NAWSA    SUBJECT FILE    Garrison, William Lloyd

Mention of Garrison in Blackwell Archives

July 2, 1853 - Letter from Henry Blackwell to Lucy Stone.
             "P.S. I find that here in the West, as everywhere else, Mr. 
Garrison's connection with the "anti-Bible Convention, as it is
called, in offering those resolutions is very bitterly commented upon.
Unless such conventions in future can be so got up or managed as to
take more positive and distinct ground, I think, as they will do more harm
than good - I think Mr. Garrison's resolutions are true, yet I confess
they wore and are a source of regret to me. Nothing is gained by
these sweeping attacks upon the Clergy nor, on the Bible - No principle
is involved and I think they do harm - don't you?"

*Sept. 1893
The Woman's Column

whom? Where did Hancock and Adams,
Washington and Jefferson, Revolutionary
Federalists and Republicans, Dr. Bushnell
and the opposers of woman suffrage gen-
erally, get their right to vote? Who gave
them authority to choose their own rulers?
Women claim no other title for it than
men assert for themselves; and that claim
is valid in one case as in the other. It is
sure to be accorded in the end, and the
sooner the better. No matter how many
stupid or stubborn men may resist and
how many weak-minded women may say
nay, it will nevertheless be triumphant,
adding new lustre to the nineteenth cen-
tury.            Yours very cordially,
                          WM. LLOYD GARRISON.

   This message, sent by the great "Libera-
tor" to the great preacher, nearly a quar-
ter of a century ago, is eloquently repeated
to thoughtful visitors from all the coun-
tries of the earth. Though the hand that
penned them is still, the words live,
breathe, and burn.             F. M. A. *

A Farewell Luncheon
IN HONOR OF 
SENORITA CLEMENCIA LOPEZ,
OCTOBER 5, 1903,
IN THE ROOMS OF 
THE TWENTIETH CENTURY CLUB.

FISKE WARREN,
8 MOUNT VERNON PLACE,
BOSTON, MASS.
1904.

A FAREWELL LUNCHEON IN HONOR OF SENORITA CLEMENCIA LOPEZ.
PROCEEDINGS AT THE LUNCHEON.
THE CHAIRMAN, F. B. SANBORN, said: 
We are going to diverge a little from the custom of such gatherings, and, before the eloquence begins, we are sending round an interesting collection of photographs from the Philippine Islands for your examination. If any questions are to be asked, will you address them to Mr. Robert Sturgis, who sits on my right hand? He will be able to reply, having consulted Miss Lopez or Mr. Warren. We shall allow five minutes for this examination. 
After this interval Mr. Sanborn again rose and said: 
Ladies and Gentlemen: - It is the pleasant duty imposed by my position, - which would have been better filled by the lady at whose admirable College in Wellesley Miss Lopez has pursued her studies in English of late, - to invite your temporary silence, while I read the note of Miss Hazard, and explain briefly that occasion of our meeting in this familiar place. Miss Hazard, unable to be with us, says in her note of regret:
"I will not be able to attend the luncheon on October 5th, but wish to present my regards to Miss Lopez and send her a special message of farewell."
I can imagine Miss Hazard receiving with peculiar satisfaction, as a pupil, our friend from the Philippines. She came to this country nearly two years ago, on an errand not wholly unlike that of the Quakers of England who, in


2             A FAREWELL LUNCHEON
the 17th century, found an asylum in Rhode Island among 
the ancestors of the Principal of Wellesley College, whose 
story she has so well told. Like them, Miss López was a messenger, 
speaking of peace and freedom in a land ostensibly
devoted to liberty and peace, but unwilling to carry out its
own foundation principles. I must say, however, that we 
have received Miss López more kindly, (as Christians
should treat their fellow-Christians, though of a different 
technical belief), than did our forefathers, the Puritans,
when the women who were converted by George Fox came 
across the border from Rhode Island, into the Boston Bay
Colony, which then extended from Hingham to Casco Bay,
but was controlled by a few magistrates and ministers in
the larger towns. Those Quaker women were sent to prison, 
fined, whipt, and ordered to leave the Puritan jurisdiction 
on pain of death; and in my native Colony of New
Hampshire there was found a magistrate to order, and a 
parson to write out the decree, that two poor women,
whose only offence was Quakerism, should be whipt at the 
cart's tail from Dover in New Hampshire, where Waldron
lived and wrought injustice, through every intervening
town until Dedham was reached, and this in the dead of 
winter, just before the anniversary of Him who came on 
earth announcing peace and good will to men. No such
Puritanic Christianity has been lavished upon Miss López.
She has neither been imprisoned nor banished, but received
with hospitality and had the opportunity to tell us, at first 
in Spanish, and of late in English, what is the exact condition 
of her unhappy country, to which she is now returning. 
Her account differs materially from those hues of alternate 
rosy red and midnight blackness in which benevolent 
dissimulaters at Washington have painted those islands 
and their population. She has told us of a Christian
and civilized people, traduced as savages, in order that another 
people, professedly and boastingly Christian, might
"civilize" them by fire, famine and slaughter, pillage their 
property, imprison their ablest leaders, fetter their trade. 

                                                       3
MR.SANBORN 
interfere with their religion, and deny them the rights declared 
inalienable by Washington, Franklin and Jefferson,
-life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
And now, without obtaining justice for her oppressed
family, or the sure prospect of independence for her decimated 
people, she is returning to tale her part with them.
Courageous and full of intelligence, she goes where neither
courage nor wisdom can yet avail to give the Philippine
islands the independence which is their natural right. But
we have all confidence that, while she is still young and 
hopeful, she will see the American republic repent of their 
crime, and retrieve their blunder, which is costing so dear,
and has been so ruinous to the good people of her native
land. Every passing day makes the blunder more glaring,
and every unrepentant year makes the penalty we must 
pay for our sin the heavier. "Ah, Miss!" said the Irish
nurse to the wearied invalid girl, "God is tedious, but he's
sure."
When I last had the honor to address an assembly like
this, in this room, the burden of my speech was, that Americans, 
who have not forsworn the faith of their revolutionary 
fathers must take the attitude towards the Philippines
that Fox and Burke, and their companions in Britain held
towards this country in the days of our Revolution. They
told a misguided people and a foolish king that American
independence was the best solution of the hard problem
with which England was vainly struggling. A few years
passed, and they saw the foolish king driving to Westminster 
to tell the once boastful majority in his parliament,
that he had made peace with Washington, and had recognized 
the independence of the rebels. What the wisest
and best men and women of England had been telling King
George and Lord North they ought to do, was done at last,
amid the applauding shouts of a populace who had called
our ancestors savages and cowards, and had hoped to see
Washington's head on Temple Bar, where Cromwell's had
been.

4                    A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.
We shall see a like change of opinion in America. It has
begun and is fast going forward. Where are the loud 
brags about our triumphant career in the Pacific that we 
used to hear on every side? Where is the commercial
grin and sneer that accompanied our famous "expansion"
of trade in China and the Philippines? Our jingo imperialists 
are singing small in these days. The mass of the people, 
never easy in conscience at our glib and smug betrayal
of the foreign policy of Washington, Adams and Monroe,
are in that "sober second thought" which is so disastrous
for the party that misled them with false hopes, and falser
tales of what was being done. We congratulate our friends
of the López family on this change. Its effect is already 
felt in the Philippines, where an amiable governor, before
he withdraws from his hopeless task of making water run
up hill, is doing the little he can to restore among Filipinos 
that confidence in the friendship and the justice of
Americans, which was so wilfully and needlessly destroyed
by war and torture. Even the courts in Manila, which 
were a byword for their disregard of Anglo-Saxon justice,
are beginning to admit those alleviations of military despotism 
which the shallowest judicial tribunals necessarily
grant. It is no longer a crime in Luzón, I hope, for the
most virtuous of her people to desire (what they would 
have achieved for themselves but for our untimely and 
wicked interferences),-national independence and self-government.
But I am detaining you too long from those speakers
whom I am introduce to you. No introduction is needed
for William Lloyd Garrison; and wherever that name is 
heard, it is known that the bearer of it to the latest generation, 
stands up for justice to the poor and oppressed, and enlightenment 
to the rich and ignorant oppressor.


                MR.GARRISON                                        5
    ADDRESS OF FAREWELL BY MR.GARRISON
Mr. Sanborn, Ladies and Gentlemen:-Gladly do I join in
honoring our guest whose presence in this community has
not only aroused our sympathy and pity but has strengthened 
and sustained the American friends of liberty opposed
to the nation's evil course. Our purpose is to send through
her a message of cheer and courage to her countrymen,
from whom she has so long been exiled. Señorita López
came to us, as many other noble and self-sacrificing patriots 
have come, to ask consideration of the woes and wrongs
of her suffering land. She has appealed to the higher instincts 
of our common nature, which, regardless of race or
clime, ever influence the human breast.
Americans have been wont to recount with pride the list 
of freedom's ambassadors who, in the past, have crossed
the ocean to lay the grievances of their people before our 
professedly liberty loving nation. Our dear and revered
friend, Governor Boutwell, loves to linger in memory on
the visit of Kossuth in search of aid for the Hungarian
cause, and to recall the official part he himself took in the 
generous reception accorded to that eloquent and remarkable 
man. And when Greece, in an earlier day, sent up her
cry of pain, we did not leave to England the sole honor of
responding in her Byron, but later, matched it with our
Massachusetts Cadmus, Dr. Samuel G. Howe. In these previous 
cases, while direct intervention by our government 
was out of the question, a hearty expression of popular
sympathy and aid was never withheld.
No longer can that proud boast be ours. Turkey cares
nothing for the opinion of the United States and smiles at
the proffered censure of her brutal massacres. Russia,
scourging her subject peoples, resents a protest from a 
government whose hands are imbrued with the blood of a 
helpless nation. If the president, with an impulse that does
him credit, is moved to forward a petition of protest to the
Czar, his astute advisers, less insensible to the incongruous.

6     A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.

performance, restrain his action. Insincerely praised for
our entrance into the world's struggle for power, we are
in truth degraded in the eyes of mankind.
Not long ago it was our pride to point to a colossal figure 
of

A mighty woman, with a torch whose flame
Is the imprisoned lightning, and her name
Mother of Exiles.

The imprisoned lightning of liberty has escaped and the
torch is extinguished. Our business is now that of making 
exiles and closing doors. We are in no mood to encourage
foreign revolutionists, and tyrants are competing for our
friendship and alliance. We were not without the inconsistency
of negro slavery in the days when we displayed
our sympathy for foreign insurrections; but the principles
of the fathers were still lauded and, though violated often,
were not as now unblushingly denied and disavowed.
For the first time in our history suppliants for justice
come to us imploring, not assistance against foreign oppression,
but relief from American aggression. They beseech
our government to remove its foot from the neck of
a people bravely struggling to embody in the Philippines
the teachings of Hancock and Adams. Alas that the sacred
name of Boston's patriot, Otis, should have been
soiled by the ruthless chieftain of Manila. 
 What encouragement have these intelligent and observant
Filipino representatives procured from the countrymen
of Sumner and Lincoln? Only that embodied in John Pierpont's
stirring verse commemorating the Yankee "ladrones"
who, at Bunker Hill, dared oppose the mighty
power of George the Third:

What's the mercy despots feel?
Hear it in that battle-peal!
Read it on yon bristling still!
Ask it,- ye who will.

MR. GARRISON.     7

What other reply have Señorita Lopez and her devoted 
brother received to their touching petitions? Let Root and
Otis speak.
Would that our friend might carry back a more comforting
report. Ostensibly the record is closed. The shameful
deed has been accomplished. The people of the United 
States who at first viewed with astonished indignation the
transformation of the republic into an empire, have seemingly
acquiesced and apathy succeeds disgust. If the discouraged
Filipino tacitly accepts the American yoke, it is
with sullen despair, nursing in his heart a hatred for the invaders
which will shoulder but never die out. If at times
desperation overcomes judgment and he attacks from shelter
the enemies of his country, as the farmers of Lexington
and Concord fired upon the retreating British soldiers, he
suffers the ignominious penalties attached to robbery and
murder. Such is the device of tyrants to punish patriotism
and quench the last spark of freedom.
Yet nothing could be more mistaken than despondency at
this critical juncture. In faces of these assembled friends
of equal justice neither doubt nor faltering can be read. If 
we are pessimists, as our imperialistic friends assert, our
anxieties are reserved for the retributive fate that dogs their
footsteps.

We know false glory's spendthrift race
Pawning nations for feather and lace;
It may be short, it may be long,
"'Tis reckoning day," sneers Unpaid Wrong.

But our optimism regarding the overthrow of the transgressors
and the ultimate triumph of the oppressed is rooted
and all-abounding. The flag of the Philippine independence,
as once the flag of Cuba, is only waiting for hurrying events
to wave in its own tropic breeze, now desecrated by the
Stars and Stripes. Heaven speed the day!
I am sure I speak the sentiments of the Anti-Imperialists

8      A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.

of this State at least, when I adjure Senorita Lopez to
warn her countrymen against the mistake of judging our
nation as a unit. The Unite States are not a single 
remorseless despot, as the limited and bitter knowledge of
the Filipinos would lead them to believe. They are a 
federation of eighty million people as diverse in opinion, feeling
and sentiment as it is possible to assemble on the globe.
They range in character, intelligence and purpose from
human beings of the lowest order to men and women who
are a hope and promise of the divine possibilities of the 
human race. I beg our injured friends in the Orient to bear
in mind that unnumbered American hearts beat in
sympathy with them and for their aims to establish self-government
in the islands. Not Aguinaldo nor Mabini ever cherished
a more ardent longing for freedom to live an independent
national life, than their American friends and sincere
coadjutors cherish for them.
   The real struggle,-of which this sad effort of an established
republic to strangle an incipient one in its cradle is
only and episode - is the world-wide uprising of democracy.
The true nation has no geographical confines, for its members
can be reorganized among all peoples, by their devotion
to the abstract principles of human justice. Loving the land
of their nativity, they yet put the welfare of mankind above
all selfish interests. They are soldiers in the ranks of that
universal crusade now agitating politics in all countries.
It is more than a dream, and "dreams are not idle; dreams 
have saved the world."
    Aside from the enthusiasm of noble sentiment, there is
the growing list of plain facts with which the weaker nations
may find consolation and promise. The process of
disintegration and decay delays not to attack men or
nations forgetting the moral law. How quickly our war of 
conquest has unloosed the sleeping enemies of the republic
at home! Since the Spanish war how scandals have
multiplied in the departments of state and city! Wherever
an investigation is even half-heartedly pushed, what


MR. GARRISON.          9
ominous revelations are unearthed! Trade also shares in this
infection of dishonor, and is just beginning to feel the penalty
of collapsing markets and personal losses, a sequence
closely related to our imperial folly.
   More menacing than all material disaster is the recrudescence
of negro slavery, the daring attempt of the unchanged
South to take quick advantage of the national
lapse, and the repudiation of saving ideals. In all this
there is hope for the Philippines. We are having troubles
of our own. The unrest of labor and the new problems
which, unforeseen, daily vex the empire-makers, give them
more than enough to attend to at home, with little time
for thought regarding the alleged trust which the government
pleads as an excuse for not letting a betrayed people
go. Envy no the statesmen who have to grapple with
these self-created problems, but rather rejoice that, out of
their confusion, will be revealed to a deceived people the
nature of the conspiracy into which they have been duped.
   So our word is "Watch and Wait." We could give no
counsel of brute force. The stars in their courses fight for
justice, and what is accomplished by thought and reason
has alone promise of permanence. But the sword cures
nothing and leaves a legacy of curses. Let it not be forgotten
that the majority of the American people - blinded
and misled as they have been by deference to unworthy
authority, to a false sense of patriotism, to the priestly
cant that blesses instruments of carnage and plunder - are
personally kind of heart, desire to be just and will when
disillusioned be eager to hail the Philippine republic.
   Let us have faith in the ultimate defeat of monopoly and
greed in whose interest wars of conquest are fomented.
For public virtue slumbers and is not dead. In American
regeneration our subject peoples will find liberty. Then,
repentant and eager for atonement, we shall welcome and
defend our sister republic in the Philippines. God speed
the day! Meantime may kindest fate attend the return of
our friend and guest to her native land.

10 A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.
MR. SANBORN:-I have now the very great pleasure of
introducing our guest for the afternoon, Miss Clemencia
Lopez, who has won so many hearts in New England.
REPLY BY SENORITA LOPEZ.
Mr. Sanborn and dear friends:-When I planned to return
to my native land it never occurred to me that my
friends would gather to bid me farewell. Still less could I 
have expected that the gathering should be presided over
by the friend of John Brown [Mr. Sanborn]; that the
words of parting should fall from the lips of the son of the
Liberator [Mr. Garrison]; that I should see among the
guests the secretary of Charles Sumner [My. Storey]; and
that there should be present in propria persona that aged
and honored paladin of liberty, Gov. Boutwell. These
names became famous at a time when the victim was the 
black man. Now it is the brown.
It is also a great pleasure that I see among those present
some of my friends from Wellesley, in whose company I
have spent some of my happiest hours in this country; and
to those members of the faculty that are present I give my
grateful thanks for the special permission under which I
became a student at that college. I hope that many of my
countrywomen-more fitted than I to benefit by the opportunities-
may be my successors and come well-prepared
to take the regular course.
I came to this country, fearing to find myself with few 
friends among numerous enemies, but to my surprise I
have found many whom I may claim as friends of my
country, no less than of myself. I have found that the majority
of Americans have good intentions in regard to
the Philippine Islands but are profoundly ignorant of
the true situation there; while others, forming an
intelligent minority, deplore the conduct of the representatives
of the government of this country and are
convinced that justice demands the independence of the 

SENORITA LOPEZ. 11
Philippines. This is my own view of how Americans feel
towards the Philippines,-and I leave this country with the
most agreeable impressions and dear recollections,-but
there is no likelihood that I can induce my countrymen to
accept this view. They assume that your government represents
your people and they have suffered too much at the 
hands of your government to feel anything else than resentment
and rancor.
I suppose that most people in this country think that the
end of the war brought the end of our troubles. This is not 
true. The suffering is as great as before, perhaps greater.
The end of the war did not even bring the end of reconcentration,
which, though entailing the most awful consequences,
is continued as a peace measure. That is in the province 
of Albay. Now let me turn to my own province of
Batangas, which, though not suffering at present so much
as Albay, still presents a picture full of gloom. Let me
take for example the town of San Juan where the condition
of wretchedness that  prevails is shown by the statement
made to the Civil Commission by a committee of the town
officers sent to represent the famished citizens. Remember
that this description deals with a district where the methods
of reconcentration had left the country bare and desolate,
and defenseless against nature's calamities.
To the Hon. Civil Commission of the United States in the
Philippine Islands:
The situation in out town of San Juan de Bokbok, province
of Batangas, is a matter of deep concern to those who,
like ourselves, are charged with responsibility for the prosperity
and tranquillity of the inhabitants.
When peace was declared in 1902 all of the inhabitants,
spurred by the desire to avoid the impending distress and
famine, gave themselves over with an energy such as never
before to the work of cultivation; and, although their means
of doing this were of the scantiest, indeed were almost absolutely
wanting, nevertheless, with great sacrifices they

12               A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.

were able to sow a part of their lands, without other 
implements than the hoe and the bolo under the method called
"caingin," a hard method, but one to which circumstances
compelled them to resort. But when the time came when
they could expect to use the product to mitigate the rigors
of their condition, immense clouds of locusts came to
devastate their fields and the castle of the hopes of zealous
agriculturist fell like a house of cards. Finally consternation
came upon the neighborhood, when, as a climax to
calamity, appeared the scourge of Asiatic cholera.
   With the total loss of these crops and with the rice entirely
exhausted in the few granaries that had escaped the rigors
of war, there was nothing to do to avoid the horrors of
inevitable famine except to plant corn. But the drought
came and destroyed these hopes as well.
   In such a state of things what was to be done? Agriculture
is the only means of livelihood and when it died the
fields were deserted and the laborers began to go to other
parts of the country in search of food. The landowners
then made their last effort. The rich man spent his last 
reserves in the purchase of rice. The older women brought
out the last peseta that their economy had laid by. The
maidens parted with their ear-rings and finger-rings -
either selling them or pawning them - in order to buy rice
and escape starvation. But the poor that had neither money
nor jewels - what did they do? They tramped through
the forests, even those hardest to reach, and fed themselves
with all kinds of tubers, from the trunk of that variety of
banana tree call "sacua" down to the poisonous "nami."
   In this manner, leading a life full of privations, and feeding
themselves on tubers, roots and leaves, they managed
to keep alive through the year and reach the present season
of sowing.
   As the shipwrecked mariner, who discerns the shore, 
calculates the distance that still separates him from it, so our
agriculturists had calculated that by the end of this month
they could eat of the first fruits of the fields, cultivated with


       SENORITA LOPEZ            13
the sweat of their brows, and thus free themselves from the
ailments that had come from eating tubers; but hardly had
the land brought forth the plants of corn and rice, when lo!
there came likewise, as if by enchantment, grasshoppers
that covered the ground and, in combination with cloud
after cloud of locusts that darkened the sky, ruthlessly
destroyed these beautiful crops.
   The total loss of the crops in these circumstances when
the money had all gone, and the jewels, and the stored
rice, and when tubers could no longer be found either on
the plain or in the mountains, was the signal for a united
cry from the agriculturists, both the tenant farmers and
those that shared the profits of the landlords, "Save himself 
who can," and, after the last peseta of each proprietor 
had gone, they found themselves obliged to go on a pacific
strike to emigrate with their families to other towns in 
search of work.
   Here then is a true description of the situation in our
town, which is of deep concern to us as town officers, seeing
that the total destruction of agriculture threatens the
most serious consequences, and this is the reason for the
public expression made by the landowners last Sunday,
begging that the town should obtain from the
governmental authorities the means to avoid such grievous evil.
   Our town officers not being able to present themselves
here as a body, because of the sickness of some of them,
and believing it to be necessary to apply at once to the
highest governmental representatives of America in these
islands, secure in the belief that the proper remedy will be
applied to our misfortunes, have voted to appoint us as a
committee to go in their name and in that of all the inhabitants,
to beg, in view of these calamities, that the following
requests be granted:
   First: A free distribution of rice among laborers to the
end that they may return to till the fields and to find means
to dispose of the locusts, so that a new crop of corn can be
sowed.

14 SENORITA LOPEZ.
Second: The reduction of the rate of the land tax and
the postponement of its collection; the remission of unpaid 
personal taxes and the penalties thereon, which yield only
a nominal revenue to the town; and the declaring of the town
as a port of entry for vessels engaged in trade.
These favors which we hope will be granted by the Hon.
Civil Commission, as the representative of the sovereignty
of America in these islands, will enable the town to escape
from total ruin.
This is what we, as representing the town, do put forward
for the consideration of the Hon. Civil Commission, begging
that a remedy be applied to a case of such extreme
gravity.
Manila, August 11, 1903.
Although this is a long petition I have thought it important
that you should hear it because it conveys to the
mind a vivid picture of a condition of suffering by no means
confined to San Juan de Bokbok, of which few people in
this country have more than the vaguest conception.
But I have spoken too long and will say no more except
to give thanks for the honor conferred upon me, an honor
that I do not deserve, and accept only in the name of my
country, in which I know and appreciate your deep interest.
I hope that the Filipinos will always deserve and be able
to depend upon that interest. I hope that you will continue
to sympathize with us in out misfortune and to aid us
to obtain our longed for liberty and independence.
MR. SANBORN (introducing The Hon. George S. Boutwell):-
I now have the pleasure of introducing a gentleman
who tells me that he has been for more than fifty years a
member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company.

GOVERNOR BOUTWELL. 15
He is entitled to be a member of any ancient and honorable
society in the world:
REMARKS BY GOVERNOR BOUTWELL.
Mr. Sanborn, Ladies and Gentlemen:-The presence of
Senor Lopez and Senorita Lopez in this country is an 
event of importance in many particulars and to one of
them I invite your attention. It has been charged with
continuing pertinacity by those who defend our policy in
the Philippine Islands that the inhabitants of those Islands
are, for the most part, uncivilized and dangerous races of
men. The two persons of whom I am speaking may be
compared without fear of unfavorable contrast with the
most refined and cultivated representatives of American
citizens. Senor Lopez met and disposed of the questions
that were submitted to him and with a skill that would
have distinguished an experienced diplomatist. Senorita
Lopez has not suffered by comparison and competition
with the refined persons who have met her during her sojourn
in America. It is one part of my purpose in joining in
this testimonial to so use the opportunity that I may say to
those representatives of the Philippine Islands that the primary
object of the Anti-Imperialistic Leagues in America is
not the enfranchisement of the Philippine Islands, but the redemption
of America from the dishonor and crime of having
transformed the first republic of the world into an
empire. By the act of President McKinley the 21st day of
December, 1898, the shortest and darkest day of the year,
may hereafter be known as Empire Day,-a fatal to the
Republic and dangerous to the cause of freedom. It is our
purpose to secure the reversal of this policy and the restoration
of the country to its republican form, republican policy
and republican character. Upon the success of this policy
the Philippine Islands will be relieved of the tyranny to
which they have been subjected during these four years
and more, and we shall rejoice with the inhabitants of those

16           A FAREWELL LUNCHEON
Islands and offer to them, to the extent of our ability, our 
aid in the re-establishment of government. The inhabitants
 of the Islands must not, however, assume that we 
shall aid them in their efforts to secure theur freedom, or 
give them advice as to the means that they may employ.

Returning to the question of the civilization of the inhabitants 
of the Philippine Islands it is to be said that the 
census taken by the authority of the United States and 
through agencies employed by its officers, justifies the claim
that we have made from the beginning that the inhabitants 
of the Islands are civilized and are quite well qualified for
the establishment of a popular government. When it is 
said, as it has been said, that the López family are exceptional,
 our answer is this: wherever a representative family 
can exist, such as the López family is admitted to be, the
inference is irresistible that they are representatives of a 
community which recognizes the value of the civilities
which such a family illustrates. Such a family will not be 
tolerated and protected except in a community that appreciates 
such qualities. It appears from the recent census 
of the Philippine Islands that of a population in the aggregate 
of about seven millions at least six millions are
recognized as civilized inhabitants. It is also true that 
the services required in the preparation of the census 
were performed in a large degree by the native inhabitants. 
Upon this evidence the people of the United 
States, as represented in the Administration, ought 
not to attempt to defend their police in the Philippine 
Islands by the statement that those whom they 
are attempting to subjugate are uncivilized and discordant 
races that would make war upon each other if our protecting 
hands were withdrawn. I have brought to this meeting
 a volume published by the Harpers of New York, in the 
year 1854, which bears this title - "Twenty Years in the  
Philippines," by Paul de la Gironiere, who was an educated 
surgeon of the order of the Legion of Honor, this volume,

PROFESSOR COMAN.    17
 which is a result of observations made by the author 
between the year 1820 and the year 1850, contains conclusive 
evidence of the civilization of the inhabitants of the 
Islands and of their attainments in many particulars. It 
may appear upon inspection that this volume is worthy of 
republication in the United States as a full answer to the 
charge which I have thus briefly considered, and as a means 
of placing before the country trustworthy testimony as to 
the real character of the people inhabiting the Islands.

No assurance can be given as to the time when or the 
circumstances under which the power of the United States 
will be withdrawn from the Islands, but Señorita Lopez returns with the full sympathy of a large body of men and women of America. 

MR. SANBORN (introducing Miss Katherine Coman): -
This being an occasion when the principal person commemorated belongs to the gentler sex, I wish we might 
hear from Prof. Coman of Wellesley College, who has had 
the opportunity, in the way of education, to become acquainted 
with our friend Senorita Lopez.

REMARKS BY MISS COMAN.
Mr. Sanborn, Ladies and Gentlemen: - Wellesley College 
has had abundant opportunity to prove the civilization of 
the Filipina, if not of the Filipinos. We have found Señorita 
Lopez a most delightful, courteous, charming and responsive 
student. I fear we cannot take to ourselves credit 
for all she has gained in English, in health and in courage, 
during the  past few months. But those of us who have met 
the Señorita, and who see her here now, must feel that she 
responds to the possibilities of the country in a very wonderful 
fashion. On leaving Wellesley Señorita Lopez sent 
a note to the Academic Council expressing her appreciation

A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.
of what the College had done for her. I should be very 
glad to express for the Council appreciation of Miss Lopez 
as a student, and our hope that in the future young women 
may come from that land to get what they may that is in our 
power to give. We are indebted to Miss Lopez for the demonstration 
she has give of the possibilities of that people.
MR. SANBORN (introducing Rev. W. R. Lord):--I shall 
not expect Gov. Boutwell to remember the day on the anniversary 
of which these proceedings are taking place, for it 
is the two hundredth anniversary of the birth of Jonathan 
Edwards, the great Calvinist theologian, the great maintainer 
of the doctrine of Total Depravity. Now, I do not 
intend to eulogize Jonathan Edwards or this doctrine. 
But when the wicked Universalists, Unitarians, Arminians, 
and other "pests" of the human race, began to question this 
doctrine, there was an old lady in Connecticut who asked,
 "Why do the folks want to say so much against the doctrine
of Total Depravity? It’s a beautiful doctrine — a 
blessed doctrine -- if folks would only live up to it !" As far 
as I am able to judge of total depravity, I should say that 
our administration at Washington and its representatives in 
the Philippine Islands have been acting precisely upon this 
good lady's proposal. To the best of their feeble ability, 
they have been showing what it is to live up to the doctrine 
of total depravity. Now I am going to ask Mr. Lord to 
prove the contrary.
REMARKS BY MR. LORD.
Senorita Lopez:--We, who are gathered here to-day to 
bid you good-bye, are glad that you and your brother have 
been in America for most of the period during which our
 country has persistently perpetrated one of the great national 
crimes of history. We are glad because you can go

MR. LORD  19

back as a personal witness of the fact that not all Americans 
have had a share in that crime; that there were and 
are Americans, and many of them, who have not only sympathized 
with the Filipinos in their struggle for liberty, but 
who have suffered with them in their disasters, and have, 
with them, been made well nigh desperate in their temporary 
defeat. We have suffered with them too, in the awful 
destruction of patriotic and innocent lives and in the 
laying waste of homes in that land,--peaceful till republican 
America began to rape it, under the hollow fiction of 
a Treaty and the pious fraud of "benevolent assimilation." 
We, and the thousands in America whom we represent, are 
witnesses with your own people that, till our army destroyed 
an orderly government and disturbed a universal 
peace, there was no disorder to quell and no government 
needing to be established.
Tell your people for us that there are two kinds of Republicans 
or Democrats in this country: those who believe 
in governing themselves and others, when to their own advantage; 
and those who believe in governing themselves 
but also hold that, in the words of our divinely endowed 
seer, Abraham Lincoln, "no man is good enough to govern 
another without that other's consent."
Tell your people that we believe they had a right to work 
out their own political life in their own way, even though 
that way involved, as it certainly did, unequal and unhappy 
national experiences. Undoubtedly your national evolution 
would have involved revolution or attempted revolution, at 
some point or points. Japan had that experience; and 
America herself had an awful political upheaval, that nearly 
cost her her life as late as 1861. You had a right, and you 
have a right to your own evolution and your own revolutions 
in the attainment of your national unity.
And tell them, too, that we believe no possible revolutions 
among their own people could have cost them in lives, 
in prosperity, and, what is saddest, in loss of hope and in

20  A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.

not-to-be-comforted sorrow, what our foreign and ruthless
army has cost them.

Tell your people also that we are as unhappy as they can
be that the best thing that our country is trying to do for
theirs is, after all, a bad thing.  American teachers and
American text-books are not what the Filipino people need.
Our attempt to impose a foreign civilization upon a race
totally unlike our own must not only fail, as the history of
the world shows, but it is a crime, again, not to allow the
Filipino to work out his own civilization, sui generis as 
nearly as can be.  Dr. Stanley Hall, at the last National
Educational Association, set forth this scientific law of national
development, by which, and only by which, a nation
can become a nation at all.  The Filipino had and has a right
to his own development in all that "civilization", "politics"
and "religion" imply.  Oh! that America had been enough
less savage herself to have recognized this, and had stood
guard over that maiden among the nations of the East, until
experience had made her wise and strong!

Tell your people for us, in addition, that some of us have,
as it were, already built monuments to their martyrs, (Mabini
exiled to Guam by republican America! How it will
read in history, when the measure of the man and the occasion
is taken!) and in prophetic mood, we can see Americans
of other generations, in not of ours, literally building
in the Philippines the sepulchres of those their fathers slew.

And this leads me to say finally, take to your people our
message of hope, and even of faith, that the time will come
when America, will so far as in her lies, redress the wrong
and deliver the Filipino people to themselves.

MR. SANBORN (introducing Senor Sixto Lopez):-I am
now to call upon two other representatives of our friends
from the Philippine Islands.  I shall introduce a gentleman
well known to most of you.  This morning there was sub-


SRS. LOPEZ AND KATIGBAK.  21

mitted to me an adaptation from a missionary hymn, thinking
it might be pertinent to this occasion.  Our recent missionaries
of gunpowder, it seems, have been accustomed,
or might be accustomed, if they were not too much given
to what I call "benevolent dissimulation," to sing

Waft, waft, ye winds, the story,
And you, ye cannon roll,
Till every Filipino
Has learned to save his soul.

I think Sixto Lopez has already performed that feat of
"saving his soul," and I hope he will address you.

REMARKS BY SENOR LOPEZ.

Mr. Sanborn, Ladies and Gentlemen:-All that I wish to
do at this moment is to give thanks, on behalf of my mother
and myself, to all who received my sister so cordially when
she came to this country; and to you now who join in giving
her this kindly and sympathetic farewell.

MR. SANBORN (introducing Senor Jose Petronio Katigbak):-
I have here a short passage from the Manila Renacimiento
of August 19, 1903, relating to the gentleman I now
call upon:

"What has happened at London University is surely an
eloquent fact.

"When one of our young compatriots, who are studying,
stepped forth to receive his degree, a warm outburst of applause
greeted the young Filipino.  Although there were
twelve others who likewise received degrees, he was the
only one to receive this honorable tribute.

"The name of the young man is Jose P. Katigbak, and
he comes from the town of Lipa."
















22 A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.
REMARKS BY SENOR KATIGBAK.
Mr. Sanborn, Ladies and Gentlemen:—This is the first 
time that I speak before such an audience. Therefore I 
suppose you will pardon me if I make any mistakes, for 
it is only four years ago that I could not speak any 
English at all, I feel it any duty to rise here and 
thank most heartily all the speakers who have so energetically 
expressed the most favorable ideas concerning my 
country. And I hope the endeavor of all the good-hearted 
American people will in the future produce in the Philippine 
Islands the result which we all expect—the independence 
of those islands. I have also to thank those who 
have come here by their presence to do honor to Señorita 
López, because in honoring her by your presence you 
honor also the whole Filipino people.

MR. SANBORN (introducing Mrs. Charles Gordon 
Ames):—I have been asked by Mr. Moorfield Storey, who 
is called away from this meeting, to present to you a remarkable 
instance of the Filipino character in the case of 
Doctor Dominador Gómez, who has been tried and sentenced, 
for the awful crime of contempt of court in the 
Philippine Islands, to six months in prison. He has taken 
an appeal and is now out on bail ; and he has asked not to 
have his cause pleaded by his own people in the newspapers 
and at public meetings. He addressed them recently a letter 
which I am going to read. I may say, in passing, that,
so far as I am informed about the American courts in Manila 
and the Philippine Islands generally, they are pretty accurately 
described by that western justice who, when the 
lawyer practicing before him used a certain expression, 
said, "I shall have you fined for contempt ;" the lawyer replied, 
"Your honor is not an object of contempt at the present 
time," meaning that he was not sitting as a regular tribunal.


MRS. AMES. 23
 "I would have you understand, sir," said the judge, 
"that this court is at all times and everywhere an object of 
contempt!" Senor Gómez's letter was as follows:

"To my friends:
"This is not the time for me to give an account of the 
events of the last few days. Let each on interpret and relate 
to suit himself what has happened in the Gómez case.
I promise that on a fitter occasion I shall conceal nothing, 
because I believe that a citizen is in duty bound to sustain 
the truth and defend what is just and good even though 
there should stare him in the face the most cruel torment 
that miscreants could devise.
"My one request of all those that love me with a loyal 
affection is that they abstain absolutely, at least for the 
present, from all manifestations of sympathy that might interfere 
with the actions of the court. Let it never be said 
that the outcry of the Filipino people brought about the defeat 
of justice, and that the people did not rely for my final 
vindication solely upon the efficacy of the strength of my 
position in law and in equity.
"Dominador Gómez."

I see Dr. Ames present with his better half and I propose
to call upon Mrs. Ames to say a few words.

REMARKS BY MRS. AMES.

Mr. Chairman: I feel honored in being asked to say a 
word of greeting and farewell to the lady who is our guest 
to-day. I think one of the results of meeting her, and one 
to be prized most highly, is the deeper sense of sympathy 
we all feel in a people far off, struggling for liberty, It is 
personal contact with the best of any nation that makes us 
see their real quality, When we know, sympathetically, the 
people of other races we come to resent the terms of contempt 
that are too often used concerning them. We

24 A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.

are not so ready to brand people as "inferior"; though
more ready to appreciate them as "different."

I cannot read of the struggle of modern Italy for freedom
and unity without resenting the term "dago," and recalling
that Mazzini, Cavour and Victor Emmanuel were Italians,
and more truly represent their country than does the ignorant
peasant who excites contempt or aversion-though he
too, poor fellow, ought rather to excite sympaathy, when all
his history is considered.  So I count it fortunate that we
have met the noble specimens of the Filipino people that we
have here to-day.  They make us know that there is a fine and
steadfast quality in their race; that they are an addition to
the peoples of the earth; that they have characteristics full
of charm; different from ours and not to be converted into ours.

We Anglo-Saxons are prone to think that no people is
civilized that isn't made after our pattern; and we are peculiarly 
given to attempts at imposing our civilization upon
other peoples.  But the human world is a good deal like
the vegetable world.  We must not try for uniformity but
for a proper development of each variety.  What a weariness
the world would become is its charm and variety were
gone! I should be sorry if any form of human life which
had in itself the elements of development were to disappear,
or even to be made over into some other form.  What
is needed is such freedom and atmosphere and culture as
will develop each on its own lines.  The experiments recently
made by a western gardener and botanist show that from
the coarsest way-side weeds may be grown, by patience,
skill and insight, wonderfully beautiful flowers and valuable
food-plants.  So the poorest individuals of each race may
be made, by right conditions, into the equals of the best
of their kind.  And the world needs all its kinds.  It needs
the English, the German, the Italian, the Spaniard, the
Chinese, the Japanese, and the Filipino; and each having
such opportunities that the world will get the best of each.

So I am glad Señorita Lopez and her brother have been


MRS. DIAZ. 25

among us to give us a sample of what their people are.
The delicate, flower-like beauty of our guest, Señorita
 Lopez, has been most welcome among our Anglo-Saxon
faces; and her presence has set in a glow all our feelings.
We were indignant at the wrongs of the Filipinos before;
but now our feeling is less impersonal; it goes deeper and
is more intimate.  And yet our deepest concern is not for
the Filipinos.  It is for our own country, the land we love.
We long to have it free from the stain of injustice and greed.
And we know that, when we are most right, we shall be
most right not only for ourselves-but for others.

I bid Señorita Lopez God-speed on her homeward journey,
and I hope that she can carry back some impressions
that may assure her and hers that there is an America that
still loves liberty for others as for itself.  May she sometime
return to us, bringing the sweetness and charm of her own
nationality to our staider, if not colder, civilization.

MR. SANBORN (introducing Mrs. Abby Morton Diaz):
-One of the exigencies of my duties is that I have to speak
more than I desire.  perhaps I am like that husband who,
hearing the fire bell, (in Cambridge I think it was) in the
middle of the night- got up and began to dress.  His wife
said to him, "John, where are you going?" He said, "I'm
going to the fire." "Ah, then take the poker along with
you, and you'll put it out!"  Now gentlemen, I don't want
to put out the fire, and I am sure I shall not when I call
 upon a representative of the womankind of Plymouth colony.
There was a worthy gentleman living in Plymouth
colony a few years before Mrs. Diaz and I were born-
I think about 1651- Major Cudworth, a brother of the
celebrated philosopher, Ralph Cudworth of England; and
he had occasion to write a long letter protesting, not
against the persecution of the Quakers, for they had
not yet come over, but of the Baptists.  For while

26 A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.
waiting for the Quakers some of our Boston friends
tried their "prentice hand" on the Baptists. They
were imprisoning, fining and flogging them, and Major
Cudworth did not like it. He wrote a long letter to 
somebody, in which he set forth his feelings, his sorrow
and indignation. In the course of it he said, "it seems to
me that we are getting the Plymouth saddle on the Bay
horse." Now I think Mrs. Diaz will set the matter right.

REMARKS BY MRS. DIAZ.
Mr. Sanborn, Ladies and Gentlemen:-To me this occasion
is one of pathetic interest. Usually even the sad
farewell to a guest "homeward-bound" across the seas 
is given with the comforting thought of the home to
be regained, and of all this implies of falling in with the 
old accustomed ways, 'mid familiar surroundings. But
what fabled magician ever wrought more wondrous 
changes? The old home of our guest is now in what has
become a part of a foreign country. A strange people,
speaking a strange tongue, throng the streets, conduct the
business, frame the laws, exact the penalties. A foreign
soldiery enforces submission. A foreign flag declares possession.
The entire population-comprising millions- has
been brought under the subjection of a far distant republic 
which boasts a government of the people, by the people, 
for the people. Of this republic they form no part. They
are a conquered race. A "Christian civilization" has been 
introduced-at the mouth of the cannon!-and their national
hymn is "The Star Spangled Banner, O! long may 
it wave o'er the land of the Free!" Surely our friend has the
sympathy of every one present- and of every true republican. 

Mr. Sanborn (in conclusion):-The time has now arrived
at which we ought to separate. I don't wish to leave

MR. SANBORN.  27
this company under gloomy impressions. I will therefore
close these exercises with a little story, the moral of which
I think may be obvious. One of those pious people that I
have spoken of was engaged in the rather impious trade of 
horse jockey. He had occasion to make an excellent trade
in a string of horses under the circumstances which had a little
affected his conscience. He still had a conscience left, as I
trust our rules at Washington have; and, moreover, he 
did not know whether this trade might not get him into the 
state prison. So he consulted an eminent lawyer in New
York-I think it was not Secretary Root,-though I have
no doubt it was a member of the same firm. He stated his 
case: "I am going to get this result; I am going to warrant
these horses," and so forth.  "Now, will that be criminal?"
"Well," said the lawyer, "if you have stated the 
case to me correctly, and if you do this first, and do that
next, and then go on and do the other thing, you won't be
liable to a criminal prosecution anywhere in the State of
New York." Well, the conscience of the pious man still
troubled him a little. He said, "But Mr. Root"-we will
call him Mr. Root, though she was not his name-"Mr. 
Root, will this be right?" Whereupon, with that honest indignation
with which the legal profession always spurns any 
intimation that their advice is not moral, he said, "Mr. So
and So, you have paid me for it, and I have shown you how 
you can keep out of state's prison, but I'll be hanged if
I'm going to warrant you to keep out of hell!"

[Mr. Moorfield Storey, who had been asked to speak, but
was obliged to leave before being called upon, has kindly
enabled the following report of what he was intending to
say to be here included.]

28 A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.

REMARKS BY MR. STOREY.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen:- I am very glad to
add my tribute to the many which Senorita Lopez has deserved
at our hands, but I rise to speak with mingled feelings
of admiration, disappointment, sorrow, and assured
faith.

Whenever I reflect on what she has done, I feel the
warmest admiration.  A delicate maiden in the first flush of
her youth, she has not feared to cross the ocean alone.  A
child of the tropics, she has faced the rigor of our northern
climate.  Used only to the atmosphere of her home, she
has come among strange people, whose language she
could not speak, whose ways she did not understand, and
who had been taught to regard her countrymen as enemies
and savages, to plead the cause of her native land face to face
with the President himself, the very apostle of the policy 
which has wrought its ruin.  In what strenuous life shall
we find equal devotion?  Here is a courage which the general
in command of a victorious army, the politician leading
a triumphant majority, the hunter pursuing with deadly
rifle the wildest beast, is not called upon to show.  When I 
think that her mission has to all appearances failed, and 
imagine to myself the feeling of utter helplessness with
which she finds our greatest nation so wrapped up in its own
business and pleasures that its ears and heart are closed to
her appeal, the despair which cannot but at times overwhelm
her and her devoted brother, who, knowing that
their cause us just, knowing that the American people are
misled, find the deaf and blind to the truth, I share their
feeling of bitter disappointment and cruel wrong.  They
have learned in the words of Dante "How salt tastes the
bread of strangers!"- rich, prosperous, intelligent and free
though we be, but careless of the crimes committed in our
name, and dead to the claims of justice.

When I come to bid her farewell as she starts on her
homeward voyage and reflect that she can carry no message


MR. STOREY.  29

of assured freedom to her countrymen at home, and
can perhaps report but little progress, I feel a deep regret
that we have been able to do so little to right the wrongs of
which she so justly complains.  But I would not have her
believe her mission has failed, or that the cause of her
country is lost.  She came her a stranger, she goes the
friend of us all.  She and her brother have shown us an
example of patience, of fortitude, of forbearance, of gentleness,
coupled with courage and devotion in working for
the cause of their country, which has made us think better
of their whole race.  We cannot believe that a people is
savage or incapable of self-government which has produced
such persons.  Though they may leave us, they will not
cease in our memories to speak for their country.

Nor are our people as indifferent as they seem.. Deep
in the heart of every American, whether he will confess it
even to himself or not, is the uneasy consciousness that we
have done wrong.  More and more openly men express
their regret that we ever took the Philippeans, and ask for a
way out.  More and more clearly every day a free and independent
Cuba points the way.  Men pretend not to hear,
not to believe, not to care, but it is only pretence; their
consciences are uneasy and sooner or later their true feeling
will find expression.  Even the leaders feel the condemnation
that comes from men whom they denounce and affect
to despise.

Moreover we are learning what this injustice to others
means to ourselves.  Our administration thought that it
could deny the equal right of men ten thousand miles
away, and keep the truth from reaching our ears by censorship,
evasion and falsehood.  Vain hope!-the battle
against human right is brought to our own doors.  The
doctrine that brown men have not right to be free applies
with equal force to black men, and the attempt to conquer
eight millions of Filipinos threatens the freedom of 
ten million American citizens.  What our civil war accomplished 
may be undone by the Spanish War, a contest professedly

30. A FAREWELL LUNCHEON.

begun to establish the rights of men but which ended
in destroying them in far greater measure.  The contest
is thus transferred to our own fields, and in the struggle to
maintain the rights of our colored citizens the rights of the
Filipinos will be won.

As Emerson has said, "The government of the world is
moral and does forever destroy what is not."  We who
have seen the American people in 1852 almost united in
support of slavery, and a decade later saw it overthrown,
learned that injustice never prevails.  The story of Pharaoh
and the Israelites contains an everlasting truth.  It was not
the might of Israel which broke the will of the Egyptian
monarch, but the plagues upon which the attempt to keep the
chosen people brought upon its own,  Such troubles will
surely beset us.  Our plagues have begun as we all see.
How long shall we harden our hearts?

I hope our friends will tell their countrymen that their
freedom is assured.  When and how it will come no man
can tell, and we may not live to see it.  But forces are at
work that can not be resisted, and no one can doubt the
result.  Tell them also that you have aided more than you
realize to educate our people and to hasten the end, and
tell them that you left behind you many Americans, who,
while they have breath to speak, will never cease to labor
for the independence of you nation, not only for its sake,
but even more for our own, that the Great Republic may
again be in truth the friend of liberty to every man.

We bid you depart with assured faith that the future is
secure and we bid you Godspeed on your journey.

Among those present, or who, having accepted the invitation,
were unable to come, were:

Guest of the Luncheon- Senorita Clemencia Lopez

Frank B. Sanborn (Chairman)          Moorfield Storey
Hon. George S. Boutwell                Rev. Wm. R. Lord
George E. McNeill                            H. B. Metcalf
Rev. M.A. Dougherty                        Mrs. Abby Morton Diaz
William Lloyd Garrison                     Rev. C. G. Ames


THE PARTICIPANTS

Dr. F.E. Abbott                                  Rev. H.F. Bond
Rabbi Charles Fleischer                  Dr. A.P. Putnam
Alice Stone Blackwell                      David Greene Haskins Jr.
Albert S. Parsons                            E.H. Clement
Edwin Ginn                                      Ellen Drummond Goodspeed
Francis J. Garrison                         Rev. R.E. Bisbee
Fiske Warren                                   Mrs. R.H. Gushee
Rev. Edward Gushee                      Robert S. Sturgis
Mrs. Gushee                                   Mary E. Allen
Dana Estes                                     Mary G. Pickering
Prof. Katherine Lee Bates             Hazel M. Goodnow
Henry Pickering                             Myrtle Stewart Goodman
Walter Allen                                   E.J. Meriam
J. G. Robins                                  Mrs. George H. Hicks
Prof.  Ellen Hayes                         M.H. Shackford
Mary Woodman                           Margaret Sherwood
Henry F. Waters                            Charlotte Porter
Mary Alden Osgood                      Lucy M. Welch
G.K. Ware                                      Alonzo Rothschild
K.F. Heinzen                                 W. H. H. Bryant
Helen A. Clarke                            Margaret R. Grady
H. T. Marshall.                              B. W. Wentworth
James H. Bowditch                     Edwin Reed
Fred. Brooks                                Rev. A. S. Twombly
Chas. Allen Taber                        Mrs. M. G. Browne
Ada D. Thompson                       Eva Gertrude Smith
Ada Pearson Spaulding              Whitfield Tuck
Anna B. Eckstein                         Jessica L. C. Henderson
J.H. Buffum                                 Inez Josephine Gardner
Edith L. Whitney                          Katrina Ware
Ethel C. Smalley                          Pamela O. Bond
Mrs. E. E. Smith                           Martha Parker Hadley
Caroline H. Hitchcock                Mary Dana Hicks Prang
Mrs. W. A. Barr                            Mary S. Lord
Byron H. Holt                               Victoria R.D. Goodspeed
Lura B. Lord                                 Mrs. A. Zimmerman
Marian Russell                             Rosa Helen Heinzen
Henry B. Blackwell                      E. L. Newell
R. Prang Heinzen                         Lydie Caron
A.S. Dyer                                      Charles Garrison
Prof. Katharine Coman               Ethel B. Howard
Mrs. J. H. Buffum                       Mrs. A. G. Browne
Mrs. C. Alexander                       Edna Caro Bisbee
Ada M. Bisbee                            Jose P. Katigbak
Sixto Lopez                                Mary Harned
Fanny B. Ames                           Berthe Caron
Thomas T. Patterson

The Arakelyan Press
364 to 372 CONGRESS STREET
BOSTON MASS.

WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON - Cross reference
See Alice Stone Blackwell to Kitty Barry
Aug. 7, 1892
There is a reference in Papa's letter to William Lloyd Garrison. He and Papa are always frolicking and skirmishing, and William Garrison is a great advocate of the Single Tax, which will explain the scene at the bank"

SENATE . . . . No. 122.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
IN SENATE, March 18, 1878.
The Committee on Woman Suffrage, to whom was referred the petition of William Lloyd Garrison and others, and divers other petitions, praying for Woman Suffrage, as to so much of said petitions as relates to an amendment to the Constitution report the accompanying Resolve.
ALBERT PALMER
Of the Senate.
HENRY SHORTLE,
AUGUSTINE JONES,
ALONZO WARREN,
THOMAS J. HASTINGS,
JAMES H. RICHARDS,
PATRICK M. McGLYNN,
Of the House.

2     WOMAN SUFFRAGE.         [Mar.

MINORITY REPORT.

The undersigned dissent from the opinion of a majority of
the committee upon the general question of woman suffrage,
and present the following statement of their views upon the
subject.  It is proper to say, that there is no substantial difference
of opinion among the members of the committee as to the
question of municipal suffrage accompanied by a property
qualification for women; but in order more fully to present
the whole subject, our views upon that branch of it are
included.

It will be convenient to consider first the petition of Mrs.
Sarah S. Russell and others, praying for the passage of a law
which shall confer upon tax-paying women the right to vote
for town and city officers, and to take part in the management
of municipal affairs.  Although the petition is general
in its terms with reference to the amount of taxed property
which the petitioners consider should entitle the holders
thereof to vote, yet the bill presented by the petitioners at
the hearing limits the right to women who shall have within
two years previously paid taxes upon property not less than
one thousand dollars in value, and the arguments at the
hearing were based upon the ground of substantial property
qualification.  The argument of the petitioners is, that it is
unjust and improper that ladies possessed of wealth, owning,
it may be, a large portion of the property of a community,
should have no voice in the objects or amounts for which
this property should be taxed, while they are surrounded by
men owning no property, and paying a poll-tax merely, by
whose votes among others both the nature and amount of all
municipal expenditures to be provided for by taxation are
determined.  Thus it is said that men without property have
liberty to vote away the money of women who are themselves
without a vote.  One woman, it is said, as an instance,
within eight miles of the state house, is possessed of as much


1878.]         SENATE-No.122.        3

property as three hundred of her neighbors; and yet they
determine the character of the town hall for the town in
which she lives, the question whether the town's money shall
be used in aid of railroads, the limit which shall be set upon
expenditures for schools, and all other questions of municipal
expenditure, while she has no power in the determination of
these questions.

In this connection, the spectacle is presented to us of
towns whose indebtedness exceeds a proper percentage upon
their valuation, and whose affairs are said to be controlled by
the non-tax-paying class.  Schedules are presented of such
towns; and we are asked to draw the inference, that, if the
property-holding women in such towns were allowed to vote,
their vote would neutralize the vote of the irresponsible, and
therefore extravagant, portion of the community.  And, if
such inference is found to be correctly drawn, we are asked
to apply this as the proper remedy.

If this is a correct ground on which to place suffrage, it
will apply equally in principle, and nearly in the same degree,
to males.  Doubtless equally striking instances of apparent
hardship can be found arising from the power possessed 
by the many who are without property to control by
their votes municipal appropriations which must be provided
by taxation upon the property of a few men who are rich.
And, if the principle of a property qualification is a correct
one to adopt at all as the remedy for irresponsible voting,
there is no ground on which to say that it should not be
adopted among ment as well as among women.  If it is a 
proper remedy for the evil complained of, and ought to be
applied, then the same discrimination should be made in favor
of property-holding men which the petitioners seek to have
applied in favor of property-holding women; so that the
power to control appropriations would be limited to property-
holders of both sexes, and denied to non-property-holders
of each sex.

But upon what ground would the petitioners deny to the
equally intelligent and capable but less fortunate members
of their own sex, who may not possess the requisite property
qualification, the right to vote in municipal affairs?  As an
example, the female school-teachers of Massachusetts are not
usually possessed of property; they would, by a large majority,

4.  WOMAN SUFFRAGE.      [Mar.

fall short of the proposed property qualification : yet both
their intelligence, and the effect of their labors in the benefit
of the race, will compare favorably with that of any other
portion of the community.  For what reason are they not as
well qualified to vote in municipal affairs, which involve the
whole school question, as any other ladies in the Commonwealth?

Shall the right to vote be put upon a property qualification?
The nature of our institutions, our growth in enlightenment,
our improvement in character and virtue, all point in
the opposite direction.  It is true, that during the transition
through which the character of our population has passed
within the last thirty years, affected by the evils inseparably
following a long and bitter conflict of arms, the stability
of our institutions has been tested in many instances severely,
and the safety of the popular ballot sometimes
doubted by wise men.  But the very strength with which
our institutions have in most instances resisted the shock,
and the integrity with which they have generally passed
through it, prove that the instances of contrary character
are the exceptions to the rule, and not examples of the rule
itself.  If, then, the suffrage should be accorded to women,
it should not be to a portion of the women on the ground of
their property qualification.  Let the evils under which the
holders of property suffer in taxation from the votes of those
who are not property-holders be remedied by the spread of
intelligence, the increase of probity, and the effect of the
natural desire of all persons to acquire and possess property,
aided by the growing homogeneity of our people, and that
community of interests which a common ballot inspires.
The ability to participate in political duties makes better
citizens, and is in itself one of the strongest educational
forces towards a proper exercise of the ballot.

The remaining petitions ask,-

First, For a resolve which shall submit to the people and
amendment to the constitution, securing to women, upon the
same conditions of age, residence, educational qualification,
and otherwise, as apply to men, and with the same exceptions
of paupers, and persons under guardianship, the power to
vote in all elections for governor, lieutenant-governor, senators, 
representatives, and other officers not municipal, and


1878.]       SENATE-No. 122.           5

providing that women shall be eligible to hold these offices,
upon the same terms, and subject to the same restrictions, as
 apply to men.

Second, For an act conferring upon women like powers to
vote in all municipal elections and meetings, and to hold
municipal offices.

Third, For an act conferring upon women the same powers
to vote for presidential electors, and to hold that office.

They present broad question, whether suffrage, and
eligibility to public office, shall be granted to women upon
the same terms as men.

We are urged to grant it for the following principal
reasons: that it is, -
1. A natural right;
2. A constitutional right;
3. For the welfare of society.

First, Natural rights are such, that if their exercise is
denied by government, this lays the foundation for a justifiable 
revolution. It will hardly be contended, even by the
most ardent advocates of woman suffrage, that an attempt
to overturn the existing government in Massachusetts by
force would be justifiable in case the right of suffrage is not
accorded to women.  This is the test of the correctness of
the proposition.

By natural, or, as Blackstone terms them, absolute rights,
is properly meant those which, upon morale grounds, ought
to exist in every state of society, and which no state has a 
right to deny.  In a certain sense, all rights are relative.
They spring out of the relation of men to each other in
society.  But some are so essential, and the individual has
so strong a claim to them, that it is the duty of every state
to provide for them.  Therefore, if a state abrogates them,
rebellion against the state is justifiable.  No state has a 
right to exist which denies them: therefore their denial
justifies rebellion.  They are the "implied reservations, without
which the social compact could not exist."  They "grow
out of the essential nature of all free government."  To
deny them is beyond the function and province of rightful
government.

Such are the right to life, liberty, and the acquisition of
property; but such is not the right to the ballot.

6 WOMAN SUFFRAGE.  [Mar.

Judge Story, who will not be accused of partisanship, says,
in his Commentaries upon the Constitution, "The truth
seems to be, that the right of voting, like many other rights,
is one which, whether it has a fixed foundation in natural
law or not, has always been treated in the practice of nations
as a strictly civil right, derived from and regulated by each
society according to its own circumstances and interests.
It is difficult, even in the abstract, to conceive how it could 
have been otherwise treated."

In a recent and very thoroughly considered case in one of
the most respected state courts (Anderson v. Baker, 23
Maryland Reports, 531), the subject of the alleged natural
right of voting was passed upon, and decided against the existence
of such a right.  As the person claiming the right was
a man, the decision is without bias upon the question of sex.
The new constitution of Maryland, adopted in 1864, provided
that no person who had been in armed hostility to the
United States, or who had been in the service of the so-called
Confederate States, or who had in any manner, by word, act,
or deed, given them aid, comfort, or countenance, or declared
his adhesion to them, or expressed a desire for their triumph,
should have the right to vote; and that no person, who, since
the fourth day of July, 1851, had been or should be convicted
in a court of law of bribery, or of resorting to force, fraud, or
surprise, to corrupt or defeat the exercise of the right of suffrage,
should thereafter be entitled to vote, or hold any office
of profit or trust.  And a statute passed in pursuance of
this provision of the constitution, and to carry out its objects,
provided that the officers of registration should administer to
every person applying for registration as a voter the oath of
allegiance, and should examine the applicant under oath, and
diligently inquire and ascertain whether such person had
done any of the acts declared in the constitution to be
causes of disqualification; and, if the evidence brought to
their knowledge should satisfy them that he had done so,
they should not enter his name in the register of qualified
voters, but should carefully exclude it therefrom, notwithstanding
he might have taken the prescribed oath of allegiance.

By the enforcement of these provisions, a considerable part
of the inhabitants of Maryland who had previously voted


1878.]    SENATE-No. 122.     7

were disfranchised.  And, in the above case (which may be
considered a test case), the main ground taken in opposition
to the law was that it was an ex post facto law, and therefore
void under the provision of the constitution of the United
States which prohibits any state from passing such a law;
in this, that it forfeited rights for acts committed previously
to the passage of the law, and for the commission of certain
acts affixed a new penalty not existing at the time of their
commission, to wit, the deprivation of the right of suffrage.
It was argued that the right to vote could not be taken away
for such an act as the expression of a desire for the triumph
of the Confederate States by a law passed subsequently to
the expression of such desire, because that would be the infliction
of a new and subsequent penalty for the commission
of an act which (whether criminal or not) was not attended
with that penalty at the time it was committed.  It was a
law, it was said, attempting to take away rights for acts previously
committed, which did not, at the time they were committed,
prevent the exercise of those rights.  Thus the question
of the nature of the elective franchise was directly involved;
because , if it is a right, it cannot be taken away for
an act done previously to the passage of a law which forfeits
the right; but if it is a power to be exercised in such manner,
and by such persons, as the state shall, from regard to
its welfare, determine, then the state may at any time
modify, take away, limit, suspend, or control the privilege at
its will, and without cause, not as a forfeiture for an act
committed, nor out of regard to the interests or privileges of 
the citizen at all, but solely from considerations relating to
the public expediency and welfare.

And the latter was the view which the court took after
very thorough consideration, and the ground upon which
their decision was based.  The court say that the elective
franchise "is a privilege conferred on the citizen by the sovereign 
power of the state to subserve a general public purpose,
and not for private of individual advantage; that, as 
against the power conferring it, the citizen acquires no indefeasible
right to its continuance or enjoyment; and that the
people of the state, in the exercise of their sovereign power,
may qualify, suspend, or entirely withdraw it from any citizen, 
or class of them, providing always that representation of

8  WOMAN SUFFRAGE.  [Mar.

the people, the essential characteristic of a republican government,
be not disregarded or abandoned;" that this may be
done without any fault or occasion so far as the character of
the citizen is concerned, and solely in the discretion of the
people of the state, as they, in their capacity as a people, deem
for the public good; and that, therefore, witholding the privilege
from any persons or class in the community takes away
no right and, even if done on account of previous acts, cannot
be regarded as an ex post facto law.  It is "a matter of 
which the people of the state have the absolute control."

The decision of the Supreme Court of the United States
in the case of Minor v. Happersett, 21 Wal. 162, in which the
opinion was delivered by Chief Justice Waite, confirms the
same result.  That case presented the question, whether
women are entitled, under the constitution of the United 
States, to vote because they are citizens; and it was sought
to found this right upon the fourteenth amendment to the
constitution of the United States, which provides that "all
persons born or naturalized into the United States, and subject
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United 
States and of the state wherein they reside," and that "no
state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the
privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States."
The court held that it was unnecessary to claim that the
fourteenth amendment had conferred citizenship upon women,
and that it had not in fact conferred it, since, from the foundation
of the government, citizenship had extended to women
as well as to men, but that suffrage was not, and never had
been, one of the necessary rights of citizenship, and that,
therefore, a provision in the constitution and laws of a state
denying its exercise to women was valid.

It is believed that no well-considered case or recognized
authority can be found at variance with the above principles.
The whole status of voting under state constitutions and
statutes like the ones above cited, adopted at the close of the
Rebellion, rests upon it.  In the constitution of every state,
at the time of the formation of the Union, the elective franchise was expressly confined to males, and denied to females,
with perhaps one exception, and in that instance was so
confined as early as 1807; and in the constitution of every
state since admitted to the Union, it has been so confined.


1878.]. SENATE-No. 122.    9

Surely then, according to the theory of our government from
the beginning, continually applied through the suppression
of the Rebellion and the reconstruction of the Southern
States, suffrage is not a natural right.  And, if we consider
whether that theory is correct, we can come to only one conclusion.
There is no absolute, inherent right in any person
to vote, because his vote affects the property, rights, and
welfare of others.  He might have such a natural right if his
vote affected only himself; but, since it affects society,
society has the right to impose conditions and limitations
upon his power, derived solely from a regard to the public
welfare.

Second, Upon the second ground,- that of supposed
rights under the constitution,- in order that injustice may
not be done to the petitioners by misstating their position,
we quote the language of those who addressed us upon this
point.  The gentleman who opened the petitioner's case,
speaking with reference to the three objects sought by the
petitioners, both that asking for a constitutional amendment
and the others, said, "The principles of our state constitution
affirm woman's right to suffrage. 'All power resides in
the people, and is derived from them.'  Women are people.
'The people... have a right to institute government, and
to reform, alter, or change the same.'  They can do so only by
voting.  "No part of the property of any individual can with
justice ever be taken from him, and applied to the public use,
without his own consent or that of the representative body
fo the people.'  Is not woman an individual?"  And the 
gentleman who closed their case, speaking likewise with
reference to all the measures sought, said, "By that instrument
(the constitution) the body politic is described as
originating in a social compact, all with each, and each with 
all.  All shall be governed by laws made by their representatives.
All power resides originally in the people.  No man,
or corporation, or class, is to be endowed with special political
privileges; and yet more than one-half of the adult citizens 
of the Commonwealth are perpetually disfranchised,
and contemptuously refused all share of representation,
though taxed to the fullest extent.  Can this be reconciled
with justice, or with your solemn oaths?  No incidental provision 
of the constitution can set aside or override its fundamental
principles."

10. WOMAN SUFFRAGE.  [Mar.

With the greatest respect for the gentleman who expressed
these views, himself the earliest and foremost leader in the
conflict which freed this country from slavery, it is suggested
that the "incidental provision" of the constitution to which
he refers is, "every make citizen of twenty-one years of age
and upwards" (excepting paupers, and persons under guardianship)
"who shall have resided," &c., "shall have a right 
to vote in such election of governor, lieutenant-governor,
senators, and representatives, and no other personal shall be
entitled to vote in such election" (Amendments to the
Constitution, Art. III., re-enacting previous provisions to
the same effect); and that the very object of his application
to the legislature is to change this provision.  We certainly
have too high and opinion of the intention of the gentlemen
who took these positions to state fairly what they believe to
be the issue, to suppose that they were stated with any intention
to mislead; and we might naturally suppose that they
were uttered inadvertently, and that thus they called for no
remark from us.  But we find the reiterated and broadly
published; and thus, perhaps, we are not at liberty to overlook
them.  It would seem to be a very obvious and sufficient
answer to them to say, that whenever an implication can
properly override an express provision, then such a construction
of the constitution will be entitled to prevail, but not 
until then. And it would not seem necessary further to enlarge
upon this branch of the subject that to say, that the
repeated and broken judicial construction of the constitution
has been otherwise; and that, whether viewed with reference
to the frame of society at the time of its adoption, in
the light of contemporaneous exposition, the ordinary use of
language, or the standard principles of interpretation, a different 
construction would seem impossible.

Thurd, Upon the third ground, that it is for the welfare of 
society, the argument is, that every qualification possessed
by man enabling him properly to discharge the duties of a
voter, or of the holder of a public office, is also possessed by
woman; she is, it is urged as intelligent, as conscientious, as
capable of sitting in judgement upon questions, as man, with
quicker instincts, and greater intuitive perceptions of right
and wrong; she has love of country, capacity to select its
servants, capacity to appreciate itr necessities.  It is here


1878.].  SENATE-No. 122.    11

that much of the argument founded upon what are supposed
to be "natural rights" properly belongs.  When the advocates
of woman suffrage urge that woman has a natural right
to vote, it can hardly be supposed that they often intend
what this term really means; they in reality mean that she
is naturally fitted for the duties of citizenship; that she is
as well qualified by nature to discharge its duties and to
assume its responsibilities as man; and that, therefore, it is unjust
to deny her the power to exercise them.  Upon this ground
it may be supposed they mean to urge that civil society
would be improved, benefited, elevated, by the introduction
of woman to the franchise; but they do not, we may suppose
(unless the more violent of them), mean to say that there is
any such fundamental, inherent, natural right to the ballot
on the part of woman, that no state has a right to exist
which denies it; which is what must be predicated of any
denial of natural rights in the proper sense of that term.

The achievements of woman, as well as her capacity, the
many and very great works of charity, benevolence, duty,
performed by her, are presented as grounds upon which to 
place this claim.  As an example, it is said, was there ever a 
nobler or greater work than that performed by the women of
American in connection with the Sanitary Commission during
the civil war?  The answer implied by the question may
be freely admitted.  No brighter page was ever written than
that which records the deeds of women.

But are these reasons why either their welfare, or the welfare
 of men,-or, what is more correctly the question, the
welfare of civil society composed of both,-demands the
ballot for women?  To our minds they are strong reasons to
the contrary.  What woman has done pre-eminently she has
done as woman.  Man could not do it: both his qualities and
his training forbid.  Take the instance of the Sanitary Commission:
little is hazarded in saying that the distinguishing
and crowning features of it were those characteristic to 
women, and which distinguish them from men.

The ballot is not merely a privilege: it is a duty; a duty,
if undertaken, to thoroughly and fully performed.  If, 
then, it is granted to women, it is to be supposed that they
can and will, together with their other duties and relations in
life, perform the duties which it imposes.  It is a great injustice

12 WOMAN SUFFRAGE.  [Mar.

justice to say, grant suffrage to women, and let such women
as choose avail themselves of it.  This question has been
viewed too much with reference to the privileges instead of
the duties of a voter; as if the ballot were a personal privilege,
and not a duty which the state has a right to require.
If the ballot is thrown open to woman, the duty is imposed
upon all women alike: none can escape its obligations.  It
carries with it an entrance into public life; a necessary participation
in public affairs, in order to such an understanding
of them as will enable all women to discharge the duty.

Now, first, if the question of the delicacy of her doing
this is waived, can she do it consistently with her other relations
and functions in life?  We do not believe that she can.
Bearing in mind that the question does not relate alone or
mainly to the unmarried women of this Commonwealth, but
also, and we have a right to say principally, to the married
women in the state, can we believe that they will or can perform
the duties now incumbent upon them in the social
fabric, if the duties of public political life are superadded
thereto?  It will not do to answer this question by saying
that their performance of political duties will be different
from that of men, requiring less time, partial, incomplete,
supplementary: the whole question presupposes political duties
honestly, and therefore thoroughly, performed.  If we
suppose, for a moment, that the vote of woman will be an uninformed 
vote, then it will be a vote unfaithful to the duty of
citizenship, and the whole argument for introducing it fails.
Can the married women of this Commonwealth assume the
active, political duties which accompany the ballot, and
eligibility to public office, without detriment to their work
in the highest of all relations, that of wives and mothers?
and, if they are faithful to their political duties, without disorganizing
and reversing the order of social and domestic life?

The faithful and earnest work of a mother has been held
up to us as an argument in favor of woman suffrage.  More
than one address before the committee had for its basis the
work of a mother for her son, or of a wife for her husband.
But, to our minds, these are strong reasons against it.  God
forbid that we should do any thing to make the one less a
mother, or the other less a wife.  But do we not, if we introduce


1878.] SENATE-No.122.     13
her into political life?  Would she have been such a 
wife or mother if her attention had been devoted to public
affairs?  Is it not precisely the fact that she is not devoted
to them, but is devoted to the family, which gives her her
position and power, and all which is comprehended in the
words wife and mother?

Have not all the noble deeds of woman been womanly?
The very excellence which you praise is obtained in the performance
of duties which you think should be changed.
Has she the physical power or the time to add the duties of
man to her own?  If so, will not their performance breed a
distaste of the others?  But, if not, shall they be exchanged?
and can man take her place, any more than she can take man's?

That this view is shared by a large proportion of the
women of this state, and of most intelligent communities, is
apparent from the fact that the great majority of them ask
for no change.  They understand the basis upon which the 
various duties in life rest, and the distinction founded in
nature which carries to each sex different obligations;  and
they have not sought, as a whole, to exchange these obligations
for others of a different character.  It would be unjust
to them to throw upon them the responsibility and duties of
the electoral franchise, when they do not desire it, at the
request of a minority, and not a large minority, of their sex.

In this connection, reference should perhaps be made to
the English law, which is mentioned as an illustration of the
working of woman suffrage.  In the first place, the right of
suffrage in England for males differs from ours in being based
upon property qualification; and the law in question, instead
of being, as has been claimed, a law granting woman suffrage
either with or without property qualification, is a law
providing for household suffrage, and granting to unmarried
women, who are householders without a male representative,
the right of voting in municipal affairs; that is, in cases
where the husband or other male representative of the family
is not living, the household may be represented in municipal
affairs by the widow or other unmarried female.  This is
more consistent with English views of suffrage than with
American, because its basis is representation of property
pure and simple:  it does not extend to married women, and,

14    WOMAN SUFFRAGE. [Mar.

upon principle, never can; and its workings, taking as evidence
the statements of Miss Beedy, to which we were referred
by the petitioners, do not commend themselves to us.

The great objections is fundamental.  "The accident of
sex," a term adopted by the petitioners, is not an accident.
It defines and fixes the conditions and limits of human society.
It does not imply a subordination of one sex to the 
other, but points out that all the duties in life of one cannot
well be performed by the other.

The petitioners urge that women are not responsible for
having been born females.  This is true; but if certain
duties appertain by nature to their sex, and certain duties to
the other sex, each is responsible for the performance of its
own.  Suppose this question should be considered in the
light of duties, instead of in the light of rights: will it not
appear that there are natural duties ordained of God inconsistent
and incompatible with the "rights" now claimed for
women?  If the duties and functions of pubic life, participation
in public affairs, eligibility to pubic office, are antagonistic
to the duties of woman in the family, which are we to
choose for her,- the order of nature or its opposite?

Believing that these measures, in the consequences of
which every interest in human society would be involved,
propose a revolution contrary to the order of nature, in which
the household and family would, to a great extent, be
sacrificed to public duties and political life, we recommend
that the petitioners have leave to withdraw.

ROBERT R. BISHOP,
AMOS J. SAUNDERS,
Of the Senate.

CLEMENT HUGH HILL,
JOSEPH J. KELLEY,
Of the House.

I concur in the above, except that I am in favor of submitting
the constitutional amendment to the people.

PATRICK M. MCGLYNN,
Of the House.


[*Election Franchise to Women 1878*]

1878.] SENATE-No. 122.    15

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

In the Year One Thousand Eight Hundred and Seventy-Eight.

RESOLVE

Providing for an Amendment of the Constitution to secure
the Elective Franchise and the Right to hold Office to
Women.

Resolved by both houses, the same being agreed to by a 
majority of the senators and two-thirds of the members of the
house of representatives present and voting thereon, That it
is expedient to alter the constitution of this Commonwealth
by adopting the subjoined article of amendment, and that the
same, as thus agreed to, be entered on the journals of both
houses, with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and referred
to the general court next to be chosen, and that the same be
published, to the end, that, if agreed to by the general court
next to be chosen in the manner provided by the constitution, 
it may be submitted to the people for their approval
and ratification, in order that it may become a part of the
constitution of the Commonwealth.

ARTICLE OF AMENDMENT.

Every female citizen of twenty-one years of age and upwards
(excepting paupers, and persons under guardianship),
who has the educational qualification required by the twentieth
article of the amendments to the constitution, who
shall have resided within the Commonwealth one year, and
within the city, town, or district, in which she may claim a 
right to vote, six calendar months, next preceding any election
 of governor, lieutenant-governor, senators or representatives,
or other officers, and who shall have paid, by herself
















16 WOMAN SUFFRAGE. [Mar. '78.
or her parent, master or guardian, any state or county tax 
which shall within two years next preceding such election 
have been assessed upon her in any city, town, or district of 
this Commonwealth, shall have a right to vote in any such 
election, and shall be eligible to all offices, upon the same 
terms, conditions, and qualifications, and subject to the same 
restrictions, as male citizens.

Garrison

Copy.

Excerpt from letter of Lucy Stone to Henry Blackwell, Sept. 4. 1864

Sarah went on Monday to Rockport, which is the extreme end of 
Cape Ann and took her first fair look of the ocean.  It was a beautiful
day. (Aug. 29th) And she enjoyed the trip vastly.  She had felt
nervously anxious for Emma and the home things and contrary to my
judgment, concluded to return, having had only one week of change.  We
resched Boston and finished our lunch at 12 1/2.  Then I went to the 
AntiSlavery office and dear old Mr. Walcutt insisted upon my going to
dinner with him at the new home he has recently purchased.  It is a 
dear little lace and seemed in such exquisite keeping after Gay Head
and Aunt Hetty that one felt fairly worshipful.  George Thompson boards
with them.  We had an excellent time.  It was good to be there.  Mr. 
Garrison was that day moving to a new house he as bought in Roxbury
where his won Wm.  (who is this week to be married to a daughter of
Martha C. Wright of Auburn) will live in the house with him.  His next
son, Wendell, who is in the Independent, is to be (not soon) married 
to Miller Markim's daughter.  Charles Sumner is at the heard of the
movement to get Tremont and Lincoln to resign.  But Mr. Wallcut thinks
the Lincolnites won't even notice it.  Pillsbury is tired of politics
and Phillips of the Fremont movement.  I saw no one but Mr. Wallcut
at the Anti Slavery office.  I did not go to see James or Eliza Jackson.
I had no time.

----

Grammar School
+
Garrison Birthplace
Newburyport



Grammer School
and
Garrison Birthplace
Newburyport
Mass.


[*Lib.
June 3 
1864*]
Portrait of William Lloyd Garrison
The subscriber has in preparation a large and elegant 
lithographic Portrait of Mr. Garrison, from an original 
crayon drawing by Thomas M. Johnston, which he believes
he is safe in asserting will be, in all respects, the 
most satisfactory portrait of this distinguished advocate of
impartial freedom ever offered to the public.
Size of print 21 by 27 inches.  Price $1.50 for India 
Proof copies, which will be sent by mail, free of postage, 
on receipt of price.  
A liberal discount to agents.
Charles H. Brainard.
tf

May 20.

Being Dead He Yet Speaketh
The balcony in the northwest corner of 
the Liberal Arts Building at the World’s
Fair contains the exhibit made by the 
Century Company, Harper Brothers, the 
Scribners, and other eminent publishers.  
It is much frequented by readers and 
scholars, who linger, delighted with the 
array of literary treasures.  In the Century 
space are cases filled with autograph letters, 
original drawings, and manuscripts 
by noted authors and artists.  Here, too, 
is a collection of Lincoln letters and papers, 
and letters written by the statesmen and 
reformers who have helped to make American 
history.  Among the political papers 
is a letter to Henry Ward Beecher from 
William Lloyd Garrison, clear and legible.  
This letter as it lies in the case shows the 
first and fourth pages only, which read as 
follows:
Boston, Mass., May 10, 1870.
Rev. Henry Ward Beecher - My Dear 
Friend:
I regret to be obliged to substitute a 
brief letter for my presence at the mass 
convention of the American Woman Suffrage 
Association at Steinway Hall tomorrow, 
for I anticipated great pleasure 
in seeing - many of them for the first time
 - an array of eminent advocates of equal 
rights, drawn together by a common inspiration 
from various parts of the country.  
But while the spirit is willing the 
flesh is weak, hence the cause of my absence.
The claim of woman to the ballot is so 
reasonable, in such exact conformity to 
the theory of popular government, and so 
important in its bearings upon whatever 
concerns the interests of the people, that 
I marvel any man with ordinary intelligence 
and sense of justice, on giving any 
consideration to the subject, can resist 
or ...
Dr. Bushnell says:  "Suffrage is a right 
given, never a right to be demanded because 
it inheres beforehand in the person, 
and neither men nor women have any title 
to it, save what is grounded in consideration 
of benefit."
Suffrage is a right primarily given by

"And his tongue, like a word-threaded shuttle, 
Weaves nothing but praise to please;
An he looks in your face till your fingers miss, 
And tremble along the keys.
His wares, and his heaped-up merchandise,
Shut out the light of the sun;
He can buy the smile of the people --
Is it Love's smile he has won?
It may be the man just over the way
You have chosen - the millionaire;
When you think of his gold you can easy forget


-lating to the art of the old prehistoric races.

Mrs. Anna Morrison Reed, of Laytonville, Humboldt County, Cal., has been invited by the Board of Directors of the California State Agricultural Society to deliver the annual address at the State Fair.  It is to be hoped that Mrs. Reed will accept this honor tenders for the first time to a woman in California.
Miss Annie C. Lawrence, of the Boston Fine Arts Museum, recently delivered an address in honor of the University Art Guild, at the residence of Mrs. C. B. Congdon, Evanston, Ill.  Her subject was "Choice Pictures in Great Britain's and Germany's Selections in Fine Arts Building."
Sir Edward Strachey, in the September Atlantic, says: 
Yet depend upon it, as you grow older you will see more and more instances and proofs of the reality and the depth of the love of husbands and wives for each other in the most ordinary, common place couples.  I have heard of marriages where love has died out from some canker of selfishness or worldliness at its heart; but I have oftener seen unexpected proofs of a love stronger than death in all sorts of people in whom I have never before discovered any signs of sentiment or romance.
Mrs. Florence Hull, associate editor of that excellent magazine for parents, Childhood, is a liberal-minded and progressive woman, fully in sympathy with the efforts of her sex to bring about a rightful reform in both the legal and social status of women.  Her modesty has prevented her coming out prominently, but during the past ten years many articles written by her under various pseudonyms have appeared in news papers and journals, advocating the higher education and increased influence of woman.

Woman's Journal, Sept. 18, 1909     p. 149
William Lloyd Garrison
(In memoriam and biography) -----

Woman's Journal, Sep. 18, 1909      p. 149
Mr. Blackwell's Funeral.
The funeral service for Mr. Blackwell was
simple and beautiful. It was held on Saturday,
Sept. 11, at the crematory at Forest Hills.
We had expected that few would go out so
far, especially as there was to be a memorial
service later in the fall; but the chapel of the crematory
was filled, and filled mostly with people
who had come out of genuine affection.
The arrangements had been made by Mr.
Francis J. Garrison, the youngest son of the Liberator.
He arranged Lucy Stone's funeral sixteen years
ago, and he has rendered this last service to
many of the old heroes and worthies. The services


were conducted by Professor Borden P. Bowne of
Boston University. The hymns were those which Mr.
Blackwell had sung with his mother, and which
always remained his favorites. Mrs. Garrison played
Handel's "Largo" as a prelude. The assembled
friends sand "Jesus, I my Cross Have Taken."
Prof. Bowne read appropriate selections from Scripture.
Next came the singing of "When I Survey the Wondrous
Cross." Prof. Bowne then spoke as follows:
At an hour like this, our only refuge is
our Christian faith. We believe in God, the Father
Almighty, and in the life everlasting.
To the eye of sense, this scene can furnish
only occasion for dismay. This seems to be all, and
this, the end. The coffin here before us contains all
that is left of a life that once had been. We are
standing at the gates of darkness, in the midst of
final disaster and overthrow. But to the eye of
faith all is different. A light above the brightness
of the sun, a light from beyond the sky, shines

upon the scene, and we are standing not at the gates
of death and darkness, but at the gates of life and light.
The body, which has been the soul's instrument for a
time, now refuses its function, and will soon be
resolved into the elements from which it came. And
that is all that is here -- the outgrown shell, the abandoned
house. But the spirit has gone on to the
glad reunions and divine revealings, to the larger
loving of the Better Land.
And so, while the heart ashes, and the
tears start, we nevertheless rejoice which solemn
triumph, saying with St. Paul, "O Death, where
is thy sting, O Death where is thy victory!"
In our Christian thought, not much
is made of death. It is only character that counts.
The Master Himself said that there are no
dead, and he found the declaration immortality 
where probably no one else would have discovered
it, in the word to Moses: "I am the God
of Abraham and the God of Isaac and the


God of Jacob." On which the Master commented,
"God is not the God of the dead, but the God of
the living, for all live unto Him."
We see death only from the outside,
The body which has been the means of expression
and communication ceases its work, and we
say our friend is dead. But this only means
that we have no further intercourse with him.
There is no answering pressure of the hand, and
the loving voice is still. Yet our friend lives
nevertheless; for all live unto God. Somewhere
in God's kingdom he is engaged in the activities
and has the experiences which belong to the
unseen realm. And all the while he and
we are in the hands of our Father.
Love met us and prepared the way when
we came into this life; similarly love meets us
when we pass into the next life and prepares
the way for us there. Death, then, is only an
incident in the existence of an immortal spirit.

It is a passage from a lower to a higher phase of
our continuous life. In the great resurrection
chapter which I read from St. Paul, the animal
body is replaced by a spiritual body; the
corruptible puts on incorruption, and the mortal
puts on immortality. As Paul puts it in another
chapter, the earthly house of our tabernacle
is dissolved, but we are clothed upon with another 
habitation, a house not made with hands, eternal
in the heavens. And all the successive phases
of this life of ours are comprised in the divine thought,
and are gathered up in one great plan of love
and wisdom. The gloom and terror, there, with
which the imagination has shrouded this subject,
are heathen and not Christian, or they are borrowed
from the outward appearance which
masks the hidden spiritual fact. St. Paul,
who was looking forward to a violent death,
speaks of it with incidental ease as the time
of his departure, or, as he puts it, the time


of his sailing. The term he used was a nautical
one, and means an unmooring, as if Paul though
of raising the anchor or casting off the lines and
sailing for another haven and another shore. And
the writer of the fourth Gospel reports the Master as
speaking of the many mansions in the Father's
house, and of places prepared for many. Rightly,
then, do we say that this event is no more an
ending than it is a beginning. The earthly
life has ceased, and the immortal life has
begun. On this fact our thought should dwell
today. To us the heartache, the tears, the loneliness
and the emblems of sorrow, to him the fullness of
life immortal.
Some persons who rest in the letter and
miss the spirit always seek for formal professions
and visible rites in fixing one's relation to the 
Kingdom of God. These things are not, indeed,
without their value, but they are superficial at
best. Man looketh at the outward appearance,

but the Lord looketh at the heart. The essential thing
is not naming the name but doing the will, and
membership in the Kingdom is determined not by
ecclesiastical relations but by the affinities of Spirit.
I do not know whether Mr. Blackwell belonged to any
church organization, and I am not much concerned
to know; but of this I am sure, that he belonged to
the Church of churches -- the Church of the Good Samaritan.
The Samaritan was probably very deficient in
theology, and had but scanty religious knowledge.
Most likely he knew nothing of the Master; but the
Master knew much about him, as one who lived
in His spirit and was doing the kind of things
He wished to have done; and by saying, "go then
and do likewise." He lifted him on high for
the imitation of all future ages. In this church
Mr. Blackwell was a most efficient member, in
good and regular standing. He loved righteousness
and hated iniquity. He had a passion
for justice, and devoted his life to securing


it. Those who spoke wickedly concerning oppression
found in him a determined and strenuous opponent.
He lived with protest on his lips and
with resistance in his will against everything that
harmed or hindered humanity. The oppressed
Russian knew him; the outraged Armenian
knew him; the Southern slave, knew him; and
they all loved and honored him. His individual
benefactions were numberless, and generally wise.
His life has been a blessing to multitudes, and
his death will carry sorrow to a multitude of
hearts. It would be hard, indeed, to find
another such record of service as this, or
another man so widely beloved as he. Social
conditions are more just, laws are more equal,
public morality has a higher tone, and the
public conscience is more keen and discerning
because of his life and work. The world is
poorer for his going, but richer for his example,
"Never rode to the wrong's redressing,

A worthier Paladin.
Shall he not hear the blessing,
'Good and faithful, enter in.'?"
And these lines of Whittier's remind
me what a knightly soul Mr. Blackwell
was. The bravery and the tenderness, together with
something of the romance we associate with knighthood,
were all his. One could always locate 
him, for
"He stood four-square to every wind that blew."
His marriage had in it all the
elements of chivalry. He was a hater of slavery by
nature, and when Lucy Stone showed him the
injustice to women involved in social conditions,
he dedicated himself for her sake to the interests she
had at heart. All this devotion was never withdrawn;
it never even faltered. Unto the end
he remained one of the stoutest advocates of
justice for women; and husband and wife wrought
together with unfailing courage and good cheer. They


were both remarkable for their optimism in the face of
defeat, and for their persistent faith that right must
triumph at the last.
"And they saw, ere their eyes were darkened,
The sheaves of the harvest bringing,
And knew, while their ears yet hearkened,
The voice of the reapers singing."

Surely when the causes for which they
wrought shall come to make up the roll of
their heroes and to canonize their saints, the names
of Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell will shine aloft
as stars forever and ever.
These thoughts recall to me a letter of Mr.
Lincoln's to a mother who had lost many sons in
the Civil War. In it he spoke of the solemn pride
that must be hers in memory of this costly sacrifice,
With something of the same feeling, I say to the relatives
here they they are to be congratulated on these
noble memories and that they should feel a


solemn joy and pride in their connection with
these devoted and heroic souls. And they should highly
resolve to be worthy of this noble relationship, and to
fulfill the high commission which descends to them
to carry on their good work.
Sometimes on such occasions one has
a feeling of embarrassment in trying to associate
the person with the idea of immortal life, His
life has been so meagre, or lived on such low
levels, that we find it difficult to provide a
place for him. We have something of the feeling
that we have in college when a poorly-prepared student
applies for admission. He should be turned
back and required to take a further preparatory
course before being admitted to the privileges of
the college. We have no such scruples today.
Wherever they love justice, Mr. Blackwell will
be at home. Wherever they love righteousness, he
will be at home. Wherever they live the life of
good will and helpfulness, he will be at home,


We will be ready to enter the higher classes of God's 
University and go on without condition.
What reunions there must already have
been! Not to mention the beloved wife, what greetings
from old comrades in the good fight - the Beechers,
the Curtises, the Parkers, the Garrisons, the Phillipses, and
many others! And the first-born sons of light also
may well have met him at his coming --
"The great Intelligences fair,
That range above our mortal state,
In circle, round the heavenly gate,
Received and gave him welcome there."
And the Great Shepherd of the sheep, who considereth
not the ecclesiastical fold, but only the
flock, has He not received this, His disciple
in the spirit, with the commendation "Well done,
good and faithful servant."?
A prayer and the singing of
"Jesus, Lover of My Soul," followed. The exercises
were closed by Mrs. Garrison's playing

"For All the Saints," Shuberts "Abochied", "He
Shall Feed His Flock," from "The Messiah" and
"O Paradise."
After the friends had left, a few of
the nearest relatives saw the casket committed
to the retort. The roaring of the furnace
sounded like the wings of Elijah's fiery chariot.
Although the request had been widely published
that there should be no flowers, many flowers
were sent, and beautified the black cloth that
draped the casket. Wreaths were sent by the
Massachusetts W. S. A., the New England Women's
Press Association, and there were flowers from
many individual friends, rich and poor,
Americans, Armenians and Jews. Especially
touching were those sent by poor people, to
whom the gift meant real sacrifice although
this was just what Mr. Blackwell deprecated,
and he would not have wanted them


to do it. The first flowers to arrive were from some 
dear Armenian friends, of very narrow means; and
the last thing on Friday evening -- late at night,
after every one in the house had gone to bed
except me -- two very poor Russian Jewish women
to whom he had shown himself a friend,
came with a great box of beautiful pink roses.
They asked to see him, and stood for a few
minutes in silence, looking down at the peaceful
face; and both said "God bless him!"
To the many friends who have shown us
great kindness in this time of sorrow, by deeds,
words and letters, his family express their sincere
thanks.

A. S. B.

Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.