NAWSA Subject File Evans, Elizabeth Glendower Mrs. Glendower Evans Her husband died of pneumonia shortly after their marriage, and she devoted her life to radical causes from that time. She and Mrs. J. Malcolm Forbes worked together for Peace and in 1915 or 1916 they agreed to add their husband's given names to their own names in their signatures. From that time Mrs. Forbes signed "Rose Dabney Malcolm Forbes" and Mrs. Evans used "Elizabeth Glendower Evans". She worked both in the National American Woman Suffrage Association and through the Militant Natl. Woman's Party. Mrs. Evans worked for Trade Union movements and in the famous Lawrence Textile strike somewhere about 1909-1911 she furnished the soup kitchen for the I.W.W. strikers. Arturo Giovanetti was the leader of the strike. In 1920 she carried on the work in Massachusetts for the Child Labor Amendment. She was an ardent supporter of Sacco and Vanzetti and gave large sums of money to the Defense Committee and her office force and her full time to that campaign. Edna Stantial, Editor Woman's Peace Party PREAMBLE AND PLATFORM ADOPTED AT WASHINGTON, July 10, 1915 WE, WOMEN OF THE UNITED STATES, assembled in behalf of World Peace, grateful for the security of our own country, but sorrowing for the misery of all involved in the present struggle among warring nations, do hereby band ourselves together to demand that war be abolished. Equally with men pacifists, we understand that planned-for, legalized, wholesale, human slaughter is today the sum of all villainies. As women, we feel a peculiar moral passion of revolt against both the cruelty and the waste of war. As women, we are especially the custodians of the life of the ages. We will not longer consent to its reckless destruction. As women, we are particularly charged with the future of childhood and with the care of the helpless and the unfortunate. We will not longer endure without protest that added burden of maimed and invalid men and poverty stricken widows and orphans which war places upon us. As women, we have builded by the patient drudgery of the past the basic foundation of the home and of peaceful industry. We will not longer endure without a protest that must be heard and heeded by men, that hoary evil which in an hour destroys the social structure that centuries of toil have reared. As women, we are called upon to start each generation onward toward a better humanity. We will not longer tolerate without determined opposition that denial of the sovereignty of reason and justice by which war and all that makes for war today render impotent the idealism of the race. Therefore, as human beings and the mother half of humanity, we demand that our right to be consulted in the settlement of questions concerning not alone the life of individuals but of nations be recognized and respected. We demand that women be given a share in deciding between war and peace in all the courts of high debate-within the home, the school, the church, the industrial order, and the state. So protesting, and so demanding, we hereby form ourselves into a national organization to be called the Woman's Peace Party. We hereby adopt the following as our platform of principles, some of the items of which have been accepted by a majority vote, and more of which have been the unanimous choice of those attending the conference that initiated the formation of this organization. We have sunk all differences of opinion on minor matters and given freedom of expression to a wide divergence of opinion in the details of our platform and in our statement of explanation and information, in a common desire to make our woman's protest against war and all that makes for war, vocal, commanding and effective. We welcome to our membership all who are in substantial sympathy with that fundamental purpose of our organization, whether or not they can accept in full our detailed statement of principles. PLATFORM THE PURPOSE of this Organization is to enlist all American women in arousing the nations to respect the sacredness of human life and to abolish war. The following is adopted as our platform: 1. The immediate calling of a convention of neutral nations in the interest of early peace. 2. Limitation of armaments and the nationalization of their manufacture. 3. Organized opposition to militarism in our own country. 4. Education of youth in the ideals of peace 5. Democratic control of foreign policies. 6. The further humanizing of governments by the extension of the franchise to women. 7. "Concert of Nations" to supersede "Balance of Power." 8. Action toward the gradual organization of the world to substitute Law for War. 9. The Substitution of an international police for rival armies and navies. 10. Removal of the economic causes of war. 11. The appointment by our Government of a commission of men and women, with an adequate appropriation, to promote international peace. The Conference Further Adopted the Following Resolution: Resolved: That we denounce with all the earnestness of which we are capable the concerted attempt now being made to force this country into still further preparedness for war. We desire to make a solemn appeal to the higher attributes of our common humanity to help us unmask this menace to our civilization. NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS Room 500, 116 South Michigan Avenue, Chicago Chairman, JANE ADDAMS, Chicago. Vice Chairmen, ANNA GARLIN SPENCER, Meadville, Pa. MRS. HENRY VILLARD, New York City. MRS. LOUIS F. POST, Washington, D.C. MRS. JOHN JAY WHITE, Washington, D.D. Secretary, MRS. LUCIA AMES MEAD, Boston, Mass. Executive Secretary, MRS. WILLIAM I. THOMAS, 116 S. Michigan Ave., Chicago. Treasurer, MISS SOPHONISBA P. BRECKINRIDGE, 116 S. Michigan Ave., Chicago. National Organizer, MRS. ELIZABETH GLENDOWER EVANS, 12 Otis Place, Boston, Mass. Honorary Members, MRS. PETHICK-LAWRENCE, of England. MADAME ROSIKA SCHWIMMER, of Hungary. Co-Operating Council Chairman, CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, Pres., International Woman's suffrage Alliance. MRS KATE WALLER BARRETT, Pres., National Council of Women. MRS MAY WRIGHT SEWALL, Pres., Conference of Women, Panama- Pacific Expo. DR. ANNA HOWARD SHAW, Pres. National American Woman's Suffrage Assn. MRS. ELLEN HENROTIN, Ex-Pres., General Federation of Women's Clubs. MISS ANNA GORDON, Pres., National Woman's Christian Temperance Union. MRS. HENRY SOLOMON, EX-Pres., National Council Jewish Women. MRS. RAYMOND ROBINS, Pres., National Woman's Trade Union League. MRS. LEONORA Z. MEDER, Vice- Pres., National Conference of Catholic Charities. MRS HENRY B. PAGE, Pres., International Kindergarten Union. MISS GRACE DEGRAFF, Pres., National League of Teachers. MRS. MINNIE E. BRANSTEDTER, Director of Women's work, Nat'l Socialist Party. MRS. BOOKER T. WASHINGTON, Pres., National Association of Colored Women. MISS MARY MCDOWELL, Pres., National Society Daughters of the American Revolution. MRS. BELLE VAN DOREN HARBERT, Pres., International Congress of Farm Women. MRS. P. P. CLAXTON, Pres., League of American Pen Women. --- Other names and organizations to be added. A Statement of Information and Explanation Adopted by THE WOMAN'S PEACE PARTY Washington, D.C., January 10, 1915 --- PROGRAM FOR CONSTRUCTIVE PEACE I. TO SECURE THE CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES: 1. We urge our government to call a conference of representative delegates from the neutral nations to discuss to possible measures to lessen their own injuries, to hasten the cessation of hostilities, and to prevent warfare in the future. 2. In case an official conference of the kind named above proves impossible or impracticable, we pledge ourselves to work toward the summoning of an unofficial conference of the pacifists of the world to consider points named. II. TO INSURE SUCH TERMS OF SETTLEMENT AS WILL PREVENT THIS WAR FROM BEING BUT THE PRELUDE TO NEW WARS: 1. No province should be transferred as a result of conquest from one government to another against the will of the people. Whenever possible, the desire of a province for autonomy should be respected. 2. No war indemnities should be assessed save when recognized international law has been violated. 3. No treaty alliance or other international arrangement should be entered upon by any nation unless ratified by representatives of the people. Adequate measures for assuring democratic control of foreign policy should be adopted by all nations. III. TO PLACE THE FUTURE PEACE OF THE WORLD UPON SECURER FOUNDATIONS: 1. foreign policies of nations should not be aimed at creating alliances for the purpose of maintaining the "balance of power", but should be directed to the establishment of a "Concert of Nations", with (a) A court, or courts, for the settlement of all disputes between nations; (b) An international congress, with legislative and administrative powers over international affairs, and with permanent committees in place of present secret diplomacy; (c) An international police force. 2. As an immediate step in this direction, a permanent League of Neutral Nations ("League of Peace") should be formed, whose members should bind themselves to settle all difficulties arising between them by arbitration, judicial, or legislative procedure, and who should create an international police force for mutual protection against attack. 3. National disarmament should be effected in the following manner: It should be contingent upon the adoption of this peace program by a sufficient nnmber of nations, or by nations of sufficient power to insure protection to those disarmed. It should be graduated in each nation to the degree of disarmament effected in the other nations, and progressively reduced until finally complete. 4. Pending general disarmament, all manufactories of arms, ammunitions and munitions for use in war should hereafter be national property. 5. The protection of private property at sea, of neutral commerce and of communications should be secured by the neutralization of the seas and of such maritime trade routes as the British Channel, Dardanelles, Panama, Suez, the Straits of Gibraltar, etc. 6. National and international action should be secured to remove the economic causes of war. 7. The democracies of the world should be extended and reinforced by general application of the principle of self-government, including the extension of suffrage to women. IV. IMMEDIATE NATIONAL PROGRAM FOR THE UNITED STATES: 1. We approve the Peace Commission Treaties which our country had negotiated with thirty nations, stipulating of delay and investigation for the period of a year before any declaration of war can take place. We express the hope that all other countries will be included. 2. We protest against the increase of armaments by the United States. We insist that the increase of the army and navy at this time, so far from being the interest of peace, is a direct threat to the wellbeing of other nations with whom we have dealings, an imputation of doubt of their good faith, and calculated to compel them in turn to increase their armies, and in consequence to involve us in an ever-intensifying race for military supremacy. 3. We recommend to the President and Government of the United States that a commission of men and women be created, with an adequate appropriation, whose duty shall be to work for the prevention of war and the formulation of the most compelling and practical methods of world organization. SUGGESTIONS FOR 1915 --- REMEMBER That one dollar spent now in constructive measures for peace may save one million dollars in future armaments. That it is the duty of all persons to help create sane public sentiment as to methods which will ensure permanent peace. That this year, 1915, may decide whether the whole world starts on the path toward peace and progress through world organization, or toward bankruptcy and decay. FOR MEMBERS OF WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIONS 1. Apply for a leaflet which states principles of the Woman's Peace Party and ask your organizations to join it as a local group. 2. Apply for pamphlet entitled "Club Women and the Peace Movement," approved by the General Federation of Women's Clubs, and ask your members to carry out its suggestions. 3. Plan your next year's program to include a course in the study of War and Peace. Read "Outlines of Lessons" issued by the World's Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston. Devote some time of each meeting of this year to discussing constructive measures for permanent peace. Enlist all persons in some peace organizations and welcome all women who are "in substantial sympathy with its main purposes" into the Woman's Peace Party. FOR TEACHERS 1. Join your state branch of the American School Peace League, Mrs. Fanny Fern Andrews, Secretary, 405 Marlborough Street, Boston. Send for its annual report, and buy its recent valuable pamphlet entitled "The War: What Should Be Said About It in the Schools." ($3 a hundred; 5c a copy.) 2. Teach geography and literature so as to show the new interdependence of nations. teach history and patriotism so as to show that a nation's chief dangers are from within, and that women, as much as men, are defenders against its real enemies. Point out our safety because of our undefended Canadian border; that our United States, with its Federal Congress and Supreme Court, may show the way to peace between nations by their federation with an international court, an international legislative body, and an international police to replace rival armies and navies. 3. Write on the walls of every school-room, "Above all Nations is humanity." FOR SUNDAY SCHOOLS Plan adult Bible classes for series of lessons. Send to the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, 105 East 22nd Street, for pamphlet on International Peace-- an outline in 12 lessons. FOR ORGANIZERS OF PEACE MEETINGS. a. Present the preamble, platform and resolution of the Woman's Peace Party and selections from publications issued from headquarters. b. Discuss significance and cost of this war stated in terms of national expenditures. (Uncle Sam pays $2 out of every $3 for Past and Future War), loss of life, effects on women and children, and on unborn posterity; popular fallacies that led to the rivalries and huge armaments which largely bred this war. c. Discuss platform and statement of Women's Peace Party adopted at Washington. Ask audiences to endorse measures pending in Congress, e.g. the Crosser Bill for Nationalization of Armaments, and the Hobson Bill for a Peace Commission. Distribute at meetings petitions to be signed and mailed separately to congressmen, protesting against present increase in our naval program. These petitions will be sent free on application to headquarters. d. Offer for sale at meetings large envelopes of effective leaflets provided by the World's Peace Foundation at ten cents per package. Literature, often free of charge, may be obtained from local branches of the American Peace Society, or from the following national organizations: American School Peace League. Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews, Secretary, 405 Marlborough St., Boston, Mass. Church Peace Union Mr. Frederick Lynch, Secretary 70 5th Avenue, New York. World's Peace Foundation. Mr. Edwin D. Mead, Director, 40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. Carnegie Endowment for Dr. James Scott Brown, Secretary, International Peace 2 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C. American Peace Society, Mr. Arthur D. Call, Secretary. 612 Colorado Bldg. Washington, D. C. Association for International Mr. F. P. Keppel, Secretary Conciliation, 407 117th Street, New York RULES GOVERNING THE ORGANIZATION The name shall be Woman's Peace Party. The officers shall be a Chairman, Secretary, Treasurer and four Vice-Chairmen, who together shall form an Executive Council. A Cooperating Council shall be appointed by the Executive Council, and these in turn shall appoint Chairmen of their respective Congressional Districts. The members shall be: 1. Local groups wherever they can be organized, each to pay $5 annually into the National Treasury. 2. Sustaining Members, who shall individually pay $1 annually into the National Treasury. PLAN OF WORK AND CHAIRMEN OF NATIONAL COMMITTEES 1. NATIONAL LEGISLATION (a) The National Legislative Committee represents the Woman's Peace Party at hearings before such Congressional Committees as that on Military Affairs. (b) This Committee enters into correspondence with the Legislative Committees of the Woman's Peace Party in various states, securing endorsements of bills recommended by the National Executive Council. Such endorsements, when received from the states, are presented to Congress. (c) From the fact that questions of peace and war can be considered only by the Federal Congress, the National Legislative Committee is located in Washington, with two Vice-Chairmen of the Woman's Peace Party as members of the Committee. Correspondence should be conducted through Mrs. George Odell, Secretary, the Rochambeau, Washington, D. C. 2. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (a) The results of the Washington conference were presented to all embassies and legations at Washington by Mrs. Kate Waller Barrett and her Committee. They were cordially received, and the platform has already been officially translated and transmitted to various foreign countries. (b) Madame Rosika Schwimmer, acting as International Secretary of the Woman's Peace Society, is in direct communication with the women of seventeen European nations. 3. PROPAGANDA (a) Holding nation-wide mass meetings. Chairman, Mrs. Lucia Ames Mead, 39 Newbury Street, Boston, Mass. The first of such meetings has been arranged for February 22, 1915, to protest against the immediate increase of armament in the United States, and to endorse the Crosser Bill and the Hobson Bill, both of which are at present before Congress. Petitions and suggestions for meetings may be secured from Mrs. Mead or the Chicago office. (b) Stimulation of a Peace Propaganda throughout existing organizations. Chairman, Miss Zona Gale, Portage, Wis. Secretary, Miss Ella J. Abeel, 116 S. Michigan Avenue, Chicago. Literature: Lists of reading and publications to be obtained through existing peace societies, as well as names and terms of speakers and lectures may be secured through the Chicago office. The services of Mrs. Glendower Evans, the National Organizer, may be arranged for at headquarters, or by writing directly to her. (c) The Promotion of a Peace Educational Program for our Schools and Colleges. Chairman, Mrs. Fanny Fern Andrews, Secretary of the American School Peace League, 405 Marlborough Street, Boston. The League, already organized throughout the states, is ready to give prompt and efficient suggestions. (d) The Formation of Committees for Publicity and Press Work. Chairman, miss Katherine Leckie, Professional Bldg., 17 E. 38th Street, New York. Secretary, Mr. William W. Welsh, 116 S. Michigan Avenue, Chicago. Suggestions for press work, posters, and material for advertising may be secured from the central office. state organizations are urged to protest through the local press against the tendency to militarize public sentiment in America. (e) The Encouragement of Artists, Musicians and Writers to productions promoting peace. Chairman, Miss Florence Holbrook; Secretary, Mrs. Martin Schutze, 116 S. Michigan Avenue, Chicago. Arrangements are under way to present “Euripides’ Trojan Women” by The Chicago Little Theatre Company. This protest against war made by women three thousand years ago and never surpassed in beauty and poignancy, relates out protest to that of the women of all ages. Arrangements may be made through the central office to have this play presented throughout the country. Lists of dramatic readers and singers; of available plays, stories, poems, and songs; of decorated mottoes, cartoons, and illustrations, as well as suggestions for pageants and festivals, will be supplied from the central office. APPLICATION BLANK I hereby apply for membership in the WOMAN’S PEACE PARTY for {myself as a {sustaining member {this organization {local group and enclose $____________________ for Dues. Name______________________________ Address___________________________ Allied Printing Trades Council Chicago 84 Union Label [*Aug 1939*] THE RADCLIFFE QUARTERLY 45 and character, given evidence of the gretest promise: To Eleanor Lafore 7. Honors from outside colleges awarded to those receiving degrees today or who have studied here this year: Smith College Trustee Fellowships To Ruth Irma Walter, A. B. 1939 - work in history and literature Hadassah Sylvia Wagman, A. B. 1939 - work in English (given by Department of Education) Wellesley College Teaching fellowship in physics To Catherine Louise Burke, A. B. 1939 Anne Louise Barrett Fellowship in Music to Helena Steilberg, A. M. 1939 Vassar College Mary Richardson and Lydia Pratt Babbott Fellow To Anne O'Neill, A. B. 1939 Fellow of the Associate Alumnae of Vassar College to Roberta Morgan, g 1937-39 Columbia University - Curtis University Scholarship To Irene Beatrice Oppenheimer, A. B. 1939 Stanford University - resident fellowships To Eleanor Lafore, A. B. 1939 Doreen Isabel Young, A. B. 1936, g 1938-39 Yale University - fellowship in anthropology to Alice Dukes Blyth, A. B. 1939 Simmons College - scholarship for study at the School of Social Work To Lucille Pearl Radlo, A. B. 1939 Royal Society of Canada ($1500) To Florence Shirley Patterson, g. 1838-39-- astronomy Belgian American Education Foundation fellowship (to study economics in Belgium next year) To Alice Elizabeth Bourneuf, A. M. (Feb.) 1939 Awards for summer study Belgian American Educational Foundation Fellowships of $400 to enable holders to take the University Summer Courses in fine arts in Brussels To Margaret Innes Boulton, g 1935-39 Elizabeth Leigh Ferry, g 1937-39 University of Munich, for study in Munich To Penelope Pelham Pattee, 1942 High honors received by former gradutes First PHi Beta Kappa award of $1500, the Mary Isabel Sibley Fellowship in French To Alice B. Critchett, A. B. Mount Holyoke, Ph.D. Radcliffe, now member of the Mount Holyoke Faculty American Association of University Women Fellowships Margaret Snell Fellowship $1500 To Isabel Scribner Stearns, g 1933-34, assistant professor of philosophy at Smith College. She is the first holder of the Margaret Snell Fellowship given by the North Pacific Section of the A.A.U.W. She plans to work at the University of California in Berkeley Anna C. Brackett Fellowship $1000 To Mary Campbell McGrillies, A. M. 1936, assistant and graduate student in the French Department of the University of California. Miss McGrillies will go to France to gather material for completion of her doctoral dissertation (which degree she plans to take at the University of California). A.A.U.W. International Fellowship $1500 to Aase Gruda Skard, g 1931-32, fellow at Teachers College, Trondheim, Norway. Her fellowship project will be a study of the social needs of children of school age. Mrs. Skard plans to work in Stockholm. Fellowship founded by alumnae of Radcliffe College, to a member of the Senior Class, for use in 1939-40 Harvard Annex Fellowship To Benita Davenport Holland, 1938 (1938-39 at American School for Classical Studies at Athens as holder of Charles Eliot Norton Fellowship) III. GIFTS AND BEQUESTS Total received since last commencement . . . . . . . . . . $115,507 Total received from Alumnae Fund, 1937-38 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14,661 Amount applicable to Radcliffe College Fund for Endowment and Equipment .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75,178 Objectives of This Fund Total Rec'd $1,000,000 for general endowment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .$186,075 1,000,000 for scholarships and fellowships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355,664 475,000 for addition to library . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15,000 450,000 for music building . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ________ 860,000 for graduate building . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ________ Gifts of Which Special Mention Should Be Made For books for library "John R. and Sarah C. Briggs Fund" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18,633 Estate of Elizabeth Briggs, 1887 —"to Radcliffe College... for the purchase of books in American history from the interest, the fund to be known as the John R. and Sarah C. Briggs Fund." "Margaret Weyerhaeuser Jewett Fund"... 2,691 From Mrs. James R. Jewett—income to be used for the purchase of library books. From the Class of 1919—"for the purchase of books for the Library, in memory of the five members of the class who have died since graduation"... 300 Geneva Evelyn Jackson Wai Tsu New Kuo Priscilla Allison Ring Frieda Osgood Silz Lucile Betsey Whitcher For aid to students Jean Birdsall Fellowship... 5,547 (Jean Birdsall, A. B. 1917, A.M. 1920, Ph.D. 1925.) Graduate Chapter Fellowship... 2,500 Lilian Horsford Farlow Fellowship... 8,000 Estate of Edith M. Coe, A. B. 1901, A.M. 1917, "income from which. . . awarded annually to a graduate student, preferably to one doing advanced work in botany or some allied science." Julia Goddard Scholarship Fund.. 5,000 Estate of Eleanor Goddard May ". . . a trust fund, to found a scholarship or scholarships in memory of Mrs. May's aunt, Miss Julia Goddard." Amy Brooks Maginnis Scholarship. 5,000 (Amy Brooks, A.B. 1904, A.M. 1905, g 1931-1932.) Mary Lowell Stone Scholarship... 5,000 Estate of Jennie Maria Arms Sheldon— ". . . annual income to help young women who have an aptitude for original scientific research." Margaret Weyerhaeuser Jewett Scholarship... 2,691 From Mrs James R. Jewett—"income to be awarded to member of the junior or senior class who stands in need of such aid, qualities of character and of service to others, as well as scholarly ability, to be borne in mind by those making the award." Special aid—not funded Elizabeth Glendower Evans fellowships ... 3,000 Trustees of the Elizabeth Glendower Evans Trust—graduate fellowships for 1939-1940 or for two successive years—particular consideration to be given to candidates "from countries where free inquiry and human tolerance are now denied." Holders to be known as Elizabeth Glendower Evans Fellows. Refugee scholarships... 1,829.76 Regional scholarships, from the Radcliffe clubs... 3,000 To meet certain immediate needs Refurnishing of Agassiz Living Room Class of 1894...215 Class of 1939... 200 Class of 1940... 200 Special instances of though and responsibility on part of alumnae and friends Gifts toward replacing trees lost in hurricane "The Helen Cordelia Bunker Fund" Founded by Mothers and Daughters Club in 1927—"for purposes of kindliness and service to individual girls." Began with gifts of $100 and has been added to until this year interest was sufficient to assist five students in meeting Commencement expenses. American School of Classical Studies in Athens... 5,000 At the initiative of Mary H. Buckingham, 1890, and by her gifts and her effort, which makes Radcliffe one of the supporting institutions. THE BACCALAUREATE SERVICE On Sunday afternoon the Reverend Arthur Lee Kinsolving, D.D., rector of Trinity Church in Boston, delivered the Baccalaureate sermon in the First Church (Congregational). The church was crowded, some of the congregation even having to stand, as Mr. Kinsolving preached on the feeling of frustration abroad in the world today and the awareness of God's grace as the great means of overcoming it. As his closing message he said, "Be quietly assured of the grace of God intended both for your own life and for your times, that you may be instruments of this grace in healing the hurts of the world." Written for the Memorial Meeting to Mrs. Glendower Evans) GREATHEART Our greatheart has gone from us. She was brave To face the strongest with unfaltering breast, But tender to the suffering and the weak, A champion of the poor and the oppressed. The love and wisdom of her youth are writ In laws and institutions of our State; But 'tis as Greatheart we recall her best - - - She who could face a storm of public hate. Her sight was clear to pierce [an] the dark clouds Of popular delusion, surging high; Amid the blackest shadows she stood firm, As steadfast as the stars are in the sky. She might have lived a life of idle ease; It had no charms her spirit to allure. She took her place upon the picket line At Lawrence seeking justice for the poor. For Sacco and Vanzetti seven years She toiled with zeal and with unshaken faith, While prejudice, inflamed to fever heat By guile and falsehood, clambered for their death. Great-hearted men and women through the world Hold dear her memory, her example bright. Oh, let it strengthen us when fears assail, And keep us firm, like her, to truth and right! Alice Stone Blackwell Copy The Supreme Court of Massachusetts vs. Sacco and Vanzetti by Elizabeth Glendower Evans The Sacco-Vanzetti case has been often referred to as a cause celibre. It is closed with the Wilkes case, famous in English history as a supreme battle of liberty, and with the more recent and better known Dreyfus case of France. It has certain points in common with each of them. The appeal for a new trial in the Sacco-Vanzetti case was heard in Boston on January 11, 12, and 13, the full bench of the Supreme Court judges sitting. The case was argued for the defendants by William F. Thompson and for the government by Dudley P. Ranney, one of the assistant district attorneys for the Norfolk County, where the trial was held. It will be remembered that the murder of Paramenter and Beradelli, in connection with a payroll robbery of $15,776.51, occurred in South Braintree, Mass., on April 15, 1920, and that some three weeks later Sacco and Vanzetti, Italian radicals, were picked up on a trolley car in the vicinity. That morning they had read in the papers that the body of a fellow Italian, -a comrade of their own, - had been found on the pavement in New York City, having fallen (some said having been thrown) from the fourteenth story of the Department of Justice Building, where he had been confined for two or three more months. Upon their arrest, Sacco, and Vanzetti were questioned as to their opinions, - "Were they Socialists? Were they Communists? Were they Anarchists?" The nexts day they were inspected by various witnesses of the South Braintree crime, and of an earlier attempt at a similar crime in Bridgewater. Sacco was "identified" by some of these as principle in the one crime, and Vanzetti as principles in the other. The upshot was that the two of them were charged with murder of Paramenter and of Beradelli at South Braintree. The time when these things happened was that of the "red raids" of A. Mitchell Palmer, Attorney General of the United States, - a time of terror for foreign born "radicals" who were seized by the thousand, and a number of whom were deported. And many who watched the trial believed that the superheated atmosphere of the community leaked into the court room, that the accused were on trial for their opinions, and that the verdict flew in the face of the plain burden of the evidence. This belief has been immensely strengthened by further evidence, since discovered. The hearings of this new evidence were held before the lion. Webster Thayer, the same judge who sat at the trial. Much of it has been discussed in various news and magazine articles. I for one can testify to my belief that, whatever appearance of detachment the judge gave as he sat upon the bench, he always disclosed the twist in his mind that the accused had committed murder. One piece of evidence overshadowed all else: the accused were terrorized when they were arrested; this showed a "consciousness of guilt;" and of what could they be guilty, if not of murder? Copy, page 3. The supreme Court of Massachusetts, vs. Sacco-Vanzetti Judge Thayer's type of mind was obviously that of a casuist. Of course, he could always find authorities to justify himself , to himself. But William G. Thompson had no doubt that the Appellate Court would be constrained to grant a new trial. And lawyers of the first rank who had read his brief, shared his opinion. Nevertheless, on May 12, a unanimous opinion sustaining Judge Thayer upon every point was handed down. "The Judge acted within his discretion." - that is its burden. On points of law he was always upheld. And where the facts, at war with his findings on the motions were urged, the opinion held that "it was for the judge, on all the evidence to find the facts - - he could accept in whole or in part, and the question of a new trial was a matter of discretion." There is no single word in the seventy-one pages of the opinion to indicate that the incidents of the arrest, of the trial, or of the subsequent hearings, reached the understanding of the Court. The causes of the men's terror, - (relied upon, as evidence of guilt be it remembered, by the prosecution) given by them in broken sentences at the trial and walls out off by the protest of the District Attorney or of the judge, "how is that pertinent?" - facts not disputed and yet brushed aside, these were recited eloquently, convincingly by Mr. Thompson. If the row of learned judges as they sat upon the bench had ears, they must have heard. But from the opinion it would seem as if the words had never ben spoken. In his argument before the Court, Mr. Thompson had called attention to the excellent character which both of the men bore; to the fact that they were both of them steadily employed; to the fact that Sacco that year had paid a Federal Income Tax, and that at the time of his arrest he was earning as high as $80.00 a week. He called attention to the fact that after the crime occurred the men had not moved from the vicinity, but that on the contrary, on the evening of their arrest they were arranging for a meeting in a town adjacent to South Braintree to protest against the arrest and the deportation of so-called radicals. A draft of the flier to advertise this meeting was taken from Vanzetti's or any of their friends had received any part of the stolen payroll of which the murders had been the occasion. And equally there was the alibi evidence which, especially in the case of Sacco, had amounted almost to a demonstration. Apparently, Mr. Thompson's words were spoken to vacant air. In the matter of the Proctor incident, the action of the Supreme Court was remarkable. This so-called evidence was told last August in various magazines, how Capt. Charles H. Proctor of the State Police, called as a government witness, had admitted after the trial, that his testimony relative to the government's claim that the mortal bulled had been fired from Sacco's gun had been purposely framed. He was understood both by the defendants counsel and likewise by the judge, as was shown in his instruction to the jury, to have supported this claim. but in a later affidavit he explained that on the witness stand the question had been put to him in a prearranged form of words. Had he been asked the direct question, he said, "I should have answered them, as I do now, without hesitation, in the negative." The district attorney and his assistant, each of them, filed an affidavit making an indignant general denial; but their statements really confirmed Capt. Proctor's. Indeed, the assistant district attorney admitted in so many words that he had known Capt. Proctor's Copy- page 3 - The Supreme Court of Mass. vs. Sacco-Vanzetti. opinions. Judge Thayer considered the three affidavits in a lengthy opinion which, with many words, discussed self-evident or irrelevant matters but which omitted all reference to the main fact: and as an outcome he found that Capt. Proctor's misunderstood testimony had not been injurious to the defendant's case, and that the prosecuting officers had done nothing incompatible with the strictest sense of honor. And what did the Supreme Court do in the matter? Quoting at length from the three easily understood affidavits and even more at length from Judge Thayer's opinion, it had held that his findings "cannot be successfully challenged!" Easily astonishing is its dealing with the elaborate series of photographs taken under a high power microscope which were introduced at hearing subsequent to the trial, and which the defense held proved, among other things, that the bullet which had killed Berardelli could not have been fired from Sacco's gun. One of the microphotographs showed that the primmer of a shell fired from Sacco's pistol a s an experiment during the trial, which had a dent from the firing pin twenty-three degrees off centre, and in contrast was another microphotography of the primmer of the bullet which had killed Berardelli in which the firing pin struck in the exact centre. The district attorney had argued that this discrepancy was due to a "tolerance of the firing pin." Had a larger number of shots been fired from Sacco's gun, he claimed the firing pin would probably had struck anywhere within a radius of twenty-three degrees. "If you thought that, why did you not test your theory by firing a larger number of shots," asked Mr. Thompson. "I have studied at the Worcester Polytechnic, and I know that pistols with such "tolerance" of the firing pin would not be saleable. However, why argue the question? Let us put it to the test. Let us go out in the lot and fire Sacco's pistol fifty times, or one hundred times. We will bring the primers into the court room, and we will see if in every instance Sacco's pistol does not strike twenty-three degrees off centre. I will stand by that test." In spite of this challenge, Judge Thayer did not allow the shots to be fired. And the Supreme Court, summing up this mass of evidence in a single page, found "that the photographic and microscopic examinations and experimental tests were evidence only for the judge's consideration...the judge had heard the evidence at the trail (a clear misstatement, since the microphotographs had not then been made) and his declination to follow the defendants experts cannot be classed as an error at law." before the Supreme Court Mr .Thompson had pleaded the high traditions fo the English common law. It was for this that he had argued the case at such length. "It would seem to me an appealing thing," he had said, "if it should go out throughout the world, into. Russia where liberalism is dead, into Italy where it is also dead, into France where it is dying, into England where it is in danger -- -if it should go out into all these places that when Italian radicals, whether Anarchists, Communists, or Socialists, are on trial for their lives, here, too, yes, even in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, the rule of reason ceases to operate and the rule of force and for fear takes its place." In an article written last August under the title When the Downtrodden Ask Justice, the probable outcome of an appeal to the Supreme Court in the Sacco-Vanzetti Case was discussed, and the forecast was Copy - page 4. The Supreme Court of Massachusetts vs. Sacco-Vanzetti ventured that, by hook or by crook, the lower court would d be upheld. "Supreme Court judges, after all", it was commented, "are only human beings; there is such a thing as pride of profession; and were all that transpired at the trial and at the subsequent hearings to be revealed to the full light of day, blow would be dealt to the processes of justice which no court could contemplate with equanimity." The facts as stated in this article are given in nonlegal words, and the opinions are those of one unlearned in the law. Those who desire a more complete and a more scholarly statement are referred to an article in the New Republic of June 9th. As a conclusion, this article says of the Commonwealth against Sacco-Vanzetti that the Supreme Court "already stands condemned." "How do Sacco and Vanzetti take the Supreme Court opinion?" it will be asked. Vanzetti is full of fight. he has no notion of dying as a murdered if such death it to be any means avoided, - he who has given his whole life for the rescue of the downtrodden. But Sacco wants to die. The Supreme Court opinion convinces him that there is no justice for such as he in this United States. He has been in prison now for six years, and he will bear it no longer. he will "die for the Proletariat. Many have died for them and many more will die for them before they learn to live together in love and in honor. The proletariat do not yet understand," so he says. To his wife's pleadings, he answers, "You and I have suffered enough." To Mr. Thompson who pleads that he is throwing up the case, he answers, "All whose opinions I care for will understand." But fortunately among those who champion Sacco and Vanzetti are some who cherish the good name of Massachusetts. They are determined that Sacco and Vanzetti shall not die, if by any means their freedom can be won. And still more are they determined that their state shall be saved from the crime of committing a judicial murder. And Truth has an awful way of coming into its own. Suffrage Rally At Dennison Hall Newtonville Square Wednesday Evening, Nov. 18, at 8 P.M. Speakers Igantius McNulty President of the Boston Building Trades Council Mrs. Glendower Evans Edwin O. Childs, Mayor of Newton Will preside The President's Answer BY MRS. GLENDOWER EVANS The President is a gentleman, and he is likewise an accomplished diplomat. It was an adroit turn when he closed an embarrassing dialogue with the Working Women's delegation to the White House, by asking that the members of the delegation who had been excluded from the audience be admitted to the extent of shaking his hand. That courtesy delivered him for the moment. But for the moment only. In the meeting following, held at the Young Women's Christian Association, where the delegates adjourned for lunch, the poverty of his position was revealed in all its nakedness. "What did he say?" asked the excluded delegates. "Will he help us or won't he?" Then the hard fact came out with no hand-shaking to divert the issue. He will not raise his hand to help us. He will not speak a word, because he is bound by his party. He denies himself the right of free speech on this burning issue of justice and of freedom. "But if you cannot speak for your party, why not speak to it, Mr. President? Will you promise us that?" Until he will give that promise both he and his party must be held responsible, together and singly, leader and rank and file. That is where the President left the issue. Let the women of this country, enfranchised and unenfranchised, understand. ELIZABETH GLENDOWER EVANS Elizabeth Gardiner was born February 23, 1856. Though her birthplace was in New York, she came of an old Boston family, being the great granddaughter of that famous Boston merchant, Thomas Handasyd Perkins. Her family moved back to Massachusetts shortly after her birth and she was brought up near Boston. A strong influence in her early development was Phillips Brooks whose church she attended. In 1882 she married Glendower Evans, a young Philadelphian who had come to Massachusetts to study at Harvard and had settled in Boston. Their happy marriage was tragically brief. Her husband died in 1886. Left alone she took in and educated the two young sons of her brother Howardwho had also died. But her major energy was early turned to public work. In the year of her husband's death she was appointed a trustee of the Lyman Industrial School- the State institution for delinquent girls. For twenty-eight years she labored untiringly on the problems presented there. But as the years passed she became increasingly concerned with the underlying causes of social disorders and sought for means of prevention rather than mere alleviation. For this reason she eagerly accepted membership in 1911 on the first State commission set up in this country to study minimum wage as a constructive and preventive measure in the struggle against the evils of poverty. The Massachusetts Commission recommended a law to set minimum wage rates for women and minors, and the law was passed the following year- the first in the United States. 2 In this period too she became a firm believer in the organization of workers into trade unions in order that they might improve their conditions thru their own combined efforts. For Mrs. Evans belief always led to action. If labor should organize into unions, then she must help them do it and by every means within her power. So, despite her conservative Boston background, she became a staunch and fearless friend of organized labor. Repeatedly she took her place on the picket line during strikes, and she always stood ready to put up bail for arrested pickets. Her espousal of the cause of the workers in the famous Lawrence Strike created consternation among her conservative friends and kinsfolk in Boston. In the same years she took up the unpopular cause of woman suffrage and gave generously in time and money. She was ready to speak for suffrage whenever and whereever she was wanted. To stand on a street corner and shout loud enough to attract the passerby was hard indeed for this Boston "gentle-woman". But Mrs. Evans never shrank from the ordeal and she became a very successful speaker at street meetings. Her work for suffrage was not limited to Massachusetts. She campaigned in many states- including several extensive tours made with Mrs. Robert M. LaFollette in Wisconsin and elsewhere inthe middle west. Throughout the years, her home in Boston looking out on the Charles River was a centre for all those working for liberal and labor causes. Labor leaders from England like Margaret Bondfield and Ramsey MacDonald stayed at her house. Nearby lived Louis D. Brandeis and his family with whom she was on most 3 intimate terms. Mr. Brandeis who had been a close friend of her husband remained a dear friend of her s throughout her life. She looked upon him as her chief and best adviser and accepted his views on all public questions as final. She was wont to say that even if she could not fully understand his reasoning she was sure that he must be right. In the 'twenties the Sacco-Vanzetti Case aroused her passionate concern. Long talks with both men convinced her of their innocence. Zealous study of the record led her to feel that the trial had made a mockery of justice. Characteristically, once she was convinced she was impelled to act. So she gave herself without stint to the arduous battles, first for an appeal, then for a new trial, and finally for executive clemency. She visited the prisoners repeatedly and came to feel for them the strongest sympathy, even affection. But her driving motive was the humiliation she felt as a citizen of Massachusetts because of what she regarded as a shocking miscarriage of justice. Thru the years that the case dragged on her conservative friends and relatives stood aghast at her fearless friendship for these foreign anarchists. But her untiring efforts awoke interest and help in many liberal quarters not only in Boston but throughout the country. Indeed she was an important factor in making the Sacco-Vanzetti Case a cause celebre throughout the world. After the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti, she continued to visit theprison befriending other prisoners and helping them in every way after their release. The Sacco-Vanzetti Case was Mrs. Evans' last great crusade and what Sacco wrote of her in his broken English might well have 4 served as her epitaph: In his prison he penned these words: "I will never forget the generous heart that fight without rest for the liberty of humanity oppressed." Alice G. Brandeis Elizabeth Brandeis Rauschenbush August 1943 M[?] G[?]dma Evans Giovannitti's Address To The Jury Published by the Boston School of Social Science January 27th, 1913 From the Salem Court Records Massachusetts on Trial: Massachusetts Acquitted By CHARLES ZUEBLIN The high-ceiled court-room with its ample windows on either side; The spectators buzzing expectantly along three walls; The judge's empty bench; the empty desks and chairs of the lawyers and reporters; The cage, standing gaunt and unfriendly vis-a-vis the judge's chair; The clock over the door proclaiming the ending of the court's recess; The measured tread of the feet of the jurors, coming along the corridor; The entrance of the twelve "peers" of the prisoners, conscious of grave responsibility; The reporters and the lawyers filing into place; the judge gravely facing the room; The click of the handcuffs stirring curiosity, interest, anxiety; The march of officers and prisoners to the cage; "Hear ye, hear ye, hear ye!" The call of roll of the jury, --one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve; The call and silent rising of the prisoners, "Joseph J. Ettor," "Arturo M. Giovannitti," "Joseph Caruso!" The prosecution is closing its case; the State's Attorney is completing his charge; The officer of the State, the guardian of law and order, the defender of the oppressed, the servant of the electorate, is building an argument-- An argument founded on suspicion, class hatred, race pride. He flatters the jury; he conjures up patriotic visions from the past; He portrays the history of the commonwealth and its heroes, with sinister intent; He warns of the menace of the foreigner, of the foreigner's philosophy, of the foreigner's inflammability; His commercial mind pictures the desire for the dues of the comrades as the motive of these agitators; "Our holy traditions are at stake; our venerable institutions are at stake; yea, our sacred property is at stake!" Will the jury surrender law and order, will they condone anarchy? The State's Attorney has addressed the twelve men of Massachusetts. What is the case that demands this patriotic peroration? An Italian woman has been killed, a compatriot of two of these men, a fellow worker, comrade, sister, of all of them. Where is the murderer? The State's Attorney does not know; no one knows. The prisoners preached brotherhood, vehemently, passionately. The State's Attorney is preaching vengeance, sophistically, intemperately. The three men sit in the cage, two protesting mutely; the third ignorant of the language, staring mystified; on trial for his life, he sits for hours understanding no word of his accusers. They have been deprived of freedom for months, they have been examined, have testified, have been cross-questioned, have heard witnesses; but who is on trial today? Is it not the Commonwealth of Massachusetts? The State's Attorney has finished. There remains only the charge of the judge. "According to the precedent of Massachusetts' law a prisoner may be heard in his own behalf before the judge charges the jury. Does one of these prisoners desire to speak?" The counsel of the prisoners urge them to let the case rest, but they cannot be silent. Joseph Ettor rises, rotund, genial, but at this moment not smiling. The room is now full; the doors are choked with spectators; the air is thick, but pulses beat as on mountain tops; even the weary jury is roused. Ettor penetrates the sophistry of the State's Attorney with one keen thrust. The prisoners are not being tried for their acts, but for their philosophy. No acts have been proved and the philosophy has been misrepresented. He is not there to apologize. If he is responsible for the death of a woman, he should sit in the electric chair. No palliation; no compromise; no condemnation of the prisoner's philosophy and pity for the prisoner. Though it invite the severest penalty he must still stand there and proclaim the right of all men to the full product of their labor. He came to Massachusetts as Kosciusco and Pulaski had come; he is ready to give his life for others if necessary. He is not a foreigner, but he and his Italian-born comrades are the citizens and prophets of the commonwealth of the world. Their death will not delay the coming of this commonwealth. On the day that they die half a million prophets will rise. In a hushed voice the court officer, he in the blue, with brass buttons, says sotto voce, "Didn't Joe do well?" Who but the prosecution could doubt that Massachusetts is on trial? "Does one of the other prisoners wish to speak?" asks the judge. Yes. Giovannitti will also be heard. It is well. He wins at once attention and sympathy. He is still more intense, and speaks with some difficulty-his first speech in English. Ettor commanded by logic, vigor and sincerity. Giovannitti appeals by his delicate profile, his gentle voice, his exaltation. What are the sacred traditions of Massachusetts that are being upheld in this trial? Are they the traditions of witch-burning Salem, or those of the Boston tea-party that overthrew tyrants? Are they the traditions of the respectable mob that dragged Garrison around by a noose, or those of the triumphant abolitionists? He also is not there to plead for mercy, but to protest against punishment for holding the philosophy that unites the class-conscious workers of the world. He, too, will have no compromise. All or nothing. He can face death for his faith, as Socrates did, as Jesus did, as the mediaeval martyrs did; but he is no martyr. He and Ettor are responsible for their proved words; but Caruso, his poor comrade Caruso, cannot speak English he has a wife, he is ignorant, surely he cannot be held responsible. (Even the experienced court officer and the sophisticated reporter blink hard). On his mother's knee he had learned of the oppressors of Rome and Italy. He had come to the Republic to find freedom, and found-- Lawrence. If this proved to be his last speech it would be one of prophecy, of that fraternity of the future for which he would still work if he were set free. Ettor and Giovannitti have addressed the twelve men of Massachusetts; but all must have seen, as they saw, a listening world, a world of superficial prejudices and misunderstandings, but a world of latent sympathy and humanity. * * * * * * * * * The next day the judge delivers his charge, precise, exhaustive, discriminating, dispassionate. * * * * * * * * * * * The day after, the jury returns its verdict. The twelve men of Massachusetts have acquitted the commonwealth of Massachusetts. * * * * * * * * * * * "Hear ye, hear ye, hear ye!" "God bless the commonwealth of Massachusetts!" Copyright, 1913, by Charles Zueblin Published by the Boston School of Social Science 38 Address of the defendant Arturo M. Giovannitti to Jury Salem Court House, November 23, 1912 Mr. Foreman and Gentlemen of the Jury: -- It is the first time in my life that I speak publicly in your wonderful language, and the most solemn moment in my life. I know not if I will go to the end of my remarks. The District Attorney and the other gentlemen here who are used to measure all human emotions with the yardstick may not understand the tumult that is going on in my soul in this moment. But my friends and my comrades before me, these gentlemen here who have been with me for the last seven or eight months, know exactly, and if my words will fail before I reach the end of this short statement to you, it will be because of the superabundance of sentiments that are flooding to my heart. I speak to you not because I want to review this evidence at all. I feel that I have had, as the learned District Attorney said, one of the most prominent if not the most prominent attorney in this state to plead for my liberty and for my life. I shall not enter into the evidence that has been offered here, as I feel that you gentlemen of the jury have by this time a firm and set conviction; by this time you ought to know, you ought to have realized whether I said or whether I did not say those words that have been put into my mouth 1 2 GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. by those two detectives. You ought to know whether it is possible, not for a man like me but for any living human being to say those atrocious, those flagititious words that have been attributed to me. I say only this in regard to the evidence that has been introduced in this case, that if there is or ever has been made murder in the heart of any man that is in this courtroom today, gentlemen of the jury, that man is not sitting in this cage. We had come to Lawrence, as my noble comrade - I call him a noble comrate - Mr. Ettor - said, because we were prompted by something higher and loftier than what the District Attorney or any other man in this presence here may understand and realize. Were I not afraid that I was being somewhat sacrilegious, I would say that to go and investigate into the motives that prompted and actuated us to go into Lawrence would be the same as to inquire, why did the Saviour come on earth, or why, as my friend said, was Lloyd Garrison in this very Commonwealth, in the city of Boston, dragged through the streets with a rope around his neck? Why did all the other great men and masters of thought - why did they go to preach this new gospel of fraternity and brotherhood? It were well - it is well - to inquire into the acts of man; it is just that truth should be ascertained. It is right that the criminal should be brought before the bar of justice, but one side alone of our story has been told here. As Mr. Peters said, one half has never been told. They have brought you a pamphlet of the Industrial Workers of the World and the District Attorney has not dared to introduce more evidence against the Socialist movement, because he knew that here was a 3 GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. man that was capable of contending with him and answering him more than he has been capable of realizing at the beginning. There has been brought only one side of this great industrial question, only the method and only the tactics. But what about, I say, the ethical part of this question? What about the human and humane part of our ideas? What about the grand condition of tomorrow as we see it, and as we foretell it now to the workers at large, here in this same cage where the felon has sat, in this same cage where the drunkard, where the prostitute, where the hired assassin has been? What about the ethical side of that? What about the better and nobler humanity where there shall be no more slaves, where no man will ever be obliged to go on strike in order to obtain fifty cents a week more, where children will not have to starve any more, where women no more will have to go and prostitute themselves, let me say, even if there are women in this courtroom here, because the truth must out at the end; where at least there will not be any more slaves, any more masters, but just one great family of friends and brothers. It may be, gentlemen of the jury, that you do not believe in that. It may be that we are dreamers; it may be that we are fanatics, Mr. District Attorney. We are fanatics. But yet so was a fanatic Socrates, who instead of acknowledging the philosophy of the aristocrats of Athens, preferred to drink the poison. And so was a fanatic the Saviour Jesus Christ, who instead of acknowledging that Pilate, or that Tiberius was emperor of Rome, and instead of acknowledging his submission to all the rulers of the time and all the priestcraft of the time, preferred the cross between two 4 GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. thieves. And so were all the philosophers and all the dreamers and all the scholars of the Middle Ages who preferred to be burned alive by one of these very same churches which you reproach me now of having said no one of our membership should belong to. Yes, gentlemen of the jury, you are the judges; you must deal with facts; you must not deal with ideas. Had not this last appeal to patriotism been injected in this case, had not the District Attorney appealed to you, knowing well your sentiments, in the name of all the feelings that are deep- rooted and sweet to the heart of man, in order to blind you to the real issues in this case, I would not have spoken. I am very humble, I am very low in my own appreciation of myself. I have been in the background during this trial. I have never talked to any American audience, I the man from Southern Italy, how they should run their business. I am not here now to tell you what the future of this country should be. I know this, though--that I come from a country which has been under the rod of oppression for thousands of years, oppressed by the old autocracy of old, oppressed during the Middle Ages, by all the nations of Europe, by all the vandals that often passed through it; and now Italy, oppressed, I may say, even by the present authority, as I am not a believer in kingship and monarchy. And I, gentlemen of the jury, since I was a little boy, have learned upon the knees of my mother and my father to reverence with tears in my eyes the name of a republic. And when I came to this country it was because I thought that really I was coming to a better and a freer land than my own. It was not exactly hunger that drove me out of my house. My father had GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. 5 enough money saved and he had enough energy saved to go and give an education to my brothers. He could have done the same with me and I could now be a professional man down there. But I thought I could visit the world and I desired coming here for that purpose. I have no grudge against this country; I have no grudge against the American flag; I have no grudge against your patriotism; but I want to say that your kind -- or rather, I want to say something about the kind of patriotism that is instilled into your heads. I shall not pander, gentlemen of the jury, to your prejudice; I shall be straightforward and sincere as my friend has been, and even more so. I ask the District Attorney, who speaks about the New England tradition, what he means by that -- if he means the New England tradition of this same town that they used to burn the witches at the stake, or if he means the New England traditions of those men who refused to be any longer under the iron heel of the British aristocracy and dumped the tea into the Boston Harbor and fired the first musket that was announcing to the world for the first time that a new era had been established--that from then on no more kingcraft, no more monarchy, no more kingship would be allowed, but a new people, a new theory, a new principle, a new brotherhood would arise out of the ruin and the wreckage of the past. You answer that, and if you believe that human progress is a thing that cannot be stopped and cannot be checked,--if you believe that this gentleman here, for whom I have the highest respect and the highest admiration, for he has surely presented his case wonderfully, and if I were allowed I would be 6 GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY glad to shake hands with him--but I say, do not, gentlemen of the jury, believe that Mr. Attwill, standing in front of you with upraised hands, will check this mighty flow of this wonderful working class of the world -- its myriads and myriads of men and women, the flower of the land, who are rushing forward towards this destined goal of ours. He is not the one who is going to strangle this new Hercules of the world of Industrial Workers, or rather, the Industrial Workers of the World, in its cradle. It is not your verdict that will stem -- or rather, it is not your verdict that will put a dam before this mighty onrush of waves that go forward. It is not the little insignificant, cheaplife of Arturo Giovannitti, offered in holocaust to warm the hearts of the millionaire manufacturers of this town, that is going to stop Socialism from being the next denominator of the earth. No. No. If there was any violence in Lawrence it was not Joe Ettor's fault; it was not my fault. If you must go back to the origin of all the trouble, gentlemen of the jury, you will find that the origin and reason was the wage system. It was the infamous rule of domination of one man by another man. It was the same principle that existed forty years ago, before your great martyred President, Abraham Lincoln, by an illegal act, which was the Proclamation of Emancipation -- a thing which was beyond his powers as the Constitution of the United States expressed them -- put an end to it. I say it is the same principle now, the principle that made a man at that time a chattel slave, a soulless human being, a thing that could be bought and bartered and sold, and which now, having changed the term, makes the GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY 7 same man -- but a white man -- the slave of the machine. They say you are free in this great and wonderful country. They say you are free. I say that politically you are, and my best compliments and congratulations for it. But I say you cannot be half free and half slave, and economically all the working class in the United States are as much slaves now as the negroes were forty and fifty years ago; because the man that owns the tools wherewith another man works, the man that owns the house where this man lives, the man that owns the factory where this man wants to go to work -- that man owns and controls the bread that that man eats and therefore owns and controls his mind, his body, his heart and soul. Gentlemen, it may be that this argument is out of place. I am not a lawyer. I told you I was not going to discuss the evidence. It may be that the honorable Court would object to my speech, or rather my few remarks, on the ground that it is not referring to the evidence as given in here. But I say and repeat, that we have been working in something that is dearer to us than our lives and our liberty; we have been working in what are our ideas, our ideals, our aspirations, our hopes -- you may say our religion, gentlemen of the jury. You may understand why the American missionary, fired by the holy power of his religion, goes into darkest Africa among the cannibals. Mr. Attwill will tell you that that man goes there because he gets $60 a month; $100 a month. Mr. Attwill, with his commercial mind, will say that man simply goes there on account of his salary or because he wants to collect money from your savings down there, so that the Catholic Church 8 GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. in America or the Methodist Church in America might have five cents a month for dues. But I say that there is something greater and deeper than that, gentlemen, and you know and you realize it for yourselves. But I say that I came here for another purpose than the one that he has intimated to you as being the real one. I came here because I cannot suppress it. He says we cannot claim divine Providence. Well, I do not claim divine Providence. Neither do I think that the District Attorney can claim divine Providence when at the end of his speech he was actually afraid of telling you that you should convict us, that you should send us to the electric chair, that it was well and good that our voices ought to be strangled, that our hearts should cease to bet for the simple fact that a certain unknown person shot Anna Lo Pezzi, a striker in Lawrence. He has not dared to say it in Lawrence; even he has not dared to tell you that we ought to be convicted. But I say, whether you want it or not, we are now the heralds of a new civilization; we have come here to proclaim a new truth; we are the apostles of a new evangel, of a new gospel, which is now at this very same moment being proclaimed, and heralded from one side of the earth to the other. Comrades of our same faith, while I am speaking in this cage, are addressing a different crowd, a different forum, a different audience in ohter parts of the world, -- every known tongue, in every civilized language, in every dialect -- in Russia as in Italy, in England as in France, in China as in South Africa -- everywhere this message of love, is being proclaimed in this same manner, gentlemen of the jury, and it is in the name of that that I want to speak and for GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. 9 nothing else. If, when you have heard what my comrade said and what I have said, do you believe for one single moment that we ever preached violence, that a man like me as I stand with my naked heart before you and you know there is no lie in me at this moment, there is no deception in me at this moment. You know that I know not what I say, because it is only the onrush of what flows from my lips today that I say. Gentlemen of the jury, you know that I am not a trained man in speaking to you, because it is the first time I speak in your language. You know, gentlemen, if you think that there has ever been a spark of malice in my heart, that I never said others should break heads and prowl around and look for blood -- if you believe that, that I ever could have said such a thing, not only on the 29th of January, but since the first day I began to realize that I was living and conscious of my intellectual and moral powers -- then send me to the chair, because it is right and it is just; then send my comrade to the chair because it is right and just. But I want to plead for another man. Whatever you do, for heaven's sake take the case of this man at heart (pointing to the defendant Caruso). This man has been with me two months in this cage here, and I know every thought of his mind. Whatever you do to us, we are the responsible ones. Joe Ettor was the leader of that strike; I was aiding and abetting him in that strike; we alone are responsible. If Anna Lo Pezzi has been killed and you think Anna Lo Pezzi has been killed through our influence, consider that we alone are responsible for it. Say that it is good that we ought to be convicted, regardless of who killed her, if we uttered 10 GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. These words. But consider this poor man and his wife, his child; this man who does not know just now in this moment why he is here -- who keeps on asking me, "Why didn't they tell the truth" What have I done" Why am I here?" It may be that I am appealing to your heart, not to your intelligence, but I am willing to take all the responsibility. Gentlemen of the jury, I have finished. After this comes your verdict. I ask you not to acquit us -- it is not in my power to do so after my attorney has so nobly and ably pleaded for me. I say, though, that there are two ways open. If we are responsible, we are responsible in full. If what the District Attorney said about us is true, then we ought to pay the extreme penalty, for if it is true it was a premeditated crime. If what he said is true, ite means that we went to Lawrence specifically for that purpose and that for years and years we have been studying and maturing our thoughts along that line; then we expect from you a verdict of guilty. But we do not expect you to soothe your conscience and at the same time to give a helping hand to the other side -- simply to go and reason and say, "Well, something has happened there and something or somebody is responsible; let us balance the scales and do half and half." No, gentlemen. We are young; I am twenty-nine years old -- not quite, yet. I will be so two months from now. I have a woman that loves me and that I love; I have a mother and a father that are waiting for me; I have an ideal that is dearer to me than can be expressed or understood. And life has so many allurements and it is so nice and bright and so wonderful that I feel the passion of living in GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. 11 my heart and I do want to live. I don't want to pose to you as a hero, and I don't want to pose as a martyr. No, life is dearer to me than it is probably to a good many others. But I say this, that there is something dearer and nobler and holier and grander, something I could never come to terms with, and that is my conscience and that is my loyalty to my class and to my comrades who have come here in this room, and to the working class of the world, who have contributed with a splendid hand penny by penny to my defense and who have all over the world seen that no injustice and no wrong was done to me. Therefore, I say, weigh both sides and then judge. And if it be, gentlemen of the jury, that your judgment shall be such that this gte will be opened and we shall pass out of it and go back into the sunlit world, then let me assure you what you are doing. Let me tell you that the first strike that breaks again in this Commonwealth or any other place in America where the work and help and the intelligence of Joseph J. Ettor and Arturo Giovannitti will be needed and necessary, there we shall go again regardless of any fear and of any threat. We shall return again to our humble efforts, obscure, humble, unknown, misunderstood -- soldiers of this mighty army of the working class of the world, which out of the shadows and the darkness of the past is striving towards the destined goal which is the emancipation of human kind, which is the establishment of love and brotherhood and justice for every man and every woman in this earth. And on the other hand, if your verdict shall be the contrary, if it be that we who are so worthless as not to deserve either infamy nor the glory of the gal- 12 GIOVANNITTI'S ADDRESS TO THE JURY. lows-- if it be that these hearts of ours must be stilled on the same death chair and by the same current that has destroyed the life of the wife murderer and the patricide and the parricide, then I say, gentlemen of the jury, that tomorrow we shall pass into a greater judgment, that tomorrow we shall go from your presence into a presence where history shall give its last word to us. Whichever way you judge, gentlemen of the jury, I thank you. JACQUES & MELANCON, PRINTERS 116 ELIOT STREET, BOSTON A Meeting in Memory of Elizabeth Glendower Evans will be held at Ford Hall 15 Ashburton Place Friday evening, January 28, 1938 at eight o'clock If you wish to have seats reserved, please reply to Mrs. Andrew N. Winslow, 6 Byron Street, Boston Elizabeth Glendower Evans 1856-1937 Different aspects of activities and achievements of Mrs. Evans will be presented by ROGER N. BALDWIN MARY DEWSON ALDINO FELICANI ALICE HAMILITON ARTHUR D. HILL FOLA LA FOLLETTE DICKINSON MILLER A. J. MUSTE PROFESSOR FELIZ FRANKFURTER will preside MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE Norman Thomas, Chairman Forrest Bailey, Treasurer Roger N. Baldwin Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Morris Ernst Evelyn Preston H. S. Raushenbush Bertha Poole Weyl Lillian D. Wald McAlister Coleman Clarina Michelson Susanna Paton, Executive Secretary Special Committee Helen L. Alfred Algernon Black Harriot Stanton Blatch Susan Brandeis Mrs. George Burnham, Jr. Rev. Edmund B. Chaffee Stuart Chase Dr. Morris R. Cohen Herbert Croly Max Danish Anna N. Davis Margaret De Silver John Dos Passos Mary Dreier Sherwood Eddy John Lovejoy Elliot Charles Ervin Elizabeth Glendower Evans Louise Adams Floyd Walter Frank Elizabeth Gilman Dr. A. L. Goldwater Arthur Garfield Hays Adolph S. Held Paxton Hibben John Haynes Holmes J. A. H. Hopkins Rev. Clarence V. Howell Rev. Paul Jones Florence Kelley Dr. Gertrude B. Kelly Paul U. Kellogg Rev. Leon Rosser Land E. C. Lindeman Dr. Henry R. Linville Mrs. James Marshall Rev. J. Howard Mellish Darwin J. Meserole Dr. Wesley C. Mitchell Mrs. Herbert Mitler Dr. Henry Neumann Irving S. Ottenberg Amos Pinchot Margaret Pollitzer Caroline Pratt Mrs. William I. Rosenfeld, Jr. Helen G. Sahler John Nevin Sayre Rose Schneiderman Mrs. Arthur J. Slade Rex T. Stout Genevieve Taggard Samuel Untermyer Oswald Garrison Villard James P. Warbasse Rev. Charles Webber Rev. Eliot White Mrs. Stephen S. Wise 21 Emergency Committee for Strikers' Relief NOW WORKING FOR MINERS' RELIEF Established by the League for Industrial Democracy and the American Civil Liberties Union PRESBYTERIAN BLDG., ROOM 1027, 156 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK CITY Dear Friend: Nearly half a million miners and their families, hidden away in the isolated mining camps of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Colorado, face the bitter winter with insufficient food, clothes thin and worn, and the threat of eviction from their homes hanging over their heads. Most of them have been without work or pay for ten months or more, struggling to maintain their standard of living as American citizens, and to hold together their union. With splendid spirit they are resisting the operators' attempts to starve them out. Over four thousand families are already living in wooden barracks or tents for the winter. They are rough, hastily constructed barracks--little sheds--which are freezing cold because they are neither plastered nor papered. Snow drifts through the big cracks in the walls. Suffering is intense. After months without work, hunger is a terrible menace. Babies have not tasted milk since spring; families are on starvation rations; children who have been without shoes and stockings all summer are walking miles to school, their bare feet wrapped in rags; there are not enough blankets to keep the children warm at night; many mothers cannot leave their shacks because they have nothing warm to wear. The ills of malnutrition and exposure constantly menace the under-nourished shivering children. The miners in these camps appealed to the Emergency Committee for Strikers Relief in September, begging quick action on the part of our friends to help them in their fight to save their union, their jobs, the very lives of the women and children. Funds have already been sent to Pennsylvania and Colorado, and wagonloads of potatoes, dried beans, cereals, condensed milk, etc., are on their way into some of these bleak lonely camps. But every day three times as many appeals pour into the office as can possibly be met with the funds on hand. Food, they ask, food at once, for our haggard wives, our waxen faced children, our growing boys and girls, the next generation of American citizens. Money should be sent to the New York Headquarters of the Emergency Committee to be transmitted directly to the union miners' own committees in Pennsylvania, Districts No. 2 and No. 5, to District No. 6 in Ohio, and to Colorado. As rapidly as money is received it is sent directly to buy food, in wholesale quantities, coal and medical attention for the neediest families. Gifts of clothing can be sent to New York at the above address, or directly to the camps. Give--money for good, warm clothing for men, women and children. Let your contribution be as generous as possible, that we may be able to relieve this desperate situation immediately. Yours sincerely Susanna Parker Secretary (image caption) One of the dreary Mining Camps where the coal diggers, their wives and children, are marooned without work, food or warm clothing. One Hundred Thousand Miners and Their Families are Face to Face with Starvation in Pennsylvania-Ohio-Colorado Fighting Desperately for a Living Wage and Decent Working Conditions, They Are Being Thrown Out of Their Homes, Shot Down in Cold Blood by Coal and Iron Police, Are Starving and Freezing 10,000 families in the Pittsburgh district alone have been evicted from the homes in which some of them have lived a lifetime. Helpless women and children are being thrown into the street. Young and old, sick and well, they have been driven from shelter, to face the bitter winter in tents or flimsy wooden barracks. Water and electricity have been turned off, food and coal cannot be delivered to miners on company property. In some cases the roofs of the houses have been removed to drive the miners out. The State and Federal authorities have forbidden striking miners the rights of free assembly and free speech. The miners are prohibited from fighting the eviction proceedings of the coal companies in the courts. The state police and deputy sheriffs, officially appointed by the state, are admitted to be in the pay of the coal operators. They are administering the law for the operators, by attacking peaceful miners, shooting in to orderly, unarmed groups of men, women and children, arresting miners without warrant and holding them incommunicado. EMERGENCY COMMITTEE FOR MINERS RELIEF, 156 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. Starvation! Disease! Funds exhausted, bodies weakened by months of famine rations, the limit of physical endurance has been reached among the miners, and the winter brings despair. Pneumonia, flu, and all the malnutrition disease find easy victims in the hungry, thinly clad men and women and children crowded together in their small, unsanitary boxes of rooms. The mine workers of Central and Western Pennsylvania and Ohio are fighting for a wage of $7.50 a day. The disorganized condition of the coal industry enables them to get work to do approximately 160 days in the year, a total gross earnings of $1,200 a year. The mine owners are endeavoring to establish an open-shop wage which goes as low as $2.85 a day. The United States Department of Labor minimum subsistence budget is $2,162 a year. Is the right to work for a wage of $1,200 a year to support of family of five an unreasonable demand? The coal operators are reaping enormous profits at the expense of the workers. The profits of one coal company for one year were $2,000,828. Regardless of who is right and who is wrong in the desperate strife between the operators are the striking miners, the children constitute the tragedy of the coal industry today. Their condition is a blot on the face of our economic system. It is to the shame of our country. Teachers in the camps tell of children fainting in school from hunger, and hundreds kept at home from school for lack of shoes and clothes. In one camp our investor saw children hobbling along through the snow with their bare feet thrust into big cast-off rubbers tied on with rags. "They are so perished-looking with their little old rags of old clothes," said an Irish woman up at Nanty-Glo. The miners await your help. Financial assistance, to buy food in wholesale quantities, is the great need. We ask you to help them-to be as liberal as you possibly can. You may miss it a little or a lot-to them it means life, particularly to the children, whose cries for bread are heard day and night. Money for food and medical attention for miners and their families should be sent to EMERGENCY COMMITTEE FOR MINERS RELIEF Presbyterian Building Forrest Bailey, Treasurer 156 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK CITY Phone Chelsea 0766 Emergency Committee for Miners' Relief, 156 Fifth Avenue, Room 1027, New York City NOTES FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA FIELD Life in the barracks becomes more and more unbearable. Recent rains turned the low lands where the barracks are built into swamps. The women and children sink knee deep in mud to reach their shanties. There are many reports of no coal to cook with or keep warm by. In instances, drainage from the hillsides makes the water ooze through the barracks floors, making it impossible for the children to play on the floor. Water for cooking and washing has to be carried great distances from common wells. A special campaign for money is being made in several mining camps to buy felt paper to line the barracks and close the cracks and guard against coming cold spells. Every mining committee visit our office requests shoes for the children. Thousand of children are out of school because they have no shoes or stocking to wear. In some instances the younger children who do not go to school cannot leave the barracks because of lack of shoes. Investigations of our relief committee of the barracks shows family after family without a mouth full of food. In the homes children were found in bed to keep warm because they had no clothes. Diseases and epidemics are spreading. In one camp all the children are confined with whooping cough. Cold, diphtheria, and measles are widespread. Influenza and pneumonia are increasing among the adults, due to the exposed life and insufficient warmth and food. Many camps are without a physician. The sick lie ill for weeks before receiving attention. Pittsburgh doctors are beginning to offer their services free. The Company doctors refuse to attend the sick in striking families. Expectant mothers look forward with dread to the birth of their children because of the lack of medical attention, low level of sanitation, and because they will have no food and no strength to take care of their babies. Uncleanliness fo the children and families is increasing because of lack of soap and water, and the impossibility of washing clothes. Striking miners come day after day to the picket lines without the opportunity of washing their faces or hands. Families have been found who have lived on an exclusive cabbage diet for two weeks. In some places families have existed on an exclusive bean diet for two weeks. These families are so tired of this diet that they feel they will starve to death if the diet is not changed. At Floodwood, miners and their families have nothing to eat. One woman reported that all she had in the house was blackberries and a few beans. There was no sugar, coffee or meat. At Hastings, a mining camp 2000 feet up in the Allegheny Mountain, a young boy, child of one of the locked out miners, fainted from hunger and cold. He fell down in the road on his way home from school and lay there until a passing automobile picked him up and carried him home. A record is kept of all families applying to relief committee for aid, and funds received are being used to buy food in wholesale quantities. Funds are handled by the Emergency Committee for Miners' Relief, 156 Fifth Avenue, New York City, a non-partisan organization of citizens called together to provide relief to the half million needy people in the cool fields of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Colorado. Relief distribution is made, after investigation, direct through union miners' committees already established. Strikers' Relief Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.