. ANDREW CROWDS HERE HE COMES NAOW BILL, ASK HIM WHERE HIS HORNS IS - G'WAN CHEW CHAWEM'S PLUG -From the Rochester Herald "Phonetic" Skiboese. A London dispatch in yesterday's Sun told us about the yearning of Sir James Donaldson, Vice Chancellor of the University of St. Andrews, for phonetic spelling. Dress English in those abbreviated robes, Sir James informed the British Association for the Advancement of Science, and "it would be easy for the whole population of China to learn the English language." But would it be easy for the population of Great Britain and the United States to learn Chinese, whereof we beg to show this specimen, printed in our esteemed Scots contemporary, the Dunfermline Journal, attributed to and signed by the Hon. Andrew Carnegie, Thane of Skibo. "Sum dai, I beleev, English iz destind tu becum the wurld langwaij, the veehicl ov understanding amung naishonz. But its reiz to this pozishon, az wel as its present internashional yuesfulnes, iz obviusly hinderd bi the absurd speling, which pruuvz such an obstacl tu our oen children, eeven thoez ov nativborn pairents. No mater hou hiely trained a manz reezoning pouer mai be, he can not lurn to spel English bi analojy. Our speling iz arbitrery and not baist on reezon. Combinaishonz ov the saim leterz reprezent wiedly diferent soundz. "Thinc ov the saiving in tiem and efort if our children cood lurn the soundz ov the leterz and, yeuzing theez soundz az a baisis, instantly pronouns eny wurd when riten or spel eny wurd when pronounst. "Thinc hou much mor cwicly the foriner wood fiend our literatyud oepen tu him, be aibl tu get at furst hand a nolej ov the real purpos ov our guvernment, a real understanding ov our peepl." While the private secretary is playing at the gowf, the Thane composes this veehicl ov misunderstanding among naishonz. Who else has such a genius of cacography? Possibly a gilly or a caddy who had picked up a little pidgin -From the Los Angeles Tribune. And the Hat Came Back -From the New York Sun English, a little Chinook and a skinful of Scotch whiskey. Who would learn anything, who would not cheerfully forget everything, in the presence of this Skiboese jargon, this thing of horror, this intolerable ugliness, this blasphemy to the eye, this reminiscence of Babel, this simplified Bandarlog, this gibble-gabble of Bedlam? Good men, a bit conservative or reactionary, returning to the habits of their ancestors, might swallow one another and be forgiven; but how many can swallow that mess of mutilated and repulsive words.--New York Sun. Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.