NAWSA SUBJECT FILE Livermore, Mary A. 3 Contributing Editors THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL Contributing Editors Mary Johnson and SUFFRAGE NEWS Ben B. Lindsey Stephen S. Wise 585 Boylston Street, Boston Massachusetts Caroline Bartlett Crane Josephine Peabody Marks Telephone: Back Bay 4717 Ellis Meredith Zona Gale Mabel Craft Deering Florence Kelley Eliza Calvert Hall Witter Bynner Reginald Wright Kauffman Assistant Editor Editor-in-Chief Managing Editor Henry Bailey Stevens Alice Stone Blackwell Agnes E. Ryan Rev E A Horton As I look back over past I like best of all to recall the noble people I have known & the upward trend of human life — Am happy w a brighter outlook than I knew in my youth — happy that I may still 'It is impossible to imagine the suffrage movement without the Woman's Journal.'' — Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt. Local WCTU [8?] Melrose Lyceum opened 45 yrs ago tonight — almost yearly led an [MAS?] night — was our prom figure on all grt occsions — on Mem Day – welcomed boys home fr Spanish war — always interested in small affairs — After she was so sa[??] like schoolgirl at midnight? song service, calling out for her favorite — the gayety & the bright colors of her mind — at 84 — rig a man of war fr boys got well faster if nurses were young & attractive Taking children & insane out of poorhouses — Melrose always no b[???]ie— Melrose Rep for 30 yrs vote for suf 21 yrs ago merely impressing cries [?] little They must be reformed tonight to each a living, helped back to respectable lives 21 years ago. The Woman's Journal and Suffrage News 585 Boylston Street, Boston, Massachusetts Telephone: Back Bay 4717 Contributing Editors: Mary Johnston Stephen S. Wise Josephine Peabody Marks Zona Gale Florence Kelley Witter Bynner Contributing Editors Ben B. Lindsey Caroline Bartlett Crane Ellis Meredith Mabel Craft Deering Eliza Calvert Hall Reginald Wright Kauffman Assistant Editor Henry Bailey Stevens Editor-in-Chief Alice Stone Blackwell Managing Editor Agnes E. Ryan lend a hand to weak & struggling or strike a blow for the right JPCobbe - I prefer to go forward into the larger life that beckons me farther on *It is impossible to imagine the suffrage movement without the Woman's Journal." - Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt [*Perrine*] Etheal Aunt N [*Adkirson*] E A Horton on Mrs. Livermore "Mary A. Livermore Day." The Faneuil Hall Chapter of the D.A.R., of which Mrs. Livermore is a member, observed May 24 at Melrose, Mass. as [a] "Mary A. Livermore Day." Miss Lara Daggett, State Regent, Gent. Francis Appleton, President of the Sons of the Revolution, and President of the Horticultural Society, Lieut. Dyer of the Baltimore, who was with Admiral Dewey at Manilla, and Mr. E. H. Goss, historian of Melrose, took part in the exercises. A beautiful elm tree, decorated with flags, presented By Mr. Webster Dorb of Melrose[, Mass.] was planted on the campus of the new High School Building, to be hereafter known as the "Mary A. Livermore tree," and to be so marked with a tablet. The mebers of the Chapter, and the invited guests, with the pupils from the "Mary A. Livermore School," surrounded the tree, and sang patriotic songs to the accompaniment of the orchestra, when the company adjourned to the spacious High School hall. [where a collation was served] Addresses and music followed, when a collation was served, amid the greatest sociality and good feeling. Ms. E. K. Keyes, 2 Wood Place Pd Mrs. J. A. Lawson 51 [Mysete?] St Pd Mrs. Dolly J. Parks 157 [Greon?] St Pd Mrs. Anna [Worvall?] 49 Blossom St Pd C. F. Tenney 6 Academy St Pd Mrs. J. H. Wyman 53 [Wilk?] St. Pd Mrs. E. Leathers 80 Cedar St. Pd Res. J. G. Hall Pd Sarah A. Burgess, 67 Day St. Pd Augusta M. Jubb 65 Cedar St. Pd Mrs. H. C. Hetchcock 37 Collage [Jq?] Pd Miss Kate Chaffiu 10 Oar St. Pd Mis B. M. Eddy, 38 Highland Ave Pd Mrs Mullon M. Cushing 27 Holt St Pd Mrs. L. A. hellman 128 Poichard St. Pd Mrs.F.M.Hestor 54 myrete st. Pd Mrs. E. L. Gooch 7 concord st. Pd Mrs. J. P Connig 8.8 Charles st. Pd I.C. Stanley 184 Main st. Pd Ms. E. Jaquith 67 grove st. Pd CHAIRMAN, EBEN S. DRAPER, Hopedale. TREASURER, HENRY L. HIGGINSON, 44 State St., Boston. SECRETARY, ELIHU B. HAYES, Commonwealth Building, Boston. Massachusetts Volunteer Aid Association. WOMEN'S COMMITTEE. MRS. J. ELLIOT CABOT, PRESIDENT. VICE-PRESIDENTS. MRS. ROGER WOLCOTT. MRS. F.T. GREENHALGE MRS. WM. E. RUSSELL. MRS. MARY A. LIVERMORE. MISS LUCY LOWELL, SECRETARY. OFFICE, COMMONWEALTH BUILDING, 11 MT. VERNON STREET. BOSTON, Aug. 20, 1898 The Women's Committee of the Massachusetts Volunteer Aid Association again desire to express their thanks to the women of Massachusetts who have worked long and arduously throughout the summer months in making the supplies so much needed by our soldiers and sailors. With peace has come a diminution in the need of the work of preparing articles, and as our supply is sufficient for any immediate demand, the Executive Committee of the Association has advised the Women's Committee to suspend temporarily the work which it is doing. Auxiliaries are therefore requested to finish up all articles which they have in hand, send them to our store house, Dean Building, India Street, Boston; and, if they think best to do so, send any money which is left in their treasuries to the Treasurer of the Association, Mr. H.L. Higginson, No. 44 State Street, Boston. There will be demands on the Association to supply delicacies, etc., to the sick soldiers, for which the money will be needed. It is not intended that this shall be a final closing up of the work of the branch associations. On the contrary, each branch is requested to maintain its organization, so that, should occasion arise, the Women's Committee may be able to communicate with them. In this way we shall stand ready to respond at once to any further calls for aid which may be made upon us. For the Women's Committee, LUCY LOWELL, Secretary If our positions were reversed? If the question of war with Spain had been left to the decision of the women of America, who were of voting age, there is no doubt it would have been negative by a large majority vote. President McKinley would have been allowed to continue his diplomatic negotiations with Spain unhindered, and might have accomplished, - as many still believe, - all that was asked, or desired in the beginning. To be sure, there were belligerent women who advocated war with frantic clamor, but they were by no means a large body. To the last moment women refused to believe in the possibility of an armed conflict with Spain, and the declaration of war came to them with stunning surprise. 2 Had they clearly understood the situation and foreseen the future, and set in notion all the machinery of protest and condemnation they know so well how to use, it would not have had a feather's weight against the "jingoism" that swept the country like a hurricane. In the present composition of political and legislative bodies, no cause whose claims are based on eternal right and justice alone, need appeal to politicians, legislatures, or congresses, with expectations of success, - and least of all if presented by women. American statesmen do not hesitate to declare that "the opinions of American women do not count in matters of state!" War is declared without their consent being asked or given, and taxes are levied upon them for the maintenance of armies and navies, whose purpose is slaughter and conquest. Their sons whom they have won in the valley of the shadow of death, are sent to the battle-field under the leadership of incompetent officers; they are herded in pestilential camps, conveyed on filthy transports; starved neglected, fever-smitten; and die of disease before they meet the enemy, or are sent home battered and worthless wrecks of physical manhood. How have women borne themselves under these appalling circumstances? They have refused to release their hold on the men of their households, even when the government has organized them into an army. They have followed them with letters of inquiry, with tender anxiety and intelligent provision, and have organized Red Cross Auxiliaries, Volunteer Aid Associations, and Army and Navy Leagues, through which to undo the mischief the men of the country have made. Night and day, through the most exhausting summer of years, they have toiled and economized to manufacture hospital garments, to gather hospital supplies, and to fit out hospital ships that shall haste to the malarious shores of Cuba with succor for our brave fellows, shamefully neglected by the Government they have served. What would [#4] 5 [would] men do [of] under similar conditions, if the positions of men and women were reversed? The Cincinnati Enquirer one of the ablest Democratic papers of the country, discusses the question and renders the following opinion: "Let us suppose that women held the reins of government, and that one cay a belligerent congress of women declared war without asking the consent of the disfranchised men. And suppose these helpless citizens had to sit still and see their wives, mothers, sisters, cousins and aunts of the nation called out for volunteer service, and marched off to Cuba and the Phillippines. How many sinews of war, think you, would be furnished by these bereft an disfranchised male creatures? No doubt in less than 48 hours the land w ould ring with a cry of 'Let us have peace at any price.' "Women love peace, but when they find themselves face to face with war they are patriots and philosophic enough to accept the situation. If Woman Suffrage is to come as a rew[?] woman's merit, and through man's chivalry [?] should come now that war has [?] women who are faithful to their [?] whether in war or peace, ought to [?] voice in declaring war and maintaining [?]" Mary A. Lovemore PAGEANT on the lawn of the homestead of Mary A. Livermore, 20 West Emerson St., Melrose, mass. June 7, 3 to 5 p.m. Pageant written and arranged by Mrs. Henry H. Kimball and Mrs. A. Raymond Calpin There will be a silver contribution for the Mary A. Livermore Memorial Fund for the purpose of placing Mrs. Livermore's name on the Memorial tablet to be erected in Washington in commemoration of famous women. The full costumed pageant will take the form of a reception and tea given by Mrs. Mary Todd Lincoln to some of the famous men and women of her day. The time is placed about 1865, just after the great Civil War. Mary A. Livermore of Massachusetts will be the guest of honor. The persons taking part in the pageant, in the order of their appearance, are as follos: LIZZIE KECKLEY ... MRS. GORDON G. LYFORD MARY TODD LINCOLN ... MRS. HENRY H. KIMBALL MRS. STODDARD ... MRS. FRANK W. CAMPBELL MRS. SHERMAN ... MRS. CHARLES F. PEASE MRS. CHASE ... MISS PRISCILLAR SMITH JOHN HAY ... MR. WILLIAM A. DOLE, JR. CHARLES SUMNER ... REV. RICHARD H. BENNETT ALICE HOOPER ... MISS MARY H. KIMBALL ISABELLE HOOPER ... MISS MARY H. KIMMBALL NELLIE GRANT ... MISS PHYLLIS MASON WILLIAM H SEWARD ... MR. H. H. STUART MRS. WILLIAM H. SEWARD ... MISS GERALDINE WILDER SUSAN B. ANTHONY ... MISS CLARA ROWLEY ELIZABETH CADY STANTON ... MRS. T. J. EDWARDS LUCY STONE ... MISS ANNIE WASHBURN MARY A. LIVERMORE ... MRS. MARY LIVERMORE BARROWS TAD LINCOLN ... MASTER JOSEPH FAY CLARA BARTON ... MRS. KENNETH THOMPSON MARY A. BICKERDYKE ... MRS. C. F. HANCOCK GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT ... MR. RICHARD J. LORD JULIA WARD HOWE ... MRS. JOHN DIKE HORACE GREELEY ... MR. CHARLES H. WOODBURY HENRY WARD BEECHER ... MR. WILLIAM D. SPRAGUE GEORGE NICOLAY ... MR. RUSSELL T. HATCH EDWIN M. STANTON ... MR LEICESTER S. JOHNSTON WALT WHITMAN ... MR. MALCOLM D. BARROWS HARRIET BEECHER STOWE ... MRS. EDWIN J. FORT WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON ... MR. GEORGE D. BAKER WENDELL PHILLIPS ... MR. FRED W. LACEY JENNY LIND ... MRS. AGNES EDWARDS HATCH ANDREW JOHNSON ... MR. ALFRED H. COLBY CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS ... MR. CHARLES H. ADAMS COLONEL ROBINSON ... COMMANDER ROBINSON ABRAHAM LINCOLN ... REV. CHARLES W. JEFFRAS COLORED SERVANTS-PAUL GUIBORD, LORING GUIBORD, RALPH BRAGDON. DANA BARROWS, JOHN BARROWS Acknowledgement is due Mrs. Honore Willsie Morrow for the use of a few phrases from her books, The Casey Florist Co., who assisted in decor- ating the grounds, and the may busy people who are giving of their time and talent to insure the success of this undertaking. Mary A. Livermore Silver Tea on the lawn of The Mary A. Livermore Homestead 21 West Emerson Street, Melrose, Mass. Saturday, June 7 - 3 to 5 A full-costumed pageant of Mary Todd Lincoln receiving her famous contemporaries. With Dialogue Silver offering for Memorial Fund. Admission Free In case of rain, First Congregational Parish House. THE PERRY PICTURES. 150. COPYRIGHT, 1898 BY E. M. PERRY, MALDEN, MASS. MARY A. LIVERMORE. Copyright 1901. by J.E.Purdy. Boston - 5 - Mary A. Livermore. 146 TREMONT ST. Purdy BOSTON. THE RICHMOND. Gift 1912 Thomas W. Bioknell Hardy 493 WASHINGTON ST. BOSTON. Mary A. Livermore Hardy 493 Washington St Boston. MASS. Duplicates may be had at any time Copyright 1901. by J.E.Purdy. Boston. - 4 - Purdy 146 TREMONT ST., BOSTON. 1878.] Senate - No. 122. 3 property as three hundred of her neighbors; and yet they determine the character of the town hall for the town in which she lives, the question whether the town's money shall be used in aid of railroads, the limit which shall be set upon expenditures for schools, and all other questions of municipal expenditure, while she has no power in the determination of these questions. In this connection, the spectacle is presented to us of towns whose indebtedness exceeds a proper percentage upon their valuation, and whose affairs are said to be controlled by the non-tax-paying class. Schedules are presented of such towns ; and we are asked to draw the inference, that, if the property-holding women in such towns were allowed to vote, their vote would neutralize the vote of the irresponsible, and therefore extravagant, portion of the community. And, if such inference is found to be correctly drawn, we are asked to apply this as the proper remedy. If this is a correct ground on which to place suffrage, it will apply equally in principle, and nearly in the same degree, to males. Doubtless equally striking instances of apparent hardship can be found arising from the power possessed by the many who are without property to control by their votes municipal appropriations which must be provided by taxation upon the property of a few men who are rich. And, if the principle of a property qualification is a correct one to adopt at all as the remedy for irresponsible voting, there is no ground on which to say that it should not be adopted among men as well as among women. If it is a proper remedy for the evil complained of, and ought to be applied, then the same discrimination should be made in favor of property-holding men which the petitioners seek to have applied in favor of property-holding women ; so that the power to control appropriations would be limited to property-holders of both sexes, and denied to non-property-holders of each sex. But upon what ground would the petitioners deny to the equally intelligent and capable but less fortunate members of their own sex, who may not possess the requisite property qualification, the right to vote in municipal affairs? As an example, the female school-teachers of Massachusetts are not usually possessed of property ; they would, by a large majori- 4 Woman Suffrage ty, fall short of the proposed property qualification; yet both their intelligence, and the effect of their labors in the benefit of the race, will compare favorably with that of any other portion of the community. For what reason are they not as well qualified to vote in municipal affairs, which involve the whole school question, as any other ladies in the Commonwealth? Shall the right to vote be put upon a property qualification? The nature of our institutions, our growth in enlightenment, our improvement in character and virtue, all point in the opposite direction. It is true, that during the transition through which the character of our population has passed within the last thirty years, affected by the evils inseparably following a long and bitter conflict of arms, the stability of our institutions has been tested in many instances severely, and the safety of the popular ballot sometimes doubted by wise men. But the very strength with which our institutions have in most instances resisted the shock, and the integrity with which they have generally passed through it, prove that the instances of a contrary character are the exceptions to the rule, and not examples of the rule itself. If, then, the suffrage should be accorded to women, it should not be to a portion of the women on the round of their property qualification. Let the evils under which the holders of property suffer in taxation from the votes of those who are not property-holders be remedied by the spread of intelligence, the increase of probity, and the effect of the natural desire of all persons to acquire and possess property, aided by the growing homogeneity of our people, and that community of interests which a common ballot inspires. The ability to participate in political duties makes better citizens, and it in itself one of the strongest educational forces toward a proper exercise of the ballot. The remaining petitions ask, - First, For a resolve which shall submit to the people an amendment to the constitution, securing to women, upon the same conditions of age, residence, educational qualification, and otherwise, as apply to men, and with the same exceptions of paupers, and persons under guardianship, the power to vote in all elections for governor, lieutenant-governor, senators, representatives, and other officers non municipal, and 1878.] Senate - No. 122. 5 providing that women shall be eligible to hold these offices, upon the same terms, and subject to the same restrictions, as apply to men. Second, For an act conferring upon women like power to vote in all municipal elections and meetings, and to hold municipal offices. Third, For an act conferring upon women the same powers to vote for presidential electors, and to hold that office. They present the broad question, whether suffrage, and eligibility to public office, shall be granted to women upon the same terms as to men. We are urged to grant it for the following principal reasons: that is, - 1. A natural right ; 2. A constitutional right ; 3. For the welfare of society. First, Natural rights are such, that if their exercise is denied by the government, this lays the foundation for a justifiable revolution. It will hardly be contended, even by the most ardent advocates of women suffrage, that an attempt to overturn the existing government in Massachusetts by force would be justifiable in case the right of suffrage is no accorded to women. This is the test of the correctness of the proposition. By natural, or, as Blackstone terms them, absolute rights, is properly meant those which, upon moral grounds, ought to exist in every state of society, and which no state has a right to deny. In a certain sense, all rights are relative. They spring out of the relation of men to each other in society. But some are so essential, and the individual has so strong a claim to them, that it is the duty of every state to provide for them. Therefore, if a state abrogates them, rebellion against the state is justifiable. No state has a right to exist which denies them: therefore their denial justifies rebellion. They are the "implied reservations, without which the social compact could not exist." They "grow out of the essential nature of all free government." To deny them is beyond the function and province of rightful government. Such are the right to life, liberty, and the acquisition of property ; but such is not the right to the ballot. 6 WOMAN SUFFRAGE. [Mar. Judge Story, who will not be accused of partisanship, says, in his Commentaries upon the Constitution, "The truth seems to be, that the right of voting, like many other rights, is one which, whether it has a fixed foundation in natural law or not, has always been treated in the practice of nations as a strictly civil right, derived from and regulated by each society according to its own circumstances and interests. It is difficult, even in the abstract, to conceive how it could have otherwise been treated." In a recent and very thoroughly considered case in one of the most respected state courts (Anderson v. Baker, 23 Maryland Reports, 531), the subject of the alleged natural right of voting was passed upon, and decided against the existence of such right. As the person claiming the right was a man, the decision is without bias upon the question of sex. The new constitution of Maryland, adopted in 1864, provided that no person who had been in armed hostility to the United States, or who had been in the service of the so-called Confederate States, or who had in any manner, by word, act, or deed, given them aid, comfort, or countenance, or declared his adhesion to them, or expressed a desire for their triumph, should have the right to vote; and that no person, who, since the fourth day of July, 1851, had been or should be convicted in a court of law of bribery, or of resorting to force, fraud, or surprise, to corrupt or defeat the exercise of the right of suffrage, should thereafter be entitled to vote, or hold any office of profit or trust. And a statute passed in pursuance of this provision of the constitution, and to carry out its objects, provided that the officers of registration should administer to every person applying for registration as a voter the oath of allegiance, and should examine the applicant under oath, and diligently inquire and ascertain whether such person had done any of the acts declared in the constitution to be causes of disqualification; and, if the evidence brought to their knowledge should satisfy them that he had done so, they should not enter his name in the register of qualified voters, but should carefully exclude it therefrom, notwithstanding he might have taken the prescribed oath of allegiance. By the enforcement of these provisions, a considerable part of the inhabitants of Maryland who had previously voted 1878.] SENATE-No. 122. 7 were disfranchised. And, in the above case (which may be. considered a test case), the main ground taken in opposition to the law was that it was an ex post facto law, and therefore void under the provision of the constitution of the United States which prohibits any state from passing such a law; in this, that it forfeited rights for acts committed previously to the passage of the law, and for the commission of certain acts affixed a new penalty not existing at the time of their commission, to wit, the deprivation of the right of suffrage. It was argued that the right to vote could not be taken away for such an act as the expression of a desire for the triumph of the Confederate States by a law passed subsequently to the expression of such desire, because that would be the infliction of a new and subsequent penalty for the commission of an act which (whether criminal or not) was not attended with that penalty at the time it was committed. It was a law, it was said, attempting to take away rights for acts previously committed, which did not, at the time they were com- mitted, prevent the exercise of those rights. Thus the question of the nature of the elective franchise was directly involved; because, if it is a right, it cannot be taken away for an act done previously to the passage of a law which forfeits the right; but if it is a power to be exercised in such manner, and by such persons, as the state shall, from regard to its welfare, determine, then the state may at any time modify, take away, limit, suspend, or control the privilege at its will, and without cause, not as a forfeiture for an act committed, nor out of regard to the interests or privileges of the citizen at all, but solely from considerations relating to the public expediency and welfare. And the latter was the view which the court took after very thorough consideration, and the ground upon which their decision was based. The court say that the elective franchise" is a privilege conferred on the citizen by the sovereign power of the state to subserve a general public purpose, and not for private or individual advantage; that, as against the power conferring it, the citizen acquires no indefeasible right to its continuance or enjoyment; and that the people of the state, in the exercise of their sovereign power, may qualify, suspend, or entirely withdraw it from any citizen, or class of them, providing always that representation of 8 WOMAN SUFFRAGE. [Mar. the people, the essential characteristic of a republican government, be not disregarded or abandoned;" that this may be done without any fault or occasion so far as the character of the citizen is concerned, and solely in the discretion of the people of the state, as they, in their capacity as a people, deem for the public good; and that, therefore, witholding the privilege from any persons or class in the community takes away no right, and, even if done on account of previous acts, cannot be regarded as an ex post facto law. It is a "matter of which the people of the state have the absolute control." The decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Minor v. Happersett, 21 Wal. 162, in which the opinion was delivered by Chief Justice Waite, confirms the same result. That case presented the question, whether women are entitled, under the constitution of the United States, to vote because they are citizens; and it was sought to found this right upon the fourteenth amendment to the constitution of the United States, which provides that "all persons born or naturalized into the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside," and that "no state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States." The court held that it was unnecessary to claim that the fourteenth amendment had conferred citizenship upon women, and that it had not in fact conferred it, since, from the foundation of the government, citizenship had extended to women as well as to men, but that suffrage was not, and never had been, one of the necessary rights of citizenship, and that, therefore, a provision in the constitution and laws of a state denying its exercise to women was valid. It is believed that no well-considered case or recognized authority can be found at variance with the above principles. The whole status of voting under state constitutions and statutes like the ones above cited, adopted at the close of the Rebellion, rests upon it. In the constitution of every state, at the time of the formation of the Union, the elective franchise was expressly confined to males, and denied to females, with perhaps one exception, and in that instance was so confined as early as 1807; and, in the constitution of every state since admitted to the Union, it has been so confined. 1878] SENATE--No. 122. 9 Surely then, according to the theory of our government from the beginning, continually applied through the suppression of the Rebellion and the reconstruction of the Southern States, suffrage is not a natural right. And, if we consider whether that theory is correct, we can come to only one conclusion. There is no absolute, inherent right in any person to vote, because his vote affects the property, rights, and welfare of others. He might have such natural right if his vote affected only himself; but, since it affects society, society has the right to impose conditions and limitations upon his power, derived solely from a regard to the public welfare. Second, Upon the second ground, -- that of supposed rights under the constitution, -- in order that injustice may not be done to the petitioners by misstating their position, we quote the language of those who addressed us upon this point. The gentleman who opened the petitioners' case, speaking with reference to the three objects sought by the petitioners, both that asking for a constitutional amendment and the others, said, "The principles of our state constitution affirm woman's right to suffrage. 'All power resides in the people, and is derived from them.' Women are people. 'The people . . . have a right to institute government, and to reform, alter, or change the same.' They can do so only by voting. 'No part of the property of any individual can with justice ever be taken from him, and applied to the public use, without his own consent or that of the representative body fo the people.' Is not a woman an individual?" And the gentleman who closed their case, speaking likewise with reference to all the measures sought, said, "By that instrument (the constitution) the body politic is described as originating in a social compact, all with each, and each with all. All shall be governed by laws made by their representatives. All power resides originally in the people. No man, or corporation, or class, is to be endowed with special political privileges; and yet more than one-half of the adult citizens of the Commonwealth are perpetually disfranchised, and contemptuously refused all share of representation, though taxed to the fullest extent. Can this be reconciled with justice, or with your solemn oaths? No incidental provision of the constitution can set aside or override its fundamental principles." With the greatest respect for the gentleman who expressed these views, himself the earliest and foremost leader in the conflict wich freed this country from slavery, it is suggested that the "incidental provision" of the constitution to which he refers is, "every male citizen of twenty-one years of age and upwards" (excepting paupers, and persons under guardianship) "who shall have resided," &e., "shall have a right to vote in such election of governor, lieutenant-governor, senators, and representatives, and no other person shall be entitled to vote in such elections" (Amendments to the Constitution, Art. III., re-enacting previous provisions to the same effect) ; and that the very object of his application to the legislature is to change this provision. We certainly have too high an opinion of the intention of the gentlemen who took these positions to state fairly what they believe to be the issue, to suppose that they ere stated with any intention to mislead ; and we might naturally suppose that they were uttered inadvertently, and that thus they called for no remark from us. But we find them reiterated and broadly published ; and thus, perhaps, we are not at liberty to overlook them. It would seem to be a very obvious and sufficient answer to them to say, that whenever an implication can properly override an express provision, then such a construction of the constitution will be entitled to prevail, but not until then. And it would not seem necessary further to enlarge upon this branch of the subject than to say, that the repeated and unbroken judicial construction of the constitution has been otherwise ; and that, whether viewed with reference to the frame of society at the time of its adoption, in the light of contemporaneous exposition, the ordinary use of language, or the standard principles of interpretation, a different construction would seem impossible. Third, Upon the third ground, that it is for the welfare of society, the argument is, that every qualification possessed by man enabling him properly to discharge the duties of a voter, or of the holder of a public office, is also possessed by woman : she is, it is urged, as intelligent, as conscientious, as capable of sitting in judgement upon questions, as man, with quicker instincts, and greater intuitive perceptions of right and wrong ; she has love of country, capacity to select its servants, capacity to appreciate its necessities. It is here that much of the argument founded upon what are supposed to be "natural rights" properly belongs. When the advocates of woman suffrage urge that woman has a natural right to vote, it can hardly be supposed that they often intend what this term really means : they in reality mean that she is naturally fitted for the duties of citizenship ; that she is as well qualified by nature to discharge its duties and to assume its responsibilities as man ; and that, therefore, it is unjust to deny her the power to exercise them. Upon this ground it may be supposed they mean to urge that civil society would be improved, benefited, elevated, by the introduction of wman to the franchise : but they do not, we may suppose (unless the more violent of them), mean to say that there is any such fundamental, inherent, natural right to the ballot on the part of woman, that no state has a right to exist which denies it ; which is what must be predicated of any denial of natural rights in the proper sense of that term. The achievements of woman, as well as her capacity, the many and very great works of charity, benevolence, duty, performed by her, are presented as grounds upon which to place this claim. As an example, it is said, was there ever a nobler or greater work than that performed by the women of American in connection with the Sanitary Commission during the civil war? The answer implied by the question may be freely admitted. No brighter page was ever written than that which records the deeds of women. But are these reasons why either their welfare, or the welfare of men, - or, what is more correctly the question, the welfare of civil society composed of both, - demand the ballot for women? To our minds they are strong reasons to the contrary. What woman has done pre-eminetly she has done as a woman. man could not do it : both his qualities and his training forbid. Take the instance of the Sanitary Commision : little is hazarded in saying that the distinguishing and crowning features of it were those characteristic to women, and which distinguish them from men. The ballot is not merely a privilege : it is a duty ; a duty, if undertaken, to be thoroughly and fully performed. If, then, it is granted to women, it is to be supposed that they can and will, together with their other duties and relations in life, perform the duties which it imposes. it is a great in- 12 WOMAN SUFFRAGE. [Mar. justice to say, grant suffrage to women, and let such women as choose avail themselves of it. This question has been viewed too much with reference to the privileges instead of the duties of a voter; as if the ballot were a personal privilege, and not a duty which the state has a right to require. If the ballot is thrown open to woman, the duty is imposed upon all women alike: none can escape its obligations. It carries with it an entrance into public life; a necessary participation in public affairs, in order to such an understanding of them as will enable all women to discharge the duty. Now, first, if the question of the delicacy of her doing this is waived, can she do it consistently with her other relations and functions in life? We do not believe that she can. Bearing in mind that the question does not relate alone or mainly to the unmarried women of this Commonwealth, but also, and we have a right to say principally, to the married women in the state, can we believe that they will or can perform the duties now incumbent upon them in the social fabric, if the duties of public political life are superadded thereto? It will not do to answer this question by saying that their performance of political duties will be different from that of men, requiring less time, partial, incomplete, supplementary: the whole question presupposes political duties honestly, and therefore thoroughly, performed. If we suppose, for a moment, that the vote of woman will be an uninformed vote, then it will be a vote unfaithful to the duty of citizenship, and the whole argument for introducing it fails. Can the married women of this Commonwealth assume the active, political duties which accompany the ballot, and eligibility to public office, without detriment to their work in the highest of all relations, that of wives and mothers? and, if they are faithful to their political duties, without disorganizing and reversing the order of social and domestic life? The faithful and earnest work of a mother has been held up to us as an argument in favor of woman suffrage. More than one address before the committee had for its basis the work of a mother for her son, or of a wife for her husband. But, to our minds, these are strong reasons against it. God forbid that we should do any thing to make the one less a mother, or the other less a wife. But do we not, if we introduce 1878.] SENATE -- No. 122. 13 her into political life? Would she have been such a wife or mother if her attention had been devoted to public affairs? Is it not precisely the fact that she is not devoted to them, but is devoted to the family, which gives her her position and power, and all which is comprehended in the words wife and mother? Have not all the noble deeds of woman been womanly? The very excellence which you praise is obtained in the performance of duties which you think should be changed. Has she the physical power or the time to add the duties of man to her own? If so, will not their performance breed a distaste of the others? But, if not, shall they be exchanged? and can man take her place, any more than she can take man's? That this view is shared by a large proportion of the women of this state, and of most intelligent communities, is apparent from the fact that the great majority of them ask for no change. They understand the basis upon which the various duties in life rest, and the distinction founded in nature which carries to each sex different obligations; and they have not sought, as a whole, to exchange these obligations for others of a different character. It would be unjust to them to throw upon them the responsibility and duties of the electoral franchise, when they do not desire it, at the request of a minority, and not a large minority, of their sex. In this connection, reference should perhaps be made to the English law, which is mentioned as an illustration of the working of woman suffrage. In the first place, the right of suffrage in England for males differs from ours in being based upon property qualification; and the law in question, instead of being, as has been claimed, a law granting woman suffrage either with or without a property qualification, is a law providing for household suffrage, and granting to unmarried women, who are householders without a male representative, the right of voting in municipal affairs; that is, in cases where the husband or other male representative of the family is not living, the household may be represented in municipal affairs by the widow or other unmarried female. This is more consistent with English views of suffrage than with American, because its basis is representation of property pure and simple: it does not extend to married women, and, 14. WOMAN SUFFRAGE. [Mar. upon principle, never can; and its workings, taking as evidence the statements of Miss Beedy, to which we were referred by the petitioners, do not commend themselves to us. The great objection is fundamental. "The accident of sex," a term adopted by the petitioners, is not an accident. It defines and fixes the conditions and limits of human society. It does not imply a subordination of one sex to the other, but points out that all the duties in life of one cannot well be performed by the other. The petitioners urge that women are not responsible for having been born females. This is true; but if certain duties appertain by nature to their sex, and certain duties to the other sex, each is responsible for the performance of its own. Suppose this question should be considered in the light of duties, instead of in the light of rights; will it not appear that there are natural duties ordained of God inconsistent and incompatible with the "rights" now claimed for women? If the duties and functions of public life, participation in public affairs, eligibility to public office, are antagonistic to the duties of woman in the family, which are we to choose for her, -- the order of nature, or its opposite? Believing that these measures, in the consequences of which every interest in human society would be involved, propose a revolution contrary to the order of nature, in which the household and the family would, to a great extent, be scarified to public duties and political life, we recommend that the petitioners have leave to withdraw. ROBERT R. BISHOP, AMOS J. SAUNDERS, Of the Senate. CLEMENT HUGH HILL, JOSEPH J. KELLEY, Of the House. I concur in the above, except that I am in favor of submitting the constitutional amendment to the people. PATRICK M. McGLYNN, Of the House. Woman's Journal, May 27, 1905. p82 Mary A. Livermore, We have lost a leader. America mourns one of the brightest, bravest, most heroic personalities that have ever had their birthplace on its soil. She will rank in history with Otis, and the Adamses, with Garrison and Phillips. As they devoted their lives to the National Independence and Antislavery, she gave hers to Temperance and the Sanitary Commission in the was for the Union, and afterwards to the even more fundamental work for the enfranchisement of women. In her death liberty, justice, temperance and peace feel the departure of one of their most illustrious advocates. Her daughters are bereft of a wise and loving mother; her friends of a loyal and faithful co-worker; all women of a powerful advocate of their equal rights; and America of a shining exemplar of the twentieth century woman under democratic institutions. Think what the world would have lost if Mary Ashton Rice (Livermore) would have been borne a century earlier, without the opportunity to supplement her devotion to her husband and family with far-reaching public activity! No man or woman of her generation addressed audiences so numerous, on topics so varied and inspiring. Her influence has moulded the thoughts of millions. It will always be to her old comrades a precious memory that only a few days before her departure, she braved physical disability and the shadow of approaching dissolution to say a few words of affection, love and congratulation to her co-workers at the Suffrage Festival in Faneuil Hall week before last. She will be widely missed. But her life will be an inspiration to the women and men of coming generations. H.B.B. Jake Davis Sg- Electric on Columbus Ave Boston It Paris [?] WOMAN SUFFRAGE Prize Speaking Contest ...FOR THE... Mary A. evermore Silver Medal, Thursday, 8 [?] June 13, 1895. Under the Auspices of the Unity Society. Programme 1. VOCAL DUET, MISS BESSOE L. WISDOM, MASTER ARTHUR E.WISDOM 2. "LIFE OF LUCY STONE." Alice Stone Blackwell MISS MARGARET A. PURCELL. 3. "BARBARA FRIETCHIE." Whittier MISS ETTA F. PRATT. 4. SOPRANO SOLO, MISS ALICE C. DANIELS. 5."EQUAL RIGHTS." Mrs. Livermore MISS MARGARET A. LAKIN. 6. "IN 1900." Alice Stone Blackwell MISS CHARLOTTE C. ELDRIDGE 7. DUET, MISS WISDOM, MASTER WISDOM. 8."JERRY." M. L. Dickinson MISS NETTIE A. DODGE 9."WOMAN'S RIGHTS." Beecher MR.FRANK R. WHEELOCK 10. VIOLIIN AND PIANO DUET, MR. S. T BIRMINGHAM, MISS ALICE G. BIRMINGHAM 11. AWARDING OF THE MEDAL. MR. FRANK M. HAWES. JUDGES MISS HELEN J. SANBORN. Hon. CARLES S. LINCOLN, DR. EMMA J. PEASLEY. Rev. WILLIAM H. PIERSON, MR.FRANK M. HAWES. MISS STELLA HALL WILL PRESIDE. WILLIS, PRINTER, 8 FRIEND ST., BOSTON. AT UNITARIAN CHURCH SOMERVILLE 8. P.M. [*M A Livermore*] Twenty=Second Annual Convention OF THE MASSACHUSETTS Woman's Christian Temperance Union TABERNACLE CHURCH, SALEM. Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, Oct. 1, 2, 3, '95. MRS. MARY A. LIVERMORE, Honorary President. MRS. SUSAN S. FESSENDEN, President. MRS. ESTHER T. HOUSH, Cor. Secretary. MRS. HELEN G. RICE, Rec. Secretary. MRS. M. E. CHENEY, Asst. Rec. Secretary. MRS. A. H. WOOD, Treasurer. In all places where I record my name I will come unto thee and I will bless thee.-Ex. 20:24. Programme. TUESDAY. OCT. I. MORNING. 9.30 Singing. Prayer. Convention called to order by the President. Appointment of Credential, Resolution and Business Committees. Report of the Executive Committee. 10.00 Report of Corresponding Secretary. 10.30 EVANGELISTIC DEPARTMENTS. "And all thy children shall be taught of the Lord." Is. 54:13. Sunday School, Miss Elizabeth A. Kingman. Sabbath Observance, Mrs. L. B. Earle. Evangelistic Work, Mrs. J. B. Bixby. Proportionate and Systematic Giving, Mrs. A. S. Delano. 11.00 Devotional Hour. Rev. Sarah A. Dixon. 12.00 Noontide Prayer. Address, Physiculture, Miss Helen Potter. 12.30 Recess. AFTERNOON. 2.00 Singing. Prayer. Minutes and Roll Call. 2.30 PREVENTIVE DEPARTMENTS. "Train up a child in the way he should go; and when he is old, he will not depart from it." Prov. Mothers' Meetings, Mrs. Abby F. Rolfe. Loyal Temperance Legion, Mrs. Helen G. Rice. With good will doing service, as to the Lord and not to men.-Eph. 6:7. Scientific Temperance Instruction, Mrs. A. E. Swallow. Health and Heredity, Louise C. Purington, M.D. Narcotics, Mrs. M.E. A. Gleason. Domestic Science, Marion A. McBride. Securing Homes for Homeless Children, Mrs. Clara E. Withington. Singing. 3.30 President's Annual Address. 4.15 LEGAL DEPARTMENTS. "Ask and it shall be given." Luke II. 9. Legislation and Petitions, Cor. Secretary. The Franchise, Miss L.E. Bigelow. 4.30 Address, Purity, Rev. Mary T. Whitney. 5.00 Recess. EVENING. 7.30 Organ Voluntary. Anthem, First Baptist Church Quartette. Devotional Exercises by Resident Clergymen. ADDRESSES OF WELCOME: For the W.C.T.U., Mrs. H.T. Haddock. For the Churches, Rev. De Witt S. Clark, D. D. For the Schools, Mr. John W. Perkins. RESPONSE. Mrs. Mary H. Hunt. World's and National Superintendent S.T.I. Music. Introduction of Vice-Presidents. Collection. Benediction. Their works do follow them- Rev,14:13 Wednesday , oct. 2 Morning. 9.30. singing.prayer.minutes. REPORT OF WORLD'S CONVENTION, MRS.RUTH B. BAKER MRS. MARY S. HOWES. 10.00 MEMORIAL HOUR. READING OF SCRIPTURE. PRAYER. LIST OF UNION MEMBERS. SOLO, MISS ELLA STUCKENBURG. IN MEMORY OF MRS. ELLEN M.EVERETT, MRS M. E CHENEY. IN MEMORY OF MRS. MARY A. WOODBRIDGE, MRS S. A. GIFFORD. IN MEMORY OF MRS.MARY T. LATHRAP, MRS. ESTHER T. HOUSH SOLO, MISS ELA STUCKENBURG. IN MEMORY OF REV A. J. GORDON, MRS LOUSIE C.PURINGTON. IN MEMORY OF REV. A. A. MINER MRS. M. E. A. GLEASON. IN MEMORY OF DR. CLABKMER, MRS M. S MERRILL IN MEMORY OF MR. DEMOREST AND A. J. STEARNS. SINGING: "LEAD. KINDLY LIGHT" PRAYER 11.00 DEVOTINAL HOUR: REV. AMELIA A. FOREST, LITTLETON; SUBJECT"CHRISTIAN COMPLETENESS" 12.00NOONTIDE PRAYER INTRODUCTION OF FRATERNAL DELEGATES. MISCELLANEOUS BUSINESS 12.30RECESS. That our daughters may be as corner stones. - Ps. 144:12. EVENING. In Charge of Y. W. C. T. U. Organ Voluntary, Miss Nellie Nichols Stevens, West Somerville. Devotional exercises by young ladies. ADDRESS OF WELCOME, Miss Retta M. Winslow, Chelsea. RESPONSE. Miss Margaret Tyler, Shelburne Falls. Solo, Frances Helen Ryder, "The Holy City." Collection. Address, Miss Clara Parrish. National Organizer Solo. Benediction. THURSDAY, OCT. 3. MORNING. 9.30 Singing. Prayer. Minutes. Report of Credential Committee. Roll Call. 10.00 Election of Officers. Appointment of Delegates to National Convention. 11.00 DEVOTIONAL HOUR. Rev. Mabel L. MacCoy, Mansfield. Subject, "The Indwelling God." 12.00 Noontide Prayer. Addresses, On Relation of Temperance to Labor, Mrs. Mary G. Stuckenberg, Miss Mary A. Nason. 12.30 Recess. Be ye glad and rejoice forever. - Isa. 65: 18. AFTERNOON. 2.00 Singing. Prayer. Minutes. 2.30 EDUCATIONAL DEPARTMENTS, "The Lord giveth the word; the women that publish the tidings are a great host." - Ps. 68:11. Rev. Ver. Union Signal and Our Message, Mrs. M. E. Cheney. The Press,' Mrs. M. L. Wyatt. Literature. Work for Lumbermen, Mrs. Esther T. Housh. Work for Sailors, Mrs. A. E. A. Livesey. 3.00 Report of Resolution Committee. Collection. 5.00 Recess. EVENING. 7.30 Organ Voluntary. Anthem by Tabernacle Quartette. Devotional Exercises by Resident Clergymen. Address, "What are we Coming to?" Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates. National Lecturer. Collection. Solo, Mrs. E. R. Bigelow. Singing, "God Be With You." Benediction. RULE OF CONVENTION. The delegates are seated by counties. Each country president will preserve order in her delegation. Whispering and moving about prohibited. Observe parliamentary rules in making motions. Bring note book and pencil, and WEAR THE WHITE RIBBON. PRAYER MEETING. From 9.00 to 9.30 each morning a prayer meeting will be held. A leader and organist will be in attendance. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE MEETING. All members of the Executive Committee are expected to be present September 30. These meetings will be held in Central Baptist Guild House, St. Peter Street, at 12 o'clock and 7.30. RAILROAD RATES. The Fitchburg, Boston & Albany, Boston & Maine, New York, New Haven & Hartford, New York & New England roads will furnish roundtrip tickets, good going September 30 to October 2, inclusive, and good returning October 1 to 4, inclusive, at the following rate: TWO CENTS A MILE from points within twenty-five miles of Salem, with a minimum rate of twenty-five cents. ONE DOLLAR from points from twenty-five to thirty-three miles of Salem. ONE AND A HALF CENTS per mile from points more than thirty-three miles from Salem. The Central Vermont suggests that on their road, mileage be used, or ten days' excursion trip tickets to Boston be purchased. DOMESTIC SCIENCE. During intermission the Domestic Science Department will demonstrate. OCTOBER 1. THE CHAFING DISH. Food for children and invalids, by Mrs. Janet M. Hill. OCTOBER 2. THE ALADDIN OVEN. Scientific and economical cooking. OCTOBER 3. SANITARY FITTINGS, DRAINAGE, DISTILLED WATER, STERILIZED MILK. Under the direction of Marion A. McBride. ENTERTAINMENT. Delegates will send name and TIME OF ARRIVAL to chairman of committee, Mrs. A. B. Evans, 3 Nursery Street, Salem. Each deleage should be provided with credentials signed by the secretary of her union. Brinig this with you (guides will be at the station) and receive delegate's badge and card of introduction to hostess. MARY A. LIVERMORE 1877, June 2 - A number of ladies, members of the Executive Committee of the W.C.T.U of Massachusetts, headed by Mrs. Livermore, called on Mayor Prince at the City Hall and presented a memorial for the banishment of liquors at the forthcoming dinner to President Hayes. Following the reading of the petition, an argumentative conversation occurred between the Mayor and Mrs. Livermore which gave the former an opportunity to define his position on the Temperance question, and the letter to answer, which she did the arguments presented. (Boston Al[m]anac) 1871, - M.A.L. officer of Natl. Council of Women no date - President Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association 1882, Boston Almanac, p. 39 1881, Oct. 3 - A convention of reformed men was held in Music Hall, Boston, afternoon and evening. Mrs. Mary A. Livermore and John B. Gough were the principal speakers. 1872 Jan. 6 - The Woman's Journal, page 4 - editorial Termination of Mrs. Livermore's connection as editor 1881 - Letter of May 9 "I am the first woman ever invited to address the Harvard Divinity School or to preside at a conference of the Unitarians." 1892 - lectured at Tremont Temple Meeting, Boston 1893, Oct. 17 - Meetings in Western Massachusetts 1893, Oct. 30 - I have kept no letters since 1881 when I burned all my past behind me. I was sure I should die in Europe when I last went there, and so [was] my physician, consequently I have no letters of Lucy's nor of anybody else. Both my daughters went her autograph, and I cannot give it to them. Can you give me a couple? I am sorry I destroyed Lucy's last letter. It was remarkable. But I never dreamed it would be last! 1885 - pamphlet by her husband, Rev. Daniel P. Livermore Woman Suffrage Defended by Irrefutable Argument 1871, - Woman's Journal, Feb. 14, page 52 "Refutation of charge published by LIBERAL CHRISTIAN, against Mary A. Livermore, accusing her of partisan speeches in campaign.["] 1903, Sept. 21 - Speaker at Lucy Stone Day in West Brookfield W.Journal on Aug. 13 1929 Woman's Journal, page 9 -reference The Woman's Column. VOL. VI. BOSTON, MASS., JUNE 17, 1893. NO 24. The Woman's Column. Published Weekly at 3 Park Street, Boston, Mass. --- Editor: Alice Stone Blackwell --- Subscription, . . . . 25 cents per annum. Advertising Rates, . . 50 cents per line. ---- Entered as second-class matter, at the Boston, Mass. Post-Office. Jan. 18th, 1888.] MRS. MARY A. LIVERMORE. --- Mrs. Mary Ashton Rice Livermore was born in Boston, Mass., Dec. 19, 1821. Her father, Timothy Rice, of Northfield, Mass., who was of Welsh decent, served in the United State Navy during the war of 1812. Her mother, Zebiah Vose Glover Ashton, was the daughter of Capt. Nathaniel Ashton of England. Little Mary was placed in the public schools of Boston at an early age, and graduated at fourteen, receiving one of the six medals distributed for good scholarship. There were then no high, normal or Latin schools for girls, and their admission to Massachusetts colleges was not even suggested. She was sent to the Female Seminary in Charlestown, where she completed the four years' course in two, and was then elected a member of the faculty, as teacher of Latin and French. While teaching, she continued her studies in Latin, Greek and metaphysics under tutors and resigned her position at the close of the second year, to take charge of a family school on a plantation in Southern Virginia. There she remained nearly three years. She taught a school of her own in Duxbury, Mass., for the next three years, the ages of her pupils ranging from fourteen to twenty years. It was in reality the high school of the town, and was so continued when she relinquished it. In 1845 she became the wife of Rev. D. P. Livermore, a Universalist minister settled in Fall River, Mass. The tastes, habits of study and aims of the young couple were similar, and Mrs. Livermore drifted inevitably into literary work. She formed her husband's young parishioners into reading and study clubs, which she conducted, wrote hymns and songs for church hymnals and Sunday school singing books, and stories, sketches and poems for the Galaxy, Ladies' Repository, New York Tribune and National Era. She was identified with the Washingtonian Temperance Reform, before her marriage, was on the editorial staff of a juvenile temperance paper, organized a Cold Water Army of fifteen hundred boys and girls, for whom she read to them and which were afterwards published in book form, under the title, "The Children's Army." (Boston, 1844). She wrote two prize stories in 1848, one for a State temperance organization, entitled "Thirty Years too Late," illustrating the Washingtonian movement, and the other, for a church publishing house, entitled "A Mental Transformation," elucidating a phase of religious belief. The former was re-published in England, where it had a large circulation. It had been translated into several languages by missionaries, and was re-published in Boston in 1876. It 1857, the Livermores removed to Chicago, where Mr. Livermore became proprietor and editor of a weekly religious paper, the organ of the Universalist denomination in the Northwest, and Mrs. Livermore became his associate editor. For the next twelve years her labors were herculean. She wrote for every department of the paper, except the theological, and in her husband's frequent absences from home, necessitated by church work, she had charge of the entire establishment, paper, printing-office and publishing house. She continued to furnish stories, sketches and letters to Eastern periodicals, gave herself to church and Sunday school work, was untiring in her labors for the Home of the Friendless, assisted in the establishment of the Home for Aged Women and the Hospital for Women and Children, and was actively identified with the charitable work of the city. She performed much reportorial work in those days, and at the first nomination of Abraham Lincoln for the Presidency, in the Chicago Wigwam in 1860, she was the only woman reported assigned a place among a hundred or more men reporters. All this time she was her own housekeeper, directing her servants herself, and giving personal supervision to the education and training of her children. A collection of her stories, written during those busy days, was published under the title, "Pen Pictures" (Chicago, 1863). The great uprising among men at the opening of the Civil War, in 1861, was paralleled by a similar uprising among women, and in a few months there were hundreds of women's organizations formed throughout the North, for the relief of The Woman's Column --- sick and wounded soldiers, and the care of the soldier's families. Out of the chaos of benevolent efforts evolved by the times, the United States Sanitary Commission was born. Mrs. Livermore, with her friend, Mrs. Jane C. Hoge, was identified with relief for the soldiers, from the beginning. At the instance of Rev. Dr. Henry W. Bellows, President of the Commission, they were elected a[s]sociate members of the United States Sanitary Commission, with their headquarters in Chicago, and the two friends worked together till the end of the war. Mrs. Livermore resigned all positions save that on her husband's paper, secured a governess for her children, and subordinated all demands upon her time to those of the Commission. She organized Soldiers' Aid Societies, delivered public addresses to stimulate supplies and donations of money in the principal towns and cities of the Northwest, wrote letters by the hundred personally and by amanuenses, and answered all that she received; wrote the circulars, bulletins and monthly reports of the Commission, made trips to the front with sanitary stores, to whose distribution she gave personal attention, brought back large numbers of invalid soldiers who were discharged, that they might die at home, and accompanied them in person or by proxy to their several destinations; assisted to plan, organize and conduct colossal Sanitary Fairs, and wrote a history of them at their close; detailed women nurses for the hospitals, by order of Secretary Stanton, and accompanied them to their post. The story of women's work during the war has never been told, and can never be understood save by those connected with it. Mrs. Livermore has published her reminiscences of those crucial days in a large volume, entitled "My Story of the War" (Hartford, Conn., 1888), which has reached a sale of between fifty thousand and sixty thousand copies. The war over, Mrs. Livermore resumed the former tenor of her life, and took up again the philanthropie and literary work which she had temporarily relinquished. The woman suffrage movement, which had been to some extent suspended during the absorbing activities of the war, now revived, and Mrs. Livermore identified herself with it. She had kept the columns of her husband's paper ablaze with demands for the opening of colleges and professional schools to women, for the repeal of unjust laws that blocked women's progress, and for an enlargement of their industrial opportunities, that they might become self supporting, but she had believed this might be accompanied without the vote. Her experiences during the war taught her differently. She very soon made arrangements for a woman suffrage convention to Chicago, where one had never before been held. The leading clergymen of the city took part in it, prominent advocates of the cause from various parts of the country were present, and it proved a notable success. An Illinois Woman Suffrage Association was organized, and Mrs. Livermore was elected its first president. In January, 1869, she established a woman suffrage paper, the Agitator, at her own cost and risk, which espoused the temperance reform as well as hat of woman suffrage. n January, 1870, the Woman's Journal was established in Boston, by a joint stock company, for the advocacy of woman suffrage, and Mrs. Livermore was invited to become its editor-in-chief. She accepted, and merged her own in the new advocate. Her husband disposed of his paper and entire establishment in Chicago, the family returned to the East, and have since resided in Melrose, Mass. For two years Mrs. Livermore edited the Woman's Journal. Then she resigned all editorial work to give her time more entirely to the lecture field, where her services were in increasing demand. For twenty-five years she had been conspicuous on the lecture platform. She had been heard in the Lyceum courses of the country year after year in nearly every State of the Union, as well as in England and Scotland. She chooses a wide range of topics. Her lectures are biographical, historical, political, religious, reformatory and sociological. One volume of her lecture had been published, entitled "What Shall We Do With Our Daughters? and Other Lectures." (Boston, 1883.) She has travelled extensively in the United States, literally from ocean to ocean, from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico. In company with her husband, she has made two visits to Europe, where she greatly her intercourse with liberal and progressive people. Her pen has not been idle during these last twenty years, and has her articles have appeared in the North American Review, the Arena, the Chautauquan, the Independent, the Youth's Companion, the Christian Advocate, Woman's Journal and other periodicals. Mrs. Livermore is much interested in politics, and was twice sent by the Repub[li]cans of her own town as delegate to the Massachusetts State Republican Convention, charged with the presentation of woman suffrage resolutions, which were accepted, and incorporated into the party platform. She is identified with the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and for ten years was president of the Massachusetts W.C.T.U. She was president of the Woman's Congress during the first two years of its organization, has served as president of the American Woman Suffrage Association, is president of the Beneficent Society of the New England Conservatory of Music, which assists promising and needy students in the prosecution of their musical studies, is connected with the Woman's National Council, with the Chautauqua movement, in which she is much interested, is a life member of the Boston Woman's Educational and Industrial Union, and holds memberships in the Woman's Relief Corps, the Ladies' Aid Society of the Massachusetts Soldier's Home, the Massachusetts Woman's Indian Association, the American Psychical Society, and several literary clubs. Notwithstanding her many years of hard service, she still does more public work than most younger women. Happy in her home, and in the society of her husband, children and grandchildren, she keeps steadily at work with voice and pen and influence, ready to lend a hand to the weak and struggling, to strike a blow for the right against the wrong, to prophesy a better future in the distance, and to insist on the right of women to help it along. --- ISLAND STANFORD COMMERCEMENT. --- President David Starr Jordan made a fine address to the graduating class at the recent commencement exercises of Leland Stanford, Jr., University. Among other good things, he said, after an eloquent plea in behalf of popular government! But all government by the people is made better when the people come to know and feel its deficiencies. No abuse can survive long when the people have located it. When the masses know what hurts them, that particular wrong must cease. Its life depends upon its appearing in the disguise of a public blessing. Straight thinking, as you have learned, comes before straight acting, and both we expect of you. To you, as educated men and women, the people have a right to look. They have a right to expect your influence in the direction of the ideal government, the republic in which government by the people shall be good government as well; the government from which no man nor woman shall be excluded, and in which non man nor woman shall ignorant or venal or corrupt. --- THE ISLAND OF DONKEYS. --- A correspondent of the Illinois Suffragist illustrates by an amusing fable the persistent revival of foolish old arguments against equal rights for women-objections that have been demolished repeatedly, yet are still brought forward. The fable tells of a certain island infested by donkeys, whose continuous braying disturbed the inhabitants night and day. A certain valiant knight, hearing of the distress of the people on account of these braying donkeys, said to his followers, "Come, let us away and slay these pestiferous asses, so that the inhabitants of the island may have rest." So each brave man buckled on his trusty sword, and sway they went on their mission. When they landed on the island, they were met by one of the wise men of the village, who, learning the intentions of the knight, warned him that the asses were immortal and could not be killed. "What," said the knight, "do you mean to tell me that I and my brave men cannot silence these braying donkeys? We will see." And forthwith the knight and his men laid about them, right and left, and soon the ground was covered with defunct asses. Then they wiped their blades, and retired to rest. In the morning the knight sounded his bugle horn, and said, "Come, let us go and bury those carcasses, or the last plague may prove worse than the first." But when they reached the fields, behold! every ass was on his feet, braying away more loudly than ever. "What did I tell you?" said the wise man of the town. "If you kill them today, every ass will be alive tomorrow." December 19, 1920 MELROSE WILL ONOR BIRTHDAY OF MRS. MARY LIVERMORE TODAY Many Who Enjoyed Her Friendship and Appreciated Her Labors Will Attend the Services in Memorial Hall By ELIZABETH ELLAM Contemporaries of Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, descendants of the friends of her youth, members of her family, and groups of those many people who enjoyed her friendship and appreciated her keen intellect will gather today in Memorial Hall at Meirose, to do honor to the 100th birthday of the suffrage leader, abolitionist and prohibitionist, which falls today. That the town in which Mrs. Livermore passed the last 35 years of her life appreciated the woman who lived there, and who directed the attention of the whole country to the house in which she lived, will be evidenced by the many people who will gather to honor her memory today. Mrs. Livermore was one of the first women in the world to conceive the idea of the army nurse, and G. A. R. veterans all of the world honor her memory. She was an ardent prohibitionist and wrote and lectured for years on the subject and W.C.T.U. honors her name. She was one of the pioneers in the suffrage movement long before the world was awake to the injustice being done to women- and Melrose League of Women Voters enshrines her memory. In the Seats of Honor At the services today little John Oscar Barrows, the great-grandson of the famous woman, will draw back the curtain from the sage on which will be seated the guests of honor. Mrs. Mary Livermore Barrows, granddaughter will occupy a seat of honor on the platform, while Mrs. Henrietta Livermore Norris, daughter of Mrs. Livermore, will occupy a seat in the ( )Loved daughter as an idolized ( ) for her to occupy a position of too great prominence. The Rev. E. A. Horton, chaplain of the Senate, and a close personal friend of Mrs. Livermore, will deliver the address of the afternoon and the old hymn, "Jerusalem, the Golden," which was a favorite of Mrs. Livermore's, will be sung for the audience. Alice Stone Blackwell will be present to represent her mother, Lucy Stone, who was a contemporary, and one of the dearest friends of the suffrage leader. Mrs. Judith Smith, one of the oldest suffragists and pioneers of the state, who passed her 90th birthday last week, is expected. Daughters of Julia Ward Howe will represent their famous mother, whose memory will also be honored by the singing of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic," with which the program will close. Her Career Her Monument The career of Mary A. Livermore was an interesting one, and today towers like a monument to superb feminine strength and marvelous physique over the women of today. She was born, as all Boston knows, on Salem street, three doors from the old North Church. Her early education was received in the Hancock school, and later the Charles-town Female Seminary gave her the necessary "finishing." That is what the world knows- but what the world does not know is that she actually taught school when she was only 13! She finished her education, and when 20 years old went to Virginia to teach school. It was the trip to Virginia and the many terrible scenes of slave whippings and ill-treatments that turned Mary A. Livermore into an ardent abolitionist and an advocate of the freeing of the slaves. Mrs. Norris, her daughter, tells of some of these experiences in an interesting, reminiscent vein. "It was while mother was in Virginia that she saw the slaves so ill-treated," she said. "There was one time when a young blacksmith, a fine young Negro, while working on a hot wheel, let it run away from him and against the overseer, who was burned by the accident. They strung that young negro up, stripped him and lashed him. Mother happened to be a witness to that incident, and it made her ill for days. She never knew that human beings could be so greatly abused, and she determined then to throw her influence toward the freeing of the slaves. Helped Negro to Escape "When she was returning from one of her trips in the South, she was asked to take charge of a young Negro boy whose father had escaped into the North. 'If you will take him with you to Boston or Chicago, his father will get to him and take him again,' she was promised. 'But," mother asked, 'How am I going to do it? How shall I manage with him?' 'We don't know,' they said 'only take him and try to get him to his father.' And mother started with eh boy. She managed fairly well in the daytime, for she kept him down by her side, covered up with her wraps and baggage, but when it came night she did not know what to do. He was dirty, his clothes were filthy and he was covered with vermin. To smuggle him into bed with her was unthinkable. She finally hit upon the solution, and told the boy that he was to lie under the berth and keep perfectly still until she told him to get up in the morning. "The one fortunate thing about it was that the boy would do exactly as he was told. He lay under the berth and went promptly to sleep. And mother was horrified to hear, in a few minutes, a terrible and regular snore coming up from under the berth. She prodded the boy to wake him up, but when she saw the proper coming down the car, looking for the prodigious snore, she thought her chance of getting the boy away was gone. "She lay back on the pillow, closed her eyes and opened her mouth, counting the rhythm of that terrible snore beneath her, as she did it. And when the porter parted the curtains of her berth, she greeted him with the most terrific snores of which she was capable! She drowned out that terrible snore beneath the berth- and the porter passed along. But the worst of it was that she had to keep it up all night, whenever a conductor or a porter came through the car. But she got the boy to Chicago safely and eventually his father and he were reunited. " Of her public life, Mrs. Norris had many interesting facts to tell, from her early work with the sanitary commission in the Northwest to her later activities with the prohibition and finally with the suffrage movement. Mrs. Livermore and another woman organized the sanitary commission during the civil war, and this was undoubtedly the beginning of the present Red Cross movement. Although Mrs. Livermore was never an ordained minister, she spoke from many pulpits, but always when she had some message. Her husband, Rev. Daniel Parker Livermore was a Universalist minister and converted his wife not only to that faith, but to the suffrage cause as well. "Father and mother both saw the injustice done to women," explained Mrs. Norris, "but father saw it first and converted mother to the belief that the real remedy was in votes for women. How pitiful that she could not have lived to see the day of the fruition of her work-- for it was undoubtedly due to those pioneer women such as my mother, Lucy Stone, Susan B. Anthony and Julia Ward Howe that suffrage has come today. When they came to Boston, my mother kept up her interest in the work, and was the editor of the Woman's Journal. She went all over the country, speaking, and her one grief was that her public life left my father so much alone. She used to say to him, 'I am no companion for you, you have no companionship in your home, when I am away," but father would never listen. He said that she belonged to the world, and that her work was of too great importance to have her consider him at all." Bu the days of these great and noble women were not all work. They had long vacations, and Mrs. Norris talks of trips to California and to Europe that her parents enjoyed together- both in the anticipation and the realization. An excellent domestic arrangement, by which the household machinery was enabled to run so smoothly that it never cause any trouble whatever, left Mrs. Livermore free to the writing and the speaking that made up her work in the world. The Wintergreen Club In the busy days of their lives, Mrs. Howe, Lucy ( ) Blackwell a( ) ( ) ( ) serious( ) up ( ) 60( ) "I used ( ) lowed to join and attend( ) which they held every m( ) Mrs. Norris, "and they always( ) me. 'you many sit at the tab( ) with us if you promise never to tell a living soul a word that we say,' They would say, but you are far too young to attend the meetings.' And I never did. I know that they always had a good time, told incidents that happened in their busy lives, and always ended by singing together 'Auld Lang Syne'. Mrs. Howe was a musician, and those people, all over 60 would stand around the piano, and in their thin cracked voices sing their closing song." Mrs. Livermore had a wonderful sense of humor, and the letters in the possession of her daughter and her grand-daughter are overflowing with wit. In one of them she tells of a trip that she made in order to keep a speaking engagement in Cincinnati. For some reason the train she was riding in was held up by a derailment, and she could see her precious speaking engagement vanishing in thin air, when the engineer recalled that a cattle train was due to leave a nearby station in just seven minutes and would go through. He himself drove Mrs. Livermore to the train, but the conductor and the engineer decided that Mrs. Livermore could not possibly make the trip, as they were not allowed to take "anything but livestock and the drivers." 'If I am not livestock, then for goodness sake what am I?" demanded Mrs. Livermore. "and after a parley (she wrote) they decided that I was livestock so I was duly weighed and billed and made the trip in the cattle train- except that I rode in the caboose. At the end I 'recevied a receipt for myself, and hurried to my engagement and hour and a half late, to find my audience patiently waiting, jammed into the Opera House of the city," In another letter, also to her daughter, Mrs. Livermore spoke of "Abby's(her sister) annual attack of piazzaitis, in which she entertained everything in the neighborhood, cats, dogs, and people included." [?]DAY HERALD DECEMBER 19, 1920 BY BURTON STEVENSON "I oughtn't to see her in the slave- market," he said. "A princess would never be offered for sale like that— not until the king had had a chance at her. How would this do; I've sent one of my generals to conquer her father, who is an independent old scout and has given me a lot of trouble; and my general kills the old king by treachery, and takes his daughter captive, and brings her to me as a sort of offering. And I can tell by the way she looks at me, when she is brought in, that she isn't conquered, and it occurs to me that it would be a pleasant and exciting game to break her spirit, so I order her away to the harem, and get me a whip—a particularly heavy and savage whip, which will cut her flesh to ribbons…." "Great!" broke in Creel. "Don't you think that's better?" he added, turning to the girl. She was staring at Jimmy with wide-open eyes, in which I saw again that look of horror. Jimmy saw it, too, and went pale as ivory. "If Mlle Roland prefers it the eyed each other—a sort of half- frightened, half fascinated curiosity. And sometimes I would see that hungry look come into Jimmy's eyes; and so would the girl; and then her face would freeze over with a film of ice, and she would visibly draw into herself. We ploughed eastward with perfect weather which lasted until we reached Port Said. There we began the long overland journey to Luxor. We were met at Luxor by Davis, a thin, little man, wearing a big, white helmet, and with very bright eyes and eager face, half-oncealed by a snow-white beard. Davis had got a good caravan together— 50 of the most picturesque scoundrels I have ever seen, a herd of 10 camels, a dozen donkeys, and as many goats, all in charge of a black-bearded dragoman whom Davis introduced as Mustafa. We started that evening for the oasis, which Davis said we would reach in two days, traveling during the early morning hours and late afternoons and evenings, resting during the heat of the day. I got sort of chummy with Davis during that trip across the desert sands, and, while at first his answers to my questions about the oasis we were headed for were evasive, he opened up finally and gave me some information that left me mighty thoughtful. "The place we're going to," he said, "is, as I understand it, the exact background Mr. Creel wants for his picture. He'll not be disappointed—I can promise you that—and it has this further advantage, that he can rear-[?] places along the river. I'm go[?] help with the picture all I can. But I don't need to pretend to you—I don't pretend to anybody—that it's not the picture which interests me most." "What does interest you most?" "The solution of the greatest riddle in Egyptian history," he answered, his voice suddenly hoarse with emotion. "Between the 12th and 18th dynasties there is a gap of five centuries on which we have scarcely a single ray of light. It was during those five centuries that Egypt was ruled by the so-called Hyksos, or shepherd-kings—Arabs, probably. The period extends roughly from 2200 to 1700 years before Christ. And it was during that period, according to the Bible narrative, that the children of Israel were in bondage: that Joseph was overlord at the court of Pharaoh; that the seven years' famine occurred—and all the rest of it. If we can unearth the records of that period, we will prove or disprove the Bible story." "And you expect to unearth them out here in the desert?" I asked incredulously. "I think it possible," he answered gravely. A quiver of excited awe swept through me. Here indeed was something big—something tremendous— something beside which our own business in the desert dwindled to ridiculous insignificance. "But, I stammered; "but I don't see…." "The records of those 500 years," Davis explained, "even the names of the shepherd-kings, were destroyed by the native kings who came after them, who were determined that not a single memento should remain of that period of alien rule. The great to test the light. As I came out of the tent, with the camera on my shoulder, I met Jimmy. "I'm going to try out a bit of film," I said. "I thought I'd go over the ruins and shoot the professor. Have you been over there? Come along then." Five minutes later we were toiling across the sand toward the low mounds, about which we could see the laborers swarming, but it was not until we got quite near that we realized the extent of Davis's operations. When I saw the great gashes he had cut in the earth, I began to have a new respect for the man. It was like excavating the Panama canal! And what background for our picture! He saw us coming and hurried out to meet us, his face red and shining with excitement. And I noticed for the first time that he had a pistol in a holster at his belt. "What's that for?" I asked. "To keep the natives in order!" "Oh, no," he laughed; "Mustafa attends to that. We shot an ape when we were here before—he got to stealing everything he could lay his hands on—and I thought perhaps his mate might be prowling about. But I've seen no signs of her, so I guess she cleared out." We had come to the top of a mound from the farther edge of which a mighty chasm stretched below us. The excavation extended from side to side of what seemed a sort of court, through the centre of which ran a row of queerly twisted columns, only a few of which were still [?] [?]he court was sur[?] [?] ls of grayish-white un[?] that Davis had been away. It was at this sand the laborers were working, filling their baskets, hoisting them with a quick swing to the shoulder, and toiling up out of the excavation by what seemed a double stair, with an inclined plane between the two flights of steps. "Why the inclined plane?" I questioned. "Tomb entrances were always built that way," Davis explained, "so the great coffins could be got up and down—What's the matter with Allen?" he asked suddenly. I turned quickly to find that Jimmy had sunk down on a mound of sand and was holding his head in his hands as though he feared it might burst. There was something in his attitude—so lax, so abandoned—that sent a thrill of fear through me. "What's the matter. Jimmy?" I cried, running toward him. "You're not ill?" He looked up at me with a sort of haggard stare; his face was livid, with great drops of sweat standing out across the forehead. "I don't know what's the matter," he muttered huskily. "My head's whirling…" "It's the sun," said Davis, who had hurried up. "You'll have to be careful till you get used to it. I'll have a couple of my men help you back to the tents. You'd better lie down for a while." But Jimmy was already better. He straightened up and wiped away the sweat, and a little color came back into his cheeks. "I'll be all right in a minute," he protested, and rose shakily. "I can't imagine what came over me!" He was staring down into the ex[?] [?] it fascinated him wife and Mollie came out again and presented themselves for inspection. "You'll do," he said, looking them over critically. "But stay in profile as much as you can. Where is Mlle. Roland?" "Coming!" cried a clear voice, and she stepped out from the tent. For an instant there was silence. Then, with an inarticulate cry of fear and stupefaction, the natives dropped to their knees as one man and touched their foreheads to the ground. I could see Mustafa staring with open mouth; I saw Jimmy, after one long look, sink slowly to one knee; I felt my own legs shaking. For there before our eyes was something more than an embodiment of ancient Egypt—it was ancient Egypt itself, its very spirit, risen from the dead in amazing resurrection! It wasn't through the eyes alone I sensed it—it was through some instinct far more subtle and convincing. There was an aura—a perfume—an exhalation as of graveclothes and opened tombs. Chapter V. It passed in an instant—that sense of strain and weirdness and unreality. It was Mlle. Roland herself that broke the spell. "Will I do?" she asked, and swept a beaming glance round upon us. Jimmy got hastily to his feet, and I dare say he was blushing under his makeup. But it was Creel who first regained his power of speech. "Do!" he echoed. "Why, you're the real thing! Just look at the natives!" At the sound of her vice, the prostrate fellahin had looked up dazedly; but they did not rise from their knees. They cro[?]ched there [?] [?]upidly, wit[?] mouths, as though not [?] whether to believe their eyes or their ears. Their eyes told them that they were in the presence of a veritable princess of ancient Egypt—yes, and perhaps some more subtle sense confirmed it; while their ears bore evidence that it was only one of the company of mad foreigners, whose strange actions passed all comprehension. But Mustafa, who had recovered in a moment, spoke to then sharply, telling them, I suppose, not to be fools, and they got slowly to their feet. Five of the caparisoned camels were brought up and, by impassioned objurgation and jerks and kicks, compelled to kneel. "This one is yours, princess," said Creel, indicating the most gorgeous beast and giving Mlle. Roland the title which we all instantly felt to be appropriate. She came forward smiling, turned to Jimmy and held out her hand with a gesture truly regal. He sprang forward and caught the hand and supported her as she stepped up into the awkward seat as easily and gracefully as though she had done it a thousand times! It thrilled me to see how the natives bowed before her—no acting about that. And with a single graceful motion she stepped up into the seat. "Hold her hand an instant, Jimmy, as though you couldn't let it go," Creel commanded; but Jimmy didn't need to be told—he had the actor's instinct for such things! "Now let it go—make the camel get up, Mustafa— lead him off, Digby—that's right. Now get on your camel, Jimmy! That's it! Splendid!" for [?]ad to be al-[?] the meetings [?]onth," laughed [?]ays refused [?]le and eat THAN AN EMBODIMENT [?]T ITSELF WOMEN VOTERS A gala occasion for the Board of Registrars. It was interesting to see the work of the Board of Registrars at the continuous session last Saturday, when the room was crowded with women who desired to become voters. A good many of these were extremely young-looking women, having the appearance of not being more than 17, and were questioned quite sharply as to their age by Town Clerk Bordman and the officers of the board. There were many interesting experiences. Col. Hocking, who was arrayed in his handsomest raiment for the occasion, with a handsome boutoniere, was especially attentive to his lady guests, and took a kindly interest in their affairs. There were many pledges of secrecy made as to the ages of the women who became voters. Mr. Bordman stated upon his honor that the ages should not be disclosed, and that no one should have an opportunity of seeing the book but himself. There was no trouble about any of the applicants being able to read the selections from the Constitution, or to write their names. Those specially timid ladies were assisted and encouraged by Walter Babb who, so long known as a friend of the firemen, has come now to be known as the friend of woman's suffrage. Mr. Kirmes gave the entire day to the work of the board with great pleasure, and all of them expressed themselves as having the most interesting session that the board has ever held. Quite a number of men who appeared to register went away sorrowful because they were obliged to wait for the many women who had formed in line ahead of them. Mrs. Livermore was present during the evening. In the afternoon half a dozen ladies drove directly from a whist party to the Town Hall, where they registered, and expressed themselves as having had much more fun than at whist. The average age of the ladies who registered is said not to exceed 26 years. 1941 About Mrs. Livermore The President's quotation at his press conference a few days ago was apt although the implied parallel was not exact. The words he cited are contained in Mary A. Livermore's account of her interview with Abraham Lincoln late in 1862, which is quoted in Carl Sandburg's work on Lincoln's "War Years." In a mood of "despondency," Lincoln said the people did not understand that the North was at war with the South. They had this idea that "we are going to get out of this fix by strategy"; they have no idea that the war is to be "put through by hard fighting," which "will hurt somebody." The battle of Antietam was only a few weeks past, a tremendous struggle in which 23,000 men were slain or wounded on a day called the bloodiest in our history. What discouraged Lincoln was that McClellan still had "the slows" and failed to act when he might have destroyed Lee's army. But who was Mary A. Livermore? Boston ought to know. She was born here as Mary Ashton Rice in 1821, and died in melrose in 1905. Harvard refused to admit her. She taught languages in Charlestown. She married a Universalist clergyman who edited a religious weekly in Chicago. Tufts College made her a Doctor of Laws in 1896. She is best remembered for her work with the Civil War Sanitary Commission, the equivalent of the present Red Cross. As the agent of the Chicago branch she toured the camps and hospitals. By securing the proper food she averted an attack of scurvy in the Mississippi Valley camps. When funds ran low, she organized the first of the great sanitary fairs, held in Chicago in 1863 which netted $100,000, and promoted a series of such fairs in other cities. It was in connection with the work of the commission that she called on the President in the White House, and heard him talk intimately about the war. The account is contained in her book "My Story of the War," published in 1888. After the war she enlisted in the temperance movement, and was a leader in the great temperance convention of 1891 here in Boston. Throughout her long life she was a crusader in behalf of anti-slavery, woman's rights, especially suffrage, and temperance. her eloquence was universally recognized, and her own explanation was simple: "I have the blood of six generations of Welsh preachers in my veins." NOTHING TO IT. Salt Lake Tribune, July 24 '99 The Pioneer Press takes up the statements of President Eliot of Harvard, Mrs. Livermore, and Mrs. Moulton, on the Roberts case and discusses them. It says: Each one appears to assume that the whole charge against Roberts consists of the fact that he is still supporting his wives, whom he married, conscientiously, we may assume under the former law. This is far from the fact. No honorable man would condemn Roberts for giving financial support to a woman who had been his wife and who had done nothing to forfeit his regard. He assumed her support when he married her, and so long as she had done nothing to merit divorce he could hardo do other than care for her needs. If this were the whole of Robert's offense it would be to his credit, not to his dishonor. But it further points out the understanding which it has that Roverts has proclaimed his belief in polygamous marriage and the right of the devout Mormon to practice it, in spite of the understanding on which Utah was admitted into the Union. That is exactly the truth, but the Press should not mind very much about the unsexed men and women of New England. Prof. Eliot will not offend any institution of the country if he can help it. There is much Horatioan "thrift" in old man Eliot. He is a toady from away back. Mrs. Livermore and Mrs. Moulton both have soft places for Utah in their hearts. Woman suffrage exists here in full power, and it a sort of anchor of hope to them. Again, in our judgment, after a woman has stumped a country for thirty years demanding the full right of her sex to go down into the arena of politics and to have her say, polygamy has no especial terrors for her. Life comes very nearly being merely a business arrangement to be run by contract, the same as bridges and county jails are built. Of course each one of the persons referred to assumed a false basis to reason from. They might have done this unwittingly and in response to a question asked in a certain way. For instance, Mrs. Livermore begins in this way, "It seems to me that Mr. Roberts, who, as I understand it, was a polygamist before Utah became a State, ought to deal honorably with his wives and not cast them off from his support." Prof. Eliot begins in which way: "If Mr. Roberts was a polygamist before polygamy became illegal in Utah, I think he was absolutely right in continuing to maintain his wives, and their children, if there were any." And Mrs. Moulton says: "If an honorable man has married three wives while it was legal to do so, his obligation to them can hardly be changed by subsequent legislation." The dirty feature of all that is, first the assumption that there was a time when polygamous marriages were legal in the United States, and the second that the men who oppose Mr. Roberts would insist that he could turn his polygamous wives and children out to starve, even as Hagar was turned out upon the desert. But the truth is there has been a United States statute on the books for thirty-seven years making polygamy a crime and providing infamous punishment for it. This fact is sufficient answer to the statements of all three of the individuals named, and to all others who reason from the same false standpoint. Transcribed and reviewed by contributors participating in the By The People project at crowd.loc.gov.